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BEQUEST
.UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 1 1
^^ GEaJERAL LIBRARY '
LfcIO ■-■'■" ■■J , ■■JV.i -■'!- ■ ---L. -S--
■^
REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS
DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION
FOR
THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, LITERATUKE,
AND AET.
[LYNTON, JULY, 1906.]
VOL. XXXVIIL
[VOL. VIII, 8ECX)ND 8ERIBS.1
PLYMOUTH :
W. BRENDON AND SON, Ltd., PRINTERS,
1906.
AH rljhtt rrgereed.
[ 4 1
The Council and the Editor desire it to be understood that
they are not answerable for any statements, observations, or
opinions appearing in any paper printed by the Society ; the
authors only are responsible.
The Transactions of the Society are not published, nor
are they on sale. They are printed for Members only.
[ 8 ]
CONTENTS.
List of Officers . ... 9
Places of Meeting . ... 10
Rules . ... 11
Bje-la^TB and Standing Orders . . 16
Report of the Conncil ... 21
Proceedings at the Forty-fifth Annual Meeting . . . 23
Balance Sheet . . 80, 81
Selected Minutes of Council appointing Committees . . 82
Obituary Notices . . ... 84
President's Address ... 40
Twenty - fifth Report of the Barrow Committee. R. Hansford
Worth, C.E. . . . . . . 67
Twenty-fourth Report (Third Series) of the Committee on the Climate
of Devon. R. Hansford Worth, c.K. . . . 67
Twenty-third Report of the Committee on Devonshire Folk-lore.
P. F. S. Amery ... 87
Eleventh Report of the Dartmoor Exploration Committee. Rev. I. K.
Anderson, m.a. .... 101
The Parishes of Lynton and Countisbury. I. Rev. J. F. Chanter, m.a. 114
The Parishes of Lynton and Countisbury. IL Rev. J. F. Chanter, M.A. 169
Documents relating to the above Parishes. Rev. J. F. Chanter, m.a. . 226
North Devon Pottery of Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries. T.
Charbonnier . ... 266
Pigmy Flint Implements in North Devon. Thomas Young, f.r.c.8. . 261
Some Cryptograms of Braunton and Sherwill. Miss C. E. Larter 270
Pages from a Manuscript History of Hatherleigh. J. M. Martin 294
The Earliest Portion of '* Testa de Nevill." J. Horace Round, m.a. . 818
Fees of Earl Hugh de Courtenay. Rev. T. W. Whale, m.a. . 818
The Early Descent of the Devonshire Estates of the Honoura of Mortain
and Okehampton. Rev. Oswald J. Reichel, m.a., d.c.l. . 887
The Recent Neuroptera of Devon. C. A. Briggs, f.e.s. . 867
Supposed Currency Bars, Holne Chase. P. F. S. Amery . 870
6
CONTENTS.
Ancient Oak Altar in St Peter's Chnrch, Tawttock. G. R. Baker
King, F.K.I.B.A. . ... 877
Old Tiverton or Twyford. MIbs Emily Skinner . . 880
The Private Chapele of Devon: Ancient and Modem. Rev. D'Oyly W.
Oldham, m.a. ... 891
Totnes : Its Mayors and Mayoralties. Part VI. Edward WindeaU . 404
The Forest Bounds near Princetown. Arthur B. Prowse, m.i»., f.r.c.8. 411
Raleghana. Part VIII. T. N. Brushfield, m.d. . . 416
Botanical Notes. Part III. Miss Helen Saunders . . 491
The Accounts of the Head and Subsidiary Wardens of South Tawton.
I. Introduction. II. Accounts of Subsidiary Wardens. Miss £.
Lega-Weekes . ... 497
Devonshire Wit and Humour. III. J. D. Prickman . . . 529
The Stone Bows of Dartmoor. VI. Rev. J. F. Chanter and
R. Hansford Worth, c.s. . ... 585
Rude Stone Monuments. II. R. Hansford Worth, c.E. . . 588
List of Members
Index .
. 558
571
[ 7 ]
PLATES.
Bkpokt of Barrow OoMMiTm—
Plate I. Urn found in Barrow near Brockenborrow
,, II. Plan of Five Barrows
To face p. 62
68
BSPORT OF COMMITTBE OV THK ClIMATR OF DkYON—
Plat«8 I, II, and 111. Diagrams showing Rainfkll at Druid,
Ashbnrton .....
Rsport of Dartmoor Exploration OoMMrrrsK—
Plan of group of Hut-circles on Dartmoor, at Watem Oke
Ths Parishes of Ltntom akd Countuburt—
Lynmouth and Bast Lyn Valley, a.d. 1880
Sections of Ramparts
Camps at Oldburrow and Martinhoe
sunning Knife, with ground edge, found at Fursehill
Flint Arrow-heads found near Fursehill
Flint Arrow-heads found near Hoar Oak
Plan of the Port of Lynmouth
Old Lynmouth Harbour
Lynton Church and Village, a.d. 1800 .
Stoop fh>m Chapel of St. John the Baptist, Fursehill
The Old Parsonage, Lynton
Between pp. 82 and 88
. To foot p. 101
114
118
119
120
120
120
126
ISO
177
209
211
Nom OS North Dsfost Pottbry—
Bideford. Harvest Pitcher . . . •
Barnstaple, North Walk. Cup and Plate ...
Barnstaple, North Walk. Mould for Raised Tiles, and Tile made in
old mould . . . . ...
256
267
267
SoMB Ortptooams of North Dsvom—
LopkocoUa alata Mitt., n. sp. . ... Page 286
SUPFOflXD CURREBTCT BaRB FOUKD NRAR HOLNB CHASB OaMP—
Supposed Currency Bars . ... „ 370
AvciXNT Oak Altar in St. Peter's Church, Tawstock—
Sketch of Altar-Uble . . ., To face p. 977
Private Chafbi^ of Devon : Ancient amd Modern—
Private Chapel of St. Mary's, Gnaton Hall, 8outh Devon. Erected 1887 „ 402
The Forest Bounds near Princetown—
Map . . ...... 412
PLATE&
Ralmhana—
Map showing position of San Thom6 in 1590 and in 1617
Map showing Oooraes of Riven Amaion and Orinoco
Page 450
To focf p. 470
Ths OHTjROHWARDKirs' AoooumB OP South Tawtom—
East end of St. Andrew's Church, South Tawton, with Burgoyne Aisle
on South, and extension of 1881, and Vertrj added 1908, on North „ 497
Ancient Qranite Font removed ttom Church in restoration of 1861 „ 497
Broken Cross at West Week, showing Gateway and old House-front ,, 497
Ancient Granite Gross at Rhighole Copse ,,506
Cross by roadside near Ozenham . . . „ 506
Remains of Moon's Cross at fork of roads about a quarter-mile South
of Church . ...... 506
Andent Monumental Slab recently discovered, and now set in disused
North Doorway . . . 506
Thb Stokk Rows or Dabtmoob^
Plan of Long Stone Row, Erme Valley
5S6
Stone Mokxtmbmtb of Exmoob and its Bobdbbb—
Plate I. Fig. 1. Photograph of Hangman . . . . „ 589
Pig. 8. Photograph of Longstone, Lyn Down . . . ,,589
„ II. Fig. 1. Plan of Longstone and associated M6nhir, Lyn
Down .... Between pp, 542 and 548
Fig. 2. Plan of Quadrilateral, Brendon Two Gates „ „ „
„ III. Fig. 1. Enlargement fh>m Ordnance Survey, plan
of Quadrilateral, Trout Hill, near fence „ „ „
Fig. 2. Plan of remaining stones of Quadrilateral,
Trout Hill, near fence . . » >• »
„ IV. Plan of Parallelogram, Little Toms Hill . „ „ „
„ V. Plan of Parallelogram, East Pinford . „ n »
„ VI. Plan of Stone Row, near Bxe Head . . . . To ftue p. 544
„ VII. Fig. 1. Plan of Stone Row on Furzehill Common . . ,,545
Pig. 2. Plan of Stone Row on Furzehill Common . . „ 545
„Vin. Fig.1. PUn of Stone Row, Exe PUin . . . „ 546
Fig. 2. Group of Stones, Clannon Ball 546
„ IX. Group of Stones, Trout Hill . . 547
[:9 ]
OFFICERS
1906-7.
yrrsiHrnt.
F. T. EL WORTHY, Esq., f.8.a.
W. RIDDELL, Esq., j.p., Chairman, Urban Districl Council.
Sir GEORGE NEWNES. Bart., m.p.
E. B. JEUNE, Esq., j.p.
BASIL H. THOMSON, Esq.
Sir ROPER LETHBRIDGE, k.c.i.e., d.l., j.p , m.a.
ROBERT BURNARD, Esq., j.p., p.s.a.
9(on. ^fiifrtl SrrMurrr.
P. F. S. AMERY, Esq., j.p., o.c, Druid, AahbuHon.
9(on. (Smeril i^rmtarirs.
J. BROOKING-ROWE, Esq., F.8.A., F.L.S., Castle Barbican, FlympUm.
MAXWELL ADAMS, Esq., Wolborough ffouse, Newton Abbot,
1l(on. local Srrasum.
VERNON PITT-NIND, Esq., Lloyds Bank, Lynion,
9(on. local ibrrrrtarp.
CHARLES A. BRIGGS, Esq., F.e.8., Back House, Lynmouth.
Ikon. 9LutiiXox.
ROBERT C. TUCKER, Esq., j.p., ca., The Hall, Ashburton,
ADAMU. MAXWELL.
ALSOP, R.
AMERY, J. 8.
AMERY, P. F. S.
ANDRBW, SIDNBT.
BARING-GOULD, Ret. S.
BINGHAM, Rbt. W. P. 8.
BLACKLSR, T. a.
BOND, F. BLIOH.
BRIOG9, C. A.
BRUSH FIELD. T. N.
BITRNARD, R.
CHANTER, Rky. J. F.
CHAPMAN, Rbt. C.
CHARBONNIER, T.
CHOPB. R. PEARSB.
CLIFFORD, LORD
COLERIDGB. LORD.
CROFT. Sib A. W.
DAVIES, W.
DOE, G. M.
DUNCAN. A. G.
EDMONDS, Rsv.Ghahcxllor.
ELLIOT, B. A. S.
ELWORTHY, F. T.
EYANS, H. M.
FALCON, T. A.
OIFFARD, HARDINGB F.
Cotmcil.
GRANVILLE, Rsv. Pbeb.
ROGER.
HAL8BURY, LORD.
HAMILTON, A. H. A.
HAM LINO, J. G.
HARPLBY, Rev. W.
HARRIS, Rbv. 8. G.
HARVEY. T. H.
HIERN, W. P.
HINE, JAMBS.
HUDLE8T0N, W. H.
HUGHES, T. CANN.
HUNT, A. R,
JORDAN, W. F. C.
JORDAN, W. R. H.
KING. C. R. B.
LAKE, W. C.
LARTER, Mif 8 C. E.
LETHBRIDGE, Sir ROPER.
LOWE, HARFORD J.
MARTIN, J. M.
MORSHBAD, J. Y. A.
NECK, J. 8.
OLDHAM, Rev. DOYLY W.
PEARSON, Rev. J. B.
PlTT-NlND, V.
POLLOCK, Siu P.
PRICKMAN, J. D.
PROWSE, ARTHUR B.
RADFORD, Mrs. G. H.
REKD, HARBOTTLE.
REICHEL, Rkv. O. J.
RISK. Rev. J. ERSKINE.
ROBERTS, C. E.
ROBINSON, C. E.
ROUND, J. HOKACB.
ROWK, J. BROOKING.
SAUNDERS, Ml88 H.
SHAPLAND, A E.
SKINNER, Mi3f< E.
SOMERVAIL, A.
8PRA0UE, F. S.
STEUBING, Rkv. T. R. R.
THOMs^ON, BASIL H.
THORNTON, Rev. W. H.
TROUP, Mr8.
TUCKER. R. C.
VINCKNT, SIR EDGAR
WAINWRIOHT, T.
WEEKE.S, Mis-s LEG A.
WHITE-THOMSON, Sir R T.
WHITLEY. H. MICHELL.
WINDEATT, K.
WINDEATT. G. E.
WOODHOU8K, H. B. S
WORTH, R, HANSFORD.
WYKES-FINCH, Rev. W.
YOUNG, TH08.
[ 10 ]
PLACES OF MEETING
OF
THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION.
PUce of Meeting.
1862.
EXETKR
1863.
Plymouth .
1864.
Torquay
1865.
Tiverton
1866.
Tavistock .
1867.
Barnstaple .
1868.
HONITON
1869.
Dartmouth .
1870.
Devonport .
1871.
BiDEFORD
1872.
Exeter
1873.
SlDMOUTH
1874.
Teionmouth .
1876.
Torrinoton .
1876.
ASHBURTON .
1877.
EiNGSBBIDOB .
W8.
Paignton
1879.
Ilfracombb .
1880.
Totnes
1881.
Dawlish
1882.
Crkditon
1883.
EXMOUTH
1884.
Newton Abbot
1885.
Seaton
1886.
St. Maryohurch
1887.
Plympton
1888.
EXKTER
1889.
Tavistock .
1890.
Barnstaple .
1891.
Tiverton
1892.
Plymouth .
1893.
Torquay
1894.
South Molton
1895.
Okehampton .
1896.
Ashburton .
1897.
KiNOSBRIDOB .
1898.
HONITON
1899.
Torrinoton .
1900.
Totnes
1901.
EXETRR
1902.
BiDBFORD
1903.
SlDMOUTH
1904.
Teionmouth .
1905.
Princetown .
1906.
Lynton
PrMi4ent
Sir John Bowring, ll.d., f.r.s.
C. Sponco Bat«, Esq., F.R.8., f.l.8.
E. ViYJaii^ Esq., u.jv,
C. G. B, Daubeuj, M.D., LL.D., F.R.a, Pro-
feasor of BoUdj^ Oxford.
Earl Russell, e.g., k.g.c., f.r.s., etc.
W. PeugcUj, Esq., F.R.8., F.o.s.
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.c, M.A., M.p.
G. P. Hif^der, E=iq., c.E.
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a.
Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, M.A., f.l.8., f.o.s.
Rt. Rev. Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Temple).
Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p.
Earl of Devon.
R. J. King, Esq,, m.a.
Rev. Treitsurer Hnwker, M.A.
Ven. Archdeacon Earlc, m.a.
Sir Samuel White B&kflr, M.A., F.R.8., f.b.o.8.
SirR. P Collier M,A,
H. W. Dyke AoJatid, w.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.8.
Rev. Profoaaor Chapman, M.A.
J. Brook ing-Ro we, E&q., F.8.A., f.l.8.
Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.cl.
Rev. T. R. R. Stebbing, m.a.
R. F. Weynioutlj, Esq m.a., d.Lit.
Sir J. H, Phear^ M.A., F.G.8.
Rev. W. H. Dallinger, ll.d., f.r.8., F.L.8.,etc
Very R«v Dean Cowiu, d.d. [f.l,8., etc.
W H, Hudlegtoti Esq., M.A., F.R.8., F.O.8.,
Lord Clinton, m.a.
R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s.
A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.p., c.c.
T. N. Brushfield, m.d., f.8.a.
Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart, m.a.
The Right Hon. Earl of Halsbuiy.
Rev. S. Baring-Gmild^ m.a.
J. Hiue, Esq,, F.a.i.E,A,
Lord Coleridge, m.a.
Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, b.d.
Lord ClifTord, m,a.
Sir Ro]>«r Lotlibfidgo, K.C.I.E., m.a., D.L., j.p,
Rev, \V, Hnrpley^ m.a., F.C.P.8.
Sir Edgar Vincent, K.C.M.G., M.P.
Sir Alfred W. Croft, k.o.i.e., m.a., j.p.
Basil H. Thomson, Esq.
F. T. El worthy, Esq., f.8.a.
[ 11 ]
RULES.
1. Ths Association shall be styled the Devonshire Association
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art.
2. The objects of the Association are — To give a stronger
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific inqniry in
DeTonsbire ; and to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate
Science, L.iterature, or Art, in different parts of the county.
3. The Association shall consist of Members, Honorary Members,
and Corresponding Members.
4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the Grenersil
Meeting of the Members.
5. Peraons of eminence in Literature, Science, or Art, connected
with the West of England, but not resident in Devonshire,
may, at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary
Members of the Association; and persons not resident in the
county, who feel an interest in the Association, may be elected
Corresponding Members.
6. Every Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of Half
a Guinea or a Life Composition Fee of Seven and a Half Guineas.
But Members of Ten Years' standing and more, whose Contribu-
tions are not in arrears, may compound by a Single Payment of
Five Guineas.
7. Ladies only shall be admitted as Associates to an Annual
Meeting, and shall pay the sum of Five Shillings each.
8. Every Member shall be entitled gratuitously to a lady's ticket.
9. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July
or August and at such place as shall be decided on at the previous
Annual Meeting.
10. A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a General
Treasurer, and one or more General Secretaries, shall be elected
at each Annual Meeting.
11. The President shall not be eligible for re-election.
12 RULES.
12. At each Annual Meeting a local Treasurer and local Secre-
tary shall be appointed, who, with power to add to their number
any Members of the Association, shall be a local Committee to
assist in making such local arrangements as may be desirable.
13. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, the aifairs of the
Association shall be managed by a Council, which shall consiBt
exclusively of the following Members of the Association, excepting
Honorary Members, and Corresponding Members : —
(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the offices
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local Secre-
taries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the Council
{b) Authors of papers which have been printed in extenso in
the Transactions of the Association.
The Council so constituted shall have power to make, amend,
or cancel the Bye-laws and Standing Orders.
14. The CouncU shall hold a Meeting at Exeter in the month
of January or February in each year, on such day as the General
Secretary shall appoint, for the due management of the affidrs of
the Association, and the performing the duties of its office.
15. The General Secretary, or any four members of the Council,
may call extraordinary meetings of their body, to be held at
Exeter, for any purpose requiring their present determination, by
notice under his or their hand or hands, addressed to every other
member of the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying
the purpose for which such extraordinary meeting is convened.
No matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be
determined at any extraordinary meeting.
16. The General Treasurer and Secretary shall enter on their
respective offices at the meeting at which they are elected ; but
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Local Officers, not until the
Annual Meeting next following.
17. With the exception of the Ex-Presidents only, every
Councillor who has not attended any Meeting, or adjourned
Meeting, of the Council during the period between the doae
of any Annual General Meeting of the Members and the doae
of the next but two such Annual General Meetings, shall have
forfeited his place as a Councillor, but it shall be competent for
him to recover it by a fresh qualification.
18. The Council shall have power to fill any Official vaoancy
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings.
19. The Annual Contributions shall be payable in advance, and
shall be due in each year on the first day of January; and no
person shall have the privileges of a member until the Subscription
for the current year or a Life Composition has been paid.
BULBS. 13
20. The Treasmer ahall receive all sums of money due to the
Anociation ; he shall pay all aocoonts due by the Asaociation af tw
they shall have been examined and approved ; and he shall report
to each meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand^ and
the names of such members as shall be in arrear, with the sums
due respectively by each.
21. Whenever a Member shall have been three months in arrear
in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the Treasurer shall
apply to him for the same.
22. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two
yeaxs in arrear in the payment of his Aiinual Contributions, the
Council may, at its diacretion, erase his name from the list of
members.
23. One mouth at least before each Annual Meeting each mem-
ber shall be informed by the Geneial Secretary, by circular, of the
place and date of the Meeting.
24. Any Member who does not, on or before the first day of
January, give notice, in writing or personally, to the Grenerai
Secretary of his or her intention to withdraw from the Association,
shall be regarded as a member for the ensuing year.
25. The Association shall, within a period not exceeding six
months after each Annual Meeting, publish its Transactions, in-
cluding the Kules, a Financial Statement^ a List of the Members,
the Eeport of the Council, the President's Address, and such
Papers, in abstract or in extenao, read at the Annual Meeting, as
shall be decided by the Council, together with, if time allows, an
Index to the Volume.
26. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of
printing in eactenso in its Transactions all papers read at the Annual
Meeting. The copyright of a paper read before any meeting of
the Association, and the illustrations of the same which liave been
provided at his expense, shall remain the property of the Author ;
but he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it to be printed
elsewhere, either in exteiiso or in abstract amounting to as much a.s
one-half of the length of the paper, until after the publication of
the volume of Transactions in which the paper is printed.
27. The authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall,
within seven days after the Transactions are published, receive
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to
have any further number printed at their own expense. All
arrangements as to such extra copies to be made by the authors
with the printers to the Association.
14 BULBS.
28. K proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions
be sent to authors for correction, and are retained by them
beyond four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the
day marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time
needful for transmission by post, such proofs shall be assumed to
require no further correction.
29. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other
than those known as Koman or Italic, and for the author's correc-
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions,
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the author himself, and
not by the Association ; and should any paper exceed four sheets,
the cost beyond the cost of the four sheets shall be borne by the
author of the paper.
30. Every Member shall, within a period not exceeding six
months after each Annual Meeting, receive gratuitously a copy of
the Volume of the Transactions for the year.
31. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually,
by Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but who shall not
be ex officio Members of the CouncU.
32. No rule shall be altered, amended, or added, except at an
Annual General Meetiug of Members, and then only provided
that notice of the proposed change has been given to the General
Secretary, and by him communicated to all the Members at least
one month before the Annual General Meeting.
33. Throughout the Rules, Bye-laws, and Standing Orders where
the singular number is used, it shall, when circumstances require,
be taken to include the plural number, and the masculine gender
shall include the feminine.
[ 15 ]
BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.
1. In the interests of the Association it is desirable that the
President's Address in each year be printed previous to its
delivery.
2. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the
residue shall be continued the day following.
3. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic
numerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the
b^inning to the end of each volume; and the Transactions of
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume.
4. The General Secretary shall bring to each Annual Meeting
of the Members a report of the number of copies in stock of each
• Part ' of the Transactions, with the price per copy of each * Part '
specified; and such report shall be printed in the Transactions
next after the Treasurei^s financial statement.
5. The General Secretary shall prepare and bring to each
Annual Meeting brief Obituary Notices of Members deceased
during the previous year, and such notices shall be printed in the
Transactions.
6. An amount not less than eighty per cent of all Compositions
received from existing Life Members of the Association shall be
applied in the purchase of National Stock, or such other security
as the Council may deem equally satisfactory, in the names of
three Trustees, to be elected by the Council.
7. At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at
interest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of
the General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association, all
uninvested Compositions received from existing Life- Members, all
uninvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the
whole, of the balance derived from other sources which may be in
the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for
payment at the said Meeting.
8. The General Secretary, on learning at any time between the
Meetings of the Council that the General Treasurer has a balance
in hand of not less than Forty Pounds after paying all Accounts
which the Council have ordered to be paid, shall direct that so
much of the said balance as will leave Twenty Pounds in the
16 BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.
Treasurer's hand be deposited at interest at the Capital and Counties
Bank, Ashburton.
9. The Greneral Secretary may be authorized to spend any sum
not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for
such work as may be found necessary.
10. Every candidate, admitted to Membership under Rule 4, shall
forthwith receive intimation that he has been admitted a Member,
subject to confirmation at the next Ceneral Meeting of Members ;
and the fact of the newly admitted Member's name appearing in
the next issue of the printed list of Members, will be a sufficient
intimation to him that his election has been confirmed. Pending
the issue of the Volume of Transactions containing the Kules of
the Association, the newly admitted Member shall be furnished by
the General Secretary with such extracts from the Rules as shall
be deemed necessary.
11. The reading of any Report or Paper shall not exceed twenty
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the
Council as soon as the Programme of Reports and Papers shall
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker
shall be allowed to speak more than ten minutes.
12. Papers to be read at the Annual Meetings must strictly relate
to Devonshire, and, as well as all Reports intended to be printed
in the Transactions, and prepared by Committees appointed by the
Council, must, together with all drawings intended to be used in
illustrating them in the said Transactions, reach the General Secre-
tary's residence not later than the 24th day of June in each year.
The General Secretary shall, as soon as possible, return to the
Authors all such Papers or drawings as may be decided to be un-
suitable, and shall send the residue, together with the Reports of
Committees, to the Printers, who shall return the same together
with a statement of the number of pages each of them would occupy
if printed in the said Transactions, as well as an estimate of the
extra cost of the printing of Tables, of any kind ; and the whole
accompanied by an estimate of the probable number of Annual
Members for the year shall be placed before the firat Council
Meeting on the firat day of the next ensuing Annual Meeting,
when the Council shall select such Papera as it may consider desir-
able to accept for reading, but the number of Papera accepted by
the Council shall not be greater than will, with the Reports of
Committees, make a total of forty Reports and Papers.
13. Papera communicated by Membera for Non-Members, and
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the List of Papera for
reading below those furnished by Membera themselves.
BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDBKS. 17
14. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be
withdrawn without the consent of the Council.
15. The Council will do its best so to arrange Papers for
reading as to suit the convenience of the Authors ; but the place of
a Paper cannot be altered after the List has been settled by the
Council.
16. Papers which have already been printed in extenso cannot be
accepted unless they form part of the literature of a question on
which the Council has requested a Member or Committee to
prepare a report.
1 7. Every meeting of the Council shall be convened by Circular,
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not
less than ten days before the Meeting is held.
18. At the close of the Annual Meeting in every year there
shall be a meeting of the Council, and the Council shall then
decide what Reports and how many of the Papers accepted for
reading the funds of the Association, as reported by the Treasurer,
will permit of being printed in the volume of Transactions.
19. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the
printers, together with all drawings required in illustrating them,
on the day next following the close of the Annual Meeting at which
they were read.
20. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned
to the Authors not later than the day next following the close of
the Annual Meeting at which they were read; and abstracts of such
Papers to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed such
length as the General Secretary shall suggest in each case, and
must be sent to him on or before the seventh day after the close
of the Annual Meeting.
21. The Author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall be expected
to pay fur all such illustrations as in his judgment the said Paper
may require.
22. The printers shall do their utmost to print the Papers in the
Transactions in the order in which they were read, and shall return
every Manuscript to the author as soon as it is in type, but not
f)e/ore. They shall be returned intact, provided they are written
on l(K>se sheets and on one side of the paper only.
VOL. XXXVIII. B
18 BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.
23. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been
read to the Association shall be added to without the written
approval and consent of the General Secretary, or in the event of
there being two Secretaries of the one acting as Editor; and no
additions shall be made except in the form of notes or postscripts,
or both.
24. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings of
the Council shall be held at Exeter, unless some other place shall
have been decided on at the previous Council Meeting.
25. When the number of copies on hand of any Part of the
Transactions is reduced to twenty, the price per copy shall be
increased 25 per cent. ; and when the number has been reduced to
ten copies, the price shall be increased 50 per cent, on the original
price.
26. After deducting the amount received by the sale of
Transactions from last year's vahiation, and adding the value of
Transactions for the current year, a deduction of 10 per cent,
shall be every year made from the balance, and this balance, less
10 per cent., shall be returned as the estimated value of the
Transactions in stock for the current year.
27. The Association's Printers, but no other person, may reprint
any Committee's Keport printed in the Transactions of the Associa-
tion, for any person, whether a Member of the said Committee, or
of the Association, or neither, on receiving, in each case, a written
permission to do so from the Honorary Secretary of the Association,
but not otherwise; that the said printers shall [>ay to the said
Secretary, for the Association, sixpence for every* fifty Copies of
each half-sheet of eight pages of which the said Keport consists ;
that any number of copies less than fifty, or between two exact
multiples of fifty, shall be regarded as fifty ; and any number of
pages less than eight, or between two exact multiples of eight,
shall be regarded as eight ; that each copy of such Keprints shall
have' on its first page the words " Keprinted from the Transactions
of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science,
Literature, and Art for with the consent of the Council of
the Association," followed by the date of the year in which tlie
said Report was printed in the said Transactions, but that, with the
exception of printer's errors and changes in the pagination which
may be necessary or desirable, the said Reprint sliall bo in every
other respect an exact copy of the said Report as printed in the
said Transactions without addition, or abridgment, or modification
of any kind.
28. The Bye-Laws and Standing Onlers shall ))e printed after
the * Rules ' in the Transactions.
BYK-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS. 19
29. All resolutions appointing Committees for special service for
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions next before
the President's Address.
30. Members and Ladies holding Ladies* Tickets intending to
dine at the Association Dinner shall be requested to send their
names to the Honorary Local Secretary ; no other j)erson shall be
admitted to the dinner, and no names shall be received after the
Monday next before the dinner.
b2
[ 21 ]
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.
Present^ to the General Meeting held at Lynton^ 17 July^ 1006,
At the meetings of the Council held at Princetown in July,
1905, the ordinary routine business was transacted. The
Winter Meeting of the Council was held at Exeter on 23rd
February, 1906, at which, besides the usual general business,
certain proposed alterations in the Rules of the Association
were discussed and passed as recommendations from the
Council to be brought before the General Meeting, of which
notice has been duly sent to all members. Some verbal
amendments to the Bye-laws were also made, and the follow-
ing new Bye-law (No. 18) was added, viz. : —
** 18. At the close of the Annual Meeting in every year
there shall be a Meeting of the Council, and the Council
shall then decide what Reports and how many of the Papers
accepted for reading the funds of the Association, as reported
by the Treasurer, will permit of being printed in the volume
of Transactions for the year."
The question of extending the usefulness of the Associa-
tion and the best means of increasing its membership were
also discussed. It was pointed out inter alia that funds are
much needed to aid the various Committees appointed by
the Association, not only to carry on their work, but also to
adequately illustrate their Reports, all expenses being at
present entirely borne by individuals, an arrangement which
under the circumstances does not appear equitable. It was
also considered desirable that a high standard should l)e
maintained for the annual volume of the Transactions.
It is obvious that with a membership of about 550, and
the low annual subscription of 10s. 6d. now payable by
members, there cannot be any funds available for the pur-
poses indicated above, and it is therefore very desirable that
the number of members should be largely increased.
The discussion resulted in the Secretaries teing instructed
to take steps by circular or otherwise as might be deemed
expedient to obtain new members, so as to raise the total
22 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.
number of meml>ers to 1000 if possible, that being con-
sidered tlie least number requisite to enable the Council to
carry out the objects in view. Acting on these instructions,
the Secretaries have prepared a circular inviting existing
members to endeavour to enlist as many new members as
possible, and those who are not already members to become
so. About 600 copies of this circular liave so far been
issued to members and others, and it is proposed to send
out in due course alx)ut 200 further copies to the clerg\'
and other influential residents in the principal towns and
districts of Devonsliire. Seventy-five new members have
been added to tlie list this year, alwut lialf of which number
may be considered to l>e the result of this circular.
A copy of Volume XXX VII of the Transactions for
1905 has been sent to the principal libraries and to certain
learned societies as in previous years.
J. r»R00KING-R0W^E,
Maxwell Adams,
Hon. General Secretaries,
[ 23 ]
PROCEEDINGS AT THE FORTY-FIFTH ANNUAL
MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION,
Held at Lynton, 17 July to 20 July, 1906.
The Annual Meeting of 1906 commenced under somewhat
sad circumstances, for it was known to the officers, if not to
the members generally, that serious illness would prevent
the President-elect, Mr. F. T. Elworthy, from being present
He had been ill for some months, but it was hoped that he
had recovered, and that a stay at Minehead had been pro-
ductive of much good — so much so, that he was able to
complete his Presidential Address. But unfortunately, early
in July, Mr. Elworthy had a relapse, and his medical man
was compelled to forbid his taking any part in the pro-
ceedings of the meeting, his weakness being such as to
necessitate his being spared all fatigue, mental or bodily.
Admirable arrangements had been made by the local
Officers and local Committee for the reception of the
Association. The Urban District Council placed at its dis-
l)0sal their fine Town Hall and the most convenient rooms
therein. The Chairman of the local Committee, Mr. W.
Riddell, w^ho is also the Chairman of the District Council.
Mr. Charles A. Briggs, and Mr. Vernon Pitt-Nind, the local
Secretary and Treasurer respectively, did all in their power
to make the first meeting of the Association in " the twin
villages of Lynton and Lynmouth " a pleasant and success-
ful one.
The proceedings commenced with a Meeting of the
Council, at whicli the necessary business was transacted,
the Report of the Council for the past year decided upon,
the Reports of Committees received, and the papers for
reading at the meeting accepted.
At the close of this meeting tlie time for the reception of
the Association by the Urban District Council had arrived,
and at 3.30 the members of this body with its Chairman,
Mr. William Riddell, presiding, and the members and
associates assembled in the Town Hall. Mr. Riddell extended
a hearty welcome to the Association, and expressed the hope
24 PROCBBEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.
that all would enjoy the beautiful scenery and lovely air.
There was plenty in the neighbourhood that would interest
them — the encampment at Countisbury, the barrows at
Parracombe, the fossil at Stairhole, and the curious rock in
the North Walk among them. Dr. Brushfield acknowledged
the welcome in a pleasant speech, and Professor Chapman
also joined in the thanks, and said that he did not know any
place in Devonshire with more attraction for the eye, the
heart too, and the imagination than Lynton.
The General Meeting of the members followed, and it was
seen that a large number had already arrived. The Rev.
William Harpley presided. The Report of the Council was
received and adopted, as were also the Balance Sheet and
Statement of Accounts for the past year (see pp. 30-31).
The adverse balance of last year — £35 15s. 5d. — had un-
fortunately been increased to £86 Os. 4d., and the Auditor
thought that this should be discharged by a sale of some of the
invested money. It was, however, pointed out that adverse
balances in former years had been much larger than this,
and had in time been cleared off, and that with economy
this would soon be reduced. The suggested sale of stock
did not find favour with the meeting, but it was considered
that it was very desirable that the expenditure of each year
should be met as far as possible by the income. The Report
of the Committee on the place of meeting, etc., for 1907 was
also received and adopted. It stated that an invitation had
been received from the town of Axminster, and that the
Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Exeter. Archibald Robert-
son, D.D., had accepted the office of President, and that
Mr. W. Pitfield Chappie would act as local Secretary, and
various alterations in the Rules, of which due notice had
been given, were made.
By the kind invitation of Mrs. Jeune the members
assembled at the Manor House, Lynmouth, later in the
afternoon, where they were kindly received and hospitably
entertained.
In the evening the President, Mr. Basil H. Thomson, took
the chair, and in retiring from the office thanked the
members for the kindness extended to him during the past
year. He regretted the enforced absence of the new President,
and read a letter received from Mrs. Elworthy with reference
to his state of health, and his great regret that he was pre-
vented from attending, and expressing his satisfaction with
the arrangements which had been made necessary under the
circumstances. Mr. Basil Thomson then i-ead the address
PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 25
which had been written by the President (printed, p. 40).
On the proposal of Capt. E. B. Jeune, supported by Professor
Chapman, a vote of thanks was given to Mr. F. T. Elworthy
for his interesting address.
The reading of Reports and accepted papers commenced
on Wednesday morning. Dr. Brushfield in the chair. The
following is the complete list : —
Twenty-fifth Report of the Barrow Committee.
Twenty-fourth Report of the Committee on the Climate of Devon.
Twenty-third Report of the Committee on Devonshire Folk-lore.
Eleventh Report of the Dartmoor Exploration Committee.
^' h^^l. ""^ .^^^° *'!'^ Counti8-| ^ J p ^^^^^ ^^
Ditto ditto II. Rev. J. F. Chanter, m.a.
Documents relating to the above Parishes Eev. J. F. Ch4inUr, m.a.
North Devon Pottery of Seventeenth \ «, ra^^i^„^,v-
and Eighteenth Centuries . .] ^' <^^^''^^^'
^^vo^'"!^ Implements in Northj ^^ j.^^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^
^^"sher'JSf^"^ "^ Braunton ^^idj Miss C. K Larter.
^"^a^thSle? h^*""'^"^* ^^^"^ ""^jj^ i/. Martin.
TheEarlie8tPortionof**TestadeNevill" J. Horace Round.
Fees of Earl Hugh de Courtenay . . Rev. T. W. Whale, m.a.
The E^rly Descent of the Devonshire^
Estates of Honours of Mortain and I Rev. OswaldJ. ReicJul, m.a.,T).(:.l.
Okehampton . . . |
The Recent Neuroptera of Devonshire . C. A. Briggs, f.e.s.
Supposed Currency Bars, Holne Chase , P. F. S. Amery.
AncicntOak Altar in St. Peter's Church, \ ^ „ n^r,^ rr.„« ^ i, t » *
Tawstock . . . j * ^* F.K.I.B.A.
Old Tiverton or Twyford . . . Miss Emily Skinner.
^*r"d'M^CTn^''°'°'''°°' '^°"*°*}^«'- D-Oyly IV. Oldham.
Totnes: Its Mayors and Mayoralties. VI. Edward Windeatt.
The Forest Bounds near Princetown . Arthur B. Prowse^ m.d., f.r.c.8.
Raleghana. VII T. N. Bnishfield, m.d.
Botanical Notes. III. . . . Miss Helen Saunders.
The Accounts of the Head and Sub- 'I ,,. . j, j ^„^ \v^„\..^
sidiary Wardens of Sonth Tawton./ ^"» ^- ^?<'- "^^*"-
West-country Wit and Humour. III. . «/. D. Priekinan.
The Stone Rows of Dartmoor. VII. . R. Hansford WoHh, r.E.
Rude Stoue Monuments. II. . . R. Hansford JForthj c.e.
After the conclusion of the day's business a visit was paid
to Glen Lyn, Mr. and Mrs. Tong having kindly invited the
members and their friends to walk through their lovely
1M» l'KO(^KKniN(;S AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.
^r«nm<ls. jinil to a garden parly, and a very pleasant time
was S|MMll.
This yi'jir. at tho roiiuest of the local Committee, it was
drcithMl that ihiMV should U* a dinner, which was accordingly
held al ihe lJ<)val Castle Hi»tel. About eighty attended.
Sir All'n'd Crofl presiding. The function was agreeable in
rwvy way. and I he arrangenients made by Miss Baker, the
n lanagrii 'ss, and hov sister were admirable. The speeches
wtM't' iVw and brief. In rt'iurning tljanks for the toast of
the uiru't'is. whicli was prop«»seil by the llev. S. Gordon
INuisonby, ihi* Sei-retary, who respon«led for his colleague, the
othiM" oHii-ers, ant! hinjself. ivferred to the pecuniary position
of I he SiM'iiM V. and si a lei I that there ouglit to be a thousand
members al lea.sl to eany t»n the work satisfactorily, and
asked Ids listentMs. if llu'y appreeiateil lht» services of those
who wrvr entrustiMJ with its management, to do all in their
poN>er lo increase I he number, and .slid that if every member
dnrini: \hv eoniing ye;ir would obtain a new mendjer, no
iH'ller >>a\ of thanking the ollieers ctiuld be devised, or any
Ilia I would bi' so satisfactory io them.
On Tliur.*<day I la* reading of tin* ])apers was resumed, and
on the (Mnu'lusitm of the business tlie ailjnurned meeting of
tla» members louk place. A resolution expressing the regret
i»f lUv Assoiialion at the absence oi the President, and a
lh»pe thai lu' woulil be speedily resioreil to health, was
uuanimniisly pa^seil liesolution^ weieals-) earrieil thanking
Mr. W. IIi«ld(dl, Chairman vi the Trban District Council,
and I he bu*al (.'ommittee, for the e*»mmodious rooms they
provide.!, and f«»r l!ie exeelleni arrangements made for the
tMiiiMMiieiire. f.»mfi»rt. and enteriainment of the members;
Messrs. I'hailes A. r>riggs and V. rilt-Nintl, the local
Sei-retary and local Treasurer re^i»ectively. for their etlicient
^erviees, and linally the members of the Lynton and Lyn-
moulh Men's Institute an«l <»f the Volunteer Institute re-
sivelively for their hospitality in throwing oj>en their rooms
•J/v the use «)f the members durinu' the meeting.
At the concluilin;^' meeting «^f the ('»)uncil ilie (juestion of
-4 i\s and means was very seriously rjiseussed, and there was
^ .vAuimous feeling that clloris shouM be made, as mentioned
-, "o uioeting of members, to make the year s income meet
. jMvuses. It was consiilored impossible to }»rint the
V -r '*c' :he papers rear!, but the kind consideration of .^omo
•:^ ui:hors enabletl the (Council, on the suggestion of the
'-2^ Secretary, to make such omi.ssions fnau the list as
-rni "i* f'»'^t of printing within the estimated limits.
PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 27
To further assist, two readers of papers, which had been
accepted, then stated that they would contribute, the one
£10, the other the cost of printing his contribution. These
offers were followed by a gratifying announcement by the
Treasurer, that he had received an intimation from an old
and valued life member (whose name was not mentioned)
that he was willing, as a token of his appreciation of the
work and value of the Association, to present to the funds
a donation, so that the financial pressure of the last two
or three years might be removed. It was resolved that this
very kind offer should be accepted, and the Treasurer was
requested to convey to the generous donor the best thanks
of the Council of the Association for this welcome gift. The
Treasurer has since the meeting, it may be said, received
from Mr. Sydney P. Adams — who now permits his name
to be given— a cheque for £100.
The afternoon was spent by many in the valley at
Watersmeet, with tea at Myrtleberry, some returning by
Beggarsroost Hill, visiting the two menhirs recently re-
erected, and reaching Lynton by way of Barbrook Mill;
others returning by the riverside path to Lynmouth.
In the evening the Chairman of the Urban District
Council and Mrs. Kiddell held a reception at the Town Hall.
There was a large attendance of townspeople as well as of
our members and friends. The Chairman recited an amusing
piece in the Devonshire dialect, and the Rev. W. E. Cox told
a ferreting stor}', Mrs. E. Goode and Dr. Brushfield sang,
and Miss Kiddell and Mr. Broadleigh were at the piano.
For Friday a capital excursion had been arranged. The
party drove through the Valley of Kocks — Southey's
"palace of the pre- Adamite kings." The Devil's Cheese
Wring or Press was noticed on one side, and the Castle Rock
and the White Lady on the other. Mr. C. F. Bailey gave his
kind permission to visit Lee Abbey, and the grounds and
Jennifred's Leap and Duty Point. The drive was continued
to Hunter's Inn, where lunch was provided, and a stay was
made for some little time. Parracombe was then visited,
and Holwell Castle. The barrows and Parracombe old church
were examined under the guidance of the Rev. J. F. Chanter,
whose valuable help had all through done so much to con-
tribute to the success of the meeting. Then to finish the
day, on the lawn and amid the beautiful surroundings of
their rectory, Mr. and Mrs. Chanter welcomed very heartily
the somewhat tired and warm excursionists, and introduced
them to a number of their friends and neighbours who had
•JS PROCEKDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.
hoon invitod to meet them at tea. Before leaving Sir Alfreil
I'nift, in tlio name of the Society, thanked Mr. and Mrs.
dmntor for all that they had done in connexion with the
visit, to Lynton.
As in some former years the members were invited to
jnin in a botanical walk on Saturday. Unfortunately the
nmrnin^ ])rovod very unfavourable, and but few were foimd
liiiivo tMiough to face the down and marsh of Holdstone and
Ihiyliiko. l^ndtM* the able guidance, however, of Mr. W. P.
I I mill, M.A., K.u.s., a small party started from the Blackmore
i\i\\{^ Station, anil, drenched although we believe they were,
a MM V |»r«»lit.abh» anil interesting day was spent. Two species
of Willnw -herb were noticed — one of them \y as Chamosnerion
innfiififi/ii/iinii, of which there are two varieties, according to
llin lnii^<th of the iH)ds, whether they measure from four
In Meveii ccMitinictros in length or only from two to four
run li hint roH. The specimens were not in ripe fruit, but they
a|i|MMii«Ml In l)olong to the short-fruited variety, which is
iIimI oI'liMi ^n'(»\vn in gardens. Tlie young root-shoots of this
Mjnieien hervt^ as an agreeable article of food when cooked
III lei the fashion of asparagus, and the leaves are sometimes
Mrteil In iiiiK with china-tca. The other willow-herb noticed
\MM\ M MiiHiller anil less robust species, and a commoner plant,
iMinM»lv, Nftilohium tnontiinnm. It is supposed to be the
MMIIII1 ari that llgured by Dodoens under the name of Z//.st-
niih/intni fini'fiuiruni primum, the iirst purple-red willow-
IiimIi Jir Lvsiiiiaehiuni, also "the Sonne l)efore the Father,"
Willi lel'emiii'O ti) which Henry Lyte in 1578, in his edition
III hniliieiiM' "Niewe llerball." wrote that the leaves** are
tiiiHil abtuil ihe tvlges, much like unto Willow leaves. The
llimiert ill colour and making are somewhat like the floures
nf \\\ts eoiiiiiion wihle Mallow or Hock, that is to say, it hath
foiiie lilth^ broadc leaves standing togither, and lying one
UN ei an others e<lges, under which there groweth long huskes
(II CinMes, like to the huskes of stocke Gillofers, which
luinKeM do a])]»eare before the opening of the tioure; the
\>liicli huskes or seede vessels do open of themselves, and
».|ea\o abroade into three or four partes or quarters, when
ilie neeils is rype, the whiche bycause it is of a woolly or
vveMony Hul»stance is carried away with the winde. The
u^»le IM Imt small and thready." It is "called of some, in
\ M\\\\\ Filinii nntc Patrcni, that is to say, the sonne before
\\\\\ ItUlior. bycause that his long huskes in which the seede
t-1 \\khnod do come forth and ware great, before the fioure
v'^sv^olh." Among the plants observed the following may
PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 29
be mentioned : Com Cockle {Lychnis githago), not nearly a8
prevalent in North Devon as in the corn-growing districts
of the east of England; Planchon's Furze {Ulex gallii),
and the variety humilis; Corn Marigold {Chrysantliemvm
segetum), sparingly; Wood Spurge {Ewphorhiu amygdaloides),
in the bog at Hoylake ; Toad Eush {Jumits hufonius), in fine
tlower and unusually pretty for this species; Scaly-stemmed
Club Sush (Scirpits ccesjntosKs), in large masses and in some
cases exceeding four decimetres high ; Mat Grass (Nardus
drwta), in fruit and about three and a half decimetres high ;
Hay-scented Fern {Ladrea ccinula), fine specimens; and
Kusty-back Fern {Cetemch officinarum).
The meeting of 1906 was an altogether pleasant and
instructive one — marred, however, by the absence of the
President, who had been looking forward to the meeting up
to within a comparatively short time of its commencement.
Maxwell Adams,
J. Brooking-Rowk,
Hon. Secretaries.
11 August, 1906.
[ 30 ]
Treasurers Eeport of llcceipts (nid Expenditure
Becriptfii.
By Subscriptions : —
Arreai-H 1904 (29).
Due ill 1905 (172i)
CuiTcnt year 1906 (157)
,, Lady Associatos (2)
,, Life Composition (1)
„ Dividends— Consols £300 Stock
„ ,, India 3 i>cr cent £350 Stock
From Autliors of Papei-s : —
„ Excess under Rule 29
,, Dr. rcarson, cost of his paper
,, Transactions sold (1)
,, Messrs. Brendon, Discount .
,, Balance due to Treasurer
£, s. d, £ s. d.
15 4
6
90 11
3
82 8
6
—
188
4
3
,
,
0
10
0
7
17
6
7 2
8
9 17
8
17
0
4
16 13
0
0 18
0
17
0
11
IS
0
6
.
.
4
3
9
236
5
4
.
S6
0
4
JC322 5 8
{iiigned) W F. S. AMKKY, Jloiu Treasunr.
[ 31 ]
for the year ending 5th July, 1906.
Cjrpenlitture.
To Messrs. Brendon and Son, Ltd., Printing, etc.
Circnlars and programme .
Postage, late issue ** Transactions "
Vol. XXXVII, "Transactions," 592 pp
Extras for small type and tables
Extra for coiTCctions
Plans and plates .
Covers, and doing up
Addressing, packing, and postage
Anthors' Reprints, 25 each .
Carriage of " Devon Wills," Part VII
Errata slips for Vol. XXXVI
List of papers and notices, 1906
Insurance premiums 1905 and 1906
„ Record Society, ** Devon Wills," Part VII
„ General Secretaries' Ex^ienses : —
Postage, Stationery, and Clerical Assistance
Printing circnlars and cards, 1905
,, General Treasurer's Expenses: —
PosUge and expenses
Paid Hooper, illustrating lectures
2 2
0 15
£ s. d.
2 17 10
,600 copies 123 0
36 19
16 0
. 13 15
22 10
,, Bank Charges
„ Balance due to Treasurer, 1905
212 6 0
18 18
13 17
0 9
0 5
1 10
1 17
13 19
2 5
36 8 3
12 12 0
16 4 8
1 18
1 7
1
0
- 3 5 1
. 1 7 5
285 10 3
. 36 15 5
£322 6 8
Kxninined with Vouchers, etc., atid fouruJ to be correcty with a balance
of £86 05. \d. diie to the Treamrer, this lOth day of July, 1906.
{Signed) ROBERT C. TUCKER,
A miitor.
[ 32 ]
SELECTED MINUTES OF COUNCIL APPOINTING
COMMITTEES.
Passed at the Meeting at Lyntvn, 17 July, 1906.
6. That Dr. Brushfield, Sir Roper Lethbridge, Rev. W.
Harpley, Sir A. Croft, and Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe be a Com-
mittee for the purpose of considering at what place the Associa-
tion shall hold its Meeting in 1908, who shall be invited to
be the Officers during the year beginning with that Meeting,
and who shall be invited to fill any official vacancy or vacancies
which may occur before the Annual Meeting in 1907; that Mr.
J. Brooking-Rowe be the Secretary ; and that they be requested
to report to the next Winter Meeting of the Council, and, if
necessary, to the first Meeting of the Council to be held in
July, 1907.
7. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. Robert
Burnard, Mr. E. A. S. Elliot, Mr. H. Montagu Evans, Rev. W.
Harpley, Mr. C. E. Robinson, Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, Mr. A.
Somervail, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodliouse be a Committee
for the purpose of noting the discovery or occurrence of such
facts in any department of scientific inquiry, and connected
with Devonshire, as it may be desirable to place on permanent
record, but which may not be of sufficient importance in themselves
to form the subjects of separate papers; and that Mr. J. Brooking-
Rowe be the Secretary.
8. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. R.
Pearse Chope, Mr. G. M. Doe, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. J. S. Neck,
Mrs. Radford, Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, Mrs. Troup, and Mr.
H. B. S. Woodhouse be a Committee for the purpose of collecting
notes on Devonshire Folk-lore ; and that Mr. P. F. S. Amery be
the Secretary.
9. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. F. T. Elworthy,
Mr. C. H. Laycock, Miss Helen Saunders, and Mrs. Troup be a Com-
mittee for the purpose of noting and recording tlie existing use of
any Verbal Provincialisms in Devonshire, in either written or
spoken language ; and that Mr. F. T. Elwortliy be the Secretary.
10. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Dr.
Brushfield, Mr. Burnai*d, ]Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, Rev. J. F. Chanter
RESOLUTIONS APPOINTING COMMITTEES. 33
and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect and record
hcts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take steps, where
possible, for their investigation ; and that Mr. R. Hansford Worth
be the Secretary.
11. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. A. H. Dymond, Rev. W.
Haipley, and Mr. R. C. Tucker be a Committee for the pur-
pose of making arrangements for an Association Dinner or any
other form of evening entertainment as they may think best in
consultation with the local Committee; and that Mr. R. C. Tucker
be the Secretary.
12. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Sir Alfred W. Croft, Mr. James
Hamlyn, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable observations on the
Climate of Devon ; and that Mr. R. Hansford Worth be the
Secretary,
13. That Sir Roper Lethbridge, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. R.
Pearse Chope, Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, b.d.. Rev. Preb. Granville,
Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, and Mr. E. Windeatt be a Committee for
the purpose of investigating and reporting on any Manuscripts,
Records, or Ancient Documents existing in, or relating to, Devon-
shire, with the nature of their contents, their locality, and whether
in public or private hands; and that Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe be
the Secretary.
U. That Mr. J. S. Amery, the Rev. I. K. Anderson, Mr. R. Bur-
nard, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe,
Mr. Basil Thomson, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Committee
for the purpose of exploring Dartmoor and the Camps in Devon ;
and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the Secretary.
15. That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield,
Rev. Professor Chapman, Sir Alfred W. Croft, Rev. O. J. Reichel,
Mrs. Troup, Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, Dr. Arthur B. Prowse, Mr.
William Davies, Miss H. Saunders, and Mr. W. A. Francken be
a Committee to consider the matter of preparing, according to
the best methods, an Index to the First Series (Vols. I-XXX) of
the Transactions; that Mr. J. S. Amery be the Secretary; and
that this Committee have power to add to their number.
16. That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. J. S. Amery, Dr. Brush-
field, Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, Mr. T. Cann Hughes, Sir Roper
Lethbridge, Rev. O. J. Reichel, Mr. Harbottle Reed, Mr. J.
Brooking-Rowe, Mr. George E. Windeatt, and Rev. J. F. Chanter
be a Committee, with power to add to their number, to prepare
a detailed account of the Church Plate of the Diocese of Exeter ;
and that Mr. T. Cann Hughes and Mr. Harbottle Reed be the
joint Secretaries.
VOL. XXXVIII. C
[ 34 ]
©bituarj? fiotitta.
The Eev. Samuel Eundle. The Eev. Samuel Bundle
was the son of the Eev. Samuel Bundle, M.A., who at the
time of his death was Beetor of Stoekleigh Pomeroy. The son
was born in 1849, educated at a private school at Stoke,
Devonport, and proceeding to Oxford, graduated at St
Edmund's Hall, and took his degrees, B.A. in 1873 and M.A.
in 1876. He was ordained deacon in the diocese of Exeter
and priest in 1875. He was curate of Ladock, Cornwall,
his only curacy, and in 1879 he was appointed to the living
of Godolphin. He did good work in his parish, and was
much beloved by his congregation and held in high esteem
by his neighbours and by all who knew him. He was a
good antiquary and genealogist, and frequently was a well-
known figure at our meetings, and at those of the Penzance
Antiquarian and Natural History Society and of the Boyal
Institution of Cornwall. To the publications of the two
latter he was a contributor, but his interest being mainly
confined to the county in which he lived, ho wrote nothing
for our Transactions. He left uncompleted a history of
liis parish, and of the house and family of Godolphin. He
liad been ill for some little time, and it became necessary
tliat he should undergo an operation : from the effects of
this he did not recover, and in spite of careful nursing and
every attention at a Nursing Home in London, he passed
away on 6 April, 1906.
Alfred John Pound. Mr. Pound was a member for a
short time only, having been elected in 1905. He was the
son of a clergyman, who was at one time Head Master of
the Appuldurcombe Collegiate School. He died under sad
circumstances in May last.
George Egberts Shgrtg. The greatly esteemed Town
Clerk of Exeter was a valuable member of the Association,
and he was always ready to help any one who sought his
OBITUABY NOTICES. 35
valuable aid, or who wished to consult any of the many
valuable documents under his charge. His career was a
varied one, and we are indebted to the " Western Morning
News " for this account of his life. He was born in Exeter
24 August, 1837. To those whose knowledge of him was
limited to his municipal life, it does indeed seem strange
that he should have served a long period in the army. But
his career in the military service was no less remarkable
than his civil service. He started life in the army, and
in September of 1854 enlisted in the 1st Battalion of
the Eille Brigade, and in February of the following year
was given corporals stripes. In May of the same year he
went to the Crimea, where he took part in the siege and
capture of Sebastopol. He often in later years recounted
his experiences in the trenches in the Crimea. Promotion
was rapid in those stirring times, and in March, 1856,
Corporal Shorto became sergeant, being then eighteen years
and seven months of age. Eetuming from the Crimea in
July, 1856, he was transferred as sergeant to the 4th Batta-
lion of the Eifle Brigade, in which he served six years as
colour-sergeant. It is said that at one time he served under
General Garibaldi's colours. On the expiration of his term
of service in the army he took his discharge, but still the
military spirit was strong in him, for almost his first act on
coming to the city was to join the volunteers, being sworn
in by Major Denis Moore. He for many years captained the
B Company of the 1st E.V., was an excellent shot, and was
frequently elected as one of the team to represent tlie
county. He retired some years ago with the honorary rank
of major, having for thirty-nine years worn her late
Majesty's uniform. He possessed the volunteer long service
medal and the Crimea and Turkish medals.
At the time of Mr. Shorto's return to civil life, the town
clerk was Mr. John Gidley, grandfather of the present
citizen of that name. He soon afterwards died, and Mr.
Denis Moore, being a candidate for the office, asked Mr.
Shorto if he would take service under him if he was ap-
pointed. The post was given to him, and Mr. Shorto
entered Mr. Moore's office in September, 1865, and re-
mained with him until his death in 1878. From 1868
Mr. Shorto acted as his locum tenens whenever he was
absent from the city, and upon Mr. Moore's demise he was
appointed town clerk jpro tern,, and was so acting when tlie
Mayor's chain was presented to the city by the Arclijeo-
logical Institute. Upon the appointment of Mr. Bartholo-
c2
36 OBITUARY NOTICES.
mew Gidley as town clerk, Mr. Shorto entered his office as
managing clerk, having special charge of the Council work.
Mr. Shorto served his articles with Mr. Gidley, and was ad-
mitted a solicitor in March, 1880. With this remarkable record
and experience behind him, Mr. Shorto was appointed town
clerk upon the death of Mr. Gidley in 1888. When Mr.
Shorto made his first acquaintance with town clerk's duties
the Council met once a month, and had little more to do
than look after the police and manage the borough property.
Since then it has become the Urban Sanitary Authority,
with control of the sewers and streets; it has become
possessed of the waterworks, of an asylum, the Albert
Memorial Museum and College, with all the incidentals,
electric-light works, etc. The city has also been enlarged,
Exe Bridge rebuilt, and the system of electrified tramways
installed. The growth of business that has marked Mr.
Shorto's association with the city clerkship may be
gathered from the fact that whereas in 1865 the annual dis-
bursements were only about £12,000, to-day they are
£150,000 or more.
On commencing his municipal career he made rapid pro-
gress towards attaining the dignified position in which he
served so long and so faithfully as the town clerk of Exeter.
Only those continually in association with him know how
he gloried in his work ; no one had a more intimate know-
ledge of the city's history than Mr. Shorto, and no one had
a more thorough grasp of municipal law. He dearly loved
talking of the ancient glories of the past, in showing by the
valuable documents which the Corporation possess that
Exeter is one of the most ancient cities of the kingdom.
Pressed on more than one occasion to write an up-to-date
history of Exeter, his reply would- be that it would take
two lives, one to study the history, the other to write it.
One of his last acts was to relate the city's history, and
show its historic regalia to Princess Frederica of Hanover.
A brilliant feature of Mr. Shorto's civic life was the ability
wliich he displayed in the Council Chamber. Always genial
in manner, he had wonderful tact in dealing with a member
inclined to be obstreperous. He enjoyed a joke thoroughly^
and invariably made one at the expense of a comicillor,
whilst he had a happy way of silencing a member who dis-
regarded the rules of debate.
Mr. Shorto also found other spheres of activity. For
many years he took great interest in the Western Provi-
dent Association, and was formerly identified with the
OBITUARY NOTICES. 37
Western Annuitant Society. As an ardent follower of foot-
ball, he was for a long time a member of the Exeter Foot-
ball Club. It was in regard to the city muniments and
insignia that Mr. Shorto was particularly authoritative.
When he first joined the town clerk's office, and for seven
years afterwards, Mr. Stuart A. Moore, of London, an expert
in such matters, was engaged in arranging and calendaring
the city records, and he gave legal assistance from his anti-
quarian research in many important lawsuits in which the
Council were then engaged. All the records are still pre-
served in the order in which they were left by Mr. Moore.
Mr. Shorto was of necessity much associated with him in
this work, and thus obtained a unique knowledge of the
city's unrivalled muniments. When Sir Henry Irving was
in the city, Mr. Shorto had the personal delight of showing
the distinguished actor, amongst the charters and seals, a
deed bearing the signature of Thomas k Becket, a char-
acter whjch Sir Henry was to play at the theatre the same
evening.
For some time he had been in indifferent health. Early
in. August, on a very hot day, he had a heat stroke, and was
in a very critical condition. He however rallied, but there
was a relapse, and he died on 23 August, 1905, at Exmouth.
He was buried at Honiton Clyst, the first part of the service
ha\ang been performed at the Cathedral.
Mrs. Mary Isabella Jordan. The news of the death of
Mrs. Jordan, wife of Mr. W. F. C. Jordan, of Teignmouth, was
received with much regret by the large circle of her friends
by whom she was much beloved. She was the only surviv-
ing child of the Eev. James Metcalfe, for twenty-seven
years Vicar of St. James, Teignmouth. Mr. Jordan was the
local secretary at the last Teignmouth meeting of the Asso-
ciation, and his wife took a very active part in tlie arrange-
ments and helped much in ensuring its success. On that
occasion she read a paper on West Teignmouth Church. In
the spring of 1905 she became ill of phthisis and rapidly
becoming worse, died at Yelverton in August at the early
age of 37.
Mr. Baldwin John Pollexfen Bastard. Mr. Baldwin
J. P. Bastard died at Buckland Court, Ashburton, on 22
October, 1905. He was the head of one of the oldest
families in the county. As a young man he served in the
9th Begiment of Foot, and fought with it in the Crimea.
38 OBITUARY NOTICES.
Succeeding to the family estates on the death of his elder
brother, he left the Army and lived the life of a country
gentleman, and for some years took an active part in public
matters, and also for some time acted as chairman of the
Conservative party. He was a U.L and J.P. for Devon,
and had served as Sheriff. He had been a member since
1876.
Frederick James Cornish-Bowden. Mr. F. J. Comish-
Bowden, of Black Hall, barrister-at-law, was the son of
James Bowden, of Kidbrook, Kent, formerly of the
Admiralty Office. He was born 24 December, 1843, and
married Esther Priscilla Cornish, daughter and co-heiress of
James Cornish, of Black Hall, upon which he assumed the
prefix surname of Cornish. He was well known in the
county, and held in great esteem by all. He was an active
magistrate and useful in many public matters, the whole
district benefiting by the zeal and liberality he displayed.
He took much interest in agriculture, and although he did
not take any prominent part in politics, the Conservative
cause had his hearty support. He was a devout Church-
man and a member of the English Church Union, and for
many years was President of the South -Western District of
the Union. He was much interested in the work of the
riympton Deanery Choral Union, and his stalwart figure
carrying the cross at the head of the procession at the
annual gatherings will be remembered by many. His gifts
to the Church were numerous, many known only to the
recipients and himself. In 1878 he supplied a great want
by building the church of St. James at Avonwick, the
chancel being a memorial to his father. He had been ill for
some time before his death, which took place on 3 October,
1905, at Avonwick.
Henry Bingham Mildmay. Mr. Mildmay, of Shoreham
Place, Kent, and of Flete, in this county, was the son of
Humphrey St. John Mildmay and the Hon. Anne Eugenia
Baring, his wife. He was held in the highest esteem by all.
His kindly nature was displayed to every one, and every
object which tended to the advancement and betterment of
those about him had his warmest sympathy and assistance.
He was much interested in farming, and was a member of
the Devon County and other societies. He was Sheriff of
Devon in 1886-7, and Justice of the Peace for Devon and
Kent as well as D.L. for the latter county. The churches
OBITUABY NOTICES. 39
of Holbeton and Ermington were restored by him at great
cost. He had been a member of the Association for
several years, and at the Plympton meeting in 1887 he took
the opportunity of inviting the Society to visit him at his
princely residence at Flete. For twelve months before his
death he had been in weak health, and a cold, which he had
not strength enough to throw oflP, caused heart failure, and
he died on 1 November, 1905.
Thb Earl Fortescub. Hugh Fortescue, Earl Fortescue,
Viscount Ebrington, and Baron Fortescue of Castle Hill,
was bom 4 ApiS, 1818, and died on 10 October, 1905. He
was one of the oldest members on our list, and although he
never had any opportunity of joining in its proceedings, he
was always interested in its welfare and progress. He was
greatly respected and loved by those who knew him best,
a good landlord and neighbour, and died full of years and
honours. We need not repeat the events of his life, as
they have been given in full detail in many memoirs in the
Press.
Mr. E. p. Hawkins, of Exeter, and Mr. Edward
GoDDARD, of Torquay, have also died during the past
year.
ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT,
FRED. T. ELWORTHY, F.S.A.
Ladies and Gentlemen, — Duty no less than inclination
compels me to place in the very forefront of my address
an expression of my appreciation of the high honour you
have done me in electing me for your President, and I
assure you it was after much hesitation and with the utmost
diffidence that I accepted the responsibility. I could not
but remember the number of highly distinguished men who
have filled this chair, and feared that you had chosen but
a bruised reed to follow them. It would be improper in
me now to cavil at or to find fault with your choice, yet
I cannot avoid the reflection that it might have been wiser
to select a younger, abler, and more vigorous man for your
President, one who would have less need to crave your
indulgence for much that you will have to endure from
one who has long passed the age of man, and who is fully
conscious of the weakness of senility and old age. Most of
my predecessors have announced at once the subject or
main thesis of their addresses, but I have thought it well, on
the contrary, to let the matter tell its own tale and to leave
it to you to decide what it is all about.
It has been held, and in my judgment amply demon-
strated, that every common pattern or design, even of those
conventional and seemingly absurd ones on our wall-papers,
is the direct outcome or development of some early and
crude attempt to depict some actual object familiar to every-
day life. For instance, it was shown that the guilloche, a
very common running pattern for paper borders, etc., is no
more than a row repeated over and over of cocks' heads
very crudely and cursorily drawn, so that at last it seems
almost like a row of old pothooks and hangers, but with a
method, and then the turn of each hook forms a cock's eye.
MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHY'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 41
All this is shown in the clever illustrations of two books
by friends of mine — ** Evolution in Decorative Art," by
A. C. Haddon and Henry Balfour.
In like manner very little investigation will show that
all the common beliefs which we are accustomed to call
superstition can be traced back to some actual event or
occurrence that has given rise to story and legend, until in
these days the result is as widely divided from the original
as our wall-paper designs are from their prototypes. It is
80 easy to call it superstition, and to set down strange beliefs
not easily explained to ignorance, but it is well before com-
mitting ourselves to sweeping statements to decide what we
mean by superstition. It is common to laugh at foolish
and ignorant people on whom we look down from the height
of our superior wisdom, yet a very little sweeping away of
surface dust will show how very much of what we are pleased
to call superstition or ignorance remains still amongst us who
resent the imputation of ignorance, and how much it enters
into the life and conduct of many whom we admit to be
enlightened and hard-headed. For example, no one would
accuse the Cunard Steamship Company of practising super-
stition in the conduct of their business. Yet we hear that
as a sop to superstitious voyagers by sea, the Cunard Com-
pany have determined to eliminate the number 13 from
their staterooms in all new vessels. This system has already
been adopted on the "Caronia," and will apply to the two
turbine mail steamers on the stocks.
This same notion as to the fatality of the number 13 is to
be seen every day. Witness the Thirteen Club, whose very
raison d*itre is evidence of this widespread belief. Hotel-
keepers say that they dare not number their rooms 13.
The owner of the " Quisisana " at Capri, in reply to my
inquiry for a room I wished to have which used to have that
number, told me he had been obliged to alter it to 14,
because visitors would not have 13.
We shall find that from the very cradle mankind has be-
come inbred and has grown up to that set of ideas we call
superstition. When we consider the extent to which these
perverted conceptions of divine nature had grown even in
the golden age of Roman civilization, we cease to marvel that
with all our modem culture, scientific discoveries, with all
the dogmatic arrogance of our professors, that which we call
superstition still holds its place. Not only is it rampant
among the uneducated, but very little search will prove it to
be very much in evidence among those who pose as en-
42 MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHY*S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
lightened citizens, who would deeply resent the slightest
suggestion that they were superstitious.
Keflection will show that people in general are not
governed by force or by any consideration of law, but by a
body of traditional ideas and customs, some Christian, some
heathen, which are the result of long centuries of growth,
and which will take ages to die out; and though we may
laugh at ignorant and foolish people on whom we look down
from our superior wisdom, yet a very little clearing of the
dust from the surface of things will show how very much of
what we are pleased to call superstition remains amongst
ourselves and bears a very distinct effect on our laws and
conduct, even among the most enlightened and matter-of-fact
Pardon a digression on the arrogance of science, a word
which in its usual modern sense rather sets my back up.
Not far away nor long ago a gentleman who poses as a
scientific botanist, whom we will call the Eev. Fulwell Prig,
was enlarging at great length, with much learning and many
Greek words, to an appreciative audience of ladies, on the
special peculiarities of an obscure Indian plant, when a by-
stander ventured to ask if it were not possible that certain
points might be explained otherwise. " What do you know
about it ? " says Fulwell Prig.
Presently another listener mildly asked if the lecturer
knew who that was.
" What, that ass that wanted to teach me ? Who ? "
"That is Mr. ,the Government botanist, who discovered
and named this plant, who knows more of Indian botany
than any man alive." Suhsidit Fulwell Prig.
Once a sucking physiologist used the identically rude
expression to an unobtrusive old gentleman among his
audience, and afterwards discovered him to be Professor
Owen !
The antiquity of the belief in the power of the evil eye,
as well as its constant persistence, is proved by abundant
evidence. In the times of ancient Greece, and all the
subsequent ages, the earliest, the latest, the most familiar,
the most constantly portrayed in art of all the possessors of
the evil eye, has been the Gorgon Medusa, whose fatal glance
turned to stone all who beheld her awful face. She was at
first depicted in a more or less conventional manner, with
staring eyes, wide, grinning mouth, showing wolf-like fangs,
MB. FRED. T. ELWORTHT'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 43
and a protruded tongue split down the centre. This was the
typical archaic type, and to her fearful ugliness was
attributed her baneful influence. The story once started
evidently developed rapidly, for at a very early period a
parallel version seems to have taken root, and henceforward
until comparatively recent times the two ran on con-
currently. First the face lost its extreme hideousness, and
by degrees, easily traced in ancient art, it became at last in
Boman days just as lovely as it had been frightful, while the
story grew to match. She was said to have been beautiful
at first, and then to have been punished by being changed
into a hideousness so terrible that whoever looked upon her
was turned to stone (see " Solution of the Gorgon Myth " in
"Folklore," vol. XIV, Sept., 1903). The belief that her
baneful influence arose from her fearful hideousness con-
tinued to hold its full force, while, at the same time, the
story had developed in the opposite direction to such an
extent that her power of fascinating^ heivitching, or advanc-
ing was held to be the result of her matchless beauty ; yet
with all this development the belief has ever remained that
the baneful effect sprang from the eyes alone. Thus we see
the process by which these terms applied to women in our
day derive their meaning. Many Grseco-Koman and Etruscan
Medusse exhibit her as beautiful, but with a sort of horror-
struck, agonized expression (see " Horns of Honour *').
^lany theories have been put forward respecting the Medusa
and the legend of Perseus — all more or less mythical and specu-
lative. The other famous exploit of Perseus, the rescue of
Andromeda, is doubtless still more mythical — by some it is said to
be the classic form of the fight between the sun-god of Babylon
(Merodach) and Tiamat the dragon or power of darkness (cf. Job
IX. 12). Horus slaying the dragon in several forms on Egyptian
I>aintings is but another version; the myth also appears in the
fight between Michael and the dragon — and again is perpetuated
by St. George on our modern coinage. The representations of
Perseus and St. George in art are almost identical, except that the
former rides the winged Pegasus, while in some sixteenth-century
reliefs St. George is represented in plate armour. The panic-
stricken lady on the rock, instead of being in the classic nudity
where Perseus is the hero, is dressed in the hoop and farthingale
of the Renaissance, in reliefs, at the Lou\Te and Palermo
Museums.
Livy was honest enough to complain of the neglect of
augury, of signs and omens, which at that time according to
Cicero it was the fashion to treat with outward contempt, as
44 MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHY S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
it is to-day. Yet Cicero was liimself as certain a believer in
charms, in omens, in bird-lore and other forms of so-called
superstition, as are to-day many highly educated men ; e.g.
Hawker of Morwenstow was, and the present Tsar of Holy
Kussia certainly is a devout user of magical protectors.
How long continued and well protected are devices for
personal protection against that external influence hardly
needs to be proved, but some anecdotes of the present Tsar
are interesting instruction on that matter. He, like many
another living potentate, is a sufferer from the ever-present
dread.
He (Nicholas II) is not remarkable for physical or for moral
courage, and he lives in a perpetual state of nervous anxiety.
The grand visit which Nicholas II paid to France a few
years ago was a period of severe strain both to himself and
to his gentlemen-in-waiting. So long as he was at sea
Nicholas was happy enough, but his troubles began when he
landed in France. He was far from happy whilst he was in
Paris, though the newspapers had a great deal to say about
his magnificent entry in state ; but the newspapers did not
tell their readers what his gentlemen-in-waiting had to
undergo. Twice a day he received absolution from his
chaplain. In his clothes was concealed a small piece of
garlic, as a talisman against the plots of his enemies. A pope
of the " Orthodox Church " used to lick his left eye twice a
day as a preventative against the machinations of the
Nihilists. No one but Baron Freedericksy knows the extent
of the misery which he suffered until he returned to Russia
again (Carl Joubert's "The Truth about the Tsar," 1905,
pp. 22, 23).
Astrology, that essentially fatalist creed, was devoutly held
by famous classical writers. Suetonius, Tacitus, and Dion
Cassius all believed implicitly the predictions sought from
Chaldajan seers on the accession of each new Emperor. At
the same time that men had entire faith in the skill of these
impostors, they had apparently a corresponding distrust of
their honesty (Dill., " Eoman Society from Nero to Marcus
Aurelius," p. 445. A most valuable book). Casters of
'* nativities," readers of the planets, are now in the same way
scoffed at in public and consulted in private. It has been
well said, "Superstition is the belief by other people in
things that are incredible to your exalted self."
This latter-day afifectation of superiority is well matched
by that of the highly cultured Komans. Plutarch, indeed,
had a genuine hatred of the degrading fear of unseen
MR. JRBD. T. KLWORTHY'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 45
malignant powers in his day, for he says, " Better not believe
in God at all, than cringe before a God worse than the
worst of men " (Dill., •* Roman Society from Nero to Marcus
Aurelius," p. 444J.
The garlic worn by the Czar is still a very common pro-
tector in Sicily and in Greece ; indeed, so potent is it in some
of the Greek islands that, as in Naples with the word Corno,
80 with them the mere utterance of the word for garlic is a
protection (see "Evil Eye," p. 196, etc.). Of all people the
Sicilians are perhaps fullest of what we understand by super-
stition, in many particulars quite agreeing with notions cur-
rent among ourselves. Many beliefs respecting everyday
work are the same. A bed must be made at certain times when
an angel is thought to be passing who will leave a blessing on
it. A bed must never be made by one person, always by two,
or still better, three. The devil, too, is a very real personage
in Sicily ; so too are the endless charms, both concrete and
verbal, like garlic, to guard against general as well as specific
evils. To give even a summary of these would require far more
time and space than I can give or than you would endure.
In all ages superstition has been differently understood.
The term has been both denied and applied to the very same
belief, so that what is devoutly held in one generation is
scoffed at as superstition in the next; while, on the other
hand, that which has been looked on as mere superstition has
subsequently been accepted as a creed unquestionable.
Cicero defined superstition as any religious belief or practice
going beyond ancestral usage (" De Natura Deor." I, xvii. 42),
while Plutarch devoted a whole treatise to the subject, much
more in accordance with our own views. These we may
shortly define as a dread, a recognition of supernatural
powers, ever ready to injure and aftiict, whose evil workings
haunt their victims day and night, who must be propitiated
and approached with fear and trembling prostration. Fear
is the basis of superstition — the ills that tiesh is heir to have
ever been looked on as the direct result of malignant and
destructive influences.
Poor humanity has in all ages regarded Nature's inexora-
bility and apparent cruelty — the dangers from earthquake,
fire and tempest, with their threats to life and its inevitable
end for all, have had a far greater place in man's imagination
and experience than the pleasures and joys of existence.
Gratitude for favours received has had but a very small
place in comparison with fear of the evil that may happen
to the body. Hence it comes that he whom we call the
46 MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHY'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
child of nature has always been more ready to fear and to act
so as to pacify or propitiate the unknown powers of dark-
ness, the authors, as he believes, of all his troubles, rather
than to acknowledge with thanksgiving those beneficent
powers which, notwithstanding his misfortunes, he is com-
pelled in his inmost heart to recognize. Thus it is, that
from the very earliest times fear has been the great mover
of mankind.
As I said before, nowhere is what we call superstition so
actively surviving as in modern Sicily, where it has of late
been my privilege to give it some time and study. Whether
anything further will come out of the work I have done in
that direction remains to be seen. Sicilian folk-lore is, how-
ever, an euormous yet hitherto unexploited subject.
Judged by the number and variety of charms and amulets
mounted with rings to be worn on the person, exhibited for
sale in the shops and streets of Sicily, the demand for them
must be very great, even after allowing for the number manu-
factured and sold to tourists as mere trinkets and curios.
The well-known arms of Sicily, known as the Trinacria,
are to be seen in Palermo chiefly, and the device is made in
several forms to be worn as a charm. ** La Migration des
Symboles," by Goblet d'Alviella, a wonderful treatise, must
be studied by all who are interested in this sign.
Tlie idea of the three legs is exceedingly ancient, and may
be seen on the shields of warriors, upon vases of the very
earliest Greek periods, and it is said to be the same as the
four-legged fylfot or svastica, by some called the " catch K"
This device was brought home to England by the Crusaders,
and lias become the recognized badge or symbol of the
Isle of Man. The difference between the comparatively
modern Manx arms and those of Sicily is that the former
consist of three running legs only, but spurred and cased in
medieval plate armour, whereas the arms of Sicily are
naked legs, but radiating from a Medusa's head. Very much
might be said on this quaint device, now become one of the
commonest badges of modern life. Of course, both are the
offspring of the same primitive idea, but they have evolved
into very different outward appearances. The ancient form
appears always as with nude legs, and in that fonn was one
of the earliest of heraldic shield decorations enlarged on else-
where. I could produce from Greek vases the fylfot or swastica
represented on shields of pre-Homeric age (on this see
" Horns of Honour," page 67). Modern heraldry being dis-
tinctly a science is progressive, and still in course of develop-
MR. FBED. T. BLWORTHT'S PBBSIDBNTIAL ADDRE8S. 47
ment, as may well be seen bj the easily obtained and eagerly
displayed modem coats of arms and manufacture of achieve-
ments, though one and all have sprung from the primitive
desire of protection against the fatal Evil Eye (see "Evil Eye,"
pagel79>
A much older representation than any now in Sicily is on
a Greek altar in Malta (see "Evil Eye," page 291). The
present Sicilian common representation is a quite modem-
century rendering, taken from a large medallion upon a
fountain in the Villa Giulia at Palermo. The arms of the
city of Palermo are a spread eagle, while for a crest is borne
a legendary figure of a nude male wearing a crown, whose
breast is being attacked by a large serpent. The best repre-
sentation of this so-called Palermo is a life-size statue on a
fountain in the Piazza Eafaelo. The same is to be seen
above a shield with the spread eagle on the facade of the
'* Municipio " and on a fountain outside the Porta Felice.
Kather favourite charm-amulets are a skeleton, a skull,
or a harlequin mounted with a ring for suspending to the
watch chain, and made of either silver or base white metal.
A cock, a pig, a boar, a half-moon with a profile, are also
very common ; while such things as an old boot, a violiu,
a mandolin, a lady's shoe, a winged cupid, a little bucket, a
revolver made of silver and mounted are quite comnioii.
Hands of coral, carved in various positions, but particularly
that known as maiw in fica, are to be seen in Sicily just as
frequently as in Naples.
Sicilians say in this world there is a cure for every
disease, and if one dies it is because we do not know it.
There was a book which described all these remedies, but
God destroyed it, otherwise there would have been no death,
and there would not have been food enough for all to live on.
The body of Mahomet is shut up in an iron box at Mecca,
and this box is suspended in the air by means of a load-
stone (per via di calamita). The counteraction against the
loadstone is garlic. If a Christian, having got into the
temple of Mahomet, should throw some garlic on the box,
the miraculous suspension would end and it would fall to
the ground.
Sicily is supported by three columns which are the bases
of the three feet — one column at Faro, one at Pechino, and
one at Trapani. Of course these feet are those of the
" Trinacria," the well-known arms (three legs) of Sicily.
The fire of Etna is in direct communication with that of hell.
On Mount St. Julian of Trapani are the most beautiful
48 XB. FEED. T. ELWOBTHT'S FUESIDECTIAL ADDSK8.
women of Sicilv, bat if thev come down from thence and
settle elsewhere thev I*~j6e their beantr.
11 TrapacL «:mE.i li sost^i ciuviddL
Efl a la Mucri li p:cc:*xci reddi ;
Also
Cu: vol: sal: vaji a TrapoziL
Cii* voli vei-ii vnja a la Mund.
.S:. Ar.:ony Abate is the p»atron of fire.
If :he fire crackles or the lamp spatters thev pour holj
wat^rr, ^Urr-ie^l on holy Saturiay. over it.
}f<: who keeps no light burning (before a saint) in his
ho:;rie wiU <i:*: accursed.
If you --nufi a candle and throw the snuff still alight on
th^: '/round, you must stamp it out instantly, lest the souls
in limr/) blaspheme God and curse their relations to the
sevc-nth j^eneration, for they are in darkness, and at the
sight of that little light suffer horribly.
A lij^ht on the ground portends near misfortune.
If the kitchen fire goes out on a Holy Saturday it is a
frightful omen ; l>efore the next, one of the family will die
accur->;d. Therefore the common people are careful not to
put wet or green fuel on the fire alx)ut that time.
To try if wine is pure or watered, a little is poured on a
plate on which stand-; a lighted taper — this is to be covered
by a glass tumbler reversed. If there is water with the
wine it remains outside, while the wine is instantly sucked
up in.side.
Another way is to half fill a large glass, and then put a
smaller glass inside it. If there is water this rises between
the two glasses, while the wine stays at the bottom.
A third proof is to pour some water on a plate, fill a
sponge with the wine, and put it in the plate of water : if
the wine is pure, it will take a quarter of an hour to colour
all the water; if it is watered, instantly.
Garlic destroys the power of a magnet.
The protector of thieves is St. Disma, the penitent who
was crucified on Calvary.
The ^ladonna of the island of Lampedusa has a lamp
always wanting in oil.
There lived on it a hermit who wore a two-faced hood: on
one was painted a crucifix, which he offered to be kissed by
Christians; on the other was painted Mahomet, which he
offered for the adoration of Turks who landed on the island ;
hence the Sicilian proverbial phrase, Zu Eiviitu di la
*Mpidusa — For those who serve God and Mahomet.
lOL FRED. T. ELWOBTHT'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 49
Drunken women, when suffering much in labour, cause the
image of Madonna to be brought so as to assist quickly, and
say, LHutra Maria I Diutra Maria! But directly they are
reUeved, have her put out of the house, saying, Fora Maria !
Fora Maria! Hence the saying about a fickle, voluble,
inconstant person. Diutra Maria ! Fora Maria !
The Agnxis Dei has always been miraculous. A woman
persecuted by a demon attached an Agnus Dei to her neck
and the demon fled.
A house on fire was extinguished by a morsel of Agnus Dei
thrown on the flames.
A child overlooked (Cersaglio) by a witch, was taken
every night from his mother's bed, placed before the thres-
hold of the house, with an Agnus Dei on his neck, and was
freed thereby from that trouble.
Among the devout Sicilians lard is not considered as real
fat, but as a milky substance that may be consumed on fish
days {giomi di magro). Fish is called scanamaru; meat, eggs,
milk, are cammaru : hence cammardrisi means to eat flesh.
If they see signs or figures on the ground they get
together and hide in some hole ; especially if the figures are
like crosses, they are very bad omens.
It is a common belief in some parts that ecclesiastical
fasts or devotions are valueless when the eve has been spent
without eating, for the commonalty hold that not to have
eaten on the eve of a fast day is a sin to be confessed.
No one ought to "communicate" unless he has slept at
least a quarter of an hour the previous night.
As all venomous reptiles become deadly on and from the
first of March, therefore all through that month the wood of-
certain trees is most dangerous from the poisons it con-
tains; those who are poisoned {ferite) not only by these
creatures and by this wood but by other means, will not
heal before the end of the month.
On Candlemas Day the bear shakes himself; if the
weather is fine all evils on earth or on man disappear — even
if bad no ill will happen.
If anything is missed or lost they go to St. Spiridion
because he concedes the grace to find it.
Santu Spiririuni
Fa li grazii a rammucciimi.
To him and to St. Onofrio they go promising one centesimo
— no more, no less — which they will then give to some poor
man.
There are many details how to obtain help from various
XXXVIII. D
50 HR. FKKD. T. ELWORTHY*S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
saints ; how to know if a wife is faithful ; if a journey will
succeed ; what is of good or bad omen, if met on the way ;
how to divine with a ring and a hair, etc. etc. Marriages
between relations always end badly, physically and morally.
If a tooth comes out, throw it on to the roof of a pregnant
woman : if the tooth be an incisor or canine she will bring
forth a boy ; if a molar, a girl.
Girls marry on St. Jolm's, widows on S. Peter's Day,
Plenty of signs are current by which to predict the future
sex of unborn infants.
If a pregnant woman longs for lemons, vinegar, straw-
berries, or sour fruit, she will bear a boy who will make a
man of judgment ; if she likes to nibble dry bark of trees,
charcoal, chalk, egg-shells, she will have a girl, who will one
day be capricious, hare-brained, giddy ; or else a Ganymede
weak and insipid as the — ^man.
If on the day she should happen to wash the baby clothes
the sky is cloudy, grey, and rainy, or gloomy, she will have
u girl. Celu griciu e giittumiisu,
Priparacci la fusa (the distaff).
For a woman's second child they take account of her last
confinement. If the moon was growing then, she will have
a boy ; if waning, a girl. If the last day of birth was odd,
she will have a boy ; if even, a girl (this time). If the last
day was odd, and the day of the week even, she will
miscarry. If even both, there is the best conception.
If twin boys are born, one will surely die; if both are
girls, the same ; but if a boy and girl, both may live.
Women take care of their children that a boy and girl do
not kiss each other during the year of birth, otherwise the
younger will die : if both are the same sex they may kiss
without injury.
If a man does not return to his native village on Satur-
day night before the Ave sounds, his wife suspects him, or is
afraid he is dead, or wants to know why he is later than
usual ; and a scene with the neighbours takes place.
If few people are following the Viaticum, the sick person
will die.
A portent of a death shortly is the peeling of a red-
cupped rose near the family that has had that calamity.
Sign of death when there are two women in trouble
distrecciate in a house at the same time.
Do not burn the wooden pulley of your house if you do
not wish to shorten your own life or one of your house-
hold.
MR. FRED. T. RLWORTHT's PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 51
To help or to ease the dying, put underneath the bed the
threads or weft of a (Ziz^u) loom.
If you receive a gift from a miser, they believe, or at
least they say, that you will soon die.
If any one heaves a deep sigh expressive of great sadness,
those present say at once either that it is a bad omen, or to
a woman, 'Nta fossa toiy figghiu ! " May it be a son in thy
bones." This is a most friendly salutation, equivalent to
our ■• I wish you joy."
The murderer who keeps the knife with which he com-
mitted the crime, will be dragged by a mysterious power
into the hands of justice.
Many of these sayings and beliefs are too coarse for
production here.
A woman who lays down her distaff and whorl in spin-
ning takes care to put them on a chair or anywhere but on
a bed, if she wishes not to fall out with her husband.
It is a good omen if the thread in spinning gets entangled
in the whorl ; it presages that her husband will bring home
money and other good things.
Any one who treads down the back of his shoes and so
spoils the leather is said to have told lies.
The house will be firm into whose foundations gold or
silver coin has been thrown.
On setting out on a journey, if on an ass, you may know
at starting what will be the result of your business. If the
ass on starting eases his belly, no obstacle will hinder and
all will be well.
Any one who puts on his waistcoat, shirt, or. hose inside
out, should be asked to dine outside the house.
To those who are naturally timid, if you wish to ease
them of silly fear, give in a spoon with sugar and water the
gall of a hedgehog, and they will become brave.
Whoever buys a new pitcher takes care to make a male
person drink out of it for the first time, never a female ; and
thus it will never become musty.
To run like the wind anoint your feet with ointment made
of black soap, kidney of a stag, and a black eel.
Every ten years one changes in face and in temper.
Every creature in the world has seven beings who re-
semble him absolutely in everything — in habits, height,
size, riches, and poverty.
The beauties of the body are seven : hence the popular
song —
Setti su* li bidizzi di la donna.
d2
52 MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHY'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
There are seven principal languages, and of a very learned
person, considered as a monument of wisdom, they say, Sapi
li sctti lin^ui.
There is a spring in certain remote parts called sataredda,
that if drunk by old people renews their youth.
At a public execution it is customary to take boys to see
the show. To make them remember well and take warning, •
at the fatal moment smart blows are given. This custom of
thrashing to impress the memory is always practised in
England as " beating the bounds.*'
Certain deadly sins are punished by the burial alive of
the guilty in the walls of the church.' This is said to have
been done in many places, and by order of the governor an
investigation was made in the mother church of Begalmuto
in 1882. In the walls were found nineteen skeletons of the
guilty ones ; many of them were partly turned to dust.
Sicilians believe in basilisks — half snake, half bird — which
have the power of paralysing a person by merely looking at
him. The vulgar belief is that all paralytics have been
overlooked by basilisks. There are many wise saws about
them and their victims.
Serpents with seven heads and seven tails still exist, and
there are those who have seen them. A serpent of this kind
was hidden in a grotto near a spring, and devoured all who
approached it. These creatures possess very fine power of
smelling.
There are three special prayers to Maria, St. Anna, and
St. Monica, for easy labour by women in childbirth, and after
reciting them they pray to Madonna della Grazia to relieve
their sufferings. A prayer to the new moon for increased
prosperity to the house, is : —
Santa Dduna nuova,
Dogni iiiisu s'riniiova
Crisci til, crisciu ia,
Crisciu 'u bien 'n casa mia.
In one district (Alia), when after harvest the women go
gleaning in the field, they often leave the baby swathed up
on the naked ground, but they take care to provide it with
a defensive circle. This consists of nothing but some drops of
milk from their own breast run round the ring ; then they
are quite sure neither snake nor viper nor other venomous
beast will break through this magic entrenchment to injure
the poor little i)xccini. Besides tliis (to make doubly safe),
some nurses squirt a little of their own milk over the child
which they have placed in a cradle. That milk is Sisalvtxnos.
HR. FBED. T. ELWOBTHY'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 53
The forgoing notes are but a mere suggestion of the vast
mass of the folk-lore of Sicily. For students who really
desire full knowledge on the subject there is abundant op-
portunity provided in the " Biblioteca delle Traditione Popu-
lari Siciliane," 2-i vols. Palermo, L. Pedone Lauriel, 1889,
etc. etc.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, you will have concluded that
the main subject of this address is after all only egomet, yet
with that judgment staring me in the face I must detain you
while I declare how infinitely the value and satisfaction to
me of this presidentship are enhanced by the choice of this
lovely place for the meeting. I have been familiar with the
neighbourhood for nearly threescore years and ten, and can
challenge any one to name one within the four seas of
Britain equal to it in natural beauty ; indeed, after long and
wide experience there is none in Europe, taken all in all, to
be compared with it. There are some very beautiful valleys
with woods, rocks, and streams in the Saxon Switzerland near
the Elbe at Spaudau and Konigstein, but lovely as they are,
they want the ever-present complement that we find here —
the sea! Just as every modern design or pattern has its
prototype in some rough attempt at primitive art, so a very
little honest investigation, called by any name you please —
even scientific research, if you will — calls back every custom,
legend, and myth to some actual event or occurrence round
which there has grown up and developed that which has now
become the ordinary legend or common belief. We are all
familiar with the commonest form of door-knocker, a boss
consisting of a head surrounded by the practical knocker in
the form of a hinged ring, usually of iron foliage. The makers
of this everyday Brumagem implement little dream that
they are perpetuating one of the earliest legends of mankind.
The face they have cast is now intended to be at least comely
and attractive, but originally it was the very type of hideous-
ness; in fact, this is the surprising outcome of the awful
face of the Gorgon Medusa, whose aspect was so fearful as to
petrify all who looked on it. Elsewhere I have attempted to
show the stages by which it grew from ugliness to become
the type of beauty, and this notion survives in our everyday
talk when we speak of a very fascinating woman or face, as
if it had the power to entrance or spell-bind us. Legends
and myths grow up everywhere, but in no parts so profusely
as in Southern Italy, and specially Sicily, which may be
called the home of fable. It is, too, curiously instructive to
54 MR. FRED. T. ELWORTHT'S PRESIDKXTIAL ADDRES&
compare the various legends wiih those current at home.
Here in Devon, we are all familiar with the harvest custom of
Crying the Neck. Again it has been my good fortune to
bring together evidence of the very same practices from
Egypt, America, Jerusalem, Jericho, Scotland, Wales, and
Sicily, besides the islands of Greece. Examples from all
these places I have shown by lantern slides in my own native
county, and not only are harvest customs the same in widely
divided countries, but other practices equally familiar to us
are found far afield. Our old acquaintance, the Split Ash,
about which I am not now going to enlarge, is to-day in full
force in the Canary Islands, where the ceremony performed
is identical with that we know so well, save that there is
slightly more religious ritual in the Spanish form. I have
the whole of it from the hand of a lady resident in Teneriffe.
The peculiarity of the Sicilian form of Crying the Xeck is
that the function is performed before a figure representing
the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the man who makes the offering
of the object, called Crocriatu in Sicilian, is or typifies a
naked man ; to perform this decently the custom is for him
to wear a shirt only. Many other similar analogies might
be produced.
Not very much is to be said about special customs or
archieology as relating to this part of Devonshire. Its
attractions are all natural beauties, and as if they were
not amply sutlicient, one rather resents the idea that they
should be so much enhance^l or advertised by being the
scenes of popular romances. I distinctly despise the name
Blackmore Country, as if Lynton and its surroundings would
not have been just as lovely and attractive if '^Lorna Doone"
had never been written. Indeed, it seems to me no less than
mischievous and harmful to the locality, because people get
so excited with the glamour and atmosphere of the novel,
that when they go to the actual spot like the Doone Valley,
thev are disappointed and disgusted at the want of romance
and fancied beauty of the place. I'ut for the novel, how many
of the visitors would ever go near the Doone Valley ? The
i«nie applies equally to what is called Kingsley Country.
^K^t a shock it is to admirers of his " Westward Ho ! " to
V ttken to Northain Burrows ! I find no inspiration in
<5njjrs ** Blackmore Country." The whole of the first part is
ld^« «P ^'^'^ Cuhnstock and Blundell's School, very in-
^rr^r^^ in themselves, but a long way from Lynton. The
lt:*,5Uife put out by the local committee is by far the best
»,jj^^ •«»« seen.
HR. FRED. T. SLWORTHY'S PRK8IDENTUL ADDRESS. 55
In these parts, besides ever-changing nature, there is an
interest in its primitiveness, for even yet in some parts it
is not up to cUUe. For example, it is but almost within
living memory that the civilization of forks has penetrated.
My father visited a farmhouse not far from this where not
even the two-pronged fork had arrived. A warm ham was
carved and eaten without a fork — and many of us have
heard the saying, " Vingers and thumbs was a-made avore
knives and vorks." The two-pronged fork we all remember
is not a useful implement for eating pease, but readers of
that quaint old book of travels, Coryatt's " Crudities," will
see that even those were not used by our forefathers in
Elizabeth's day.
Not much is to be said of a scientific nature about this
district, but for those whose strength permits nothing could
be better than to follow out to the letter the admirable
Uttle book of the local committee. One or two omissions
are obvious to me. From or near where we now are is to
be seen a real typical British camp — of course, like every
other, known as the " Soman encampment." Why I never
can make out ; probably no Roman ever saw it nor most of
the other so-called Roman works. No doubt the Romans
left their mark very conspicuously here in England, but
every ancient remains is by no means theirs ; nor were our
British forefathers anything like the painted savages depicted
by many historians ; on the contrary, they were in many
ways quite as civilized as their conquerors. The Glaston-
bury Lake Village proves beyond dispute that 200 years
before the Roman invasion the inhabitants of Britain were
no mean handicraftsmen. The tools they had and their
work, especially coopering, were quite equal to anything of
contemporary Rome, and in several respects quite equal to
the work and tools of some parts of modem Italy. I noticed a
saw in a shop at Brescia, a few years ago, of a peculiar shape,
and made as they were anciently to cut when drawn, instead
of as now when pushed or thrust. That saw is matched,
handle and all, identically by one at Glastonbury. There is
also part of a ladder exactly what may be seen to-day in daily
use in Italy. They had lathes, for there are the turned hub
or nut and spoke of a wheel as well made as if by a modern
English wheelwright. Who, then, shall declare the ancient
Britons to have been woaded savages ?
Besides the walks recommended by the local committee,
I would point out one of wonderful chann. Go up to
Countisbury, past the camp, noticing on the way the grass
56 MB. FRED. T. SLWOBTHT'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
slope or track which seems to lead from it down towards
the beach. I want to learn from the experts here what this
was ; it is too steep for a road or path, and never could have
been so used, for it ends abruptly in a precipice, and never
could have been a smugglers' road.
Take a turn to the right by the public-house and keep on
over the brow of the hill ; this will bring you to a spot where
you look down into the wonderful gorge of Watersmeet. I
shall never forget the thrill with which that view burst upon
me more than sixty years ago. No words can express the
loveliness of that spot : were I to attempt to find adjectives
tit to describe it, I must, in choice journalese, at once "stop
over,** The Portuguese corral is the only term known to me
that can convey any notion of what it is like. The extra-
ordinary density and even surfaces of the steep woods are a
very remarkable feature, and the same effect, perhaps of
prevailing winds, is noticeable in other places around. The
knoll from whence this view is gained is called Homer^s
Neck, and it is well worth a special walk to see it.
There are no hut circles or other prehistoric remains in
this district so far as I am aware, but over the border in
Somerset are to be found objects of that kind.
Mr. Snell alludes to a Menhir on Winsford Hill, near
Spire Cross, where the road turns off to Tarr Steps. It was
I who made the squeeze when I took Dr. Murray and
Professor Ehys to see it (see " Som. Arch, and Nat. Hist.
Society Proceedings"). The late Mr. Charles I. Elton
was also of the party, and liis vast knowledge confirmed
the interpretation of the other savants. It is a very
remarkable and most interesting monument of antiquity.
Our thanks are due to Sir T. D. Acland for having erected
a fence around it to protect it from cattle and bipeda
The subsequent finding of the initial letter N is a strange
confirmation of the correctness of the reading, nepus for
epuSy on the stone.
There is but little to be said about the dialect of this
district, and that little I will postpone until I can find a
fitting opportunity later during the meeting.
TWENTY-FIFTH BEPORT OF THE BAREOW
COMMITTEE.
TwiNTY-FlFTH REPORT of the Committee — consisting of Mr,
P. F. S. Am^ry, JRev. S, Barinf/'Oould, Dr, Binishfieldy Mr,
R, Burnxird, Mr, J, Brooking- Rmve^ Rev, J, F, Chanter, and
Mr, R. Hansford Worth — appo-inted to collect and record
facts relating to Barraivs in Devonshire, and to take steps,
v-here possible, for their investigation.
Edited by R. Haksford Worth, Hon. Secretary.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Your Committee's present Report includes : —
(1) The record of the exploration of two small cairns in
the Tavy Valley, on Dartmoor, by the Rev. I. Kempt
Anderson.
(2) The record of the exploration of three barrows near
Brockenburrow Lane, Challacombe, North Devon,
by the Rev. J. F. Chanter. To which is added an
abstract of Westcote's tale of the opening of
Broaken Barrow.
(3) A description of certain North Devon barrows, Five
Barrow group, and Setta Barrow. To which is an-
nexed an abstract of Westcote's report of the open-
ing of Woodbarrow.
TAVY VALLEY.
On the slopes of Hare Tor, near Tavy Cleave, is a small
caim, unmarked on the Ordnance Survey (Devon Lxxxvin.
S.E. Long, r 2' 52", lat. 50' 38' 3^- Of this the Rev. I. Kempt
Anderson reports : —
The caim is about 11 feet in diameter and stands
about 18 inches high in centre; it has a stone boundary
circle. It was opened on 6 July, 1905, in the presence of
myself, Mrs. Anderson, Mr. G. Warren Smallwood, Robert
58 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE.
Densham, William Tancock, William Cole, Joseph Newcomb,
Miss Meade (Mary Tavy), Miss Dora Brown (ditto), and
others.
We found the place of cremation, about 18 inches to 24
inches below the natural surface. There was a great quantity
of large pieces of charcoal, some ash, and what, I think,
might prolmbly be human cinder dust. No pottery — ^no
kistvaen.
Irvine K. Anderson.
Near Homer Eed Lake is another small cairn, also un-
marked on the Ordnance Survey (Devon xcviii. N.E. Long.
4^ 1' 50", lat. 50" 37' 40i").
This is a small caini, which I found on 5 June, 1905. It
is but 4 feet in diameter and 2 feet high at centre. There
is no stone circle.
It was opened on 26 July, 1905, in the presence of my-
self, lwol)ert Densham (of Hornden), Joseph Newcorab (ditto),
William Cole (ditto), William Tancock (Mary Tavy), and
James Stevens (Devonport).
Burnt earth was first found within 1 foot of surface,
afterwards more burnt earth, a good quantity of charcoal
(prolmbly oak), some ash, and one good worked flint with
remarkably sharp edge. (A small semicircular scraper. —
E. H. W.) We cleared the surface of the " deads."
Irvine K. Anderson.
barrows near brockenburrow lane.
The neighbourhood of Brockenburrow or Broaken Burrow
has an especial interest. Westcote preserves for us the
record of a barrow-opening here in or about the year 1623.
Tliis will l>e found given in cvtcnso in our first report. Vol.
XI of the " Transactions," p. 149. It appears that a certain
labouring man, having saved a little money, invested this in
some few acres of waste land and began to build a house
thereon. Jf ot far from the site was Broaken Burrow ; and,
following the method even now prevalent, this he utilized as
his quarry, fetching " stones and earth to further his work."
Presently, ** having pierced into the bowels of the hillock, he
found therein a little place, as it had been a large oven,
fairly, strongly, and closely walled up." Evidently a
kistvaen.
This and the prospect of treasure " comforted him much."
He broke through into the cavity and espied an earthen pot,
which he essayed to seize. Twice he tried, and twice a noise
TWEanr-FIFTH BKPORT OF THB BARROW COMMITTEE. 59
as of trampling or treading of horses caused him to desist,
fearing that there were those coming who should " take his
purchase from him." The third time he brought the urn
away, and found " therein only a few ashes and bones, as if
they had been of children or the like." "But the man,
whether by the fear, which yet he denied, or other cause
which I cannot comprehend, in very short time lost senses
both of sight and hearing, and in less than three months
consuming died. He was in all his lifetime accounted an
honest man."
The record is in all probability the true account of an
"honest man's" tragic adventure. The kistvaen and urn
accord with the results of the most recent opening in this
immediate locality.
A further interest attaches to these barrows, since they
are associated with some of the despoiled stone monuments
described in the "Transactions" for last year, and again
referred to in Part II of " The Eude Stone Monuments of
Exmoor and its Borders," in the present volume.
[E. H. W.]
BARROW A. BROCKENBURROW.
Devon vi. S.E. Long. 3** 54' 19", lat. 5V 9' 56".
Last year my investigations of the barrows on the western
slopes of Exmoor were confined to the groups, being on
Chapman Barrows, the results of which were given in the
twenty-fourth Eeport. This year I determined to shift my
ground somewhat, and tempted by the account which West-
cote gives of the mysterious events which happened before his
days at the opening of one of the barrows on Challacombe
Common, known as Broken Barrow, fixed on the same
locality as a probably interesting field, and it is perhaps
needless to say that the noise as of trampling horses which
alarmed the explorer of those days at the opening of the
kistvaen did not visit me when I, in my turn, made my dis-
covery.
The first barrow on which work was commenced lay in a
field known as Deer Park, formerly part of Challacombe
Common, enclosed and broken about forty years ago, and
now forming part of Wistland Pound Farm, in the
occupation of Mr. W. E. Smyth, by whose kind permission,
and also that of the owner, Lord Fortescue, I was allowed to
make the necessary excavations. The barrow is marked A
in Plate XI of "Stone Monuments of Exmoor" ("Trans. D.A.,"
1905, p. 397), where the stones in connexion with it are
60 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTSE.
described. It is 31 feet in diameter and 3 feet 7
inches high above the present level of the ground at its
highest point, and had no traces of any previous disturbance.
A trench about 4 feet 6 inches wide was driven in from the
south side, and at 14 feet from the margin some quantity of
charcoal and burnt clay was found just below the present
ground level, while at 15 feet G inches a cairn of stones was
reached of conical shape about 2 feet 3 inches high, with
its top 1 foot 11 inches below the top of the barrow. The
stones were all set longways upward and leaning inwards.
On removing the outer stones of this cairn a kistvaen was
exposed 17 inches long, 13 inches wide, and 12 inches deep —
the cover-stone was 18 inches long and 12i inches wide^ — the
ends composed each of a single stone about 12 inches by
13 inches, the north side a single stone 19 inches long and
irregular in height, and the south side of two stones, one
14 inches by 13 inches, the other 4| inches by 10 inches —
the bottom formed bv a single stone about 17 inches by
12 inches. The length of the kist lies N. 67' 13' E. On
lifting off the cover-stone an urn was exposed full of bones,
bone ash, and charcoal, and some earth which had been
forced in by pressure from above, and which in its fall had
unfortunately broken the urn in several fragments ; and in
attempting to move these they proved to be so imperfectly
baked and so sodden with water that many crumbled and
broke ; sufficient, however, remained intact to render some
reconstruction and measurements possible. It stood upright,
not inverted, and was probably about 10 inches high and
10 inches in diameter at the top internally; 6 inches inter-
nally and 7i inches externally at the base; the thickness
of the material varies from '70 inch at the base and at a
ridge half-way up to -45 incli at the rim ; the clay is very
coarse, with a large admixture of sand; externally the
colour is yellow-brown, internally nearly black, the black
colour extending through three-quarters of the thickness.
The urn was perfectly destitute of any ornamentation
except a plain rib half-way up, and is rudely hand-
moulded, the rim being very uneven. An examination of
the contents showed large quantities of bones, some quite
white, others charred, charcoal, and one burnt flint, broken
in two, about 3-25 inches long, which showed traces of work-
ing and use at both ends and sides. At the bottom of the
kistvaen four small shale stones and one quartz had been
placed round the base of the urn to keep it in position. An
extended search did not bring anything else to light in the
TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE. 61
ground around, but one flint chip was found in the next
field. The barrow consisted entirely of earth and layers of
surface turf. Barrow was opened on Saturday, 2 June, and
Monday, 4 June, 1906.
The base of the kistvaen was 4 feet 2 inches below the top
of the barrow, and therefore about 7 inches below present
level of ground.
J. F. Chanter.
Mr. Chanter has kindly forwarded the flint and a portion
of the urn for examination. I am inclined to think that the
urn was made in the near locality. The flint, a much-worn
"fabricator," is very interesting. It has obviously been
burnt, the surface being fused in parts and presenting the
appearance of an irregular glaze. It was broken by the fire
before the cremation was completed, one half being much
more fused than the other, having presumably fallen into a
hotter part of the fire. If we except the absence of a slight
ornamentation, the urn is of the same character, and of much
the same shape, as one figured in the last Eeport, and found
at Westerland Beacon, South Devon.
E. H. W.
BROKEN BARROW GROUP.
BARROW B. (Plate XI, " Stone Mon.")
Devon vi. S.E. Long. 3" 54' 18", lat. 5V 9' 57^'.
Examined 10 June, 1906.
The barrow was ploughed over when the moor was broken
forty years ago, but has not been touched since ; it is 30 feet
in diameter, 20 inches high. A trench was driven in from
south about 4 feet wide ; about 2 feet in a low wall of stones
was reached, and another about 10 feet in ; beyond this the
ground appeared to have been previously disturbed, large
stones which may have been part of a kistvaen, earth, clay,
and decayed turfs, with small pieces of charcoal, being indis-
criminately mixed up. After driving about 3 feet beyond
the centre it was abandoned and filled in, nothing being
found but one small flint flake and spot where the cremation
seemed to have taken place.
BARROW c. (Plate XI, " Stone Mon.")
Devon vi. S.E. Long. 3^ 54' 28J", lat. 51^ 9' 57i".
Excavated 10 June.
This barrow, according to the old man on the farm, was
not ploughed over or touched when the field was taken in
62 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE.
from the common, but the top was irregular, with depression
in the centre. Diameter, 42 feet 6 inches ; greatest height,
3 feet 9 inches. A trench was driven in from south about
4 feet 6 inches wide. The mound was entirely of earth and
turfs, with no containing wall; and at about 16 feet from
edge it showed previous disturbance, a large shaft having
been sunk from the top about 6 to 7 feet diameter down
below the subsoil in this area. Everything was mixed up,
large flat stones, earth, etc., as if thrown in indiscriminately.
At about 1 foot 9 inches down from the top a few sherds of
pottery were found, probably the remains of the former
barrow-openers, and may perhaps determine their date. Was
this ljarrow,for it lies close to Broken Barrow Lane, the broken
barrow of which old Westcote tells such strange tales?
Nothing was found on the present occasion beyond the
potsherds and a flint core.
J. F. Chanter.
Mr. Chanter has sent me a piece of the pottery found in
this barrow. It is red ware, yellow glazed inside, and may
be medieval or of almost any later date. Quite probably it
is the relic of a seventeenth-century barrow-opening. But
from the description I hardly think that this is the original
"Broaken Burrow." (I fear the name as attached to any
definite mound is now lost.) The state of the barrow hardly
accords with what one would expect liad it been used as a
quarry. Tliis, however, is purely a personal opinion.
K. H. W.
FIVE BARROW GROUP, NEAR SPAN HEAD, NORTH MOLTON.
Devon xi. S.W.
Inland, Heame's Copy, Vol. II, p. 103 : —
There rennith at this Place caullid Simonshath a Rj'ver
betwixt to great Morisch Hilles in a depe Bottom and tlier is a
Bridfje of Woodde over this Water. . . .
Tlie Boundes of Scmiersetshire go bey<»nd this streame one way
by Xortli West a 2 Miles or more to a place caulUd the Spanne,
and the Taurre't ; for ther be Hillokkes of Yerth cast up of auncient
tyiue for Markes and Limites l)etwixt Somersetshir and Devon-
till Ire, And liere about is tlie Limes and Boimdes of Ezmore forest.
The locality thus indicated by Leland is that of **Two
Barrows," " Five Barrows," and " Setta Barrow." Of these
Setta Barrow is the only one which actually lies on the
county boundary, although at Two Barrows this latter
PLATE I
BARROW NEAR BROCKEN BURROW.
VI. S.E. /on . 3' -S^'-zs'
/aK JV- 9-Se'
URN X 1/4.
< 31'- O* >
SECTION OF BARROW.
e
^
ai*-7'
TWKNTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE. 63
touches one of the mounds. Five Barrows, which number
eight, are all in Devon.
Taken in order, from east to west, the following are the
descriptions of these barrows. The numbers refer to the
plan (Plate II).
(1) A small mound, 39 feet in extreme diameter, in the
form of a truncated cone, 5 feet 5 inches high, and measuring
12 feet across the top.
(2) The total diameter of this barrow is 111 feet. It
consists of a central mound, the top surface of which is
slightly domed, and measures 46 feet 6 inches across. From
the edge of this area the sides fall rapidly 3 feet 1 inch to a
trench. The trench is surrounded by an annular " rampart,"
rising 2 feet 1 inch above the surrounding ground. For 21
feet of the western circumference there is no ditch. A
somewhat similar barrow was described in Part I of " The
Kude Stone Monuments of Exmoor " last year, and illus-
trated in Plate XI, fig. 2. In that instance a few spar stones
lay on the outer margin of the trench. I do not think that
this form of barrow is in any case original. Subsequent spo-
liation is responsible for the present shape. We have to
remember that many barrows are provided with a retaining
circle of stones, which very probably formed the original
margin. Such a circle is well seen at Setta Barrow. Subse-
quently, as the slopes of the mound flattened, in consequence
of weathering and the tread of animals, the material would
bank up outside the retaining circle, and very likely rise
high enough to obscure it. Intermediate conditions can be
found. Any person desiring stone, and seeking it in such a
barrow, would find the best material in this circle, and in
removing the same would excavate a trench. For hedging
and other purposes the slate stone is best, spar blocks being
very awkward and irregular in shape, hence any spar stones
might be allowed to remain. The barrow itself might also
be likely to be reduced in height for the sake of the earth it
contained. It is noteworthy in this connexion that the
trenched form is always, within the writer's experience,
found in the vicinity of hedges and enclosure walls.
(3) A mound in the form of a truncated cone, the diameter
at base 104 feet, the diameter of the top 12 feet, and the
height 10 feet. A fine and well-preserved barrow.
(4) A dome-shaped barrow, 66 feet in diameter and 4 feet
10 inches in height.
(5) A conical barrow, from 100 to 110 feet wide at base,
11 feet in height. The top has been partially excavated,
64 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITrKK.
and the material thrown out steepens the upper slopes of
what was probably a dome.
(6) A dome-shaped barrow, 81 feet in diameter at base
and 7 feet 5 inches in height. Apparently untouched.
(7) A dome, 93 feet in diameter, 7 feet in height. Bears
slight signs of disturbance.
(8) The barrow which is shown, with its associated stones,
in Plate X, fig. 2, of the paper above referred to. Its height
is 9 feet 9 inohes and its diameter at the base 98 feet. A
shallow basin, 14 feet in diameter, in the top shows where
an attempt has been made to open this mound.
This brief description will enable some idea to be formed of
the magnitude and importance of the members of the group.
The total distance from 1 to 8 is 2000 feet, and the
barrows are scattered over a width of 500 feet measured at
right angles to this length. They occupy the summit of a
ridge and are conspicuous from many directions for miles
around. There is no true alignment, but the group as a
whole trends N. 67° W. The Two Barrow group on the
adjacent hill lie very much in this line, but S. 67° E., while
their own alignment is N. 86° E.
There is a general tendency toward east and west exten-
sion in many groups of barrows in this neighbourhood. For
example, Chapman Barrows, N. 89** 30' W.
Instances are known elsewhere in the county of north and
south rows of barrows, such as the seven on Broad Down,
near Honiton.
SETTA BARROW, BRAY COMMON.
Devon xi. N.W.
This is one of an irregular group, of which the general
trend is northerly, but there is no approach to an alignment.
Setta Barrow is one of the bounds between Devon and
Somerset, and has been cut into in order to admit the con-
struction of a fence across its crest. Its form is a truncated
cone, 101 feet in diameter at the base, 51 feet in diameter at
the top, and 8 feet 1 inch in height. At some time it has
been opened from the top, as is evidenced by a saucer-shaped
depression 2 feet 9 inches in depth and 31 feet in diameter.
Its retaining circle is very perfect, in part obscured by the
margin of the barrow, in part standing clear from it. The
largest stones are to the north, one measuring, ba it stands,
1 foot 9 inches in height, 5 feet in length, and 1 foot 1 inch
in breadth. On the western margin is clearly seen the
manner in which the stones of this circle have been packed
TWINTT-FIFTH BIPORT OF THB BARROW COMMITTEB. 65
against each other, flat sides toward the mound. When the
stones are small, four or five thicknesses are used.
Four hundred and twenty-five feet southward from Setta
Barrow is a companion, which has an associated stone row,
figured in Plate VIII of the paper above referred to. This
also has a retaining circle.
One hundred and seventy-five feet northward from Setta
Barrow is another companion, probably despoiled in part.
Its diameter is 81 feet and height 2 feet; the top is flat.
Considerable remains of the retaining circle are visible, the
largest stone nearly equalling the largest named above.
WOODBARROW.
Devon vii. S.W.
This also is a well-known barrow, and one of the bounds
between the two counties. I mention it here because
Westcote records its opening in the early seventeenth
century.
His information as to Broaken Barrow being to some
extent corroborated, it may be well to recall his tale of the
" brass pan " found here. If by " brass " is meanh " bronze,"
there seems some possibility of the truth, but the find would
be most unusual
It appears that " two good fellows, not inhabiting far from
this burrow, were informed by one who took on him the
skill of a conjuror, that in that hillock there was a great
brass pan, and therein much treasure both silver and gold."
The said conjurer undertook to preserve them from the
powers of evil provided they would open the barrow and
share the find with him. A fourth man whom " in love they
made acquainted therewith," "no dastard, but hardy in deed,"
was " better qualified than to take such courses to procure
wealth and absolutely refused to partake therein."
The barrow being opened, the pan, covered with a large
stone, was found. The cover was to be opened, and the
strongest fellow at work, but he was suddenly taken with
such a faintness that he could neither work nor scarce
stand. His companion met a similar fate, the faintness
lasting no time in either case. Their defender, the conjurer,
thereupon told them " the birds were flown away and only
the nest left, which they found to be true," for recovering
their strength they lifted away the stone and found nothing
in the pan, but the bottom where the treasure should have
been was very bright and clean, the rest all eaten with
cankered rust. " The relator protested that he saw the pan,
VOL. XXXVIII. E
66 TWENTT-FIFTH BEPORT OF THE BABBOW COHMITTBB.
and they two that laboured told him severally all the circum-
stances, and avowed them."
The record will be foimd in extenso in the Barrow Com-
mittee's first Report.
Woodbarrow may be called the extreme southern member
of the Chapman group. Not far from it are a stone quadri-
lateral and triangle combined.
E. H. WOBTH.
Postscript. — On the sole substantial basis of the facts
above stated, tlie " Daily Mail " of 18 June, 1906, produced
the following historical novel : —
ANCIENT BRITISH RELICS.
CARTLOADS FOUND IN A DEVON EARTH MOUND.
IlfracoTiibe seems likely to add to its long list of attractions one
which will specially interest scientists, especially those who make a
study of arcliaBolog}\
A well-known local clcjrgyman, who has devoted many years to
wide researclies in the neighbourhood of the lovely North Devon
healtli resort, has recently discovered a barrow — a great earthen
mound — containing among other precious relics arrow heads, spear
and axe heads, knives, bludgeons, and club spikes of flint, })ieces
of pottery ware, ornamented l)ones, and sundry other gear used by
the ancient Britons. Several cartloads of these relics were taken
out of the barrow — it being a somewhat i)aradoxical fact that the
contents of this single barrow lillcd many wagons. It is understood
that the British Museum has l)cen advised oif the find.
Tlie searcli for further deposits is being continued with un-
abated zeal. Archaeologists have long regarded the neighbourhood
of Ilfracombe as one of the favourite haunts of the Britons.
There are many evidences, also, of the occupation of the country
by the hardy legions from Cajsar to Honorius ; one in particular is
an encampment made in the limited time of one day, yet complete
in its details, and leaving uix)n it the trade mark of its builders —
" thorough."
Great is the (magnifying) power of the Press.
R. H. W.
TWENTY-FOURTH REPOET (THIRD SERIES) OF
THE COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.
TwKNTY-FOURTH REPORT of the Committee — eonsistifig of Mr.
P. F, S. Amery, Sir Alfred Croft, Mr. James Hamlyn,
and Mr. R. Hansford Worth — appointed to collect and
tabulate trustworthy and comparable Observations on the
Climate of Devon.
Edited by R. Hansford Worth, Hon. Secretary.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Your Committee presents its Report for the year 1905.
With great regret the Committee records the death of Mr.
F. H. Plumptree, J.P., of Teignbridge, Newton Abbot, to
whom, since the year 1897, the Association has been in-
debted for the annual record from that station.
A new rainfall station at Archerton, Postbridge, on the
West Dart, with an elevation of about 1200 feet O.D.,
appears for the first time; Mr. E. A. Bennett is the Observer.
The following changes have taken place: — At Newton
Abbot the station lost by the death of Mr. Plumptree has
been replaced by Observations taken by Mr. E. D. Wylie,
at The Chestnuts, elevation 100 feet O.D. The comparison of
these stations for the years 1903, 1904, is as follows: —
Teignbridge. The Chestnuts.
Rainfall, 1903 ... 4261 ins. ... 38-35 ins.
„ 1904 ... 35-81 ins. ... 36-48 ins.
At Salcombe Mr. W. Prowse has ceased to take records
and the Observatory has been removed to Holm Leigh, now
occupying an elevation of 137 feet O.D. in place of the
former height of 110. Mr. V. W. Twining, M.B., kindly
supplies the return. No comparison of these stations is
possible.
On the Torquay Waterslml the monthly gauge at Blacking-
stone has been removed from our list, and Tottiford gauge
is now disused.
Teignmouth, The Den, is now entered as"Teignmouth Obser-
vatory," and Torquay, Cat^j Green, as ** Torquay Observatory."
Additional Observations for Humidity are recorded at
Teignmouth, Bitton, and for Sunshine at Teignmouth Obser-
vatory.
e2
68 TWSNTT-FOURTH REPORT (THIRD SSRIXS) OF THE
The best thanks of the Committee and of the Associa-
tion are due to the Observers, whose assistance renders
possible the preparation of this Beport.
The names of the Observers or the Authoritj, and of the
Stations, with the height above Ordnance-datum, are as
follows : —
STATION. SLBVATIOM (feet). OBSKR7KR OR AUTHORITT.
Abbotskerswell (Court Grange)! 50 ... Mrs. Marcus Hare.
— - —' ... p. F. S. Amery, j.p.
... Thomas Wainwright.
... Sir Alfred W. Croft, ii.A., K.C.L1.
James Hamlyn, j.p.
... T. Turner, j.p., f.r.Hr.Soc.
584
25
124
250
202
Ashburton ^Druid)
Barnstaple (Athenseum)
Bere Alston (Rumlei^h)
Buckfastleigh (Bossel) .
Cullompton
Devonport Watershed ; —
Cowsic Valley (weekly) 1352
Devil's Tor (near Bear-
down Man) (quarterly) 1785
Exeter (Devon and Exeter
Institution). . . 155
Holne (Vicarage) . . 650
Huccaby . . . 900
Ilfracombe . . . 20
Kingsbridge (Westcombe) . 100
Newton Abbot (The Chest-
nuts) . . . 100
Plymouth Observatory . 116
Plymouth Watershed : —
Head Weir (Plymouth
Reservoir) . . 720
Siward's Cross (weekly) 1200
Postbridge (Archerton). 1200
Princetown (H.M. Prison) 1359
548
516
137
186
500
Roborough Reservoir .
Rousdon (The Observatory)
Salcombe (Holm Leich)
Sidmouth (Sidmount) .
South Brent (Great Aish)
Castle Hill School (South-
molton) . . . 363
Tavistock (Statsford, Whit-
church) . . . 594
Teignmouth (Bitton) . . 70
Teignmouth Observatory , 20
Torquay Observatory . 12
Torquay (Livermead House) 30
Torquay Watershed : —
Kennick . . . 842
Laployd (monthly) 1030
Mardon . . . 836
Torrington, Great (Enfield) . 336
Totnes (Berry Pomeroy) . 185
Woolacombe (N. Devon) . 60
H. Francis, M.LG.K.
John E. Coombes, Librariaii.
The Rev. John Gill, Mjk.
R. Bumard, P.S.A.
M. W. Tattam.
T. W. Latham.
... E. D. Wylie.
... H. Victor Prigg, A.1CI.C.K.,
F.R.MsT.Soc.
> Frank Howarth, A.if.i.ax.
... E. A. Bennett.
... W. Marriott, F.RMrr.Soc.
(AsOT. Seo. RoY.HcT.Soa)
... Frank Howarth, A.M.I.C.B.
... Lady Peek.
... V. W. Twining, m.b.
... Miss Constance M. Radford.
... Miss C. M. Eingwell
W. H. Reeve.
E. E. Glyde, p.r.Mbt.8oo.
W. C. Lake, m.d.
G. Rossiter.
Frederick March, F.R.Hr.Soc.
Edwin Smith.
S. C. Chapman, A.M.LC.B.
Georee M. Doe.
Charles Barran, j.p.
Basil Fanshaw.
OOMMimB ON THK CUMATB OF DBVON.
69
JANUARY, 1906.
RAINFALL.
10N&
I
a
:enwell
on .
pie.
Bton
tleigh
>ton
fb.: :
idge .1
Abbot .
th .
th
tenhed
Weir
d'sCroas.j
own
ugh !
8. Devon)
D .
^ . .'
th . .;
Srent .|
[ill School
thmolton)
ok
nitchnrch)
oath
(Bitton)
oath
•enrmtory.
f
•ecTfttorj.
iwermetA)-
f Wtrebd.
iek .
>jd. .
on .
;ton.
Pomcroy)
onib#
ins.
2.17
2.58
1.98
2.S1
4.05
1.54
3.63
3.19
1.94
1.94
1.58
2.37
3.09
4.23
2.46
1.18
1.72
1. 17
3.42
2.21
2.39
1.58
1.39
1.42
1.30
1.91
1.84
1.75
1.26
OKSATIST
rALLIV
a4Hop«a.
.80
.49
.82
.82
•53
.92
.99
1. 14
.70
.62
.76
•93
.97
.72
.72
.53
.63
•85
•so
.77
.81
.70
.82
.76
.85
•44
.80
.33
TBMPSBATURB IN SCREEN.
16 16
10 1 13
16 17
16 15
16 12
i*6 ■**
10 13
161 8
16 15
16.13
8,12
i6'ii
17 II
15 14 41.8
deg.
40.1
42.0
38.4
38.8
37.9
40.0
43.3
i6ii4
35.9
39-2
43-4
40.3
37.8
39-3
4a 6
41.7
41.6
42.7
deg.
36^6
36.6
34.6
33-7
33.2
36.5
39-9
ssii
31.7
36.0
33-6
34-9
35.7
370
37.6
36.4
39.3
deg. I deg.
46.2 1 4]
46.4
45-1
46.6
41.4
41.5
39.8
38.2
45-4 39-3
45-5 41.0
46.6
43-2
47.3 42.8
42.0
35.8 45-0 40.4
38.1 48.7 43.4
36.9
46.2 41. 1
44.4
44.0
47.2
47.4
48.0
48.2
46.7
I Incomplete.
39.0
39.5
41.4
42.2
42.8
42.3
43.0
deg.
30.5
23.0
22.0
22.0
19.5
24.5
32.4
28.6
25.9
27.3
30.0
26.9
19.9
27.1
26.9
27.3
29.4
27.2
21.0
32.2
i 12
1 ' •§
3 o
H I 5
I
i
§
OQ
deg.
%
52.1
53-3
53.0
545
?7
83
66
54-7
54.5
88
49.'8
si
53.7
85
49.0
89
52.3
54.4
53.6
90
88
86
51.8
87
50.5
88
54.5
83
54.9
83
54.8
83
55-7
...
49.0
...
5^.2
82
% 0-10, hours.
6.3 j
6-9,
6.3 62.4
6.9
7.6 69.39
I
^o' ::.
...I ...
6.51 87.4
7.4, 82.79
6.6 I 85.35
8.0,
6.0
6.5
87.3
57.60
12
10
10
7
14
70
TWENTY-FOURTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OP THE
FEBRUARY, 1905.
RAINFALL,
TEMPKHATUItE IN SCREEN.
i
0
i
}
MEANS. 1
utuckis.
t
STATlOKa.
124 DOCBa.
i.
£
1
1^
1
n
i
1
E
B
1
4
£
a
1
J
1
1
iiifl.
ins. 1 1
deg.
deg. 1 deg.
deg.
f^eg* 1 deg.
%
0^0
hours, i
Abbotskerswell .
1.13
.49 as II
14*
...
,,.
...
...
„.
..,
„.
J^b burton .
1.62
.71*5113
4L9
37,9, 484 43.4
30*7
5S'4
86 6.5
->,'
.,
BeniBtAplc .
L70
.j8 26 10
43.S
39.8, 4S.0 43*9
31.0 '53.0
7S 7.0
.,.
*»
Bere Abtou
1. 21
.33 2S 16
4"*< 37*3; 47*a 4^.3
42.4 37.8 49-5 42.2
26.0
Sl<^
...
,.,
...
.,
BuGkfftstloiKh ,
Cowaic Vallfly .
U76
,78135 10
27*5
57*0
86
5-3
..*.
.,
390
'
... 1 ...
.., 1 ...
...
...
...
... ' .,
Culloropton
1*^3
' ,32 22 15
4a.o , 37^4
48.-6 j 43.0 !'S'3
57*2
86
7.3
74*1
i
Ei€ter
'37
.36 35 10
-S? as i^
43-4 l3».7
491 43-9
2S,o' 56,5
...
>..
>..
*-
Holne
2.69
... 1 ...
p., i p..
...
„.
,,.
..
Huccaby ,
2.16
; .86 25 17
... 1 ,,»
_
...
...
...
*..
.,
Ilfracombe .
1.04
*30 30,14
44 4 4» 2
47*4 44. S
3S^o
S2,0
S3
8.0
.,*
..
Eiugabridge
Kewtyoti Abbot .
0.96
l,02
■43 25 13
.43 26 9
.,.
.,.
...
...
■'
Plymouth .
<i95
.28 as <3
43-9 406
48^4 ' 44^5
32,1
54^1
83
7-i
St.04
1
Plymouth
Wat^rahed
i
Head W*ir .
309
1,00
16 14
,.>
.<.
...
.■♦
...
..,
p..
,,4
.»
Si ward "a Cross.
J.JO
1 ■ "
...
.1. 1 ,F«
...
...
...
...
...
*.»
*»
Poatbridge
352
.84 24 Vs
.,.
*k'
p..
... ■ ...
.♦*
..
Prittcetown
4.67
,S4 ^5^14
37.0 .31*7 42.2 37.4
2S-9
47*3
90 6,4
...
..
Roborongh
3
(S. Devon)
1.48
.56 25 IS
^ 1 ^
.,.
.4
.,.
p.^
...
,.
Eousdon t
0,64
,32 25 12141.3 37.5147^3 42-4
\n
54*2
90
5*7
99.8
\
felcombe ,
0.77
^24 35 15 i 45-3 39-9 49*7 44-S
5S'9
.P.
71
94*28
1
Sid mouth .
0.96
.22 25 13
43.8 1 38.6 48,6 43.6
88.7
56.3
84
6.4
9*^35
J
South Brent
1-9S
*SJ ^S ^7
1
...
..,
,.
OMtleHUlSahool
1
(Southmolton'
a.4S
.37 26 20
40,4 36.1 46.2 4L I
26.7
51.0
86
8,0
,**
..
Tavktock
1
■
(Whitchurch)
1.91
,68 25! 19
4D.6 ^36.7 45^7 '41-2
28.4
Sr.S
SS
7,0
»,»
.*
Teignmoiitb
1
< 1
(Bitton)
r*03
.42 35
12
43-7
39*7 48^8 44^2
89.4
55*3
79
^*S
...
..
Teignmouth
Observatory .
0.93
^34 [*5
9
...
40.6 49' I
44.8
31-4
SS*5
S3
*.»
..
Torqtmy
Obacrvatory .
Torquay
(Livermead]
o,g4
46 as
10
444
4aa ' 49-7
45*0
31.0
56.8
82
S,o
98.3
1
aS5
' *46|35
It
44 7
39^ Si 49^6,44.5
39.6
55.7
,,4
..,
...
,^
Torquay Wtrahd.
1 1
Kennick J r.2i
,38 IS 14
,p.
,,.
p..
...
...
,,.
...
..,
.,,
,.
Laployd ,
0.81
■ ... J... ...
,.,
...
..,
.,,
,..
...
.,.
,.,
,,*
*,
Hardon *
f 37
^SS 25 U
...
...
,..
..,
„,
p*.
>■**
.,.
...
-
Torrington
E,76
■33.:^
1%
,..
..,
.,,
,.,
26,0
49.0
..,
„<
,,.
"
Totn^s
1
(B<rry Pomeroy)
0.99
.59:25
9
...
..t
*■*
...
.-,
...
...
— i
„
Woolacoraba
LOO
,33
:'s
iS
44-3
41.4
47*0
44-2
33.6
Si.a
86
7*1
69.C90
t;
COMMITTEB ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.
71
MARCH,
1905.
RAINFALL.
TEMPERATURB IN SCREEN.
Ok
i
Ok
1
s
{
1
GBRATK8T
FALL IN
24 HODBS.
•*
1
1
MEANS.
KXTREMCS.
j
?f.
ATIONS.
i
a
i
1
1
1
i
s
t
&
akerswell .
irton .
Uple .
Alston
astleigh
Q Valley .
npton
r
>mbe.
bridge
m Abbot .
>ath
>uth
'at«rshed
id Weir .
ard's Cross.
[idge
itown
ongh
(S. Devon)
on
nbe .
►nth .
Brent
Hill School
uthmolton)
;ock
Hiitchurch)
ODOUth
(Bitton)
mouth
Observatory
Observatory
ay
Livermead)
ay Wtrshd.
inick .
.loyd .
•don .
igton
B
•y Poraeroy)
icombe
ins.
6.97
9.17
4.65
6.23
11.85
11.00
4.80
4.06
10.98
9.95
4.61
6.07
533
5.19
7.83
8.95
12.45
12.78
6.25
4.82
4.64
9.66
5.39
8.34
5-71
495
5. 33
5.52
599
4.04
6.62
5-40
6.60
2.65
ins.
1-79
2.60
1.08
1.05
2.63
t
2.74
2.04
.78
1. 19
1.55
1. 01
1.70
3.06
2.38
1-39
.84
•94
.83
2.09
.93
1.72
1.26
.92
1.42
1.50
1.17
1.40
1. 12
1.92
.38
10
10
10
10
10
22
14
10
10
10
8
"s
8
9
10
10
8
10
8
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
24
22
23
22
21
>9
19
22
23
23
21
22
21
22
21
21
22
20
20
21
21
24
23
21
20
19
20
21
20
21
19
22
deg.
4^
46.4
43-9
46.4
44.9
47.0
46.7
47.0
:::
39.3
44.1
47.9
46.2
...
43.4
44.2
46.6
47-5
47-5
46.7
iicg.
39.4
40.0
37.3
36.6
37.9
39-9
4 0.5
34.9
39.5
41.5
39.6
36.8
37.5
39.7
40.4
40.4
39.5
42.0
deg.
517
51.7
50.9
51.9
52.9
53.1
50.8
52.0
...
46.2
49-4
52.3
51.4
50.7
50.1
53.3
52.1
52.3
53.1
50.9
deg.
45-5
45-8
44.1
42.5
45.4
46.S
46.7
46.2
40.6
44-5
46.9
45.5
43.7
43.8
46.5
46.2
46.4
46.3
46.4
deg.
32.0
29.0
27.0
275
26.'2
28.5
34.9
28.6
27.7
3i'9
32.0
30.8
27.7
30.4
30.9
31.7
315
29.6
25.0
33.8
deg.
59.0
61.5
57.0
575
61.0
59.0
60:3
6o.'7
SS'3
...
57.0
61.9
59.0
61.5
57.2
58.5
57.9
58.0
%
85
78
84
84
80
84
92
89
8s
86
88
80
81
81
...
86
0-10
7.3
7.1
6.2
7.2
6"s
7.4
7-9
6.7
6.5
7.2
7.0
7.3
7.3
6.0
7.0
hours.
104.0
136^59
1 29. 1
146.86
157.30
153.9
139.57
4
z
3
0
I
0
2
72
TWENTY-FOURTH BEPOET (THIRD SERIES) OF THE
APRIL, 1905.
BTATIOWa.
RAINFALL.
OBKAXEST
FALt tX
34 HOFna.
TEAIPiniATURK IN SCRBEN.
h
I
AbbotskersweU
Ashburton «
Barntitaple .
Brre Alston
Buckfaatleigh
Cowsic Valley
OuUomptott
Exeter
Holne
Euccaby ,
IlfraeotJibe ,
Eingjibridge
Newton Ablwt
Plymoutli
Plyniouth
Wiiterslied
Head Wdr
Si ward's Cross*
Poatbridgc .
Priuci^lown
Roborough
Eousdou .
Salcombe ,
Sidmmith ,
South Brent
C*stle Hill School
(SoythmoUon)
TayistocTc
(Wbilchurcli) 3*99
Teignmouth
(Bitten)
Teignmouth
Observatory
Torquay
Observatory
Torquay
(lavermead)!
Torquay Wtrsbd.
Kennick .
Laployd .
Mardon
Torrington
Totnes
(Berry Pomeroy)
Woolaicombe
3.50
3-20
4^45
2.60
3*01
S-ST
2,36
3.S4
Z.70
2.72
7.07
7.10
3.41
3,36
4^55
10
2.78
'43
3^99
,70
2.98
.78
2.81
.73
2.65
.67
2.80
.68
3.97
2.61
.88
.88
.58
3.38
1.74
.69
.46
.St
■Sq'io
-Sa 10
.65 1 10
1-05 10
.54'i'o
.70,15
1-07 13
i.iS 13
^39, 9
■73 10
-7^'n
^63,10
.SO|i3
MI 29
L2S IJ
.72' 10
■4^1 10
■77 1 10
■ SS 10
t.03!io
di^g, dog.
47*7
4it-3
4S.1
49-7
48,0
49-1
48. 5
49.3
I
41.4
43-4^
41 4
41-3
41.8
42.9
45-1
44.1
20, ,., ' .,.
22 4L3 37,5
J ...I...
2( 45.7 I 41. I
15 50,0
22 47,8
19, **•
23 46.3
22 I 47.0
i
16 1 49.6
I6| ...
15:49-5
16 50.3
19
17
17
18
18 48.5
43*5
42.1
40.S
40.4
43-7
43-6
43.8
42.8
44-3
d€g. deg. deg.
54-0 '47-4' 3J-7
52.9148.3134.0
55*5!47 5'3i*o
54*514^-7 3Z-0
deg.
60.4
59-6
61.0
61.5
54.0 47,9
55-3 49- »
55 5 48 8
53-^
46.5 I 42,0
50.4 1 45-7
S3-4U8.5
5M 47-2
517
46.2
SO-9 45-7
53-1
53.5
53.6
54.3
52.1
48.4
48.7
48.7
48.5
34.0:61.2
3S.O 61.5
39.2 62.2
4S.6 35-^; 58.5
29.0 53,0
33-3 56' I
35^0 I 58.9
345 57-2
78 s-s
to 6.7
31-s
598
48.2
31-6.58*4
hours.
S7>x
113*00
S.0
8,5 Sao
7 5 H2.SI
8.2 113*5
36.1 61.5 7 &6
36.4 60.7 82 ...
36.9 59-3 78 8.0
107.S
35.2 61,6
...
32.0 sao
38.2 61.0 Si 7.7 1 101.00
1'
10
7
1
COMMITTEB ON THB CLIMATE OF DEVON.
73
MAY, 1906.
RAINFALL,
TEMPERATURE IN BCRKEK.
d
^
S
1
%^Am,
ElT&EUta.
1 t
IATIOK&
94 BODA&.
1
1-
^ It
1
1
j
i
B
4
1
1
1
5
ills.
iufi.
dfg.
dej;.
dpg.
deg.
deg.
dcg.
%
0-10
lioiu^s.
UkerswcU .
0.61
4J
I
7
+ n
p.*
,..
...
#«i
nrton .
aSa
.50, I
7
543
44-7
61.4
S3*o
36.5
c^g-i
7»
5' I
t^. ! .•»
atAple .
0.24
.11 I
7
54.5
43-3
6i;o
S^'i
34-0
72.5
6s
4*9
j .«*
Alston
a77
44 '
S S2.S
42.7
63.5
52,6
33^0
73.0
' ...
fastleigh .
1-^3
.61 3
7
S7.0
41-3
64.5
S^.:^
32^5
So. 5
32
30
' ..,
ic Valluj ,
1.50
*.4
...
.►.
.#*
mpton
0.29
,19. 1
4
^i
4i"s
63.9
52.4
30'S
72! 2
63
4.6
351.0
I
IT
0.3a
,iS I
6
54.8
45.6
63.2
54-4
38*5
72.0
H,.
• *»*
e
1.09
.70 I
7
.*.
...
...
...
.,.
► ..
...
...
»by . .
1,4!
.7a; I
6
.,.
...
...
...
.T.
.«*
»iiib« ,
a. IS
.09 31
4
53*0
4S.0
57.a
S4.9
41*9
71.1
82
S-o
«'<
■bridge
^ Abbot ,
0.91
0.92
.46 I
.44 2
1 :::
"'
1.T
...
::;
lonth - 1
0.96
.34 I
6
54.7
45 3
59' 7
S2.S
37^9
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73
59
269. iG
—
\xmth
ratershed
ttd Weir -
1. 00
M t
S
'-- 1
...
...
..,
...
...
...
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i.oS
.„ I.„
...
■ ■«
...
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...
...
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...
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0.4S
*iSl "^
7
...
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...
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mmt
telown
1.29
,871 I
S
4fi^3
39-9
5S'4
47".^
3»-3
6^3
76
4^1
...
...
™^^
(S- DeFonJ
0.98
'49 1 I
7
.'F
h..
...
..»
...
^..
...
ion ,
0-49
.20; i: 7
Si^S
43-4
58.9
SIV2
lis
68. s
80 5^3
279^8
X
cub« .
0,64
'43 il 7
56.0
45- 1
61.0
53^0
36.0
68. 0
6S 4^S
299.10
f
outK .
0.6a
'371 " 6
53^5
43-3
60.0
517
34-4
7a 0
73
5-5
2S8.10
I
1 Brent
1. 19
*79| i
6
■ ■■
.T.
»».
...
...
eHiUScbwl
1
outbmolton)
itoek
a IS
.06 1
4
SM
40.5
60.4
S04
3P.9
70.9
7J
6.0
...
...
ft'hitchtiroh)
1,10
.67 I
7
53-3
42.6
60.S
5>'S
35' 1
7a 2
7*
S-S
...
„.
lIDOIlth
(Bitton) a 78
imoutb
Obeeryatorj, 0.7%
.50 16
sa.4
46,0
64.2
55' I
391
73*«5
63
s.*
...
...
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..,
46. r
61.3
53*6
40.0
69*5
63
,**
...
ObiftTvatorf. 0.56
(Liveroi^d) 0.64
^43' I S
54-4
45^8
60.2
^l^^
37-9
6S,8
6S
3*5
28&3
I
'48, 1 S
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43*9
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53-9
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nay WtJisUd.
nnick .
0.63
.361 I 9
.*.
IT.
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...
...
...
...
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ployd *
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p»*
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...
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...
...
krdon -
o^Sl
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>-^
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.+»
• * +
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...
...
...
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a 4
...
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'-
...
32.0
71.0
...
,.,
...
...
0,6 s
'41
1
7
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Acombe
0,13
.04
tl
4
S3* 3
46.5
si's
5^4
40.0
69.0
7S
4.3
29320
I
74
TWENTY-FOURTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE
JUNE, 1905.
fiTATIOHS,
RAINFALL.
rALL IN
S4 BOPag>
TBUFfiRATlTRB IN SOREBM.
i
I
I
Abbotskerswell .
Afthburton .
Bere Aiaton
Buck ffwitleigh .
Cowiic Valley .
Cunompton
Eietcr
Holne
Ilfraeombe *
Kingsbndge
N<*wton Abbot ,
Plymouth ,
Plymouth
Wfttorelied
Head Weir .
8iward*sCrosa.
Poatbridgifj *
Princotown
Roborough
(S. De^on)
Rousdon ,
Snlcombe ,
Sidmrtuth .
South Brent
Co^tk Hill School
(Sonthtimltoo)'
Tarifltock I
(Whitchurch)
Teignnioutli
(Bitton)
Teign mouth
Observatory.
TonjciAy
Obaervfttoij.
Torquay
(Livemiftad)
Toninay Wtrahd.
Keuiuck .
LA[jloyd .
M»rdoii .
Torringfeon
Totnes
(Berry Pomeroy)
Woolacombe
403
3-79
3-S3
3^5"
4.00
J.2S
3^86
1.90
374
3.15
2.46
300
363
3.6S
3,91
i.SS
373
2.3a
2,46
2.S4
-43!
2.45
2.77
3-49
3=3
3'4S|
309 ■
3S&
t.2l
1.30 I 16
,»4'ia
'73^9
-91,29
79 17
.90 261
J.
.9$
.64
1.09 29
f3 "7
.62 29
.67 17
■73
74
'99
- 29
.60, 5
1.38 29
78: 5
74 1 16
.5l!l2
75
54
.SB
.61
-57
1. 13
1. 12
^S7
1. 00
>22
58.2
60. s
597
60,4
60,0
6[.2
19!
*., '
19
iS
19
15
17
r6
17
52,6
56,6
5S.S
587
57-9
5S.6
60. s
59^
59.6
deg.
deg.
d€g. deg.
51.S 64.1 S7.S 4S.4
5^ '
Si.S
67.1 |59»6 41.0
67.7 S9.S 42.0
S5.5:5S.2 39.5
dcg.
74-3
82. S
S2.0
77^0
58.5 54-5
60.1 53.3
477
Si.o
53.1
5'7
49 5
51-3
53-7
53-5
52-7
60.0 S3. 5
63-5
59'fi 537 40-6
65.S
64.0
66. □
63.8
64.1
57-6 397 I 76^1
64^8
58,4 45-9
39-0
59.2 47-8
51. S 167.4 59^4 429 77-4
S3. 9 68,2 61.0, 45.5 8a s
64-1,59-3:48.51 75^5
58.4! 46.0 7S.8
717
61,8,56.4 43^3' 74-3
63.3 1 57-7 45*0 74-S
61.7 56.7 44.3; 76.6
57-7 44-6
58.8,45-9
I
58,8146,2
I
58.4.46,9175,9
76,5
S1.3
74*3
75.1
86,0
76-0
%
0-10
houra.
81
70
7-6
7.1
...
74
6,3
,..
75
7,2
154^3
83
7-^
,.;
76
7A
164^84
86
6^3
*,.
86
79
79
7^3
7-5
7-4
158^4
173-94
167,1s
Si
&o
..«
Si|
7-6
.*.
72
8.0
.,,
7$
*,,
r&
7.5
167.1
76
5-9
I9s"ii
CXJMUITTKS ON THB CLIMATE OF DEVON.
75
JULY, 1905.
RAINFALL.
TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.
i
Ok
Ok
i
i
}
0BBATB8T
FALL IK
MEAJCS.
KXTRBMSft.
&
ATI0N8.
34HODBa.
1
1
1
8
i
1
i
1
i
1
m
1
1
1
1
1
.1
ins.
ins.
deg.
deg.
deg.
deg.
deg.
deg.
%
0-10
hours.
akerswell .
I. II
•S3
26
6
...
...
...
...
irton .
0.50
.20
9
8
65.3
56.0
7i.i'63.5
50.2
81.4
70
6.6
...
taple.
1.91
.50
9
18
64.0
55.8
69.2 62.5
44.0
79.0
62.5
7.1
...
••.
Uston
0.65
.19
9
9
63.8
55.6
71.6 63.6
47.0
79.0
...
...
...
utleigh .
5 Valley .
0.51
0.48
.18
II
6
68.9
53^8
73.9 62.5
43.0
82.0
66
4.3
...
apton
.12
'5
9
66*6
54.4
73-7 64.1
42:8
Si.'s
69
7*."3
190.5
I
r
0.31
.12
9
6
67.6
56.4
74.4 65.4
48.5
82.0
...
.
0.47
.14
10
8
...
...
...
by . .
0.69
.20' 10
10
...
...
...
...
...
imbe.
1. 19
.29
I
16
63*8
58.8
67.0
62.9
52.9
74.0
79
6.9
...
bridee
m Abbot .
0.65
.50
10
7
...
...
...
...
...
.. .
0.92
•33
II
5 ...
...
...
...
..
...
...
•nth .
»ath
atershed
0.80
.46
9
7
65.5
57.0
68.9
62.9
49.8
7S-8
75
7.3
199.54
I
d Weir .
1.17
.45 10
14
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
ird's Cross .
1.20
• ••
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
idge
1. 00
.27
9
8
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
town
ough
(S. Devon)
1.92
.72
10
10
si'?
52.5
64.2
S8.3
46.0
73.4
84
5-5
...
...
1.02
.30 10
10
...
...
...
...
...
...
on .
0.50
.29 10
6
6'2.'6
55-2
68.2
61.7
47*5
75-9
81
?-5
222.0
2
abe .
0.60
.33 10
7
65.1
55-5
70.0
62.7
48.2
74.8
76
6.1
226.25
I
nth .
0.50
.19 10
10
65.1
55^4
70.1
62.7
47.5
77-4
74
6.S
234.0
0
Brent
1.25
.56
10
6
...
...
HiU School
athmolton)
2.42
1.02
I
18
62.3
53-2
69.6
61.4
41.8
79.1
81
8.0
...
...
ock 1
itchurch) j
0.85
.19
9
10
12
638
54 3
69.S
61.9
46.0
78.4
79
7.6
...
nouth
(Bitton)
nouth
)bservatory
0.66
.25
27
67.4
57.4
73.8
65.6
50.3
84.2
67
6.9
...
...
0.78
.36
27
...
56.9
72.2
64.S
49.4
81.4
71
...
...
)n8ervatory 0.59
.20
27
65.7
57.2
70.9
64.1
50.5
78.7
70
6.5
238.9
0
Livermead) 0.64
.17
10
66.2
55^7
71.7
63-7
49.1
79-5
...
...
...
ayWtrehd.
nick . • 0.39
.10
9
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
.«•
...
loyd . .0.20
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
don .
0.31
.12
9
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
gton
1.32
.60
I
13
...
...
...
41.0
79.0
...
...
1
yPomeroy) a 52
.26
II
6
...
..
...
...
...
...
combe
1. 01
.30
I
13
63.1
57.5
66*9
62.2
50.8
77.2
79
6^3
196.12
s
76
TWENTY-FOUKTH BEPOBT (THIRD SEBIBB) OF THB
AUGUST, 1906.
8TATI0Na
RAINFALL.
I
i
GBKA.TB8T
FALL IN
34 HOUBB.
TE&fPERATURE IN SGRBBN.
Abbotskerswell . 3.70
Ashburton . •4.73
Barnstaple. .4.81
Bere Alston . 4.98
Buokfastleigh . 5.09
Cowsic Valley . 7.15
GuUompton . 5.07
Exeter . •3.93
Holne . . 6.83
Huccaby . .7.28
Ilfracombe . • 307
5.61
Newton Abbot . 3.39
Plymonth . •4.42
Plymouth
Watershed
Head Weir .6.12
Siward's Cross . 6.90
Postbridge | 6.77
Princetown . 8.38
Boborough
(S. Devon) 5.43
Eousdon
{I..98
Salcoxnbfl , *i4.i3
Sid mouth ♦ . I 3.80
South Brent .16.80
Castle HiUSohoor
(Sontlinioltoii)j5.87
(Wbitchansh)' 5.47
Teignmoutb |
(Bittoii);3.i3
Tetgnniouth |
Observatory J 3.21
Torquay
Observatory . 3.16
Topqtiay
(Livemjead) 3.31
Torquajr WtrHhd-
Ketimck, . 4.53
Laployd . * 3.68
Mardon , * 4.42
Torriugton , 5.29
Totnes
( Berry Pomeroy) 3.99
Woolaeombe , 2.83
ins.
.85
1.20
.76
1. 11
1.20
1.15
1. 12
1.82
1.80
.75
1-33
.80
.97
1.30
.93
1. 15
1.25
.67
1.16
1.33
1.17
1.03
1. 12
1. 00
1.14
.77
.74
1.42
1.40
.84
.86
.57
deg. deg.
deg. I deg.
2 1 22
2 20
26 22
60.1
59.6
59.7
63.0
61.0
61.8
52.6
53-7
51.7
65.2
67.1
66.0
51.9 168.2
50.8 167.1 58.9
51.5 168.6 60.0
58.9
60.4
58.9
57.7
61. 5 59.5
62.0
64.8
52.6 65.3
53.3 ,49.0 59.0
... i ..
592 52.9 J64.1
61.6 ' 53.3 65.1
61.3 52.8 65.^
57.9
58.9
62.4
61.5
62.7
50.0
51.4
54.6
54-7
54.8
53.7
61. 1 55.5 65.2 60.4
64.6
637
67.9
65.8
65.7
67.3
58.9
S4.0
58.5
59.4
593
57.3
57.6
61.2
693
60.3
60.5
deg.
48.2
44.0
43.0
42.0
40.0
45.0
47.1
44.3
47.7
45.5
45.3
40.5
46.0
48.8
48.4
50.2
47.2
42.0
50.2
deg.
71.3
76.0
75.0
73.5
74.5
76.0
62.1 514 71.8
72.8
67.4
69.7
71.0
71.9
72.9
72.3
74.5
69.3
69.8
71.0
72.0
72.8
%
0-10
hours.
'i
6.7
7.9
...
73
2.7
...
76
7.3
134^
80
7.9
...
79
7.2
I7M6
90
6.5
•••
83
6.5
179.7
79
77
kl
197.84
196.0
84
8.0
...
82
7.5
...
72
7.2
...
75
...
193-55
69
d.o
193-7
79
7.0
166^83
OOMMITTBB ON THE CUHATX OF DBVOK.
77
SEPTEMBER, 1905.
RAINFALL.
TBTllPERATUaE TN SCRKEN.
E
Oh
}
KXTnUIB.
i
STATIOim.
34 Hotro*,
1
1'
» .
1
1
i
-a
1
i
1
1
&
s
i
1
1
1 Ui&
iu3.
t deg.
deg.
deg.
deg.
deg.
dcK^ %
0-10
hoUJ%
AbbctakerswelL J 3.2S
'79
9
171 ^-
.,.
,..
...
...
...
Ashbnrtoo . , ^.43
1-23
9
16' 56.0
Sao
62.S
S6.3
AS-0
70.6
80
6.7
...
...
Barnflt&ple .
i.So
-35
6
I7l
5J.0
47-9
6«.o
54-9
36.0
67.0 ; 80
5' 9
...
♦-.
Bere Alatoo
1,69
■7^
9
»3
54.8
47^6
61.3
544
370
69.0
mt^w
...
BuckfAstteigU ,
2 65
K41
9
<4
s».i
47-7
63.3
53-3
34^0
72,5
7*6
*-S
.».
..♦
Coveiic ValJey .
3-00
,.,
...
...
..4
Cttlldtnpton
'■59
-49
9
13
56.4
47"5
63'3
s'5-4
36; I
73-1
Ho
6'S
133- I
1
Eieter
1.07
■3«
S
It
57-1
49. s
63s
56.6
40.0
71,51
...
..»
Holne
J.98
1-47
9
IS
>*.
.*.
...
...
...
...
...
Huccabj .
2.69
.96
9
u
■ -.
.*.
...
...
.,-
♦ +.
-.
I]fT»oomb« .
i7«
.66
S
II
57^6
53-9
6a7
57-3
46.7
65,4
fe
6.S
.*.
.**
KingBUrld^e
3-99
-7S
S
13
"tf
«»*
1T«
N«wtou Abbot .
i'93
■S4
6
12
.*.
t.»
*■»
.♦♦
*..
...
*^*
^.Ir
...
.*.
Plyi»i>tJth ,
1-37
-3»
S
n
57.8
50-4
62,1
56, a
42.«
68.3
80
5*91
142.68
3
PJjmcmth
WatersHed
H««d Weir .
2.51
t 33
9
14
*.,
.-■,
..*
ifT
Hi..
...
..*
..4.
...
...
8iwftrd*»CrQia.
3-00
■ .*
ttm
X..
...
.*. '
...
...
-.*
Fostbridge
3^34
K14
"s
30
F.t
.xi
...
...
...
...
...
...
PirmcetoT*Ti*
3^69
1.63
9
>s
SO. 4
45- 6
55-8
So-7
39-^
61.6
87
6.3
...
...
Boborotigh
(S. Dflvon)
i.ss
76
9
IJ
.,-
m.
...
...
...
...
..
...
...
..*
Boofldon .
1.68
S2
S
12
54-7
49^1
60.9
SSo
433
68.0
88
«.t
147. I
5
StJoomba .
2.92
M
s
IS
S7.0
50.2
6rs
55-9
44.0
^5*2
13
6.4
149. iS
4
aidinmitli .
1.89
.So
s
13
56.4
49-4
61.9
SS.6
42.S
69,8
S:
5-8
i6a30
2
South Brent
2.70
1.46
9
13
...
.,.
...
...
i-t
..#
OutkHin School
(Southmolton^ 3.14
-37
9
17
53-1
45.S
60.9
53-3
33-9
66.8
88
6,0
...
...
TaTiatock
{Whitclmrcli)
XI4
.96
9
17
55-0
47.7
60.4
54.1
39.4
67.4
8S
&i
.*.
i.i
Teign mouth
(Bitton)
1.64
.64
S
9
57-9
51.065.4
58.2
40.2
74-9
76
6.S
...
...
TaigDinouth
Ob«erifatory
I.7S
M
5
9
..*
530
62.6
57-8
40,2
72.3
76
..r
i6a24
I
ToiqtiAr
ObservatoTj
1.86
.82
5
II
S7.9
5' 3
62,9
S7-I
43-1
72.4
77
6.0
153^3
2
ToTqnay
(Livertnead)
a.di
.78
5
12
584
50-a
64.9
s;-5
41.0
73-5
*■,*■
...
.H.
...
ToT^uaj Wtrahd.
Ken nick .
a. 19
-67
9
14
i*.
.*.
*..
..1
...
...
...
...
...
*.*
Uipbyd ,
I.5S
+ * +
.w
"'
...
..*
.X,
.♦.
...
...
,..
Mudon .
i.g?
-Vj
9
13
'*,
.**
*,.
.,.
...
...
..^
...
Torrington
2.09
-44
6
IS
..,.
...
...
...
34-0
m.o
...
.P.
...
'...
Totneft
2-43
»9
9
13
**,
HI.H.
.*.
...
...
...
...
...
{ Berry Poroeroy)
WooJftconib©
1,23
,40
S
14
57-4
52. 6
61.1
56.9
45 4
67.6
84
6.2
•S4.S9
78
TWENTY-FOURTH BEPOBT (THIBD SERIES) OF THE
OCTOBER, 1905.
RAINFALLl
TEMPErUTTJRE IN eCRBBN.
^
5
'
1
' iiEAjra.
KTAUCtt^
1
STATtO»a
$4 QGCRd.
1
1
a
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
im.
itu.
deg.
deg.
deg.
dog.
deg.
%
0-10
hooiB.
Abbotakerswell .
2.15
1.05
31 13
...
...
...
...
...
...
».i
Ashburton ♦
3'4S
72
311H
49.0
4^.0
S4.2
4S.1
3»-9
6I.S
77
5-S
...
...
Buniitaple ,
J. 10
*7S
30
IS
4S-4
39-4
S4-9
47.1
23- 1
64.0
81
S.8
..i
«*.
Be re Alston
z.ot
-5J
31
«5
43-3
37.0
S3-^
45- f
25.0
66.0
...
...
...
Buckra»t)e]g1i .
3^08
.80
30
n
4S-7
38*7
5S-3
47^ S
32.S
73.5
76
a-?
-*w
..»
CowBio Valley .
&.I0
*.*
...
.*-
Cullonjpton
2.69
[.12
3^
14
46.4
37-7
S4.a
46.0
34-5
63-9
si
S-8
"33
6
Exeter
1.79
■H
3ti«
47-3
4t.4
53^9
47.6
38.5
63.5
..*
Holne
3-51
.96
3t|U
*..
...
...
♦ .*
.*.
...
Huocaby .
1^95
•54
30I12
...
...
.►. i
...
...
...
...
...
Ilfracombe .
2.94
•73
JO 14
51a
4«-3
S+3|
SO-3
38.3
59^4
78
6.4
...
...
Kingsbridge
2,i3
.69
J' E3
.4.
.k.
Newton Abbot .
i.oB
-30
30 9
.*»
..*
...
...
...
...
..4
...
...
**.
Plytwovith .
i.Si
.61
31 14
49.6
40.9
SSI
4^.0
30.1
63.7
77
6.1
133.36
3
Plymouth
WaterBhed
Head Weir (
3.18
.50
'^ 16
30
...
...
..*
...
...
...
.*.
...
...
...
Siward'sCrosa.
3.90
,,w
...
T.t
...
.1.
...
...
..,
*>«
Poatbridge .
5.8S
1.16
31 16
*.,
,..
...
...
...
^
.n
Prmcetown
4.S3
.64
30 15
41.3
37-3
48.S
43-9
39.6 S9.0
ft9
4.S
...
..1
Roborough
3,30
-47
3'
16
...
...
«...
...
(a Devon)
Rotudon .
2.46
1. 00
31
13
46.7
40. a
535
46.8
sag 65.4
8S
S-4
136.3
3
Sulcombe .
3.3S
'73
31
13
49-4
41.7
S4.8
48.2
30.0
62.7
78
4^9
14a 36
3
Sid mouth ,
a.48
r,J9
31
13
47.6
40.7
S4.I
47-4
28.7
62.8
82
6.0
^^SS
1
Smith Bi-ent
3- 19
.90
31 <o
".,
...
...
...
.*.
Caatle Hill School
(SoutbmoJton)
3 9°
,61
30
15
43-i
36.8
S3.9
44-8
21.7
66.1
86
6.0
Tavistock
(Whitchurch)
3.61
*S8
31 IS
46-7
39.3
5^-5
4S-9
^3
63.1
86
6.1
'*i
..i
Tfli^moutb
(Bitton)
2.04
,93
31
II
47^9
41-9
SS-i
48.S
29.5
6S,I
7S
6.7
...
.«*
Teign mouth ,
Ohatrvat^ry
2^03 ^93
3i|"|
...
41.6
55.2
4S.4
39.7
62.6
77
130.43
3
Torquay
Obaervatory
3.30 1,09
3'
ti
4S.S
43 I
SS4
49*3
31-9
63.1
78
S'O
133.0
3
{Livennead} 2.3J 1.06
31
13
49-9
41. S
56.7
49^1
29-7,
66.0
Torquay Wtrshd.
1
KatuiioV .
3' 17 n
3'
18
.p*
...
...
.♦.
...
.**
.*.
Loi>loyd .
1.90 ...
.»,
...
*..
...
..k
...
^!!
[*'
[[[
lllardon ,
2,17 ,S5
3 1 M
...
...
,*t
...
...
...
...
«...
...
Torrington .
Totn€«
( Berry Pomoroy)
3^09
.61
3' 17
...
...
...
33.0
S7.0
...
...
.».
.„
2.46
.87
31 >o
...
...
...
...
...
^^
Woolauombe
1.85
.53
31
HI
Sas
45-4
54*3
49-9
37-3
6r.o
Sa
54
13+70
3
COBOilTTBB ON THE CLIMATB OF DEVON.
79
NOVEMBER, 1905.
BAIXFALL
TEMPKRATURE IK SCREEN.
i
Ok
i
1
,
~~^
1
TAtt I3f
24 HOL Jig,
1
s
MBJUIB.
1
fcTiQ^a.
Is
1
1
1
j
1
1
tketowell ,
rtott,
«lo. .
LlAU»n
latleigh ,
f Valley ,
apton
Su': :
bridg* .
in Abbot .
•nth ,
■toTshed
d Weir .
wd^sCrosa.
idg^. .
ftown
oogb
on .
Abe - .
mtb ,
Brent
Hill School
»Dtbi3ioUon)
lock
^fTiitchuroh)
DIDUth
(Bitton)
mouth
Jhaemtory.
my
>ba«niitory.
lay Wtrahd
mick . .
>loyd . .
rdon .
igton
9
rj Poineroy)
icoinb«
ius,
6.Z1
6-92
til
7^85
B.30
3^9S
«.i3
6!i6
6.0S
S,8o
7-88
10.74
7.4t
542
Sii
4^32
10. 8S
1
5-16
8.16
5-39
5.04
5 39
5-30
S-84
4-45
5-70
553
6.14
2.60
ins.
LOS
1.44
55
1.17
1-57
.72
.8a
.7a
1.38
1. 10
1,11
1.89
t.Sa
I3S
1-39
-75
-71
1.48
-97
■95
.88
.87
1.25
1-29
'■37
1.22
.46
10
10
12
10
10
10
JO
10
10
I
lO
1
10
ro
9
ID
10
13
12
161
10
10
10
10
12
10
10
10
1
10
12
21
21
22
23
'9
20
2t
io
21
19
21
17
21
23
31
21
22
18
19
22
19
^3
^3
"9
18
16
18
22
33
22
14
20
de»g.
42.7
40,6
38.8
41.1
39 4
4a 9
46:5
436
:::
37-3
42.3
44.5
42.6
38.0
40.6
41.8
42.9
43-9
4s:6
deg.
37-S
35-5
33-3
33-3
32.V
35-9
4^-5
37-5
33^4
177
3S-3
37-5
32.6
35'9
37.2
37.4
4V..
deg,
493
49^4
47-5
50.1
48"S
47-3
50.0
50.2
44.2
47-8
49 9
49-1
48.6
47.2
49-3
50.0
5CJ*4
51.4
_
43-5
424
40.41
37-7
40^6
41.6
46.2
43-8
3O!
42.8
44.1
433
40.6
,M
43-3
437
44.fi
44.1
deg.,
i
30-4
23.0
22,0
19. s
26.0.
31-7 '
i\
23^2
1
28:3
28.0
27,2
*,'
25-5
26.4
259
25.8
26.3
19.0
3^.0
deg,
56.0
55-0
5j,o
56.0
si I
54.0
56:2
55-7
49.0
53-2
56.1
54-7
56.0
52.0
S4-4
SS-o
SS-7
56. 9
5a 0
56,0
X
84
87
82
8^
85
... 1
91
92
u
89
93
86
",
86
si
0-10
ai
5.9
5*3
&2
70
6;"?
6^5
6!o
7.0
6.4
6.7
6.0
6.3
hours.
8o:j
95-^3
1 12.3
104^68
98-35
"oa55
103- 3
9
s
3
4
4
3"
80
TWENTY-FOUKTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OP THE
DECEMBER, 1905.
EAIXFALLl
TEMPER ATUHB JN SCREEN.
1
}
FA IX IN
MltXHt^
dCTA^xuia.
1
BTATIONB.
74 HODEt.
1
1'
^
1
j
1
1
IS
1
^
1
1
1
ilia.
1.119.
deg.
dcg.
d^g.
i^eg.
degi
dcg.
%
040
hours.
AbbotakeraweU ,
1.41
-32
s'i7
+ .*
,..
*.*
...
►P.*
Aahburt^n -
1.S7
^ss
5
14
42^7
39.7
46.7
43-2
35-4
^H
§°
7*1
•••
Bg-mata.plc .
1,76
,Si
7
16
41.6
38-0
4S.0
4 JO
29.0
54^8
84
7.0
...
Bore Alaton
1,49
,26
iS
^5
40s
36^7
46.6
4L6
26.0
S4.0
♦IP
*,i
,«
BuckfiustloLgh .
Cowsic ATtiMay ,
3.64
■77
s
[2
41.9
37^3
47^a
40^5
27^5
53.5
9a
M
...
j-ai^
PIP
,.p
p**
GuIIompton
1.17
■32
s
14
40.4
36.'6
4616
4v;6
Z7.^
SS^o
9i
8.1
35-1
t6
Exeter
0.74
.iS
27
42.S
39*5
46.9
43-2
30 J3
57-0
PP1
*..
Holne
3.41
^54
5^^S
1..
pp*
..1
til
Huccaby .
2-49
,46
5 16
...
• t4
*.»
i-»
-»♦
..1
P.F
...
...
IlfnKJombe .
2.0S
.ss
7
9
4S.8
427
48.8
45-7
3S'9
53.S
«5
7-0
-Pi
Kinpbritlge
Newton Abbot ,
■44
-3"
6
6
15
10
"'
i.p
Plpnouth .
1.64
31
27
13
44.'6
40,6
48:6
44-^
310
S'3^9
89
Slfi
39-43
iG
Plymouth
Watershed
Weir Htea<i .
S'^S
.68
5
17
.,.
-..
■ *■
11,
1-.
p.*
Pii
.1.
Siward'sCross.
ios
, + >
.. ...
.,,
-.*
***
**.
P + «
-n**
.1.
--►
Poitbridgo
4-7S
1. 12
31
t6
,,,
^L,4
*.i
.*♦
.-»
.»+
-.*
PrincctowD
3^75
.7S
S
15
39^0
35-3
43-4
393
jiis
49-3
94
8.5
.1.
.♦.
Roborougli
(S. Devoa)
2.07
■39
5
i6
Pf .
..p
+ +.
h.t
..p
...
*.»
-p.
Rousdon .
1.04
^30
27
*3
42.3 3S.9
46,3
42.6 i 33.6
S3-I
92
8.0
47^4
IS
Salcotnbe .
r-92
'43
6
T2
4S-0 ; 400
4K1
44' 2
33-°
52.9
8S
7^5
4900
13
Sidmouth .
0,82
^3'
27
!4
43-4
40.2
47^6
43^9
32.3
5*5.9
89
S.X
47.00
13
South Brent
2,70
■73
7
13
+p.
CastkHill School
(Soiithraolton)
Tmviatock
(Whitchureh)
2.03
^54
7
IS
40-0
35^6
46.4
41.0
26.7
S3-a
90
S.O
...
2,13
■44
S
Id
41-7
37.SI
4S'7
4t.8
a94
5a* S
91
7^8
Teigumouth
(Bitton)
0.S8
.24
27
tl
43-8
4a I
47-9
44.0
31.6
54.6
86
8.^
..^
..•
TeigtimoAitb
Obaervtttory
0.S2
as
27
U
*^..
4^-3
4S-5
444
31*0
SS'ij
83
..,
47-0
13
Toi:*3uay
Ohservfttory
Totiquay
(Livermeud)
1,01
.24
37
9
44.8
4r.2
48.9
4S^l
33-S
54*5
g3
8.0
49-9
r6
0-93
23
7
10
44-9
39^6
4S.9
44.2
30.9
553
1>4 1
i..
Torquay Wtrshd.
Kemiick .
'■47
-30
a?
20
fit
-TI
-1-
.bdi
it*
-*.
-11
*«.
i.f
.Pi
Laployd .
i.05
^,
***
W,,
.,.« 1
I'-
i.p
IIP
1P1
pp^
IP.
p.*
Mardon ,
1.41
*30
27
17
--F
-11
»»* 1
ll!
■ ■■
€■■
1P1
*..
PP.
.IP
Torringtot)
1.76
.46
7
U
■ ■■
1»1
III
■ ■«
2a 0
490
bi*
-.*
...
.*»
Totoes
(Een-yPomeroy)
1^93
.48
7
12
.^.
b..
.-,
*■€
^
...
t'i
Woolacombfl
t.09
.38
7
11
4S3
41.9
48-3
45.1
3S-4
5i-'8
85
6^2
69.10 !
9
COBOilTTEK ON THE CLIMATB OF DEVON.
SUMMARY FOR THE YEAR 1906.
81
HAJNPALL,
TEUPERATtntE IN BCHBEN.
9
_j
GRBATEtT
MCAtlSu
»ltBn«i.
i
OSB.
i
44 HOCiM.
1
1
1^
1
1
1
j
i
p
IXI
4
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
\m. 1 iira.
! deg.
d*g.
dog.
deg.
deg.
deg.
% :040
houri.
nw^U *
35-28 I 79
10/3 183 ...
,..
...
...
n .
41.S1 ,2.60
10/3 '165 so. 3
44-1
56.2
50.2
30-4
81.4
81:4
6.6
...
...
Le.
31.16 1.08
10/3 1 220
50.2
43S
sfi-s
50.1
a3.o
82.8
77.0
6.8
...
»**
'4m
33*92! 1.17
lo/t 1,(91
4S.7
42.25
56.1
r^
22.0
82.0
...
...
,,*
teigli .
4S-03
^;«3
10/3
■67
SI. 4
42.CH
57- S
'9-5
82,0
73"9J4>8
...
...
nn
28.05
ih
15/8
til
49-8
41.9
S7.0
49"5
^9^5
siVs
85.0 6.9
1419-6
76
bo-
41.20
.-.
...
...
...
...
p
24^83
1. 12
is/s
150
si'.o
44^3
57-4
SaS
24.^5
82.0
...
,i.
'i
SI.4S
49-99
2.74
2.04
10/3
*o/3
191
192
...
"*
...
...
*.*
t»!
26.78
.85
7/12
17S
sV.75
4S.0
SS-4
Sr"s6
31-7
75^5
si's
6.9
...
IS^:
36.20
K38
lO/ll
173
*..
...
...
^9^33
^'SS
11/3
150
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
.4.
Ii
3t>^49
MI
lO/j I
176
S1.6
451
S6.2
50.6
27.0
75.8
S0.0
7-1
1621.7
54
Weir .
46.66
1.89
[O/II
210
...
...
..*
...
.♦■
...
...
..t
..>
riCroBs.
49-72
..,
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
*tt
...
^.
60,95^
3^i^
9/3
...
...
..,
.. .
...
...
...
t**
...
67.06
2.38
10/3
193
44.3
39^8
50.6
45-1
23-2
73-4
83^2
6.4
...
...
3730
1^39
10/3
197
...
...
...
,..
^
...
...
m *
25,61
1-39
ia/3
165
4S.9
435
54^5
49-0
27-3
759
74.8
87.3
6.6
i679-3
73
t ,
3] SO
1.38
49/6
166
$2.0
450
56^5
5a7
49-8
a8.&
6.5
1776.7
61
tl -
26,51
1-33
iS.'S
26/11
1S3
SO- 5
43-9
SS-7
26.9
77.4
si'.'s
6.7
1763,1
41
«&t
5^^^9
2.65
174
USeliiwl
jmolton)
36.99
1.03
27/8
219
47.6
40.8
S%*^
48.0
18.9
79*1
84^7
76
...
...
Dtk
4193
1.72
JO/3
212
49-1
42.S
S45
48.5
as- 5
7S-4
85*0
70
...
...
(BittonJ
28.25
1.26
'0/3
156
51.5
45.0
57.6
51*3
26,4
84.2
76.0
7.0
...
...
«6,93 1
1.14
15/8
T47
...
45-4
56.8
SM
25.9
81,4
77.0
...
...
...
27 JS
1.42
«o/3
148
S^'5
45^^
56.8
SI. 2
2S.8
7S-7
7^0
6.0
1774-8
so
renntad)
Wtc^d
2S.41
1.50
10/3
161
52.4
44-3
57-7
51*0
26.3
79' S
...
...
...
rd-
33 79
26,17
i,4»
2/8
201
,..
....
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
-• {
33-70
140
%'
186
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
Em
33- S4
1.37
i/«i
I9S
...
...
...
...
19.0
86.0
...
...
'onueroT)
34.5S
1.92
10/3
21/5
IS*
...
...
...
...
...
...
mb«
I*- 59
-S7
178
1 J
n.niiA.rv
46.7
pjatim
S1.3
320
77.3
Sf.o
63
1665.8
&4
XXXVIIL
82 TWENTY-IOUKTH BEPOBT (THIBD SERIES) OF THE
RAINFALL AT ASHBURTON. FORTY YEARS' RECORD.
Your Committee tenders its heartiest congratulations to
Mr. P. F. S. Amery, one of its members, on his completion
of a forty years' continuous record at Druid, Ashburton.
Forty years at one station, with one observer, and for
thirty-seven years with one and the same instrument, and
no change of any kind, is a record at once exceptional
and vsduable. Ashburton has frequently been used for
rating other gaugings of short period, and much may be
learnt from a detailed examination of its figures.
Mr. Amery has kindly supplied tables of averages and
means, to which the Secretary has made some additions,
and the whole is now published.
The years 1866-7-8 were recorded with a home-made
gauge, and, although carried into the average, these three
years are not individually considered. There is, however,
no reason to think that their figures are appreciably in
error.
With such a period before us, the first question which
naturally arises is whether for any station there exists such
a thing as a true average rainfall. Arithmetic averages
there must be, but do these correspond to any real entity ?
As between station and station, one will be found over long
periods drier or wetter, on the whole, than another ; but can
the annual expectation of rain be fairly stated for individual
localities? Is there, for instance, any ground to suppose
that the total rainfall for any twenty successive years will
closely approximate to that for the similar preceding and
succeeding periods ? The Ashburton record suggests that
twenty years is much too short a time in which to closely
gauge the rainfall of a district. From 1866 to 1885,
inclusive, the annual average was 54.24 inches ; from 1886
to 1905 it has been 49.29 ; obviously either the first was an
abnormally wet succession of years, or the second unusually
dry.
If decades are taken the variation is greater, thus: —
1866-1875, 51.10 ins.; 1876-1885, 57.38 ins.; 1886-1895,
49.05 ins. ; 1896-1905, 49.53 ins.
In Tdble /, appended, another method of dissecting the
returns has been adopted. There the annual rainfall, and
the three-year, five-year, seven-year, and nine-year means
are given. These again are, in part, graphically represented
in Plates I and 11^ Plate I giving the annual variation and
Plate II the means of three and nine year periods. In the
latter plate the ordinates are in each case drawn at the
DPUID , AS
72
'
7Q
/
/
65
J
/
/
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60
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PLATE HI
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Q
ooMMrrrBB on the climatb of dsyok. 83
centre of the term included in each mean. The nine-year
series at once shows that the station has been much drier
during the last twenty years, although individual years have
at times ranged well above the average.
To those using rainfall returns for practical purposes
a knowledge of such possible fluctuations is invaluable. The
most essential feature is, however, the ratio to a long average
borne by any possible dry year, or two or three successive
dry years. The Ashburton average is 51.77 inches; the
driest year, omitting 1866 and 1867, was 1889, with a fall of
36.61 inches, or 70.72 % of the average. The driest two
successive years were 1892 and 1893, with a mean of 40.27
inches, or 77.79 % of the average. The driest three succes-
sive years were 1887, 1888, and 1889, with a mean of 42.77
inches, or 82.61 % of the average.
Now for Parliamentary purposes in connexion with water
supplies it has lorig been assumed that the driest year will
yield two-thirds of the average, the driest two years three-
fourths of the average, and the driest three years four-fifths
of the average. The comparison between this assumption and
the actual results obtained at Ashburton is thus : —
Dry Period of
1 year.
2 yean.
Syean.
Parliamentary assumption
Ashburton — actually observed .
66.6%
70.72%
77-79 %
80%
82.61 %
So far, then, as this station is concerned, the assumption
is on the safe side in indicating less than the actual fall.
But the error unfortunately reduces the amount of compen-
sation water likely to be given by any waterworks involving
impounding reservoirs.
The average rainfall for each month is given in Taile 11^
and Plate III shows the monthly rainfall stated as percent-
ages of the year's total Amid all the wide individual
irregularities the averages yield interesting results. From
December to May the rainfall decreases steadily ; June is
drier than May, but only slightly so. The rise from June to
October is not so uniform ; November is, on the whole, drier
than October; and December is the wettest month of the
year.
RAINFALL ON THE VENFORD CATCHMENT.
The rainfall at Holne Moor, on the catchment area of the
Paignton Waterworks, was the subject of discussion when
f2
84 TWSNTY-FOURTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE
the Paignton Water Act was before Parliament For the
promoters it was asserted that the average would not be
found to exceed 60 inches per annum. On behalf of those
interested in the River Dart, the Secretary of your Com-
mittee gave evidence that he estimated it at 78.72 inches.
Gaugings have been taken, but never published. Last
year, however, at Teignmouth evidence was given that for
the past five years the actual rainfall at Venford had
averaged " about 80 inches." As the mean for these years at
Ashburton was practically equal to the forty years' average,
it may now be assumed that the true average fall at Venford
is in fact 80 inches per annum, a point of considerable
interest to students of Dartmoor meteorology. Application
has been made for detailed returns, but up to the present
these have not been received.
COMMITTEI OK THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.
85
TABLE I.
FORTY YEARS' RAINFALL AT DRUID, ASHBURTON,
584 feet, O.D.
P. F. 8. Amert, Esq., j.p., Observer.
Rainfall
Percent
Three
Five
Seven
Nine
Year.
for
of
Years'
Years'
Years'
Years'
Year.
Average.
Mean.
Mean.
Mean.
Mean.
1866
36.22
70.0
1867
3533
68.2
...
...
...
1868
63.27
122.2
44.94
...
...
1869
46.22
89.3
48.27
...
...
...
1870
38.89
75.1
49.49
43.99
...
1871
52.15
100.7
45.75
47.17
1872
71.50
138. 1
54.18
54.41
49.08
1873"
48.17
93.1
57.27
51.39
50.79
...
1874
57.44
IIl.O
59.04
53.63
53-95
49.91
1875
61.80
1 19.4
55.80
58.21
53.74
52.75
1876
65.85
127.2
61.70
60.95
56.54
56.14
1877
67.98
I3I.3
65.21
60.25
60.70
56.67
1878
52.76
IOI.9
62.20
61.17
6o.8i
57.39
1879
58.39
II2.8
59.71
61.36
58.91
59.56
1880
51.69
99.8
54.28
59.33
59.42
59.51
1881
60.74
II7.3
56.94
58.31
59.88
t^
1882
62.12
120.0
58.18
57.14
59.93
58.48
1883
55.66
107.5
59.51
57.72
59.67
1884
46.06
89.0
54.61
55.25
55.34
57.92
1885
52.58
IOI.6
51.43
55.43
55.32
54.85
56.44
1886
55.09
106.4
51.24
54.30
55.01
1887
36.86
71.2
48.18
49.25
52.73
5323
1888
54.83
105.9
48.93
49.08
51.89
52.85
1889
36.61
70.7
42.77
47.19
48.24
51.17
1890
44.55
86.1
45.33
45.59
46.65
49.37
1891
64.11
123.8
48.42
47.39
49.23
49.59
1892
38.03
73.5
48.90
47.63
47.15
47.64
1893
42.51
82.1
48.22
45.16
45.36
47.24
1894
64.26
124. 1
48.27
50.69
47.84
48.54
1895
5367
103.7
53.48
52.52
49.11
48.27
1896
43.76
84.5"
53.90
48.45
50.11
49.15
1897
56.49
109. 1
51.31
52.14
51.83
49.33
1898
42.37
81.8
47.54
52.11
48.73
49.97
1899
50.47
97.5
49.78
49.35
50.50
50.63
1900
54.98
106.2
49.27
49.61
52.29
49.62
1901
44.93
86.8
50.13
49.85
49.52
50.38
1902
43.76
84.5
47.89
47.30
48.11
50.52
1903
66.51
128.5
51.73
52.13
51.36
50.77
1904
50.26
97.'
53.51
52.86
52.09
50.47
50.39
1905
41.81
80.8
49.25
50.39
50.18
Average
40 Years.
51.767
100.00
...
...
...
...
86 BEPORT OF THE COMMITTU ON THB CLDfATS OF DEVON.
TABLE II.
MEAN MONTHLY RAINFALL TAKEN AT DRUID, ASHBURTON,
O.D. 584 feet, during the Forty Years ending 31st December, 1905.
By P. F. S. Amery.
MONTI
.a i
1
0
§
4
^2
5J
^1
if
|||
III
Iff
January
. 5*74
12.9s
1S77
■91
isao
17
5*74
11.04
n.04
Fobrtxanr
. 4.71
11,07
1900
.00
1895
14
10.45
H.48
20.01
9,06
March
* 4*03
g.17
1905
'24
1S93
15
S7.S6
7-77
April
. 32*
7.S3
r8S2
'3?
1S93
1896
14
17^70
34.00
6.19
Mny
. 3.67
6.S7
187S
.01
11
20.37
39**0
5-10
Jane
. 2M
11,30
1879
aS
1887
13
23.01
44.37
5-03
July
'f 3->o
?^3J
igSS ,
'33
l8qS
16
26.11
50-33
S-96
August
J3^8S
S.55
1S91
■79
1869
IS
29-99
57.^7
7.46
Septembe
r . 4-U
^,M
1896
.^7
;ii!
16
34.13
65,66
7.97
October
. . 5 Si
\2,g^
1903
1-34
19
39-95
76.47
11.34
Kovcmbei
^ . S.61
12.66
1895
T'OJ
1867
19
45-56
S7.6S
10.79
December
. 6,42
16.92
1876
KI6
1S73
aa
51.98
loaoo
12.70
ToUl Ave
•tfl*, yi
^'5-^98
,..
.,.
,„
.p.
190
.,»
,.-
„.
TWENTY-THIKD REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
ON DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LORE.
Twenty-third Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr,
P. F. S. Am£ry (Secretary), Mr, R. Pearse Chope, Rev, S.
BaHng-G(mld, Mr, G. M. Doe, Rev, W, Harpley, Mr. J. S.
Neck, Mrs. Radford, Mr. J, Brooking-Rowe, Mrs, Troup^
and Mr, H. B, 8, Woodhouse,
Edited by P. F. 8. Amsbt, Honorary Secretary.
(Read at Lynton, Jnly, 1906.)
Thb following bits of folk-lore have been contributed since
the last year's Report. They are on various subjects, but
mostly in relation to charms of healing and customs.
The names of contributors are attached for the sake of
verification and authority.
The Secretary begs, on behalf of the Committee, to thank
all who have assisted in gathering these " waifs and strays "
from the relics of the past.
W. Harpley, Chairman.
P. F. S. Amery, Secretary.
1. Sacrifice of a Sheep. — In or about 1883 a man whose
name was J S , in Meavy parish, a farmer who had
come from North Devon, performed a curious rite that shall
be described in the words of the Rev. W. A. G. Gray, then
Vicar of Meavy. He told me of it at the time, and at my
request he has written me the particulars : " Soon after his
arrival in the parish, as I believe not infrequently happens
with an entire change of pasture, he lost a good many cattle
and sheep, and he told me that he accordingly took a sheep
up to the top of Calisham Tor and killed it there to pro-
pitiate the evil influences which were destroying his flocks
and herds. And the offering had the desired effect — ^he had
lost no more cattle."
Compare with this a commumcation made to Jacob
88 TWENTY-THIKD REPORT OF THB COMMITTBB
Grimm, and inserted by him in his " Deutsche Mythologie,"
p. 576, ed. 1843. It is a passage from a correspondent in
Northamptonshire. " Miss C and her cousin, walking,
saw a fire in a field, and a crowd around it. They said,
•What is the matter?' * Killing a calf.' * What for?' 'To
stop the murrain.' They went away as quickly as possible.
On speaking to the clergyman, he made inquiries. The
people did not like to talk of the affair, but it appeared
that when there is a disease among the cows, or when the
calves are bom sickly, they sacrifice, that is, kill and bum,
one for good luck."
See also in White's "Selbome" (p. 295, ed. 1837) for
stories of the seamed pollards and shrew-ash.
The same man, J S , had a little granddaughter
ill. Mr. Gray asked him how she was. He replied " that
she was bad with the thrush, and the worst of it was that
there was no water there running east. I asked him what
he would do if there were. He said he would bring the
child down in the early morning and hold her over it,
having previously twined a piece of thread round her finger,
and as the stream carried the thread away to the east, so it
would also carry away the thrush. I believe he said the
operation was to be repeated three times, and he evidently
believed in its eflBcacy." S. Baring-Gould.
2. Hanging in Chains. — At some time in the eighteenth
century a man called Welland was hung in chains on Broad-
bury Down, Bratton Clovelly, for the murder of two sisters.
Previous to this, at some time unknown, there had been
another man hung there in an iron cage and left to starve.
People passing by were wont to throw up to him tallow
candle-ends, and these he caught and greedily devoured. In
the end he died of starvation. Told by W. Wyvill, labourer,
Lew Trenchard.
3. Charm to Stanch Bleeding. — A farmer in this parish
had a cow with diseased teats. He employed a man, T
L , with a razor to cut off the ends of the teats. In cut-
ting off the second of them the blade slipped and cut the 1^
of the cow, and the blood gushed forth in abundance. The
farmer at once dispatched T L for a woman on Lew
Down who can charm and stanch blood, H B . She
hurried down and muttered words over the wound, but the
blood continued to flow. She said, "Mr. P " (the
farmer), " I do not understand this. If you cut the cow's
leg, the blood ought to be stanched at once." "But I did
ON DBVONSHIRE FOLK-LORB. 89
not cut it. That was done by T L ." " Oh ! " said
she ; " that is different. I charmed thinking you had done
it. Now I know I must do it again." She repeated the
incantation, and at once the blood ceased to spout forth.
This was told me by T L himself, who witnessed
the whole operation.
4 Extract Thorns.— R P , a well-to-do farmer,
the son of the above J P , is able to charm thorns
out of the flesh. In cutting hedges a black thorn will
sometimes penetrate the flesh. When this occurs, the
sufferer goes to R P ; he repeats certain words,
and the thorn comes out at once. S. Baring-Gould.
From Mr. Samuel Doidge, Great Torrington : —
When a boy of twelve, or thereabouts, I suffered much
from boils — " blackheads," we used to call them — and I also
keenly remember that I suffered almost more from remedies,
some of them extremely nauseous. None of these having
proved successful, a wise neighbour recommended a charm,
and her advice was at once acted upon. I have an im-
pression that it was tried pretty much as a pis alter,
without much faith in its success. It was a very simple
matter, and the charm I suggest was a variant of the split
tree-trunk sent by Mr. Elworthy to the Taunton Museum.
I had to go — fasting, I think — on three successive Sunday
mornings to a bramble grown into the earth at both ends,
and crawl under it "the way of the sun." I cannot dis-
tinctly recollect whether I went under more than once on
each occasion, but have an impression that three times was
the proper " ritual."
Charm for Boils. — A lady at Chudleigh, about thirty
years ago, was recommended to crawl backwards three times
round a thorn bush very early in the morning, while the
dew was on the grass. As the lady did not try it, we cannot
say if it was infallible. E. Helen Langlby.
Cure for Warts. — Take a prickle from a gooseberry
bush, a separate prickle for each wart (this seems to be very
important), stick it well into the wart. Then collect the
prickles and bury them. As they decay the warts will
disappear. S. Doidge.
Another Cure for Warts. — In last year's Report a cure
was noted, viz. to steal a bit of bacon, strike the wart with
90 TWKNTY-THIBD REPOBT OF THB COMMITTBB
it, and bury the bacon. Mr. Doidge states that it dundd be
buried at four cross^toays.
The Place of Heaking News. — The frequent query on
being told any news is, "Where did you hear it?" The
place of hearing is supposed to add to or detract from the
faith in its veracity.
In all old charters, grants, treaties, and agreements care
was taken to clearly state where such were executed. This
custom still survives in many forms. Thus a country person
repeating something will say, "Such was told me in this
very kitchen," which is supposed to add much to the truth
of a statement ; hence the question, " Where did you hear
it?"
The following appears to afford a sort of rude scale for
judging the veracity of any rumour.
" Heard at the church stUe " or " Told of to church porch "
is supposed to be common property, and may be repeated
without fear of consequences, as adiaitted by the public to
be correct.
" Told of in public company*' viz. in a public-house, is
generally supposed to have heen well argued and thrashed
out, and fairly correct as the opinion of the certain class of
people frequenting that house.
" Told of to board" viz. at table. Usually in farm-houses
all the household sat at the same table at the principal meal
of the day, and conversation was of a general character, or
only such as applied to the household or farm. Household
secrets might be made known to the circle with the tacit
imderstanding that they must go no farther.
" Heard to casements* Eavesdroppers, or those inquisitive
people who listened at windows, appear to have b^n very
numerous in old times, for we find frequent presentments
of such made at the borough and manor courts and severe
corporal punishment inflicted. Thus many things " said to
board," intended only for the ears of the household, became
publia
" Told to claveV* The clavel is the beam across a fire-
place. In farm-houses, after the servants and children had
gone to bed, the heads and adult members of the family
would see the house safe, and stand a few minutes round
the hearth warming their feet before the fire was covered
up for the night, with their hands or heads resting against
the claveL This was the time selected for a private family
ON DKV0N8HIRS POLK-LORE. 91
chat, not intended to go beyond the adult members. Any-
thing overheard " to clavel " was on the highest authority.
" Whispered in chamber.** The private talk between those
occupying the same room, or more likely the same bed. In
early times the servant-maids occupied the same chamber
as the unmarried women of the family, likewise the servant-
men and boys that of the sons of the house. The rooms
were l^rge, and the beds occupied by members of the family
were surrounded by curtains, while the menials lay on truck
beds in distant comers, and were supposed to be asleep
before the others came up. Still eavesdropping in chamber
was not unknown, and matters of the highest personal
importance occasionally got overheard. P. F. S. Amery.
A Born Fisherman. — On inquiring of a salmon fisher-
man's wife at Totnes how the fishing was this season, I got
the following reply : —
" Very good, always is where maister's fishmg, for salmon
always follows he, 'cause for why, he's got a salmon on his
'ead [head]. Shaw 'un to the lady." Upon that a child
pushed back her father's hair and showed a bald mark the
shape of a salmon, about three inches long.
G. F. WiNDEATT.
Night Quarters. — In a farm-house when bedtime came
the good wife would start her household with : —
Now then, boys to bed
And cats to barn.
A hole was made in the barn door to admit the cat when
turned out for the night. P. F. S. Amery.
Survival of a Name : Skipper Davis. — ^The Stoke Gabriel
fishermen on the Dart say on the authority of **one
Skipper Davis " that the quantity of fish in a river varies
from time to time. Query. Is not this a survival of the
naine of John Davis, who was bom at Sandridge in Stoke
Gabriel parish in 1550, became a«navigator, gave his name
to Davis Straits, and founded the Newfoundland cod
fisheries ? E. Windeatt.
A Limp Corpse. — Recently at Totnes a nurse who " did
the last office" for a corpse reported to me some hours after-
wards in a subdued, confidential tone, **He idn [is not]
stiffening yet, and that's a sure sign that there's another in
the family to follow soon." M. F. Windeatt.
92 TWBNTY-THIBD BEPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
Mrs. Eogers, of Whitchurch, sends the following : —
Christening Custom. — A few years ago when I lived at
Cudlipptown, Peter Tavy, a cottager whose ancestors had
lived for generations on Dartmoor had four children, all
girls. At each christening she baked a small saffron cake,
and on the way to church, the first male they met, gave him
the cake neatly wrapped in paper for luck ; if the baby had
been a boy, the cake would be given to the first female they
met. I was told it was a very old custom.
Also this hunting song was found among my great-grand-
mother's treasures. She died early in the last century : —
A Hunting Song to Tune of Derry Down.
Little Alderman M T , a dealer in ends,
To a hunting Feaat once invited his friends ;
Not doubting but many smart lads would be there
To join in the hunt and partake of the Hare !
He summoned his Tenants, collected his Hounds,
His generous soul was confined by no bounds ;
A dinner was ordered, brown bread and small beer,
And Liquor of all sorts denoted good cheer.
But lo on the table when dinner was placed,
The victuals ill chosen, the Landlord disgrac'd ;
And besides, tho' the fact may surprise your belief.
The fur beast had swoUow'd six pounds of the Beef.
But who can express the surprise of each Guest,
When he found he must pay for such an elegant feast ;
All swore that the Alderman meant they to fleece.
For the price was exhorbitant, had there been geese.
So each pay*d his share, the rumour does say,
That Alderman M was gainer that day ;
For in summing the bill of bis excellent savour.
He found that the balance was much in his favour.
Four and sixpence a piece was a price beyond bounds,
And to produce such a bill my Lord had no grounds ;
However, tho' shameful and mean the demand,
Their bountiful Landlord they could not withstand.
A Hog, with the smell of M *s tallow delighted.
Appeared at the feast a Guest uninvited ;
And the old Landlady scolded and raved.
Poor porky his Bacon would hardly have saved.
But the old woman, finding her tongue not prevail.
From the Parlour soon drag'd the poor Pig by the tail,
Tho' M n protested his Hogship should stay,
And like all his neighbours his reckoning should pay.
What Hunting Feast must we expect then next year,
When Math in his Robes and fur Gown shall appear j
And in the great Senate shall take his first place.
And the new Council Chamber with double wicks graced.
What dinners, what suppers, what an elegant Ball,
When his worship himself shall Dance in the Hall ;
If an Alderman can such a Banquet prepare.
What must we expect when Mat n is Mayor ?
ON DBYQNSHIRE FOLK-LORE. 93
Thb Equation of Time. — A friend from the north of
England informed me that before leaving Yorkshire he was
told that in Devonshire they put forward their clocks half
an hour for summer and back half an hour for winter. He
asked me on arrival what it meant and if we really did so.
I was quite unable to give any information, never having
heard of such a custom. On reflection, however, I think it
highly -probable that in the days of sundials, before cheap
almanacs, this may have been a ready way to reckon the
equation of time. The almanac says sun fast or sun slow,
making an extreme difference of about half an hour. Thus
on 30 April sun slow 14i minutes, on 31 October sun
fast 16J minutes, a range of thirty-one minutes in the six
months. This, I think, accounts for the myth of putting
forward the clock in spring and back in autumn.
P. F. S. Ameky.
Cure for Erysipelas. — Mrs. Gaunter, of Gobbett Plain,
Dartmoor, told me this cure for the 'ary ciplis, " You takes
a piece of may and 'oles un in your 'and. Then you takes
some milk from a red cow, an' some wool from a black
sheep, an' strikes the place all one way. Then you hangs
the piece of may [hawthorn] up in the chimney corner, tha
do — an' when the may is withered the 'ary ciplis is gone.
It cured 'er ! " F. L. Burnard.
S. Lawrence's Weather. — A few days ago it was very
sultry, and at Hatherleigh a man used an expression new to
me. As he wiped a somewhat heated brow : " Law bless 'ee,
sir, 'tis proper S, Lawrence weather, in't it" I asked what he
meant, and who S. Lawrence was. " Oh," said he, **'tis brave
and hot, awe. S. Lawrence was the king of the idlers."
J. D. Prickman.
Haunted Eoads.
Gontributed by Miss Anderson : —
Tor Abbey Ghosts. — There is a story that the old Lime
Avenue at Tor Abbey is haunted by the ghost of one
Widrington, who walks there, holding his head in his hands
before him.
Tradition says that long ago it was a favourite custom for
malicious persons to denounce some one as a murderer,
whereupon the accused was summoned to present himself
at the Court of Arches ; of course, paying his own expenses
with those of his witnesses. It is said to be recorded that
94 TWENTT-THIBD REPORT OF THE COMMITTEB
a certain man was summoned to appear before the Court of
Arches charged with having murdered Widrington. He
accordingly appeared, bringing with him the man alive and
well, which may account for the story getting abroad
The above tradition is evidently an edition of the follow-
ing story : " During the abbacy of William Norton at Tor
Abbey, who was charged in 1390 with having abused his
powers as lord of the manor by cutting oflf the head of a
canon named Hastings, the abbot produced the canon alive
to satisfy the bishop that he was not dead ; the bishop took
him at his word and declared the whole story a falsehood
of blackest dye. The public, however, were not so easily
satisfied, and believed the accusation — a belief justified by
the appearance of the canon's ghost, which has ever since
been held to haunt the old abbey avenues on a spectral
headless horse." ^ Editor.
Spanish Nun Ghost. — One of the avenues near Tor
Abbey, known as the Spanish Lane, is reported to be
haunted by a Spanish nun. It is stated that once when
some Spanish prisoners were being taken through Torquay,
a rescue was attempted and much blood shed during the
fight. Afterwards it was discovered that one of the prisoners
was a Spanish lady who had followed her husband to the
war disguised as a man. This story most likely gave rise to
the story of the nun, as the lady may have worn a mantle.
On Wednesday, 18 April, a farmer in my parish called
upon me with a view to purchasing a young calf I had for
sale. After a little dealing a bargain was made, and the
following conversation ensued : —
" I must ask a favour of you, sir, which I hope you will
grant."
"Whatisit, Mr. C ?"
" Well, sir, I want you to let the calf bid along wi' his
mother till Saturday morning, when I will come and take
un away."
" Certainly I will, Mr. C ; but may I ask why you
make this request ? "
" Well, you see, it's just this, sir : old Christmas Day fell
on a Saturday this year, and I always wean my calves on
the same day that old Christmas Day fell on. When calves
are weaned on that day they never get quarter-evil."
" Wonderful, Mr. C ," I remarked.
1 Worth's "Devon," p. 294.
ON DEV0N8HIBE FOLK-LORE. 95
" Oh, it be true, sir. I've a varmied nigh on vifty year
and I've never had a ease of quarter-evil in my herd, and I
know it is because I sticks to my rule." W. Harpley.
Stopping to chat one day last spring with a labourer at
work about 11 a.m., I found him taking some refreshment,
and I jestingly remarked, " You labourers seem to me to be
always eating." " Only eight times a day, sir," he said, and
immediately rapidly recited the following formula : —
"A dew-bit
and breakfast,
a pocket-bit
and dinner,
a crumbit \ pronounced crummat
and a numbit J and nummat.
supper
and a bit after supper." W. Habpley.
Mr. R Pearse Chope sends the following notes : —
1. Cuke for Fits. — The following letter is quoted in the
"North Devon Journal" of 19 April, 1906, from the
"Western Morning News" of 17 April: —
" Sir, — ^North Devon is full of strange folk-lore and beliefs
(we won't call them superstition). On Sunday the parish
church of Sutcombe, a small village between Holsworthy
and Hartland, was the scene of a revival of an interesting
old faith-cure. A woman in the parish has of late been a
sufferer from epileptic fits, and at the persuasion of a neigh-
bour who nineteen years ago had done the same thing and
had not suffered from fits since, she went round the parish
and got thirty married men to promise to attend the parish
church at the morning service. It was a gratifying sight to see
so large a congregation, drawn together out of sympathy for a
neighbour and a desire to do anything she thought might
help her. At the close of the service the rector desired the
selected men to pass out one by one, and as they passed
through the porch they found the woman seated there,
accompanied by the neighbour who had done the same
nineteen years ago (as many who were present remem-
bered). Each man as he passed out put a penny in the
woman's lap, but when the thirtieth man (the rector's
churchwarden) came, he took the twenty-nine pennies and
put in half a crown. A silver ring is to be made out of
96 TWBNTY-THIBD REPORT OF THB COMMITTBK
this half-crown, which the woman is to wear, and it is
hoped that the result will be as satisfactory in her case as it
was on the previous occasion. In a small parish (less than
300 population) it was not easy to find thirty married men,
but all were willing to help — farmers, labourers, and trades-
men— and the whole incident passed ofif very quietly, and
all was done with the utmost reverence and decorum. The
woman takes her seat in the porch when the preacher
begins his sermon, and from the time she leaves her house
until she returns she must not speak a word. We have not
heard whether she complied with this condition. Can any
of your readers furnish me with the details of any similar
case ? " F. G. Scrivener.
" Sutcombe Rectory."
This is another example of the custom described in the
"Trans. Devon. Assoc." for 1903 (p. 133), but it is interest-
ing from the fact that it required " married men " instead of
" young people of the opposite sex " (" Trans. Devon. Assoa,"
1880, p. 101), "young men" ("The Times" of 7 March,
1854, quoted in "Choice Notes," "Folk-lore," p. 173),
"young men (or women) between the ages of sixteen and
twenty-one " (S. Hewett, " Nummits and Cruramits," p. 72),
"forty single men" ("Choice Notes," p. 174). Another
interesting feature is the necessity for silence, which is not
recorded in the previous accounts; but perhaps the most
curious development is the fact that the rector himself
acted as master of the ceremonies. E. Pearsb Chope.
2. Cure for Fits. — The following extract is taken from
the "Daily Chronicle" of 26 May, 1906:—
" The Kev. Eoger Granville, of Pinhoe, formerly Eector of
Bideford, tells an interesting story of Devonshire super-
stition. * On one occasion,' he says, * a young farmer from
the neighbourhood of Torrington called on me and asked me
to tell him what was contained in a bag which he had worn
round his neck since infancy, and which a white witch had
given his mother as a preventative against fits. After
cutting open several outer cases, well worn and sweat-
stained, I came upon the original inner one, which con-
tained a number of pieces of paper, each bearing one
word.
" * Piecing them together, I found they formed the follow-
ing sentences: "Sinner, Jesus died for thee" (thrice repeated).
ON DEVONSHIKB FOLK-LORE. 97
" Therefore flee that sin." At the man's request, these pieces
of paper were reinserted in their several bags, and my maid-
servant sewed them up again, and he, replacing the charm
round his neck once more, went on his way rejoicing, being
now in a position to tell a neighbour, whose child had also
fits, that was a certain cure for them.'"
E. Pearse Chope.
3. Cure for Fits. — The following letter appeared in the
"North Devon Journal" of 26 April, 1906:—
"Faith-cure" in North Devon.
"Sir, — To supplement Mr. Scrivener's letter, which
appeared in your last issue, allow me to state that nearly
sixty years ago there was a similar exhibition in Welcombe
Church, though not identically the same as this, for the
afflicted one who was seeking to be cured sat in the church
during the delivery of the sermon and then walked out.
He was a single man named John Luxton, but always
called 'Jack.* And my sister was one of those asked to
contribute a penny with twenty-nine others, and Anne
Ayres brought the half-crown from which the ring was
to be made, which was duly executed by John Downing,
and ' Jack * wore it for some years, but, alas ! it did .not
efifect a cure. Perhaps the failure may be attributed to his
not sitting in the porch during the time of the service.
However, he sat there as the people retired, the writer
being present and witnessing it. Poor * Jack ' died in a fit
nearly forty years ago, being near the church where he
had sought the cure, and 1 believe Mr. Toller held an
inquest, but am not sure of this. " T. Gay.
" Barnstaple."
It is rather curious that, in none of the Devonshire examples
of this well-known cure, was it regarded as important to have
the ring made of " sacrament money," although in the cure
for paralysis given by Hunt (" Popular Eomances," 3rd ed.,
p. 412), the sufferer obtained the half-crown from the clergy-
man, in exchange for her thirty pennies, and then walked
three times round the communion-table.
E. Pearse Chope.
4 Cure for the King's Evil. — The following came to
my notice several years ago, but I do not think it has ever
appeared in print. A woman at Woolfardisworthy West
used to effect the cure of this complaint by " saying words "
VOL. XXXVIIL Q
98 TWBNTY-THIKD BEPORT OF THB COMMITTEE
over an ordinary shilling, which she ordered the sufiferer
to wear always, threatening him that, if he lost or
spent the shilling, the disease would return. In one
instance, at any rate, the charm worked well enough for
some time, but one day, having spent all the rest of his
money at the inn, the wearer of the charmed shilling was
persuaded by his companions to risk the coin on " another
pint." Next morning the king's evil had returned! It
should be noted that no fee was demanded, or paid, for the
original charm. I could not ascertain that the woman had
any special qualifications, but one family at Hartland had
both a seventh and a ninth son who "touched for the
king's evil," while in another the " doctor " was the seventh
son of a seventh son, a fact which greatly enhanced the
potency of his touch. E. Pearse Chope.
5. Cure for Measles: Value of Personal Names. — The
following note appeared in '*The Daily Mail" of 26 March,
1906, under the heading " Superstitious Parents " : —
"Witchcraft and superstition die hard in Devonshire.
" There has lately been an epidemic of measles at Chittle-
hampton, and in the hope of curing their children parents
have dragged the little sufferers through three parishes in
one day, which proceeding is said to effect a certain cure.
" Others have taken their offspring to women who have
not had to change their name by marriage, in the belief that
whatever such women gave to sick children to eat would
act medicinally. This treatment has not proved effectual,
but still there are people who are prepared to continue
it."
Both of these items have, I believe, hitherto been
recorded only as applied to whooping-cough. Sir J. W.
Walrond, writing many years ago to " Notes and Queries "
(1st ser., Vol. IX, p. 239; "Choice Notes," "Folk-lore,"
p. 218), said : ** Inquiring the other day of a labourer as to
the state of his child, who was suffering very severely from
hooping cough [sic], he told me that she was 'no better,
although he had carried her, fasting, on Sunday morning,
into three parishes* which, according to popular belief, was
to be of great service to her."
The second item is thus described by Mr. W. G. Black
(" Folk-medicine," p. 138) :—
"Grenerally in the west and midland counties of England
the virtue lying in the person of a woman who has married
ON DBYONSHIRE FOLK-LOBE. 99
a husband of the same name as herself, or after the death of
her first husband marries a second whose name is the same
as that of her maidenhood, is extolled, and this is the more
strange that one of the commonest maxims for the guidance
of marriageable girls is to the effect that : —
A change of the name with no change of the letter —
Is a change for the worse and not for the better.
" Be that as it may be, the little sufferer from whooping-
cough is in Cheshire trustfully sent to get plain currant
cake from a woman who has married a man of her own
name, and in the neighbourhood of Tenbury to get bread
and butter and sugar from Widow Smith, n4e Jones, who
has become on her second marriage Mrs. Jones."
The writer from Cheshire in "Notes and Queries" (1st
ser., Vol. VI, p. 71; "Choice Notes," "Folk-lore," p. 18l)
states that the cake must be made by the woman, and that
" on no account whatever is any payment or compensation
to be made directly or indirectly for the cake. My
informant has the firmest belief in this specific, he himself
having witnessed, in the case of his own child, the beneficial
result ; but he took care to mention, as probably an advan-
tage, that the cake which cured his child was made by a
woman whose mother had also married her namesake."
E. Pearse Chope.
6. The Dead Hand.— The "Hartland Chronicle" for
February, 1906, quotes the following from the quarterly
statement of the Shipwrecked Fishermen and Mariners'
Society : —
"After the wreck of the 8.8. * Uppingham,* in November,
1890, some of the bodies recovered were temporarily
deposited under the church belfry and in a stable, and the
surprising fact is related by Mr. Chope (Vicar of Hartland
and local hon. agent of the Society) that the hand of one of
them was * superstitiously used by a villager for striking
the king's evil ! ' The vicar then made an urgent appeal for
funds to build a mortuary for use on such occasions, which
was generously responded to, and Hartland is thus provided
with a decent resting-place for the unbefriended dead."
The efiicacy of the dead hand is well known. Scot, in
the " Discoverie of Witchcraft," says : —
"To heal the king or queen's evil, or any other soreness of
the throat, first touch the place with the hand of one that
died an untimely death."
g2
100 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON DBVONSHIBB FOLK-LOBB.
Hunt, in his "Popular Bomances of the West of
England," says : —
" Placing the hand of a man who has died by his own act
is a cure for many diseases," and he records the instance of
the cure of a young man who had been afflicted with
running tumours from his birth ; he says also that he " once
saw a young woman led on to the scaflbld, in the Old
Bailey, for the purpose of having a wen touched with the
hand of a man who had just been executed" (3rd ed.,
pp. 378-9).
At a coroner's inquest at Plymouth in 1879, a lad, who
was afflicted with the king's evil, was brought to the court
by his mother and a friend, to obtain permission to be
" struck " by the man who had committed suicide (" Trans.
Devon. Assoc," 1880, p. 102). E. Pearse Chope.
ELEVENTH REPORT OF THE DARTMOOR
EXPLORATION COMMITTEE.
Eleventh Report of the Committee — coiisistiTig of Mr, J, S.
Ameri/j the Rev. I, K, Anderson, Mr. R. Burnard, Rev. S.
Bariiig-Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking-Rowe, Mr.
Basil Thomson^ and Mr. R. Hansford Worth — for the pur-
pose of exploring Dartmoor and the Gamps in Devon.
Edited by the Rev. I. K. Anderson.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1006.)
HUT CIRCLE SETTLEMENT AT WATERN OKE.
EXPLORED JULY, 1906.
This settlement is situated east of the junction of the
River Tavy and Rattlebrook (see Sheet Lxxxvin. S.E.), and
commences at a distance of 400 yards from it, and extends
for half a mile. The number of hut circles explored was
ninety-four and two unexplored. Between 1 and 46
there are distinct traces of connecting walls, as shown on
plan. Also between 33 and 36 ; 37 and 43a ; 53, 58, and
57. Hut 12 is a capital example of a hut divided into two
rooms by a wall; 17, a triple hut in the form of a trefoil.
The huts are generally circular, the notable exceptions being
12, 17, 38a, 36, and 80.
The excavation and planning commenced on 6 June, 1905,
and eight diggers were employed, who were encamped near
the spot for that purpose.
Several days were spoilt by the rain, and our tents were
blown down on two occasions.
Under the shelter of the rocks, midway between 46 and
36, is a small structure which may have been artificial ; and
between 52 and 61 is an artificial structure like a sentry-
box, but we were unable to determine whether it was
ancient or modern, hesitating about its destruction, which
would have been inevitable.
102 ELEVENTH REPORT OF THE
The exploration was terminated on 27 July.
Charcoal in considerable quantities, much more than usual,
was found in most of the huts, with the usual accompanying
cooking stones, pottery, and flints. The most interesting
find was a small glass bead, blue in colour and semi-opaque,
which was dug up about 30 inches below the surface in 57,
measuring | inch long and ^u ^^- diameter, with a hole
through it longitudinally. Tliis was submitted to Mr. Head
at the British Museum, who thus expresses his opinion
oflBcially: —
I think the bead old. It most nearly resembles (1) from Water
Newton Hunts, found with Roman remains of the second century
or thereabouts ; and (2) one from Thebes in Egypt, of no certain
period, but doubtless Roman also.
The hut-circle settlement is of crescent shape conforming
to the curve of the river, No. 1 at the western end being
about 140 feet above the river and about 200 yards from it,
whilst the huts at the extreme east are close to the river
and both pleasantly situated and sheltered. Those of the
western limb are, so to speak, terraced down to 43 and 44,
and 55, 56, 57.
The marked entrances of the huts were generally either
towards the south or directed towards the river.
Hut 80, which is markedly oblong on plan, is more or
less a departure from the circular form, and appears to have
been rebuilt or ** restored " at some period.
The whole settlement seems to have been intended for
occupation in connexion with peaceful pursuits; at least,
there are no signs to the contrary.
Rut Circle 1. — A small irregular hut with no apparent
entrance.
The bottom concave and formed entirely of large slabs of
stone.
A stone projecting 18 inches was evidently intended as a
shelf for some purpose.
The longest diameter was 9 feet from E. to W., from N.
to S. 7 feet.
Tr6W5e of a wall uphill in N.E. direction leading nowhere.
HiU Circle la, — Small circle ; entrance on the south side.
Very rugged and pit-like.
External diameter, 15 feet ; internal, 9 feet, with rocks on
the west side.
A wall from N.K leads in a circular direction south, and
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTBE. 103
joins Hut Circle 5, with a branch leading in a similar way
between 7 and 8.
Found sling stones from river and some pieces of rough
quartz.
Hut Circle 2. — A well-made hut. External diameter, 24
feet ; internal, 13 feet. Entrance facing S.S.W.
Here were found cooking and pounding stones and some
small sling stones. Also flint.
JItU Circle 3. — Well-defined circular hut with a decided
sheltered entrance pointing S. by W. External diameter,
32 feet; internal, 11 feet.
There were found pounding and cooking stones and some
quartz crystals, some pieces of which were pointed and
blunted by use.
HiU Circle 3a. — Unexplored; about 7 feet in diameter,
and did not look worth trying. It was left till the last, and
then overlooked.
Jlut Circle 4. — A very good hut.
Internal diameter, 9 feet. Joined to 4a by a wall.
The entrance on the south side is protected by a curved
approach of stones.
There were found here about two dozen stones, rubbers,
etc.
Hut Circle 4a. — Small but well made.
Internal diameter, 8 feet; external, 13 feet. The entrance
was probably at south. The fire-place was close to the wall
on the north side, where there were many burnt stones.
Hut Circle 5. — Very good small circle ; internal diameter,
9 feet. Door at S.E. and the fire-place at north.
From the north a wall circling N. to W. joins it to la,
enclosing 2, 3, and 4.
Hut Circle 6. — 10 feet internal diameter.
Entrance well made on east side. A stone in the centre
of floor. The fire-place was on the N.E. side not far from the
entrance. This circle was at the top of the clatter, which
extends southwards to the river.
Hut Circle 7. — External diameter, 21 feet; internal, 11
feet. A large fiat stone extended across the floor on the
north side, of which many burnt stones were found indicating
fire-place.
Between 7 and 8 (nearer 8) walling is indicated, proceed-
ing north and curving to west, joining the wall which unites
6 to 7a.
104 ELBYSNTH BBPORT OF THE
Hut Cirde 8. — This circle presented an interesting division
by boulders separating the N.W. corner into an apartment.
Diameter, internal, 12 feet.
Entrance uncertain, but perhaps at south.
Hut Circles 9, 10. — These circles are contiguous and
interesting.
On N.W. of 9 is a large flat stone 10 feet in length and
the ends 1 feet and 3 feet respectively in breadth. They
seem to have been similarly designed with sheltered en-
trances on south side in each case. Their internal diameters
were 10 feet and 13 feet respectively.
In 9 the fire-place was indicated at the north, where many
burnt stones were found and large pounding stones.
Hut 10 was not in a very good condition, it having been
rather pulled about. A good many stones of the usual char-
acter were found in it.
Hut Circle 11. — This is an excellent specimen and in good
condition, with high walls 5 feet thick. The entrance on
south side, sheltered and well seen, is about 6 feet long and
2 feet 6 inches wide. The internal diameter, 11 feet. It
was evidently paved with stones. Here we found a large
square rubber, many pieces of clean bright spar, and a lai^e
quantity of burnt stones.
Hut Circle 12. — An interesting dwelling, rather shallow,
constructed of boulders, with central wall dividing it into
two compartments.
West, 9 feet 5 inches ; east, 8 feet 4 inches.
Many burnt stones were found, and an entrance seemed
to be indicated on the south side of the western compart-
ment.
Hut Circle 13. — Not very satisfactory for exploration. It
was composed of large stones which had fallen inwards.
The greatest length was from N.W. to S.E., 18 feet ; S.W.
to N.E., about 12 feet.
Here were found a large pounder and some rubbing stones.
Hut Circle 14. — An ordinary hut. Internal diameter, 12
feet, with apparent entrance on east side.
Bubbing and cooking stones found.
Between 14 and 15 there is a small circular pit of stones
about 6 feet in diameter, which was evidently used as a
fire-place, for it was burnt in several places.
Hut Circle 15. — A good circle with large flat stones for
floor. Internal diameter, 12 feet.
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 105
The entrance, 3 feet wide, was at south.
The fire-place was opposite the entrance close to the north
wall.
This circle was at the N.E. side of the clatter.
From No. 14 in a W.S.W. direction are the remains of
walling connecting it With the clatter. The wall is about
70 feet long. Taking this wall as starting from the clatter,
it proceeds E.N.E. to 14, then there is a small gap between
14 and 16, then wall from 16 to 17 (another piece of walling
from 17 S.W. into clatter), 17 to 18, then from 18 S.W. for
about 80 feet ; curving S. and S.E. to 23 ; 23 is connected
with 21a, 21a with 19 and perhaps with 22 ; 22 is connected
by wall with 24a, from which there are traces of a wall
towards 25.
Hut Circle 16. — Deep and circular. Internal diameter,
12 feet, filled up with large stones. The entrance was just
E. of S. Burnt stones and fiat rubbing stones were dug
up ; also pottery with double-line pattern.
Hvi Circle 17. — This dwelling cannot be considered circu-
lar, and consists of three compartments, as shown. There
seemed to be an entrance into the south apartment. Here
we found fiint and a quantity of burnt stones. Flint.
Hvt Circle 18. — Internal diameter, 10 feet ; external, 20
feet. The entrance was at south.
Hut Circle 19. — This again was not circular, but oval.
Greatest diameter, 13 feet; lesser, 9 feet. It was very well
made, and the entrance was at south. Here were found the
usual stones and fragments of a welUwom rubber or whet-
stone.
Hvi Circle 20. — Internal diameter, 11 feet. Entrance at
south, and the fire-place was all along the wall opposite the
entrance. This hut joins 23. Here were found a curious
small, red, square ruddle stone and pieces of fiint.
Hut Circle 21. — A very good specimen, deep and conical,
or pit-shaped, being constructed of large stones in the centre.
Diameters, 16 feet and 8 feet. The entrance was on south
side. Cooking and rubbing stones found. Also a piece of
flint.
Hut Circle 21a.— This is a few feet S.W. of 21, and is
not a circle. The fire-place was on the inside of the south
wall, and the entrance at the west corner. It was an
irregular clumsy-looking dwelling.
106 ELEVENTH REPORT OF THE
Hut Circle 22. — Due south of 21a. Small but of interest.
Entrance on east with double sheltering wall, from which
on S.E. side a wall goes to 24a.
A large stone opposite the entrance showed clearly where
the fire-place was. The internal diameter was 10 feet.
Hut Circle 23. — Contiguous to 20 at its S.W. edge. Not
well built, so far as the use of stone is concerned. Perhaps
it was originally of earth and small stones. This hut was
rather square than circular, with the entrance at the north,
so far as we could judge, and the fire-place was quite evident
at the S.W. corner of the floor.
Hut Circle 24. — Very nicely constructed, but not circular.
Entrance just S. of E. Cooking and rubbing stones found,
and the tire-place indicated ; also pottery with marking of
double lines :::::::::::::::::::::::: and flint.
Hut Circle 24a. — Not well built, entrance at south, and
the material earth and small stones. The fire was at the
east side. Nearly circular, and 12 feet diameter — internal.
Found a flint.
Hut Circle 25. — A very good circle. Diameters, 17 feet
and 10 feet. Deep and conical, with earth floor unpaved.
The entrance was at south. Many pieces of spar and
quartz, also burnt stones and flint piece.
Hut Circle 25a. — Also a good specimen. Probable en-
trance at south. Unpaved earth floor; diameters, 20 feet and
14 feet. Flint scrapers, cooking and pounding stones.
Clatter to the south.
Hut Circle 26. — External diameter, 15 feet; internal,
11 feet. The entrance on south side about 2 feet in width.
The floor paved with large stones. We foimd cooking stones
and pieces of spar.
Hut Circle 27. — Good circle. External diameter, 19 feet;
internal, 14 feet. Paved with large stones, boulders.
The entrance was (probably) W. of S. Cooking and
rubber stones.
Hut Circle 27a. — Well shaped ; internal diameter, 12 feet.
The entrance (probably) on south. At any rate, there was
no doubt about a large fire-place at north.
This circle was not paved.
We found quartz, pieces of spar, small cooking stones, and
rubbers.
Hut Circle 27b. — Well built and shaped. Internal
diameter, 10 feet. Entrance distinct on south side. Large
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 107
flat Stone on west side. The ground falls rapidly from it
about 25 feet at S.W., with rocks and clatter on the bank.
It also falls at S.E. steadily towards 40 and 41.
Hut Circle 27c.— This circle is 68 feet from 27, 88 feet
from 31, centre to centre, about 15 feet diameter ; but being
somewhat covered with heather, it was overlooked and not
excavated. The peg marking its position had become over-
turned by the cattle that were about.
Hut Circle 28. — A well-built and well-shaped dwelling ;
12 feet internal diameter. The entrance was about S.E.
The fire-place at north. A large stone slab reaches from
west side nearly to the centre of the hut.
Some pieces of flint were found.
Hut Circle 29. — The present excellent condition of the
wall of this hut leads us to suspect that it may have been
" restored " or rebuilt to its present height of 5 feet. The
original fire-place seems to have been at north, but there are
traces of fire in other places. Many fire stones were found.
About 13 feet inside diameter.
Hut Circle 30. — A rough stone pit with visible entrance at
south. Tlie fire-place was both at east and west. Diameter
(internal), 10 feet. Some cooking and rubbing stones found.
H^tt Circle 31. — Made of large stones. External diameter,
17 feet; internal diameter, 12 feet. We could not locate
the entrance. There is a trace of walling from it to 27c.
Hut Circle 32. — Very irregular in shape, being constructed
of large stones. General diameter (internal), 11 feet.
The entrance was south, and the fire at north.
A wall seems to have extended from this circle, eastward
about 90 feet, and west to 29, from 29 to 27a, from 27a to
27, from 27 to 27c, from 27c to 31 ; 30 and 31 may have
been connected, and there is a short trace of walling from
30 towards 32.
Hut Circle 33. — Small and irregular, being constructed of
very large stones. Internal diameter, 9 feet. The only sug-
gestion of an entrance was at N.E. Traces of fire all over
the floor. Cooking stones found.
Hut Circle 34. — Very rough dwelling constructed of un-
usually large stones. The floor is about 6 feet square, and
shows many traces of fire.
Hut Circle 35. — Also constructed of large stones. The
entrance is on east side. Earth floor. Internal diameter,
10 feet On the N.E. side of floor is a large flat stone about
108 ELBYENTH REPORT OF THE
1 foot thick, 3J feet by 4J feet, which looks like a table,
or seat, close to the fire-place, which was at N. and N.E. The
usual variety of stones was found.
Excavation 36. — Certainly a habitation, but very rough,
more like a quarry than anything else.
Length from north to south, 20 feet, and of varied breadth
— 7 feet, 5 feet, and 4 feet.
There was no sign of an entrance.
The fire-place of considerable extent was at the north.
Many cooking stones were found ; also piece of flint.
Probably this was a large cooking chamber.
Hut Circle 37. — Very good circle ; internal diameter,
10 feet. Entrance at north, fire-place east. Found a piece
of flint.
nut Circle 38. — Kough, made with large stones.
Internal diameter, 15 feet. No sign of an entrance.
Built under the shelter of rocks or steep clatter.
There were about five dozen cooking stones.
Found some pottery.
Hut Circle 38a. — Adjoins 38 and is oblong, 24 feet from
north to south, and 10 feet across (both internal measure-
ments). Made of very large rough stones. The entrance
was at S.W. corner, and the fire-place at S.
Hut Circle 39. — Eough and irregular. Entrance S.W. ; the
floor, 6 feet diameter. Probably a cooking hut. The fire
was at east.
Hut 40. — 12 feet greatest length and 7 feet greatest
width. It was rough, and constructed of large rocks. Prob-
ably a cooking pit. The fire was at S.W. corner.
Hut 41. — The entrance was possibly at S.W. corner, and
the tire-place was evidently at S.E. About two dozen cook-
ing stones.
Hut Circle 42. — This small group of circles (42, 43, 43a,
and 44) are most charmingly situated just over the brow of
a hill, sheltered from the north, and about 40 feet above the
Tavy and 100 feet from it, with a lovely view of the river.
No. 42 is rather roughly built of boulders, and of squarish
floor; diameter, 9 feet. The entrance at S.W. Fire-place at
north.
Hut Circle 43. — Very fine and circular, its wall being
3 J feet in height and well built. The entrance (perfect) at
south, the fire-place at north. Found a piece of flint.
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 109
nvi 43a. — Eough and irregular, boulder built. The en-
trance was at south, and there were signs of fire all over the
floor. Probably this was the cook-house for 44. Its greatest
length was 12 feet and the width 9 feet.
Hid Circle 44. — The most charmingly situated of the
whole settlement. Its internal diameter, 10 feet ; height of
wall, 2\ feet. The entrance was at south, facing the river,
the fire-place at N.E. There were about two dozen cooking
stones.
Hut Circle 45. — Composed of about half a dozen rocks
and very little earth. The entrance at east. A monolith,
which seems to have formed part of its west wall, has fallen
outwards, and measured about 13 feet in length.
The floor was irregularly paved with boulders.
The tire-place was at east and west. Many cooking stones
and a piece of flint.
Hut Circle 46. — Circular in form, about 12 feet internal
diameter, but not very satisfactory. This, with 46a and
46b, being constructed amongst the clatter, was most dis-
heartening, and took a good deal of time, patience, and
strength.
Hut Circle 46a. — This was evidently a cooking place, con-
structed amongst the rocks, impossible to measure or de-
lineate, for it had no shape ; it contained much burnt granite.
Hut Circle 466. — Very rough, but apparently about 9 feet
diameter on floor. We could not discern an entrance. The
fire-place was at north.
Hvi Circle 47. — Not circular, but approaching a square
8 feet across; poorly constructed, earth floor, fire-place at north.
Hut Circle 48. — Very well built with large stones. Internal
diameter, 13 feet ; but no visible entrance. The fire-place
was E. of N. Three dozen cooking and fire stones found and
flint flakes.
H2U Circle 49. — Very rough, irregular, and small, com-
posed of large stones. Its general direction was N. to S.,
12 feet; 7 feet E. to W. The entrance was evident at S.,
and the fire-place at N.E.
Hut Circle 50. — Composed of large stones overlapping,
some having fallen inwards. Very difficult to explore.
The entrance was apparent at east 5 feet wide. The fire-
place extended from E. to W. at N. side. This dwelling was
not circular, being 14 feet N. to S. and 8 feet E. to W. Earth
floor. A few cooking stones, pieces of spar.
110 BLEYSNTH REPORT OF THE
Hut Circle 51. — ^A fair circle, 10 feet internal diameter,
formed of boulders, and with 48, 50 on the edge of a steep
descent of about 20 feet. There was no entrance that we
could determine. The fire-place was at N. and N.K
Cooking stones, pieces of spar.
HtU 52. — Rough and oblong from N. to S., formed by large
stones only ; dimensions, 12 feet by 7 feet.
The fire-place seems to have been at north, but the rocks
had been burnt on all sides. Charcoal, cooking stones.
About half-way between 52 and 61 there is a curious
built-up alcove or sentry-box of stone ; the entrance is about
4 feet high by 18 inches wide, closed at the back, amongst
the clatter on the side of the slope. It faces the Homer
Redlake slightly W. of S. Whether ancient or modem, or
what purpose it has served, we are not in a position even to
suggest. It has not been disturbed, but has been left to the
ingenious speculations of future visitors, or to the inquisitive
destruction of the coming archaeologist.
Hut Circle 53. — Fine circle of 14 feet internal diameter.
Entrance distinct at south. Fire-place north, extending to
east. A large amount of cooking and rubber stones, pottery,
and flint.
HtU Circle 54. — Small cooking pit ; floor, 4 feet by 5 feet;
3 feet deep. No entrance ; fire all over floor.
Hut Circle 55. — Well built of large stones. Internal
diameter, 14 feet. Entrance at south. Fire-place on west
side. Large quantity of cooking stones were found, pottery,
and some pieces of flint.
Hut Circle 56. — Not a very good construction, having few
large stones. Internal diameter, 16 feet. The entrance was
possibly indicated at south. Fire-place N.W. Considerable
number of cooking stones found and flints.
Hut Circle 57. — Very good circle. Internal diameter,
19 feet. Number of stones fallen inwards. Entrance south.
Fire-place N.W. Here the glass bead was found. About
six dozen cooking stones, fragments of pottery in quantity,
flint pieces, two flint arrow-points were found.
Hut Circle 58. — A very good specimen. Internal diameter,14
feet. Entrance at south. Fii^e at north. Many small cooking
stones and pieces of spar were obtained, and some pieces of flint.
Hut Circle 59. — Excellently built of large boulders, 4J feet
deep. Internal diameter, 15 feet. Entrance at west. Fire-
places at E. and N. A pile of cooking stones and a flint
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. Ill
Hut Circle 60. — Rather irregular or oval. Longest diameter,
E. to W., 15 feet ; shorter, N. to S., 9 feet. No visible trace
of an entrance. Burnt stones at east, showing fire-place.
fftU Circle 61. — Or rather a circular pit about 4 feet
deep ; diameter at bottom, 6 feet ; at top, 8 feet ; formed of
large stones ; traces of fire all over the bottom. Here we
found some rubbers, several dozen cooking stones, and a
piece of flint.
RtU 62. — At a distance of 146 yards, direction E.S.E., we
come to 62, which at first sight, having a circular appearance
with a central depression, we took for a hut circle, but after
excavation we found no sign of habitation. It must have
served some other purpose.
Hut Circle 63. — A very good specimen, but much filled up
with fallen stones. External diameter, 22 feet; internal,
12 feet. The entrance was at south. Some cooking stones,
pieces of spar, rubbers.
Hut Circle 64. — A large good circle. Exterior diameter,
25 feet ; internal, 17 feet. No sign of an entrance. Cooking
and rubber stones (one small red-stone rubber), neck, lip (or
handle) of a jar, and pieces of flint.
Hu^ Circle 65. — A good circle. Exterior diameter, 18 feet;
internal, 11 feet. Entrance denoted by large fallen stone
W. of S. The fire-place was at east side. About a dozen
cooking and rubbing stones. A well-worked piece of flint.
Hut Circle 66. — A massive stone hut of large granite
boulders about 100 feet from the river at S.W. Total length
from N.E. to S.W., 15 feet internally. Eubber and cooking
stones.
Hui Circle 67. — Fine small circle. External diameter,
19 feet ; internal, 9 feet. Could not determine the entrance.
About a dozen cooking and rubber stones found and some
fn^ments of pottery.
Hut Circle 68. — Very well defined; 18 feet external and
12 feet internal diameter. There was a large slab of stone
5 feet square in the centre. Some of the stones had fallen
inwards, and there was no definite sign of an entrance.
About two dozen cooking stones and rubbers, amongst which
there was one of granite, 12 inches in length, of triangular
section, with very flat smooth base. Its base measured
8 inches across, and the sides of the section were 6 feet
and 6^ inches, as shown on sketch. Charcoal, pottery, and
some pieces of flint were found here.
112 KLKVBNTH REPORT OF THE
HxU Circle 69. — Yery good. External diameter, 18 feet ;
internal, 11 feet. Entrance (probable) at south, the stone
posts having fallen inwards.
Three dozen cooking stones, pounder of tourmaline granite,
spar polished, charcoal, pottery, and a piece of flint found.
ffut Circle 70. — Fine hut. External diameter, 21 feet;
internal, 13 feet Entrance at south marked by one upright
stone. About three dozen cooking, rubbing, and sling stones.
One specially fine fractured whetstone quite smooth with
use, pointed piece of spar, flints.
HiU Circle 71. — Well constructed. External diameter,
21 feet; internal, 11 feet. The only sign of an entrance
was on eastern side. More than one hundred (sling, rubber,
and cooking) stones and pottery were found.
Hut Circle 72. — Fair specimen. External diameter, 17 feet;
internal, 11 feet. Some large stones like steps suggested
entrance at S.S.E. A considerable number of rubbing and
cooking stones dug up.
Ifut Circle 73. — Longer diameter, 12 feet; shorter, 7 feet.
A large, nearly square, stone nearly filled the hut.
Cooking stones. No entrance.
Hut Circle 74. — Small and rough, made of large boulders.
External diameter, 10 feet.
Eubbing stone found here.
Hut Circles 75 and 76. — Contiguous. Very diflBcult to
excavate, as they were filled with rough large stones. The
only sign of a possible entrance was close to the division
wall on KE. side of 75, in which some large rubber stones
were found. Internal diameter of 75 was 15 feet ; and of
76, 12 feet.
N.B. — These hut circles (75 and 76) have not been drawn
in the usual manner north and south, but as shown by arrow.
Hut Circle 77. — Rather oval, the diameters being 12 feet
and 10 feet. Formed of very large rough boulders.
Rubbing stones, pointed piece of quartz spar.
Hut Circle 78. — Internal diameter, 15 feet. Also made of
large rough boulders. Piece of glass (? ancient).
Hv^ Circle 79. — Very rough work indeed. Floor, 8 feet
and 10 feet ; not a circle ; constructed in the clatter.
(N.N.W. of 80 at about 30 yards are traces of perhaps
other ancient huts, but we were unable to investigate further.)
Hut Circle 79 may possibly have been the cook-house
for 80.
DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 113
Hut 80. — This hut seems to have been rebuilt at some
period, and probably was never circular. A very large stone,
at least 3 feet thick and 13 feet in length, monopolizes the
internal space. We tried it as floor, bed, and board, but it was
equally unsuitable for our requirements in each case. A
corroded piece of iron was found (possibly a modern knife).
Large rubbing stone. Pottery. Very good arrow-head point.
HiU Circle 81. — Before digging, this seemed like a hut
circle about 15 feet external diameter, but nothing was found
to indicate habitation.
Hut Circle 82. — On the opposite side of the river, to the
west of Homer Redlake, and nearly S.W. from the boundary
stone at about 200 yards, is a fine hut circle fully 20 feet in
diameter and well built. Here we found a flint, charcoal,
and traces of pottery.
On revisiting the above settlement some months after
exploration, it was noticeable that the cooking stones which
were hard when first dug out had become friable.
Whilst under canvas we were visited by Colonel Goldie,
R.E., Commanding Western District, who was much gratified
with what he saw.
We were much cheered during our stay in the wilds,
under canvas, and uncomfortable surroundings, by the visit
of a party of enthusiastic ladies and gentlemen full of the
meeting at Princetown, which was then in progress, who were
ably conducted to our " diggings " by Mr. George French, of
Postbridge.
A hut circle is marked on the Ordnance Map N.E. by N.
of the top of Fur Tor at a distance on plan of about 800
yards. We located this and marked it for excavation, but
were unable to carry out our intention, though we attempted
to do so.
BURIED HUT CIRCLE OR (?) BARROW AT **THE CROFT,"
PETER TAVY.
A probable hut circle or (?) barrow discovered while cutting
a road in a field known as "The Croft," close to the Rectory,
at Peter Tavy on 3 January, 1906, by Arthur Heeley, Esq.
The hollow in the centre was about 12 inches deep and
18 inches diameter, and contained charcoal.
A portion of a vessel of soft stone was found, three
pieces of another vessel, and several small pieces of flint.
VOL. XXXVIIL H
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND
COUNTISBURY. I.
INTRODUCTORY, ANTIQUITIES, HISTORICAL SKETCH,
AND MANORS.
BY REV. J. F. CHANTER, M.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
INTRODUCTION.
Of Lynton and Countisbury, almost isolated as they were
from the tide of human events, with Severn Sea on one
side and the solitudes of Exmoor Forest on the others, the
older Devonshire writers have told us but little. For litera-
ture in the past was wont to gather round persons rather
than places, to describe events rather than scenery. It is
only the more modern writers who have lingered long and
lovingly over the beauties of nature, and with such Lynton
and its neighbourhood have ever been a favourite subject,
for it is a land noted far and wide for its beautiful and
romantic scenery, its deep valleys and precipitous hills, its
rushing streams and moss-clad rocks, its wooded vales and
rolling moorlands, its ferns and verdure, its perpendicular
cliffs, with fringe of silver sea beneath. And so writers
from Polwhele downwards in a long stream — Warner,
Southey, Dr. Maton, and others — have filled pages with
description of its natural features, and especially of the
Valley of Kocks, or Valley of Stones, as they called it, in
which they saw, filled as their minds were with the fantastic
theory of Druids and Druidical worship invented in the
seventeenth century and then so prevalent, a place which
ought to have been, even if it was not, a scene of its
mystical rites. And each year adds to the number with
I
H
Si
Q
o
THE PAKISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 115
a new guide-book, which repeats with slight variations the
words and even errors of the old.
While, on the other hand, there stands up in the past of
Lynton scarcely a single individual around whom history
could gather, not even a squire or a parson — names often
held up for derision, yet the centres of every village
chronicle, and here scarcely to be found. Not till the seven-
teenth century was there a resident lord of the manor of
Lynton, and then only for a brief period, after which the
manor was rapidly dismembered ; and as long as records
go back, with one exception, no vicar or parson (I use the
word parson in its strict sense, the persona^ or rector, of
the parish), but only a perpetual curate, who was often non-
resident. Yet, in spite of this, Lynton has a past and a
history, which, if not so eventful as other parishes*, will
always be of interest to those who dwell there or visit it ;
and I have tried in these pages to give some account of
it, the manors, ecclesiastical a^airs, and families, especially
that of the Wichehalses, around which all the romances
and legends of the district have gathered.
The only account hitherto published is in the "Guide
to Lynton and Neighbourhood," written about 1850, by
Thomas Henry Cooper, a medical man, then residing at
Lynton. It was the result of a great deal of painstaking
research, and contains most of what had been said by Pole,
Westcote, and Risdon; yet as it is very incomplete and
contains so many inaccuracies, I have attempted to give
an entirely independent account, gathered almost entirely
from original deeds and documents, though I would acknow-
ledge my obligation to Mr. Cooper for putting me on the
track of many subjects, and also to E. B. Jeime, Esq., lord
of the manor of Lynton (Jure tixoris), for permission to
look at the existing records of the manors of Lynton, Wool-
hanger, and East Lyn; to Mr. Franklyn Walford, of the
Eecord Office; Mr. W. E. Mugford for his search into the
ecclesiastical records; and especially to my friend Oswyn
A. R. Murray, Esq., whose wonderful knowledge of Devon-
shire families of the seventeenth century, their wills, records,
and family relationships, as well as the records at the
Bodleian and Record Office, is invaluable to any student
of Devonshire famQy history. In an appendix I have given
abstracts of the most important of the documents from
which my information has been drawn.
h2
116 THB PABISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUBY.
IL
ANTIQUITIES AND PREHISTORIC PERIOD.
The first inhabitants of the district who have left any
traces of themselves behind are the men of the Neolithic
or early Bronze period : along the sides of its streams, on
the more level portions of its downs, and on the hill-tops
their hut circles, burial places, stone monuments, and
fortifications .can still be seen, and so frequently as to show
for the age a somewhat numerous population along the
northern and western slopes of Exmoor.
Polwhele, in his " History of Devonshire," says : —
Shapeless piles of stones on Exmoor and the adjacent country
might be approached as rock idols of the Britons. The Valley of
Stones, indeed, in the vicinity of Exmoor is so awfully magnificent
that we need not hesitate in pronouncing it to have been the
favourite residence of Druidism. . . , This valley is about half
a mile in length, in general about three hundred feet in width,
situated between two hills covered with an immense quantity of
stones and terminated by rocks, which rise to a vast height and
present a prospect uncommonly grotesque. At an opening between
the rocks at the close of the valley there is a noble view of the
British Channel and Welsh coast. The scenery of the whole
country in the neighbourhood of this curious valley is wonderfully
striking. The Valley of Stones has a close resemblance to severtd
of the spots in Cornwall which tradition has sanctified with the
venerable names of rock idols, Logan stones, or rock basons;
and the north of Devon, though it may furnish us with no tradi-
tion of the Druids, must yet be examined with an eye to Druidical
antiquities. If the hills or valleys which have been so long con-
secrated to the genius of the Druids of Cornwall deserve so high
an honour^ I have little doubt but that the same distinction is
due to the romantic scenes in Devonshire, which hitherto we
have been led to view with an incurious eye, or to admire, perhaps,
for their rude magnificence while we carried our ideas no further
than the objects themselves. Not that the Druids formed these
scenes, no, they only availed themselves of such recesses to which
they annexed sanctity by commemorating there the rites of
rehgion. . . . The rock idols are piurely natural, though some
labour was employed in a few instances to make them look
artificial. Nature, or some great convulsion in nature, left thoee
rocks in their present fantastic shape, or if any art was applied
to rock idols, it was only to remove some earth, some surrounding
stone from the larger or more cmrious masses, and then the whole
would put on the appearance it now possesses. The whole army
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 117
of Xerxes could not have raised by force or skill such ledges of
rock piled up in the Valley of Stones by human industry. The
most remarkable rock idol in the valley is the Cheesewring.
Lyttleton observes that it greatly resembles the Cheesewring at
Altemon.
I have quoted this passage at some length as, however
absurd and exaggerated it may seem, it is one of the
earliest descriptions we have of Lynton and the Valley of
Bocks itself, as it is now called. Yet it is curious that
Polwhele, who came to examine the neighbourhood with an
eye to what he called Druidical Antiquities, and while he
was familiar with Speed's words, "Ad Exmore saxa in
triangulum alia in orbem erecta," could only see natural
features and was blind to the undoubted erections of man
in a prehistoric age still to be seen in the parish, and the stone
circle and hut circles in the Valley of Rocks itself. And it
would seem that as late as sixty years ago or less there
were many more in the Valley of Rocks which have since
disappeared, for in January, 1854, Mr. Charles Bailey,
father of the present owner of Ley, in a public letter
addressed to the inhabitants of Lynton on the subject of the
commons enclosure complains not only of the building of
ugly stone walls and fences, and opening of quarries in
the valley during recent years, but also adds, " worse than
either, the removal of the immense Druidical stones and
circles which formed its peculiar and striking interest for
the purpose of selling them for gate-posts." In Cooke's
"Topographical Description of Devonshire," published in
1810, there is a further description of these stone circles
that have been destroyed. " The central part of the valley
contains several circles of stone above forty feet in diameter,
probably Druidical remains."
Since the date of Mr. Bailey's letter many stone monu-
ments existing then in other parts of the parish have
disappeared, especially on the south side of the parish,
owing to the enclosure of the commons ; and the new
Ordnance Maps show that the destruction is still going on.
Of those that now remain, a first account was given of
some in the paper by Mr. R. H. Worth and Rev. J. F.
Chanter in the '* Transactions " of the Association for 1905,
and as a further instalment of them is to follow, I would
refer those who desire more exact information on these
antiquities to their papers.
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THB PAKISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 119
east side was apparently made to accommodate a later
packhorse road.
The fosse, at a point 25 ft. south of this opening, is at
the present time 4 to 5 ft. deep, and the rampart rises
29 ft. above the bottom of the fosse, and 5 ft. 6 in. above
the level of the internal ground.
The camp at Qldburrow above Glenthorne or Coscombe
is of a difterent type from the last described, and of more
complex design. It stands at an elevation of 1100 ft. near
the summit of a hill rising direct up from the sea, though
very little raised above the run of the surrounding country.
It consists of an outer fosse and rampart which are circular,
the rampart having a diameter of 100 yd. The fosse is
2 ft. 4 in. deep and the rampart 6 ft. 8 in. high externally
and 2 ft. internally ; within this is a smaller enclosure with
double ditch and bank forming an approximate square with
rounded comers: the diagonal measurement of this from
crest to crest of the inner bank is 35 yd., the diameter
being approximately 25 yd.; the outer of the two inner
ditches is only 2 ft. 8 in. in depth ; the bank inside it does
not rise above the natural level of the ground and is 2 ft.
9 in. in height ; the third ditch is 2 ft. 9 in. in depth, and
the inmost rampart is 5 ft. 7 in. in height on its outer
face, and 1 ft. 9 in. on its inner face: all these measure-
ments were taken at the north-west comer of the camp,
where they are most perfect. The present entrance is on
the north, and the camp is in a very good state of preserva-
tion, though the ditches and banks were probably originally
a little deeper and higher respectively. This camp has
been spoken of by many antiquarians in the past as being
Eoman, and an imaginary Roman road from it over the
Forest of Exmoor to Holland has been laid down, but
it has not the slightest claim to be considered such. I have
given sections of all these four camps, for which and the
measurements I am indebted to Mr. R. Hansford Worth,
who took them with me in 1905-6.
Hut circles are to be found in all parts of Lynton on the
yet unenclosed land — a small circular enclosure, probably for
cattle, is still to be seen in the Valley of Rocks — but are most
numerous on Fursehill and Ilkerton ridges. No systematic
investigation of any of these has yet been made. (A small
but very perfect one made entirely of stone can be seen
close to the water in the Hoar Oak Valley.) Barrows are to
be seen on the hill-tops all round, and a kistvaen was exposed
in 1896 close to the edge of the road above Glenthorne ; it
120 THE PABISHES' OF LTNTOK AND COmfmSBUET.
was on the Somerset side of the border. A vase was also
found in the kist ; it is now in the Taunton Museum. Par-
ticulars of this find were given by Mr. F. T. Elworthy in the
"Proceedings of Somerset Archaeological Society," VoL XLII,
p. 56. The stone weapons and implements found in the
district are not very extensive, at least, such as have been
recorded, but no doubt search and inquiry would bring
many more to light. A labourer named John Bichards, now
residing near Parracombe, who has worked a great deal at
hedging and ditching, has been in the habit of preserving
any good specimens of flint he found in his work, and has a
small but representative collection. The best specimens
are a skinning knife with a ground edge of black flint
of oval shape, 4 in. by 3^ in.; and several arrow-
heads of various patterns. I have given an illustration
of some of these; they were mostly found near Furae-
hill and Hoar Oak. Spindle-whorls or pixie grinding-stones,
as the natives call them, have been found also at Stock
Water and Ranscombe: the upper part of Ranscombe would
probably produce flint flakes in some quantity. I have dog
up several dozens in the course of an hour just on tihe
edge of Lynton parish near Woody Bay station, also flint
cores and a fabricator which had been used a good deaL
Dr. Cooper states in his Guide (p. 46) that a great number
of Eoman coins have from time to time been dug up in the
parish of Countisbury, but I have been unable to verify
this statement or see or hear of any specimen. Mr. E. N.
Worth brings forward conclusive evidence to show that all
claims of any Eoman occupation of any part of North
Devon are entirely valueless, and that if Eoman coins are
found they would be only marks of the peaceful visit
of some Eoman trader. And in connexion with the
supposed Coimtisbury finds it might be as well to put
on record the statement I heard my father, the late John
Boberts Chanter, Esq., of Barnstaple, frequently make, that
the Bev. W. S. Halliday, a former owner of part of Countis-
bury, scattered and buried coins, Eoman and others, with a
view to puzzling the future antiquary.
IV.
HISTORICAL SKETCH.
The parishes of Lynton and Countisbury form the
extreme north-east corner of the county of Devon. Aocord-
1. Skinning Knife, with ground edge, found at Fursehill.
2, 4, 5, 6. Flint Akrow-heads found near Fursehill.
3, 7. Flint Aurow-heads found near Hoar Oak.
Lyktok.— ro yiic« p, 120.
THE PABISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUKY. 121
ing to the revised Ordnance Map, Lynton contains 7285
acres, of which 7190 are land, 13 water, 2 tidal water, and
80 foreshore, and Countisbury 3201. These are the measure-
ments of the Ordnance Survey, 2nd edition, 1905. They
form part of the tithing of Parracombe in the hundred
of SherweU. Brendon also formed part of this tithing
(Parrecumbe cum Lyn Brendon et Lynton quae sunt
membra ad eandem, a.d. 1316, "Feudal Aids," p. 367), the
large extent of which, about 21,582 acres, shows how
extremely thinly the district was inhabited at the period
of the formation of hundreds, or at least the small Saxon
population. The whole tithing might be properly described
as being part of the Forest of Exmoor, as the lords of the
manors paid chief rents and owed suit and service to the
forest courts, and had rights of common for all animals
on the great common or Forest of Exmoor ("Exmoor Forest
Court Papers"), The name Lynton or Linton, as it was
more commonly spelt, is evidently the ton on the Lyn. It
is a name found in all parts of England. There are a Linton
and Linmouth in Northumberland, four Lintons in York-
shire, one in Cumberland, one in Derbyshire, one in
Cambridgeshire, two in Herefordshire, and one in Kent.
In all local guide-books lyn is explained as Celtic for a
torrent or swift stream. Such a derivation would in no
way fit in with the other Lyntons, and it is merely an
error into which successive writers on the district, copying
each other, have fallen. Lyn or line in Celtic means a
pool, and is a word found in numerous combinations
besides Lynton, such as Linlithgow, Dublin, Roslyn, all of
which take their names from pools ; and the lynns or pools
have often given their names to the rivers themselves, as
the Lines in Cumberland, Northimiberland, Peebles, and
Fife ; and our Devon Lyn is essentially a stream of rocks
and pools, many of which, such as Peel Pool, Furze Pool,
Black Pool, Long Pool, Vellacotts Pool, Limekiln Pool.
Stag Pool, and Island Pool, are well known to anglers,
Countisbury is generally explained as county's boundary,
though Eisdon says, "Countisbury, probably the land of
some countess," but it is far more probably, as the late
Mr. E. N. Worth pointed out, Kant-ys-bury, the camp on
the headland, taking its name from either the fortification
now called Countisbury Camp or Old Burrow, near Glen-
thome.
The place-names seem to indicate that the Saxon settle-
ment of this comer of Devon was a gradual and peaceable
122 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
one; but by what route the Saxons first came, whether
spreading northward from Molton or Barnstaple, or creep-
ing down the coastline from Porlock, there is nothing to
show, though in the Middle Ages there was 'a closer con-
nexion between Porlock and Lynton than between Barn-
staple and Lynton. The family names commonest at Lynton
from A.D. 1500 downwards, such as Broomholm, are met
with first at Porlock ; but Mr. K. J. King speaks of Exmoor
as being for a long period a mark or frontier, and that
Simonsbath, still pronounced Simmundsbath, preserves the
name of Sigismund the Waelsing, one of the legendary
heroes wlio were considered to preside over boundary
wastes. The names attached to the churches in the neigh-
bourliood are largely Celtic ones, as St. Culbone at Kitnor,
or Culbone, St. Brendonus at Brendon, St. Martin at Martin-
hoe, perhaps St. Petrock at Parracombe. Further up the
coast we have St. Dubric at Porlock and St. Decuman at
Watchet; lower down St. Brannock at Braunton and St.
Nectan at Hartland. St. Mary and St. John, the dedica-
tions of Lynton and Countisbury, are common to Celt and
Saxon.
Besides the names connected with Lyn, the combes — as
generally in Devon — are very frequent in the parishes.
We have Lyncombe, Ranscombe, Crosscombe, Metticombe,
Shortacombe, Smallcombe, Ladycombe, Coscombe, Denni-
combe, Ducombe, Kipscombe, Swannelcombe, Nutcombe,
and Combe Park. Countisbury and Lynton, the parishes'
names, both bear witness to the old Celtic inhabitants;
yet the worthies and cotes, such as Kibsworthy, Thorn-
worthy, Dogsworthy, and Holworthy, now Holiday, and
numl)er8 of others in the surrounding parishes, show how
the Saxon found it unenclosed and sparsely inhabited ; but
place-names are somewhat difficidt in a place like Lynton,
where they have been so much changed and altered; for
instance, the steep from Lynton to the sea was Mer Hill,
now it is called Mars Hill.
I have already pointed out the large acreage of the
tithing; but in the next two himdred years from the
coming of the Saxon to North Devon, the population must
have increased somewhat rapidly, for at the date of the
survey for "Domesday" the population of Lynton and
Countisbury was approximately 425. If this is compared
with a population of 481 in Lynton and 120 in Countis-
bury, total 601, in a.d. 1801, it would point to the con-
* ns : —
/^
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY, 123
(1) That the wars between the various Saxon kingdoms
and Danish raids affected it very little, if at all.
Although there are notices in the Saxon Chronicles of
raids on the coasts of the Severn Sea, on the confines of
Devon and Somerset, in a.d. 845 and 917, and that the site
of the battle of Cynuit has been placed at Countisbury
by members of the Somerset Archaeological Society, yet
evidences for either Appledore or Cannington, according
to Bishop Clifford, are much stronger; and the raid of 917,
the invasion of the Lidwiccas, under Ohtor and Ehoald, like
that of 988 and 997, was further east, affecting Watchet
and Porlock. The landing at Lynmouth, with its steep
cliffs to ascend to Lynton and the wild moors behind, would
never have been inviting with Porlock and Ilfracombe east
and west.
(2) That the statement made by several writers "that
Lynton is one of the few places of which it is recorded that
William the Conqueror expelled the natives" is entirely
erroneous.
The origin of this statement would appear to be Risdon's
words: "Lynton where, when William the Conqueror had
expulsed the English, he bestowed these lands on William
Chichure one of his captains, together with Crynton, Wolve-
combe, Bocheland, and much more hereabouts." I think this
should be read as referring to the former owners, Ailmer,
Ailward Tochesone, and Earl Algar, who probably never
resided at Lynton at all. The Conquest probably made
little real difference to the parish ; the feudal lords changed,
but as the difficulty of access would have prevented them
from seeing much of the place or, perhaps, of coming to it
at all, the inhabitants must have pursued the even tenor
of their ways whoever was the nominal owner. I shall
deal with the Norman lords of the manors in the
section on the Manors, and so need not refer to them
here. But it might be interesting to note that Exon
"Domesday" enumerates the following stock as being at
that date in the parishes: 137 cattle, 84 swine, 611 sheep,
and 150 goats ; also 72 brood mares, probably the Exmoor
ponies running half wild on the moor; in Brendon 104
wild mares {equus indomitas) are mentioned.
In these records we read of manors, lords, villeins, or
farmers, bordars or cottagers, serfs and swineherds. The
lord has his own demesne or separate land, the villeins
their farms, the bordars their cottages and an acre or two,
but nothing of the parish or the church. When was the
124 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
parish formed and its boundaries defined ? When was the
church built and endowed? Of this we have no documentary
evidence, nor has scarce any parish in the county, for
"Domesday" does not concern itself with these things; only
occasionally does it mention churches or priests. The earliest
notices we have of the parishes and rectors are in the
ecclesiastical records and the Valor of Pope Nicholas in
1291 : by then we find parishes regularly constituted and
parochial clergy mentioned, and that there were rectors
before the earliest of these records. We can, by means of
feudal aids, carry down the history of the manors from the
days of the Conquest to the present time, but the early
history of our country parishes is entirely dark — we can
only speak of the condition of the people and their habita-
tions. The earliest church doubtless occupied the same site
as the present; around it were a few detached cottages
built on the bare earth; the walls were of cob, and the roof
thatch ; half-way up there was a rude floor reached by a
ladder, which was the general sleeping apartment for the
household. Their food consisted of coarse bread, salt meat,
stale fish, and very little variety of vegetable food, which
predisposed them to scurvy and other diseases. Around
every house were a few enclosed patches and herb gardens ;
further out were the farms with houses a little bigger of
the same class; the one assembly place and often storehouse
for the whole parish was the nave of the church.
The passing of the manors of Lynton and Countisbury
into the hands of Ford Abbey may possibly have made
some improvement, for the Cistercian Order did good service
to England by the care it took to improve the breed of
sheep and maintain the fineness of the wool. And the
monks of Ford, who were Cistercians, would have exercised
some local influence — although the earliest references I
have show that for some time the manors were leased
by the convent, and there is no means at present for stating
accurately when it came into direct relations with the
abbey. But at the time of the Valor Ecclesiasticus it was
administered by a steward, Robert Store being then bailiff
or steward of the manors of Lynton and Countisbury.
But the conditions of the district were certainly favour-
able for sheep-farming, both on account of its large open
commons and the fact that from the time of the Conquest
to the present day there has been no tramp of armies
through it, or even near it, save a few scattered bands in
Monmouth's rebellion and a few troopers sent after them.
THK PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 125
The Wars of the Boses and even the Civil Wars left it un-
molested, although there was not always complete security
from robbers with a wild neighbourhood around, to which
the legends of the Doones and other sheep-stealers still
bear witness ; but there are few districts in England which
can show such an uneventful history, and I might say
disappointing one, to unravel, for nearly every reference
to Lynton in the national archives at the Kecord OfiBce
proved on examination to refer to some other of the many
Lyntons in England. But to its connexion with Ford
Abbey it was indebted for the extension of its main
industries, agriculture and fishing. The large open commons
led to the grazing of large flocks and developed a certain
amount of spinning of yarn, but no tucking or fulling mill
appears in Lynton parish, though there was one at Countis-
bury, and they are to be found in all the adjoining parishes.
The only other agricultural industry was the raising of
store stock, and sufficient cereals, mostly oats and rye, were
grown for home consumption. The following inventory
and valuation of the goods and chattels of a Lynton farmer
in the early part of the seventeenth century will give
a good view of their state and also be of interest as showing
the prices of stock at that period and of what the house-
hold goods of a moorland farmer consisted ; they are taken
from the inventory and valuation attached to the will of
John Knight, of Lynton, husbandman, proved 23 June, 1624.
Apparel £3, 6 oxen £16, 3 Kine £7 3 young Bullocks £4
8 yerlings £3 3, calves 20s., 1 Mare and 2 Colts £6 10s., 25 Sheep
£5 7 Lambes 13s. 2 Pigges 16s. Com in the house 40s. Com in
the ground £10 5 Brassen pans 46s. 8d. 2 Brasseu Crocks 20s.,
the Pewter vessels 20s. one cupboard 21s. The table board, form,
and wainscote 10s. 5 coffers 10s. 4 Bedsteads 13s. 4d. 2 feather
beds and two dust beds with their furnyture 40s. The wooden
vessels 208. The bacon and beeafe 20s., one but and one peare
of weeales and weane bodie 20s., all the ploughshipe 23s. 4d.
the bees 13s. 4d., the Pultree 10s., all the husbandry workeinge
tooles lOs., all other things left unprised or forgotten 68. 8d.
The lease of the farm was valued as worth £20.
From this we see that oxen were used for ploughing, and
that a much larger proportion of land was cropped for com
than at present; the presence of a but and wheels is
interesting, as till the beginning of the nineteenth century
packhorses and sledges were almost entirely used on most
of the farms in the district.
126 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
The fishery (mainly consisting of herrings and oysters)
and the harbour were the points that differentiated Lynton
from tlie surrounding parishes, and their history is to a
great extent the history of the parish, and they, too, owed
their development to their connexion with the Abbey of Ford,
which owned the whole of the coastline in the two parishes
of Lynton and Countisbury. The abbey had, or claimed to
have, very extensive rights of fishery both by sea and land,
for according to the statement made by the- Wichehalse
family in commencing an action in the Court of the
Exchequer : —
The Abbots of Ford did possess and enjoy and did claim and
entitle themselves to have the sole right of fishing within the
river of Severne adjoining unto the coasts and shores of Lynton
and Countisbury by such person or persons only to whom they
granted licences. And this royalty has been always known to
extend from Leymouth, being the most westward point of Lynton
Mannor, there contiguous with Mattinhoe Lordshipp all along the
shore and coast of Lynton, and thenceforth spreading to the
middle current or thred of water, running or flowing in the
River Severne and ebbing there vice versa, running up the said
Channel soe far as to be opposite the most extream eastern part
of Countisbury mannor and so far into the breadth of the
channell from Countisbury shore or coast as to be half-way
between Lynton and Countisbury aforesaid and Wales in direct
opposition fronting the aforesaid premises.
This was a claim going far beyond the old manorial one,
which was for the shore so far seaward as a horsed knight
could at low-water springs reach with his lance. Beyond
this was the king's, and all the subjects of the king had
a right to fish in the sea with hooks and nets and other
movable appliances, but a right to exclude the public can
be supported by immemorial usage — that is to say, of a
grant by the Crown made before Magna Charta. And the
Wichelialses claimed that the abbots of Ford, and they as
their successors in their rights and franchises, had from
time immemorial this royalty, or franchise, or liberty of
fisliing in the river of Severn adjoining the shores and
coasts of Lynton and Countisbury, which was a very valu-
able one. For formerly it was a noted resort of herrings,
and as such is mentioned by Westcote and others, and from
a very early date there were on both the Lynton and
Countisbury sides of Lynmouth or Leymouth, as it is always
called in all old documents, cellars and curing-houses called
the Eed-herring houses, all the buildings then existing at
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 127
Lynmouth being of this class, the only access to them being
by a zigzag path down the steep, which was called Mer
Hill or the Sea Hill ; in later documents Merrill, and now
by an absurd corruption Mars Hill. These Red-herring
houses were close to the beach, and, unprotected by any sea-
wall, were continually being washed away by storms and
high tides. A great storm in 1607 swept away a whole
row on the east or Countisbury side and changed the course
of the river. The old bed and weir can still be seen to
the west of present river-bed. At times the herrings for-
sook the shore. A similar thing has happened at various parts
of England, and everywhere local traditions give the same
reason — either that the parson vexed the people for extra-
ordinary tithe, and so the herrings left to avoid contentions,
or that the herrings were so plentiful that they were
used for manure, which so insulted the fish that they would
not come again. During these times the curing-pits were
suffered to fall into decay, and were repaired and rebuilt
on the herrings returning. About A.D. 1750 most of these
Eed-herring houses were sold by Mr. Short, then lord of
the manor, and turned by the new owners into cottages.
Since then there has been only one period in which the
industry flourished, a.d. 1787 to 1797, and from that time
— with the exception of two years, 1811 and 1823 — there
have been no visits of large shoals. The export of Lim-
mouth oysters, however, continued up to the beginning of
the last century.
The herring fishery and curing industry led to a certain
amount of trade with Bristol and Scotland, and the settle-
ment of a Scotch family or two at Lynmouth — the Fer-
gusons for one — and to attempts to make the mouth of
the stream into a kind of haven. In the Exchequer Bill
I quoted from before it is stated that
The Lords of the lordships of Lynton and Countisbury did
always for the security of the vessells to ride, anchor, more, and
keel in the harbour formed by Leymouth river set up posts of
great substance, to which posts such barks and vessels are moored
and tyed with ropes to save them from the ground sea very
rowleing and dangerous there. Without which posts being on both
sides it is impossible that any vessell lying in there should escape
from being wrecked.
But after the departure of the Wichehalse family from
Lynton the haven or harbour fell into disrepair. The disputes
and litigation between Wichehalse and Short, the mortgagee.
128 THS PARISHES OV LTHTOH AND OODHTISBDKI.
went on for nearly twenty yeacs. Jcim Wkhehalae had
no money to spend on it, and Short, of coarae, would not
till his position was seonre; and so what repairs were neces-
sary had to be done by the fishermen and herring carers
themselves; and acting on the advice of Mr. Popham, of
East Lyn, in whose hands the trade principally was, they
refused to pay any more for fishery licences, and spent the
money on repairing the mooring posts. On the lawsuits
terminating in favour of Mr. Short, he was of opinion that
enough had been spent in law over Lynton Manor without
throwing more into the sea ; and so matters drifted on till
A.D. 1740, when the Eev. Edward Nicholls was appointed
curate - in - charge. He had married the widow of Mr.
Richard Knight, of West Lyn, and soon became the leading
man in parish affairs. He took up the cause of the fisher-
men, and represented their case so strongly that the lord
of the manor ordered his receipts from fishery, keelage, and
mowage to be spent on the repairs. The fishermen aoknow-
leered their obligations to Mr. Nicholls by subscribing for
a silver cup to be presented to him, but after 1750 the
receipts fell to such small amounts by the failure of the
fishery as to be entirely insufficient, and the mariners and
fishers had to repair as best they could. But the dangers
to the quay were not only seawards, but also landward.
The gradients on the stream are very steep, and after heavy
rains it comes down at times a foaming torrent, rolling
great boulders along, and destroying all in its course. Such
a fresh in 1769 did great destruction. The seamen got up
a petition to the lord, which was signed by nearly every
inhabitant, entitled : —
"The humble petition of the seamen of limmouth on
behalf of themselves and other inhabitants of Linton and
Limmouth." It stated that —
The river at Limouth by the late rain rose to such a degree
as was never known by the memory of any man now living, which
brought down great rocks of several ton each and choked up
the harbour, broke one boat to pieces and was driven to sea, and
another boat was driven on the rocks, which cost upward of
£12 in repairing, and had all the rest been there some of them
must have been broken to pieces, etc. . . . and also carried away
the foundation under the Kay on that side against the river six
foot down and ninety feet long, and some places two feet under
the Kay, which stands now in great danger of falling. And had
it not been for a new Kay adjoining to the head of the other
of seventy feet long and four feet high made last year with large
THE PABISHES OF LYNTON AND OOUNTISBURY. 129
rocks and at the entire expense and labour of the seamen the
Kay head would have actually been down, as the river forced
itself that way, and the rest must soon have followed after. And
as the place is now so ruinous the seamen and other families must
entirely leave it, and then it will all soon be washed away if not
immediately repaired, which by a moderate computation will
amount to £40.
Therefore the said petitioners humbly desire your honour to
advance what your goodness shall think proper, as they will
advance and do what lieth in their power, which may be
advantage to you and your posterity and your petitioners as
in duty bound will ever pray.
Dated Linton, 8th day of August, 1770.
This petition was signed by twenty-seven inhabitants,
twenty-two in their own handwriting — one put his letters
and four made their mark. It was entrusted to Mr.
Nicholls, who forwarded it to Mr. Short endorsed with
bis strongest recommendations for its consideration.
Mr. Short replied that his steward, Mr. Hill, was there
last summer but heul no complaint and heard nothing of
land floods, and as for the great stones, they would prevent
any further mischief. At last the lord agreed to repair the
foundations on the condition that the seamen would give
their time to wait on the masons and do all the labourers'
work in the repairs ; and on their undertaking to do so the
under-steward, Mr. William Litson, had orders to get it
done as cheaply as possible. The work was completed
in 1772, Mr. Short telling Litson that if there were any
extras the seamen must pay for them. In the end the
seamen paid three guineas extras and also bought and
set up new mooring posts. It was not, however, very lasting,
as in 1775 it was in as bad a state as ever. At this juncture
a Mr. William Lock had settled in the parish and was
engaged in the shipping business at the haven, and he took
the matter in hand, did the most necessary repairs at his
own expense, and called in an expert to survey the harbour
works, who advised that an outlay of £200 would be
necessary to put it in proper repair. The report was sent
to the lord, who promised to give six guineas if the seamen
and fishers would expend eighteen guineas of their own
besides. This unsatisfactory reply brought the Kev. Edward
Nicholls to the subject again. He represented to Mr.
Short that if a tolerable quay was made many more sails
of trading vessels and boats would come into the harbour,
and thereby add to his interest if he would keep proper
VOL. XXXVIII. I
130 THE PABI8HBS OF LTKTON AND COUNnSBURT.
posts and moorings, and that the poor fishermen had been
obliged to be at the expense of it out of their own pockets
as well as pay keelage, at which they greatly grumbled, and
that six guineas would go very little way towards £200
expenditure ; but if Mr. Short would contribute fairly they
would raise the rest by a collection in all the neighbouring
seaports.
Tlie lord of the manor was however of opinion that
Limmoutli harbour was a place rather like the horse-
leech s daughters, always crying **Give, give/' and that he
gi>t very little out of it and had little interest, as he had
loni; ago dis}x>$ed of most of the estates. Long n^otiations
tMuU\l in what remained of the manor and the manor rights
InnUiX sold to Mr. Lock, by whom the quay was ultimately
repaired.
Tlie lawsuit between his grandson, Mr. Bobert Lock Roe,
and Mr. Green as to the right to levy quay dues in A.D.
1870 is too recent to give particulars of, but it is interesting
to note that the judges in giving judgment against Mr.
Robert Lock Roe said they did so wit£ great reluctance,
but they could not override the evidence of a Record OflBce
expert, Mr. Stuart Moore, who showed that while in the
Assize Roll of the Pleas held before Solomon de Roffa in A.D.
1281 the Abbot of Ford, while claiming certain franchises
and rights, made no claim of quay dues, and that as such
claims are recorded in other cases the presumption was that
the Abbot of Ford made no such claim or had no such
right or franchise. This, I think, is of great interest as
showing that researches into the records of the past, which
certain uninterested people may describe as obsolete rubbish,
have a commercial value in these present days, and I would
also note that if Mr. Roe's advisers had taken equal care to
search the records of the past the case might possibly have
ended dififerently, as there are papers at the Record Office,
some of which I have quoted in these pages, bearing on the
subject which seem to favour the lord of the manor's
claim.
The trade from the small haven has never been of any
importance since the decay of the fishery. The export of
oysters continued for some time; in A.D. 1801 they were
still sent to Bristol and were sold at 2s. per 100. The only
other exports were bark and oats, and the imports were
coal and limestone, which was burnt near the sea ; but the
difficulty of conveying goods from the quay up the steep
only conveyance being packhorses — was an
r\
'S
^
o
z
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 131
insuperable bar to any development, nor did the making of
a wheel-track in the last century lead to any improvement,
as the gradients were so steep. I have dealt at some length
with the fishery and haven, for the history of it is almost
the history of Lynton, for lying as it did far oft* from the
main roads none of the great upheavals which figure so
largely in the history of other districts touched it.
The suppression of the monasteries, so much of the
parishes being abbey lands, might have been expected to
have made great differences, but here it was scarcely felt,
for the abbey property was administered not by one of the
monks, but by a layman, one John Chidley, a Dorsetshire
gentleman, who held the office of bailiff of the manors of
Lynton, Countisbury, and Thorncombe, which he obtained
through his relative Abbot Thomas Chard, alias Tybbs,
Bishop of Solubria. And on the abbey being taken into
the king's hands, Chidley obtained letters patent from the
Crown to hold the office for his life, and held it during the
reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth, till
it was sold to Nicholas Wichehalse.
The political and ecclesiastical storms of the Civil Wars
passed it by. The nearest approach to it of any troops was
the marching over Exmoor from Dunster to Barnstaple.
The clergy were men of obscure note, at least so their
successor said, and the livings so poor that their poverty
was their protection. And there are no delinquents
mentioned, though as I have shown in the account of the
Wichehalse family it was the influence of the squire's son,
John Wichehalse, the Parliamentary Commissioner, which
was its protection. And so Lynton lived its quiet life, and
after the brief episode of a resident squire, from A.D. 1628
to 1686, it sank back to a little country village, without
a squire, rector, or vicar, or scarce a visitor for another
hundred years. Even if one came, there was no accommoda-
tion of any kind. When the lord of the manor or his
steward wished to visit his estate the only house able to
accommodate them was a new one built by the curate, the
Rev. Robert Triggs, and by a clause in the lease the owner
had to find lodging and victual for the lord, his steward,
servants, and horses. Its awakening was caused by the
French Revolution. The shutting of the Continent for a
long period to the tourists led them to seek for fresh
pastures in the unknown parts of their native country, and
in that period Lynton may be said to have been discovered
by the general public; before, its existence and beauties
I2
132 THK PARISHB8 OF LTITTON AND COUMTISBUST.
had only been known to a few literati and adventurous
spirits. Among the pioneers were the Marchioness of
Bute and Mr. Coutts the banker; they found scarcely
any accommodation. The only hostelry, kept by John
Litson, " At the Sign of the Crown," as the records of the
parish styled it when the vestry adjourned there in
A.D. 1790, was small and insuflacient. It is to a Mr. William
Litson, son of Mr. William Litson, schoolmaster, that Lynton
really owes its position as a tourists' resort. An enterprising
man, he saw an opening in the advent of the visitor. Accord-
ingly he furnished cottages for the visitors, who in those days
came not for the day or the week, but for months ; and in
1807 he opened what was the beginning of the now famous
Valley of Rocks Hotel, on the site of the present Globe
Hotel. And soon the visitors, attracted by the romantic
scenery, began to build for themselves ; cottages and bunga-
lows sprang up ; and another hotel, " The Castle," was bmlt
by Mr. Colley, maltster, of Barnstaple, and the first Guide to
Lynton made its appearance. It was a very modest sheet
of three pages, printed at Barnstaple, and written by John
Davis, giving directions to visitors of what were the chief
objects of interest, their distances, and the means of getting
at them. They were the Valley of Eocks, Mr. Clarke's
grounds at Ley Farm, Mrs. Sandford's Terrace, the west
valley, the east valley — less picturesque than the west, but
more sublime — up to the meeting of the waters described
as somewhat inaccessible. Ponies or donkeys were the only
means of travelling, except on foot, there being even at that
date no wheels. Since Lynton started on its career as a
tourists' and visitors' resort its rise has been steady and con-
sistent. A rate of the parish in 1773 produced £1 13s., in
1865 the rateable value was £4927, and in 1905 £11,803.
The items of the rate of 1773 will be of interest in these
days as showing the items on each tenement : —
8,
d.
Rev. Mr. Knight
for Higher TenS West Lyn 1
2
If
Lower „ 1
1
)*
N. Stock .
10
)i
Berry's Tenement
2
)}
Barbrook Mill
5
Rev. J. Pine
East Lyn .
1
4
John Lock
Ashwells
H
William Lock
S. Sparhanger
2
it
East Dean .
8
If
Latham's Tenement
4i
THE PAKISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
133
William Lock Minnj Gloee
„ Vellacotts
New Mill .
Lessee of Glebe and Tithes .
Occupier of E. Lyn Lower Tenement
„ Shortacombe
„ East Ilkerton .
„ Great Willanger
Philip Squire, Furzehill
David Hill, Berry's and Cook's .
T. Jones, Crosscombe .
J. Hooper, Linton Town
„ Great Stock
R. and J. Delbridge, W. Dean
Jas. Lean, pt. E. Dean
D. Jones and J. Lean, Lash Close
J. Punchard, N. Furzehill .
W. Keal, Griffith's
Do veil and Lock, Ilkerton .
Occupier of Crocombe's Tenement
R. Vellacott, Sparh anger)
„ Ratsbury /
Occupier of Six Acre .
„ Coffins Heanton
R. Hooper, Barham
R Ward, Groves Ten*.
„ Thomworthy.
Crabriel Keal, Combe Park .
Occupier, Ley ....
William Squire, West Ilkerton
Thomas Jones, E. Ilkerton .
„ Lower Bullen
R. Vellacott, Ilkerton .
Occupier, Little Willanger .
Letheby, Linton Town
W. VeUacott, Linton Town .
W. Litson, Limouth and Linton Town
J. Litson, Linton Town
W. Hooper, Linton Town .
W. Richards, Linton Town .
W. Hooper, Oliver's .
H. Vellacott, Higher Bullen.
f . d.
2*
n
3 0
1 4
2
1 1
lOf
8
6i
9
4
8
6
3
4
10
1
6
n
1 lU
2 o'
H
8"
10
6
1 8
1 4
7
1
6
3
ii
3
1
2
2
2
1
Of the population of Lynton and Countisbury combined
in 1060 I have already given an estimate, and there are
no means of estimating it again till we come to the Subsidy
Bolls. The earliest of these I have been able to find con*
134
THB PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUBY.
taining lists of names in these parishes is that of
6 Edward III (a.d. 1330), when the following names
appear. It includes Lynton and Countisbury.
William Coffyn
12
Roger atte Combe .
18
Henry Leagh .
18
John Fouke
4
Walter de Lynton
40
William le Soper
5
Richard Machun
H
Adam Kyng .
8
John de Ashdene
14
Roger Compyng
8
Roger de Bryhttesworth
14
Thomas atte Mill .
8
William de Legh
15
Peter Fouke .
12
Richard Kr
15
Philip Cardour
10
Richard Kempe
. 18
• 1 • i
Henry atte Mill
l^ ^j^ __i
10
It will be noted in this list that surnames are only partly
fixed: while we have Coffyn, Kempe, and King there are
in several cases the places of abode, as atte Mill, Ley, the
combe, Ashdene, and Bryghttesworth, and also occupations
le Soper, Cardour. The subsidy does not, however, go down
low enough to be able to estimate the population from it.
The other existing early rolls with names are those of
24 Edward III, 13 Henry IV, 15 Henry VII, 5 Henry VIII,
34 Henry VIII : the last of these, which gives twenty-nine
names for Lynton and sixteen for Countisbury, goes down
to the smallest occupier of land, and forms a fair
basis for estimating the population. If we allow an average
of one unassessed household or labourer for each farm it
will give an estimated population of 290 for Lynton and
160 for Countisbury in A.D. 1543. The names appearing
in this list are : —
LYNTON.
John Berry, of Six Acre
10 John Bromeholme sr.
. 10
John Baker
10 John Bromeholme jr.
4
Robert Baylie .
. 10
John Cloman, miller
2
David Knight de Dene
. 10
William Thome
18
Thomas Score .
3
Thomas Clerk jr.
1
Roger Shelford
16
John Roke
2
Thomas Berry .
2
David Roke
2
John Berry
1
David Dyer
12
John Crocombe
1
John Dyer
4
John Cloman 9r.
1
John Dyer jr. .
. 10
John Score de Ljmton
1
John Cloman de Ilkerton
1
David Knight sr.
12
David Cloman .
1
Roger Knight .
10
John Bury
1
John Dyer de Line .
1
Thomas Bond .
. 10
David Chelecombe .
1
THE FABISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
135
COUNTISBURY.
4
John Mogerige
John Holle worthy de
Ashton
1
! 2
Johnna Holleworthy
David Holleworthy .
John Szoley .
John Rawell
2
. 3
1
1
David Rawyle .
. 2
Richard Frye .
David Frye
Robert Frye
John Parkyn sr.
John Parkyn jr.
David Ward sr.
John Ward sr.
John Ward jr. .
David Moggeridge
Most of these names are those of families that were
resident in the parish down till the last century.
Later rolls with names are in existence for 1551, 1571,
1592, 1622, an undated one temp. Charles I, and 1640. I
have transcribed all of these, but as the period is covered
by the registers it is unnecessary to insert them.
The population since 1801 shows a steady increase, the
only drop — a small one — being in 1861; the largest increase
1901. The figures are : —
1801 .
Lynton 481 ...
Countisbury 120
1811 .
„ 671 ..
113
1821 .
„ 632 ..
118
1831 .
„ 792 ..
187
1841 .
„ 1027 ..
185
1851 .
„ 1059 ..
174
1861 .
„ 1035 ..
176
1871 .
„ 1170 ..
209
1881 .
„ 1213 ..
184
1891 .
„ 1235 ..
233
1901 .
„ 1641 ..
279
If the census were taken in August the total would be
nearly 5000.
The greatest change that has been made in the last
century is by the enclosure of the commons between 1850
and 1860. It gave rise to protracted litigation owing to
conflicting interests, the details of which, however, it is
unnecessary to enter into. Under the award 33 acres 2
roods 34 perches in the Valley of Kocks were allotted as
a recreation ground for the parishioners, and are happily
still in a wild state and unenclosed. But the approach
to Lynton from Barnstaple has been completely altered.
Up till 1850, after leaving Parracombe, the road passed
over a great stretch of gorse and heather, without any
fence on either side till the top of Lydiate Lane or Dean
136 THK PABISHES OF LTNTON AND OOmmBBUBT.
was reached. Now the moor can only be seen in the
distance, the heather has disappeared, aU has been fenced
in, and wide roads have taken the place of the packhorse
tracks of the last century. Even as late as 1859 the Lord
Chief Justice of England, who was in that summer a visitor
at Lynton, wrote to the local authorities to complain of the
dangerous and almost impassable state of some of the roads
(Vestry Minutes, 1859).
The method by which the annual cattle fair at Lynbridge
was first established in 1854 is, I think, of interest as
showing the. strange blend of superstitious customs and
affectation for legal forms that existed among the inhabitants
at that time.
There is an idea which is prevalent still in many villages
that a legal fair can be established by means of performii^
the burlesque ceremony known as " To ride Skimmington,"
I need not describe the ceremony, as it is so well known —
but if any desire information I would refer them to Butler's
"Hudibras" and HalliwelL Accordingly this ceremony was
performed, and the following account was drawn up and
preserved in the "Fair Book with List of Tolls" by the
organizers.
MANOR OF LYNTON IN THE CO. OF DEVON.
June '26th, 185 Jf.
Whereas the inhabitants of Lynton in the County of Devon
did send on the tenth day of June, one thousand eight hundred
and fifty-four, public notice to the inhabitants of the parish
of Countisbury in the Co. of Devon that they intended to ride
Skibbiton \sic\ on Monday, June 12th, 1854, and that they
would bring, and nail, and leave, the Ram's horns in the parish of
Countisbury aforesaid for the purpose of establishing an annual
cattle fair in the parish of Lynton aforesaid. And the inhabit-
ants of Lynton did ride Skibbiton on Monday, June 12th, 1854,
and having carried the horns and having nailed and left the horns
in the parish of Countisbury in the Co. of Devon without let or
hindrance, and having sent notice to the churchwardens of the
parish of Countisbury on the nineteenth day of June, 1854, that
they should bring the Ram's horns and nail and leave the same in
the parish of Countisbury on Monday, June 26th, 1854, for the
purpose of holding and establishing an annual cattle fair in the
parish of Lynton in the Co. of Devon, and the inhabitants of
Countisbury having received the horns without let or hindrance,
a Cattle Fair was held at Lynbridge on the said Manor of Lynton
on Monday, June 26th, 1854.
THS PABISHXS OF LTI^TON AND COUKTISBUBT. 137
Tolls were collected at this fair and handed over to the
lord of the manor for the purpose of providing stalls and
pens at the fair, and a notice of the fair, to be held hence-
forth annually on 16 August, was advertised in a local
paper by the steward of the manor, since which time it has
been regularly held.
The greatest alterations and improvements in Lynton
itself have been made in the last forty years, since the
Local Board was first formed in 1866, under the Local
Government Act of 1858. In the same year a company
was formed to bring a supply of pure water into the
villages from the West Lyn (the work was completed in
1869 at a cost of about £2500). This undertaking was
transferred to the Local Board in 1893 for a fixed rental.
In 1894 the Local Board gave place to the Urban District
Council, which is now the governing authority for the
parishes of Lynton and Countisbury, and in the same year
Petty Sessions were first held in the parish. In 1895 the
Bill was passed under which the long-hoped-for railway
between Barnstaple and Lynton was constructed ; it was
opened on 11 May, 1898. Communication between Lynton
and Lynmouth by the Cliff Railway had anticipated this, it
being opened on 7 April, 1890.
In 1900 a volunteer corps was started, and in August of
the same year the new Town Hall and Municipal Buildings,
the gift of Sir George Newnes, were opened. A new Market
House and new schools in 1901, we may say, completes the
equipment of the modem watering-place which now lays
itself out as a popular visitors' and tourists' resort.
THE MANORS.
THEIR EXTENT, DESCENT, AND CUSTOMS.
The parishes of Lynton and Countisbury consist of the
following ancient manors : —
(i) Lynton.
(ii) Incrinton or Woolhanger.
(iii) Lyn.
(iv) Heanton.
(v) Countisbury,
and Fursehill, and part of Crossoombe detached.
138 THE PAfilSHBS OF LTNTON AND CX)X7NTISBnBT.
L MANOR OF LYNTON.
(a) EXTENT AND DESCENT.
The manor of Lynton extended over the whole of the
western side of the parish, excepting what lay within the
manor of Heanton and Crosscombe. Its boundaries were
the sea on the north from the East Ljn Biver to the stream
that divides Martinhoe from Lynton at Leymouth; from
there by a line running nearly south having Heanton on
the west to a point where the three parishes of Martinhoe,
Parracombe, and Lynton. meet, formerly called Red Hoar
Thorn ; thence down the stream called Venus Water to the
West Lyn, and following the West Lyn to its junction with
East Lyn, and from there following the East Lyn to the sea;
part of Stock also was a detached member of the manor,
and probably Fursehill also up to the time the Tracies held
the manor. The first owner we know of is Ailward
Tochesone ; by William I it was granted to William Capra,
brother of Ralph de Pomeraia. The notice of it in Exon
" Domesday '* is : —
William has a manor called Lintona which Ailward Tochesone
held on the day on which King Edward was alive and dead, and
with this manor was added formerly another called Incrintona
which Algar held and these are held by William for one manor,
and they rendered geld for one hide. This can be ploughed
by twelve ploughs, of it William has in demesne half a hide and
five ploughs, and the villeins have a hide and seven ploughs.
There William has 13 villeins and one bordar and 12 serfs,
58 head of cattle, and 22 swine, and 200 sheep, and 75 goats,
and 72 brood mares, and wood 7 furlongs, and pasture 2 leugas in
length and half a leuga in breadth, and Lintona is worth by the
year £4, and Incrintona £3, and Lintona was worth twenty
shillings, and Incrintona fifteen shillings when he received
them.
From this William Capra, also called William Chiere,
Cherebridge, Cheriton, and Cherriford are stated to have
taken their names; but the names are certainly of older
date, as Cheriton under form of Cereton appears in
" Domesday,"
William Capra's manors would seem to have been
escheated to the Crown, and Lynton and Countisbury to
have been granted to a Tracy. Much confusion has arisen
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 139
from there being two distinct families of this name, both of
which were connected with North Devon, who are often
confounded. The better-known family in North Devon is
that of Tracy, Baron of Barnstaple, descended from Judhael,
of Totnes. The other family, who held the honour of
Braneys or Brahancis, were descended from a William de
Tracy, a natural son of Henry I. This William de Tracy
left a daughter Grace, who married William de Sudely, who
assumed the name of Tracy ; their daughter Eva married a
William Courtney, who also took the name of Tracy, and it
was their son, Henry de Tracy, who either in the first or
tenth year of King John granted the manors of Countisbury
and Lynton with the service of Fursehill to the church
of St. Mary of Ford and the monks there serving God in
pure and perpetual alms, commonly known as Ford Abbey,
in the parish of Thomcombe, formerly part of the county
of Devon (see Appendix No. 1).
In this grant Henry de Tracy speaks of Lynton and the
service of Fursehill having been held by the Abbey of Ford
of the fee of Brahancis before he received his inheritance,
from which it would appear that there was an older grant of
Lynton and Fursehill only to Ford, which he then confirmed
and added Countisbury to it. There is nothing to show
either when the older grant was made or which Tracy first
held Lynton and Countisbury, but as to the latter it was
probably William de Tracy, the natural son of Henry I.
The two manors continued in the possession of Ford
Abbey till the dissolution of the monasteries, when they
were taken into the king's hand by virtue of an Act of
Parliament, 31 Henry VIII, cap. 18.
The records of Ford Abbey, however, give us very little
information as to the manors of Lynton and Countisbury
during the long period of over three hundred years that
they remained in its hand ; perhaps lying so remote as they
did from their other possessions, they were frequently leased
on lives instead of being managed by the abbey itself
or their bailiff; and it is certain that they were so leased
during part of this period to the Bonville family, as I find
that Sir William Bonville, of Shute, who died 14 February,
A.D. 1408, had a lease of the manors of Lynton and
Countisbury from William, Abbot of Ford, for the term
of his life and that of Alice his wife and the survivor of
them, with remainder to William, son of John Bonville,
paying yearly to the abbot and convent £6 13s. 4d. (see
Appendix No. 4). The William Bonville mentioned who
140 THE PARISHES OF LYKTON AND COUNTISBURr.
had the remainder was the grandson of Sir William Bonville
by his first wife Margaret, daughter of Sir William
Damerell, his father, John Bonville, who married Elizabeth,
Lady of Chewton, having died in A.D. 1396.
The will of Sir William Bonville (died 1408) is given by
Dr. Oliver in his " Ecclesiastical Antiquities." His grand-
son, the remainder man, was known as Lord Bonville, and
his son by his marriage with the Lady Elizabeth Harrington
brought the neighbouring parish of Brendon to the Bonville
family.
I cannot identify the William, Abbot of Ford, who grants
the lease of Lynton and Countisbury to Sir William
Bonville, in either Olivers list of abbots or Brooking
Eowe's of Cistercian houses, so it will probably add a new
name to the list of abbots.
The manors of Lynton and Countisbury remained in the
hands of the Crown from 31 Henry VIII to 2 Elizabeth,
when they were granted by letters patent, dated 5 July, to
John Harrington and George Burden (see Appendix No. 9).
This grant, which included various properties besides
Lynton and Countisbury, was probably only a legal fiction,
Harrington and Burden being agents for various parties, as
two days after they conveyed the two manors of Lynton
and Countisbury for a certain consideration, which is not
mentioned, to Nicholas Wichehalse, of Barnstaple, merchant
(see Appendices Nos. 9 and 10). The original conveyance
Harrington and Burden to Wichehalse is now at the British
Museum among the Harleian MSS. (No. 78, E. 51).
Nicholas Wichehalse died 28 August, 12 Eliz., seized of
this manor, Inq. p.m., 12 Eliz. (Appendix No. 11), and his
son Nicholas was his heir, and had livery of seizin, 22 June,
1588. Fine Eoll, 3 Eliz. (see Appendix No. 14). Nicholas
Wichehalse, jun., died 30 October, 1605, Inq. p.m., 3 Jas. I
(see Appendix No. 15), and his son Hugh Wichehalse
succeeded him, and had livery of seizin. 22 February,
7 Jas. I (see Appendix No. 16). Hugh Wichehalse died
24 December, 1657, and was succeeded by his eldest son,
John Wichehalse. I can find no record of any will of this
Hugh Wichehalse, but the wills of this period are in great
confusion. But it was perhaps transferred in his lifetime to
John Wichehalse, as Lyncombe manor certainly was. John
Wichehalse by his will dated 4 May, 1676 (see Appendix
No. 17) left the manors to his eldest son, John Wichehalse
(ii), when the manors of Lynton and Countisbury, which
had been united since the Conquest, were divided, Countis-
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUKY. 141
bury being sold, the particulars of which I shall refer to
under the head of Countisbury. John Wichehalse (ii) in
1680 granted a lease of the manor for a term of one
thousand years to John Levering, merchant, of Barnstaple
(see Appendix No. 18). This lease was by the way of mort-
gage a security for certain sums borrowed of his relative,
John Levering, certain parts of the manor, including the resi-
dence at Ley, being excepted. These reserved parts were
also leased for a term of one thousand years on 29 October,
1680 to Arthur Bull, of Shapwick, as security for other
money; but Bull assigned his mortgage to John Levering
on 29 March, 1682, and the lease of the entire manor came
into the hands of Levering. John Levering died 19 April,
1686, and by his will, dated 13 May, 1685, he left his wife
Elizabeth sole executrix and trustee for his two daughters,
Dorothy and Susanna, his two sons, John Levering and
Venner Levering, having predeceased him.
Elizabeth Levering married secondly Joseph Ballerj of
Barnstaple, and the Levering property at Lynton, which
consisted of the manors of Lynton and Countisbury, North
Fursehill, Radespray or Eatsbury, a moiety of Sparhanger
and East Ilkerton, was vested in trustees according to the
directions of the will, the trustees being Eev. Henry Berry,
of Torrington, Nicholas Marshall, of Taunton, John Nott,
of Irishcombe, Eichard Parminter, of Barnstaple, and
Anthony Paul, of Honyton, South Melton. They as trustees
assigned the mortgage of the manor of Lynton, with the
concurrence of John Wichehalse, to John Short, of Kenn,
fuller, on 29 September, 1691, John Wichehalse at the
same time borrowing a further sum of Short on the same
security. The interest on the mortgage fell into arrears,
and Short took legal proceedings to foreclose the mortgage,
exhibiting a bill of complaint on 23 March, 1694, in Court
of Chancery. Further particulars of these legal proceedings
are given in the "Chancery Proceedings" for 1694, of
which I have given a brief abstract (see Appendix No. 29).
The case was referred to Dr. Edisbury, one of the masters
of the Court, to decide as to what was due to John Short ;
but after various delays and extensions of time to allow
Wichehalse an opportimity for repayment the mortgage
was absolutely foreclosed and the equity of redemption
barred, the decree being exemplified on 9 November, 1697.
John Wichehalse had allowed the time for redemption to
pass, as his legal adviser, Thomas Northmore, advised him
it would be best to let Short obtain judgment and then
142 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUBY.
make arrangements with him afterwards. But no terms
could be come to, and Wichehalse was arranging for an
appeal, in the midst of which he died in London in 1705,
leaving by his will all his lands, manors, and tenements
in Lynton, High Bickington, and South Molton to Mary
his wife, her heirs and assigns. After some delay Mra
Wichehalse exhibited a bill in Chancery in Hilary Term,
1708, praying for an account of rents, etc., and to be let
into the redemption, as the former decree had been obtained
by collusion on a promise by Short to reconvey to Wiche-
halse. The legal proceedings dragged on; they came first
before Lord Chancellor Cowper and then before Lord
Chancellor Harcourt, and the appeal was on 28 April, 1713,
dismissed with costs. Mrs. Wichehalse then appealed to
the House of Lords on 30 May, 1713, stating that North-
more, her husband's solicitor, had colluded with Short in
all proceedings, the estate being much more valuable than
the sum due to Short. Witnesses were called in support
of this, but the defendants argued that what the witnesses
proved was nothing more than what had passed occasionally
in conversation with third persons, and that no such parole
evidence ought to be admitted. They also denied that
Northmore had colluded or given any promise to reconvey,
and on 9 July, 1713, the case was dismissed and the decree
and other proceedings complained of affirmed ("Journal,"
Vol. XIX, p. 604). Thus the manor finally passed out of
the hands of the Wichehalse family, and their connexion
with Lynton ceased.
It came into the hands of John Short, of Kenn, near Exeter,
fuller, who however died within a year of the close of the
litigation, and by his will, dated 8 January, 1714, and proved
in Prerogative Court of Canterbury 3 July, 1715, he left the
manor to his eldest son, John Short (ii). From him it
passed by his will, dated 25 February, 1731, to Elizabeth
his wife, and William Short his brother, in trust for his
sons — John Short (iii), William Short, Samuel Short, and
his daughter Elizabeth Short, who afterwards married
Samuel Hunn. Samuel Short sold his part to his eldest
brother, John Short, and on the death of Elizabeth Hunn
her share passed to her husband, who sold it in 1767 to
John Short, while William sold his share to George Short,
of Exeter, in 1791.
John Short (iii), by his will dated 14 March, 1779, proved
22 May, 1784, left all his real and personal estate to his
son, John Jeffery Short.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
143
I have traced down the manor to the last Short who held
it, but during the time it was in the hands of that family
it was almost entirely dismembered. Most of the leases
granted on the manor had been for ninety-nine years, if three
lives mentioned should live so long, and by the Shorts these
reversions for the remainder of their term of 1000 years
were sold mostly to the leaseholders. In this manner in the
years 1735 and 1736 the following estates were sold.
Name.
Ley and N. Ground
Purchaser :
Six Acre
Purchaser :
Part of Dean
Purchaser :
Part of Huxtables
Purchaser :
Part of Huxtables
Purchaser :
Part of Slees
Purchaser :
Part of Slees
Purchaser :
Virchils Tenement
Purchaser :
£llis Tenement
Purchaser :
Ludietts and Parrotts .
Purchaser :
Crocombes Tenement .
Purchaser :
Berry's Tenement
Purchaser :
Litson's Tenement
Purchaser :
Leaseholders.
John Knight and David Bale
"William Knight, of Lynton
Peter Squire
William Squire, of Lynton
Richard Vellacott
John Vellacott
E. Pedlar and Peter Hooper
Peter Hooper
E. Pedler and Peter Hooper
David Hill
Peter Hooper
Joan Hooper
Anthony Holland
Peter Hooper
Edmund Pedlar
David Hill
Lancelot Ellis
Joseph Fry, jr.
William Hardy
William Oliver
John Crocombe
Richard Crocombe, of Oare
Walter Knight
David Knight, mariner
Anthony Litson
William Litson
Most of the Red-herring houses, cellars, and dwelling-
houses were also sold at this period, the purchasers of
which it is unnecessary to specify, and the remainder with
all manorial rights, etc., were sold on 22 June, 1792, by
John Jeffery Short and George Short to William Lock,
of Countisbury. William Lock assigned his interests to
John Lock in 1799, who by his will, 27 September, 1831,
left his estates in trust for Mary his sister, who had married
144 THB PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUfiT.
Rev. Thomas Roe, Beotor of Brendon, and their children.
Mrs. Roe died 4 September, 1855. The manor then
descended to John Golwill Roe, the eldest son, who died
22 November, 1858, his only daughter, Dora Medland Roe,
having predeceased him, and it descended to his brother,
Robert Roe, the present owner being his eldest daughter,
Ada Medland Jeune, wife of Evan B. Jeune, Esq., son of
late Right Rev. Francis Jeune, Lord Bishop of Peterborough.
(b) RIGHTS AND COURTS OF THE MANOR OF LYNTON.
The present tenure of the manor being a long leasehold,
and it having come into possession of the present owner's
predecessors in title through litigation, scarcely any of the
records of the manor previous to Wichehalse's lease of 1680
seem to have passed to the afterholders, and if they still
exist, are probably in the possession of the representatives
of Wichehalse; but owing to the manor having been for
some time in the hands of the Crown, I have been able to
supplement from the Ministers' accounts some of the
references in the Hundred and Assize Rolls; the parts of
which that refer to Lynton and Countisbury I have given
in the Appendix (see Appendices Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8).
From these we learn that the Abbot of Ford claimed to have
gallows, assize of bread and beer, tumbrel, view of frank-
pledge and weyft in his manor of Lynton, and assize of
bread and beer in his manor of Countisbury, and that he
and all his predecessors had them before the memory of
man ; also that the bailiff of the Earl of Cornwall for the
Honour of Braneys distrained the men of the Abbey of
Ford in Lynton to do suit to the earl's court, and to have
peace took 88. and one ox, and that the jurors found that it
was unjust and that no suit used to be done to the court of
Braneys (Appendix No. 2). In the Taxation of Pope
Nicholas, a.d. 1291, there is the following reference to
Lynton and Countisbury manors : —
Abbas de Ford fit apud Lynton et Contisbyri
de redditu .... cxs
The first name of a bailifif of the abbot for Lynton that
I have met with is in the Valor Ecclesiasticus, Henry VIII,
where Robert Store is mentioned as bailiff. The full
entry is : —
Verus et annuus valor omi possessionu tam spiial' q^m
Temporal' Thome Abfeis Monas? ij Bte Maria de Ford pdca
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND GOUNTISBURY. 145
in Jur' Monast ij pdci exaiat' & pbat' coram Johe Exon Ep3
& al' comissionar' Diii Begis piioiat ad hoc assignat' nnio
& anno pdcis.
Possessiones Temp' al dci Abb' is
Ljmton & Countysb'y. ^ ,
Val in toto redd' assie ibm p annu nlta- 1
yjB viijd inde resolut' Eobto Store ballio > xiij iiij iij
ibm p feed' suo p annu rem' clar' , J
Et de p qnis' cur' & al' casual' ix" ij^ cu ) ^.^^ y
fin tr ibdm coib3 annis xx . , j[
£xiiij xiij* v^
In succession to Robert Store, John Chidley, of Thorn-
combe, gentleman, and Eobert Tybbes were appointed
bailiffs and stewards of Lynton and Countisbury with other
convent property. They both seem to have been relatives
of Thomas Chard, the last abbot, who, with the title of
Bishop of Solubria, was suffragan to Bishop Oldham, and
to have with their families secured various other pickings
through their relative. From grants made we discover that
Bailiff Chidley had a wife Agnes, and two daughters AUce
and Jane. I have been unable to discover any accounts
of the manors while they belonged to Ford, but on their
being taken into the hands of the Crown Chidley secured
by letters patent his reappointment to his ofiBce for life
with a salary of £3 13s. 4d. With the exception of the
first year, his accounts during reigns of Henry VIII,
Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth are to be found in the
records of the Court of Augmentations and Ministers'
accounts. I have given in the Appendix a selection of these
(see Appendices Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8).
From these we see there were free tenants in the manor
of Lynton who paid 78. Id., and customary tenants in both
Lynton and Countisbury ; also sums received for perquisites
of courts, heriots, and farlieus. The later records of the
manor show that the free tenants were four in number —
one for the Glebe, who paid 4s., one for South Stock, who
paid 5s., and two for Dean, each of whom paid Is. Id., as
this amounts to lis. 2d., and in all the ministers' accounts
it is only 7s. Id. It would seem as if the Glebe did not
pay anything to the Crown. The customary tenants varied
a great deal in number, as holdings were split up and the
fishery varied. The grant of the manor to Harrington and
Burden speaks of the rights enjoyed by the abbots, but
VOL. XXXVIIL K
146 THE PARISHES OF LTKTON AND OOUNTISBUBT.
does not enumerate them ; but particulars of some of them
can be gathered from an Exchequer Bill filed during one
of the lawsuits of the last Wichehalse. It states that long
before the letters patent and from time immemorial a
certain royalty, or franchise, or liberty of fishing within
the Eiver Severn adjoining to the several shores and coasts
thereof did ever appertain and belong to the said manor,
which fishery the abbots of Ford ever possessed and
enjoyed, and entitled themselves to have the sole right of
fishing therein; also they claimed a right to keelage for
all barks and boats coming into Leymouth Harbour formed
by Leymouth Eiver, which duty was at the rate of 2s. per
time any vessel keeled, anchored, or moored within the
harbour, one half being payable in respect of Lynton manor
and one half in respect of Countisbury manor ; for smaller
boats the rate of keelage was 4d. These rights were
excepted from the sale by Wichehalse, of Countisbury
manor, to Lovering in 1679.
The courts of Lynton manor seem to have been regularly
held from the earliest time to the present. The last steward
under Wichehalse was Thomas Wichehalse, the first under
Short was Lewis Gregory, the well-known town clerk of
Barnstaple ; he also styles himself seneschal ; the first record
of his court now existing is that of the Court Baron of
1717. At this the homage sworn : " Coram Ludovicus
Gregory seneschall ibm." were "Petrus Squire Johes Knight
Johes Vellacott Petrus Hooper Johnes Crocombe David
Eichards David Hill Willus Vellacott Walterus Knight
Henricus Griffith Lancellott Ellis."
The records of Gregory's court are very brief; he died
29 June, 1733, and was succeeded by William Hill, an
attorney from South Molten, who gives fuller particulars.
At his court held 13 George II (1740), the free tenants
were Thomas Dyer Stock, John Webber, of Dean, and
the impropriators of the rectory; the conventionary
tenants twenty in number, of whom nine appeared.
John Knight was reeve of the manor from 1735 to
1756, when William Litson was appointed, and continued
in office many years, and was succeeded by another
William Litson, whose successor was a third William
Litson.
At the Court Leet a jury were sworn, who made their
presentments, which were very numerous, the main subjects
being trespass, enclosures, throwing dirt near pot-water,
nuisances, roads, cutting seaweed without licence, and
THl PAKI8HKS OF LYNTON AND OOUNTISBURY. 147
leaving turfs on the common to rot. The officers appointed
were a constable and an ale-taster.
The courts continue still to be held, though their busi-
ness is merely formal, and an ale-taster is no longer
appointed, though in these days of complaint as to the
quality of beer and a demand for pure ale an assize of beer
might be advantageous. During the period the manor was
in the hands of the Short family, very exact accounts
of everything were kept, and frequent surveys of the manor
were made. The earliest is one in 1697; another was made
at the end of the long litigation in 1715, the valuer being
a Mr. Tomkins. There are also ones of 1739 and 1774, but
as at the date of the last the manor had been almost entirely
dismembered, it is of little interest.
I have given that of 1717, as it gives full particulars
of every holding on the manor, the date of lease, name of
tenant, high rent and heriot, and also the estimated yearly
value of every holding at that time. In this Ust BB stands
for best beast (see pages 148, 149).
The descents of the largest holdings on the manor of
Ljmton after they were alienated are as follows : —
Ley and North Grounds,
1735, 14 February. Assigned by John Short to John
Knight, of Ley, in trust for William Knight for residue of
term of a thousand years.
1760, 7 May, and 1763, 25 April. Agnes Knight mort-
gages to Bennet and Snow.
1784, 29 March, and 1785, 25 March. Mortgaged to
John Clarke, and assigned to John Clarke with release
of equity of redemption.
Six Acre,
1735, 17 March. Assigned by John Short to William
Squire for residue of term of thousand years. And at
same date mortgaged by Squire to Philip Eogers and
others.
1759. Mortgage, and ultimately estate passed to Miss
Francis Incledon.
1761. Paul Orchard, Esq., and others assigned to John
Knight, who at same time mortgaged it to Charles Marshall.
1769. Mary Knight assigned to John Thome.
1769. 1772. Assignment of moieties to John Budd.
1797. Budd assigned to John Clarke.
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THE PABISHIS OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
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150 THE PABISHBS OF LTNTON AND OOUlHiaBUBT.
Both Ley and North Grounds and Six Acre passed by sale
from Clarke family to Mr. Charles Bailey in the year 1841,
and are now in the possession of his son, Mr. C. F. Bailey,
of Ley, Lynton.
II. MANOR OF WOOLHANGEB.
(a) BXTBNT AND DESCENT.
The manor of Woolhanger or Willanger, as it was
generally called till the last century, is practically identical
with the " Domesday " manor of Incrinton. Incrinton is a
variant of Ilkerton, a holding which formed the principal
part of the manor; but later, as Ilkerton became much
subdivided, the name of Willanger was given it from the
then largest holding. It lies in the angle formed by the stream
that comes down through Eanscombe to Cheribridge and the
Fursehill stream to Cheribridge, though part of Sparhanger,
which lies on the other side of Fursehill water, was also
part of the manor. The members of it being Great
Willanger, Little Willanger, East Ilkerton, West Ilkerton,
Barham, High BuUen, Low Bullen, Thornworthy or Thorn-
hay, Eadespray now Ratsbury, and Sparhanger.
In the time of King Edward it was held as a separate
manor by Algar, but on being given by William to William
Capra it was annexed to Lynton manor, and the "Domesday"
description of it will be found under the head of Lynton
Manor.
From William Capra it was escheated to the Crown.
There is nothing to show as to whether it came with Lynton
into the hands of Tracy or not, but it afterwards formed
part of the Earl of Cornwall's honour of Braneys, being
held under him by several free tenants.
In " Testa de Neville " we find William Fauvel, Mauger
de Sprang, and Marioth de Eadespree held ith knight's fee
in Hiltington (i.e. Ilkerton), William Fauvel ^th knight's
fee in Welonger. Sp'ang and Eadespree are names evidently
taken from Sparhanger and Eadespray, and the name of
the two largest members, Ilkerton and Willanger, both
appear.
In 1286 David de Furshill, Geoffery de Pyn, and
William de Eadespraye held Jth knight's fee of the Earl of
Cornwall of the honour of Braneys, and Geoffery de Pyn
Jth knight's fee in Welhangre and Thorneworth of the
Earl of Cornwall ("Feudal Aids," pp. 336, 337). In 1303
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 151
Ralph Pyne held -^th knight's fee in Ilryngton (Ilkerton),
T^th knight's fee in Welhangre, Ralph de ForshuU ^th
knight's fee in Estilryngton and Westilryngton ("Feudal
Aids," p. 36). In the inquisition p.m. (28 Edward I) of
Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, the manor, under the name
of Welhangre, is mentioned among the fees pertaining to
the honour of Braneys.
In 1346 Richard Lovering held yV^h fee in Estileryngton
and Westileryngton, which Richard Forshill aforetime
held, and it is part of the two fees for which John de
Weston was charged ; William Fyn held ^^^th knight's fee in
Ilcrynton, which Ralph Pyn before time held ("Feudal
Aids," p. 417).
Soon after this Ilkerton also came into the hands of the
Pynes or Pyns ; they were the same family who afterwards
held the manor of East Downe: a pedigree of them is
given by Vivian and in the " Visitations of Devon," but it
does not altogether agree with the names that appear as
holding Woolhanger.
In A.D. 1434 Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard
Hankford, had one messuage and three ferlingates in
Welhangre (Inq. p.m., 12 Henry VI, No. 40).
In A.D. 1485 Edward, Prince of Wales, held ^th of a
fee in Welhangre.
In A.D. 1516 Thomas Pyne, who in Vivian's pedigree
is stated to be second son of John Pyne, of Ham, in Corn-
wall, settled 40 acres of land and pasture, 10 acres of
meadow, and 100 acres of furze and heath in Willanger,
as well as lands in Lyn, on Joan his wife. He had also
in demesne two messuages, 40 acres of land and pasture,
10 acres of meadow, and 200 acres of furze and heath in
Thomworthy and Ilkerton (see Appendix No. 20).
This Thomas Pyne died 2 February, 1523, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, Augustus Pyne, who was
twenty-one and more in 1526. From Augustus Pyne the
manor passed to the elder branch; as in the Inq. p.m. of
Nicholas Pyne, 14 April, 1575, it is stated that he held the
manor of Wilhanger of the Queen as of her manor of
Bradnych by the ith part of one knight's fee, and it was
worth £3 15s. 10 Jd. (see Appendix No. 21). Philip Pyne,
his grandson, then aged sixteen, was his heir; this Philip
Pyne was buried at East Down 19 October, 1600 (see
Appendix No. 22), his heir being Lewis Pyne, b, 1587,
who died without issue in January, 1607-8 (Inq. p.m.,
6 Jas., No. 144), Edward, his brother, then a ward to the
162 THE PABI8HBS OF LTKTON AKD 00UNTISBX7BY.
king, being his heir. He died July, 1663, and the manor
passed to his son Edward, buried 2 April, 1691 — ^will dated
10 March, 1690-1, proved 17 June, 1692, P.C.C.— leaving
the manor to his son Edward, buried 22 March, 1689 : this
was the Pjme who married Dorothy Cofl&n. He was suc-
ceeded by John Pyne, buried 21 February, 1769, whose son,
John Pyne, and his trustees, James Eowe and Francis
Bassett, sold on 10 October, 1772, the manor of Woolhanger
to the Eev. Eichard Harding, of Marwood, who by his will
dated 2 November, 1773, with various codicils of dates up
to 1782, left the manor to his nephew Philip Harding, of
Mount Sandford, Barnstaple, in trust for Philip Hardmg's
two younger sons, John and Robert Harding, who were to
hold it jointly (see Appendix No. 23). Robert Harding,
the survivor, sold the manor in 1801 to Charles Pugsley,
and in 1803 it was sold by Pugsley to Walter Lock, and
by the Locks settled on Mrs. Roe and her children, and
came by this settlement to Frances Gertrude, youngest
daughter of Robert Roe, who married Sir Henry Palk-
Carew, Bt., and it has recently been sold by them to a
Mr. Slater.
(6) OOURTB OP MANOR OF WOOLHANGEB.
The Courts Baron of the manor of Woolhanger appear to
have been regularly held from an early date, but rolls of
the courts during the period it was held by the Pynes have
either disappeared or are in Portledge archives. The earliest
roll I have seen is that of 1775, when the manor had passed
into the hands of Rev. Richard Harding, John Sydenham
being the steward, and the following were sworn as the
homage : Richard Richards, William Lock, Richard Hooper,
John Jones, Hugh Vellacott, and William Curtis. It records
heriots on East Ilkerton and Cherrybridge having been
paid to the late lord, John Pyne, Esq. ; there were then four
free tenants of the manor and twelve customary tenants ;
also the lord of Lynton manor paid 2s. 6d. or a pound
of pepper for tying his headweir to the lands belonging to
the lord of the manor of Woolhanger.
The names of the tenants and their holdings were : —
Free Tenants,
1. Samuel Musgrave, m.d. . . Rawles Tenement
2. Richard Almsworthy . . . Sparhanger
3. Edward Nicholls, clerk, andl ^ Tenement
Richard Crocombe / ' ^^^^®® lenement
4. Heirs of John Knight . . . Part of Lyne Wood
THE PAKI8HES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 153
Chistomary Tenants,
1. Joseph Limebear, gent . Higher Wilhanger
2. Richard Richards . . Lower Wilhanger
3. Samuel Musgrave, m.d. . . . West Ilkerton
4. Richard Crang .... East Ilkerton
5. John Jones East Ilkerton
6. Richard Hooper and Hugh Bale . Lower Barham
7. Hugh Vellacott .... High Bullen
8. John Jones ..... Lower Bullen
9. Anne Courtis .... Cheribridge
10. William Courtis .... Part of Lyne Wood
11. Edward Nicholls, clerk, and) rpi i
Richard Crocombe ] ' Thornbay
12. Edward Pine, clerk . . . Broomholmes
The presentments of the courts refer to encroachments,
wastes, tenements out of repair, and as to what farlieus
or heriots were due. The courts continued to be held down
to quite recently and perambulations of the manor made,
but the business was only formal. On the manors of
Lynton, Woolhanger, and Lyn coming into the same hands
a combined court of all three was held.
Henry Drake was the last steward of the manor of
Woolhanger when its court was held separately.
Ilkerton was at an early date subdivided into several
tenements, which were known by the names of the various
holders for the time being, such as Crangs Ilkerton, Jones
Ilkerton, etc. I am unable to give the dates of the dis-
memberment of the manor, but from the Chancery Pro-
ceedings of 30 Elizabeth (a.d. 1587) I find that William
Morell and Elizabeth his wife were seized in their demesne
as of fee as in the right of the said Elizabeth of a tenement
in Estylkerton in the parish of Lynton, and of certain
houses, lands, meadows, leasues, pastures, furze, and heath
thereto belonging, and so seized had, by indenture dated
6 September, 2 Edward VI (1549), granted them to John
Clowman, weaver, James Morell, of Dulverton, and Christian
Grenslade, of Luxborowe.
About 1645 East Ilkerton and a moiety of Sparhanger,
Radispray, and North Fursehill were the property of Adam
Lugg, of Barnstaple, and were afterwards sold by him to
John Levering, of Barnstaple, who by his will (he died
1686) left them to his two surviving daughters Dorothy
and Susanna, who married Samuel RoUe and Richard
Acland, of Fremington, and from them descended to RoUes
154 THB PARISHES OF LTNTOK AND GOUNTISBUBT.
and Barbors, of Fremington, by whom they were sold in
parcels, and by various purchases came about the year 1800
into the possession of James Lean, tailor and draper, of
Wiveliscombe, in the hands of whose descendants they now
are.
It is noticeable that both Sir William Pole tuid Bisdon
locate the Ilkertons, Badispray, etc., as being in the parish
of Parracombe, and owing to this they have often been
treated of by successive writers as being in that parish.
The county directories in their accounts of ancient estates
still refer to them in their Parracombe section.
III. MANOR OF LYN.
(a) EXTENT AND DESCENT.
The manor of Lyn comprised that portion of the parish
of Lynton that lay between the East Lyn and Combe Park
water on one side, and the West Lyn and Fursehill water
on the other — with the exception of Fursehill, Sparhanger,
and part of Stock and Hoar Oak.
The manor was latterly divided into East and West Lyn.
The notice of it in Exon " Domesday " is : —
William has a manor called Line, which Algar held on the day
on which King Edward was alive and dead, and it rendered geld
for three virgates. These can be ploughed by seven ploughs. Of
it William has in demesne one virgate and a half and two ploughs,
and the villeins have one virgate and a half and five ploughs.
There William has nine villeins and five bordars and five serfs
and two swineherds, who render by the year twenty swine, and
thirty-three head of cattle, and seven swine, and fifty sheep, and
twenty goats, and one new mill, and a wood half a leuga in
length and half a leuga in breadth, and it is worth by the year
four pounds, and it was worth forty shillings when William
received it.
In 1243 (" Testa de Neville ") Cecilia de Lyn and Henry
Lovet held Jth knight's fee in Lyn. The Hundred BoU
1274 has a statement which has been copied by all successive
writers, that Henry Lovet and Beginald de Lyn had assize
of bread and beer in the manor of Lyn, likewise gallows by
ancient tenure from the Conquest; but the Ex Placita
cmd Quo Warranto Bolls state explicitly that they claimed
no such right, but that it was Bichard de Beaumont who
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT. 155
had the right (see Appendix Nos. 2, 3), Lyn forming
part of the honour of Braneys held by the Earl of Cornwall.
Reginald de Lyn s part had in 1284 gone to Henry Lovet,
who held all the ^th fee, another ^th fee in Lyn being held
by Pyne. Galfridus de Pyn tenet quartam partem feodum
in Lyn de Comite Cornubie et idem comes de Eege
("F.A.," p. 335). HenricuB Lovet tenet quartam partem
feodum in Lyn de comite Cornubie et idem comes de R^e
("F.A.,"p. 336).
In 1303 Walter Lovet held ^th fee in East and West Lyn,
and Sparhanger and Ralph Pyne ^th fee in East and West
Lyn ("F.A./'p. 361).
In 1346 Lo vet's land had passed to Henry de Halles-
worthy, and Ralph Pyne's to WilHam Pyne (" F.A.," p. 417).
Dr. Cooper states that Hallesworthy's land passed to the
Crown, in whose possession it continued until the reign
of Charles, since which it has passed through the hands of
Chichester and of Bassett, of Scoare and Umberleigh.
This statement is a strange jumble, and probably arose from
a confusion with the honour of Braneys, held by the Earl
of Cornwall. Scoare was a person, not a place — a purchaser
of land from Bassett, whose North Devon property came
mainly from Beaumont's.
It would seem that Hallesworthy's portion passed to
Despencer, as in 1350 Hugh le Despencer and Elizabeth
his wife, relict of Giles de Badlesmere, held Jth knight's
fee in Lyn (Inq. p.m., 23 Edward III, No. 169), it being
held under them by Guy de Brian, and attached to the
manor of Chittlehampton. The heir of Hugh le Despencer
was a minor.
In 1380 this portion of Lyn was in the possession of
John Beaumont.
From this period the manor of Lyn remained for a long
period in the hands of the two families of Beaumont 6uid
Pyne.
Pyne's portion remained in their hands till 1772, and its
descent is that already given of the manor of Woolhanger.
During the greater part of the seventeenth century it was
held under them on a lease by the family of Popham, who
resided at East Lyn ; on the expiration of this lease much
of it was sold ott' in parts and parcels, and the remainder
was sold in 1772 to the Rev. Richard Harding, of Marwood,
who, by his will, left it to his great-nephew with a certain
sum to repair the mansion house of East Lyn so as to fit
it for a residence. From Harding it passed in 1803 into
154 TEE PASSES rj§ ZXSTOS ASKI* ONrSIISBCBT.
hsA hhTVjT^. cf Fr»3±2z;o::i, 17 whosi ihcy were sold in
jAiT^lr. 4ii i Vj Tfcrio:!- p::rthasK eanie aconx the year 1800
inVj T'-e po55e5£::ii of Janes Lean, tailor and draper, of
WjveI:=5Co::-be in iLe La::i= :f whose iescendantB they now
It is notioealk that lo:h Sir William Pole and Bisdon
KxaUj the Ilkenons. Ea^iisp-ray. etc, as beii^ in the pariah
of Parrauy>:iifA, and '.-win^ to this they have often been
trt^at'.-'l of by succeafive writers as being in that parish.
Tlio. r:/iurjty directories in their accounts of ancient estateB
Htill refer to them in their Parracombe section.
III. MANOR OF LYy.
{a) EXTENT AND DESCENT.
The laanor of Lyn comprised that portion of the parish
of Lynloii that lay between the East Lyn and Combe Park
water on one side, and the West Lyn and Fursehill water
on the other — with the exception of Fursehill, Sparhanger,
and purl of Stock and Hoar Oak.
The manor was latterly divided into East and West Lyn.
The notice of it in Exon ** Domesday " is : —
William huH a manor called Line, which Algar held on the day
on which Kin^ P^lward was alive and dead, and it rendered geld
for thn^o virgatoH. These can be ploughed by seven ploughs. Of
it William has in demesno one virgato and a half and twoploughfli
aiul tlio villi'ins have one virgate and a half and five plougha
Tlierv William has nine villeins and five boidais and five aezfB
and twii swint'honla, who render by the year twenty swinei and
thirtY-thi'i'o head of cuttle, and seven swine, and fifty sheep, and
twenty goats, and one new mill, and a wood half a leuga in
length ami lialf a leuga in hmulth, and it is worth by the yew
four poumls, and it was worth forty shillings when William
rtHvived it.
In 124:5 (- Tost^ de Neville") Cecilia de Lyn asdH^iy^
liovot liold Jth knight's ft^ in Lvn. The Hundred KoU
1274 has a statouieut whicli has iWn copied by all BUOoeaBi?e
writers, that Hourv Lovet and Keginald de Lyn bad msmm
of bitvivl and Un^r lu tlio manor of Lvn, likewise gallows bv
anoiont tenure frvnu the Conqu^t; but the Ex PVv *
and guo \\armuto KolU state expikiay thai they th
uo auoh right, but that it was Kichani de Beattmo*^* ~
THE PABISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 157
His widow Mathie remarried John Carew and died 10 Jiine,
1491; being seized at her decease of Lyn and East Lyn,
held of Thomas Pyne as of his manor of East Lyne by
fealty for all manner of services (Inq. p.m., Henry VII,
series III, Vol. VI, p. 88).
The feudal lord at this time was Edward Earl of Warwick,
as I find by an Inq. 13 November, 4 Henry VII, that
Thomas Beaumont held the manor of Lyn of Edward Earl
of Warwick, who is now in king's custody as of the honour
of Gloucester by service of Jth of a knight's fee.
On the death of Mathie Carew, Lyn passed quietly to
Hugh Beaumont, who married Thomazine, daughter of
Oliver Wise, and died 25 March, 1507 (Inq. p.m., 22
Henry VII), leaving a daughter, Margaret, aged thirty,
married to John Chichester, who succeeded to his estates.
A claim was, however, put forward to them by John
Bodrugan als Beaumont, claiming as the son William
Beaumont. John Bassett, who had married Joan, whole
sister in blood to Philip Beaumont, also laid claim imder
the terms of Philip Beaumont's enfeoffment and wilL Amidst
these three claimants long and protracted litigation arose.
According to Sir William Pole, Bassett enlisted the services
of Giles, Lord Daubeny, afterwards created Earl of Bridg-
water, on his side, promising to hand over the greater part
to Lord Daubeny if successful; and owing to Lord Dau-
beny's efforts the suit was decided in Bassett's favour.
Chichester to have Youlston and Sherwell, Bodrugan Gittis-
ham, and Bassett the rest, on which Bassett gave the
greater part to Lord Daubeny — which returned to Bassett
on the death of the Earl of Bridgwater. The whole account,
he says, is written in a fair book in the hands of Sir Eobert
Bassett. According to legal documents, however, it appears
that some of the Beaumont estates came into the hands of
the Crown on accoimt of defective title, and by the Crown
were granted to Edward, Duke of Somerset, and on his
attainder to the Crown again. In the Patent EoUs, 3 and 4
Philip and Mary, there is a record of a grant of some of
them to James Bassett, Esq., including much of North
Devon property, also of dealings with and grants of former
Beaumont manors in the Patent Bolls, 7 Elizabeth, and in
the records of a special commission dated 23 June, 1613,
as to manors supposed to be escheated to the Crown on
account of defective title that the late queen had granted
to Arthur Bassett.
This Arthur Bassett had issue, according to an inquisition
158 THE PARISHES OF LTinX)N AND COUMTISBOBT.
taken at Exeter 7 October, 1613, Eobert, Arthur, William,
Francis, and John, besides daughters; and it states that
Bobert, now a knight, and all his sons and daughters survive
at Barnstaple. I am unable to find any mention of the
manor of Lyn in any of the proceedings, but there is no
doubt that the Beaumont portion of the manor descended
to this Sir Robert Bassett and that he was seized of it in
1630, and that in 1632 it was sold by him to John Knight
the younger (see Appendix No. 24).
In the deed conveying the property, it is described as
lands in West Lyn, Metticombe, and Lynham. Thirty
manors and other lands are said to have been sold by Sir
Robert Bassett at this time to find money to pay the heavy
fine he had incurred by his absurd pretensions to the
crown.
John Knight, the purchaser of West Lyn (for whom see
section on Lynton Families), settled it on his son and heirs
male, and it came with other portions of Lyn to his grand-
son, John Knight, bom 1651, who by his will, dated
24 January, 1732, conveyed it to John Richards, Rector
of Kentisbury, and his kinsman, Richard Knight, in trust
for his son, Richard Knight, and his heirs (see Appendix
No. 25). From this Richard Knight it descended in direct
line (see Knight pedigree) to Richard Knight, bom in 1788,
who sold West Lyn to Mr. Charles Bailey, who resold it
to Mr. Lean, various portions of the former Knight property
having been previously sold out in parts and parcels. Part
of Stock came in 1731 into the hands of a yeoman family
named Dyer, of whom there are wills from 1601, and
passed in succession through Ley, Spurrier, Forest, and
Keal, the last named of whom sold it to the Roe family
in 1850. Another part of Stock was, however, in the hancfa
of the Knight family down to the last century. Shorta-
combe, Combe Park, and Hillsford, formerly parts of Ljm
manor, were about the year 1740 in the hands of another
Knight family, distinct from the West Lyn one. There
were so many of this name in the parishes of Lynton and
Countisbury that it is most difiicult to distinguish them
and unravel the tangle of the different branches. Mrs.
Izett Knight, of Combe Park, sold it to the Rev. J. J. Scott,
who should be remembered as the builder of the road from
Lynmouth to Watersmeet. And from the Rev. J. J. Scott
it passed to a Mr. Collard, who in 1858 sold it to Mr.
Robert Roe, the father of the present owner.
There is no record, as far as I am aware, of any separate
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160 THB PABISHBS OF LTNTOK AND OOUNTISBUBT.
manorial courts ever being held of Lyn. On portionB of
East Lyn coming into the hcmds of the Lock family a court
was held first with the Woolhanger Court
BICHEORDIN.
In " Domesday " there is a mention of a small holding
called Bicheordin, held by Fulcoid imder William Capra,
which is added to Line. Mr. Whale has su^ested this is
Kibsworthy, the Eectory of Lynton Glebe, but the im-
propriator of the glebe was a free tenant of the manor
of Lynton. In " Testa de Neville " it appears as Bykeworth,
and in 1286 as Bykeworthy. Mr. Whale's other sugges-
tion of Bagworthy is more probable.
IV. MANOR OF HKANTON.
This lies at the extreme west of the parish, and is now
more commonly known as Caffyn's Heanton, which is a
corruption of CofiPyn's Heanton, the manor having been
held for many years by various members of the Cofiyn
family. The notice of it in Exon " Domesday " is : —
Radulf has a manor called Hantona which Ulf held on the
day on which King Edward was alive and dead, and it rendered
geld for one virgate. This can be ploughed by three ploughs and
Helgod holds it of Radulf. Of it Helgod has in demesne half a
virgate and one ploupjh, and the villeins have half a viigate and
one plough. There Helgod has 3 villeins and 2 serfs and 13 head
of cattle and 8 swine and 50 sheep and 20 goats and 12 acres of
wood and 30 acres of pasture, and it is worth by the year 37s.,
and it was worth 20s. when he received it.
This would give an estimated acreage of 282 acres. The
present acreage of Cofityn's Heanton is 212 acres 3 roods
17 perches of enclosed land, 38 acres of wood, and 112 acres
of common, so the manor may have originally included
Crosscombe, which is partly in Martinhoe and partly in
Lynton, 187 acres being in Lynton.
Eadulf, who is mentioned in "Domesday" as holding
Heanton, is better known as Ealph de Pomeroy, tmd the
manor formed part of the honour of Berry. In A.D. 1243
we find from " Testa de Neville " that it was held by Hugh
Cofifyn. In the Hundred Roll of 1274 William Coflfyn is
mentioned, and in 1284 this William Coffyn held two parts
of half a knight's fee in Heanton Coffyn of Gilbert
St. Albjm, and the same Gilbert held a third part of half
.THE PAEI8HES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT. 161
a fee in La Worth Kynetete and La Brunctheochene, and
the same Gilbert half a fee of Mauger St. Albyn and
Mauger of the heirs of Henry de Pomeroy (" Feudal Aids."
pp. 336-7). La Brunctheochene, mentioned in this extract,
is, without doubt, Brendon or Bagworthy, as in the Per-
ambulation of Exmoor, 26 Edward I, A.D. 1298, the Brendon
district is called Bruntenesworthy. In A.D. 1303 Hugh
Cofifyn held Jth fee in Heanton (" Feudal Aids,'' p. 367). In
A.D. 1346 Eoger Crok held ^th fee in Heanton which Hugh
Cofifyn aforetime held ("Feudal Aids," p. 417). In A.D.
1380 John Beaumont and Joan his wife held half a carucate
of land in Heanton Coffyn (luq. p.m., 3 Eichard II, No. 9).
In A.D. 1428 Thomas Beaumoimd held Jth fee in Heanton
which Roger Croke aforetime held (" Feudal Aids," p. 497).
From these extracts we can trace that the manor was
held under the Pomeroys, first by Cofifyns till about 1340,
then by Eoger Crok, and after him by John Beaumont.
This John Beaumont, who married Joan, daughter of John
de Stockley, of San ton, and died 12 March, 1379-80, was
the heir of Beaumonts by failure of the elder line : his son,
William de Beaumont, who married Isabel, daughter of Sir
John Willington, died in 1416, and was succeeded by his
son, Sir Thomas Beaumont, mentioned in the "Feudal
Aids " of 1428; he was born 1401 ; died 17 November, 1450.
By his first marriage with Philippa Dinham he had two
sons, William and Philip, and by his subsequent marriage
with Alice, daughter of Hugh Stucley, of Afifeton, three
sons, Thomas, Hugh, and John. The descent of Heanton
Cofifyn through these various brothers is exactly similar
to that of Lyn, and will be found under the head of that
manor ; and I would note here that in the inquisition on
the death of Mathie Carew it is stated that she held one
hundred acres and a messuage in Cofifyn's Heanton, by gift
and enfeofifment of Thomas Beaumont, held of Eichard
Pomeroy, knight, as of the manor of Berry Pomeroy by
fealty for all services. The manor of Heanton Cofifyn
appears in the list of the lands that fell to Bassett as the
result of the litigation (of which an account is given in the
Descent of the Manor of Lyn), under the name of Heanton
Foryn, and Sir William Pole mentions it under this name
and says it descended from Beaumont to Bassett.
Westcote (p. 251) wrongly places the manor in the parish
of Coimtisbury, and says, "Coflftns Heanton ye land of
Bassett, now of Scoare, who being a verderer of ye Forest
hath thereby freely a lees heifer in ye forest." The name
VOL. xxxvm. L
162 THB PARISHES OF LYin:ON AND COUNnSBUBT.
Score frequently appears in Lynton parish ; there is a will
of John Score, of Lynton, 21 October, 1575. The possessor
of CoflSns Heanton, of whom Westcote speaks, was probably
the John Score who was sidesman of Lynton Church in
1630, and it came into his hands by purchase at the time
when a large number of the Bassett manors and lands were
sold by Sir Robert Bassett to raise money to pay the heavy
fine that was laid on him as the result of his absurd
pretensions to the crown and throne in the reign of K^ing
James I.
I am unable to trace the exact descent from Score, but in
1800 it was held by John Cutcliffe, in 1830 by Charles
Cutcliffe, and in A.D. 1888 the Misses Cutclifife sold it to
C. F. Bailey, Esq., of Ley, the present owner. Mr. Bailey
tells me the deeds went back to the time of Queen Elizabeth,
and would therefore have shown the descent from Bassett,
but he did not know the whereabouts of the deeds, as he
was called on to give them up to the solicitors of Miss
Cutclifife on the plea that they also related to a small
property at Combemartin not then sold.
There are no records of any courts being held in this
manor ; being small, it was probably annexed by Beaumonts
to another. The present owner informed me that he had
been under the impression that it formed part of Wiche-
halse's manor of Lynton.
V. CROSSCOMBE.
This is a farm on the border of the parish, partly in
Lynton and partly in Martinhoe — the acreage being 187
acres in Lynton, 160 in Martinhoe — and was held as a
reputed manor for many years by the family of Berry, who
were a branch of the Berry family of Berrjmarbor. John
Berry held it a.d. 1428, and various of the name appear as
owners of it down to a.d. 1604, when it was held by a John
Berry who married first a daughter of Anthony Kelly,
Eector of North Tawton (1561-1603), and second Frances,
daughter of Eoger Wikes, of North Wike, leaving no
issue by either marriage. His brother, Eichard Berry,
married in 1612, at Parracombe, Margaret, daughter of
Nicholas Wichehalse, and left a son, Hugh Berry, so called
after his great-grandfather, Hugh Acland, of Acland, who
mentions him in his will.
Westcote states that "Croscombe be Berrys, who after
residing there several generations sold it to Chichester"
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 163
— the seller was probably the John Berry married in
1604, as an inquisition taken at Barnstaple, 22 August, 3
Charles I, states that Sir Eobert Chichester, knight, was
seized of Croscombe alias Welcombe, and that it had been
settled by an indenture of a.d. 1624 (see Appendix No. 28).
From Chichester it passed to Barbors, George Barbor
being owner in a.d. 1800 ; from Barbors to Yeo; and William
Arundell Yeo sold it in a.d. 1848 to Charles Bailey, the
father of the present owner. The Barbor descent is given
in the account of Countisbury manor. A small holding of
Ealph de Pomeroy called Estandona has been placed by
Mr. Whale in Lynton parish. "Domesday" states it was
held by Algar the priest, T.R.E. ; there were there one villein,
and thirty acres of pasture, and it was worth three shillings.
After " Domesday " it disappears and was probably absorbed
in another holding ; possibly it was Bonhill.
VI. FURSBHILL.
The first notice we have of this is in the EoUs of 1 John,
A.D. 1199, when Henry de Tracy granted the service of the
lands of Fursehill to the church of St. Mary of Forde.
In " Testa de Neville " Richard de Fursehill held ^Vth of
a fee in Fursehill.
In A.D. 1286 Richard Thorger held ^j^th of a knight's fee
in Fursehill of the Earl of Cornwall of the honour of
Braneys (" Feudal Aids," p. 336).
In A.D. 1303 Richard Thorger held i^th of a knight's fee
in Fursehill and Stock (" Feudal Aids," p. 36).
In A.D. 1346 Richard Levering held ^^^h of a knight's
fee in Fursehill and Stock which Richard Thorger afore-
time held ("Feudal Aids," p. 417).
Later Fursehill became divided into two portions known
as North Fursehill and South Fursehill.
South Fursehill and part of Sparhanger came before
A.D. 1390 into the hands of Walter Marwood, of Westcote,
and were attached to that manor. North Fursehill and the
other moiety of Sparhanger to Richard Pasmore.
South Fursehill and the part of Sparhanger remained
in the hands of the Marwood family, and formed part of
the manor of Westcote; they passed by the marriage of
Elizabeth, eldest daughter and coheiress of John ^Marwood,
of Westcote, to John Chichester, of Hall, who held them
as part of the manor of Westcots. The tenants of Furse-
hill had to attend and do suit and service to the court
l2
IM THE PJLKZaHIS OT LTWrOS XSD OOC^mSBCTT.
ci the manor oi Wes^kioce ijee Appendix Xo. 27). It
Tir^sxAined m nbe hazL-is of nhe Chirfw^cer?. o< HaD, as part
c*f the mAnor of Westeote MAr«rooii till the year A-Dl 1857,
when it was aoH to Jlr. K*:cert Boe.
Xorth FriraehilL ani the ocher moiety of Sparfaanger
|i<wfte»i :hro^zh virioa^ hanis: in a»d looO chey bdon^ied
to Lria^s, who ?H'jIi th^riL. :o John L^veriaz. merdiaiit, of
Barrj»taple. A m.-irry »'.t :hese priperries was settled on
the r.iArna;ze of hj; el ie*: iau^hrer Iv-n^thy with Samuel
RoiL» in A.D. 1700: :he o:r.er ni-jiecy went to her sister.
Savanna Loverln:?. who marrie-i in A.D. 17Ch) Richard
AcLinI, of FreiAin^on. Rjth p>rr:on5 were afterwards
sold to the Vellacotts. a family wh :• came in the early part
of the -'leventeenth c-enturv from Combemartin to LTnton.
VIL MANOR or C0L>T1SBUEY.
The manor of Countisbury comprised the whole of the
pari-»h of Countisbury. The notice of i: in Exon "' Domes-
rlay " is :—
William lias a manor called Contesberia, which Ailmer held on
the rlay on which King E•lwa^l was alive an'l dead, and it rendered
geld for half a hide. Thi^ can l»e ploughed by ten ploughs ; of it
William ha.s in demesne one virgate and four ploughs and the
villein-i have one virgate and six ploughs. Tht^re William has
twelve villein.s. six Ir-rdars and fifteen serfs and one swineherd
who render.^ ten swine by the year, and one jiackhorse and thirty-
two hearl of cattle and twenty-four swine and three liundred sheep
leH=5 tliirteen and twenty-five g'^ats and fifty acres of wood and two
acres of nieadr>w, and pasture one leuga in length and one furlong
in breadth, and it is worth by the year four pounds, and it was
worth twenty shillings when he received it.
The William mentioned is William Capra, who held the
Lynton manors, and the history of Countisbury manor is
80 much mixed up with Lynton manor that it is almost
impossible to separate them. They were held together
practically as one manor from the Conquest to the year
A.D. 1G79, and till that date the descent of it may be seen
in the section that treated of Lynton manor.
By an indenture dated about 7th day of January, 1679,
John Wichehalse did bargain, sell, and convey the manor
of Countisbury to John Lovering, of Barnstaple, merchant,
saving, however, and excepting out of this sale the Royalty
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT. 165
of fishing for Herrings in the sea thereto adjoining, and
as far out into the river of Severne as middle thread or
jUum aquae between Countisbury and the Welsh shore;
€^80 excepting and saving the custom and Benefit of Keel-
age in Leymouth Harbour, all which rights were reserved
by the said John Wichehalse. The woods attached to certain
tenements on Lynton manor were also excepted.
On 31 January, 1679, John Levering conveyed to John
Wichehalse, Mary his wife, and Mary his daughter, for the
term of their lives a portion of the manor of Countisbury,
consisting of East Leymouth with the Fishery there called
Leymouth East Weare and a willey in the fresh water with
sufficient frith and stakes to be taken in Countisbury Wood
between the Great Tor and the East end of the sea
Chamber, together with the Fishery in the Fresh water as
far as the upper bridge and the Burning Gar. Two addi-
tional lives, Grace Westcot and John Knight, were sub-
sequently added to the lease by Levering.
This portion was on 24 September, 1685, mortgaged to
Jasper Radcliffe, of Exeter, and was by him transferred
30 September, 1693, to John Short, who held the lease of
the Lynton manor. At the expiration of this lease it
reverted to Lovering's estate, but some of the rights con-
nected with it, as well as certain manorial rights appertain-
ing to the manor of Countisbury, would seem to be still
vested in the representatives of the Wichehalses.
The remaining portions of Countisbury manor passed at
the death of John Levering (19 April, 1686), under the
trusts of his will dated 13 May, 1685, to his two daughters,
Dorothy and Susanna, his two sons, John Levering and
Venner Levering, having predeceased him. Susanna married
in 1699 Eichard Acland, of Fremington. By the marriage
settlement, dated 20 May, 1699, Susanna agreed when she
came of age to convey her moiety of Countisbury with her
other lands, excepting the Dodderidge estates, to her intended
husband for life, then for her own use for life, and then to
trustees for one hundred years, to raise certain specified sums
for their younger children in case there should be a son and
heir. Gf this marriage there was issue a son, John, and
three daughters, but Mrs. Acland neglected to carry out the
terms of the settlement ; but after her husband's death she,
on 15 February, 1741, conveyed her moiety to William
Barbor and Charles Hill for a term of three hundred years,
in trust for her use for life, then to her son, John Acland,
and his heirs, with remainder to her three daughters, and
166 THE PABISHBS OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
also by sale or mortgage to raise certain sums for her
daughters* portions.
This son, John Acland, succeeded at his mother's death,
2 June, 1747, but was a lunatic and died intestate in April,
1767, and the moiety of Countisbury fell to his sisters,
Maria, a spinster ; Frances, married to Rev. Hugh Fortescue ;
and the representative of Susanna, who had married William
Barbor and predeceased him,hereldest son was William Barbor
(ii), to whom the whole moiety fell ultimately on the death of
his two aunts without issue, by their wills. William Barbor
left no issue, and by his will dated 2 February, 1797,
proved 20 June, 1801 (P.C.C), he left his lands to his only
surviving brother, George Barbor, and at his death in 1817
they descended to his only son, George Acland Barbor (27
April, 1800).
The Kolle moiety descended to Samuel EoUe, only son of
Samuel Rolle and Dorothy Levering, who by his will left
it to his cousin, Dennis Rolle, who sold all his Countisbury
lands in parts and parcels chiefly to the occupying tenants.
East Lynmouth being sold in 1759 to Peter Hooper, and
the rest at various dates up to 1782. At the same period
the trustees of Mrs. Acland leased the other moiety for the
remainder of the term of three hundred years, so that
every farm in the parish was held under the somewhat
peculiar circumstance that an undivided moiety was free-
hold, and the other moiety leasehold for three hundred
years. George Acland Barber's reversionary rights to a
moiety passed by his will, dated 15 October, 1830, proved
27 August, 1839, to his cousin, William Arundell Yeo and
his heirs, with remainder to Beaple Yeo, and were sold
by W. A. Yeo, 19 June, 1848. to the Rev. W. S. Halliday.
The following list of the principal holdings and their
owners in 1790 and 1835 will show into whose hands the
various farms passed (see opposite page).
The commons, comprising about 1320 acres, are still
undivided, and the portions of wood attached to the diflferent
tenements in Lynton manor are about forty-four acres, in
addition to that now held with East Lynmouth, about
twenty-four acres. The brothers Lysons say there is now
no manor of Countisbury, and no manorial courts appear to
have been held since the division of the manor between the
daughters of John Levering, though part of the manorial
rights would seem to be in the hands of the heirs of
Wichehalse, whoever they may be. The Rev. W. S. Halli-
day, shortly after purchasing Coscombe, renamed it
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
167
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168 THS PABISHB8 OF LTITrON AND COUimSBUBT.
Glenthome and erected a mansion for himself there, and
made a drive nearly three miles in length from the road to
the house, and since 1835 gradually bought up all the
farms in the parish with the exception of East LynmoutlL
The property was left by him to William Halliday Cosway,
who thereupon took the surname of Halliday, and it is now
in the possession of his daughters, one of whom is married
to Mr. S. A. Sanders, Master of the Staghounds.
There are in existence several surveys of the manor of
Countisbury between 1700 and 1750, but I have not been
able to have access to them, but I believe they are entitled
" Surveys of the Manors of Lynton and Countisbury," a relic
of the many ages when they formed one manor ; and they
refer also to the lands in Lynton held by the descendants of
John Lovering. I have given a pedigree of Barbor and
Acland as the only families of interest connected with
Countisbury, except the yeoman ones of Slocombe and
Rawle.
29 May, 1695 (BanisUple).
liaibor, M.i).-— Petronel Pointz.
iista]»le. Imr.
y, 1718 (Harn-
biir. 11 May, 172
(Barnstaple).
William Barbor= Elizabeth,
. 26 March, 1701 tBarn-
.le); bur. 21 Nov., 1767
i-iistij)le).
»or, M.B.,
tlchuinp-
17 Feb.,
iple).
1.
daii. of George Wood Powell,
of Kittisford, Somerset Mer-
chant, bur. 2 Dec, 1780.
iBarl
John Barbor. Joan Huxtable= George Barbor,
A captain in the barrister-at-law.
Army ; died abroad bur. 29 March,
without issue. 1788 (Barnstaple),
2ud son. without issue.
3rd son.
3 Nov., 1788.
if ary^ George Barbor =Jane,
.CO, born 22 Nov.,
ton. 1765 ; baj>. 9
Sept., 1756
(Fremington);
died 27 March,
1817 (M.I. Fre-
niington) ; bur.
1 April, 1817
(Fremington).
4 th sun.
o A eland Barbor,
^hslilc, Fremiiigloii.
April, 1800 (Barn-
Will dated 15 Oct,
roved 27 Aug., 1839.
\ died 7 July, 1839.
dau. of Gabriel Barnes.
Alive in 1830.
}
<^
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND
COUNTISBURY. 11.
FAMILY AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, AND LOCAL LEGENDS.
BY REV. J. P. CHANTER, M.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
VI.
FAMILY HISTORIES.
I. THE WICHEHALSE FAMILY.
Arms. — Per pale argent and sable, six crescents two and two,
all countercharged.
Crest. — A stag's head erased, per pale arg. and sa., charged on
neck with two crescents, holding in its mouth an olive-branch
slipped of Ist.
One family stands out above all others in connexion with
Lynton — that of Wichehalse — for around it all the legends
and romances of the neighbourhood have gathered. The
story of Jennifred, her father, Sir Edward Wichehalse, and
her false lover. Lord Auberley, is to the present day gravely
told with variations in " Murray's Handbook " and other
guides to Lynton as part of its historical lore, and is asso-
ciated in the minds of all visitors with Duty Point. Yet,
sad to say, there never was a Jennifred or a Sir Edward
Wichehalse. The story of her sad fate is but a perverted
nineteenth-century rendering of the misfortunes that befell
Mary Wichehalse, the only daughter of the last Wichehalse
who was lord of Lynton manor. E. D. Blackmore, in
"Loma Doone," introduces a Baron Hugh de Wichehalse
and his son Mar wood. The former is, of course, Hugh
Wichehalse, Esq., whose tomb may still be seen in Lynton
Church; but though the Marwoods were connected with
another branch of the family, there was never a Wichehalse
named Marwood. Blackmore, in his account of them,
170 THE PAKISHE8 OF LYNTON AND C0UNTI8BUBY.
adapting the Rev. Matthew Mundy's rendering of the
Wichehalse legends, says : —
The first De Wichehalse had come from Holland, where he
had been a great nobleman, being persecuted for his religion
when the Spanish power was everything. He fled to England with
all he could save, and bought large estates in Devonshire, where
his descendants intermarried with Cotwells, Marwoods, Welshes, of
Pylton, Walronds, and Chichester, of Hall.
This paragraph is but an illustration of the mingling of
fact and fiction which continually occurs in the fascinating
pages of " Lorna Doone," for the alliances are to a certain
extent correct, though mainly of other branches of the
Wichehalse family. The alliances of the Lynton branch
were with Welsh of Pylton, Acland, Pomeroy, Venner, and
Chichester of Youlston ; but the Dutch descent is- entirely
fiction, as also are the character and name of Marwood
de Wichehalse. And where so much legendary lore has
gathered round a family, in seeking to give an historical
account of them it is very necessary to sift most carefully
the chaff from the grain. I have in this account based
everything on documentary evidence (some of which I have
given in the Appendix), and what can be gathered from their
letters, wills, and deeds, and if, with very imperfect materials,
it is but bare skeletons which come before you — for I must
leave my readers to clothe them with their own imaginative
details — yet it is at least, as far as it goes, true and accurate ;
and if neither exciting nor dramatic, I trust that some
glamour of romance will still cling. For the story of this
family is but the old, old one of rise and decay — a family
springing from oblivion, first to be a gentle family, then a
wealthy one, of riches amassed by care and industry, of
noble alliances formed, an honoured position and name ; and
then a gradual decline, a struggle to keep their heads high
and then overwhelmed by misfortunes, a sinking out of
sight and a total disappearance of the race and name ; and
now — like Bonvilles, Ealeighs, and hosts of other honoured
Devon names — they are only part of the old, old past, and a
legend.
The Wichehalses, then, were an old Devonshire family,
springing and taking their name from a hamlet called
Wych, on the south side of the parish of Chudleigh. The
hamlet is said to have derived its name from a large
wych, or whych elm that grew in its centre. The spelling
of the family name has varied tremendously. There are
THE PAKISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 171
over twenty variations, but all medieval spelling was fear-
fully and wonderfully done. The simplest form of it was
Wichalls, which was largely used. The form Wichehalse,
which I have adopted, is the one mainly used by the Lynton
branch in their signatures.
From Chudleigh they overflowed not merely to neigh-
bouring parishes and Exeter, but in Elizabethan days all
over the county. There was a Bennet Wichalse, bailift* of
Exeter in a.d. 1440, and churchwarden of St. Petrock's in
1443 and 1451 ; a Henry Wichehalse. also bailiff of Exeter
and churchwarden in a.d. 1469. They are found at Chud-
leigh and Ashcombe as far back as the registers go, and on
to A.D. 1770 at Ashcombe. There are wills of a Bennet
Wichehalse, of Hatherleigh, merchant, in A.D. 1682; of a
Thomas Wichehalse, of Otterton, gentleman, in 1592 ; also
of various Wichehalses at St. Mary Church and Powderham ;
one of the family migrated to Lewisham, and founded a
branch there which recorded a pedigree at a Kentish
visitation.
The earliest ancestor of the Lynton Wichehalses to whom
we can go back with certainty is a Nicholas Wichehalse, of
Chudleigh, who married first Alicia, daughter of a Peverell,
by whom he had one daughter, and by a second wife, name
unknown, a son, Nicholas Wichehalse, of Chudleigh. This
Nicholas the Second died 14 December, 1552 (Inq. p.m.,
1 Mary, No. 18), leaving three sons — John, then aged 46,
and who would therefore have been bom in 1506, married
to Joan, co-heiress of Cotwell ; William, married to Ellen,
daughter of Humphrey Walrond, and widow of Anthony
Fortescue ; and Nicholas, to whom I shall refer later ; also
two or three daughters. The inquisition gives no particulars
of the younger children, but only mentions the son and
heir. The ancestral property of Wych went to John,
thence to his eldest son Eobert, and was taken by Robert's
only daughter and child to Trevanion, of Caerhayes.
William, the second son, also settled at Chudleigh, where
his only son was buried in 1606 ; while Nicholas, the third
son, following the custom of many younger sons of county
families, moved to a town and entered a mercantile business.
He settled at Barnstaple about A.D. 1530, and started in
business in the woollen trade, at that time one of the most
prosperous businesses in the west of England. Here his
business brought him the acquaintance and friendship of
the Salisburys, one of the leading merchant families at
Barnstaple, who had taken for some years a leading part in
172 THE PARISHES OP lYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
the town affairs ; and after the death of Mr. Robert Salis-
bury, in 1551, Nicholas Wichehalse, then a prosperous
merchant, married the widow Mary, who was the only
daughter of Eichard Welsh, of Pylton. By this marriage
he not only acquired considerable property, but was also
brought into relationship with the principal families in
Barnstaple and its neighbourhood. These relationships are
somewhat difficult to follow, as both Mrs. Wichehalse and
her mother had married twice and had children by both
marriages. It is best explained by the following pedigree : —
John Dart=Katherine =Richar<i Welsh,
of Barnstaple,
merchant.
Wm dated 27 Dec.,
1554; proved 28
May, 1565.
of Pylton. WiU dated
24 Dec, 1550; proved
29 April, 1551.
I 1st. I 24 April, 1552.
John Dart, Robert Salisbury= Mary Welsh ==Nichola8 Wichehalse
of Barnstaple, bur. 9 Aug., 1551.
Mayor in 1657, 1568.
L
I 1 I
Dorothy. Joan. Katherine Salisbury,
m. Philip Pyne, Esq., m. George Pyne, m. John Wichehalse,
of Eastdowne. Mayor of Barnstaple, 1571.
i 1586. i
Joan Wichehalse. Nicholas Wichehalse.
m. Robert Prowse, m. Margaret Acland.
Mayor 1588, 4-
M.P. 1584.
From this it will be seen that many of his new relatives
occupied important positions in the municipal life of the
town, and were in a position to push him on; he was
elected a capital burgess in 1556, appointed churchwarden
in 1558, and became mayor in 1561, and in conjunction
with his brother-in-law, John Dart, and his friend, Eobert
Apley, he took up a mortgage of the manor of Barnstaple,
with a view of getting possession of it for the corporation.
His residence was in Crock Street, or Cross Street as it
is now called, some of the houses in which still, with their
carved fire-places, moulded ceilings, and oak panelling,
bear witness to the prosperity and magnificence of the mer-
chants of those days. His continued prosperity is shown by
the extensive landed property he purchased in North Devon.
Besides the manors of Lynton and Countisbury, he held the
THB PARISHES OF LYXTON AKD COUNTISBURY. 173
manor of Maydenford, Barnstaple, the Watermouth estate in
Berrynarbor, Combe in Loxhore, Overfoldhay and Netherfold-
hay in Parracombe, the Barton, and several other estates in
Fremington and Bickington.
His brother, John Wichehalse, the head of the family,
had died in 1558, leaving six sons and three daughters, who
became the care of their uncle at Barnstaple. Through his
influence Robert, the eldest and heir of Wych, had married
a North Devon heiress, Elinor, daughter of John Marwood,
of Westcote. John Wichehalse, the youngest, entered the
service of his uncle Nicholas, as also did a Nicholas Wiche-
halse, but whether this was a nephew or a great-nephew I
feel uncertain.
By his marriage with Mary Salisbury, Nicholas Wiche-
halse had two children, Joan, born in 1554, who married
Robert Prowse, mayor and member of Parliament for the
town ; and a son Nicholas, born some twelve years after his
sister, shortly after which long-desired but long-deferred
event the father died. In his will he left the care and
wardship of his young son to his wife, and desired his
nephew and servant, John Wichehalse, to marry his step-
daughter, Katherine Salisbury (see Appendix No. 12).
His only son, Nicholas Wichehalse, who in the ''Barn-
staple Records " is styled " gentleman," and sometimes " the
younger," to distinguish him from his cousin, the merchant,
was brought up by his mother at Barnstaple, and was edu-
cated first at the High School, Barnstaple, under Humphrey
Jeffert, and afterwards at Exeter College, Oxford, where he
matriculated at the age of fourteen, and soon afterwards set
up housekeeping for himself in a house described as being on
the Quay, Barnstaple. The result was that his studies did
not progress very much, and soon after he was seventeen he
left Oxford without taking any degree.
The immediate cause of this was his mother's death, which
terminated his wardship, as by her will she left him the
wardship of his " })odye and lands," and constituted him her
sole executor (see Appendix No. 13). In compliance with
her request he handed over his establishment on the Quay
to his sister and her husband, and himself took up his resi-
dence in the family mansion in Crock Street, and at the early
age of nineteen married Margaret, daughter of Hugh Acland,
of Acland, by Mary, daughter of Thomas Monk, of Potheridge.
His two cousins were both married men, living at Barn-
staple. John Wichehalse had, in accordance with his
uncle's wish, married Katherine Salisbury, the young
174 THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
Nicholas's half-sister, and had by her a family of seventeen
children, several of whom died young, and none appear to
have left any issue, while Nicholas Wichehalse, the mer-
chant, carried on the business established by his uncle,
though without his uncle's capital it had sunk to be more a
retail one, such as would now be described as a woollen
draper's. He had married Lettice, daughter of John Dea-
mond, mayor of Barnstaple in 1561, 1566, and 1581. There
appears to have been some dispute over this marriage, which
is told in the minutes of a court held at Barnstaple 26 May,
31 Eliz. (see " Barnstaple Eecords," Vol. I, page 48). How-
ever, the marriage took place in 1582, the issue of which
was a son Nicholas, who died an infant, and a daughter
Lettice, who afterwards married Hugh Fortescue, a nephew
of Sir Faithful Fortescue. This Nicholas Wichehalse, the
merchant, died in A.D. 1607. The inventory of his goods is
of some interest as showing of what the stock-in-trade and
domestic furniture of a woollen draper of the period con-
sisted : the following are a few selections from it, for it is
somewhat lengthy to give in extenso.
In the shop, among other goods, were 182 yd. of coloured
bayes, priced at Is. 4d. the yard ; 49 yd. of kersey, at 28. 4d.
a yard ; broadcloth, at 8s. a yard ; 14 yd. of ** coarse graie
fifrize," at lid. a yard; certain bufifyns in remnants, worth
£1. 9s. 4d. ; a piece of white bayes; also lace, silk, black
velvet, ell broad taffeta, leaven taffeta, and five small boxes of
marmalade. This last word is uncertain, but I can make it
nothing else, though marmalade certainly seems out of place
in such surroundings.
Among his domestic furniture were two goblets or bowls
of silver parcel gilt, a silver salt gilted, silver spoons, a stone
cup bound and covered with silver gilt, a scriptorie, a table-
board, a square board, six gilt cushions, six cushions of arras
and six other cushions, spruce chests, little chests, a cipris
chest, pewter, glass, etc. The chambers mentioned are
" the Shope," the " hall howse," higher buttrie, two higher
chambers, the chamber within, the hall, the kitchen, the
lower buttrie, courtlages, and cellars, where there were forty-
five bushels of salt valued at £3. 58., an iron beam, scales and
weights, wool and yarn.
Nicholas Wichehalse,E8q., on coming of age, obtained seizin
of his property 22 June, 1588 (see Appendix No. 14). He
resided entirely at Barnstaple, taking no part in public
affairs. His life appears to have been that of the country
gentleman of the times, his companions and friends the
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 175
Aclands, Pynes, and Chichesters of the younger generation
who dwelt around Barnstaple, joining in their pleasures
and also involved in their quarrels. We find him in 1590
presented at a court with Gregorie Chichester for drawing
his dagger and making an assault on Arthur Champemon
and hurting him in the thigh (Presentments 12 October,
32 Eliz.). Perhaps this was at a carousal of the young
gentlemen of the neighbourhood on the return of one of
the reprisal ships with rich booty. The "Prudence," we
know, came home this year with four great chests of gold
worth £16,000, and other things of great value. Mr.
Edward Chichester was wounded in the same brawl.
Nicholas Wichehal^e sold his father's lands in Berrynarbor,
Loxhore, and Parracombe, and purchased the manor of Lin-
combe, in the parish of Ilfracombe, formerly part of the
possessions of the Abbey of Dunkeswell. Five sons and
three daughters were born to him, his wife dying at the
birth of her youngest son, and in 1598 he enfeoffed all his
lands to Hugh Acland, Esq., and Philip Pyne, Esq., in trust
for his eldest son Hugh, with remainder to his other four
sons, and died at his mansion in Crock Street, Barnstaple,
on 31 October, 1603, at the age of thirty -eight (see Appendix
No. 15). The registers of Barnstaple, however, do not
record his burial
Hugh Wichehalse, the eldest son, was just seventeen, and
continued to reside at the family mansion in Crock Street,
and on 1 February, 1613, married at Bickington Dorothy,
daughter of Thomas Pomeroy, of Ilsington; the two next
brothers died young; Eobert, the fourth son, entered the
service of the Earl of Bath at Tawstock, where he remained
during his life, marrying in 1625 Mrs. Elizabeth Coles, a
lady attached to the same establishment; they are both
mentioned in the EarFs will, and both were buried at
Tawstock. Philip, the youngest, carried on a merchant's
business at Barnstaple, residing at Pilton, where he married
Mary Chaldon, by whom he had three children.
Hugh Wichehalse, Esq., after his marriage, continued to
reside at Barnstaple, where nine children were bom to him ;
but in 1627 there was a rumour of the Plague drawing near
the town again, and the fear of it drove most of the gentle
families residing there to their country seats, but the
Wichehalses had no residence on either of their manors,
and Hugh, thinking it desirable to have another residence,
both on account of the Plague and also of the party spirit
which ran so high in his native town, which he felt very
176 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNnSBURT.
averse to mixing with, decided to repair and enlarge the
old grange farm at Ley in the manor of Lynton, as a place
where he would be at safe distance from the Plague and
free from the danger of infection, and in the summer of
1628 decided to remove there with his wife and children.
It was a difficult journey to make with small children, for in
those days for part of the way there was no road, only a
rough track over the moors; there was no possibility of
wagons or wheels, the only conveyance was a string of
pack-horses on which master, mistress, children, servants,
baggage, furniture, and all had to be carried. Some of their
Lynton retainers, including John Babb and Lancelot Ellis,
had come over overnight, and in the early morning a start
for Lynton was made after a long delay to get the packs
and pillions all settled. Their way led them up to High
Cross and then down to the north gate over Pilton Causeway,
and then a long steady rise up to Sherwell, then down by
Sherwell Church to the valley of the Yeo, which was
crossed at Loxhore Cot, then up Loxhore Long Lane, and
along the top of the hill for a mile or more till they came
to Westland Pound and its little solitary inn lying in a
hollow on the edge of the Black Moors, with the great wilds
and solitudes of Exmoor beyond. Here a halt was made
to refresh man and beast, for beyond it was a choice of
tracks over furze and heath, one track leading down to the
village of Parracombe, the other keeping to the high ground
and joining the South mol ton track which led by Moles
Chamber, Woodburrow, and Ilkerton Ridge into Lynton.
The former was chosen as the nearest to Ley, and the long
string of pack-horses being counted over, with a Lynton
retainer as guide leading, a start was made again. About a
mile and a half of moorland track brought them to the
enclosures on the top of Parracombe Hill, and then down
through the hamlet of Parracombe Mill, past the old forti-
fications of Holwell, then called South Stock, with its in-
scribed stone, and up and on open Exmoor once again, where
a track led over Parracombe Common, Martinhoe Common,
and Lynton Common to the top of the hill above Sixacre,
Endown as it was called, whence Lydiates Lane led them
down to the Denes, or Valley of Eocks as we call it, and
down through it on to Ley, where many of the tenants
were assembled to welcome the first squire to take up his
abode among them. And so the Wichehalses came to Lynton,
with which their name has ever since been associated.
Ley was then not the present pile of walls and buildings.
g
1
THE PAKISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 177
with its gateway, which visitors, deceived by the name Ley
Abbey which is sometimes given it, take to be the remains
and ruins of an old abbey, though it dates back no further
than 1850, but merely a farmhouse with gabled ends, a
gabled long porch in the centre, inside of which were two
loi^; benches fixed in the thickness of walls, such as is still
to be seen in many parts of Devon, and covered with thatch.
An addition with extra chambers had just been built, but
poor it must have seemed after the Crock Street mansion
with its fire-places and moulded ceilings.
Lynton itself they found but a tiny village, lying in a
little hollow between moor and sea : on the top of the hill
to seaward was the church with west-end tower, nave, and
chanoel ; below on the shore there were a few small cottages,
sheds, and pits, where the herring -curing industry was
carried on ; to the landward of the church a little alehouse,
and down in the hollow the cottage where the curate Nicholas
Morrice dwelt, with its small herb garden, and about eight
or nine more cottages, each with several small enclosures and
fields attached to them known by the names of the different
occupiers' tenements ; one, a little bigger, was a small farm-
house to which a larger acreage of land was attached known
as the Home Tenement. Some idea of this old Lynton may be
gathered from the views published in 1802 by T. H. Williams,
of Plymouth. Further away on the moor side, nestling in
the hollows on the sides of the combes, lay some larger
farms in the midst of wild stretches of moorland, in some
of which families of gentle blood were carrying on the
agricultural industry. At East Lyn were the Pophams, who
had come from Porlock; at Crosscombe, or Welcombe as
they called it then, were Berrys, a branch of the Berry-
narbor family, where Hugh Wichehalse's sister was living,
being wife of Eichard Berry, who also had a farm at Parra-
combe; at West Lyn were the yeoman family of Knight,
then rising to some prominence in local affairs. In none of
the neighbouring parishes was there a resident squire, but a
raoe of yeomen was springing up as the manors were being
gradually dismembered.
Here Hugh Wichehalse lived the rest of his days a quiet
and retired life with his family. Arthur, his eldest son,
and two or three daughters, had died before he left Barn-
staple, but three more were bom after he took up his
residence at Ley. He took a deep interest in all parish
affairs, serving the office of churchwarden in his turn, and
interested himself also in Martinhoe, where he purchased
VOL. xxxvra. M
178 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND GOUNnSBUBT.
some lands, and where his youngest daughter Bridget was
baptized in A.D. 1631. He seems to have been a gentle and
amiable, yet learned man, and following the steps of his
forefathers, a devoted son of the Chutch, and in the troub-
lous times that were arising he was rejoiced to be able in
the seclusion of Lynton to stand aloof from the party strife
that was waxing so strong in his native town. His energies
were devoted to the care and education of his younger
children and the welfare of the poor on his estates, and to
seeking amidst the rising troubles to preserve peace, friend-
ship, and charity with all men.
But if the squire stood aloof from politics, his eldest
surviving son was of another mind. During his school-days
at Barnstaple he had formed some strong friendships with
boys whose parents were strong Parliamentarians, as the
majority of the townsmen were ; and chafing at the dullness
of country life, he betook himself to the half -shut-up house
in Crock Street, and while there made the acquaintance of
William Venner, of Hudscott, Chittlehampton, who was
afterwards so strongly to influence his life. The Venners
belonged to the militant section of the Puritan party, and
were strong Independents, and through their influence John
Wichehalse threw himself with zest into the struggles of
the period, and became not only a militant Parliamentarian,
but notorious as one of the chief persecutors of the malig-
nants or loyalist clergy of North Devon. The influence was
strengthened by the marriages of John Wichehalse in 1649
to Mary, daughter of John Venner, of Eoborough, by Susan,
stepdaughter of Eoger Fortescue, and of William Venner to
Mrs. Wichehalse's sister, Elizabeth Venner. It would seem
that Hugh Wichehalse on his son's marriage transferred his
estates to him, or it may have possibly been done to
escape being scheduled as a delinquent; but it is certain
that the son was in possession of some of the estates before
his father's death, as on 20 September, 1653, he sold the
manor of Lincombe to John Cutcliffe, of Damage (Sir
William Drake's " Devonshire Notes and Notelets "). This
also may account for there being no will discoverable or
administration of the goods of Hugh Wichehalse, who died
on Christ-tide Eve, 1653, and was buried at Lynton. where a
monument erected to his memory by his wife still speaks of
his many virtues and the love borne to him by all. She
survived him nearly nine years, and was also buried at
Lynton. Of his children, Edward had died at Lynton in
A.D. 1645 at the age of twenty-three; Robert settled at
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 179
Glastonbury, where he married; Thomas acted as steward
for his father, and afterwards for his brother, living at what
was known as the Home Tenement, at Lynton, a life lease
of it being settled on him on his marriage with Mary
Smale, widow, of Chittlehampton. On retiring from his
duties he went to Chittlehampton, where he died. Nicholas,
the youngest son, was provided for by being settled at New
Mill. This was the lord's mill, and, as every tenant on the
estates was bound to grind there, it was a fairly prosperous
afiTair. Here he brought up a family of seven children, was
churchwarden of Lynton in a.d. 1678, and died in a.d. 1682.
John Wichehalse, the eldest son and heir, already in posses-
sion of some of the estates before his father's death, was, as
I have said before, of another kind to his father. He had,
while residing first at Roborough and afterwards at Dolton,
become, in conjunction with his brother-in-law, the terror of
the North Devon clergy. There was, however, no inter-
ference with the Lynton clergy, perhaps out of respect to
his father, though the Rev. John Browning, Vicar of Lynton
in A.D. 1698, said it was " rather because the poverty of the
living made it a less tempting prey for the greedy malice of
the religious vultures of those times " (Walker MSS.). He
had obtained the appointment of a commissioner for eject-
ing "ignorant, scandalous, insufficient or negligent clergy
and schoolmasters in the county of Devon," and by his
activity in manufacturing cases of such soon became one of
the most dreaded of this obnoxious commission. The Rev.
T. Lewis, Rector of Chumleigh, writing of the sufiFerings of
his predecessor. Rev. Christopher Baitson, says : " The then
commissioners that Mr. Baitson most feared were Mr.
Venner, of Chittlehampton; Mr. Witchalse, of Lynton;
Mr. Hacche, of Saturley ; and Mr. Blackmore, of Buckland "
(Walker MSS., Vol. II, p. 337). Another of the North
Devon clergy, the Rev. George Westcott, Rector of Berry-
narbor, to secure himself, proposed marriage to and was
accepted by Grace Wichehalse, a younger sister of the
Squire of Lynton, and married her at Berrynarbor 16 April,
A.D. 1657. That this was the motive is shown by the
following letter of Rev. Henry Chichester, which is, how-
ever, unfortunately torn. The words in brackets are conjec-
tural restorations : —
My predecessor in the Rectory (of) Berrynarbor lying in
Sher(well Deanery) within the Archdeaconry of B(arn8taple) was
the Reverent Mr. George (Westcott) who was inducted in the
year of (our Lord) 1630 and continued there untill (the year)
m2
180 THB PARISHES OF LTNTON AND C0X7NTI8BUB7.
1675, when he departed this (life). I have been infonned by
persons of (good) credite that he continued in his (living in)
those troublesome times not w(ithstanding) his great loyalty, but
that h(e was) threatened to be turned out a(nd for) the better to
secure himself m(arried) Mrs. Grace Wicchalls of Linton (in this)
county whose brother was (commissioner) under the Parliament
and a (friend) by whose means and favour he (escaped) being
sequestered (Walker MSS., Vol. Ill, p. 161).
The Restoration, however, put a stop to his activity in this
direction, and with somewhat diminished reputation and
shrunken fortunes — ^for the estates now only consisted of
Lynton and Countisbury manors, and some property at
South Molton and High Bickington, inherited from the
Venners — he came to Lynton in the autumn of A.D. 1662,
his mother's death leaving Ley available as a residence.
Here his two youngest children were bom, and his wife died
a few weeks after the birth of her child Hugh. John
Wichehalse married again within a year. His second wife
was the very opposite of his first, being of a good Church and
Royalist connexion, while the Venners were all strong Puri-
tans; and freed from this influence the old Wichehalse
Church and Royalist spirit seems to have revived in him.
He contracted a friendship with Nicholas Dennis, of Barn-
staple, one of the members for that town in the Restoration
Parliament, son of the Thomas Dennis who had been captain
of the Train Bands during Sir Allan Apsley's governorship,
and one of the few Royalists then on the corporation, under
whose advice he seems to have acted during the last ten
years of his life, which were spent in quiet retirement at
Lynton, where he died in a.d. 1676 at the age of fifty-six,
leaving two sons and four surviving daughters, three of
whom had married and settled in the neighbourhood. By
his will he charged his estate with a somewhat considerable
sum for his daughters, and left his South Molton property to
his younger son Hugh (see Appendix No. 17).
John Wichehalse, the eldest, who succeeded to the Lynton
and Countisbury manors — with his stepmother's jointure
and the legacies to his sisters charged on them — soon found
himself in financial difficulties, which were increased by his
marriage, the year after his father's death, to Mary,
daughter of Sir John Chichester, Bart., of Youlston, for the
young couple were somewhat extravagant, and finding life
in the seclusion of Ley somewhat dull and tedious, had
removed to Chard, in Somersetshire. In their troubles
they applied to the squire's maternal relatives, the Venners,
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUEY. 181
and on their advice the manor of Countisbury was sold,
7 January, 1679, to John Lovering, a Barnstaple merchant,
who had married Elizabeth Venner, the only surviving
child of Wichehalse's uncle, William Venner, and who was
also related to Mr. Saunders, the first husband of Wiche-
halse*s grandmother, Susan Venner. The short pedigree
(on the next page) will explain best the various relation-
ships, and also show the owners of Countisbury after Wiche-
halse.
By this sale the legacies were paid off, and to make some
provision for a child, named Mary Wichehalse, just born to
the young couple, John Lovering gave them a lease for their
lives and that of the child of East Leymouth, and advised
them to return to Lynton. After some negotiations they
agreed to do this on Lovering lending them a sum of £450.
As security for this Wichehalse gave Lovering a lease for one
thousand years by way of mortgage of part of Lynton
manor. Accordingly they returned to Lynton in a.d. 1681,
where their eldest son John wets bom soon after their
arrival. But before returning the Wichehalses mortgaged
the other part of the manor to a Somersetshire gentleman.
The Venners on hearing of this were greatly annoyed, but
once more John Lovering stood their friend, and got the
mortgage of the Ley portion of the manor assigned to him-
self, and for the next three years things went on quietly,
varied by the addition of three more sons to the young
couple. But in 1685 the Monmouth rising took place. The
Venners were all deeply interested, for they were strong
Puritans. An Independent meeting was regularly held at
Hudscott, William Venner's house, and a relative of the
family, a Colonel Venner, was in command of a regiment of
the Duke of Monmouth, in which Wade was major. Venner
was wounded at Bridport, and Wade succeeded him in com-'
mand ; but John Wichehalse's sympathies were entirely on
the other side. After Sedgemoor, Wade, in company with
Fergusson, a dissenting preacher, and a party of about
twenty, had made their way down the coast from Bridg-
water to Ilfracombe, where they seized a vessel, victualled
her, and went up Channel with the intention of picking up
Captain Hewling and others of their party, but being forced
ashore by a frigate, they scattered, and secreted themselves
in the woods around Lynton. On news of this reaching
John Wichehalse, he armed several of his servants, and with
them set out in search of the rebels.
The story of the discovery of Wade at Brendon, his cap-
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBUEY. 183
ture by Wichehalse, and how John Babb, Wichehalse's ser-
vant, shot Wade as he was running away, is told at length
in the State Papers and Harleian MSS., and as most of
them have been printed in Dr. Cooper's book they need not
be given here ; but a Lynton report, which I have taken
from an MS. of about a.d. 1780, adds that another of the
insurgents wa^ killed by Wichehalse's servants in Bonhill
Wood, and that the body was quartered and the dififerent
parts hung on a paled gate at the bottom of the wood across
the road opposite Ley. This action of Wichehalse caused
a certain amount of friction with his wealthy Puritan rela-
tives, and to escape it he left Lynton once more and
journeyed to London, hoping to advance his fortunes by the
credit he expected to have gained by his action in the
Monmouth rising. In the neighbourhood the blame was
put on his servant, John Babb, who was said to have in-
cited his master to kill every rebel they could find, and
local tradition has it that the Babbs, who had been the
favourite retainers at Ley, never prospered after. When
their master left Lynton they moved to West Leymouth,
as the modern Lynmouth was called then, and employed
themselves in the herring - curing industry, which the
cottagers said failed because Babb was engaged in it ; and
years after his granddaughter, Ursula Babb, was pointed
out as the last of the race with the curse on it, and as she
was reported to possess the evil eye, became a great object
of fear to all around. She afterwards married a wandering
Dutch sailor, named Eichard Johnson, who soon fell over-
board in a voyage between Lynton and Ilfracombe, and
their only son John disappeared and was never heard of
again. Old Ursula lived to a great age near the limekilns,
and it was from her tales of the great family and their sad
misfortunes that all the local legends in connexion with the
Wichehalse family arose, her tales forming the basis of the
stories and Lynton legends collected by the Kev. M. Mundy
which were printed in " Cooper's Guide."
In A.D. 1686 John Lovering, who had been such a good
friend to the Wichehalses, died, and their means were still
more straitened. Most of the land was let out on long
leases with a fine and a nominal rent, and so the yearly
income was small. The royalty of fishing and harbour
rights, which had been reserved when Countisbury was sold,
brought in little and was very variable, so East Leymouth,
the provision the Venner family had made for Mary Wiche-
halse, was also mortgaged. Life in London was very
184 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
different from life in Lynton, but far more costly, and their
extravagances seem to have worn out the Venners. His
cousin, Elizabeth Levering, had married a second husband,
Joseph Bailer, of Barnstaple, who thought it would be best
to have done with the Wichehalses altogether, and accord-
ingly he transferred the mortgages (the interest on which
had never been paid) with all arrears to John Short, a fuller,
of Kenn, near Exeter, and Wichehalse, being short of money
as usual, borrowed another £400 of Short on the same
security. But he soon found the Shorts dififerent men to
deal with than Venners or Loverings ; they wanted to see
the interest of their money. Wichehalse had never troubled
about that with Levering, and let it run in arrears as before.
Shorts, finding they got no interest, took legal proceedings by
filing a bill in Chancery in July, 1694, and a long course of
legal proceedings took place which involved the Wichehalses
deeper and deeper. Mrs. Wichehalse*s brother, Henry Chiches-
ter, died in this year, leaving her some money and reversions,
but Sir Arthur, their brother, fearing it would disappear at
once, would not pay her, so Chancery proceedings were com-
menced against him, and bit by bit the inheritances of the
Wichehalses were frittered away, the mortgages were fore-
closed, and the equity of redemption barred by a decree of
Chancery in a.d. 1696. Wichehalse, having the idea that
his legal agent, Thomas Northmore, had arranged matters
with Short, practically let judgment go by default, and at
the end of the year A.D. 1705 died somewhat suddenly in
London, where he had been residing, leaving by his will his
lands and mansion to his wife, with the exception of East
Leymouth, which was left to his daughter Mary. They
were, however, but empty bequests, for all had practically
gone. On the death of her easy-going husband, Mrs. Wiche-
halse, indeed, bestirred herself to see what could be done to
get back the lost inheritance, out of which she said the
lawyers had cheated her. Bills were filed in Chancery
against the Lynton fishermen for not paying their royalties
and dues to her ; the judgment of the Chancery Court was
appealed against, the case being ultimately carried to the
House of Lords, her plea being that the former judgments
had been obtained by collusion with her husband's legal
agent, Thomas Northmore. Her appeals, however, were
dismissed with costs in July, a.d. 1713, and the estates
finally lost.
Of the family of the last Squire Wichehalse there is
little to be said. The eldest and youngest of the three sons took
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 185
to the profession of arms. Charles rose to the rank of captain
in the regiment of Lord Gorges, and was killed in a.d. 1707, in
that colossal blunder of Lord Galway, the battle of Almanza,
where in a few hours eighteen thousand men and all the
artillery and baggage were lost. John, the eldest and head
of the family, was a captain in Colonel Charles Oatway's
foot regiment, and died while on garrison duty at Port
Mahon, Minorca, in A.D. 1721, leaving a widow but no
children. Henry settled with his mother's relatives at
Sherwell, and died there in a.d. 1736, the last male of the
family.
Around the fate of Mary, the only daughter of the last
Squire Wichehalse, some mystery hangs ; she seems to have
married at Caerleon a Mr. Henry Tomkins, and had an only
son named Chichester Tomkins, born about a.d. 1711, but
after a while insisted on returning to Lynton, the old home
of her family, and wandered about by the cliffs gazing on
the lost inheritance of her race, under the care of a faithful
retainer of the family, Mary Ellis, and according to one
accoimt fell off the cliffs at Ley, or by another was washed
off the rocks by the tide, the body never being found.
And the sad fate of " The Last of the Wichehalses," as
she was called, over which old Ursula the Witch of Leymouth
used to moan and babble to the cottagers on the beach, was
the foundation of the Rev. Matthew Mundy's tale which he
called " The Legend of Jennifred," his insufficient knowledge
of the Wichehalses causing him to antedate it, or perchance it
was merely a desire to cast the story in what seemed a
more romantic period than Georgian days, and the story of
the Dutch origin of the family may have arisen from some
confusion with the Dutch husband of old Ursula.
Mary Wichehalse's 8on,Chichester Tomkins, went to Oxford
and matriculated at Jesus College 3 November, 1729, and
took his B.A. from Wadham College in 1733. He was after-
wards Eector of Brendon, 1743 to 1758, from whence he
removed to St. Mary Major, Exeter, 1758 to 1767, and died
at St. Winnow in 1781, leaving a son and two daughters.
This Mr. Tomkins and his sisters visited Lynton in the
summer of a.d. 1815, and inquired among the old people as
to their grandmother and her family, and by chance they came
across the descendants of Mary Ellis, their grandmother's
maid, who showed them a certificate of the marriage of
Mary Ellis, with the name of her mistress as a witness,
Mary Tomkins, formerly Mary Wichehalse ; on which they
said that they did not even know their grandmother's name
186 THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND C0UNTI8BUBY.
was Mary, only that she was a Wichehalse, as their father
would never say anything about her on account of her
misfortunes. The last of these descendants, Miss Tomkins, on
her death in a.d. 1845, left a legacy of £100 for the poor
of Brendon. And now the very name of Wichehalse, which
for four hundred years occupied a conspicuous place in Devon,
seems to have totally disappeared.
I have given a full pedigree of the family, and in the
Appendix will be found many of the wills and documents
relating to them.
2. POPHAM, OF EAST LYN.
Arms. — On a chief, gules, a plate between two stags' heads
caboshed or, a crescent for difference.
The Pophams of East Lyn were a Porlock family descended
from John Popham, second son of Richard Popham, of
Alfoxton, County Somerset; a pedigree of the family is
given in Collinson's " History of Somerset." This John
Popham's son, John Popham, settled at Porlock, where he
held land in West Chantock; his son, Walter Popham,
married Agnes, daughter of William Hatch, of AUer, both
of whom were buried in the chapel of St. Mary in the
south aisle of the church of Porlock. Their son Walter,
who married 15 June, 1562, Elizabeth, daughter of Nicholas
Berry, of Berrynarbor, died at Porlock in 1582. By his
will dated 27 October, 1579, he desires to be buried near
his parents in " our Lady He in the Churche of Porlock," and
leaves his lands in West Chantock and Huish Champflower,
and all his other lands, to his widow as long as she remained
unmarried, and six score pounds to his three children, Eichard,
Walter, and Eglyn, and mentions his nephew, John Trott,
minister, Sarah his god-daughter, wife of John Trott, and
William their son (P.C.C. Tirwhitte. 35).
The eldest of these three children, Richard, came to
Lynton at the end of the sixteenth century, having a lease
of the manor of East Lyn from Pyne. Sir William Pole
also states the family had the patronage of Brendon. He
married Jane, daughter of Hugh Osborne, of Iddisleigh,
who had just before become the second husband of his
mother. He was churchwarden of Lynton in a.d. 1615,
and was buried at Lynton 7 April, 1628.
His son Hugh, born at Lynton, baptized 6 July, 1599,
married into a local family, Rawles, of Countisbury and Care.
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188 THE PABI8HES OF LTNTON AND C0UNTI8BUBT.
The Countisbury regiaters are lost till 1678, so there is no
record of it. but the marriage licence was issued 2 October,
1630. He had a family of nine children born at Lyntbn, and
was several times churchwarden of the parish. The family,
besides farming, also engaged in the local herring industry ;
Hugh Popham, his second son, being owner of barques and
boats trading and resorting to the harbour in A.D. 1710.
This Hugh Popham died in A.D. 1717, which is the last
reference made to the family I can find in Lynton. The
elder brother, Eichard Popham, did not reside at Lynton,
but went early in life to Barnstaple, and with the expiration
of the East Lyn lease the connexion of the family with
Lynton ceased.
On the preceding page is a pedigree of the various
members of this family.
8. BERRY, OF CROSSCOMBE.
Anns, — Or, three bars, gules.
Crest — A griffin's head erased, party per pale or and gules.
The family of Berry, of Crosscombe, was a branch of Berry.
of Berrynarbor, one of the most ancient in the county. In
the Visitation of 1620 two sets of quarterings of this
family are given, and over the old house of the family at
Berrynarbor the arms of Bonville and Plantagenet can still
be seen. There were also branches of the family at Chittle-
hampton and Northam and elsewhere.
The Crosscombe branch were settled there in A.D. 1428,
and remained till the beginning of the seventeenth century.
A pedigree of this branch is given by Westcote and also by
Vivian, which differ to some extent. Where they diiBfer,
such documentary evidence as I have seen points to
Westcote being the more correct. I have made a few addi-
tions to theirs in the annexed pedigree.
4. KNIGHT, OF WEST LYN.
Amis, — None recorded.
Knights of West Lyn might rather be styled a yeoman
than a gentle family, though old Westcote says the Devon-
shire yeomen and farmers of his day were mostly of gentle
blood, being the younger sons and descendants of the
younger sons of knights and gentlemen. Any account or
TBI PABISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT.
189
BERRY, OF CROSSCOMBE, PEDIGREE,
Jenkin Berry, of Berrynarbor=.
Richard Berry, of Cro8scombe==dau. of a Spaniard.
8rd son.
John (Westcote) or Thomas (Colby) Berry =j=.
of Crosscombe.
Richard Berry, of Cro88Combe= John Berry, of Chittlehampton.
Berry, of Chittlehampton.
John Berry —Frances, dau. of Nicliolas Robert Berry. John Berry.
of Croescombe.
Berry, of Berrynarbor,
wid. of Edward Hensley.
d. 8.p,
d. 8.p,
Richard Berry =
of Crosscombe. "Will
proved 7 Nov., 1690.
(Archd. Barum.)
Jane, dau. of Edward Anthony Berry.
Hensley, of Berrynar-
bor.
d. 8,p.
I 7 March, 1612 (Parracombo).
John Berry= (i) dau. of Anthony Richard Berry =Margaret, dau.
of Crosscombe. Kelly, Rector of of Parracombe.
North Tawton.
=(ii) 22 March, 1604
(NorthTawton),
Frances, dau. of
Roger Wikes, of
North Wike.
of Nicholas
Wichehalse,
of Barnstaple.
Mara;aret Berry. Hugh Berry.
Named in will of her Named in will of
great-grandfather, Hugh Aclaud, 1620.
Hugh Acland (1620).
190 THE PAEI8HI8 OF LTNTON AND GOUNTISBUBT.
pedigree of this family is most difficult to draw up, on
account of there being several families of the same name in
the parish. The earliest record of the name in Lynton is
in the Subsidy Rolls, 34, 35 Henry VIII, when there were
a Roger Knight, a David Knight, of Dean, and a David
Knight, sr. The earliest entries in the register are a
Thomasine Knight, buried 11 January, 1590; John Knight,
married 1591 ; and John Knight, buried 1595. The earliest
will of a Knight of Lynton I have seen is 1580. There
are over fifty wills of Lynton Knights proved in the Court
of Archdeacon of Barnstaple. They were settled at West
Lyn in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and purchased the
freehold from Sir Robert Basse tt in A.D. 1632. The an-
nexed pedigree gives only names from deeds down to John
Knight, born 1651, from which period I have given all the
descendants. The last of the name of this family, Miss
Frances Knight, died at Lynmouth 11 December, 1905.
VII.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY AND CHARITIES.
There is no evidence as to when or by whom the first
church in Lynton was built. The entries concerning
Lynton and Countisbury in the Episcopal Records, for
reasons that will be hereafter explained, are excessively
scanty. There is no mention of the church or its patronage
in Henry de Tracy's grant of the manors to Ford, though
without doubt it existed at the time. The Rev. 0. J.
Reichel, however, informs me that, owing to William
de Tracy's share in the murder of Archbishop Thomas,
there are peculiar circumstances in connexion with the
ecclesiastical patronage. In the Calendar of Documents in
France, circ, a.d. 1185-91, there is mention of a charter of
Hugh de Coterva, notifying that he has granted the gift
which his uncle, William de Tracy, made to Alan de Tracy,
clerk, before his crime against St. Thomas, of all the
churches on his land to Thomas, the clerk, who is in posses-
sion, paying Alan an annual pension. He has therefore
presented the said Alan before John, Bishop of Exeter, and
ratifying what his lord, William de Tracy, has done, he
grants Alan all the churches of his land to be possessed by
him after the death of Thomas, the vicar (p. 194). From
this it would seem that the patronage of Lynton and
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 191
Countisbury was separated from the manor before a.d.
1170 ; that circ, 1185 it was held by Thomas, the vicar, and
at his death passed to Alan de Tracy, clerk; there is no
record of any institution of a rector ; but on 28 November,
A.D. 1259, there is a mention of Eichard de Sancto Gorono
de Lintone de Toritone et Avetone, rector (Bronescombe,
p. 257). I had thought this Lintone might possibly refer to
the chantry of Lintone, or Lynetone, in the church of
Avetone ( Aveton Gifford) ; but Canon Hingeston-Eandolph
informs me that Rde. Sancto Gorono was certainly Rector of
Lynton in that year, and he is the only Eector of Lynton
whose name is known. The churches of Lynton and
Countisbury are both mentioned in the Taxatio of Pope
Nicholas (1288-1291). The entries are :—
Ecc de Countesbyre . iiij* iiij**
Ecc de Lyntone .... iiij"*
Dec. viij
So they were both of them then ordinary benefices, and not
appropriated.
But very shortly after this date, between 1290 and 1326,
both rectories were annexed to the Archdeaconry of Barn-
staple, as in the "Eegistrum Commune" of Bishop Grandisson
there is the statement, speaking of the Archdeacon of Barn-
staple, "Cui quidem archidiaconatui sunt Ecclesise Paro-
chiales de Lyntone et Contesbury Exoniensis Diocesis taxate
ad X marcos sterlingorum ab antique unite et annexe"
(Grandisson, "Eegistrum Commune," anno 40°, p. 1259).
The use of the term " ab antique " in a.d. 1366 shows that it
must have been very soon after the Taxatio of Pope
Nicholas, but there is no evidence of the exact date or by
whom granted, though there is an earlier reference to their
being annexed to the Archdeaconry in 1330 (Grand.,
p. 547).
The two benefices continued to be annexed to the Arch-
de€kconry of Barnstaple till a quite recent date, and the
livings have been served by perpetual curates licensed on
the nomination of the archdeacon, though the patronage
has lately been transferred to the bishop, and the title of vicar
given to the perpetual curate, who is still, however, licensed,
and not instituted as rectors and vicars are. And it is
owing to this fact that there is scarcely any mention of
Lynton or Countisbury in the Episcopal Eecords, no record
being kept of these perpetual curates till A.D. 1689.
To give the names of the patrons and rectors would be,
192 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AKD COUMnSBUBT.
therefore, merely to record the names of the suooessive
archdeacons of Barnstaple, which, as they have often been
printed, it is not necessary to insert here ; but from various
sourcgs I have put together a list of perpetual curates from
A.D. 1568 to the present day which, I think, is complete
(before that date I have been unable to find any), with brief
notes on each, and also a list of assistant curates who served
the living during the non -residence or absence of the per-
petual curate.
1568. Hugh Lewis.
He signs the registers 1568, 1583, 1598, but as the
register 1568-82 is only a copy, his date may not be till
nearly 1583.
1599. COPLESTONE Hawkeridge,
Described as Curate of Lynton in will of David Dyer, of
Lynton, dated 19 April, 1601.
1603. John Brooke.
In 1584 Curate of Iddisleigh.
"Sir John Brooke, mster, was married unto Margaret
Knight, 27 April, 1584" (Idds. Reg.). Curate of Swym-
bridge 1590-1601, where he frequently signs registers.
Signs Lynton register 1603, and transcripts 1606, 1610 as
Minister of Lynton, and parish boundaries in 1613 ; buried
at Lynton. "John Brooke, Minister of Lynton 16 March.
161f."
1614. EOBERT Kebbye.
Licensed 26 September, 1614. "Emat Lnia deserviendi
ecctia poch de Lynton concess Rob^ Kebbye clico " (Act
Book).
Transcripts for 1614 are signed "per me Robertum
Kebbye vicarium Lintoniae." There was a Jasper Kebbye,
Rector of Brendon at this date, perhaps his brother. Jasper
Kebbye, of Somerset, pleb., matriculated St. Edmund's Hall,
Oxon., 14 February, 1605-6, «t. 20; B.A., from All Souls
College, 5 July, 1611.
1621. Nicholas Morrice.
Son of John Morrice, Vicar of Ilfracombe, and Grace
fFosse) ; baptized 24 November, 1596 (Ilfracombe); married
Elizabeth Dyamond 24 November, 1619 (Ilfracombe).
Seems to have had no university degree; remained un-
disturbed at Lynton through Civil Wars, his successor said
" on account of poverty of living." Signed Declaration of
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 193
Conformity 9 September, 1662 ; probably age and distance
prevented his doing it at proper time. In 1665 presented
** qui matrimonium solemnizat absque licencise aut bannis,"
at Visitation 1671 marked "senex et dominus excusat."
Nicholas, son of Nicholas Morrice and Elizabeth, baptized
27 July, 1620 (Ilfracombe).
John, son of Nicholas Morrice, Curate of Lynton, baptized
14 September, 1626 (Lynton).
Marye, daughter of Nicholas Morrice, Curate of Lynton,
baptized 27 January, 1628 (Lynton).
Thomas, son of Nicholas Morrice, baptized 2 March,
163f (Lynton).
Eichard, son of Nicholas Morrice, baptized 18 May, 1635
(Lynton).
Joan, daughter of Mr. Nicholas Morrice, minister, buried
17 April, 1659 (Lynton).
Nicholas Morrice, Clerk, buried 13 August, 1672 (Lyn-
ton).
Elizabeth Morris, buried 14 June, 1679 (Lynton).
1672. Anthony Williams.
For nearly forty years previously Curate of Countisbury.
For further particulars see " Countisbury Curates." Held
the two together 1672-8. At Visitation 1677 excused
"valde senex." Died in 1678, and buried at Countisbury.
Anthony Williams, Clerk, buried 14 November, 1678
(Countisbury).
1678. Robert Triggs.
Licensed 11 October, 1678 (Act Book). Held, as all his
successors till 1860, both Lynton and Countisbury.
Son of Robert Triggs, Vicar of Chittlehampton, by his
first marriage with Anne Darley ; baptized 19 April, 1652,
at Sydenham Damerell, where his grandfather, Erissy
Triggs, was vicar; matriculated Exeter College, Oxon.,
4 March, 1669-70, set. 17; Batteler 22 February, 1669-70,
to 20 December, 1672 ; took no degree. Appeared as Curate
of Lynton at the Visitation 12 September, 1680, when he
was stated to ha\^ been in arrears, and signs terrier of
Lynton, 1680, "curat ib"; held also rectory of Stoke
Rivers 1682-4, for the Carpenter family; appeared as
Curate of Lynton at the Visitations 1683, 1689, 1692 ; was
instituted to the vicarage of Ermington 17 January, 169^;
is mentioned in a Lynton lease of 1707 as of Ermington,
and that his daughter Ann was married to Rev. James Ivie,
and his son Robert was an apothecary of Plymouth.
VOL. XXXVIII. N
194 THE PARI8HSS OF LTNTON AND COUKTISBUBT.
Elizabeth, daughter of Mr. Bobert Triggs, baptized 21
September, 1692 (Lynton).
Ann, daughter of Mr. Bobert Triggs, baptized 28 August,
1693 (Lynton).
Robert, son of Mr. Robert Triggs, Clerk, baptized 29 June,
1695 (Lynton).
John, son of Mr. Robert Triggs, Clerk, and Elizabeth,
baptized 2 February, 1697 (Lynton).
Rev. Robert Triggs buried at Ermington 10 September,
1722.
1695. John Browning, b.a.
Although the Curates* Licence Book begins in 1689, no
licence of John Browning is recorded, but he appeared at
the Visitation 22 August, 1699 as Curate of Lynton, and I
find he made his subscription 27 November, 1695 (Subscrip-
tion Book).
Son of George Browning, of Exeter, and younger brother
of George Browning, Vicar of Barnstaple 1687-1702 ; matri-
culated Exeter College, Oxon., 8 March, 167|, aet. 15 ; Bat-
teler 30 January, 1671, to 13 March, 168}; B.A. 19 June,
1682 ; Rector of Brendon 8 July, 1700, and resigned 1705 ;
Rector of Landcross 12 December, 1705.
By his will, dated 18 November, 1729, proved 7 August,
1730, he gave 20s. to the poor of Lynton and 10s. to the
poor of Countisbury. There is a memorial tablet to him in
the church in which he is called Rector of Linton. An error
— it should be Rector of Landcross.
Honor, wife of Mr. John Browning, Clerk, buried 19
November, 1712 (Lynton).
John Browning, Clerk, and Janifred Pedlar, widow,
married 13 April, 1714 (Lynton). (She was Janifred,
daughter of David Hill, of Lynton, and widow of Edmund
Pedlar.)
Rev. Mr. John Browning buried 30 March, 1730 (Lynton) ;
died 25 March, 1730, M.I., Lynton.
G^nefrid Browning, widow, buried 19 June, 1736 (Lyn-
ton).
1730. John Shbrgold, b.a.
He was licensed 10 July, 1730. I have no particulars
of him except that he was B.A., Queens' College, Cambridge,
1714.
Mr. John Shergold was buried 2 May, 1734 (Lynton
Reg.).
the parishes of lynton and countisbury. 195
1734. Thomas Steed, b.a.
Licensed 11 September, 1734, on the nomination of the
Eev. John Grant, Archdeacon of Barnstaple.
Son of Benjamin Steed, of Launceston, and Ann, and
grandson of Ezekiel Steed, of Exeter, who married Frances
Kekewich : matriculated Pembroke College, Oxon., 14 May,
1719, age 16; B.A. 1723; Curate of Veryan 20 December,
1725, where he married Zenobia Fincher, of Veryan ; Curate
of Ruan Langhorn 1732 ; Vicar of Barnstaple 17 September,
1734 ; resided entirely at Barnstaple.
Anne, daughter of Thomas Steed, Clerk, and Zenobia,
baptized 1 July, 1735 (Barnstaple). She married Jonathan
Ivie, of Exeter. The trustees of her marriage settlement,
27 June, 1753, were John Boyce, Barnstaple, and Eev. E.
Nicholls, Lynton.
Thomas, son of Thomas Steed, Vicar, and Zenobia, baptized
5 April, 1737 (Barnstaple).
John, son of Thomas Steed, Vicar, and Zenobia, buried 11
December, 1740 (Barnstaple).
Mrs. Ann Steed, buried 19 December, 1761 (Barn-
staple).
Thomas, son of Thomas and Zenobia Steed, buried 13
July, 1763 (Barnstaple).
Rev. Mr. Thomas Steed, late Vicar, buried 28 November,
1764 (Barnstaple).
Zenobia, relict of Mr. Steed, buried 1 2 June, 1774 (Barn-
staple).
The parish was served during Mr. Steed's incumbency by
1734. John Rake.
Son of Samuel Rake, of Penselwood ; matriculated Hart
Hall, Oxon., 29 November, 1723, set. 17.
1735. John Hartnoll, b.a.
Son of John Hartnoll, of East Buckland, Devon ; matri-
culated Exeter College, Oxon., 11 March, 1730-1; B.A. 12
October, 1734 ; married at Roseash, 25 October, 1735, to
Mrs. Joan Buckingham, of East Buckland; licensed to
Lynton 29 June, 1735. He died in 1756 at Torrington
(Adiiin., Exeter).
1738. Thomas Colley, m.a.
Son of Rev. James Colley, Rector of Parracombe, by
Mary, daughter of Rev. J. Blackmore, Rector of Parracombe ;
n2
196 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT.
baptized 6 March, 171f (Martinhoe) ; matriculated Exeter
College, Oxon., 11 March, 173f ; B.A. 1737; M.A. Gonville
and Caius, Cambridge, 1741 ; Deacon 15 January 173i, He
signs Lynton registers 1737 and 1738 ; was also Cimte of
Sherwell, afterwards Eector of Arlington 1741-5, and Vicar
of Chittlehampton 1743; married Eachel, daughter of
Csesar Gififard, of Brightleigh, 26 May, 1746; died
24 February; buried 26 February, 1762; M.I. (Chittle-
hampton). His niece, Susanna Colley, was mother of the
well-known Dr. Clarke, of Lynton.
1740. Edward Nioholls.
There was an Edward Nicholls, m.a., King's CoU^e,
Cambridge, 1734, but I have not been able to ascertain his
parentage ; he was licensed to Lynton 5 December, 1740 ;
he married 12 September, 1742, at Martinhoe, Joan, widow
of John Knight, of West Lyn. Residing at West Lyn, he
occupied for over forty years the most prominent position
at Lynton, was most highly esteemed, and the guide, adviser,
and friend of all the parishioners ; he championed the cause
of the fishermen and mariners in the disputes with the
lord of the manor. The registers note the presentation to
him of a silver cup engraved " the Fisherman's gift " (this
cup is now in the possession of C. E, Eoberts Chanter, Esq.,
of Broadmead, Barnstaple). He was executor of the will
of Eev. T. Steed ; also at times served parishes of Countis-
bury, Brendon, and Parracombe.
William, son of Edward Nicholls, Clerk, and Joan, baptized
3 August, 1743 (Lynton). This William Nicholls matric-
ulated Queen's College, Oxon., 1762, and was afterwards
Rector of Martinhoe, 1771.
Edward, son of Edward Nicholls, Clerk, and Joan, baptized
15 March, 1745 (Lynton); Mary, daughter of Edward
Nicholls, Clerk, and Joan, baptized 8 March, 1746 (Lynton) ;
Joan, wife of Eev. Edward Nicholls, buried 18 May, 1780
(Lynton) ; Rev. Edward Nicholls buried 5 April, 1785
(Lynton).
1765. Joshua Holb, m.a.
Licensed 25 May, 1765, on the nomination of Rev.
William Hole, Archdeacon of Barnstaple ; was nephew of the
Archdeacon, and son of Joshua Hole, of South Molton,
apothecary, by Elizabeth, daughter of Rev. Lewis South-
combe ; bom 26 February ; baptized 2 April, 1733 (South
Molton); matriculated Exeter College, Oxon., 23 May, 1751;
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND OOUNTISBURY. 197
B.A. 7 February, 1755; M.A. 1 July, 1762; Rector Nymet
Eowland, 1763-6 ; Eector of Belston, 1767-85 ; also Rector
of Woolfardisworthy ; married 6 March, 1759, Anne,
daughter of Rev. W. Radford, of Lapford ; buried at Wool-
farcUsworthy, 20 April, 1793. He was non-resident at Lynton
the whole of his incumbency ; the curates-in-charge being
1765. Rev. Edward Nicholls.
Curate-in-charge during the whole of Rev. J. Hole's
incumbency. In his old age he had as assistants
1770. Thomas West.
Licensed to Countisbury and Brendon, afterwards Vicar
of Wear GifiFord. See note on him in " Devon Notes and
Gleanings" (Wear Gifford).
1774. Thomas Clement.
Licensed to Countisbury and Brendon, 7 July, 1774;
signs Lynton Register 1777 and 1782; was also Curate
of Parracombe.
1782. John Dovell, b.a.
Son of John Dovell, gentleman, of Parracombe, by Mary,
daughter of John Knight, of Lynton ; baptized 19 December,
1755 (Parracombe); matriculated Exeter College, Oxon.,
20 May, 1776; B.A. 1780; Curate of Egloskerry 1780;
Curate of Parracombe 1785; Rector of Martinhoe 1790;
C. Shebbeare ; buried at Petrockstowe, A.D. 1839, aet. 84.
1784. William Robbins.
Son of Walter Robbins, mercer, of Barnstaple, and Eliza-
beth his wife ; baptized 24 September, 1760 (Barnstaple) ;
matriculated Exeter College, Oxon., 1 March, 1779; B.A.
1783 ; C. Milton Damerell, 1783.
1785. Richard Hole, b.c.l.
Licensed 15 July, 1785, on nomination of Rev. William
Hole, Archdeacon of Barnstaple; was son of Archdeacon
Hole by Thomazine, daughter of Richard Evans;
baptized 2 June, 1746 (Exeter Cathedral); matriculated
Exeter College, Oxon., 23 March, 1764 ; B.C.L. 3 May, 1771 ;
C. Sowton, 1777 ; V. Buckerell, 1777 ; Rector of Farring-
don and Inwardleigh, 1792 ; married Wilhelmina, daughter
of Hermann Katencamp, of Exeter, 28 October, 1776
(Holy Trinity, Exeter) ; was a poet (see sketch of his life
198 THE PAEISHBS OF LTKTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
by Bartholomew Parr, Exeter, 1803, and ** Dictionary of
National Biography"); buried 28 May, 1792 (Littleham),
leaving two daughters, Wilhelmina, bom 1782, married
25 August, 1804, Eobert Lovell Jenkins, Captain Boyal
Cornish Miners ; and Charlotte Anne, baptized 1787 ;
was non-resident at Lynton. His curates-in-chai^e were
1785. William Robbins.
See above. Appeared at Visitation 28 July, 1785, as
Curate of Lynton; he died 1798; will proved as William
Robbins, Clerk, of Barnstaple.
1788. Richard Knight, b.a.
Son of John Knight, of West Lyn, Lynton, by Mary
( Vellacott) ; baptized 2 February, 1762 (Lynton) ; matricu-
lated Magdalen Hall, Oxon., 9 May, 1780; B.A. 1784;
married 7 January, 1785 (St. Mary Redcliffe, Bristol),
Elizabeth Crocombe, of Brendon ; afterwards Rector of
Huish and Petrockstowe, 1799-1811 ; buried 13 September,
1825 (Petrockstowe); a member of a well-known Lynton
family.
Richard, son of Rev. Richard Knight and Elizabeth,
baptized 17 June, 1788 (Lynton). John, son of Rev.
Richard Knight and Elizabeth, baptized 20 July, 1789
(Lynton); matriculated Magdalen Hall, Oxon., 30 May, 1808;
B.A. 1812; M.A. 1815; Rector of Petrockstowe, 1825;
buried at Petrockstowe, 1844; William, son of Rev. Richard
Knight and Elizabeth, baptized 2 July, 1792 (Lynton).
1792. Thomas Ley, b.a.
Licensed 15 June, 1792, on the nomination of Roger
Massey, Archdeacon of Barnstaple, son of Rev. Thomas
Ley, Rector of Doddiscombleigh ; matriculated Merton
College, Oxon., 23 February, 1768, aet. 18; B.A. 1772;
Curate of Shobrooke 1777; Rector of Bratton Clovelly
1807 ; died 29 February, 1816 ; was non-resident at Lynton
the whole of his incumbency ; curates-in-charge,
1792. Richard Knight, b.a. (See above.)
1801. Francis I'Ans. V. Cruwys Morchard 1839.
1805. Thomas Roe.
Well known as Rector of Brendon 1831-55 ; married Mary
Lock, who inherited manor of Lynton ; buried at Brendon ;
died 3 January, 1855, set. 79 ; M.I. (Brendon).
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 199
1808. Charles Kekewich, b.a. (See below.)
1815. John Franklin Squire, m.a.
Licensed to Lynton 15 November, 1815; son of Eev.
John Squire, Eector of Lavenham ; Siz. Gonville and Caius,
Cambridge, 4 October, 1758, set. 18 ; Scholar 1758 ; B.A.
1763; M.A. 1766; Fellow 1764; Dean 1767; Eegistrar
1776; Steward 1778; Rector of Bratton Fleming 1780;
Rector of Arlington 1801 ; died 2 August, 1818.
1816. Charles Kekewich, b.a.
Licensed 15 May, 1816, on nomination of Thomas Johnes,
Archdeacon of Barnstaple ; was seventh son of William
Kekewich by Susanna (Johnson), and younger brother of
Samuel Kekewich, of Peamore; matriculated Balliol Col-
lege, Oxon., 11 April, 1796, a^t. 26; B,A. 1800; was the
first resident incumbent of Lynton since 1734. The old
vicarage being in a very dilapidated state, he resided in a
house he built for himself at Lynmouth. He became Vicar
of Grendon 1832, but continued to live at Lynmouth till his
death on 27 March, 1849, and was buried at Lynton, where
there is a tablet to his memory.
1832. Matthew Mundy, m.a.
Licensed 30 November, 1832, on nomination of George
Barnes, d.d., Archdeacon of Barnstaple, son of Matthew
Mundy, R.N., by Mary (Carwithen) ; baptized 21 May, 1797
(East Budleigh); matriculated Exeter College, Oxon., 26
May, 1797 ; B.A. 1817 ; M.A. 1823 ; Curate of St. Andrew's,
Plymouth, 1823, George Nympton 1825; married Mary,
daughter of James Patch, of Topsham ; Vicar of Eockbeare
2 February, 1860; died 1 September, 1864; M.L (Venn
Ottery) ; built the new vicarage at Lynton on the curates'
glebe ; had several assistant curates for Countisbury, one of
whom — Eev. W. H. Thornton, Rector of Bovey since 1866 —
has in his " Reminiscences of an Old Westcoimtry Parson "
given some account of Lynton and its people at this period.
1835. Rev. J. J. Scott, of Combe Park.
1845. Rev. W. C. Olack.
1848. Rev. Richard Harding.
1850. Rev. K H. Powell.
1854. Rev. W. H. Thornton.
A short accoimt of Rev. M. Mundy is given by Mrs. Rose
Troup in "Transactions Devonshire Association," VoL XXVI,
p. 332.
200 the pari8hks of ltnton and c0ukti8bury.
1862. William Tanner Davy, m.a.
Was second son of Richard Davy, of Chumleigh ; matricu-
lated Exeter College, Oxon., 12 May, 1826, set. 17; BA.
X830 ; M.A. 1831 ; Curate of Rockbeare 1861. His position
at Lynton appears somewhat irregular, as there is no record
of his having been licensed to Lynton at all. He signs the
registers in 1862 as officiating minister, but as curate from
1864 to 1866 ; yet for the six years 1860 to 1866, when
Mr. Tanner Davy was licensed to the perpetual curacy
of Stoke Canon, vacant by the resignation of Thomas
Henry Knight, the incumbency was legally vacant; yet
there was no nomination by the Crown on lapse ; the next
nomination in 1866 was by cession of Mundy.
1866. William Lipsett Lawson, m.a.
Licensed 23 April, 1866, on cession of Mundy; Trinity
College, Dublin ; B.A. 1850 ; M.A. 1862 ; ordained deacon
1851, priest 1852, by Bishop of Limerick. I have as yet
received no answers to my inquiries as to ancestry, etc. ; but
this incumbent deserves to be remembered for the large
addition made to the value of the living through his instru-
mentality, and the exquisite chapel of St. John the Baptist
he built at Lynmouth, as well as the mission chapel at
Barbrook and new chancel to parish church. Was non-
resident during the latter portion of his incumbency, when
cure was served by
1882. Herbert Edwin Ayre, b.a.
1883-5. H. M. BoBiNSON, d.d.
1885-7. W. Scott.
1887. Walter Eustace Cox, m.a.
Licensed to the perpetual curacy of Lynton 13 January,
1887, on the resignation of W. L. Lawson, youngest son of
the Rev. Alfred Cox, Rector of Askerswell, Dorset ; matri-
culated Jesus College, Cambridge, October, 1869; B.A. 1873;
M.A. 1877; Curate of Chittlehampton 1877; Perpetual
Curate. Chittlehamholt, 1882; Rector of Georgeham 1882;
married 29 March, 1883 (Kingsnympton), Fanny Eliza,
daughter of Newell Connop, Esq., of Kingsnympton Park ;
the present incumbent.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 201
PARISH CHURCH AND ITS RECORDS.
The parish church is dedicated to St. Mary the Virgin ; it
has been so many times altered, enlarged, and repaired that
scarcely anything remains of the ancient structure except
part of the tower : this is mainly thirteenth-century. The
walls are four feet thick, and it has a newel staircase in the
north-west angle without any external projection, and only
a very slight encroachment on the internal space. It opens
to the church by a pointed arch, and has a doorway on the
west face with characteristic mouldings and window over it.
Dr. Fairbanks, who wrote several articles on Lynton Church
in the local papers, says the original tower terminated
about four feet below the present top window, at a line
which can be made out externally by an alteration in the
arrangement of the angle stones, those of the original part
being set on edge alternately, while those of the more
recent period are laid flat. Internally the addition can be
more easily distinguished, the walls being little more than
half the thickness of the lower part. This statement is
incorrect. Examination shows that the whole of the tower
is of the same date, though the present windows date only
from 1892. The church originally consisted of chancel, nave,
tower, and south porch, and, like most of the moorland
churches of North Devon, was small and of little character,
as the illustration of it, which is of the date of 1802, shows.
The nave was rebuilt in 1741, and the south wall of this re-
building still exists and part of the still more ancient roof ;
but on Lynton becoming, at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, a place of resort for visitors, the then existing
structure was found too small, and in 1817 an aisle was
added on the north side ; but with an increase in summer
visitors even this was insufficient, and in 1838 anbther
aisle was added on the north side, and the two aisles were
carried eastward to the line of the old chancel, the older
aisle being made the nave, and a small space railed off for a
sacrarium. The funds were raised by allowing every sub-
scriber of £5 and upwards a life sitting, and a sum of £150
was lent by a then resident. Sir William Herries, to be paid
off in instalments from the pew rents. Other repairs and
rebuildings were carried out in 1851 and 1862, and during
the incumbency of the Rev. W. L. Lawson plans were
drawn by Mr. E. Dalby for the rebuilding of the whole
edifice in the Early English style. A start was made by
the building of a new chancel which, though small, was a
202 THE PABISHBS OF LTNTON AND GOUNnSBUBY.
well-proportioned and exquiaitely-designed structure. The
old chancel was, at the same time, partially rebuilt as a
south chancel aisle. No further parts of these plans were,
however, carried out, for soon after the commencement of
the Rev. W. E. Cox's incumbency, Mr. J. D. Sedding was
called on to draw up fresh plans, and from his designs a new
nave and north aisle were built, the old nave or south
aisle restored, the old roof being re-exposed and restored^
and a new north porch built. The design is somewhat
peculiar, the windows being very low for their breadth; the
leading of them, illustrating the Benedicite, is somewhat
striking. The masonry is limestone, with Hamhill dress-
ings. This work was completed in 1904 Mr. Sedding
having died, and left only outlined and incomplete designs
for the chancel, his pupil, Mr. H. Wilson, varied them, and
under his direction the present chancel, of a Romanesque
style, new south chancel aisle, and vestries were built, the
Early English chancel being removed, and rebuilt at the
end of the north aisle to form a morning chapeL A balda-
chin was also designed, without which the proper effect of
the east window cannot perhaps be properly judged.
In the tower there are now six bells, two medieval, one
recast in 1703 and again in 1902, and three new ones added
at the latter date, cast by Mears and Stainbank. The in-
scriptions on them are : —
I. Cuthbert, Eustace, Michael, Cyril, Stephen, Patrick,
Denys Cox.
" We brothers seven give thanks to heaven. 1902."
II. Fear God, honour the King. 1902.
III. Sancta Barbara ora pro nobis.
[In small black letters with no capitals. This bell is
29 in. in diameter.]
IV. lo Browning Vicor of Lye. David Knight,
John Knight Ch. Wardens R.P. 1703. Recast 1902.
V. Sancta Maria t g
[In small black letters; no capitals. This bell is
36 in. in diameter.]
VI. Lord may this bell for ever be
A tuneful voice o'er land and sea
To call thy people unto thee.
W. E. Cox, Rector; W. Hume, J. W. Holman,
Churchwardens. 1902.
[The weight of this, the tenor, is about 10^ cwt]
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 203
The font consists of a large stone bowl octagonal extem-
allv, having sixteen plain semicircular-headed panels cut
half an inch deep, two on each of the eight sides. This is
of Norman date. It is supported on a central shaft, sur-
rounded by eight smaller detached shafts, all of which
formerly had neither capitals nor bases, but foliated capitals
and bases have been added lately; the whole rests on a
stone block forming the foot. The canopy is also a later
addition of Jacobean oakwork with modern brass additions.
With so many patchings and additions it is difidcult to say
what is ancient and what modem.
A detailed account of the plate is given in the first report of
the Committee on Church Plate (" Trans. Devonshire Associa-
tion," VoL XXXVII, pp. 163, 164). All the other ornaments
and fittings of the church, with the exception of the monu-
ments, are modem, and therefore unnecessary to describe here.
Of the monuments by far the most interesting is that of
Hugh Wichehalse, Esq., which is just undergoing restoration.
It consists of a slate slab with an irregular-shaped alabaster
border containing four coats-of-arms : (i) Wichehalse, per
pale argent and sable, six crescents per pale countercharged ;
(ii) Wichehalse, as above ; (iii) Pomeroy, or, a lion rampant,
within a bordure engrailed, gules; (iv) Wichehalse and
Pomeroy, impaled as above. The whole is surmounted with
the Wichehalse crest : a stag's head erased, per pale arg. and
sable, the neck charged with two crescents, holding in its
mouth an olive branch slipped of the first. Inscription is : —
To I the memory of | Hugh Wichehalse of Ley | Esq. who de-
parted this life I on Christide Eve 1653 | ^Etatis suae 66
No not in silence, least those stones belowe
That hide such worth should in spiffht vocall grow
We'el rather sob it out our grateful! teares
Congealed to marble shall vy threnes with theirs
This weeping marble then drops this releife
To draw fresn lines to fame and ease to greife
To greife \^^^ groanes sad losse in him t'us all
Whose name was Wichehalse — twas a cedars fall
For search this urn of learned dust you'le find
Treasures of 'virtue and piety enshnnd
Rare pattern of blest peace and amity
Modetis of grace emblems of charity
Rich talents not in nig^rd napkins layd
But piously dispenced justly payd
Chast spousal 1 love t'his consort, to children nine
Surviving th' other foure his care did shine
In pious education, to neighbours friends
Love sealed with constancy which knows no end
Death would have stolen this treasure but in vaine
It stung but could not kill, all wrought his gaine
His life was hid with Christ, Death only made this story
Christ call'd him hence his Eve to feast with him in glory.
204 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND C0UNTI8BUBT.
Among the other monumentB the most interesting are :—
Rev. John Browning.
Here lyeth in hope of a | joyful resurrection the | hody of
Mr. John Browning | Rector of this parish who | departed this
life the 25th day | of March in ye yere of | our Lord 1730 in the
72 year of | his age | The great the good | the nohle all suhmit |
when God at his f appointed time thinks fit.
POPHAM.
On a stone slab the initials " R. P." with the arms of
Popham. (" Richard Popham, gent., bur. 7 Ap. 1628." Par.
Register.)
Rev. Charles ELekewich.
In memory of | Charles Kekewich | minister of Lynton and
Countisbury | from June 1808 to December 1832 | and a resident
in this parish | for nearly forty-one years | He died at Lynmouth
March 27th 1849 aged 79 years.
Grose.
A wooden board painted in oil colours, on a circular top
fifteen angels, and at the sides figures of Time and Eternity.
Some years ago there was also a circular bottom with a
boat in a storm, but this has now disappeared. The paint-
ing was done, Dr. Cooper says, by Phelps, of Porlock.
"Thomas, son of John Grose, of Limmouth, nephew of
Richard Bale, of Limmouth, who gave him a libercJ educa-
tion and kept him as a child of his own until he exchanged
this life for a better, which was 17th day of December, 1734,
in 19th of his age."
When boisterous winds and seas did roar,
Our vessel just got off the shore ;
But the raging storm came on so fast,
That life and vessel then was lost.
Now all my friends that's left on shore,
Pray, grieve for me, and weep no more ;
For 1 am blest with glorious gain,
And with my Saviour to remain.
There are also tablets to John Fry, clerk of this parish,
27 October, 1754; Alexander Vellacott, parish clerk, 1780,
died 16 August, 1843, in eighty-fourth year of his age;
Knights of West Lyn, Locks, Roe, and Herries.
In the churchyard the oldest inscription is : —
Here lyeth the body of Elizabeth Squire late wife to Peter
Squire of Parracombe who departed this life the third day of
January 1645.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 205
Poetioal eflFosions are very plentiful. The most striking
is to Eobert Hill, " buried ye 9th day of August a.d. 1726."
Tho' Boras blasts on Neptune's wave,
Hath tost me to and fro ;
But yet at last by God's decree,
I harbour here below.
And at an anchor I do ride.
With many of our fleet ;
Yet once again I must set sail,
Our general Christ to meet.
The registers of the parish commence 5 November, 1569,
for baptisms; 5 November. 1568, burials; 14 Nov., 1569,
marriages; but are very fragmentary up till 1582, the
previous entries being a few fragments copied in in 1582.
There are several gaps from 1650 to 1660, and one page
contains entries from 1602 to 1621, which appear to be
omissions copied in later.
The inventory taken by the special commissioners in
6 Edward VI, under an order dated 15 February, 1549, is
excessively scanty in the hundred of Sherwell. With
regard to Lynton the entry is : —
Hundr. de Sherwell.
fo 35 : pochia de Linton
iij bells in the towre their and one chalice committed to the
custody of John ffrye John Dier John Scoory David Knyght
and other the pisshefls their by indenter.
The churchwardens' accounts, now in the iron chest, do
not commence till 1774, and they are of no particular
interest. In 1779 there were briefs for Wandsworth Church
and Honiton fire. The church ales were discontinued by
resolution of the vestry in 1792. In 1795 a sun-dial was
fixed at a cost of £1. Is. There are several payments for
toits, and a toit for the minister (hassocks as we call them
now), salaries of clerk and sexton, repairs, strings for violin
and base viol, a violoncello bow, cleaning plate, washing
surplices, a box of lemons (probably salts of lemon), pay-
ments to the singers; the organ dated from 1823, when
£2. 98. 6d. was paid for carriage qf it, and we find that the
vestry meeting occasionally adjourned to John Litson*s at
the " Sign of the Crown."
The old parish records seem to have laid great stress on
keeping a fist of churchwardens, and for this reason they
can be recorded in nearly any parish. The Lynton list,
however, does not begin till 1751, but by means of the
registers and transcripts I have taken it back with some
206
THB PARISHES OF LTNTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
gaps to 1583, as the list may be of some local interest. Th
names down to 1836 are given.
1583 . William Meine, Thomas Maior.
1598 William Meine, Thomas Maior.
1606 . William Gill, John Stevens.
1610 . . John Hill, John Vellacott.
1611 . John Slee, Peter Hundell.
1612 . . William Gill, Davie Sende.
1613 . John Knight, John Cottes.
1614 . David Boode.
1615 . Richard Popham, David Bromham.
1616 Bartholomew Maine, John Berrie.
1618 . Hugh Popham, Thomas Dier.
1621 John Broomham, William Periam.
1625 David Broomholme.
1629 . . John Vellacott, Anthony HilL
1630 Hugh Bromholme, ward., John Scoare, side*
1631 . . Gabriel Lichton, David Huxtable.
1636 . Bartholomew Mayne, John Berrie.
1645 . . William Squire, John Berrie.
1646 . Hugh Wichehalse, Esq., Hugh Brooke.
1650 John Groase, Edward Bromholm.
1651 . John Knight, jun., Edward Tooker.
1652 . . John Knight, Michael Earns.
1653 . . Mr. Hugh Popham, John Knight.
1654 John Dyer, Geoflfery Gaming.
1655 Edward Broomham, John Shore.
1656 . . Alexander Burgess, William Lang.
1657 . David Dyer, Thomas Rail.
1659 William Bromham, Ann Burgess.
1660 . Anthony Hodge, Edward Bromholme.
1661 . . William Squire, John Slee.
1662 . . John Score, David Bale.
1663 . . Richard Vellacott, John Cotes.
1664 . . James Bromholme, John Litson.
1665 . John Crocombe, Richard Latham.
1666 . . Hugh Popham, Thomas Crocombe.
1667 . . Hugh Bromholme, John Groase.
1668 . . Hugh Popham, Hugh Bromholme.
1669 . . John Knight, jun., Michael Earns,
1670 . . John Knight, sen., John Berry.
1671 . John Dyer, Hugh Bromholme.
1672 , . John Knight, Jeffery Gamen.
1673 . . Philip Squire, Edmond Lang.
1674 . . John Crocombe, Steven Squire.
1675 . . David Dyer, Alexander Rudd.
1676 . . David Sloly, John Knight, jun,
1677 . . Walter Fry, George Pile.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
207
1678
1679
1680
1681
1682
1683
1684
1685
1686
1687
1688
1689
1690
1691
1692
1693
1694
1695
1696
1697
1698
1699
1700
1701
1702
1738
1739
1740
1745
1751
1752
1753
1754
1755
1756
1757-8
1759
1760
1761-2
1763
1764
1765
1766
1767
1768-9
1770
1771
1772
Mr. Nicholas Wichehalse, Barthol. Delbridge.
Mr. Alexander Robinson, John Courtice.
Nathaniel Hardy, John Burgess.
Stephen Squire, Thomas Pearce.
Anthony Holland, John Vellacott.
John Crocombe, John Parrett.
John Crocombe, Gabriel Litson.
Hugh Bromholme, Thomas Crocombe.
Hugh Popham, Hugh Bromholme.
Hugh Popham, John Knight.
John Groase, jun., John Prous, jun.
John Knight, John Dier.
John Knight, Hugh Bromham.
Philip Squire, Edmund Lang.
William Knight, Jeffery Gamin.
John Crocombe, John Knight.
Thomas Dier, Robert HiU.
John Knight, Alexander Rudd.
George Pile, Walter Fry.
George Pile, sen.
Nicholas Pugsley, John Burgess.
Peter Squire, Anthony Berry.
David Bale, Hugh Bale.
John Vellacott, Hugh Courtice.
John Knight, David Knight.
Amos Gamin, Richard Vellacott.
John Knight, Richard Vellacott.
John Knight.
David Widden.
Edward NichoUs, Richard Vellacott.
John Knight, John Fry.
Richard Crocombe, David Knight.
Richard Crocombe, Richard Vellacott.
Richard Crocombe, Andrew Richards.
Richard Crocombe, John Groase.
Edward Nicholls, William Litson.
Edward Nicholls, David Hill.
Edward Nicholls, Richard Crocombe.
Edward Nicholls, John Knight.
Richard Richards, Dorcas Spurrier.
Philip Squire, Thomas Bar wick.
Richard Vellacott, John Knight.
Richard Vellacott, John Punchard.
Richard Vellacott, John Groase.
Richard Vellacott, David Hill.
Richard Vellacott, John Groase.
Richard Vellacott, David Hill.
Philip Squire, Alexander Vellacott.
208
THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND GOUNnSBUBT.
1773
1774
1775
1776
1777
1778
1779
1780
1781
1782
1783-4
1785
1786
1787
1788
1789
1790
1791-2
1793
1794-5
1796
1797
1798-1800
1801-3
1804-5
1806-7
1808
1809
1810-11
1812
1813-15
1816-17
1818
1819-20
1821
1822
1823-31
1832
1833-4
1835-6
David Hooper, John Jones.
David Ejiight^ Richard Jones.
William Litson, Richard Jones.
Edward Nicholls, Richard Yellacott.
David Knight, John Jones.
David Knight, Richard Yellacott.
David Knight, £lizaheth Oliver.
David Knight, John Litson.
Hugh Yellacott, Richard Litson.
John Knight, Hugh Yellacot.
John Knight, Edward Nicholls.
John Hooper, William Richards.
John Hooper, John Delbridge.
Richard Yellacott, John Knight.
Richard Yellacott, John Yellacott.
Richard Ward.
William Squire, William Hill.
Richard Hooper, Richard Yellacott.
Richard Jones, John Rawle.
John Ix>ck, sen., John Lock, jun.
Richard Lord, Thomas Jones.
William Litson, Richard Litson.
John Clarke, William Litson.
Richard Ward William Hill.
David Knight, Timothy Wilkin?.
Richard Delbridge, John Keal.
Robert Thomas, John Lord.
John Yellacott, Robert Thomas.
Richard Jones, John Yellacott.
John Squire, Thomas Jones.
David Jones, John Ridd.
John Delbridge, John Ridd.
Charles Hooper, John Ridd.
Charles Hooper, Richard Jones.
John Keal, Richard Jones, jun.
John Keal, John Crick.
Thomas Baker, Timothy Wilkins.
John Clarke, Richard Tucker.
Richard Knight, Richanl Tucker.
Richard Knight, Richard Jones.
CHAPELS, ANCIENT AND MODERN.
There seem to have been anciently several chapels of
ease in the parish. The wording of the entries concerning
them in the Episcopal Records is somewhat uncertain on
account of the Latin contractions, but there were probably
^A LL
A
1 1
V
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1 ;
A
1
i
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PLAN
ELEVATION
SECTION
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.ST(X:)P FROM CHAI'EL OF ST. JOHN THE IJAPTI8T,
FURSEIIILL.
liYNTON. — To jai-jf. p. 209.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 209
three, possibly four. The only one of which the site can be
fixed with any certainty is the chapel of St. John the
Baptist It lay on the north side of South Furzehill Farm-
house in a field now called Chapel Close, and parts of its
walls are still standing incorporated into a shed. On ex-
amining the remains of it last year, in company with
Mr. R. Hansford Worth, we found what was probably the
stoop, with some perpendicular work still showing on it,
used as a fowls' trough. Colonel Ramsay, the present
occupier of South Furzehill, kindly took charge of it, and
has placed it in front of his house.
The licence for celebrating in it was granted 30 May,
1390, to Walter Marwood, Esq., of Westcote Manor, Mar-
wood, the owner of South Furzehill, and Richard Pasmere,
of North Furzehill. The entry of it in the Episcopal
Register is : —
Item penultimo die ejusdem mensis apud Ilferdycombe
Dominus concessit Licenciam Waltero Merwode et Ricardo
Pasmere, quod possint facere, celebrari Divina, etc., in Capella
Sancti Johannis Baptiste de Forshylle in Parochia de Lyntone
situata, in singulis Festis ejusdem Sancti : per unum annum
doraturam (Brantyngham, Reg., Vol. I, fol. 207b).
The Walter Marwood mentioned here had previously,
25 August, 1385, a licence for himself and Margery, his
wife, to celebrate in the chapel or oratory in their mansion
of West Marwood, in the parish of Marwood (Brant.,
VoL I, fol. 144).
There were also in Lynton parish a chapel of St. Mary the
Virgin, and probably two others, one dedicated to St.
Euman, the other to St. Dionisius. Licence was granted
14 April, 1402, for celebrating in these on the festivals of
the saints to whom they were dedicated. The entry in the
Episcopal Register is : —
Item xiiij die Mensis predicti ibidem Dominus concessit
licenciam ut in Capella Beate Marie Virginia infra parochiam
de Lyntone Exoniensis Diocesis, etc., in festivitatibus ejusdem
Viiginis ac in capet] [contraction for capellis. — F.C.H.R.] Sanc-
torum Johannis Baptiste, Dionisii et Romani [i.e. Ruman. —
F.C.H.R.] eciam infra eandem parochiam situar [Le. situatis. —
F.C.H.R.] in festivitatibus dcorum scorum Divina per quoscumque
presbiteros ydoneos absque prejudicio matricis ecctie valeant
celebrari ad beneplacitum, etc. (Stafford, Vol. I, fol. 606).
VOL. XXXVIII. O
210 THE PARISHKS OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
I have given this extract in full instead of the shortened
form in which it appears in the published edition of Bishop
Stafford's Begister, p. 240, and also with it notes on the
abbreviations kindly furnished me by Canon F. C. Hingeston-
Bandolph, as there is some ambiguity as to whether the
latter part refers to three distinct chapels. He also informs
me none of them were private or domestic chapels, nor was
any of them a capella curata — simply chapels licensed for
general use and convenience — chapels of ease as we call
them now. I am unable to hazard any statement as to the
exact sites, but probably one was at Ilkerton, another at
Lyn.
There are at present chapels of ease at Lynmouth and
Barbrook, both of which were built by Eev. W. L. Lawson,
curate from 1866 to 1886. The chapel of St. John the
Baptist at Lynmouth has since 1886 been annexed with
Lynmouth to the parish of Countisbury. It was built in
1870, from plans by Mr. E. Dalby, at a cost of £1800 ; and
the chapel of St. Bartholomew at Barbrook, served by the
Lynton clergy, built in 1875.
There are also places of worship of the Independents and
Wesleyans. The first Independent chapel was founded by
Mr. Jope, son-in-law of Mr. CoUard, who owned Combepark
for a short time, in a.d. 1850, but there had been an Inde-
pendent meeting from 1835. A new building has lately
been erected for the use of this body in the Valley of Rocks
Eoad by Sir George Newnes. The Wesleyan body dates
from A.D. 1869, and was founded by Mr. W. P. Stapledon
and Mr. John Gliddon, of Williton, the school chapel at
Barbrook being built shortly after.
PARSONAGE, GLEBE, AND TERRIERS.
The old parsonage was a small cottage near the National
School. In the terrier of 1680 Robert Triggs, the then
curate, describes it as having become "uninhabitable by
reasons of dilapidations and demolishments." John Brown-
ing, curate in 1698, speaks of it as "a sorry house"
(Walker MSS.). Neither of them had thought it fit for
habitation, and consequently Mr. Triggs built a house for
himself, which Mr. Browning purchased of him. The par-
sonage being repairable by the lessees of the glebe and
rectory, had been scandalously n^lected by them then. It
THE OLD PARSONAGE, LYXTON.
LVNTON.-ro/uC^ p. 211
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 211
seems afterwards to have been put in some order, as I find
in the " Penny Magazine " for 1844, an article called
"Illustrations from Second Volume of Old England/' de-
scribing it, says : —
It is a representation of one of the smallest, quaintest, and
most picturesque of parsonage houses. The parsonage house was
built in 1560, and continued to be used till the commencement of
the 18th century, when the incumbent, a man of some property,
erected a larger house. That in so doing his heart was not
puffed up with unseemly pride is tolerably evident from his cus-
tom of riding about the lanes of the neighbourhood of the Valley
of Stones on a Sunday before service to collect his flock together.
Since his death the little parsonage house has been again used, but
a later vicar having built a still handsomer residence than the
house we have mentioned (which has been pulled down), we see
the new standing in striking contrast with the old parsonage house
beside it, which is now called Ivy Cottage, and with its stone stair-
case and diminutive windows, has an air of great antiquity inside ;
outside, geraniums in full blossom have been seen flourishing
beneath its shade in the month of December.
Accompanying these words is a small illustration of the
old parsonage, Fig. 1617. I do not know if this passage is
to be taken seriously, or what is the authority for giving
1560 as the date of its erection. But it is full of inaccu-
racies, as Nicholas Morrice, curate from 1619-72, was the
last curate who resided in it. His successor, Anthony
Williams, resided at Countisbury. Eobert Triggs built a
house for himself, which he sold to John Browning, his suc-
cessor. From 1734 to 1816 there was no resident perpetual
curate (Edward Nicholls and Eichard Knight, curates-in-
charge, the former for thirty years, the latter till 1800, both
resided at West Lyn).
Charles Kekewich, curate-in-charge and perpetucJ curate
1808-32, resided in a house of his own at Lynmouth, now
called Bonnicott, the new parsonage being built by the Eev.
Matthew Mundy, curate from 1832-62, on a piece of
land called The Acre, which with the long close and The
Grazy was the curate's glebe, as distinct from the rectory
glebe.
The old parsonage was for many years the residence of
the parish clerk, and was pulled down when the National
School was built on its site by the Eev. Matthew Mundy in
1844. The Grazy was added to the churchyard in a.d.
1857.
o2
212 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND OOUNTISBURY.
There are terriers of the following years : —
1610. Lynton and Countisbury glebe lands.
1613. Boundaries of glebe and parishes.
1680. Lynton and Countisbury.
1727. Very much a copy of 1680, but a little fuller.
1745. Exact copy of 1727.
The terrier of 1727 is as follows : —
A true and perfect terrier of the rectories and parsonages of
Lynton and Countisbury, of the parsonage houses and glebe lands
belonging to them respectively, together with the curates stipends
how pay*d and otherwise the tithes how payable. Taken the 26***
day of March 1727 by the Curate and Churchwardens of the
same parish.
The parsonages and rectories aforesaid are a corps belonging to
the Archdeaconry of Barnstaple. The right of nomination of
Curate or Curates belonging unto the Archdeacon of the said
Archdeaconry the patron thereof. The approbacon of the said
Curate or Curates to the ordinary of the diocese for the time
being. The Curates stipend antiently eight pounds p' ann for
Lynton, the parsonage house there and three closes of land lying
in Lynton Towne, and the herbage and shear of the Churchyard.
The Curate's stipend of Countisbury was antiently six pounds
p' ann the parsonage house and all the glebe lands containing by
estimacion about fifty acres of ground as by the deed the lessees
hold the Rectory by may appear, but now remains not above
nineteen acres by computation. There is an augmentation of
thirty-one pounds fifteen shillings per annu together with the
moyety of the fishing tythe as it shall happen to become due to
be taken by the curate or curates of the said parish or rectories for
the time being by decree of the Commissioners for pious uses,
which decree was afterwards confirmed by the High Court of
Chancery.
LYNTON.
The ancient parsonage house lying in Lynton towne is become
uninhabitable by reason of some dilapidations and demolishments
which ought to be repaired by the lessees as by their deed doth
appear. There are three closes of land belonging thereunto
known by the name of the Longclose, the Acre, and the Grazy all
of which together with the Churchyard are iDy estimacion two
acres and a small herb garden. The house that is now standing
consists part of stone part of mudd and the floor of earth and
stone all covered with thatch. There is another tenement belong-
ing to the lessees called by the name of Kebsworthy lyeing in
Lynton parish aforesaid. The antient house being utterly ruined
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 213
by fire and dilapidations. There are four dwelling houses still
belonging to it and three out houses the floors partly paved and
partly earth, several small herb gardens and three meadows and
sevend pieces of land all round together containing by estimacion
about one hundred acres of ground hedged partly by stone -wall
and partly by frith and stakes all entirely within itself and
bounded on the East side by the river Lyne on the West side by
the lands of the tenement of Dean on the North with the Lyne
town comon and on the North East with lands formerly belonging
to Thomas Wichehalse Gent and Mary Bromholm widow. There
belongs also to the said lessees three acres of wood in Lyne wood
distinct and separate from the other. The tythe all payable in
kind and mortuaries payable. The furniture of the Communion
Table consists of a broadcloth carpet with a silk fringe a holland
table cloth and a holland napkin a pewter basin and a small
pewter dish a small silver paten and of late a large silver flagon
containing Ave pints this inscription lohannes Knight Ecclesise
Lyntoniensis D.D.D. 1725.
The Clerk and Sextons wages are to be payd and the fences of
the Churchyard to be repaired by the Churchwardens for the
time being.
John Browning curate.
COUNTISBURY.
The parsonage house hath in it three rooms known by the name
of a Hall, a Chamber and a Kitchen, the walls part stone and part
mudd, the floors part paved and part earth one out house knowne by
the name of a stable and a very small herb garden. Tythes all
payable in kind and mortuaries payable. The Glebe land belong-
ing thereunto tho mencioned in the lessees deed to be by estimacon
about fifty acres of ground is not now by estimacon above nineteen
acres at most, bounded now by stone wall and joining on the North
and East sides with the common on the south with the highway
and on the west with the ground formerly belonging to Thomas
Thome and William Fry.
The furniture of the Communion Table consists of a Pewter
Flagon a small silver patin and a two handled silver cup a broad
cloth carpet with a silke fringe a holland table cloth and a holland
napkin.
The Clerk and Sexton's wages are to be payd and the fences of
the Churchyard repaired by the Churchwardens for the time
being.
John Browning Curate
Walter Kelly Churchwarden
Richard Slocombe.
214 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND C0UNTI8BURT.
The terrier of 1680 is signed "Ro Triggs curat ibid
Nath Hardy Jo Burgess Chw of Lynton William Parkman
Chwarden of Countisbury." that of 1745 "Ed Nicholls
Curate David Widden Chwarden *'
There are several leases of the rectory recorded in the
Bishops* Act Books. The first I can find is that of 1580,
when Henry Squire, Archdeacon of Barnstaple, leased the
rectories of Lynton and Countisbury to Hugh Osbom, of
Iddsley, with consent of William, Bishop of Exeter, for the
lives of John Osborn, Jane Osbom, and Julian Osbom, and
the survivors of them. Osbom's connexion with Lynton arose
from his marriage with Elizabeth, widow of Walter Popham,
and his daughter Jane's marriage with Hugh Popham.
The lease was for a reserved rent of £17, and the lessee
was at his own charges to provide a sufficient curate or
curates, who were to say divine service, and to administer
the sacraments and sacramentals to all parishioilers.
R. Almadge, clerk, and John Stephyn were appointed to
give the said Hugh Osbom seizin.
The words "to say Divine Service and administer the
sacraments and sacramentalls " are interesting as showing
the medieval terms employed in Elizabethan days.
The next lease is in 1609, when by an indenture dated
8 April, 1609, between William Hellier, clerk, Archdeacon
of Barnstaple, and Jasper Bridgman, and John Stofford,
gentleman, William Hellier, reasonable considerations him
moving, demises and grants all the rectories and parsonages
of Lynton and Countisbury with all manner of messuages,
lands, tenements, etc., to the said Jasper Bridgman and
John Stafiford, gentleman, to have and to hold for the lives
of Hugh Popham, Agnes Popham, children of Richard
Popham, gentleman, and Hugh Mallet, son of Oliver Mallet,
gentleman, and the longest liver, yielding and paying to the
said William Hellier and his successors £14 at the four
usual feasts at the south porch of the Parish Church of Lynton;
the lessees to repair the chancels, mansions, houses, etc.,
to find two able and sufficient curates for the cures of the
said parishes as shall by the ordinary be admitted and
allowed, the curate of Lynton to be paid £8, and to have the
house, court, and garden, and three closes of land in
Lynton; one house, where Edward Woode now dwelleth,
and herbage of the churchyard ; the curate of Countisbury
£6, and the parsonage house and glebe land of fifty acres
and shear of the churchyard; lessees also to provide a
preacher once a quarter.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 215
In the " Valor Eoclesiasticus," temp. Henry VIII, the tithe
and glebe were estimated as worth £12 per annum.
Dignitates in Eccria CatheT p diet :
Aich'm Baz
Unde Thomas BrerewoJe est archius val* coibz a" videlit.
In dec & p fie eccliaz de Lynton et Contysbery in pdco com*
Devon appriat* eidm archio p an. £XII.
This system of leasing the rectory on lives was continued
till quite lately, the last being that granted by Archdeacon
Barnes to his own family. The result of this system was
that the representatives of one archdeacon went on receiving
the benefit of the glebe and tithe often for fifty or sixty
years after his death, while successors in the archdeaconry
got nothing but the small reserved rent; for instance,
Archdeacon Hole granted a lease on three lives to his son
the Eev. Eichard Hole, in 1776, for a nominal consideration,
and in 1804 his descendants sold the remainder of their
lease for £2000 to Mr. John Lock, of Lynton.
On the expiration of Archdeacon Barnes's lease the glebe
and tithe, which had been commuted for £270 for Lynton
and £105 for Countisbury, came into the hands of the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and through the efiforts of the
Bev. W. L. Lawson the Lynton part was given as an
endowment for the perpetual curacy or vicarage of Lynton,
the nomination of the incumbent being transferred to the
bishop of the diocese.
In the terrier there is a notice of an augmentation of
£31. 15s. and a moiety of the fishing tithe. This, I find, was
given in 1662, when James Smith, D.D., who had been
appointed to the vacant archdeaconry at the Eestoration, by
deed dated 20 February, 14 Charles II, demised to George
Potter, of Exeter, merchant, the rectories and parsonages of
Lynton and Countisbury, with all their lands, messuages,
tenements, etc., estimated then as being of the yearly value
of £120, for the lives of Giles Mallett, Mary Bale, and
John Popham, at a yearly rent of £17, the said George
Potter to repair premises, pay curate of Lynton £8 per
annum, who was also to have use of curate's house, closes
of land, and house lately in possession of Edward Wood,
etc., and the curate of Countisbury £6 per annum and all
the Countisbury glebe, containing fifty acres and parsonic
house, which land and house were then estimated at £5. lOs.
per annum ; and also before the making of the deed James
Smyth, D.D., agreed with George Potter that one moiety of
216 THE PARISHES OF LYKTON AND COUNTISBUBT.
the benefit of the said rectories should be yearly paid
to such persons as should be lawfully appointed to serve
the said cures by way of augmentation of their stipend.
It appears that George Potter sold his lease to Giles
Mallett, Gawen Evans, John Bale, and John Slee, who
refused to pay this augmentation to the then curate, Robert
Triggs. On this Mr. Triggs took proceedings to enforce his
rights, and on 11 September, 1679, a writ was issued by the
Commissioners for Pious Uses to Thomas Lamplugh, Bishop
of Exeter, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Henry Hele, Sir
Courtney Poole, and others to inquire into the matter ; and
an inquisition was held at Exeter on 23 June, 1680, before
the Bishop, Sir Arthur Northcote, John Copplestone, D.D.,
Thomas Long, clerk, and Eichard Lee, Esq., who awarded
that there was due to Robert Triggs £31. ISs. per annum
and £35. 7s. 2d. arrears. And at a court held at the Castle
of Exeter the Bishop and others ordered Giles Mallett and
the other lessees to pay the sums mentioned above, as well
as the stipends, to Robert Triggs, and the augmentation of
£31. 15s. to all other curates of Lynton and Countisbury as
long as they were there C" Charitable Uses," Devon, 32 Chas.
II, Inq. Bundle 39, n. 1). At the same time the moiety of
fishing tithes was granted to the curate, and Mr. Triggs seems
to have found difficulty in collecting them, as two years
after (34 Chas. II) he filed an exchequer bill respecting them
against Richard Whiddon. John Reed, William Zellack. Hugh
Coats, David Knight, Marian Zachary, and David Bale.
Although Mr. Triggs was somewhat contentious for
his rights he should be remembered with gratitude, as it
was owing to his action that the moiety of the glebe and
tithe was secured for the curate, and this right formed the
basis of the Rev. W. L. Lawson's successful appeal to the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners nearly two hundred years after.
I had hoped that from Lynton having been associated
with the Archdeaconry of Barnstaple for nearly six hundred
years, there might have been several documents in the
archives of the Dean and Chapter of Exeter that might
have shed some light on the Lynton ecclesiastical history
between 1300 and 1500, but a search, kindly made by Mr.
Mugford, shows there are only the following : —
No. 1 2 1 1 . A.D. 1 426. Dean and Chapter to Thomas Baxter, Rector
of Countisbury, and others lease of tithes for tliree years.
No. 2846. A.D. 1662. Bond of George Potter, of Exeter, mer-
chant, to James Smyth, Archdeacon of Barnstaple, for
augmentation of livings of Lynton and Countisbury.
THE PABISHE8 OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 217
COUNTISBURY.
The ecclesiastical history of Countisbury, like the
manorial, is so mixed with that of Lynton that it is almost
impossible to separate them, and most of it has been given
under the head of Lynton, with which it was so long
united.
It appears, however, that Countisbury had a separate
curate or vicar of its own till the year 1672, when it became
united to Lynton, to be separated again in 1858, when, by
an Order in Council dated 7 May, the incumbent of Lynton,
Rev. M. Mundy, having consented, it was made a separate
living, the patronage having been vested in John Bartholo-
mew, in right of his archdeaconry. This order was regis-
tered at the registry of the diocese on 2 June, 1858, and
forthwith came into operation : the perpetual curacy of
Countisbury being then vacant, the Rev. John Henry Wise,
B.A,, was licensed on 1 November. The following is as
perfect a list of the perpetual curates of Countisbury as it is
possible to give : —
1606. John Parkmann.
All I can find of him is that he signs the transcripts of
the registers in 1607, 1610, 1624, 1633, and also the parish
boundaries of Countisbury in 1613; appeared at Visitations
1622, 1631.
William, son of John Parkmann, baptized 10 April, 1633.
1635(?). Anthony Wiluams.
Signs the transcripts in 1638, and appeared at the Visita-
tion that year. Does not appear to have been a graduate of
any university. He remained at Countisbury all through
the Civil War. John Browning speaks of him as " a man
of very obscure note.'* Became also Curate of Lynton on
the death of Nicholas Morrice. His orders seem to have
been considered doubtful, as there is a memorandum against
his name in the " Visitation List," to call for orders within
about three weeks at Exeter, it being dubious, and also the
further note " afterwards appeared and showed orders " ; he
signed the Declaration of Conformity 10 September, 1662 ;
excused at Visitation 1677, "valde senex"; died in 1678,
and buried at Countisbury.
Anthony Williams, Clarke, buried 14 November, 1678.
1679. ROBEBT Triggs (see Lynton curates).
218 THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND CX)UNTISBUBT.
1698. John Bbowninq, bjl (see Lynton curates).
1730. John Shbrgold, ra. (see Lynton curates).
1734 Thomas Steed, b.a. (see Lynton curates).
1765. Joshua Hole, m.a. (see Lynton curates).
1785. Richard Hole, b.c.l. (see Lynton curates).
1792. Tho>us Ley, b.a. (see Lynton curates),
1816. Charles Kekewich, b.a. (see Lynton curates).
1832. Matthew Mundy, m.a. (see Lynton curates).
1858. John Henry Wise, b.a.
Licensed 1 November, 1858, on the nomination of John
Bartholomew, M.A., Archdeacon of Barnstaple; bom at
Blandford Forum 20 June, 1818 ; St. Peter's College, Cam-
bridge; B.A. 1840; Curate Thorpse-cum-Aldeburg 1842,
Hankerton, Wilts, 1844; Rector of Brendon 1855; married
5 December, 1850, Frances Ann, daughter of Eev. Charles
Tripp, D.D., Rector of Silverton ; died 12 December, 1883 ;
buried at Brendon.
1886. Albert Richards Hockley.
Licensed to Countisbury, with Lynmouth, 27 July, 1886,
on the nomination of the Crown, by lapse, the living having
been vacant for three years, Lynmouth, part of the parish
of Lynton, having been annexed to Countisbury by an
Order in Council dated 26 June, 1886; Vicar of Clyst
Honiton, 1902.
1902. Walter Allen Lewis, m.a.
Licensed to Countisbury, with Lynmouth, 17 September,
1902, on the nomination of the Bishop; son of Henry
Lewis, of Clifton; Trinity College, Dublin; B.A. 1875;
M.A. 1886 ; Curate, St. Luke's, Sheffield, 1876, Kirk Ella
1877, Wakefield 1878 ; Vicar of Thomes, 1886 ; Vicar of
St. Mark's, Ford, 1891 ; Vicar of Uffculme, 1897 ; married
9 July, 1889 (Yeadon, Yorks), Annie Phoebe Campbell,
daughter of A. N. Briggs, Esq., Eawden Hall, Yorks.
Margaret Campbell, daughter of Eev. W. A. Lewis and
Annie Phoebe Campbell his wife, baptized 22 October, 1892
(St. Mark's, Ford).
Arthur Milton, son of Eev. W. A. Lewis, baptized 6 Feb-
ruary, 1895 (Ford).
John Walter, son of Eev. W. A. Lewis, baptized June,
1896 (Ford).
THB PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 219
COUNTISBURY PARISH CHURCH AND ITS RECORDS.
The parish church of Countisbury is stated by Colonel
Harding, on the authority of Rev. George Oliver, to be
dedicated to St. John the Baptist. It consists of a chancel,
nave, north aisle, and tower. The present building is of
little interest, and has no ancient architectural features, the
oldest part of it only dating from 1796.
Owing to its exposed situation the old building, in spite
of the frequent repairs to which the churchwardens' accounts
bear witness, became so dilapidated that the parishioners, in
vestry assembled on 1 June, 1796, decided to pull down the
nave and rebuild it. The specifications state that the roof
was to be new timbers and slates ; the inside of roof to be
arched, lath and plastered ; the walls to be rebuilt as far as
was necessary ; two new windows to be fixed, one on the
south side and one on the north. This was apparently done
without any architect by local workmen under the super-
vision of the chief parishioners — Richard Slocombe. of
Ashton and Hall ; John Fry, of Wilsham ; William Lock,
of East Limmouth ; and Richard Crocombe, of Windgate —
the money being raised by seventy-four church rates. The
expenses included £4. 4s. paid to Nicholas Parkin for " New
drawing the Commandments." and shortly after a further
sum of £7. 9s 9d. was paid to Mr. Nickals for '* painting the
Lord's Prayer, the Commandments, and the Belief." And in
1835-6 the tower also was taken down and rebuilt in the
same manner at an expense of about £150, which was raised
by church rates. Its height is thirty-six feet.
The chancel was re-erected and the north aisle added in
1846 by the Rev. W. S. Halliday at his own expense.
In the tower there are three bells, the same number as
are recorded to have been there at the taking of the inven-
tory by the commissioners in the reign of Edward VI. They
have, however, all been recast since that date.
The inscriptions on the present ones are : —
(i) I K 1826.
(ii) John Kingston B. Water. 1790.
(iii) Christopher Slocombe C Warden W ^ E. 1733.
The churchwardens' accounts for 1732 record : —
£ s. d.
Pd for carrying up and down the Bell at Bristol . .086
Pd for carges and expenses there concerning the bell .060
Pd William Evans for casting of ye bell and for mettel 14 7 6
Pd for ale when ye bell was carried up . .046
220 THE PARISHES OF LTNTON AND C0UNTISBUE7.
And in 1733 various entries for stocking the bells and
making "ye wheels and carpenters work to right ye
frame."
And on 5 April, 1825, it was agreed between the in-
habitants of Countisbury and Mr. John Kingston, of Bridg-
water, bellfounder — Mr. Kingston agrees to recast the two
smallest bells, paying one shilling per pound for the old
metal, and he to charge one shilling and sixpence per pound
for the new. The old metal to be delivered at Bridgwater
and the new bells to be taken from thence at the expense of
the parish.
And in the accounts for 1827 are the entries : —
£ 8. d.
Paid John Kingstone for two new belU and hanging . 27 19 6
Carring the Bells from Bridgewater to Minehead. .10 0
John Smith going to Minehead after the Bells .0134
Also several sums for work and timber on the frames.
A previous recasting of a bell is mentioned in the church-
wardens' accounts for 1681.
A detailed account of the church plate is given in the
report of the Church Plate Committee (** Transactions
Devonshire Association," Vol XXXVII, p. 160).
In the church there are tablets to Hugh Slocombe, died
1 March, 1691, aged 80; Eichard Slocombe, 13 August,
1692, aged 30 ; John Slocombe, 5 September, 1772, aged 61
(the Slocombes were a yeoman family residing at Hall and
Ashton); Sir Simon Stuart, 1813 ; and Ann, wife of F. Bard-
well, 1850.
The registers commence for baptisms, marri^^es, and
burials in 1676, and there are transcripts of earlier entries
for 1607, 1608, 1610, 1614, 1624, 1633, and 1638.
The churchwardens' accounts commence in 1678. There
is nothing particularly striking in these, except that beer
was an indispensable adjunct to every parochial function.
For instance : —
1703. Pd when one fox was killed for beer
Pd more for beare when one fox was killed .
Pd for bear when two foxes were killed
Pd when the ware a fox himting for beare
Pd when the ware a fox hunting another time
1718. Pd for bear to drinke ye king's helth on the Crowna
tion day ......
Pd for ale ye fift of November
Pd for ale for the foxhunters
1721. Pd f or Beer for ye Dean Ruler
«.
d.
. 2
0
. 2
6
. 7
6
. 1
0
. 0
6
I-
. 1
0
. 2
6
. 2
0
. 0
6
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 221
Also beer when "ye Dean Euler visited/' and beer when the
parish went to view the tower. It is interesting to note
that ale for vestry meetings appears down to 1861, after
which £1 per annum is allowed out of the churchwardens'
funds for the expenses of the Lady-day vestry down to 1884.
These expenses were the cost of a dinner at the Blue Ball
Inn, at which the curate presided, supported by the church-
wardens and all the ratepayers.
The accounts for 1681, when £5 was paid the bellfounder
for casting the bell and £3 for metal, show that it was cast
in Countisbury, as among the various beer entries is : —
Paid for beer when the bell founder talk with the parishioners
for casting the bell, and beer when the bell was cast, and beer
when the bell was taken out of the peet. Pd for six seemes of
clay and bringing it from Laymouth.
Also a payment for taking away the stones and filling the
" peet " in the churchyard.
From these accounts we gather that in 1679 the clerk's
wages were 10s. and the sexton's 4s. These were gradually
raised, the clerk's to £1. lis. 6d. and the sexton's to £1 ; the
fox-catcher's wages were 15s. and the dog-whipper's 48.
Other payments of interest are for killing wild cats, greys,
and hedgehogs ; a toit for minister, keeping the ornaments
of the church, salaries of dog-whipper, fox-hunter, etc., and
repairs to the base viol appear down to 1866; the har-
monium appeared in 1869.
The ornaments of the church, recorded by the commis-
sioners of 1549, are very scanty. The entry is : —
f 0 36 pochia de Countisbery.
iij bells in the Towre their, and one chalice comitted to the
custody of Eichard ffrye John Buston David Rail and
others the pisshen) their by indenter.
The following is a list of the churchwardens of the parish.
compiled from various sources
J. It seems to have been the
custom to have one only : —
1607. Thomas Rawle.
1615.
Walter Moggis.
1608. Anthony e Knight.
1624.
John Rawle.
1609. Anthonye Ward.
1625.
Henry Kebbye.
1610. John Thorne.
1633.
Walter Kelley.
1611. Robert Whitfill.
1634.
John Blackmore.
1613. George Bale.
1638.
William Fry.
1614. Robert Bushton.
1678.
John Fry.
222
THE PABISHES OF LYNTON AND COUMTISBUBT.
1679.
William Fry.
1739-40.
Richard Bale.
1680-1.
William Parkmann.
1741-2.
Richard Litson.
1682.
Thomas Crocombe.
1743-5.
David Widden.
1683.
John Crocombe.
1746.
Richard Bale.
1684-5.
Hugh Slocombe.
1747.
John Thomas.
1686.
Hugh Knight.
1748-9.
Henry Litson.
1687-8.
Walter Thome.
1750-1.
John Fry.
1689.
Mr. Hugh Popham.
1752-3.
Richard Bale.
1690-1.
John Fry.
1754-5.
William Thomas.
1692.
Richard Bale.
1756-8.
Richard Litson.
1693.
William Parkmann.
1759.
Richard Kelley.
1694.
John Vellacott.
1760-1.
Richard Crocombe
1695.
Richard Bale.
1762-4.
Christopher Slo-
1696.
John Kelly.
combe.
1697-8.
Richard Slocombe.
1765.
William Moggridge
1699.
Hugh Rawle.
1766-7.
Richard Bale.
1700.
Walter Thome.
1768-9.
William Bale.
1701-2.
Nicholas Thome.
1770-1.
William Hooper.
1703.
Thomas Fry.
1772-4.
Thomas Smith.
1704-5.
Richard Bale.
1775-6.
William Thomas.
1706-9.
Walter Thome.
1777-9.
John Fry.
1710.
Walter Kelly.
1780-1.
William Moggridge
1711-13
Richard Slocombe.
1782.
William Lock.
1714.
David Knight.
1783-5.
William Bale.
1715.
Richard Slocombe.
1786-9.
William Hooper.
1716.
'1 homas Thome.
1790-3.
William Fry.
1717.
William Bale.
1794-5.
William Bromham.
1718.
Hugh Street.
1796-1800. John Fry.
1719.
John Fry.
1801-2.
Joseph Sloggett.
1720.
Richard Bale.
1803-6.
John Bale.
1721.
Thomas Fry.
1807-20
John Fry.
1722.
Richard Bale.
1821-3.
William Bale.
1723.
Peter Hooper.
1824-30.
John Fry.
1724-5.
Thomas Fry.
1831-5.
John Litson.
1726.
Walter Kelley.
1836-7.
John Palfreman.
1727-8.
Richard Slocombe.
1838-9.
William Fry.
1729.
David Knight.
1840-1.
John Litson.
1730.
Richard Slocombe.
1842-8.
John Palfreman.
1731-3.
Christopher Slo-
1849.
John Litson.
combe.
1850 1
1734-5.
Peter Hooper.
to I
John Jones.
• 1736-8.
William Knight,
1890.)
The glebe and other particulars and terriers have been
dealt with under the head of Lynton.
THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 223
CHARITIES.
LYNTON.
I. William Litson by will bearing date 20 March, 1763,
gave to the poor of Lynton not having parish relief £5. lOs
per annum, to be distributed in bread on Good Friday,
excepting 2s., which for twenty-one years was to be given
to the family of Robert Graham. This charity was carried
on till 1814, when the Litson family discovered it was void
under the Mortmain Act, being charged on his real estate.
II. Knight, of West Lyn, gave £5 for the poor to be
paid into the parish stock; this has disappeared since
1803.
III. John Groves gave by his will dated 1769 a rent charge
of £5 per annum for a school, and on 7 December, 1770, a
trust deed for the appointment of a schoolmaster was
enrolled, the Rev. Edward Nicholls and others being
appointed trustees (Close Roll, 10 George III, Pt. 5, No. 1).
This bequest was also afterwards held invalid under the
Mortmain Act.
IV. John Clarke, surgeon, of Lynton, by his will in 1877
left twenty £5 shares in the Lynton Water Company, the
interest of which was to be annually distributed among the
poor of Lynton at Christmas. It is now vested in trustees,
and the interest (£8) distributed by them in accordance with
the trusts.
COUNTISBURY.
V. The poor have the interest of £500, which was
left by the will of the Rev. W. S. Halliday, of Glenthorne,
in 1871.
SCHOOLS.
The first school for the poor was founded by the Rev.
Edward Nicholls, Curate of Lynton and Countisbury 1740
to 1785 ; at his death, and owing to failure of the trust of
1770, it was dropped. Another was started in 1818 by the
Rev. Charles Kekewich, curate, assisted by the Hon. Mrs.
Knight, wifeof John Knight, Esq., who had purchased Exmoor.
On the Rev. Matthew Mundy becoming curate in 1832, the
old vicarage was pulled down and a school-house built on its
site, the work being completed in 1844, Mr. Mundy having
made a grant of the glebe and ground to trustees for that
purpose in 1843 ; it was supported entirely by voluntary con-
tributions raised by Rev. Matthew Mundy. In 1867 a house
224 THE PARISHES OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURT.
for the master was added ; in 1871 the school was enlarged
by Rev. W. L. Lawson ; and in 1901 a large new room was
added by the Rev. W. E. Cox.
A school was also opened in Lydiate Lane in 1835 by
members of the Independent body. On the parish school
being opened at Lynmouth it was closed, the staflF being
transferred to Lynmouth school.
The school at Countisbury was erected in 1845 by the
Rev. J. J. Scott, of Combe Park.
ON CERTAIN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE
HISTORY OF LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY.
BT RET. J. F. CHANTER, H.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
APPENDIX.
No. 1.
ROTULI CURIiE REGIS, HILARY TERM, 1 JOHN.
Memb. 7 (a). Pleas of the term of St. Hilary in the first
year of Kin<4 John. . . .
Memb. 11 (a). Pleas in three weeks after the feast of St.
Hilary. . . .
Memb. 12 (a). Devonshire. Henry de Traci, son of William
de Traci, came into the court of the Lord the Eling and made
his charter to the abbey and convent of Ford, the tenor of
which is that the same Henry for the health of his soul and
(the souls) of his father and mother and all his ancestors and
successors gave and granted unto God and the church of St.
Mary of Ford, and the monks there serving God in pure and
perpetual alms, the land of Countisbury with the land of
Leoford and all other its appurtenances and all his right
which he had in the land of Clistwick, which was the mar-
riage portion of his mother ; and moreover he granted to the
same monks those lands which they held of the Fee of Bra-
hancis before he recovered his inheritance, to wit the land of
Linton with the service of the lands of Furssil and the Land
of Colebroc with common of pasture of Brahancis for three
hundred sheep and twenty beasts free and quit of all secular
services and exaction as pure alms, and that he will demean
himself peacibly toward the same monks, and that he will
not disturb them or their men or their tenements, and this
he took oath and swore that he would faithfully observe.
To these witness
H. Arbp. Cantuar. Lord G. Fitzpeter. Walter de Bocland.
Endorsed Roll 12. (S.M.)
VOL. XXXVHL P
226 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
No. 2.
HUNDRED ROLL, 3 EDWARD I (A.D. 1274-6).
Inquisition made by precept of the Lord the King in the
County of Devon concerning rights and liberties, etc.
No. 31, Verdict of the Hundred of SyrewelL
The Jurors, Henry Lovett, William Cofifyn, John Sorel,
Philip de Hole, Reginald de Lipi, Robert de Wellecumbe,
Walter de Hole, William Banel, Hugh de la Byrche, Walter
Bregge, Walter de Sebrescote, and William de Stakescote say
upon their oath ...
They say that Richard de Bellomonte holds the Manor of
Syrewell, etc., etc., and they say also that the aforesaid
Richard de Bellomonte has assize of bread and beer and
gallows in his aforesaid Manor of Syrewell, etc., etc., etc.
And the Abbot of Ford has assize of bread and beer in his
Manor of Countisbury ; also Robert Beapel has assize of bread
and beer and gallows at Brendon, and Henrjr Lovet and
Reginald de Lyn have assize of bread and beer in the manor
of Lyn, and likewise gallows by ancient tenure from the
Conquest, etc., etc.
Also they say that Alexander the BailiflF of the Lord Earl
of Cornwall distrained the men of the Abbot of Ford of
Lynton to do a certain suit at the Earl's court of Braneys,
and to have peace took eight shillings and one ox value six
shillings and iron value three shillings two pence and one
halfpenny of the aforesaid men unjustly when no suit used
to be done at the court aforesaid. Concerning the other
chapters they know nothing. (S.M.)
No. 3.
ASSIZE AND QUO WARRANTO ROLLS, 9-10 EDWARD I
(A.D. 1281-2).
Pleas of the crown before Salomon de Rofife and his fellow
Justices itinerant at Exeter in the County of Devon on the
Octave of St. Martin on the 9th and beginning of the 10th
year of the reign of King Edward.
Roll 11. The Hundred of Shyrewell comes by twelve
jurors ; concerning those who claim liberties they say that the
hundred belongs to Richard de Beaumont, in the same he
claims to have gallows, assize of bread and beer, tumbrel,
view of Frankpledge and weyf, etc., etc. And the Abbot of
Forde claims to have the same liberties in his manor of
Lynton, and the aforesaid Richard come and say they have
LYNTON AiJD COUNTISBURY. 227
fully used the same liberties, etc., etc. And the Abbot
comes not, therefore let the liberties aforesaid be taken into
the hands of the Lord the King so that they should use them
not until, etc., etc. (S.M.)
EX PLACITA DE QUO WARRANTO (9 EDWARD I),
p. 168, County of Devon (Eec. Comm.).
The Abbot of Ford was summoned to answer to our Lord
the King touching a plea by what right he claims to have
view of Frankpledge, gallows, fines for breach of the assize of
bread and beer in Countisbury (Kentisbury) and Thorncombe
without licence.
And the Abbot appearing by his attorney says that as
regards view of Frankpledge and gallows in Countisbury he
makes no claim, and as to fines for breach of the assize of
bread and beer in the same manor (villa), and as to fines for
breach of the assize of bread and beer broken and view of
frankpledge and gallows in Thorncombe, he says that he and
all his predecessors time out of mind have had the fines of
the assize of bread and beer in Countisbury and view of
frankpledge and fines of assize of bread and beer and gallows
in Thorncombe, and he asks that this may be inquired into.
And Walter de Giselham, etc., says that liberties of this
kind especially belong to the crown of our Lord the King,
and on the ground that he does not show any warrant from
our Lord the King, he asks for judgment. A day was fixed
for the hearing (ei) before the King one month after Easter,
wherever the King might be, etc., for hearing his decision,
etc.
pp. 172, 173. Henry Lovet and Eoger de Lyn were sum-
moned to answer to our Lord the King touching a plea by
what right they claim to have gallows, view of frankpledge,
fines for breach of the assize of bread and beer in Lyn with-
out licence, etc.
And Henry and Eoger appear and say that Lyn is within
the precinct of Scherewell hundred, which is Eichard de
Beaumont's.
And as to view of frankpledge, they say they have nothing
therefrom, nor do they make any claim thereto, because the
same Eichard has that liberty.
And as to fines of the assize of bread and beer in Lyn, they
say that Lyn is within the precinct of the hundred of the
aforesaid Eichard, where nothing can accrue to the King, and
they ask for judgment if they must answer him thereanent.
p2
228 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
And Walter de Giselham, who follows on the King's be-
half, asks for judgment against the aforesaid Henry and
Koger as having no defence on the ground that they show
no warrant therefor. Afterwards the aforesaid Henry and
Roger did not appear. Whereupon order was given to the
sheriff to distrain them by all writs, etc., and as to the
issue, etc., and to produce their bodies before our Lord the
King one month after Eawter, wherever the King might be,
etc., for hearing his decision, etc. (0. J. R)
No. 4.
INQ. P.M., 9 HENRY IV, No. 42 (A.D. 1408).
[Abstract.]
Inq. taken at Exeter on Wednesday next before feast of
Nativity B.V.M., 9 Hen. IV., before Nicholas Bromford, es-
cheator of the Lord King in co. Devon, by the oath of John
Dauney, John Vautort and others, who say that William
Bonevyle, chevaler, held on the day that he died in the said
county the Manors of Leveneston, Woodbury and ... to-
gether with the advowson of the said town of Leveneston by
the law of England after the death of Margaret, late his wife,
of the inheritance of William, son of John, son of the said
William Bonevyle and Margaret. . . .
The said William Bonevyle held on the day that he died,
jointly with Alice his wife who still survives, the Manors of
Lynton and Countisbury with appurtenances for the term
of their lives and the survivor of them of the grant of
William Abbot of the monastery of Ford and the convent
of the same place, paying yearly to the said Abbot and his
successors £6. 13s. 4d. at Christmas and Midsummer for all
services as by a certain indenture under seal of said Abbot
and convent is shown, and after decease of said William
Bonevyle, chevaler, and Alice, manors shall remain to William,
son of said William Bonevyle, knight, to hold for the term of
his life. The said manors of Lynton and Countisbury are
held of the said Abbot by the said rent and are worth per
ann. clear 40s.
William Bonevyle, knight, died on the feast of St. Valentine
last p6Lst without heirs by the said Alice his wife ; the said
William, son of John, is his kinsman and next heir, viz. son
of John, son of said William Bonevyle, chevaler, and on
the morrow of St. Michael last past was aged 16 years and
more.
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 229
No. 5.
RECORDS OF COURT OF AUGMENTATIONS: MINISTERS'
ACCOUNTS, 81-32 HENRY VIII, No. 89, M. 72.
The late monastery of Ford.
The accounts of all and singular the Baili£fs, Keeves,
farmers and others accountable, of all and singular, the Lord-
ships, manors, lands and tenements and other the possessions
whatsoever as well spiritual as temporal to the same late
monastery pertaining or belonging, to wit from the feast of
St Michael the Archangel in the 31st year of the reign of
King Henry the 8th to the same feast of St. Michael the
Archangel thence next following in the 32nd year of the
same King, to wit for one whole year as below.
Inter alia.
Lynton and Countyshurys, The account of the aforesaid
John Chidly, Bailiff there for the time aforesaid.
Arrears, none, as is more fully contained in the foot of the
last account next preceeding. g^^^ ^^^
Rents of the free tenants in Lynton.
But he renders account of 7s. Id. of all the rents of free
tenants there, yearly payable at the feast of St. Michael the
Archangel as appears by divers accounts thereof examined
upon this account. ^^^^ 7g ^^
Bents of Customary tenants in Lynton.
And of £4. 3s. 2d. Of all the rents of customary tenants
there yearly payable at the four principal terms of the year
by equal portions, as appears by divers accounts thereof
examined upon this account. gmj^ £4^ 3g^ 2d.
Rents of Customary tenants in Countisbury.
And of £9. Os. 8d. of all the rents of customary tenants
there yearly payable at the aforesaid terms as appears by the
accounts aforesaid. ^^^^ ^^ 0^^ gj
Perquisites of courts.
Of any profit happening or giving of perquisites of courts
held there this year he does not render account, because no
courts were held there for the time of this account by the
oath of the said accountant. ^^^ ^^^^
Total sum of Receipts, £13. 10s. lid.,
of which
Stipends. The same accounts in the stipend of the auditor's
clerk writing this account as it is accustomed to be allowed
230 DOCUMENTS RXLATXKO TO THK BISTORT OF
to the auditors clerks of the Lord the King of his duchy of
Lancaster, to wit in the like allowance as it is allowed in the
preceeding years, 28. Sum, 2a
Delivery of money. And in money by the said accountant
delivered to Thomas Arundel, knight, Receiver of the Lord
the King there, of the issues of his office of this year without
bill, but only by his acknowledgement upon this account,
£12. 12s. 3d.
Sum of allowances and deliveries aforesaid, £12. 148. 3d.
And he owes 16s. 8d., which is allowed to him for one new
mill-stone bought this year by the said accountant and
provided for the mill of Countisbury by his oath upon this
account.
And it is even
No. 6.
MINISTERS* ACCOUNTS, 36 & 36 HENRY VIII, No. 183, M. 68.
Similar to last.
John Chidley is still Bailiflf.
Arrears, none. Free tenants Lynton, 7s. Id.
Customary tenants, £4 3s. 2d.
Customary tenants Countisbury, £9 Os. 8d.
Perquisites of Courts.
And of the 468. lid. of perquisites of courts held there
this year with 20s. of the fine of the land of John Sloley,
20s. of heriots, Ss. 4d. of farleus, and 3s. 7d. of other per-
quisites, as appears by the rolls- of the same shown and
examined upon this account. Sum, 46s. lid.
Sum total of the charge aforesaid, £15. 7s. lOd., of which
there is allowed 2s. for the stipend of the Auditor's Clerk
writing this account, as it is allowed in the preceeding year.
And to the same 6s. 8d. for the expenses of the Steward,
clerk of the Court, and other officers of the Lord the King
being at the Court aforesaid this year holden, as appears by
the rolls of the same, shown and examined upon this account,
and he owes £15. 9s. 2d., of which he delivered to Thomas
Arundell, knight, Receiver of the Lord the King thereof, the
issues of his office this year without bill, but only by his
acknowledgement by this account, £14. 9s. 2d.
And he owes 20s.
The whole
upon John Sloley for his fine made with him this year, being
still in arrear unpaid, because he has a day of payment
thereof until the next account. 208.
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 231
No. 7.
OOUET OF EXCHEQUER: MINISTERS* ACCOUNTS, 6-6 PHILIP
AND MARY, 1 ELIZABETH, No. 9, M. 16 DORSO.
The County of Devon.
The accounts of all and singular the Bailififs, Eeeves,
Farmers, and Collectors of all and singular the Honours,
Castles, Lordships, manors, hundreds, lands, and tenements
and other the possessions and hereditaments whatsoever in
the county aforesaid, lately in the governance of the late
court of the Augmentations and Revenues of the Eoyal
Crown, to wit from the feast of St. Michael the Archangel in
the 5th and 6th years of the Reigns of Philip and Mary to
the same feast of St. Michael the Archangel in the first year
of our most dear Lady the Queen that now is, to wit for one
whole year as below.
To wit, Fourd, late Monastery.
The account of John Chidleighe, Bailiflf, there for the time
aforesaid.
Arrears, None, as in the foot of the last year for the time
preceeding. Sum, none.
Rent of the free Tenants in Lynton,
But he answers of Ts. Id. of all the rent of assize of all the
free tenants there yearly payable at four terms of the year
equally. Sum, 7s. Id.
Rent of Customary Tenants there.
And of £4. 3s. 2d. of all the rents of customary tenants
there yearly payable at four terms of the year equally.
Sum, £4 3s. 2d., examined.
Rent of customary Tenants in Oountisbye.
And of £9. Os. 8d. of all the rent of the customary tenants
there yearly payable at four terms of the year equally.
Sum, £9. Os. 8d., examined.
Perquisites of Court.
And of 20s. lOd. of perquisites of courts there held as
appears by the estreats thereof delivered by John Chudley,
Steward there. Sum, 20s. lOd., examined.
Sum of the charge aforesaid, £14. lis. 9d., examined, ofl
which there is allowed to him 73s. 4d. for the fee of John
Chudleighe, Bailiffe there, and of the Manor of Thornecombe,
with other things so to him granted for the term of his life
232 DOOUICENTS RBIATINO TO THE HI8T0BT OF
by letters patent as it is said, to wit in the like allowance in
this year as in the preceeding, and to the same 28. for the
stipend of the Auditor's Clerk writing this account this year
as in the preceeding. And he owes £10. 16s. 5d. (examined),
which he delivered to John Ayleworthe, Esquire, receiver
there by the acknowledgement of the said receiver upon this
*^"°^- And he is quit.
No. 8.
COURT OF EXCHEQUER: MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS, 1-2 ELIZABETH,
No. 7, M. 16 DORSO.
County of Devon.
The accounts of all and singular the BailifiFs, Beeves,
Farmers, Collectors and Bedels of all and singular the
Honors, castles, lordships, manors, hundreds, lands, tene-
ments and others the possessions and hereditaments what-
soever in the county aforesaid lately in the governance of
the late Court of the Augmentations and revenues of the
Royal Crown, to wit from feast of St. Michael the Archangel
in the Ist year of the reign of the Lady Elizabeth by the
grace of God of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, Defender
of the Faith, etc., unto the same feast of St. Michael the
Archangel in the second year of the said Lady the Queen, to
wit for one whole year as below
to wit
Fourd, late Monastery.
Lynton and Countisbury.
Of £13. 10s. lid. late arising and growing of the rent and
farm of the whole manor aforesaid, to wit by the time of this
account he does not answer, because the Lady Queen Eliza-
beth by her letters patent dated the 5th day of July in the
second year of her reign gave and granted to John Har-
rington and George Burden all that Lordship and Manor
of Lynton and Countesbury with all its rights, members and
appurtenances to have to the same John and George and
their assigns for ever, together with the issues thereof, from
the feast of St. Michael the Archangel last past until this
time arriving and growing.
And so in discharge of the sum above. Sum, none.
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 233
No. 9.
PATENT ROLL, 2 ELIZABETH, P. 16, M. 17.
For John Harrington and George Burden.
A grant to them and their heirs.
The Queen to all to whom, etc.
Whereas our very dear father, Lord Henry VIII, formerly
King of England, by his indenture under his seal of the late
court of the Augmentations of the revenues of his crown,
bearing date the 12th day of July in the 37th year of his
reign, gave, granted, and to farm let to one John Scott, clerk,
the Rectory of Islyngton, in the County of Norfolk, etc., etc.,
formerly belonging and pertaining to the late priory Blewjk-
borowe in the said county of Norfolk then suppressed. To
have and to hold the said Rectory, etc., for a term of 21 years,
etc., the reversion and reversions of all, etc., to us our heirs
and successors in full right belonging and pertaining. Know
ye that we for a sum of one thousand five hundred and eight
pounds two shillings and three pence of lawful money of
England at the receipt of our Exchequer to the hands of
Roger Alford, Esquire, one of the tellers in the same receipt
of our exchequer, to our use by our beloved John Harrington,
gentleman, and George Burden, gentleman, in hand well and
faithfully paid, whereof we acknowledge ourselves to be duly
satisfied and paid, etc., etc.
Of our special grace and our certain knowledge and mere
motion we have given and granted and by these presents for
us our heirs and successors do give and grant to the aforesaid
John Harrington and George Burden the reversion and re-
versions of the aforesaid Rectory, etc., etc. We have given
also and granted and for the consideration aforesaid by these
presents for us our heirs and successors do give and grant to
the aforesaid John Haryngton and George Burden all that
our Lordship and Manor of Lynton and Countesbery and all
those our Lordships and Manors of Lynton and Countesberic'
with all their rights, members, liberties, privileges and appur-
tenances in our County of Devon late parcel of the possessions
and revenues of the late Monastery of Forde in our said
county of Devon now dissolved. And all our Rectory and
our Church of Ilsyngton, etc.
And all our Rectory and our church of Wygenhall Saint
Mary in our County of Norfolk formerly parcel of the pos-
sessions and revenues of the late monastery of Westacre in
the County of Norfolk and all the scite of the late house and
234 DOCUMENTS RBLATINQ Ta THE HISTORY OF
priory of the late Friars called Le Blackefryers in the city
of Canterbury and all the land called Le Churcheyard and
all the garden, etc., etc., etc., late parcel of the possessions
of the late Archbishop of Canterbury and are now in our
hands. And also all that capital, messuage, etc., called
Stoughton Grange, etc., in county of Leicester, etc., parcel
of possessions of Henry, late Duke of Suffolk, also our por-
tion of tithes, etc., in Medboume, in county of Leicester,
parcel of possessions of late monastery of Saint Albans, etc.,
and advowson, etc., of Rectory and parish Church of Rothinge,
etc., Manor and Lordship of Stanton, co, Derby, etc., parcel
of possessions of late Monastery of Dale, etc., etc.
And also all and singular messuages, burgages, miUs,
houses, buildings, tofts, cottages, barns, stables, dovecotes,
yards, gardens, orchards, lands, tenements, meadows, feedings,
pastures, commons, ways, footpaths, wastes, furzes, heaths,
moors, marshes, ponds, weirs, fishponds, waters, fisheries,
fishings, water-courses, woods, underwoods, rents, reversions,
services, pasturages of sheep and courses and foldings of
sheep, and all works, rents and customs as well of free as
of customary tenants, and all lands, glebes, tithes, oblations,
obventions, pensions and portions whatsoever, all courts leet,
views of frankpledge and lawdays and perquisites of courts
and leets and all things which to courts leet and views of
frankpledge and to lawdays pertain or in future may belong,
and goods and chattels waived, estrays, free warrens, goods
and chattels of felons and fugitives, and of felons, of them-
selves and of persons put in exigent, also knights' fees and
wardships, marriage, escheats, reliefs, heriots, fines, amerce-
ments, rents, charges, rents sec, assize and assay of bread,
wine and beer and all stock, as well alive as dead, all other
our rights, jurisdictions, franchises, liberties, privileges, profits,
commodities, emolumeifts and hereditaments whatsoever, with
all their appurtenances in the said city of Canterbury and in
Lynton and Countesbury in our said County of Devon and in
etc., etc., as fully, freely and wholly and in as ample and the
like manner and form as any abbot or priors of the said late
monasteries or priories, etc., etc., had, held or enjoyed or oi^ht
to have had, held or enjoyed them, and as fully, freely, and
wholly and in as ample a manner as the aforesaid Lordship
and Manors, etc., by reason or pretext of the several dissolu-
tions of the said monasteries and priories, etc
Except always nevertheless out of this present grant
altogether reserved all advowsons of Churches and all bells,
and all the lead being of and in and upon the said premises,
LYNTON AND 00UNTI8BURY. 235
except the lead in the gutters and windows and except the
said advowson of the Church of Rothinge Beacharape afore-
said, To have, hold and enjoy the said reversions, etc., and
the aforesaid Lordships, Manors, etc., etc., to the aforesaid
John Harryngton and George Burden, their heirs and assigns
for ever, etc. To hold the aforesaid Manor of Lynton and
Countesbery with appurtenances of us our heirs and suc-
cessors in capite by the service of one hundredth part of one
knighf 8 fee. And to hold aforesaid rectories, etc., etc.
And further of our more ample special grace and of our
certain knowledge and mere motion and for the consideration
aforesaid have granted and for us our heirs and successors
and by these presents do grant to the aforesaid John Har-
ryngton and George Burden their heirs and assigns that they
may hold and enjoy in the aforesaid Lordships, manors, etc.,
the same, the like, the similar courts leet, views of frankpledge,
and all things, etc., etc., as fully, freely, and wholly as . . .
any abbots or priors of the said late monasteries, etc., etc.,
ever held, etc., by reason or pretext of any charter, gift, grant
or confirmation, etc., or by reason or pretext of any prescrip-
tive use or custom heretofore had or used, etc., etc., etc.
In witness thereof the King at Westminster the fifth
day of July.
By writ of the Privy seal.
No. 10.
COURT OF CHANCERY CLOSE ROLL, 2 ELIZABETH, PART 9.
Of a writing indented between John Harrington, George
Burden and Nicholas Wychehalse.
To all the faithful in Christ to whom this present writing
indented shall come. John Harrington and George Burden
of London, gentlemen, greeting in the Lord everlasting:
Whereas our most famous and illustrious Lady Elizabeth,
Queen of England, by her letters patent sealed with her
great seal of England, bearing date at Westminster the fifth
day of July in the second year of her reign, among other
things gave and granted to us the aforesaid John Harrington
and George Burden all that her Lordship and manor of
Lynton and Countesbye with all their rights, members,
liberties, privileges and appurtenances in the County of
Devon, late parcel of the possessions and revenues of the
late Monastery of Fourde in the said County of Devon now
dissolved. And also all and singular messuages, burgages,
mills, houses, buildings, tofts, cottages, bams, stables, dove-
236 D0CUMKKT8 RKLATINQ TO THE HISTORY OF
cotes, yards, orchards, gardens, lands, tenements, meadows,
feedings, pastures, commons, ways, wastes of furzes, heaths,
moors, marshes, ponds, weirs, fishponds, waters, fisheries,
fishings, watercourses, woods, underwoods, rents, reversions,
services, pasturages of sheep and courses and foldings of
sheep, and all works, rents and customs, as well of free as
of customary tenants, also courts leet, views of frankpledge,
lawdays and perquisites of Courts and Leets and all things
which to Courts leet and view of frankpledge and lawdays
pertain or in future may belong, and goods and chattels
waived, estrays, free warrens, goods and chattels of felons
and fugitives and of felons of themselves, and of persons put
in exigent, knights' fees, wardships, marriages, escheats,
reliefs, heriots, fines, amercements, rent charges, rents sec,
assize and assay of bread, wine and beer, and all stock as well
live as dead, and all other her rights or jurisdictions, fran-
chises, privileges, liberties, profits, commodities, emoluments
and hereditaments whatsoever, with all their appurtenances
in Lynton and Countesbery aforesaid in the said County
of Devon to the said Lordship and Manors of Lynton and
Countisbury in any manner belonging or pertaining. And
the reversion and reversions whatsoever of all and singular
the premises and of every parcel thereof, etc., etc. Except
and altogether reserved all Advowsons of Churches and all
Bells and all the lead being of and in and upon the premises
except the lead in the gutters and windows. To have, hold
and enjoy the aforesaid Lordships and Manors, messuc^es,
lands, tenements and other all and singular the premises
above expressed and specified with all their aforesaid
appurtenances to us the aforesaid John Harrington and
George Burden our heirs and assigns to the sole and proper
use and behoof of us John and George and our heirs and
assigns for ever, as by the same Letters Patent among other
things more fully is shown and appears.
Know ye that we the aforesaid John Harrington and
George Burden for and in consideration of a certain sum of
money to us by Nicholas Wychehalse of Barnstaple, in the
said county of Devon, Merchant, well and faithfully paid,
whereof we acknowledge ourselves to be fully satisfied and
paid, and the same Nicholas Wychehalse, his heirs, executors,
and administrators to be thereof acquitted and discharged
by these presents, have sold, bargained, given, enfeoffed,
delivered, and by this our present writing confirmed to the
aforesaid Nicholas Wychehalse the aforesaid Lordship and
Manor of Lynton and Countesbie, etc., etc., etc. To hold of
LYNTON AND OOUNTISBURY. 237
the Chief Lord of that fee by the service thereof first doe
and of right accustomed. And we also, the aforesaid John
Harrington and George Burden, do covenant and grant, etc.,
etc., that the aforesaid Nicholas Wychehalse, his heirs and
assigns, shall receive and have, etc., etc., all rents, etc., etc.,
from the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel last past to
this time growing, etc., etc., etc., etc. Robert Wychehalse
and Thomas Sterte, Gentlemen, appointed attornies to enter
upon and take possession, and after such possession and
seizin to deliver possession and give seizin to Nicholas
Whycehalse or his Attorney. In Witness, etc.
Dated seventh day of July in the second year of the
reign of the Lady Elizabeth by Grace of God of England,
France and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith, etc.
And be it remembered 11th July in the present year
John Harrington and George Burden came before the said
Lady the Queen in her Chancery and acknowledged the
aforesaid writing indented, etc.
No. 11.
RECORDS COURT OF CHANCERY.
INQUISITION POST MORTEM, 12 ELIZ., No. 20.
Elizabeth by grace of God, etc.
To her escheator in the County of Devon greeting.
Because Nicholas Wichehalse who held of us in capite
died as we have heard we command, etc., etc.
Witness myself at Gorambury the sixteenth day of
September in the twelfth year of our reign. Ludlowe.
Delivered to the Court the Twenty-ninth day of October
in the year underwritten by the hand of John Marwood,
(jentleman.
DEVON. Inquisition indented taken at Chidley in the
County aforesaid the second day of October in the Twelfth
year of the reign of the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God
of England, France and Ireland Queen etc., etc.
Before Bartholomew Pope, Esq., Escheator of the said
Lady the Queen in the county aforesaid by virtue of a writ
of the said lady the Queen of "diem clausit extremum*'
after the death of Nicholas Wichehalse, senior, of Barnstaple,
in the county aforesaid. Gentleman, to the same escheator
directed and to this inquisition shown by the oath of Emanuel
238 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
Drewe, Esquire, Thomas Huyt, gentleman, John Furseland,
gentleman, Thomas Hunt, gentleman, John Geyre, gentleman,
William Willes, Kichard Renolds alias Bennett, John Soper,
Richard Lutton, gentleman, John Whitborne, John Woolcott,
Nicholas Cove, William Lang, Richard Waltham, Humphrey
Boringdon and John Ball of Northwood :
Who say upon their oath that the aforesaid Nicholas
Wichehalse in the aforesaid writ named, long before his
death and on the day on which he died, was seized in his
demesne as of fee of and in the Manors of Lynton and
Countisbye, otherwise Countisbery, with appurtenances and
of and in Thirty messuages. Two corn mills, thirty gardens,
Four hundred acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow,
two hundred acres of pasture, one hundred acres of wood,
one thousand acres of furze and heath, and twenty shillings
of rent with appurtenances in Lynton and Countisbye,
otherwise Countisbery, in the County aforesaid, and of
common of pasture for all animals on Exmoor in the said
county of Devon.
And of and in the Manor of Maydenford with appurten-
ances, and of and in three messuages, three gardens, three
orchards, Twenty acres of land, ten acres of meadow, twenty
acres of pasture, four acres of wood, ten acres of furze and
heath, and 6s. 8d. of rent with appurtenances in Maydenford
and Barnstaple aforesaid. Also of and in one other messuage,
one stable, two solars, and one garden, with appurtenances in
Barnstaple.
And of and in one messuage, one garden, twenty acres of
land, ten acres of meadow, twenty acres of pasture, ten acres
of wood, and twenty acres of furze and heath called
Overfoldhay and Netherfoldhay, lyeing and being within the
parish of Parracombe in the county aforesaid.
And, etc., garden, orchard, 20 ac. land, 10 ac. meadow, 20 ac.
pasture, 40 ac. furze and heath, etc., called Watermoutii, etc,
within the parish of Berianarber.
And, etc., garden, orchard, 40 ac. land, 10 ac. meadow, 20 ac.
pasture, and 100 ac. furze and heath, etc., called Combe, etc,
parish of Loxford.
And further the Jurors aforesaid say that the aforesaid
Nicholas on day before his death, etc., was seized of one
capital messuage, garden, orchard, 20 ac. land, 10 ac. meadow,
100 ac. pasture, 20 ac. marsh, etc., called Barton of Fremyng-
ton within parish of Fremyngton, etc., and four closes of land
called Newecourte grene, Childpark, otherwise Underchild
park, containing by estimation 24 ac. land and pasture, etc., in
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 239
Fremyngton, late in tenure and occupation of Alexander
Beaple, gent., and eight messuages, etc., 100 ac. land, 40
meadow, 200 pasture, 20 wood, 40 marsh, 100 furze, etc.,
Knyghtacottes, Collacottes, Lake, Buckyngton, Westnorthpill,
Eastnorthpill, with clay pittes, and with certain lands not
measured, etc., in Fremyngton, in tenures and occupation of
John Hill, James Haywood, Simon Barwicke, Thomas Toppe,
John Thomas, Alice Parker, widow, William Wilkes, Agnes
Sage, widow, and Richard Nielde. Also 20 ac. land, 2 wood,
12 Furze, etc., called Bukyngton in Fremington aforesaid in
tenure of Agnes Sage, 10 ac. land, 10 meadow, 20 pasture,
20 furze, called Eastnorthpill, Newbanches all the old porte as
f ar as Baggepoole — were in Fremyngton, in occupation of Agnes
Sage. And the aforesaid Nicholas Wichehalse so being seized
of aforesaid Manors, Lands, etc., etc, on 28 day of August
in 12 year Elizabeth, etc., at Barnstaple, made his testament
and last will in writing, and by the same will gave, etc., to
Mary his wife all and singular his aforesaid Manors, lands,
etc., Lynton, Countesbury, Maydenford, Barnstaple, Parra-
combe, Loxefford, Berenaber, Fremyngton, in County of
Devon, to have and to hold, etc., etc., for the term of her
life, etc., pay debts and legacies, etc., and fulfill the will, etc.,
bearing date 28 Aug., 1570, etc., as more fully appears by
these English words following :
"Item. I give, bequeath, dispose and devise all my
messuages, lands, tenements and hereditaments lyeing and
being in the towns and parishes of Lynton, Countesby,
Parracombe, Loxeford, Beryuarber, Fremyngton, and Barn-
staple, unto Mary my wife to have and to hold to the same
Mary for the term of her life to and for the satisfaction of
my debts and legacies and performance of this my testament
and will."
Aod further the Jurors on their oath say, etc. :
Manors of Lynton and Countisbye are held of the Queen
by Knight service in capite, to wit by one hundredth part of
one Knight's Fee, worth, etc., £10. Maydenforde, etc., in
Barnstaple held of John Chichester, Esq., as of his Borough
of Barnstaple, by fealty and rent of 3d., worth £4, etc. In
Parracombe, held of Vawter, gent., by fealty, etc.,
worth 20s., etc. In Berynarber, held of John Jule, gent., by
fealty, ete., worth 8s. 8d. In Loxford. held of John Marwood,
Esq., by fealty, etc., worth 13s. 4d. In Fremyngton, held of
Lady the Queen, as Manor of East Grenwich in County of
Kent in free soccage and worth nothing during lives of
aforesaid Alexander Beaple, etc., etc.
240 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
And further Jurors, etc., say : Aforesaid Nicholas Wiche-
halse held no other manors, messuages, etc, in County afore-
said, etc., that Nicholas Wichehalse died 28 Aug., and that
Nicholas Wichehalse, junior, is his son and heir, and was of
the age of 3 years, 14 weeks, and 4 days on 28th Aug., etc.
In witness, etc.
No. 12.
ABSTRACT OF WILL OF NICHOLAS WICHEHALSE OF BARNSTAPLE
(D. 1670). P.C.C. (28 Lyon).
28 Aug., 1570. Nicholas Weichalsce of perfect memory
and good remembraunce. To be buried in the Churche of
Barnstaple. Unto the Vicar of Barnstaple for tythes for-
gotten, Unto Hunte the Gierke, unto John Wicchalse my
kinsman, in consideraCon that he doe marrye withe Katherine
Salisburye, my wyfes daughter, to Johan Wicchalse my
daughter, To Nicholas Wichalse my sonne at 21, To Nicholas
Wichalcee my kinsman and svaunte, To Piers Wicchallsee
my kynsmanne, To Anthonye my negarre, Bequeath all my
lands in the Townes and pisshes of Lynton and Counseberye,
Peracombe, Loxford, Berynarber, ffrementon and Barnstaple,
to Marye my wyfe for life, and for the sattisfacon of my
debtes and legacyes and pformaunce of this my wyll. I do
make said Marye my wife hole Executrixe, And for overseers
I ordaine Mr. Robert Appelye and my brother John Darte.
Proved P.C.C. 23"* Sep., 1570, by procurator of Mary the
relict.
No. 13.
ABSTRACT OF WILL OF MARY WICHEHALSE.
24^** Sept^ 1584. Mary Wichehalse of Barnestaple, widowe.
To be buried in the pishe churche of Barnestaple, To
my dau. Katherine Wichehalse £200. To Johan Prowsse
my dau. £200 and all my household stuflfe in Nattsonne in
the par. of Tawstock. Whereas Nicholas Wichehalse my
Sonne and heir apparant is seised in his demesne as of fee of
and in one mansion housse and tenement, etc., neare or upon
the Kaye of Barnestaple, sometymes the landes and tenements
of one Richard Webber of Pilton. He is within 3 years of
accomplishing his full age of 21 to demise and lease the s^
mansion house to Robert Prowsse and Johan his wife my
daughter, and the latter are to suffer the s^ Nicholas my son
and his heires peaceably to occupye and enjoye the mansion
howsse and tenement wherein I now dwell in Crockestreite
LYNTON AND C0UNTI8BURY. 241
in Bamestaple. My sonne Nicholas Wichehalse and bis
beires to confirm any leases or grantes I have made or here-
after shall make by copy of courte roUe of the Mannor of
Lynton and Cantisburie. To Christopher W., sonne of my
8^ dau. Katberine W., at 21. To Mary W., dau. of my s**
daiL Katberine W., at marriage, and to Joban and Prudence
•W., dau*. of my s** dau. Katberine W., at 21 or marriage.
To Lewis Knyll and James Mayne my servants. I give unto
y* saide Nicholas W., my sonne, the wardshippe of his bodye
and landes, together with all the rest of my goods and
chattells, and constitute him my sole ex*^', and appoint as
overseers M' George Wyot and M' Humfrie Coplestone,
Gentlemen.
To John Wichehalse, my sonne in lawe, all such debts
as he doth or shall owe unto me.
To Katberine Wichehalse, my dau., all my messuages and
tenements, etc., in Westdowne for life.
To Humfrey Prowsse, sonne unto my dau. Jobane Prowse,
at the age of 21.
(Witnesses) George Wyott, Humfrey Coplestone, George
Pyne, William Palmer, Lewis Knyll.
Proved 25 June, 1585, by Alfred Gierke, notary public,
procurator of Nicholas Wichehalse, the ex*^'. ,
No. 14.
FINE ROLL, 30 ELIZABETH, PART 1, M. 21.
Concerning land to be delivered to Nicholas Wichehalse.
The Queen to her escbeator in the County of Devon greet-
ing. Whereas by a certain inquisition lately taken before
Bartholomew Pope, Esq., late our escbeator in the county
aforesaid, by our command after the death of Nicholas
Wichehalse, senior, late of Barnstaple in our County afore-
said, Gentleman, deceased and returned into our Chancery,
among other things it is shown that the aforesaid Nicholas
Wychebalse in the said mandate named was seized on the
day of his death in his demesne as of fee of and in the
Manors of Lynton and Countisbye otherwise Countesbye,
etc., etc., and of and in manor of Maydenforde, etc., and also
of and in one other messuage, one stable, two solars, etc., in
Barnstaple, etc., Overfoldhay, Netherfoldhay, Parracombe,
Watermouth, Berrynarbor, Combe in parish of Loxeford, etc.,
etc., etc.
And that Nicholas Wychebalse, junior, is his son and next
heir, and because the aforesaid Nicholas has attained the full
VOL. XXXVIII. Q
242 DOCUMENTS RBLATING TO THB HISTORY OF
age of twenty-one years and has well and faithfully paid all
the issues and profits of aforesaid manors, etc, etc., from the
time of his full age until the eighteenth day of this present
month of June to us due, etc.. We, etc, have respited
homage, etc., until feast of the Purification of the Blessed
Mary next to come, etc, etc.
We therefore command without delay that thou cause the
said Nicholas to have full seizin of the aforesaid Manors, etc,
etc.
Witness the Queen at Westminster the Twenty-second day
of June.
By bill of the Court of Wards and Liveries.
No. 15.
INQUISITION POST MORTEM, 3 JAMES I, PART 2, No. 116.
James by the grace of God, etc., to his escheator in the
County of Devon greeting. Because Nicholas Wichehalse,
gentleman, who held of us in capite, died as we have heard
we command thee that without delay thou takest into our
hand all the lands and tenements of which the same Nicholas
was seized.
Witness myself at Westminster, 26 Nov., in the year of
our reign of England, France, and Ireland, the 3rd, and of
Scotland the 39th. Conyers.
Delivered to the court 10 Feb. in within written 3rd year
by the hand of the Escheator. John Ratenbury.
DEVON. Inquisition indented taken at Oakhampton in
the county aforesaid 25 Jan. in the reign of our Lord James,
etc., the 3rd, etc, before John Eatenbury, gentleman, Es-
cheator of the said Lord the King in the County aforesaid,
by virtue of a writ, etc., to inquire after the death of Nicholas
Wichehalse, late of Barnstaple, in the County aforesaid,
gentleman deceased, to the same Escheator directed, and to
this inquisition shown by the oath of William Newcombe,
gentleman, Henry Underden, gent., Eobert Webbery, gent,
John Woode, gent., Andrew Trigges, gent., Peter Ratenbuiy,
gent., John Holmes, gent., Kobert Cole, William Growden,
Kichard Babb, Eobert Dawe, John Brownson, Thomas Speare,
Henry Bychlake, and John Drewe: Who say upon their
oath that the aforesaid Nicholas Wichehalse in the aforesaid
writ named long before his death was seized in his demesne
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 243
as of fee of and in the Manor of Lynton and Countisbye,
otherwise Countisberye, with appurtenances, and of and in
thirty messuages, two corn mills, thirty gardens, 40 ac. of
knd, 100 ac. meadow, 200 ac. pasture, 100 ac. wood, 1000 ac.
furze and heath and 20s. of rent with appurtenances in
Lynton and Countisbye, otherwise Countisberye, in the
county aforesaid and common of pasture for all animals in
Exmore in the said county of Devon. And of and in the
manor of LinkcoH[ibe,otherwise Lincombe, with appurtenances,
and of and in 20 messuages, 3 Tofts, 3 mills, 2 Dovecotes,
20 gardens, 20 orchards, 50 ac. land, 100 ac. meadow, 500 ac.
pasture, 100 ac wood, 100 ac. furze and heath and 40s. rent,
with appurtenances in Lincombe and Ilfordcombe in the
aforesaid County of Devon ; 1 messuage, one stable, 2 solars and
one garden, etc., in Barnstaple, etc. ; 8 messuages, 8 gardens,
100 ac. land, 40 ac. meadow, 200 ac. pasture, 20 ac. wood,
40 ac. marsh, 100 ac. furze and heath, etc., called Knighacott,
Collacott, Lake, Bukington, Westnorthpill, Eastnorthpill, with
Le Clay pittes and certain lands not measured in Fremington
aforesaid and now or late in several tenures and occupations
of Hugh Hill, Simon Hawleigh, William Sherland, Arnold
Evans in right of Beaton his wife, William Norman, Joan
Parker, John Tawton and Agnes Westlake. And of and in
20 ac. land, 4 ac. meadow, 20 ac. pasture, 2 ac. wood, 12 ac. furze
and heath, etc., called Bukington, in parish of Fremington,
now or late in tenure and occupation of Agnes Sage ; 10 ac.
land, 10 ac. meadow, 20 ac. pasture, 20 ac. furze and heath
called Eastnorthpill, Newbank, all the old park as far as
Bagpoole weare in Fremyngton in tenure and occupation of
Agnes Saige ; and the aforesaid Nicholas Wichehalse so being
seized on 20 Jan., 40th year of Elizabeth, etc. (1598), by his
deed indented dated same day and year for the natural love
and affection borne towards one Hugh Wichalse his son and
heir apparent and for continuance of his lands and tenements
in the name and blood of the same Nicholas, gave, granted and
enfeoffed to certain Hugh Acland,Esq., and Philip Pyne, Gent.,
all and singular the Manors, lands and tenements aforsaid,
etc., etc., and also by the name of all that his mansion house
in Barnstaple, etc., to have and to hold, etc., etc., to the uses,
intents and purposes in the same indenture mentioned, etc.,
etc. That is to say, to use of said Nicholas Whichehalse for
life, etc., etc., and to grant for 1, 2, or 3 lives at old accus-
tomed rents and services, etc., etc., then for use of aforesaid
Hugh Wichehalse and heirs male of his body, etc., etc., re-
mainders to Nicholas Wychehalse, 2nd son and heirs male,
q2
244 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
Arthur Wichehalse, 3rd son, etc., Robert Wichehalse, 4th
son, etc., Philip Wichehalse, 5th son, etc., and assigns of
Nicholas Wichehalse, etc., etc. And further the Jurors afore-
said say upon their oath aforesaid Manors of Lynton and
Countisbey are held of the said Lord the King by Knight
service in capite by ^-J^ Knight's Fee, etc., and are worth
per annum £10. Lyncombe held of Lord King in capite
^ Knights Fee, worth £H per annum. Messuage, etc., in
Barnstaple of Robert Chichester, Knight, as of his borough
of Barnstaple by fealty and rent of 3d., etc., worth 10s. per
annum.; messuages, etc., in Fremyngton of Lord the King
as of his manor of East Greenwich in free soccage and not
in capite by fealty and rent yearly of £21, worth nothing
during lives, etc., and after determination worth 5s., etc., etc
Jurors say held none other in said County, and aforesaid
Nicholas Wichehalse died about last day of October before
the taking of this inquisition, and that aforesaid Hugh
Wichehalse is his son and next heir and is at the time of the
taking of this inquisition of the age of 17 years, 10 montlis,
and 22 days, etc., etc John Ratenbury, Escheator.
Examined by Humfrey Were, feodary.
Transcripts sent to Courts of Wards and Exchequer by
W. Ravenscrofte.
No. 16.
RECORDS COURT OF CHANCERY.
FINE ROLL, 7 JAMES I, M. 28, No. 9.
Concerning lands to be delivered to Hugh Witchehalse,
the King to his escheator, in the county of Devon. Recites
inquisition 3 James I, etc., etc.
And because the aforesaid Hugh Wichehalse has attained
his full age of 21 years, and has well and faithfully paid all
the issues and profits of aforesaid Manors, etc, etc., from
the time of his full age until 10 Feb., to us due in the
Courts of our Wards and Liveries, etc., etc, we, for half a
mark to us on our Hanaper paid, have respited the homage
of the said Hugh Wichehalse to us in this behalf due until
the feast of All Saints next to come, and have taken the
fealty of the said Hugh Wichehalse to us in this behalf like-
wise due, and have yielded up to him the aforesaid manors,
etc. We therefore command that without delay thou cause
the same Hugh Wichehalse to have full seizin of the afore-
said manors, etc., etc.
Witness, the King at Westminster, 22 Feb.
By bill of the Court of Wards and Liveries, etc
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 245
No. \7.
ABSTRACT OF WILL OF JOHN WICHALSE OF LYNTON.
Dated 4 May, 1676; proved 3 May, 1677, by John Smith,
of Dulverton, gent., power reserved to Richard Blackford of
Danster, gent.; Eichard Parminter of Barnstaple, mercer,
and cosen Mrs. Mary Steevens. No inventory attached.
(Princ. Registry, Bp. of Exon.)
Directs all expensive funeral solemnities should be avoided.
Gives to poor of Lynton £3. Four daughters, Dorothy,
Susanna, Grace, and Elizabeth, £250 each at 21, and £12 per
annum for maintenance till then ; and if said Dorothy did
not within six weeks of Testator's death convey to person
to whom testator had devised his land of inheritance all her
estate in tenement called Coombe in Countisbury, said legacy
and maintenance not to be paid.
Son Hugh £200 at 21 or marriage and £15 per annum,
and to be apprenticed to some laudable profession as soon as
he should be capable ; also to Hugh estate called Kings-
ground, adjoining Bartaine, of Blackpool, in South Molton.
Wife Susanna various gifts, including implements of hus-
bandry at his house called Ley, where he lived; Brother
Nicholas' servants, 5s. each.
Son John or such as should be Testator's heir at law
certain furniture, £30 per annum for maintenance, on con-
dition not to disturb testator's wife in quiet enjoyment of
hereditaments conveyed to her for jointure ; to son John all
moneys owing.
Children, books equally, board and lodging at Ley for 6
months after death at cost of wife. Exors. all heredita-
ments at Lynton and elsewhere on trust to pay debts,
legacies, and convey to heir at law. Disputes between
Trustees and heir at law to be settled by worthy and well-
beloved friend Nicholas Dennis, of Ijarnstaple, Esq.
Witnesses, Nicholas Cooke and William Meddow.
No. 18.
[Abstract']
Indenture dated 24 May, 1680, between John Wichehalse,
of Chard, Esq., and John Lovering, of Wear Gifford,
merchant.
John Wichehalse in consideration of, etc., did demise,
grant, etc., to John Lovering, etc, all that his manor and
lordship of Linton, with the rights, members' liberties, etc.,
246 DOCUMENTS BBLATINO TO THB HISTORY OF
and all messuages, etc., belonging to said manor, etc., and
also all common of pasture in the Forest or great Common
called Ex moor and elsewhere, common of Turbary, and all
other commons, wastes, etc., rents and customs, as well of
Free, customary, and other tenants, and also courts leet, view
of frankpledge, etc., wrecks of sea. Fishing, fowling, etc.
And all such woods and wood grounds as were then
granted and enjoyed, with any of the messuages, cottages
and tenements, which woods and undergrounds did hereto-
fore belong unto or was or were parcel or reputed parcel of
the Manor of Countisbye, als. Countisbury, adjoining to the
said Manor of Lynton, etc.
Except and always reserved unto the said John Wiche-
halse Ley and North Ground, containing about 20 acres, and
the late enclosed ground, about 16 acres, lately used with
Ley, etc., to hold same for term of 1000 years, under yearly
rent of Id., and services due to the King. In Covenants
against encumbrances are excepted estates by leases and
copy of court roll, etc., and such estates as should before
default of payment be granted by John Wichehalse.
No. 19.
[Abstract,]
Indenture dated 27 April, 1700, between Samuel EoUe, of
the Middle Temple, London, Esq., of one part; Dorothy
Levering, eldest daughter and one of the coheirs of John
Levering, late of Hudscott, Co. Devon, Esq., 2nd part;
Rt. Hon. Hugh Boscawen, of Trego thnan ; Samuel Eolle, of
Heanton, Esq. ; Nicholas Hooper, of Inner Temple, Esq. ;
Joseph Bailer, Barnstaple, gent. ; Richard Parmynter, Barn-
staple, merchant ; and Thomas Nott, of Mariansleigh, gent,
3rd part.
Whereas a marriage is intended to be solemnized between
said Samuel Rolle and Dorothy Lovering, etc. Trustees
named are enfeofifed of various lands of Samuel Rolle, and
also of lauds of Dorothy Lovering, viz. Manor of St. Peter
Hays, in parish of St. Thomas, lauds granted to Elizabeth
Bailer, mother of said Dorothy, for jointure, Higher Hud-
scott, Lower Hudscott, East Dennington, West Dennington,
Lerwill, Row Park, ChappePs Tenement, Whetstone, all in
Chittlehampton ; Chuggaton, Brealey's Tenement and Small-
ridge's in Swymbridge ; messuages and closes in S. Molton,
messuages in occupation of Richard Salisbury at Barnstaple;
moiety of Huxhill Barton, Weir Gififord ; moiety of Manor
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 247
of Countesbury, in parishes of Countesbury and Linton, with
all its lioyalties, Rights, members, and appurtenances;
moiety of N. Furshill, Lynton; moiety Eadspry, Linton;
one quarter of Spiranger, Linton; moiety of tenement in
East Ilkerton, in possession of Alexander Reed, Lynton;
moiety of Manor of Curry Revel ; moiety of manor of Five-
head, and all other manors, lands, of Dorothy Lovering in
Devon and Somerset in trust, etc., etc., etc. Children of
marriage, etc.
No. 20.
INQ. P.M., CHANCERY, VOL. 45, No 121.
[Abstract]
Inquisition taken at Colompton in Co. Devon, 9 November,
18 Henry VIII (a.d. 1526), after the death of Thomas
Pyne, by the oath of John Sanford, Edward Ford, John
Hake, John Manning, Humphrey Edgbastyn, Robert Facy,
William Mostyn, Roger Cadbery, John Pitte, William May,
Henry Hurdyng, Philip Herd, and John Hill, who say upon
oath that the said Thomas Pyne was seized of a messuage,
40 acres of land and pasture, 10 acres of meadow, and 100
acres of furze and heath in Lyne in the parish of Lynton, co.
Devon, in his demesne as of fee, and so thereof seized long
before his death he enfeoffed John Body and John Roke the
elder of the said premises during the life of Joan his wife to
hold to them for her use in the name of her dower and
jointure of the chief lords as appears by a charter dated
7 July, 2 Henry VIII (a.d. 1510). The said John Body and
John Roke the elder are still seized of the said premises to
the use aforesaid.
The said Thomas Pyne was also seized in his demesne as
of fee of 2 messuages, 40 acres of land and pasture, 10 acres
of meadow, and 200 acres of furze and heath in Thornworthy
and Ilkerdon in the same parish of Lynton, the same are held
of the King as of his manor of Bradnynch and are worth
22 shillings yearly clear.
The said Thomas Pyne died 2nd February, 14 Henry VIII
(a.d. 1523). Augustus Pine is his son and next heir, and
is now aged 21 years and more.
No. 21.
INQ. P.M. SER. II, CHANG. , VOL. 170, No. 16.
[Abstract]
Inquisition taken at Exeter Castle 14 April, 17 Eliz.
(A.D. 1575), after the death of Nicholas Pyne, Esquire.
248 D0CUM£KT8 BKLATINO TO THK HISTORY OF
The jurors find that he was seized of the Manor of Est
Downe, etc., etc., etc., also of the Manor of Wilhanger, in
the Parish of Ljnton, and other premises in co. Devon.
By deed dated 1 March, 17 Eliz., he enfeoffed John
Chichester and others of all the said premises to the uses of
his will. The said Manor of Wilhanger is held of the
queen as of her manor of Bradnych by the fourth part of
one Knight's fee, and is worth yearly 758. lOJ. The said
Nicholas Pyne died 1 Sept. last past. Philip Pyne is his
son and next heir, and at the date of his lather's death was
16 years of age and more.
Nicholas Pyne*s will is recited in this inquisition and his
property in King's Heanton.
No. 22.
INQ. P.M., CHANCERY, VOL. 260, No. 187.
[Abstract]
Inquisition taken at 31 Oct., 42 Eliz. (A.D. 1600),
after death of Philip Pyne.
The jurors say upon oath that lie was seized (inter alia) of
the Manor of Wilhanger, co. Devon, and by indenture dated
3 Aug., 41 Eliz., he demised, and to farm let to his sons
Edward and Philip all that tenement called Wilhanger, in
the parish of Lynton, with a wood called Greenwill wood in
the same parish for 90 years, they paying to the said Philip
the accustomed rents and services.
The same Manor of Wilhanger is held of the queen as of
her manor of Bradnych for the fourth part of one Knight's
fee, and is worth yearly clear £3. 15s. lOid.
The said Philip Pyne died at Eastdowne 17 Oct., 42 Eliz.
(a.d. 1600), and Lewis Pyne is his son and next heir, and
was aged 13 years and 14 days at the date of his father's
death.
No. 23.
WILL OF REV. RICHARD HARDING, OF MARWOOD.
Dated 2 Nov., 1773; proved 20 May, 1782, by John
Fosse, clerk, sole executor.
[A bstract]
To my nephew Philip Harding all that my manors of
Willanger, East Line, and Shortacombe, in the parish of
Linton, together with all lands, etc., which I lately purchased
of John Pine, Esq., upon trust during minority of his two
younger sons John and Bobert, to apply rents in affordiog
LYNTON AND CX)UNTISBURT. 249
and giving them the benefit not only of reading, writing,
and arithmetick, but also of grammatical and classic learn-
ing, and chiefly and above all instructions or causing them
to be instructed in the grounds and principles of the
Christian religion, and all commendable and good behaviour
as is likely to beget in them a virtuous and holy life, and to
render them useful members of human society.
On their coming of age East Line and Shortacombe to
John Harding. Broomholmes, part of Willanger, to Kobert
Harding. Eest of Willanger to John and Kobert as tenants
in common.
Codicil. Speaks of John Pine, Esq., now John Pine,
Clerk, and dispute as to chief rents of Willanger Manor.
Further Codicil. To Robert Harding £120, to be laid out
in repairing mansion of East Line.
Rev. R. Harding died 7 May, 1782.
No. 24.
[Abstract.]
Indenture made 3 Dec, 1632, between Sir Robert Bassett
of Heanton Drewgarden in the county of Devon, Armiger,
Andrew Bassett, Esq., son and heir apparent of the said Sir
Robert Bassett and Eleanor Bassett, daughter of the said
Sir Robert Bassett, of the one part, and John Knight the
younger, of Linton in the said County of Devon, yeoman,
of the other part. After reciting deed 8 May, 15 King
James, selling and granting to Sir Edward Chichester and
Arthur Hatche, Esq., certain lands in Linton for term of
1000 years, etc., etc., Transfer part to John Delbridge, etc.,
Transfer to Eleanor Bassett 5 Nov., 20 James I, also
reciting deed 13 Nov., 18 James I, granting and selling to
Joseph Delbridge and Matthew Tooker certain lands, etc.,
reciting death of John Delbridge, and that Matthew Tooker
by deed dated 17 Feb., 20 James I, granted to Arthur Bassett,
also reciting deed 6 July, 6 Charles I, Sir Robert Bassett
and Arthur Bassett to Eleanor Bcussett,
Sir Robert, Arthur, and Eleanor Bassett grant, enfeoff,
bargain and sell to John Knight the younger, his heirs and
assigns for ever, the messuages, lands, and tenements called
West Lyne, in parish of Linton, and certain other lands
called Mettecombe and Lynham then in tenure of John
Knight the elder, Northlake in parish of Lynton, in tenure
of John Davie and Henry Davie, tenement at Babbrooke
Mill in occupation of Richard Rooke and Beaton his wife, to
250 D0GUICENT8 RIELATING TO THS BISTORT OF
be bolden of Chief-Lord of the fee by rents and services due
and by right accustomed. Covenants as to free of encum-
brance and Warranty of Title and power to John Grease and
Bichard Eooke to deliver seizin.
No. 25.
WILL OF JOHN KNIGHT, OF WEST LYNE, LYNTON.
Dated 24 June, 1732 ; proved 5 Dec, 1735 (Archdeacon's
Court of Barnstaple).
[Abstract,]
Gives West Lyn, Barbrook Mill Tenement, Stock Tene-
ment and all other his lands of inheritance to John Richards,
Bector of Kentisbury, and to his kinsman Kichard Knight
in trust for his son Eichard Knight for life, remainder to
heirs male of Testator's son Richard Knight, remainder to
heirs female.
No. 26.
[Abstract,]
Deed, 14 and 15 June, 1791.
Lease and Release. Mary Knight, widow, relict of John
Knight, Rev. Richard Knight of Linton, clerk, eldest son
and heir at law of said John and Mary Knight, and Elizabeth
his wife of 1st part, William Devon, Esq., 2nd part, and
John Palfreman of 3rd part. Barring entail, right of dower,
granting West Lyne, Mettecombe, Lynliam, N. Stock, Babrook
tenement and Babrook Mill and Berry's tenement to William
Devon that he might become a perfect tenant till recovery,
recovery to be, North Stock for use of John Palfreman for
lives of Mary and Elizabeth Knight to pay them annuities,
remainder to use of Richard Knight for life and then to his
heirs and in Trust, expiration of term to use of Richard
Knight, his heirs and assigns, etc.
Recovery Trinity Term, 3 George III.
Described as 16 Messuages, 1 Mill, 13 Gardens, 550 acres
of land, 40 meadow, 400 pasture, 100 wood, 10 Furze and
Heath and common of pasture for all manner of cattle and
turbary in West Lyn, Mettecombe, Lynham, North Stock,
Babrook.
No. 27.
INQ. P.M., 6 JAMES I, P. 1, No. 188.
[Abstract,]
Inquisition taken at Tiverton, 11 July, 6 James I (A.D.
1608), on death of John Chichester, gent., say that John
LYNTON AND C0UNTI8BURY. 251
Chichester, father of the above, and Elizabeth his wife, were
seized in their demesne as of fee tail with reversion to right
heirs of John Marwood of Manor of Westcott amongst it.
Moiety of one messuage, 100 acres of land, 4 ac. meadow,
100 ac. of down in Furshill in p'sh of Lynton, also one
messuage, 40 acres in Westmeyddon and Estmeyddon in
p'sh of Parracombe, formerly the inheritance of said John
Marwood.
No. 28.
INQ. P.M., 3 CHARLES I, P. 129.
[Abstract.]
Inquisition taken at Barnstaple, 22 Aug., 3 Charles I, on
death of Eobert Chichester, Knight of Order of the Bath,
amongst other possessions was seized of
Capital Messuage of Croscombe als. Welcombe in parishes
of Mattinhoe and Lynton.
Recites that by indenture dated 20 Sep., 21 Jas. I, Cros-
combe als. Welcombe was settled, etc., etc.
No. 29.
EXCHEQUER BILL.
Mary Wichehalse of Lynton, widow, complt., and Popham
and Knight defd^.
[Abstract,]
John Wichehalse, Esq., her late husband, was in lifetime
seized of fee of Manors and Lordships of Lynton and Countis-
bury, with all rights and appurtenances which by several
descents or remainders came to him from Nicholas Wiche-
halse of Barnstaple, merchant. That from time immemorial
the manors being parcell of the possessions of the Monastery
of Ford in Devon had a certain royalty or franchise or liberty
of fishing within the river of Seveme adjoining unto the
several shores and coasts thereof, which said fishery the
Abbots did ever possess and enjoy and have the sole right
of fishing therein by such persons only to whom they
granted licences. Fishery extended from Ley Mouth, the
most westward point of Lynton Manor, all along the shore
and coast and spreading to the middle current and thred of
water running or flowing in River Severn and up the said
channel to eastern part of Countisbury Manor, and so far
into the breadth of the channel as to be half way between
Lynton and Countesbury aforesaid and Wales. That time
out of mind there hath been due unto the Lords of Lynton
and Countisbury a certain due called Keelage for all barks.
252 D0GUMKNT8 BELAHNO TO THK HISTORY OF
boats or vessels coming into Leymouth harbour, which is
formed by Leymouth river and hath the soil of Lynton on
west side and soil of Countisbury on east side, which duty
for bark or larger vessell was two shillings per time, toties
quoties any such bark did anchor keel or moare within
harbour, whereof one shilling was payable in respect of
Lynton manor and the other shilling in right of Countisbury
manor. And for smaller boats rate of keelage was fourpence
or some such sum, one half in right of Lynton and other half
in right of Countisbury, which rates owners or masters of
every bark, boat or craft did always pay — not only on account
of royalty, but on account of the said John Wichehalse and
his ancestors and predecessors being Lords of several Lord-
ships aforesaid did set up posts of great substance and at
great expense of setting up and maintaining same, to which
vessels are moored to save them from ground sea, very rowle-
ling and dangerous there.
That John Wichehalse by indenture bearing date 7 Jan.,
1679, did bargain and sell and convey manor of Countis-
bury unto John Levering of Wear Gifford, gent., saving
always and except thereout the royalty of iSshing for herrings
in the sea thereto adjoining and the custom or benefit of
keelage. That on or about ... day of Sept., 1705, John
Wichehalse did sign and seal his last will and testament, and
did thereby give and bequeath his lands, manors and tene-
ments in Lynton, High Bickington and S. Molton to Mary
his wife, her heirs and assigns for ever, and did further give
and bequeath unto Mary his daughter and her assigns for
ever, after the decease of Mary his wife, East Leymouth,
and made Mary his wife sole executrix, soon after which he
died.
That Hugh Popham, David Knight and Walter Knight
being owners of several barks and other boats trading and
resorting to and lying within Leymouth Harbour, for which
keelage hath been due.
And said Mary Wichehalse also claims all wreck in and
upon the Eiver Severn by right of prescription so far as
middle current or filum aquse which divides the English and
the Welsh coast fronting Lynton and Countisbury, and that
defendants ought to have paid your oratrix the sums due for
keelage, of which her said husband had no account, by living
for some years at London for their business, so far from
Lynton and Countisbury, that your oratrix having proved
said will in due form, and taken out letters of administra-
tion in the P.C.C., is entitled to account of wrecks; that
LYNTON AND COUNTISBURY. 253
defendants have intruded into and usurped her right and
royalty to the loss of your oratrix's inheritance, the value
whereof very greatly depends on the profit and benefit of
the same, and refuse to come to account, pretending that
Jour oratrix's husband never had any right, or, if he had,
ad sold it away.
Prays that defts. shall show what exemption they have or
pretend to have, etc., etc.
No. 30.
WICHEHALSE WILLS IN COURT OF ARCHDEACON OF
BARNSTAPLE.
John Wichalls
. bond.
. Barnstaple, 4 May, 1604.
Nicholas Wichehalse
.will
. Barnstaple, 5 Feb., 1607.
Nicholas Wichehalse
. a/c
. Barnstaple, 24 March, 1611.
John Wichehalse
. Barnstaple, 3 Nov., 1619.
Robert Wichehalse, gent. . will
. Tawstock, 7 Oct., 1643.
Dorothy Wichehalse
.ad.
. Lynton, 5 June, 1663.
EHzabeth Witchalse .
. will
. Tawstock, 2 Dec, 1664.
Bridget Witxihalse
.ad.
. Lynton, 5 June, 1668.
Thomas Witchalse
.will
. Chittlehampton, June 4, 1686
Mary Wichalse
. ^^'ill
. Chittlehampton, 2 Feb., 1693
Hugh Witchalse
.ad.
. Lynton, 10 Jan., 1695.
No. 31.
INQUIS. P.M., 6 HENRY VII, SERIES II, VOL. 6.
[Abstract]
Mathia, late wife of John Carewe. Writ dated 12 Oct.,
Inq. 13 Nov., 6 Hen. VIL
That Thomas Wode, Thomas Greynevyle, Richard Chi-
chester, John Denys of Orlegh, John More of Columpton,
Robert Yeo, Esq., and John Yeo of Braunton, being seized,
etc., by deed dated 24 May, 4 Hen. VII, demised to Mathia,
etc., for the term of her natural life in dower, which they
had by gift and enfeoffment of Thomas Beaumont, Esq.,
deceased, that said Mathia died 10 June last, and Thomas
Mogeford, aged 40 and more, is her brother and next heir.
DEVON. Manor of Lyne worth 40s. held of Thomas
Pyne, as of manor of East Lyne by fealty for all services.
A messuage and 100 acres in Coffyns Heanton, held of
Kichard Pomery, Knight, as of the manor of Bury Pomeroy,
by fealty for all manner of services.
254 DOCUMENTS RKLATINO TO LYNTON AND COUNTISBUBY.
No. 32.
INQ. P.M., 4 HKNRY VII, SERIES II, VOL. I, No. 8.
Thomas Beaumont, dated 13 Nov., 4 Hen. VII, seized of
Mainor of Lyne, held of Edward Earl of Warwick, who is
now in king's custody, as of honor of Gloucester, by service
of ifii a Knight's Fee.
No. 33.
Deed dated 19 May, 2 Richard^ III. Thomas Beaumont
enfeofifed John Dennys of Orleigh,'etc., as in No. 31, Manor
of Lyne, Coffyns Heanton, etc.
NOTES ON NORTH DEVON POTTERY OF THE
SEVENTEENTH, EIGHTEENTH, AND
NINETEENTH CENTURIES.
BY T. CHARBONNIER.
(Read at Lynton, Jiily, 1906 )
Among the specimens of clay in the Museum of Practical
Geology, was one labelled, "Potter's clay. Post Tertiary,
Fremington, near Barnstaple." And the catalogue added :
" Extensively used in North Devon for the manufacture of
common pottery fired at a low heat : at a high temperature
the ware becomes vesicular, and expands to such an extent
that bricks made of it when overfired will float in water/'
Around this bed of clay, which lies between Barnstaple
and Bideford, numerous potteries have risen, flourished, and
mostly disappeared — the earliest dating back to an unknown
distance in the seventeenth century. Two of these old pot-
works — the North Walk Pottery at Barnstaple and
Crocker's old pottery at Bideford — have vanished during
the last few years. The kilns of the latter bear, or lately
bore, a seventeenth-century date.
Tradition only remains of pot-works at Fremington and
Instow. The pot-works established at Muddlebridge by
George Fishley at the end of the eighteenth century have
been moved to Combrew, where a pottery already existed,
and no traces of the works at Muddlebridge remain. George
Fishley was succeeded by his son Edmond, and Mr. E. B.
Fishley, the present proprietor, is the third generation of a
family of potters. Robert Fishley worked at the pottery in
1836, and resided in a cottage at the works. John Pidler
was wheelman there a century ago, and " John Pidler his
hand " is inscribed on a jug. George Fishley was the first
Fremington potter to use coal in firing his ware.
At Crocker's old pottery, Bideford, established 1668, two
jugs in the collection were made by George Dennis, who
worked for Crocker. Dennis's daughter married Mr. Milton,
256 NOTES ON NORTH DEVON POTTKBY.
who succeeded to the works, and finally closed them in 1896.
I repeatedly visited the works during his management and
found some quaint shapes, now extinct, but Milton was not
a successful potter and only made the commonest warea
The potter's signature, " John Hoyle, 1860/* is on a harvest
pitcher probably made at these works; "John Phillip
Hoyle, 1852," on another, and "John Hoyle" on a money-
box.
There is an old pottery at East-the-Water, Bideford,
which produces only coarse plain ware, but a dozen yean
ago produced some decorated ware. Henry Phillips, who
died in 1894, was partner with the present Mr. BadcliflTe^
the potter still at work at East-the-Water, where only the
commonest ware is now produced; some quaint old shapes
are still sometimes made, but in the sixties and eighties
H. Phillips made handsome jugs and dishes deeorated in
sgratlito.
l^arnstaplc had fiot-works in Litchdon Street worked by
Levering about the end of the eighteenth century, after-
wards by a potter named Bendle, and later by Mr. Brannam,
father of the present proprietor, who still carries on the
works as an extensive and successful manufactory of Boyal
Barum "Ware. The North Walk Pottery, now pulled down,
was formerly owned by Rendle & Son, later by Mr. Brannam ;
and evidence obtained, on or near the site, is conclusiye that
here was one of the oldest pot-works at the beginning of
the eighteenth century and probably far back into the
seventeenth century.
I have never heard of any Eoman or early British pottery
being found in North Devon.^ Two or three pieces of late
medieval ware have come from the Eiver Taw, but there is
nothing to show that they are of local manufacture.
Burton, the British iluseum Catalogue, and other author-
ities scarcely refer to North Devon, and only incidentally as
a locality, among others, where coarse peasant pottery was
made, but probably not before the eighteenth century.
Wrotham, Statibrdshire, the Metropolis, Derbyshire, and
other localities are well represented by their pottery in
museums and other collections, but examples of North
Devon ware are very few. A fine harvest jug in the British
Museum, dated 1708 ; another in Hodgkin's book on "Early
English Pottery" (No. 210), " said to be of Devonshire manu-
^ This paper being concerned with pottery of the seventeenth and subse-
quent centuries, my notes are confined to the neighbourhood of the Frcming-
ton clay beds.
Bll>EFORI\ HAHVKST PITCHFR.
Notes on North Devos roTTERY. — To ftut p. 256.
BARNSTAPLE, NORTH WALK. CUP AND PLATE.
BARNSTAPLE, NORTH WALK.
MOULD FOR RAISED TILES, AND TILE MADE IX OLD MOULD.
To face p, 257.
NOTES ON NOKTH DEVON POTTERY. 257
facture'*; and one in the collection of the late W. Edkins,
" probably made in Wales or the west of England," are all
three unquestionable North Devon specimens.
Of the eighteenth-century wares of similar nature that
most nearly resemble the North Devon ware, Donyat
(Ilminster) in Somerset and Pencoed in Wales are most
like, but specimens are generally easily distinguishable. All
other eighteenth-century wares of the class, that I have
examined, difier considerably ; and the examples this paper
attempts to describe will, I think, show that the North Devon
ware has considerable local character, and is not deficient in
quaintness and sometimes beauty of shape, and, in well-fired
examples, in the richness and depth of colour which makes
the Toft ware of Stalibrdshire so attractive ; indeed, there is
so much similarity in the material and process of manufac-
ture, that it would be strange if it were not similarly
successful.
This North Devon ware was made at a number of small
pot-works in remote districts, producing the jugs, baking-
dishes, flower-pots, ovens, butter-pots, etc., for the neighbour-
hood, or, as in the case of Fremiugton, exporting into
Cornwall pilchard-pots, and into Cornwall and Wales
ovens, etc., the decorated or ornamental pieces being merely
occasional presentation pieces for neighbours, usually harvest
pitchers, for use at harvest or sheep-shearing gatherings.
These pieces, sometimes treasured for a time in farmsteads
and cottages, and the tiles, to which I will refer presently,
are the few remaining pieces of this, at its best, veiy perishable
pottery. Every trace of a country pottery is lost in a very
few years — not so strange if we remember how little is known
of many important china-works of the eighteenth century
in Staffordshire, Bristol, and Lowestoft.
The products of the potteries at Barnstaple, Bideford, and
Fremington, and perhaps those of other works that have
left no trace behind, are, owing to the same materials and
processes being used, often impossible to separate from each
other ; but around this small clay field there were different
types in different places. Bideford was probably the source
of most of the harvest pitchers, especially of those decorated
with ships, as would be special to a seaport, but some were
also made at Barnstaple and Fremington. Puzzle-jugs were
made at Barnstaple. The North Walk Pottery turned out
at an unknown distance of time beaker-shaped cups, one of
which was found in the Taw, and many pieces on the site
of the pottery, and in sherd-heaps on the banks of the Yeo
VOL. xxxviii. B
258 NOTES ON NOETH DEVON POTTERY.
opposite the pot-works. An important manufacture there
was plates and dishes of various size and section, cuid gener-
ally decorated, sometimes elaborately, in sgrafl&to, ie. mostly
covered with white clay slip and with incised patterns;
large quantities of fragments, both in the biscuit state and
glazed, plain and slipped, were found in the refuse-heaps
from the pottery, on the banks of the river, where the
broken and imperfect pieces were thrown away. A few
more fragments of similar dishes were found in the Backfield
close by, at a small depth below the surface of old pasture.
Extensive as the demand for these dishes must have been,
judging from the heap of fragments, not a single piece has
to my knowledge been found above ground.
Eight or ten years ago butter-steans at Crocker's, Bideford,
were quite different in shape from the degenerate butter-pots
of Fremington and Barnstaple. At East-the-Water Pottery
money-boxes and pipkins, the latter diflferent in type from
those of Barnstaple and Bideford, were made within my re-
collection, as were also oven pitchers or potato-pots at Fre-
mington, specially for the South Molton bakers ; also from
the same pottery came owFs heads, for whitepot, an old-
fashioned dish, now still made, but not as cooking pots, but
as art pottery.
An old domestic implement was the earthen lamp, of two
different types from Barnstaple and Fremington, said to have
been still used at the latter place half a century ago.
The great crock of 1724, for some home-brewed liquor,
passed through the form of the degenerate pilchard-pot for
the Cornish fishermen, and has now ceased to be made.
Of posset-pots, one with a seventeenth-century date is in
the possession of a Barnstaple potter. Porringers may still
sometimes be seen in the markets, as paint-pots.
Fremington clay was universally used for the body of the
ware, never Bideford pipe-clay; pipe-clay very generally
as a slip covering part, or the whole, of the surface,
rarely in splashes, as in the pie-dishes or spirals poured on
the revolving dish ; it is strange this process should never
have extended to other decoration in poured-on slip, as it
did in the Midlands. For ovens, tiles, pipkins, etc., Bideford
gravel was mixed with the clay, to harden the ware, always
the galena native sulphide of lead for the glaze, no doubt
originally dusted on to the ware, as with the older potters
elsewhere. Decoration in sgraffito, i.e. scratched through
the slip of pipe-clay to produce the pattern. In Freming-
ton only, of the time of George Fishley, manganese-brown
NOTES ON NORTH DEVON POTTERY. 259
and the addition of modelled or cast ornament in pipe-clay
or mixed red and white clay, giving this ingenious craftsman
a scale of colour similar to Toft ware.
The galena glaze, though decidedly objectionable from the
sanitary point of view, is probably the secret of the exceed-
ingly deep and rich colour on some of the old wares. The
efforts of the modern potter to produce variety of colour
and whiteness of body being hindered by the intensely
yellow colour of the galena glaze, has led to the use of red
lead and other glazes, and even leadless glaze, and the depth
and rich quality of glaze of the old ware is lost to us for ever.
The old churches of the neighbourhood still contain large
numbers of embossed tiles, and no doubt a careful examina-
tion of those still in situ would afford information as to
dates. Few fragments of them have been found underground
on or near pottery sites, but a mould in wood for stamping
them was found in the North Walk, a carved wood block,
which is shown, together with tiles pressed in it, and made
of Fremington clay and Bideford gravel, and glazed with
galena, showing what these tiles were like when fresh from
the potters kiln; most of these tiles are much the worse
for wear, but the admixture of gravel in the clay has given
them considerable hardness compared with the unmixed clay,
which bears out the character for softness given it by the
Geological Museum. The ware generally was very badly
fired, though hard-fired pieces are considerably the best.
From the fragments it can be seen that the firing was most
unequal, parts of the body being grey in colour instead of a
rich red, as the well-fired portions are. I am told that the
kilns originally were open at the top like limekilns and the
contents roofed over with old crocks.
A further evidence of the manufacture of these embossed
tiles in Barnstaple is found in certain roughly shaped bats
of clay (and gravel), with the pattern of such a mould partly
impressed on the top, sides, and front ; one of these bats of
clay in the possession of Mr. Brannam was found in pulling
down the North Walk Pottery, another with marks of sub-
sequent use in the fire is from an old closed-up fireplace in an
old house in the High Street, Barnstaple, and two in the
North Devon Athenaeum were excavated when the Long
Bridge was altered: these are dated 1655, the earliest date I
can produce. Still another of these clay fire-dogs is in the Free
Library at Bideford, and is slipped with pipe-clay, glazed,
and has a roughly modelled head applied on the front.
Some of these tiles from Bristol Cathedral *and Bitton
r2
260 NOTES ON NORTH DEVON POTTERY.
Church, in the Victoria and Albert Museum, are labelled
fourteenth century, and are apparently identical with tiles
made in the North Walk Pottery in the latter half of the
seventeenth century. The patterns are varied, most
commonly a fleur-de-lis, but floral devices, Tudor roses,
lions, swans, and human heads and figures occur — all of
quite a medieval character. Of course these tiles may not
all have been made in Barnstaple; some are dated 1708,
and some, in the possession of Mr. Hamlyn Chichester, 1661.
The names given to different sizes of pitchers are worth
recording. Yellow drum pitchers with tops slipped in pipe-
clay and made for harvest use. Then beginning with the
largest red pitchers, long toms, forty tales, guUymouths,
pinchgutts, sixties, and penny jugs.
The terms forty tales and sixties refer to the number in a
dozen or tale, a unit that contained more of the smaller and
less of the larger sizes, and was of uniform value ; a similar
way of counting formerly prevailed in the Stafifordshire
potteries. There were also land dozens of thirty-nine and
sea dozens of sixty, and milk-pans are still sold eighteen to
the dozen.
The different sizes of pilchard-pots were known as great
crocks, buzzards, and gallons.
I do not know if the poetical inscriptions on the harvest jugs
are any of them peculiar to North Devon ; here are a few :
The tulip and the butterfly
Appears in gayer coats
Than I at ome be drest
Fine as those worms
Excell nie still.
This small jug in friendship take
And keep it for the givers sake.
"Wlien I was in my native place
1 was a lump of clay
And digged was out of the earth
And brouglit from thence away
But now I am a jug become
By potters art and skill
And now your servant am become
And carry ale I will.
Drink to me with your heart
And fill up unto tne mark
Then dnnk me dry
Without spilling or you will.
When this you see remember me
And keep me in your mind
Let all the world say what they ^vill
Speak of me as you find.
From rocks and sands and every ill
May God protect the sailor still.
PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NOETH DEVON.
BY THOMAS YOUNG, M.R,C.S.
(Read at Lyiiton, Jnly, 1006.)
More than forty years ago Mr. Townshend Hall collected
flint flakes in North Devon, and these are to be seen in the
Athenaeum at Barnstaple.
Those who have studied the Transactions of the Devon-
shire Association will have read papers by Mr. Burnard,
Mr. Francis Brent, and Mr. Spence Bate, in which mention
is made not only of the finding of mere flint flakes, but also
of the discovery of others — flints trimmed to a cutting edge,
borers and awls with sharpened points, scrapers and arrow-
heads, and an occasional axe-head ground to a sharp edge.
Mr. Hairs collection consists only of flakes and cores.
These other gentlemen have succeeded in finding definite
flint instruments on Dartmoor and in other localities in the
county of Devon. In 1903 I first visited the site of Mr.
Hall's discoveries near Croyde, finding, as he did, abundance
of flakes and cores. Among them was a tiny flake which,
though it lay for two years unnoticed, had some secondary
chipping along one edge. 1 showed some of my specimens
to Mr. Charles H. Bead, one of the curators of the British
Museum. He drew my attention to the discovery in dif-
ferent parts of the world of certain minute flakes of very
delicate workmanship — the so-called Pigmy Implements.
They are figured and described by Mr. Bead in his Guide
to the Antiquities of the Stone Age, 1902, also in more
detail by Sir Jolm Evans and Professor Windle. But I
believe there is no record among the Transactions of the
Devonshire Association of any discovery of the kind in
this county.
Mr. Read encouraged me to continue my investigations,
and I determined to keep a good look out for the " pigmy
flints."
Between Morthoe and Croyde, from time to time I found
a number of flakes of little or no interest — I never missed
262 PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NOETH DEVON.
picking up all I could see. But it was not until the winter
of 1904 that among these flakes I began to recognize the
rare and occasional occurrence of pigmy implements.
Six specimens are illustrated by Sir John Evans in his
book on " Stone Implements *' — three of them came from a
kitchen-midden at Hastings, and three from the Vindhya
Hills of India. Their shapes are seen at a glance to be
identical.
"Curiously enough," he remarks, "identical forms have been
found in some abundance on the Vindhya Hills and the Banda
district, India ; at Helouan, E<(ypt, in France, and in the district
of the Meuse, Belgium. Such an identity of form at places
geographically so remote does not imply any actual communication
between those who made the tools, but merely shows that some of
the requirements of daily life, and the means at command for
fulfilling them being the same, tools of the same character have
been developed irrespective of time or space."
One is quite willing to admit the truth of this in regard
to instruments the general utility of which is suflSciently
obvious, such as arrow-heads, scrapers, and celts. But when
applied to instruments whose uses are hidden in such
obscurity as is the case with these we are considering, the
statement may require some modification.
Professor Windle, in his "Eemains of the Prehistoric
Age in England," gives an engraving of fifteen of them. He
divides them into four classes : —
Crescent.
Scalene.
Bounded and pointed.
Ehomboidal.
" Of the so-called Indian varieties, the remarkable point is that
the forms in India and the forms in England are identical — a fact
which some have thought points to a communication between
these countries at a very early period. Others, on the contrary,
only see in the resemblance a common result of a common need."
In France they have been discovered at Bruniquel and
Garancieres (Seine et Loire), and have been divided by
M. ThieuUen into triangular or amygdaloid, concave-
crescentic, bevelled, and other varieties.
" The localities in which they have been found are not numerous
in this country [England], but where they have been discovered
they seem to exist in great numbers, and when accompanied by
other implements, these implements belong rather to early than
late types of Neolithic manufacture " (Ibid,),
PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON. 263
Mr. Gratty has found these little tools on the sand dunes
in North Lincolnshire, and many thousands of them in the
valley of the Don in Yorkshire. Dr. CoUey Marsh has
found them far from the sea on the Pennine range at an
altitude of 1300 ft., and has presented a series of them to
the British Museum.
They have also been found at Lakenheath, Suffolk. They
occur, no doubt, in other districts, but owing to their
diminutive size they may readily escape observation.
The probable utility of these little implements, which
have been produced in such large numbers and at the
expenditure of so much time and trouble, is still an open
question. I do not consider as satisfactory any of the
suggestions that have been made as to their use. That they
appear to be connected with the early development of Indo-
European races gives the study of them a peculiar interest
to ourselves.
All we can say at present is that the free sharp edge of
the flake was probably let into wood in such a manner that
the worked portion may have formed part of the armature
of some kind of implement in common use among Neolithic
peoples. The rhomboidal flints seem specially adapted for
such a purpose.
The method of mounting a series of flint flakes in a
wooden handle dates from the time of the early Egyptians
(Falc(5 de Selco), and a sharpened flint let into wood has
been found in the Swiss lake dwellings. Evans suggests
that
" the insertion of one edge of a flake of flint into a piece of
wood involves no great trouble, while it would shield the fiDgers
from being cut, and would tend to strengthen the flint."
He also endeavours to prove that the curious little bevelled
flakes from Kent's Cavern, which bear such a close re-
semblance to the larger kind of Pigmy Implements, were
employed in a similar manner during the later part of the
Palaeolithic Age. These are manufactured from simple
triangular or polygonal flakes. The thin edge of the flake
is left free, and the thick edge is worked throughout. In
one form the edge of the flake is bevelled ofiT, and in another,
and rarer form, both ends are bevelled. One or two speci-
mens of much the same character were found at St.
Madelaine; and in other French caves some extremely
slender flakes have been found with one edge worn away
and the other left untouched, which points to their having
264 PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON.
been inserted in some sort of handle. Mr. Pengelly has
pointed out that the larger implements found in Kent's
Cavern resembling those from the river gravels
"belong to the breccia at the base of the cave-deposits rather
than to the cave-earth above, in which thinner and more deli-
cately worked forms have been found." He considers "that there
was a considerable interval of time between the two deposits, and
that there was a difference between the fauna of the one and the
other."
We may conclude, therefore, that the very delicately
bevelled flakes we have just been considering came out of
the cave-earth above the breccia, and belong, therefore, to a
comparatively later period of the Palaeolithic Age. They
bear a striking resemblance in shape and design to certain
of the larger Pigmy Implements I have found near Croyde.
In fact, one figured in Evans is only one-fifth of an inch
longer, and the same breadth as a large scalene flint in my
collection.
I have gone rather fully into these comparisons because
any facts which may help us to fill up the interval that
separates the two Stone Periods have a particular interest at
the present moment. The gap that has been supposed to
exist between the latest cave-dwellers and the men whose
flint implements lie scattered over the surface of the globe
appears to be wider where our own country is concerned
than is the case with the adjoining Continent, where recent
investigations in the south of France are tending to bridge
it over.
The flint implements found in the neighbourhood of Croyde
are as a rule small in size and poor in quality. This is due, no
doubt, to the indifferent character of the raw material which
has been obtained from pebbles from the shore, and its raised
beaches, also to the distance of thirteen miles which separates
it from the nearest deposit of flint nodules across the
estuary.
The diminutive size of particular implements, however,
does not entitle them to be regarded as Pigmy Flints.
These little implements possess distinctive characteristics
essential to themselves and quite apart from their minute
dimensions. A selection of specimens obtained on Baggy
Point vary in size from half an inch to an inch in length,
by one-eighth to a quarter of an inch in breadth.
They have been made from small ridged or wedge-shaped
flakes, which have been carefully selected, so as to require
PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON. 265
only a small amount of chipping to produce the desired
effect. The flakes are often almond-shaped, with the bulb of
percussion at the broader end, the opposite end being
narrower and tapering to a point. The reverse side of the
flake is always flat, as is the rule with the earlier types of
implements. The sharpest and thinnest edge is left un-
touched, but the thick edge is carefully worked to an even
surface by successive strokes of the flaking tool, usually
along its whole length ; but when the thicker edge of the
flake is slightly curved towards its point, as is often the
case, only a little bevelling is required to finish it.
In order to obtain these flakes a shore pebble of suitable
size was first broken into two unequal parts. The larger-
sized portion was then held between the thumb and finger
of the left hand, with the fractured surface uppermost. A
series of external flakes were next detached by striking the
raw edge of the core with a hammer-stone. In this way the
external flakes were got rid of, then one or more ridged
flakes were detached, until the core, no longer capable of
being held on account of the danger of bruising the thumb
of the operator, was thrown aside with the refuse.
On the spot where pigmy implements were made, we
should expect to find some of the smaller cores from which
these little flakes have been struck, and many have been
found. Many of the rhomboidal flakes have no doubt been
struck from cores of ordinary dimensions, and afterwards
shortened to the required length.
I have one small core which shows signs of abrasion at
the apex, probably occasioned by contact with an anvil-
stone during the process of detaching the flakes. It
measures only three-quarters of an inch in length, and the
same diameter at the base.
I f oimd a small fabricator in an old occupation on Saunton
Down, suitable for bevelling the edges of pigmy flints. It
is far smaller than the ordinary flaking tools in my collec-
tion. I have often visited the spot, which was investigated
by Mr. Townshend Hall in 1863. It lies between Croyde
Bay and Baggy Point, where the little stream falls into
the sea. It was wlien he was tracing a stratum rich in
Ukynchonella jileurodon that he came on some flint flakes,
scratched out by rabbits, as he was ascending the side of the
cliff from the cave beneath. He made excavations here, and
discovered the remains of an urn, and many flakes and
cores. A selection of the flakes obtained from this spot
have been recently mounted on two cards by the Curator of
266 PIGKY FLINT DIPLEMKNTS IN NORTH DEVON.
the Athenaeum just as they were figured in the "Intellectual
Reviewer/' where Hall gives an account of the discovery.
After every storm a few flakes and cores may be picked
up amongst the pebbles which cover the floor of the cave.
They are worn and polished by the action of the waves.
Half way along the floor of the cave the top of a large
erratic boulder is generally exposed to view. Pigmy
implements were probably made at the site of Hall's
excavations. My first pigmy implement came from there.
Extremely delicate flakes abound in the soil, and numbers
of them are washed out after every rain storm. But a more
important site of manufacture is a ridge of land overlooking
"the flat piece of ground eighty yards square," which is
situated above the cave where Mr. Hall's excavations were
made. A stone wall divides that portion of the ridge which
is under cultivation from the grass land next to the sea.
Now whenever the soil on the summit of this ridge has
been turned over by the plough, and exposed for a time to
the weather, a quantity of flint flakes are brought to the
surface, as well as a number of cores and rough external
flakes of all sizes and shapes. Numbers of internal flakes,
also with sharp clean-cut edges, showing no traces of second-
ary chipping, have evidently been cast away as worthless.
They are all highly patinated. Some, however, have their
edges notched and worn with use, others are sharpened at
the end ; in rare instances hammer-stones and a few scrapers
of moderate quality have been picked up. These are easily
distinguished from other specimens by their chalky-white
colour and weather-worn appearance. From among this
abundant material I have collected from time to time many
of my specimens of pigmy implements. Everything here
is suggestive of a very early occupation. A field which is
nearest to the extremity of Baggy Point was occupied
probably at a later period, for a much finer class of imple-
ments is found there. Many of these are lustrous but not
patinated.
Following the direction of the little stream inland for a
distance of half a mile in an easterly direction, one arrives
at its source. Here is a low boggy place, around which are
scattered quantities of chipped flints ; and amongst them I
have picked up several pigmy implements. These also are
well patinated, and are found in association with refuse
flakes and cores, occasional hammer-stones, and coarse
scrapers.
In the neighbourhood of Spreacombe remarkably good
PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON. 267
flint instruments have been found. I have several fine
scrapers, and some of the arrow-heads are both stemmed and
barbed
In nearly all cases the original colouring of the fractured
surfaces is retained. The percentage of worked implements
in that locality is higher than usual in relation to the
number of useless flakes. Few, however, bear the character-
istics of genuine pigmy flints, and I have only one or two
specimens which appear to belong to this class.
At Orleigh Court, south of Bideford, I have discovered
abundant evidence of the flaking of the flint nodules that
occur there. I have obtained arrow-heads, scrapers, boring
tools, and some very large cores, but up to the present I
have come across no pigmy flints. The flakes and instru-
ments found there are lustrous, but they are not often
patinated.
Seeing that numbers of pigmy flints have been picked up
upon sand dunes, and that flint implements have been found
in such abundance on the Glenluce sands, Wigtonshire, and
in still greater numbers also on the Culbin sands, Elgin,
where many of the specimens collected are exceedingly
minute, it has always struck me as surprising that I have
never yet succeeded in finding any implements or flakes of
any description whatever upon the large tract of sand hills
known as the Braunton Burrows. The same applies to the
burrows at Northam and at Croyde, and also to the sand
links that envelop the red sandstone clififs at the base of
Pickwell Down. At Woolacombe the flakes can be traced
right up to the sand links, but there they cease. But in the
spring of this year I found twenty-three pieces of flint on
the surface of a little patch of drift which lies in front of
the boat-house at the foot of the links.
Two or three of these fragments fit into one another and
are evidently portions of a pebble that has been broken on
the spot. The edges of the flakes are quite sharp, and their
surfaces grey with age. Some of them also have been
scorched by fire. They were embedded in a thin layer of
brown earthy clay which contained many particles of char-
coal. This is evidently a scrap of the old land surface, which
has only quite recently been exposed to view by the removal
of some of the dry sand round about it. It seems probable
that in most cases the level of old occupation is overlain
by the wind-blown sand.
I have continued Mr. Hall's investigations at Westward
Ho in association with Mr. Inkermann Kogers. At low-
268 PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON.
water mark, in the blue clay which is overlain by the sub-
merged forest, there exists a profusion of flint flakes and
cores. The fractured surfaces of these flakes have a pecuKar
grey colour. They lie underneath the peat bed, and are
curiously mottled and stained. Bones of the Keltic ox {Bos
longifrons), deer, and other animals belonging to the recent
period are found in association with them, together with
masses of shells of the oyster and other edible molluscs.
Among a quantity of refuse flakes are others of smaller size
and finer quality, their edges, however, as keen and true as
on the day when they were struck. They have lain undis-
turbed for centuries in a bed of consolidated mud, unabraded
by the ploughshare, or any contact with one another,
protected by the peat bed, and the trunks of bog-ash and
hazel which overlie them, whilst over these, again, are rolled
the sands and surf of the Atlantic. The submerged situa-
tion of this deposit, and the nature and extent of the
material that has slowly accumulated upon the site since
the time when it was inhabited by man, justify its claim to
belong to a period of remote antiquity. Half a decade of
millenniums, more or less, must have elapsed since man
chipped flints beneath the shade of these forest trees, whose
roots lie embedded in the old alluvium. There is a strong
resemblance in the quality of the flint refuse that exists
here to that which has been described, on the elevated ridge
near Baggy Point. Here also the flakes are highly patinated,
and no single implement worthy of the name has been
found amongst them. Many of the flakes and cores also
are so small tliat their only use would appear to consist in
the production of pigmy flints.
The limited area of this deposit as yet examined is not a
sufficient reason for our want of success in discovering
worked implements.
Such a large accumulation of bones and shells bears wit-
ness to a prolonged occupation. Moreover, Mr. Rogers has
found excellent flint implements close to the pebble ridge.
They were taken out of a bed of yellow clay, which is sub-
merged at high water, and they, too, were associated with
bones and shells.
There is good evidence that these fine instruments have
been made on the spot where they were found. Their
brown colour, and complete absence of patination, mark
them oft' as entirely distinct from the more deeply sub-
merged and highly patinated flakes which are found at the
low-water level.
PIGMY FLINT IMPLEMENTS IN NORTH DEVON. 269
Mr. Eogers assures me that his instruments belong to a
more recent occupation. I see no reason to abandon the
hope that future researches may lead to the discovery of
pigmy Hint implements in the deposit at low-water mark.
This suggestion affords the best explanation of the state of
affairs that occurs there, and enables us to account for the
presence of a quantity of refuse fragments of chipped flint,
occurring as it does at a particular spot which has evidently
been continuously occupied by man, a " kitchen-midden " in
fact, which is peculiar inasmuch as it has not yielded any
single example of a finished implement, broken or otherwise.
My belief is that this deposit will eventually turn out to be
the site of a manufactory of pigmy flints, and for this
reason I have ventured to allude to it in a paper describing
their occurrence in North Devon. Such little implements
may prove very difficult to find, and it may be by mere
accident that they can ever be discovered. The smallest
fragments are found deep down in the clay amongst the
pebbles of carboniferous limestone which constitute the base
of the deposit.
In the autumn of 1864 Mr. Hall noticed " the remains of
a number of pointed stakes driven into it in a kind of semi-
circle."
This circumstance is very suggestive of the previous
existence of a pile dwelling. The Swiss lake-dwellers used
to shoot their refuse through holes in the platform left for
the purpose, and many fine implements appear to have
fallen in accidentally with the rubbish.
This situation can only be investigated during low spring
tides, and is only exposed after the sand has been swept off
it by a continuance of westerly gales. This has not taken
place during the last two winters, and for this reason a more
searching investigation has not been possible.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF THE BOTANICAL
DISTEICTS OF BRAUNTON AND SHERWILL,
NORTH DEVON.
BY C. E. LARTER.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
The first sentence of this paper must be an expression of
indebtedness. To Messrs. W. Mitten, E. M. Holmes, F.L.S.,
H. N. Dixon, M.A., F.L.S., and Symers M. Macvicar I owe a
gratitude that no words of obligation can even faintly
indicate. In the following attempt to give some record of
the Cryptogams of our district all of my own that is of
value is owing to their most patient and unwearying aid.
Mr. Mitten — than whose name there is none more venerated
amongst the survivors of those great makers of bryology to
whose labours we owe all advance in the science — has, by
his own most generous proposal, been at the trouble to read
through the whole of my moss and hepatic lists, and has
added to them such records and remarks as therein appear
with his name appended. He has also allowed me the
great honour of giving to this Association the first publica-
tion of a hepatic new to science, found at Lynmouth by
himself, and just differentiated and named. Full particulars
of this species will be found in the section concerned with
the hepatics of the district.
To Mr. E. M. Holmes every specimen of Algae men-
tioned has been submitted. But for the impulse he gave
when visiting Ilfracombe in 1903, and his continual kind
instruction since, I should not have thought of taking up
their study. Mr. H. N. Dixon has determined critical
species of mosses, and Mr. S. M. Macvicar those of hepatics.
The eminence of these authorities needs no assertion here.
The title of the work each respectively has, in combination
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 271
with a coadjutor, issued will be found under the several
headings as the standard of the nomenclature. Others who
have helped me will, I trust, consider themselves as included
in the grateful rendering of thanks, without my adding a
further list of names.
The " Braunton " and " Sherwill " botanical districts of
North Devon are the first two of the twelve into which, for
botanical purposes, Mr. W. P. Hiern, m.a., F.R.S., has sub-
divided the part of our county that drains naturally to the
northern coast. These divisions are " broadly based on the
existing hundreds of the county, but with such modifica-
tions as seem best to serve the purpose " of conveniently
grouping the botanical records.
The " Braunton " district embraces sixteen parishes :
namely, those of Mortehoe, Ilfracombe, Berrynarbor, Combe-
martin, Trentishoe, Kentisbury, East Down, Bittadon, West
Down, Georgeham, Braunton, Heanton-Punchardon, Ashford,
Mar wood, Pilton, and Barnstaple.
The "Sherwill" district includes fourteen parishes:
namely, those of Martinhoe, Lynton, Countisbury, Brendon,
Parracombe, Challacombe, Arlington, Loxhore, Sherwill,
Bratton Fleming, High Bray, Charles, Stoke Eivers, and
Goodleigh. Both these sub-divisions come under District I,
that of " Barnstaple," of the eight into which, for botanical
purposes, Mr. Hiern has divided the whole county of Devon.
It is by the kindness of the Hon. Local Secretary of this
Lynton meeting, Mr. C. A. Briggs, F.E.S., that I am able to
take into account the second of these districts; my own
explorations have been almost entirely limited to the
Braunton one. Mr. Briggs has been so good as to hand to me
his notes of moss-finds later than the gatherings recorded in
"Science Gossip" for the month of September, 1900, made
in that year in conjunction with Mr. John Carrington. As
stated in that paper, all the determinations given by him
have the authority of Mr. J. A. Wheldon, of Liverpool.
Both Mr. Briggs and I wish it to be clearly understood that
neither his lists nor mine profess in any way to be in the
least exhaustive of the treasures of the regions indicated.
My own searching for cryptogamic growths of the "Braunton "
one began only in 1900, and his of the "Sherwill" one in
the same year, coincidentally, but without each other's
knowledge at the time. There are many recesses of this
rich neighbourhood that we know we have barely touched,
or not reached at all. To future explorers we are assured
the country will yield a yet richer harvest.
272 SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON.
In the past, whilst the south of the county has been fairly
well worked, it is curious how little attention has been given
by cryptoganiic botanists to its northern part. The names
of the earliest explorers are mostly to be found in the
records of the llore Collection — the work of the late Eev.
W. S. Hore, m.a. — that only this spring has, through
the good otiices of Mr. Hiern, been given by the Misses
Hore to tlie North Devon Athenaeum, Barnstaple. There,
in a case made for its reception, it is now permanently
deposited. Application to consult its specimens and records
must be made to the much-honoured librarian of the
Institution, ilr. T. Wainwright, to whose persistent and
zealous etlorts, during the long period of forty years, to
encourage all literary and natural history studies we in
I^orth Devon owe so much. The name of earliest date in
the Ilore Collection is that of the Itev. C. A. Johns, M.A.,
writer of the well-known, popular handbook, "Flowers of
the Field." His moss-records — very few, however, in number
— go back to 18-iO. Then comes Dr. Kalfs, whose long life
ended only in 1890, and we have living in Barnstaple at
least one man who was a friend of this great Cryptogamic
naturalist. Contemporary with the earlier days of Dr.
Kalfs were Mrs. Griffiths, of Pilton, and her sister-in law,
MLss Griffiths, of Trentishoe. Mitten's work in the region
was mainly done while he stayed in 1874 and 1875 with
the then Curate of Trentishoe, tlie Rev. James Hannington,
known to all tlie world later as Bishop Hannington. Mr.
E. ^I. Holmes' first visit to tliis part of the county was in
1877, the year after the pul)lication of his and the late Mr.
Francis Brent's list of tlie "Mosses of Devon and Cornwall."
As he knew Mitten and Hore, and, as a young man, corre-
sponded with Ralfs (we omit the courtesy "ilr." where the
name has become too widely familiar and revered to require
it), he must be regarded as a living link with those first
students in past days of this part of our county's crypto-
gamic growths.
Witli this brief introduction to the subject as a whole, I
proceed to give such records as I have been able to find or
make of the Musci, Hepaticaj, and Algie of the districts
indicated by my title. Xotes concerning the records are
reserved for the particular groups they concern.^ Raven-
shaw's "Botany of North Devon" — the standard work for
* In aU records wliere no name is ap])ended to a locality the ** find ** is my
own. Save in a few cases, duly noted, all Mr. Briggs* records for Lynmoutn
and mine for Combemartiu are new for those places.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 273
localities of our Phanerogams — has brief lists of all these
three sets of cryptogams. As allusions to it will be found in
the following pages, I may state that the date of the
first edition was 1857 ; that of the second edition, 1860 ;
and of the fourth edition, 1877. Of a third edition I have
failed to find the year. The name of the editor of the first
edition is given as the " Rev. George Tugwell, M.A., Oxon.,
Rector of Bath wick." The fourth and last edition of 1877
was published by Simpkin, Marshall, & Co., London, and
Stewart, Ilfracombe, with "additions to the Botanical
Catalogue by Rev. T. F. Ravenshaw."
L MUSCL
The Paper read before this Association by the late
Edward Parfitt, of the Devon and Exeter Institution, at
the meeting at Seaton in the year 1885, though entitled
" Devon Mosses and Hepatics," contained, in the main, only
South Devon localities, as did the list already alluded to by
Messrs. E. M. Holmes and Francis Brent, " Mosses of Devon
and Cornwall.*' It would have been well had the titles
indicated the limitations of their scope. I merely mention
this to indicate that the present paper is not a covering of
the same ground.
All the mosses in the ensuing list are named according to
the nomenclature adopted in " The Student's Handbook of
British Mosses,'' by H. N". Dixon, m.a., F.L.S. With Illustra-
tions, and Keys to the Genera and Species, by H. G. Jameson,
M.A.; Second Edition, June, 1904 (Eastbourne, V. T. Sumfield).
In the absence, save in comparatively few cases, of localities
from Mr. Dixon's Handbook, I have looked out the previous
records in Dr. Braithwaite's " British Moss Flora." Of that
great work the first volume was completed in 1887; the
second in 1895 ; and the third in 1905. Any species, so
far as I know, not found in this part of Devon at a
date prior to my own record, and for which no locality
is, in Dr. Braithwaite's records of the less common species,
given here, I have entered as new for V. C. 4 (North
Devon). In one case, that of Barhula gracilis Schwgr., Mr.
H. N. Dixon himself has notified me that the plant had not
been found in Devon at all before my collecting it. Others
indicated below are also, so far as I myself can discover, new
records for the county.
Those Sphagna found by myself have been named by
Mr. E. C. Horrell, F.L.S., according to the nomenclature of his
VOL. xxxviii. s
274 SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF KOBTH DEYOK.
monograph, "The European Sphagnacese after Wamistorf"
(West. Newman, & Co., 1901).
Sphagnum ru/escens Wamst. — Great Hangman Bog, Combemartin,
May, 1901.
S. crassicladum Warnst. — Great Hangman Bog, Combemartm,
March, 1903; Chapman Barrows, Exmoor, September, 1905.
S, papillosum (Ldb.), Var. normale, Wamst.— Combemartin,
November, 1900.
The following, found by Mr. C. A. Briggs, are named
according to Dixon's Handbook, first edition : —
S, cymHfolium Ehrh. — Exmoor. Var. congestum Schp. — ^Exmoor.
S, rigidum Schp. — Exmoor.
S, suhsecundum Nees. — Exmoor.
S, intermedium HofF. — Exmoor.
S, cuepidatum Ehrh. — Exmoor.
Teiraphis pellucida Hedw. — Countisbury, C. A. B.
CathanTiea undulata W. and M. — Lynmouth, C. A. B., passim;
Combemartin; Berrynarbor.
Pdytrichum nanum Neck. — Lynton, C. A. B. ; Sterrage Valley,
Berrynarbor.
P. aloides Hedw. — ^Lynton and Exmoor, C. A. B. ; Combemartin
and Berrynarbor, passim,
P, urnigerum L. — Countisbury, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor, Sterrage
VaUey.
P. cdpinum L. — Exmoor, C. A. B.
P. juniperinum Willd. — Lynton, C. A. B. ; Combemartin, passim.
Sub-species strictum Banks. — Exmoor, passim^ C. A. B.
P. formosum Hedw. — Great Hangman Bog, Combemartin, May,
1902, c.fr.
P. commune L. — Exmoor, C. A. B. ; Great Hangman Bog, Combe-
martin.
Diphyscium foltosum, Mohr. — Watersmeet, 1876, W. Mitten.
Fleundium subulaium Kab. — Lynmouth, Miss Griffiths (Hore
Collection) ; Woolscot Wood, Berrynarbor, 1 906.
Ditrichum homomallum Hpe. — Pinkery Pond, Exmoor, C. A. B.,
1900; Berrynarbor, 1905; Watermouth, 1906. Mr. Briggs*
record of this si)ecies in 1900 was the first for North Devon.
Ceratadon purpureus Brid. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Combemartin ;
and in all the neighbourhoods included, passim,
Dichodontium pellucidurn Schp. — Combemartin.
Dicranella heteromalla Schp. — Parracombe and Exmoor, C. A. B. ;
Combemartin.
D. cerviculata Schp. — Exmoor, C. A. B.
D. varia Schp. — Lynmouth and Brendon, C. A. B. ; Combe-
martin.
Dicranoweisia cirrata Ldb. — Summer-house Hill, Lynton ; and
above Saddlegate, C. A. B. ; Combemartin, 1904.
SOME CBTFTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 275
Campylopus flexuogus Brid. — Exmoor, C. A. B.
C, pyriformis Brid. — Esplanade, Lynmouth, and Exmoor, C. A. B.,
1900; by the East Lyn, May, 1902.
C fragilia B. and S. — llfracombe, E. M. Holmes, September,
1903.
Dicranum scoparium Hedw. — Throughout the Lynton district,
C. A. B. ; also in all the neighbourhoods embraced by this
paper, passim,
D. majus Turn. — East Lyn Valley, C. A. B. ; Combemartin and
Arlington.
D. Seottianum Turn. — Hooe Lake, Trentishoe, Miss Griffiths
(Hore Collection).
Leucobrywn glaticum Schp. — Desolation and Countisbury, C. A. B.;
Great Hangman Bog, Combemartin, May, 1900.
Fisstdens mridulm Wahl.— The Tors, Lynmouth, C. A. B., 1900;
Little Hangman Hill, Combemartin, 1905.
F. incunms Starke. — Berrynarbor, March, 1 906.
F, hryoides Hedw. — Lynmouth, llkerton Lane ("a somewliat
doubtful specimen "), C. A. B. ; Sterrage Valley, Berrynarbor,
December, 1902.
F. adiantoides Hedw. — Wood beyond Higher Leigh, Berrynarbor,
May, 1 906 ; Road between Chelfham Station and Loxhore,
August, 1906.
F. decipiens De Not. — East Lyn Valley, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor,
April, 1901.
F, taxifolius Hedw. — Barnstaple, February, 1864 (Hore Collec-
tion); "Tors," Lynton, Mi-s. Griffiths (Torquay Nat. Hist.
Soc. Collection) ; Berrynarbor, 1904.
Orimmia apocarpa Hedw. — Lynmouth and district^ poisim,
C. A. B.
G. viaritima Turn. — Ravenshaw, 1877; Combemartin; Berry-
narbor; llfracombe; 1^0^ y passim,
G, pulvinata Sm. — In all the district, passim,
G, ovata Schwgr. — Lynmouth, C. A. B.
Rhacomitrium aciadare Brid. — Valleys of the East and West
Lyns (on stones), C. A. B., 1900; and December, 1904,
C. E. L.
R, fasciculare Brid. — Watersmeet and Exmoor (on stones), C. A. B.
R, heierostichum Brid. — Saddlegate, and East and West Lyn
VaUeys, C. A. B.
R, laniLginosum Brid. — Pinkery Pond and Desolation, C. A, B.
R, canescens Brid. — Heath near Saddlegate, C. A. B. ; Hangman
Hill, Combemartin.
Ptychomitrium polyphyllum Fiirnr. — In all the district, passim,, .
Hedmgia ciliata Hedw. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Little Hangman
Hill, Combemartin, 1904.
Phascum curvicolle Ehrh. — Berrynarbor, April, 1906. A new
record for North Devon.
82
276 SOME CBYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DSVON.
Pottia recta Mitt. — Berrynarbor, fallow field, September, 1903.
P. Heimii Fiinir. — Watermouth, Berrynarbor, June, 1901.
P. truncatula Ldb. Sub-8i)ecie3 intermedia Fiimr. — Little Hang-
man, Combemartin, February, 1906.
P. crinita Wils. — AVatermouth, Berrynarbor, March, 1904.
P. minutula Fiirnr. — Fallow field, BerrjTiarbor, September, 1903.
P. Starkeana C. M. — Watermouth, Berrynarbor, February, 1906.
Also a form with a shorter seta than is normally found which
Mr. Dixon labels, " Pottia Starkeana probably." There
appeared at first to be a doubt if this plant might not prove to
be the rare P. commutata Limpr., but, on further examination,
the coarsely tuberculate spores were found to be inconsistent
with the characteristics of that species.
P. lanceolata C. M. — Watermouth, Berrynarbor, February, 1906.
From the above enumeration, in which are included six
species and one sub-species out of the whole eleven species
and two sub-species of our British Pottias (that is, more
than half the number growing in these islands), it will be
seen that this part of Devon is peculiarly rich in Pottias.
According to the localities given in Braithwaite's "British
Moss Flora," Vol. I (1887), Pottia recta, Pottia intermedia,
Pottia lanceolata appear to be new records for Devon ; and
Pottia crinita for North Devon. I have sought carefully,
but so far vainly, for Pottia viridifolia Mitt., which from
the records appears to be limited to slaty and basaltic rocks.
The new Pottia commutata Limpr., discovered by Mr. W. E.
Nicholson in Sussex, in 1903, certainly should be further
looked for, since we have just the kind of earthy ground
close to the sea in which Mr. Nicholson has found it in the
two Sussex localities.
Tortula amhigua Angstr. — Combemartin, February, 1905.
T, aloides De Not.— Combemartin, 1903.
T. atrovirens lAh, — Watermouth, March, 1904 and 1906; Combe-
martin, February, 1906; Croyde, February, 1906. This,
again, appears to be a new record for North Devon.
T, muralis Hedw. — Lynmouth, passim, C. A. B. ; Combemartin,
passim, Var. B, rupestris Wils. — Combemartin, 1^0^, passim,
T. suhidata Iledw. — Countisbury, C. A. B.
T, laevipila Schwgr. — Barnstaple, February, 1864 (Hore Collec-
tion); Watermouth, February, 1906.
T, ruralifm-mis Dixon. — Saunton, May, 1902; and c. fr. January,
1905; Combemartin, 1906. A new record for Devon.
Barhula lurida Ldb. — The Leat, Lynmouth, C. A. B. A new
record for Devon.
P. cordata Dixon. — Saiuiton (smmy banks), April, 1903,
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 277
E. M. Holmes. Mr. Dixon ("Handbook," second edition)
writes: "This plant until recently was known only from
Central Europe (Austria, Germany, and Switzerland). In
1902 it was detected by Mr. \V. E. Nicholson and myself in
the Pyrenees, and Mr. Holmes detected it in the above
locality in April, 1903."
B. lobelia Mitt. — Road to "Watersmeet, Lynmouth, December,
1904, C. E. L. Also (date not given) found at Lynton by
C. A. B. ; Ilfracombo and Combemartin, September, 1905.
B. tophacea Mitt. — Hangman Hill, Combemartin, November, 1840,
C. A. Johns (Hore Collection) ; Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor,
Jime, 1903.
B. faUax Hedw. — Barnstaple, February, 1864 (Hore Collection);
Lynmouth, passim^ 1900, C. A. B. ; Combemartin, June,
1903. Var. h. hrevifolia Schultz. — Esplanade, Lynmouth,
1900, C. A. B. The variety is a new record for North
Devon.
B, rigidula Mitt. — Combemartin, C. A. Johns, November, 1840
(Hore Collection) ; Combemartin, 1903.
B, cylindrica Schp.— West Lyn Valley, 1900, C. A. B. A new
record for North Devon. Berrynarbor (Sterrage Valley),
February, 1904.
Sub-species vinealia Brid. — Watersmeet Road, Lynmouth,
C. A. B., 1900; Saunton, August, 1903. The Watersmeet^
Lynmouth, one is a new record for North Devon.
Barhula gracilis Schwgr. — Saunton sand-hills, May, 1902. A
new record for Devon.
B, revoluta Brid. — Once at Watersmeet, C. A. B., 1900. A new
record for Devon. Saunton Sands, E. M. Holmes, April,
1903.
B. convoluta Hedw. — Countisbury, C. A. B., 1900; Saunton,
August, 1903. Var. h. Sardoa B. and S. — Berrynarbor
(Sterrage Valley), E. M. Holmes, September, 1903.
B. unguiculata Hedw. — Lynmouth, passim, C. A. B. ; Saunton,
1 905, c. f r. Var. b. cuspidata Braithw. — Berrynarbor (Sterrage
Valley), January, 1904.
W, crispata C. M.— Once, Tors, Lynmouth, C. A. B., 1900.
Weisia microstoma C. M. — Tors, Lynmouth, C. A. B.
W, viridula Hedw. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Combemartin (Little
Hangman), November, 1902. Var. 6. amhlydon B. and S.— *
Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Silver Mine, Combemartin. Var. d.
densifoUa B. and S. — Lynmouth, C. A. B.
W, veriicillata Brid. — Ilfracombe, C. A. Johns, September, 1840
(Hore Collection) ; Watersmeet, Lynmouth, E. M. Holmes,
1877; Combemartin and Berrynarbor, 1899, with abundant
fruit. In this district the fruit is not at all uncommon, as it
is elsewhere.
Trichostomum crisptUum Bruch. — Capstone, Ilfracombe, Raven-
278 SOME CRYPTOOAIIS OF NOBTH DKVON.
shaw, 1877 ; Combemartin (Newberry Cliflfs), August, 1903;
Hagginton Cliffs, February^ 1906.
T. mutabile Bruch. — West Lyn Valley, C. A. B. ; Combemartin
(Newberry Cliffs), 1903. Var. lUtorale Dixon.— West Lvn
VaUey, C. A. B.
T. flavovireiis. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Newberry, Combemartin.
T. tenuirostre Ldb. — Glen Lyn (on damp stones), C. A. B.
T. nitidum Schp. — Newberry, Combemartin, June, 1902.
Ginelidotus fontinaloides P. B. — East Lyn Valley (stones near
river-bed), C. A. B.
Encdlypta streptocarpa Hedw. — East Lyn Valley (sparingly),
C. A. B.
Zygodon Mougeotii B. and S. — On a boulder to left of path in
wood above Long Pool, near Rockford, on right bank of East
Lyn, C. A. B. A new record for North Devon.
Z, viridissimus R. Br. — Walls in E. Lyn Valley, C. A. B. ;
Watermouth, February, 1906, c. fr. (on tree).
Z: stirtoni Schp. — Lee Bay, Lynton, C. A. B. A new record for
North Devon.
Ulota phyllantha Brid. — Lee Bay, Lynton, C. A. B. ; Water-
mouth and Combemartin, 1906.
U» Hutchinaice Hamm. — Little Hangman, Combemartin, February,
1906, c. fr. A new record for North Devon.
Orthotrichmn Lyellii H. and T. — Desolation Farm, Countisbury
(on a poplar), C. A. B.
0, affine Schrad.— Combemartin, April, 1905.
0. pulcJiellum Sm. — High Bickington, C. A. Johns, April, 1841
(Hore Collection).
0, diaphanum Schrad., passim,
Philonotis fontana Brid. — Pinkery Pond, C. A. B., c. fr. ; Berry-
narbor (Woolscot Wood), 1906. Var. d, pumila Dixon.
Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
P. calcarea Schp. — Lynmouth, 1875, W. Mitten.
Breutelia arcwita Schp. — Trentishoe, September, 1840, Miss
Griffiths (Hore Collection) ; and C. A. B.
Wehera nutans Hedw. — North Walk and Hkerton, Lynton;
Exmoor (in peat cuttings), C. A. B.
W. annotina Schwgr. — Wall at Saddlegate, C. A. B. ; Berry-
narbor (Sterrage Valley), E. M. Holmes, September, 1903.
W, cornea Schp. — "A doubtful specimen, not in fruit, from Lee
Bay, Lynton,'' C. A. B.
Physocomitrium pyHforme Brid. — Combemartin, September,
1903; Berrynarbor, April, 1906.
Funaria fascicular is Schp. — Watermouth, W. S. Hore.
F, hygrometica Sibth., passim,
Atdacomnium paltcstre Schwgr. — Trentishoe, c. fr. (Hore Collec-
tion) ; Exmoor, C. A. B. ; Great Hangman Bog, Combemartin,
1901.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 279
Bartramia pomiformis Hedw. — Desolation, Summerhouse Hill,
Ilkerton Lane, and Lee Bay, at Lynton, C. A. B. ; Kentisbury,
1903; Arlington, 1906.
W, aJbicant Schp. — Spring in East Lyn Valley, and at Lee Bay,
C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor, April, 1906.
W, Tozeri Schp. — Combemartin (Ravenshaw), 1877 ; Croyde,
K M. Holmes, April, 1903.
Bryum pendulum Schp. — Saiinton, June, 1904.
B, incUnatum Bland. — Countisbury, C. A. B.
B, pollens Sw. — Exiuoor, passim, C. A. B. ; Combemartin,
September, 1902.
B, pseudotriquetrum Schwg. — Lynmoiith, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor,
April, 1906. Var. b, compactum. — Combemartin, Silver
Mine, January, 1904.
B. caespittcium L. — Countisbury ; Watersmeet Road, etc., C. A. B.
B, argenteum L. — Lynmouth; Combemartin, Little Hangman,
April, 1906.
B, roseum Schreb. — Sherry combe, Combemartin, 1899; Cowley
Wood, Kentisbury, 1902.
Mnium aJHne Bland. — Lynmouth, C. A. B.
M. cuspidatum Hedw. — Lynmouth, C. A. B.
If. rostratum Schrad. — Lynmouth, C. A. B.
M, undulatum L., passim,
M, homum L., passim.
M. stellare Reich. — Sterrage Valley, Berrynarbor, E. M. Holmes,
September, 1903; "Gardner's" Lane, Combemartin, 1905.
Af, punctatum L. — West Lyn Valley, etc., C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor.
Fontinalis antipyretica L. — Combemartin, 1901.
Cryphwa heteromalla, — Sterrage Valley, E. M. Holmes, September,
1903.
Neckera crispa Hedw. — Watersmeet, Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Little
Hangman, Combemartin, 1905.
N, pumila, — Combemartin, Rev. Augustin Ley; Berrynarbor
(Sterrage Valley), E. M. Holmes, September, 1903.
N, complanata Hubn. — Brendon (on tree-trunks), C. A. B. ;
Cowley Bridge, Kentisbury, c. fr., January, 1902; Berrynarbor,
c. fr., 1906.
Homalia trichomanoides Brid. — Lee Bay, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor
(Woolscot Wood), 1901; Combemartin, ^(M«tm.
Leucodon sciuroides, Schwgr. — Combemartin, 1906.
Pterygophyllum lucens Brid. — Little Hangman, Combemartin,
February, 1906.
Pterogonium gracile Sw. — Lynmouth, Ravenshaw, 1877 ; Valley
of Rocks, Lynton, July, 1905, H. Boydon; Little Hangman,
Combemartin, February, 1906.
Hahrodon Notarisii Schp. — **0n elm-trees, Lynton, Mr. J.
Norrell" (Holmes and Brent's "Mosses of Devon and
Cornwall "). Some recent confirmation of this record is much
280 SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON.
to be desired. The plant had been known only from Killin,
Perthshire, until Marquand reported it from Totnes and
Ashburton, and Cumow from Plymouth. The plant in
appearance much resembles young Gryph<Ba heteromalla, but
the nerve is absent in Hdbrodon Notarisii}
Porotriehum alopecui'um, passim, — At Combemartin, c. fr., 1900.
Leskea polycarpa Ehrh. — Banks of Taw, C. A. Johns, September,
1840 (Hore Collection).
Anamodon vitictdosus H. and T. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Berry-
narbor and Combemartin, passim,
Leptodon Smithii Mohr. — Croyde Lane, E. M. Holmes, April,
1903.
Thuidium tamariscinum B. and S., passim,
Pylaisia polyantha B. and S. — Watersmeet and Lee Bay, C. A. B.
(on tree-trunks).
Orthothecium intricatum B. and S. — Lynton, E. M. Holmes,
1877.
Tsothecium myurum Brid. — West Lyn Valley, C. A. B. {Eufhyn-
chium myurum Dixon's Handbook, second edition).
Camptothecium sericeum Kindb., passim^ c. fr.
C. lutescens B. and S. — Saunton Sandhills, May, 1902, c. fr.
Brachythecium albicans B. and S. — Ilfracombe Eoad, Berry-
narbor, September, 1903.
B, rutahulum B. and S., passim,
B, rivulare B. and S. — East Lyn Valley and at Lee Bay, C. A. B. ;
Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten; Martinhoe, 1906.
B, velutinum B. and S., passim,
B, populeum, — East Lyn Valley and Parracombe, C. A. B.
B. plumosum B. and S.. — West Lyn Valley, C. A. B.
B, purum Dixon, passim. — At Combemartin, c. fr.
Eurhynchium crassinennuin B. and S. — Old Barnstaple Road,
Lynton, C. A. B.
E, prcBloiigum B. and S., passim, Var. h, Stokesii (L. Cat., second
edition).— West Lyn Valley, C. A. B.
E, Sxcartzii Hobk. — Lynmouth, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor, February,
1903.
E. pumilum Schp. — Berrynarbor, c. fr.
E, ahbreviatum Schp. — Countisbury Road, C. A. B.
E. tendlum Milde, passim,
E, myosuroides Schp., passim,
E, striatum B. and S. — Brendon and Parracombe, C. A. B. ; Combe-
martin and Berrynarbor, c. fr.
E, rusciforme Milde, passim,
E, con/ertum Milde, passim,
Plagiothecium elegans Sull. — West Lyn Valley and at Pinkery
Pond, C. A.B.
^ Mr. Mitten now writes that he has found it in the Isle of Wight, at
Lyme Regis, and by Windermere, but always barren.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 281
P, denttcttlcUum B. and S., passim.
F, sylvaiicum B. and S.— Old Barnstaple Road, Lynton, and Lee
Bay, C. A. B. ; Combemartin.
P. undulatum B. and S.— West Lyn Valley, C.A.B. ; Great Hang-
man Bog, Combemartin.
Amhlytiegium serpens B. and S. — Coddon Hill, C. A. Johns,
September, 1840 (Hore Collection); West Lyn Valley and
Parracombe, C. A. B. ; Combemartin.
A, irriguum B. and S. — Desolation Farm, Countisbury, C. A. B. ;
" Seaside," Combemartin.
A, filicinum De Not. — Lady's Wood, Combemartin, C. A. Johns,
April, 1841 (Hore Collection) ; spring at Parracombe, C. A. B. ;
Wild Pear Bay, Combemartin.
llypnum commutatum Hedw. — Spring in East Lyn Valley, and
on Watersmeet Road, C. A. B. ; Combemartin, March,
1901.
H, falcatum Brid. Var. b, gracilescens Schp. — Berrynarbor (on
the cliffs), October, 1905. A new record for Devon.
H. cupressifonne L., passim, Var. b, resupinatum Schp. — West
Lyn Valley, C. A. B. ; Berrynarbor (Sterrage Valley).
Var. </. filiforme Brid. — Desolation ; and " a pretty interme-
diate form at Lee Bay,*' C. A. B. Var. ericetorum B. and S.
— Countisbury and Saddlegate, C. A. B. Var. elatum B. and
S.— Saddlegate, C. A. B.
n. molluscum Hedw., passim, — At Combemartin, c. fr.
H, palustre L. — West Lyn Valley (submerged), C. A. B.
H, euryngium Schp. — Lynton (rare), Mr. J. Norrell, Ravenshaw,
1877.
H, straminium Dicks. — Pinkery Pond, C. A. B.
H, c\ispid<Uum L. — Desolation, and East Lyn Valley; Exmoor,
c. fr., C. A. B. ; Combemartin and Berrynarbor.
//. Schreberi Willd. — The Tors, Countisbury ; Exmoor, C. A. B. ;
Combemartin.
H, cordi/oUum. ** A single specimen," Exmoor, C. A. B.
H, splendens B. and S. — Desolation and Exmoor (sparingly),
C. A. B.
H. loreum B. and S., passim,
H, squarrosum B. and S., passim, — At Combemartin, c. fr.
H, triqueti'um B. and S.
From the foregoing records it will be seen that to the
Moss Flora of the county, as regards those rarer plants of
which alone previous records of habitats have been kept,
Mr. Brigga has added four species; and I myself three
species, two sub-species, and one variety. Mr. Briggs's
additions, besides, to that of V. C. 4 (North Devon) have
been four species, one sub-species, and one variety ; and my
own four species.
282 BOMB CRTPTOGAMS OF NOBTH DKVON.
n. HKPATICiB.
These are all named according to "The Moss Exchange
Club Census Catalogue of British Hepatics," compiled by
Symers M. Macvicar (October, 1905).
Riccia crystallina L. — Braunton Burrows, W. Mitten, July,
1875; Braunton Burrows, E. M. Holmes, April, 1903.
Targionia htjpophylla L. — Ilfracombe (Barnstaple Road), 1901,
c. fr. ; and Berrynarbor (Sterrage Valley).
Rehoxdia hemisphaerica Raddi. — Combemartin, 1902, passim,
Conocephalum ccyiiicum Dum., c. fr. — Combemartin and Berry-
narbor, passim.
Lunularia cruciata Dum. — Combemartin and Berrynarbor, passim.
Dumortiera irrigua Nees. — Combemartin, October, 1842, J.
Ralfs; July, 1875, J. Curnow; July, 1877, E. M. Holmes;
"probably 1883," W. CaiTuthers; Combemartin, April, 1906.
This being our distinctive North Devon hepatic, some note on
its history appears to be desirable — the more in that, so far as 1
am aware, no clear account of tliat exists. Indeed, I have
had some little difficulty in tracing it out, as the accoxmt in
Dr. W. H. Pearson's " Hepatics of the British Isles " does
not go so far back as its original discovery in North Devon.
The first record that work gives is, "Cumow, Ilfracombe,"
without date. A specimen (knowledge of the existence of
which I owe to Mr. Macvicar) in the Edinburgh Herbarium
bears the label, " Combemartin, Nr. Ilfracombe, Devonshire.
J. Ralfs, October, 1842."
This is the date of the actual discovery of the plant by
Dr. Ralfs m England. He was visiting Ilfracombe in 1841,
etc. (See the "Journal of Botany," 1890, p. 290, where, in
tlie obituary notice, the fact is mentioned of his being in
Ilfracombe during that year.) It has been most interesting
to me to learn from Mr. E. M. Holmes, who in 1877 visited
Combemartin in order to gather the Dumortiera, that it was
Dr. Ralfs himself who gave him the exact description of
where the plant was to be found. That locality Mr. Holmes very
kindly communicated to me, and, by the aid of a sketch-map
he marked for me, I was myself able to discover the place and
to gather a few pieces of the plant, which I found still grow-
ing in fair quantity in the one habitat, not, however, more
than a foot in extent. This after I liad in vain searched for
it nearly every year we have been in Combemartin I For
obvious reasons I do not here name the exact region where
it is to be found, although it is happily so difficult of access
that, even if described, the hepatic could hardly be dis-
covered witliout some one who knew the spot to point it
out. In 1883 ("probably," he is not sure of the date)
Mr. W. Camithers, formerly of the British Museum, came down
SOME CBTFTOGAMS OF NOBTH DEVON. 283
to get the plant, and apparently he, Mr. Holmes, and myself
are the only living people who have gathered it in this locus
doMicus, Cumow collected it in 1875, and it is to his
gathering, doubtless, that Dr. Pearson's record refers. The
second locality given by Pearson is, ** Hastings, S. M. Holmes."
Tlie " S " here is evidently a printer's slip for "E." But in this
statement there is a slight error. It was, Mr. Holmes tells me,
the late Mr. E. George, of Forest Hill, who was the discoverer
of the Sussex locality. Not recognizing the plant, he sub-
mitted it to Mr. Holmes for identification ; hence probably the
confusion. The date of Mr. George's " find " Mr. Holmes does
not remember. But a specimen sent from Hastings to Cumow
in 1882 by ^fr. G. Da vies, of Brighton, who was informed of
its existence at Hastings by Mr. Holmes, shows that Mr.
George must have discovered the plant there before that year.
A note in Ravenshaw's " North Devon Guide " (1877) first
aroused in me the sense that it was necessary to seek con-
firmation of the dates and localities there alluded to. The
note runs as follows under the locality ** Combemartin " :
" The wood (in which the plant grew) has been cut down, but
Mr. Ralfs tells me that the plant was gathered in 1874 in its
old station, whence thirty years ago it was first recorded as an
English plant. It has since been reported from Dartmoor
and near Torquay by Dr. Carington."
The spelling of Dr. Carrington's name with a single " r " is
one indication of a certain want of close acquaintance with
the details of the matter that marks the paragraph. The
1874 gathering of which Dr. Ralfs told Ravenshaw may be
the one of Curnow's specimen labelled "July, 1875." In
1877 the actual date of Dr. Ralfs' find was thirty-five years
ago, not " thirty."
I regret that, so far, I have been unable to discover the
records of Dr. Carrington's "finds" in South Devon.
Professor Weiss, of the Victoria University, Manchester, has
very kindly looked through for me the specimens that exist
in Dr. Carrington's collections in the museum at Owens
College, but none are from South Devon. Dr. W. H. Pearson
writes to mc just as this is ready for the press that he has
found in that collection a packet labelled " Dumortiera irrigua
Nees. — Combemartin, J. Ralfs, October, 1842. Ex. herb.
Wils." Evidently this is part of the same gathering as the
Edinburgh Herbarium specimen, and one sent by Dr. Ralfs to
William Wilson, the great bryologist.
This account refers only to the English habitats of the
plant. In Ireland it was discovered as long ago as 1820
by Dr. Taylor at Blackwater Bridge, near Dunkerton ; and in
1829 in a glen near Fermoyle by William Wilson, who first
published it as a native of the British Isles in his " English
284 SOME CRTPT06AMS OF NOBTH DEVON.
Flora," 1833. Since then it has heen found in several Irish
localities.
Aneura pinguis Dum. — Berrynarbor, 1901 ; Martinhoe, 1906.
A, mtdtifida Dum. — Lynton, August, 1875, W. Mitten; Berry-
narbor, March, 1904. Var. ambrosioides Nees. — Lynton,
W. Mtten, 1875.
A. sinuata Limpr. — Trentishoe, August, 1874, W. Mitten.
A. latifrons Lindb. — Dfracombe Road, Berrynarbor, March, 1905,
c. fr.
Metzgeria furcata Lindb., gemmiferous form. — Little Hangman
Hill (on a wall), Combemartin, Kovember, 1903; and on
Watermouth Headland, near Ilfracombe, in parish of Berry-
narbor, March, 1904.
M, conjugata Ldb. — Combemartin, June, 1902.
Pdlia endivicefolia Dum. — Ilfracombe Road, September, 1903,
c. fr., and Loxhore, August, 1906, with gemmae.
P. epiphylla, Dum. — Combemartin, February, 1901, c. fr.
Petalophyllum Bal/sii Gottsche — Ravenshaw, 1877; Saunton,
1898, E. M. Tindall.
Fossomhronia pusilla Dum. — Saimton, 1898, E. M. Tindall;
Combemartin, February, 1906; Loxhore, Aug., 1906, c. fr.
F, Miitenii Tindall. — Road between Parracombe and Barnstaple,
July, 1875, W. Mitten.
This is the only known locality for the species, and since
Mr. Mitten found it there it has not been collected at all. A
search by myself this summer for it has failed, as did Mrs.
Tindairs some years ago, although she had Mitten's own
directions as to tlie exact spot where he gathered it.
Marmpella emarginata Dum. — Castle Hill, Combemartin, April,
1905, c. fr.
Nardia scdlaris Gray. — Combemartin, 1903.
N, minor Arnell. — Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
N, hydlina Carr. — Loxhore, W. Mitten.
Aplozia cremdata Dum. Var. h, gracillima Sm. — Combe-
martin, March, 1904.
A, riparia Dum. — "Gardner's** Lane, Combemartin, March,
1906.
Lojyliozia turbinata, — Lynmouth, 1875, W. Mitten; Combe-
martin, 1901.
L. Mulleri Dum. Var. 6. hantriensis Hook. — Martinhoe, 1875,
W. Mitten.
L, ventrtco8a 'Dum. — Lynmouth, 1902; Combemartin, 1904.
L. cdpestris Evans. — Wooda Bay, 1875, W. Mitten.
L, Floerkii Schffn.— Martinhoe Cliffs, 1875, W. Mitten. Var. 6.
Baueriana Schffn. — Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
Plagiochila spintdosa Dum. — Combemartin, April, 1 904.
P, asplenioides Dum. — Combemartin, 1899. Var. c, Dillenii
Tayl.— Martinhoe Cliffs, 1875, W. Mitten.
SOBIE CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON.
285
Lophoeolea bidentcUa, Dum. — Combemartin, 1902.
L, alata^ Mitt. — Lyninouth, August, 1875, W. Mitten.
"This hitherto undescribed species has the aspect of
Lophoeolea hidentata^ but the angles of tlie triquetrous
perianth are all widely alate; the alea dentate. The name
*alata* has been taken from the * Synopsis Hepaticorum,'
wherein, at p. 159, is described a specimen whicli Dr. Taylor
sent from his residence Dunkerrow, and which appeared to
the authors of that work to be a monstrous variety of
L. hidentata^ and they made it Var. g, alata. No si)ecimen8
of this Irish plant are available, but the term * alata' is so
apposite to the Devon plant that it has been thus used. So
different in its perianth from all other British species, yet
nearly allied to the L. coadunata of Swartz. from Jamaica,
having, like it, free floral leaves and amphigastrium oval, yet
appearing different in areola tion, and also in stature a little
more robust. It was overlooked until more recently in a
search for distinctive characters among these bidentate species
so variously described. All are probably monoicous, but the
synonymy is so confusing that the right ai)i)ortioning of the*
names is difficiUt."
Lophoeolea alata Mitt., n. sp. Much magnified.
This description, with figure accompanying, was sent me
by Mr. Mitten in a letter on 2l8t June, 1906.
L. sjncafa Tayl. — Lynmouth, 1875, W. ^Mitten.
L, heterophylla Dum. — Combemartin, March, 1904.
Chiloscijphus poli/anthos Coi-da. — Lynmouth, November, 1902.
^ This is the new Bi)ecie8 alluded to in the Introduction to this paper that
Mr. Mitten allows me to publish first to this gathering of the Devon-
shire Association.
286 SOME CBYFTOQAMS OF NORTH DKTOIL
Saceogyna vUiculo$a Dum. — Wooda Bay (abundant and fruiting),
September, 1875, W. Mitten; Combemartin, Febraaiy,
1901.
Cephalozia bicuspidatu Dum. — Combemartin, 1905.
Kantia Trichoniania Gray. — Combemartin, 1904.
K, Sprengelii Pears. — Combemartin, March, 1904.
A', arguta Lindb. — Berry narbor, September, 1903, K M. Holmes.
Lepidozia reptans Dum. — litUe Hangman Hill, Combemartin,
April, 1904.
PtUidium ciliare Hamj^e. — Trentishoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
Trichocdea tonienteila Dum. — Ladv's Wood Valley, Berrynarbor,
1899 ; and Glen Lyn, July, 1906.
Diplophyllum albicans Dum. — Combemartin and Berrynarbor,
1899, passim.
Sc4ipania compada Dum. — Berrynarbor, February, 1906, c. fr.
S. aspera Bernet. — Trentishoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
S, gracilis Kaal. — Little Hangman, Combemartin, April, 1904.
RadiUa HoUiu—Lynton, 1875, W. Mitten.
Madotheca laevigata Dum. — Lynmouth, November, 1902;
Lynton, W. Borrer.
M, platyphylla Dum. — Hfracombe, September, 1905.
Lejeunea cavifolia Ldb. Var. c, heterophyUa Carr. — Combemartin,
1905.
L, patens Lindb. — Lynmouth, 1875, W. Mitten.
Drepanolejeunea hamatifolia Schfl&i. — Lynmouth, 1875, W.
Mitten.
Harpalejeunea ovata Schffn. — Lynmouth, 1875, W. Mitten.
Marcliesinia Mackaii S. F. Gray. — Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
Juhula Hutchinsiae Dum. — Lynmouth, 1875, \V. Mitten.
Frullania Tamarisci Dum. — Combemartin and Berrynarbor, 1899.
F. microphylla Pears. — Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
F, fragilifolia Tayl. — Martinhoe, 1875, W. Mitten.
F. dilatata Dum., passim.
Anthoceros laevis L. — Combemartin and Berrynarbor, May, 1905,
c. fr.
A. punctatus L. — Combemartin and Berrynarbor, May, 1905.
Of the 62 hepatics here enumerated only 6 are given for
V. C. 4 in the "Moss Exchange Club Census Catalogue,"
October, 1905. The remaining 56 are, therefore, all new
records for the vice-county. Of these fresh records, one is
by Mr. E. M. Holmes, another by Mrs. Tindall, 20 by
Wm. Mitten, and 34 by myself.
III. ALGiE.
The shores of North Devon come under Section 6 of
the fourteen littoral districts into which, for the purpose of
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 287
algological records, the firitish Isles were divided by Messrs.
Batters and Holmes, as set forth in the Preface and
Appendix to their standard work: '*A Bevised List of
British Marine Algae," by E. M. Holmes, F.L.8., and K A. L.
Batters, B.A., LL.B., F.L.S., reprinted, in 1892, from the
" Annals of Botany," Vol. V. To this work, in the " Journal
of Botany" for 1902, Dr. Batters added a Supplementary
List. It is after these lists all the Algae given here are
named. It is greatly to be regretted that the handbook on
the subject by these two authorities, alluded to in the 1892
list as ** already in progress," and which, they there say,
" we hope to publish at a later date," has, in this year 1906,
not yet seen the light. The work is much needed, Mr.
Holmes alone having added to our British Marine Flora
some two hundred species, of which no single text-book
gives a complete account. The list of species found by him
on this coast, which he has worked from Clovelly to Lynton,
will, however, I understand, be published in the " Victoria
History of the County of Devon," although without exact
localities. - These have, so far as concerns species new to the
British Flora, already appeared either in "Grevillea" or
in Mr. Holmes' own eleven fasciculi, "Algae Britannicae
Eariores." To none of these sources of information have I
been able to gain access. I can, therefore, include in my
list only such of Mr. Holmes* localities as I happen to have
remembered, or he has himself added in very kindly
revising my own list.
Other and earlier records of this part of Section 6 — a
section that in its entirety includes all the coast and
islands on the west from the Great Orme's Head to the
Land's End — are to be found in the Rev. W. S. Here's great
coUection of British and Foreign Seaweeds, already alluded
to as in the North Devon Athenaeum at Barnstaple. The
same institution also possesses a set of miscellaneous Algae
collected by Mrs. Griffiths, evidently the remnants of her
numerous gatherings, and chiefly interesting as having with
them notes of her correspondence with Dr. Greville and
other leading algologists of her day. To a Devonshire
audience it is perhaps hardly necessary to state that this
lady, once of Torquay, but who passed the last years of her
life in the home of her family at Pilton, Barnstaple, was, in
her time, as Dr. Harvey described her, ''facile Eegina of
British algologists." To her Dr. Harvey, himself amongst
the greatest of our early systematists in this branch of
science, dedicated his " Manual of the British Marine Algae."
288 SOME CRTPTOOABfS OF NORTH DEVON.
He writes there of her as "a lady whose long-continaed
researches have, more than those of any other observer in
Britain, contributed to the present advanced state of British
Marine Botany/' and says that his volume owes much
of whatever value it may possess to her liberal donations of
rare specimens, and her accurate observations upon them.
At a meeting of this Association in the region of Devon
where they worked, it is fitting and gladdening to recall
the names of these earlier students who made of our shores
and moors classic ground for algologista and bryologists.
The coast from Saunton to Countisbury is that which
comes within the limits prescribed by the title of this
paper. I hope to go on working the Combemartin region,
and it is much to be desired that some one would make that
about Lynmouth his special field of research. Doubtless
many discoveries remain to be made there, especially by one
able to dredge for deep-water weeds. Shells and rejectamenta
brought in by fishermen frequently have on them rare
microscopic algae, and furnish a good field for exploration
and examination.
Oscillaria sancta Gem. — Ilfracombe, September, 1903, E. M.
Holmes. New to Britain.
Enteromorpha compre^a Grev., passim,
Ulva latissima J. Ag., passim,
Codiolum greganum A. Br. — Lynmouth, 1883, E. M. Holmes.
Endoderma viride Lagerh., parasitic on Ahnfdtia plicata^ Fries.
— Wild Pear Bay, Combemartin, June, 1904. A new record
for North Devon.
Chaetomorpha tortuosa Kiitz. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
C, aerea^ Kiitz. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Rhizoclonium implexum Batt. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Cladophora rupestris Kiitz., passim,
C. alhida Kiitz. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
C, lanosa KUtz — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Bryopsis hypnoides Lamour. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Derhesia fenuissima Cm. — Watermouth, E. M. Holmes, Septem-
ber, 1903.
Desmaresfia a^uleata Lamx. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
D. ligidatay Lamx. — Combemartin, 1906.
Striana attenuata^ Grev. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Pundaria plantaginea Grev. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Ectocarpus Holmesii Batt. — Ilfracoml)e, Suppl. List, 1902.
Acliinetospoi-a pusilla Born. Yar. crinita Batt. — Ilfracombe,
Suppl. List, 1902.
Ectocarpus Sandriamis Zan. — Ilfracombe and Saunton, 1903,
E. M. Holmes.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 289
E, gramdasua C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
E. viicrospongtum Batt. — Combemartin, 1903, E. M. Holmes.
JE, ovatus Kjellm. Var. arachnoideus Rke. — Ilfracombe, May,
1892, E. M. Holmes. The only known British locality.
Phheospora brachiata Born. — Ilfracombe (margin of ladies*
bathing pool, on R, palmata), Ravenshaw, 1877.
PylaieUa litoralis Kjellm. — Hele, November, 1859 (Hore Collec-
tion).
Sphacelaria cirrhosa C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, January, 1860 (Hore
Collection).
8. plumigera Holm. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Cladostephua spangiosns J. Ag. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, April,
1904. New record for North Devon.
(7. verticillafus C. Ag. — Seaside, Combemartin, March, 1906.
Halopteris filicina Kiitz. — Hele, January, 1860 (Hore Collection) ;
Hele, September, 1903, E. M. Holmes; Combemartin, June,
1906.
Stypocaulon scoparium Kiitz. — Hele, January, 1860 (Hore Collec-
tion).
MijHonema stranrjulans Ore v., on Nitophyllum lacercUum Grev.,
Combemartin, May, 1905. New record for North Devon.
Petrospongiuvi Berkeleyi Niig. — Hele, E, M. Holmes, September,
1903; Combemartin, July, 1906.
Leathesia difformis Aresch. — Hele, E. M. Holmes, September,
1903.
Scytosiphon lovientarius J. Ag. — Combemartin, 1906.
Laminar ia saccharina Lamx., passim,
L. digitata Edm., passim, f. stenophj/Ua Harv. — Combemartin,
June, 1906.
Alaria esculenta Grev. — Below Trentishoe.
Fucus platycarpus Thur. — Com])emartin, June, 1903.
F, vesicnlosHS Linn., passim,
F, serratiis Linn., passim,
Ascophyllum nodosum Le Jol., passim,
Pelveiia canalicuiata Dene et Thur., passim,
Bifnrcaria ttiberculata Stackh. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
Halidrys siliqtiosa Lyngb., passim.
Cystoseira ericoides C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
C, grantUata C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, December, 1859 (Hore Collection).
C, discors C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1903.
Tilopteris Mei'tensil Kiitz. — "On mud-covered rocks and stones
between Rillage Point and Watermouth," Ravenshaw, 1 877.
Dictyota dichotoma Lamx. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, and Combe-
martin, 1904.
Taonia atomaria J. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902,
Mortehoe, E. George.
Dictyopteris polypodioides Lamx. — Ilfracombe, December, 1859
(Hore Collection).
VOL. XXXVIII. T
290 BOMS CBTFTOGAMS OF NORTH DIYON.
Bangia fusco-purpurea Lyngb. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List^ 1903.
Porphyra lin^iis Grev., passim,
Choreocolax PolystphonioB Beinsch. on Polysiphonia elongaia
Grev. — Combemartin, September, 1903. New record for
North Devon.
Harveyella pachyderma Batt. on Gracilaria eon/enxndes L. —
Combemartin, September, 1903. New record for Devon.
Pterocladia capiUacea Bornet. — Combemartiil, 1904.
Oelidium comeum^ Lamx., f. aculeata Grev., Suppl. list^ 1903;
and f. pinnatum Turn. — Combemartin, 1906.
Chondrus crispus Stackh., passim^ f. patens Tiu:n. — Combemartin,
1906.
Oigartina acicularis Lamx. — Combemartin, December, 1859 (Hore
Collection); Hele, E. M. Holmes, 1903; Combemartin,
March, 1905.
O, mamillosa J. Ag., passim,
Phyllophora rubens Grev. — Combemartin.
Ph, Traillii Holm, et Batt. — Combemartin, 1906. New record for
North Devon.
Ph, palmettoides J. Ag. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, March, 1905.
New record for North Devon.
Ph, membranifolia J. Ag. — Combemartin, 1904.
Stenogramme tnterrupta Mont. — Combemartin, E. M. Holmes,
September, 1903. A new record for North Devon.
The finding of another locality for this very rare deep-
water weed is of great interest, as the following note respect-
ing it, taken from Harvey's "Phycologia Britannica," 1851,
shows. He writes : —
"This very interesting plant, by far the most important
addition lately made to the British Marine Flora, was dis-
covered on the 21st October, 1846, by Dr. John Cocks, of
Plymouth, on the shore at Bovisand, near Plymouth. A few
days subsequently it was met with in a neighbouring station
by the Rev. W. S. Hore . . . ; and to the imtiring persever-
ance of these two gentlemen, who, day by day, during the
inclement month of November, in all weathers, visited the
shore and preserved every scrap which the wind threw up, we
are indebted for all the British specimens which have been
taken of the Stenogramme."
Since that date Mr. Holmes had collected the plant at
Torpoint previously to his discovery of it at Combemartin,
where some of the specimens had cystocarps, and others
tetraspores.
Oymnogongrns Grt'ffithsice Mart. — Wildersmouth, November, 1859;
Combemartin, December, 1859; Haggington, January, 1860
(Hore Collection) ; Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, March, 1905.
O, norvegicus J. Ag. — Hele, Mrs. Griffiths, March ; Combemartin,
September, 1905, c. fr.
SOME CEYPT0GAM8 OF NOETH DEVON. 291
Ahnfdtia plicaia Fries. — Combemartin, April, 1905.
Aetinacoceus aggregatus Schmitz on Gymnogongrus Griffiihsiae
Mart. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, April, 1905. New record
for North Devon.
Stereocolax decipiens Schmitz on Ahnfeltia plicaia Fries. — Combe-
martin, April, 1905. New record for North Devon.
Callophi/llis laciniata Kiitz., passim,
CHabellata Cm. — Combemartin, February, 1906.
Callocolax neglecta Schmitz on Callophyllis flahdlata Cm. —
Combemartin, February, 1906.
Callymenia renifannU J. Ag., passim,
C, microphylla, J. Ag. — Hele, E. M. Holmes, 1903 ; Combe-
martin, April, 1905. "With cystocarps.
C, Larteri Holm. — Combemartin, 1906.
Mr. Holmes has provisionally given this name to a plant
differing much in form and ramification from C. reni/ormis
until sufficient material enables him to say whether it should
be regarded as a variety of that species or a distinct species.
Cystoclanium purpurascens Kiitz, jmssivi,
Catendla Opuntia Grev. — Hele, September, 1903, E. M. Holmes.
RhofiophyUis bifida Kiitz. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
R, appendiculata J. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Suppl. List, 1902.
GracUaria confervoides Grev. — Combemartin, September, 1903.
Callible2)haris dliata Kiitz, passim,
C. juhata Kiitz, passim,
Rhaiymenia paZmetta Grev. — Hele, March, 1860 (Hore Collec-
tion) ; Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, April, 1903.
R, palmata Grev., passim,
Lomentaria articulata Lyngb., passim.
Chylocladia ovalis Hook. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, April, 1905.
C refleza Lenorm. — Haggington, Ilfracombe, 1834 (Hore Collec-
tion). Both sides of Hele beach, E. M. and K. Holmes, 1903.
Plocamium coccineum Lyngb., passim,
NilophyUum Gmelini Harv. — Ilfracombe, Mrs. Griffiths (Hore
Collection) ; Combemartin, 1 906. With tetraspores.
There was at first a question if this would not prove to be
the Mediterranean species N, Sandrianum J. Ag. Mr. Holmes
80 labelled the first specimen I sent him. On the latest he
has, however, now written : " I think Dr. Bornet would call this
Nitophf/Uum Sandrianum ; I should call it ISHophyllum
Gmelini approaching SandrianumJ^ In an exi)lanatory
letter, accompanying the return of this and four other
examples of the same Alga I was able to send him from
Combemartin, he writes as follows ; —
"My Mediterranean specimens of N. Sandrianum from
Minorca have a much more starved appearance; the central
nerve of the branches is more pronounced, and the tetraajwres
are in rounded spots along the maxgin, rather than in clouds
t2
292 SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON.
or continuous sori. Still, these are characters that may be
due to the situation, and some of the Cornish specimens are
almost exactly similar to the Mediterranean ones, except that
they are more luxuriant. I do not find that the ciliate
character of the fronds is sufficient to separate Sandrianum
from Omelinif for both have it. But the Gmelini of still
waters is broader and more purplish; that of the open sea
redder and narrower, and more divided. ... In any case,
the plant of Minehead and Combemartin is intermediate
between the Cornish narrow form and the broad purplish
Weymouth and Plymouth form."
N, laceratum Grev., passim, f. uneinatum Grev. — Combemartin,
July, 1906. f. Smithii Kutz.— Combemartin, July, 1906.
N, reptans Cm. — Combemartin, May, 1905. New record for
North Devon.
N. Bonnemaisanii Grev. — Ilfracombe (Hore Collection); Combe-
martin, 1906.
N, versicolor, Harv. — Ilfracombe, 1808 (Hore Collection) ; Combe-
martin, July, 1906.
Delesseria alata Lamx., passim,
D. Hypoglossum Lamx., passim,
D, sinuosa Lamx., passim,
D, sanguinea Lamx., passim. Very fine in Watermouth Caves.
ETiodomela suhfusca C. Ag., passim,
Laurencia pinnatifiJa Lamx., passim.
PolysipTionia elongella Harv. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor, September,
1903.
P, elongata Grev. — Combemartin, September, 1903.
P, furc^llata Harv. — Ilfracombe (Hore Collection).
P, fastigiata Grev., 2)aA8im,
P, Ehunensis Born. — Ilfracombe, R. V. Tellam ; and August, 1883,
E. M. Holmes.
Dasya ocellata Harv. — Hole, Ravenshaw, " Bot. of North Devon,"
1877.
Lophothdlia hyssoides J. Ag. — Combemartin, 1906. New record
for North Devon.
D, coccinea C. Ag., passim,
Pf ilothamnion pluma ThuT, — Combemartin, March, 1905.
Oriffithsia setacea C. Ag. — Ilfracombe, J. W. Rohloflf (Hore
Collection).
Halurus eguisetifolius Kiitz. — Hfracombe, December, 1859 (Hore
(Collection).
Rhodochorton Eothii Nag. — Combemartin, September, 1903.
Cdllithamnioii polyspermum J. Ag. — Sandy Bay, Berrynarbor,
February, 1905.
C. tetragonum C. Ag., f. brachiata J. Ag. — Ilfracombe, Mrs.
Griffiths (Hore Collection).
C. tetricum J. Ag., passim.
SOME CRYPTOGAMS OF NORTH DEVON. 293
Compsothamnioii thuyotdes Schmitz. — Hele, Ravenshaw, "Botany
of North Devon," 1877.
Aniith amnion plumula Thur. and f. horridtdum. — Combemartin,
July, 1 906. The var. a new record for North Devon.
A. harbatum Holm, et Batt. — Hele, August, 1883, E. M. Holmes.
Ceramium rubrum C. Ag., passim,
C. acanthonotum Carrn., f. transcurrens Kiitz. — Combemartin, May,
1906.
C, ienuissimum J. Ag. — Ilfracombe, E. M. Holmes.
C, flahelligerum J. Ag. — Ilfracombe, J. Ralfs (Hore Collection) ;
Combemartin, June, 1906.
Orateloupia jUicina C. Ag., f. intermedia Holm, et Batt. — Combe-
martin, December, 1859 (Hore Collection); Combemartin,
September, 1903.
Dumontia filifomiis Grev. — Mortehoe, April, 1860 (Hore Collec-
tion) ; Combemartin, 1906.
Dilsea edvlis Stackh., passim,
Furcellana fastigiata Lamx., 2>o^''^^'
Polijides rotundus Grov., passim,
Mehbesia Laminariie Cm. — Combemartin, December, 1905. New
record for North Devon.
M, CoralUncB Cm. — Combemartin, December, 1905. New record
for North Devon.
Lithophyllum inct-ustans Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1905.
New reconl for North Devon.
L, crouani Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1905.
Lithothamnion corticiforme Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1905.
L, lichenoides Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1905.
L, Lenormandi Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1905. New
record for North Devon.
Phymatolithon polymorph um Fosl. — Combemartin, December, 1 905.
Corallina officinalis L., passim.
Of those of the above Algae foiind by myself sixteen
species are new vice-county records for North Devon, one is
new for the whole county, and one is new to science.
Note. — Two days after this paper was read at Lynton Mr. Mitten
passed away, on 20th July, 1906, just one month after his latest
communication to me so continually referred to in these pages.
C. E. L.
PAGES FROM A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY
OF HATHERLEIGH.
BT JOHN M. MARTIN, C.E.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Concerning the three "Hatherleigh Worthies of the
Seventeenth Century " who were introduced to the Associa-
tion by Sir Roper Lethbridge at Teignmouth two years ago,
much information is to be found in a manuscript history of
Hatherleigh now lying before me.
Of one of these three kinsmen, Bartholomew Yeo, Sir
Roper tells us that on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, he was
ejected from Merton rectory, and according to Calamy
** preached the Gospel [of course, as a Nonconformist] in
Hatherleigh." And Calamy adds, "In the next parish to
which, and in a kinsman's house, he resigned his soul to God
in February 1693.'* This was doubtless at Dunsland Court,
in Jacobstowe, the home of Thomas Lethbridge, whose son
John at this time was rector of Jacobstowe, and married to
the granddaughter of Bartholomew Yeo's sister Jacquet.
Dunsland nearly adjoins Deckport, and here Bartholomew
Yeo was living within an easy walk of numerous friends and
relations, amongst whose names occurs that of his brother
Leonard Yeo, at Reed, in Hatherleigh.
In connection with the preaching of the Gospel in
Hatherleigh, the MS. gives particulars which, though they
differ on a point or two from the preceding account, are in
the main confirmatory thereof, and also supply much fuller
information.
The MS. says that •* Bartholomew Yeo, Rector of Huish,"
(not Merton) " was deprived of his living on the passing of
the Uniformity Act, a.d. 1662, and came to reside with his
brother" (Leonard Yeo) "at Reed, where he established a
Presbyterian Meeting which was afterwards removed to the
Meeting-house behind Mr. CoUins's, erected 1712. He was
A MAinJSCRIFT HISTORY OF HATHERLIIGH* 295
buried in the Chancel of Hatherleigh Church on the first
day of February, 1693, in the 76th year of his age."
The entry in the Register of the burial of Bartholomew
Yeo emphasizes the fact that having been ejected from his
living he was no longer to be recognized as a clergyman of
the Church of England, although his remains were per-
mitted to be laid in the Chancel. It runs thus: "Mr.
Bartholomew Yeo, Minister, was buried Ist February, 1693 " ;
and the entry recording the burial of his wife, who pre-
deceased her husband, is couched in similar terms : " Mary
the Wife of Bartholomew Yeo, Minister, was buried y® 24th
June 1669."
We are not told where these Presbyterians held their
meetings during the nineteen years which elapsed between
Bartholomew Yeo's death and the building of the Meeting-
house, but are left to assume that his brother Leonard, with
whom he lived at Eeed where he established the Presby-
terian meetings, held the same religious convictions as he
did, and therefore allowed them to be continued at Eeed
until the Meeting-house was built in 1712.
That the services were continued during that period we
may learn from a deed by one Mary Tucker, bearing date
the twenty-sixth day of December, in the fourth year of the
reign of Q^een Anne (1706), of which the following is an
abstract.
To all Christian people to whome these presents shall come . . .
I Mary Tucker send Greeting . . . Whereas [here follow the
terms of Mary Tucker's inheritance] I the said Mary Tucker
... by these presents do direct limitt and appointe that the sum
of Forty Pounds of good and lawfull money of Great Britain
... to be paid by the said William Butt (and other trustees to
her estate) unto Joseph Hallett (and others,) upon special trust
and confidence ... to be employed bestowed and applyed
for the use benefitt better support and maintenance of a Dissent-
ing Minister of tlie Congregation or Protestant Dissenters at
Hatherleigh afores^, vulgarly called Presbyterians.
The next document is a copy of a deed relating to the
purchase of a site for the chapel.
This Indenture made the 26th day of September in the
Eleventh yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lady Anne by
the Grace of God of Great Britain ffrance and Ireland Queen
Defender of the ffaith etc. Anno Domi 1712 Between Abraham
Collins of Hatherleigh . . . Joiner (and others) of the one part
George Lyssart (and others) of the other part Witnesseth that the
said Abraham Collins for and in consideration of the sum of
296 A MANU8CBIPT HI8T0BT OF HATHERLEIGH.
Twelve Pounds of good and Lawfull money of Great Britain to
him in hand well and truly paid or secured to be paid by the said
George Lyssart (and others) at or before the Sealinge and
deliverie hereof the receipt whereof the said Abraham Collings
doth hereby acknowledge and thereof and therefrom . . . Doth
hereby exonerate acquit release and for ever discharge the said
George Lyssart (and others) by these presents and for diverse
other good causes and considerations him the said Abraham
Collins thereunto moveing Hath Granted . . . unto the said
George Lyssart (and others) ... all that plot and parcell of his
the said Abraham CoUins's Garden [site described] yielding and
paying thearefore yearely imto the said Abraham Collins . . .
the yearely Rent of Three Shillings of Lawfull money of Great
Britain at the ffoure most usual fifeasts or dayes of payment in the
yeare by even and equall Quarterly payments That is to say the
ffeast of St. Michael Th* drchangell the birth of our Lord Christ
the Annucacon of the blessed Virgin Mary and the Nativity of
St. John the Baptist.
This deed is a good sample of the quaint legal intricacy
and tautology of the period : it occupies ten pages folio of
closely written words, and much of it is devoted to the
definition of various easements, the principal of these being
the " free liberty of Ingress I^ress and Eegress thereunto
in and through the Entiy and Court of the said Abraham
Collins." It also provides for refilling any gaps among the
trustees caused by death or absenteeism, and ends by
saying that " the same James Collins " [one of the * others '
— a son of Abraham Collins] "shall be at no costs in passing
the flBne within mentioned nor shall he be obliged to cause
his wife to pass a ffine with him unless she will freely doe
it."
A paucity of trustees has occurred and is thus dealt with:
"An Indenture made the 18th day of December 1734"
shows that owing to vacancies which had been caused in the
ranks of the trustees by the removal to Minehead of one of
their number and the death of three others, there were only
two Femaiuing alive, who from their ages and infirmity were
desirous of being discharged of the Trust, and " that some
other sufficient inhabitants of the s*^ parish of Hatherleigh
being Protestants dissenting from the Church of England
and commonly called Presbiterians should be chosen in their
stead to execute the s** Trust"; and after reciting that
the said Meeting-house might for ever remain and be for
the benefit of all the Dissenting Protestants of the said
parish of Hatherleigh, as the same was at first intended by
^ MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLEIGH. 297
the purchasers thereof, " did appoint . . . other Trustees to
take up the Trust and take possession of the Premises,"
which on the 24th was accordingly done by them.
In 1765, fifty-three years after the building of the chapel,
we find that a contribution to the sustentation fund was
made by William Coombe, late of Hatherleigh, by the follow-
ing extract from his Will : —
Also, I give and bequeath unto the Dissenting Minister of
Hatherleigh for the time being after my decease the sume of Ten
Shillings yearly and every year for ever ... to be paid out of a
Field or Close of Land called Lomacroft in Hatherleigh.
The last of these documents is " An Indenture made the
24th day of March in the 21st year of our Sovereign Lord
George the Third by the Grace of God . . . King . . .
1781," which, after stating that other of the trustees had
died and that some had gone out of the town and none were
left therein but George Castle, John Eandall, and John
Smale, witnesseth that these three, the surviving trustees,
sold the Meeting-house to John Collins ... so
"that he the said John Collins his heirs . . . may Peaceably
and quietly have hold occupy possess and Enjoy all and singular
the said Meeting-House Seats Pulpit Planch Loft and premises
without the lawful lett suit trouble eviction molestation inter-
ruption hinderance or Denyal of tliem the said George Castle
John Randall and John Smale or the other Assigns of the afore-
said Trust their Heirs Executors or Administrators or any other
person or persons whatsoever.
"In Witness," etc.
Thus the career of the Meeting-house, as such, closes by
reversion to a son of the original owner. From John Collins
it passed into the family of the present writer, who inherited
from his uncle Abraham CoUins's old house with the Meet-
ing-house and garden behind it and some lands in difierent
parts of the parish, together with his personal efiects,
amongst which was the MS. History of Hatherleigh whence
these details are gleaned.
The dwelling-house, formerly Abraham Collins's, is the
house next above the New Inn, and the Meeting-house
stood, and probably still stands, at the top of the garden
behind it.
Much further information is given concerning two of Sir
Roper Lethbridge's three kinsmen, Bartholomew Yeo and
John Lethbridge; but William Trevethick's name seems to
occur but twice, each time as an entry in the Register.
298 A liAKUSCRIFT HI8T0BT OF HATH8RLBI0H.
The first of these entries is: "Bebecca Zenobia and
Katberine daughters of William Trevethicke were baptized
the 29th July, 1649/'
This is the last entry which Mr. Short has extracted from
the first volume of the Parish Register, which b^ns in
AprU, 1576.
The Register had been signed by preceding vicars at the
time of their institution, and, after them, in April, 1641, by
" Gulielm. Trevethicke, vie."
The MS. history of the old borough was written by a
very unlikely sort of man to do such a thing. He was a
country shopkeeper, and down to the month of March, 1840,
when the Old Market Houses were burnt down, he occupied
the shop fronting on the main street of the town at the
upper comer of the heterogeneous mass of buildings that
went by that name, and just opposite the waggon entrance to
the yard of the New Inn.
There is a printed list of the various articles sold in the
old shop which will serve as an introduction to the worthy
burgess himself in his capacity of shopkeeper. It runs
thus : —
J. S, SHORT
Druggist Grocer and Tea Dealer
HATHERLEIGH.
Sells
The following Articles of the Best Quality
on the most reasonable Terms.
In addition to the well-known " Allspice and Cinnamon,"
which constitute the first item, the list includes other such
familiar articles as Currants and Raisins, Fine Teas, Salad Oil,
Raw and Refined Sugar, Tobacco, Shag and Roll, Starch, etc.,
and many others whose names are strange to the present
generation, such as Bole-Armoniac and Dragon's Blood, Cala-
minaris and Tutty Powder, Hiera Picra, and Oxycroceum and
Paracelsus ; the list ends '* With a Variety of other Drugs,
Patent Medicines, Oils, etc."
On the night when the fire took place I occupied the
bedroom of Abraham Collins's old house, which was next
to the New Inn, and being aroused from my sleep by the
glare of the flames and the great clamour in the street, I got
out of bed and had from my window a full view of the con-
flagration, which, child-like, I stood watching until my aunt
came into the room and sent me back to bed again.
My uncle's house having been separated from Mr. Short's
shop only by just the width of the street, I was a frequent
A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLEIGH. 299
visitor thereto as a customer for sweetstuffs, and as Mr.
Short and his wife had an only child, a girl of my own age,
and as I, a motherless boy, also had neither brother nor
sister, little "Missy," as she called herself, instead of the
less-easily pronounced name of Elizabeth by which she had
been christened, and I were great friends, and the dear old
couple treated me then and for many years afterwards, as
long as I remained at Hatherleigh, as if I had been really
their own son.
Besides carrying on his miscellaneous shopkeeping busi-
ness, Mr. Short held from time to time all the important
ofiices of the Parish and Borough. He was in turn Reeve of
the Parish and Portreeve of the Borough, almost perpetual
Churchwarden or Overseer, and Trustee in all the chief
trusts connected with the charities and other institutions of
the Borough. He was also associated with Mr. Thomas
Roberts, who will be presently referred to, in reference to
the Adjustment of the Land Tax in the Parish.
It is not, however, so much in either of these capacities
that Mr. Short may lay claim to the notice of this Associa-
tion as in that of a zealous antiquary, who contrived in the
course of his otherwise busy life to collect materials for a
history of his native town, its church, and its many institu-
tions, and, in the leisure of his later days, spent in the
charming little abode looking down the main street of the
town, called Red Hill Cottage, to make a compilation of
the same, filling a big manuscript book of folio size and con-
taining nearly live hundred pages of handwriting and pictures,
as the outcome of his industrious investigations.
There are sixteen full-page pictures, all of which are
coloured except those of the Church, the old Vicarage, and a
sheet of Elizabethan coins, which are pen-and-ink sketches.
Emblazoned Coats-of-Arms abound, and there are also half a
dozen copies of elaborately painted old Inn Signs. The total
number of illustrations exceeds fifty, to say nothing of the
scores of epitaphs, inscriptions, etc., found in the church and
the churchyard.
It may here be observed that Mr. Short's shop stood within
forty yards or so of the churchyard gate — itself a stone's-
throw from the church — so that when business was slack, or
at other odd times, he could readily visit the scene of his
labours, and that it was an easy walk of ten minutes to
the same destination from Red Hill Cottage by way of
Sanctuary Lane and the Bowling-green, or down around
by the Market-place, where the old shop had stood.
300 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLEIGH.
The title-page of Mr. Short's book was written by his
friend Mr. Thomas Roberts, and runs thus : —
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS
of the
Town and Parish of
HATHERLEIGH,
Devon.
Collected from the Best Authorities.
This title is beautifully engrossed in German-text and
English characters in capital and small print, and, being
embellished with the customary flourishes of the period, is
calculated to excite admiration and surprise when it becomes
known that the artist had no hands !
Mr. Roberts many years predeceased the author of this
History, who has given us the following outline of his
friend's life : —
Thomas Roberts was born at Anthony near Plymouth in the
County of Cornwall [his father, also named Thomas, is however
described on his tombstone as late of Exeter, so that both of
them may be claimed as Devonshire men] on the r2th day of
October 1771. When a boy about eleven years of age he lost
both his hands by the explosion of a hand-granade.
About the year 1797 he came to reside in the Town of
Hatherleigh where he established a School in which was taught
Mathematics, Latin, Writing, Arithmetic, Drawing, etc. This
undertaking was carried on with great success for several years,
having generally an average of eighty boarders besides day
scholars. He built a new house in this Town for his residence
and was a very useful member of society having several times filled
the offices of Portreeve, Churchwarden, Overseer of the Poor,
Surveyor of the Highways, etc. He died much regretted on the
28th Day of December 1848, and was buried by the side of his
Wife in the Bowling green ^ of the Churchyard of Hatherleigh on
the 6th day of January 1849.
Over his grave was placed a large slab of Freestone bearing the
following inscription : —
"Here resteth
the body of Thomas Roberts who departed
this Hfe December 28th 1848. Aged 78.
Also of Mary Anne his wife who died December
28th 1845. Aged 72.*'
^ Bowling-green. The manor of Hatherleigh, in "Domesday" (Exeter)
Hadreleia, belonged to the Abbey of Tavistock. ** Domesday " tells us that
there were four military tenants of the abbey on the manor, and we learn
from Dr. Augustus Jessopp's ** Daily Life in a Mediteval Monastcir'* that
'* bowls was the favourite and a very common diversion among the Monks."
A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLKIGH. 301
In another part of this Cemetery are deposited the Father and
Mother of the above named Thomas Roberts. His son George who
died June 6th 1833 aged 27 And three other of his Children who
died in infancy.
N.B. — The above named Thomas Roberts wrote the Title page
in this Book.
With Mr. Roberts I was also personally acquainted. He
was Superintendent of the Sunday-school and I was one of
the scholars, and one day when I, with others, had carelessly
jostled him as he was going out of the schoolroom door, he,
not being able to pull or to flip my ears — a common enough
familiar punishment for small iniquities in those days — play-
fully boxed them with the wooden stumps he wore on his
wrists. These were ingeniously made and so fitted up that
they might, as far as possible, fulfil the functions of the
missing hands.
In what manner they were used I saw one evening when
my father, who occupied a house that Mr. Roberts had
recently built on George Hill, took me with him when he
went up to Mr. Roberts's own house at the top of Higher
Street to pay his rent: this he had purposely taken the
greater part of in the smaller coin of the realm in order that
I might see how it was manipulated (?) and counted by a
man without hands.
The money-bag was emptied on the table at which Mr.
Roberts was seated, and he, being supplied with a dinner-
plate and a knife, inserted the tang of the knife-blade into
one of the holes in his " stump," and with the blade counted
with ease and rapidity the money into the plate which he
had placed on his knees, and he afterwards wrote out the
receipt.
This was the first time he had seen me since the " boxing "
incident, which occurred a few days earlier, and he asked
me how my ears had felt thereafter, and when I told him
they had ached for a little while, he said it was not to be
wondered at, for his stumps were made of box wood and were
apt to hurt if used ever so little ungently. However, to
make amends, he gave me a useful Bible, on the fly-leaf of
which he then and there wrote my name in a style that we
used in those days to call copper-plate, thereby signifying ita
excellence, from the resemblance it bore to the imprint of
copper-plate engraving.
Mr. Short, from the obituary notice above quoted, omits
mention of the fact that in connection with mathematics,
etc., practical navigation was a specialty with Mr. Roberts.
302 ^A MANUSCBIFT HISTOBT OF HATHKKLEI6H.
He combined practice with theory, and in a large room fitted
up as a carpenter's workshop he taught his pupils to make
and rig-up models of ships and boats, and, in order to test
their sailing qualities, they made on Hatherleigh Moor a
large pond, called Roberts's Pond to this day.
For the accommodation of his boarders in the church, he
erected, at his own cost, a gallery at the west end of the
north aisle. I used to see the youngsters trooping in around
the corner from the tower-arch on a Sunday morning from
my father's sitting in another new gallery which had been
recently built out from the middle of the external wall of
the same aisle. To this gallery special reference will be
made later on.
Mr. Roberts died on 28 December, 1848 — the third
anniversary of the death of his wife — ^leaving no issue: a
son, George, who died at the age of thirty-seven, having
predeceased his father, as had also three children who died
in their infancy, and were buried in the same grave, in
another part of the churchyard, with their grandfather,
Thomas Roberts, who is described on his tombstone as " late
of Exeter."
Two of his brothers, however, survived him : one of them,
named William, will perhaps be remembered by some of the
older members of this Association. He was a bookseller in
Exeter — probably the largest and best known in the city.
His shop stood in High Street, facing Broadgate, and
over the doorway was suspended a large imitation Bible,
which now adorns the entrance to Messrs. Eland's shop
higher up the street.
John, the third of the brothers, held ofl&ce in the Excise
at Birmingham, and early in June, 1852, my uncle James
and I spent Sunday there with him and his wife, and long
and well did I remember the thoroughly Devonshire dinner
they gave us, for I had no other like it for many years. The
next day I was on board a ship, being towed down the
Mersey on my way to Australia,
On his superannuation, John Roberts removed to Hather-
leigh, and lived for the remainder of his days in the house
on George Hill which his brother had built, in which my
parents had lived and died, and in which I was born. It
faces a little triangular shop, occupied by a saddler, and
known as the "Salt-box," which was erected on the spot
where the pillory formerly stood.
Mr. Short commences his " Historical Memoirs of Hather-
leigh " with a description of the topography of the town in
A MANUSCRIPT HISTOKT OF HATHERLEI6H. 303
relation to the adjoining parishes, its size, population, etc.
and then bestows a warm eulogy on the superior comfort to
be found in the old cob-houses, of which the town almost
entirely consists. He gives a drawing of the inscription
over one of the windows of a house which was built in 1585,
and speaks of another which was built in the last year of the
reign of Queen Mary the First, 1558; whilst a third shows
the date 1668; but these houses are small and mean in
comparison with the more important buildings of the town,
which have been better cared for, and are probably much
older, so old even as to justify the ancient proverb that
" with a good hat and good shoes," that is, protected from
wet above and below, " good cob will last for ever."
He next proceeds to tell us of the government of the
town.
There ia a Court Leet and Court Baron held in this Town every
year at which Court a Jury is regularly nominated and sworn who
has the power of chosing [sic] a Portreeve for the better Govern-
ment of the Town, Two Constables are also deputed and sworn, a
Tithingman, Reeve, Ale Tasters, Searchers and Sealers of Leather
and a Scavenger are also chosen.
And in another place he adds that these officers " are
invested with considerable authority if they choose to
exercise it."
In this Court which has been held here time immemorial
anciently all i)etit causes relative to the inhabitants were tried,
and in order to defray the expenses of keeping Court the Lord has
a right to demand a Chief Rent from a great number of the
Tenants in Fee which is collected in the Borough by the Portreeve
[the chief rents in the jmrish being collected by the reeve].
In the " Rentall " of 1744, sixteen of the tenants had to
furnish a capon in addition to the sum set down as chief
rent.
Many of the items of chief rents to be paid by the tenants
to the borough are trivial and curious. Among them are :
" Pales before his House, 6d. ; Posts before his House, 6d. ;
Posts to his House, Is. ; Posts to her House, 6d. ; Posts, 6d. ;
Sign Posts, 6d. ; Posts, 6d. ; His Posts, 6d. ; Posts, 6d. ;
Pool for Northcotts, 6d. ; Pales, 3d. ; Porch, 3d. ; Porch, 3d. ;
Pales, etc.. Is. ; Corner of the wall next the Front, 3d. ; Sign
Post, Is., etc." One unspecified charge is set down at one
halfpenny.
The items in respect of which these sums are payable may
be regarded as perpetual easements which cannot be in*
304 A MANUSCBIFT HI8T0BT OF HATHERLEIG^
terfered with by the lord, nor even altered or abandoned
by the tenants themselves, without the consent of the
Court. The lord's remedy for non-payment of the high
and chief rent is an exceedingly prompt levy of distress,
as is shown by the following copy of a warrant for collection.
^ \ '^o Mr. Andrew Goss, Reeve, Mr. Arthur Titherley,
annoT \ jy^^x^X^r Reeve of the said Mannor and John Hur-
jr^-i T ' \\ ford, Bailiff, You're hereby authorized to Ask,
^ ^ ' ' Collect and receive of the severall persons whose
names are witliin written, the severall sumes of Money (together
with the araerciments^) to their names respectively affix*d, and for
their refusal or non-payment to Levy the same by a Distress on
their respective goods witliin the said mannor, and if the same shall
not be redeemed within five days then to appraise and sell the
same, rendering to the partys the oveq)lus (If any), reasonable
charges being first deducted and for your so doing this shall be
your Warrant.
Given under my Hand and Scale the 22 day of Octob' 1744.
Ar. Arscott.
0
The Court Baron for the Hundred of Blacktorrington is now
held in Hatherleigh ; it had been held at Clawton Bridge, as
may be seen by the following proceedings which I [J. S. S.] copied
from the old Court Book.
A Court held at Clawton Bridge *the 23'** day of June 1737 Cha»
Lurdon, Steward ; W*" Bubley and Free-Suitors.
Into this Court was brought one Bright bay Nagg about twelve
or thirteen hands high having a Meally Mouth, a white Starr on
the forhead, a black mane, three white spots in the back, a
Blackish bob tail. Burnt in the near Buttock with T W which
came as an Esstrey about the twenty first day of this Instant:
July 14^*» the Bay Nag is still in Custody— Aug«* 4**> 1»* Procla-
mation,— July 6*** 1738 another Procl" was made and as no person
hath owned or claimed the same the said Nag is forfeited unto
Will™ CliiFord Martin Esq"^ Lord of the Hundred afores<*.
As an instance of the mode of procedure followed by the
Borough Court in the sixteenth century, the following case
of alleged unlawful commoning on the moor may interest,
especially as John Yeo, of Heed, was the person accused.
* Ameroiamont: Pecuniary puuishment imposed mwii Offenders at the
Mercy of the Court ; it differs from a Fine, which is a punishment certain and
determined, from Statute (Bailey).
A MANUSCKIPT HISTORY OF HATHKRLKIGH. 305
A Copy of a Record of the Right of Common in
Reed Estate on Hatherleigh Moor.
Dated 10"» April 31»* Elizabeth a d 1590
Also an Acknowledgment of the same Right
and Inrollment 6**> Nov. 1626.
Memorandum that the Lawe Courte daye holden at Hatherleigh
within her Majestie's Borrough the Tenth daye of April in the
one and thirtieth yeare of her most Gracious Raigne came into
the said Courte John Stowell Gent^ William RoUstone, John
Wadland Sadler, Will™ Reade and Johan Bennett Wydowe, and
then and there theye and every of them of theire owne accorde
dide take theire voluntarye othes, that several of them for ffower
scoore yeeres past, some for three scoore and tenne yeeres and
others for three scoore yeeres by the lest, dide know one Thomas
Reede dwelling in a Tenement called Reede al» Sworthecotte
within the Mannoure of Hatherleigh and after him Richard
Reed his sonne did Comon in and uppon Hatherleigh Moore, wth
their Plough and small Cattle Horse and Sheep in right of the
saide Tenement of Reede al» Sworthecotte and at no tyme denyed
the use of the said Comon, these thinges aforesaid they dide
openly declare uppon theire othes in the presence and Audience
of George Arscott Gent, then Steward of the same Courte, and
before both Juries of the Burrough and Mannoure whose names
are hereunder wroten with manye others being then present.
The Burrough Jurye.
Will™ Hooper John Whitbreade Richard Wadland
Richard Hooper John Kympe Richard Heard
Will™ Egwyrt John Holmes Richard Christopher
Walter Bulhedd John Sraytham Will™ Edye
Robert Rist Will™ Edward Perme Willmid Edye
Will™ Wadland John Loder Serriptorem et Testime
The Mannoure Jurye.
Raymond Webber Will™ Godefray Robert Lugger
Richard Laishbrook John Baggaton lliomas Morcomb
John Gove Thomas Locke Robart Tayler
John Wadland John Merrifield Peter Lucas
John Seldon John Crocker de Lake Will™ Jarston
Memorand That at the Burrough Court of Hatherleigh holden
the sixt day of November 1626 John Yeo Gent (being accused
by the Jurye of the sayd Borough for Comoning in Hatherleigh
Moor agaynst ryght for his Tenement called Reede al» Sworthecott
w**» in the Manor of Hatherleigh) came into the Courte and openly
shewed this present evidence w^** was then and there Inrolled in
the Courte Books by me William Bleigh, then Steward of the
same Court.
Mention of other Manorial Courts follows, and then are
VOL. XXXVIII. u
30$ A MANUSCRIPT BISTORT OF HATHSRLKIGH.
given the histories of certain sub-manors and estates which
had been carved out of the great " Mannoure " of Hather-
leigh, the first to be named, and named only, being Fishleigh,
** the ancient abode of the Yeos."
I^wer or, as Risdon calls it, Le-worth, had sometime lords
that bore that territorial appellation. In the year 1546
Lewer was in the possession of a member of that ancient —
almost prehistoric — ^Devonshire family, the Crockers, for
King Henry the Eighth, in the thirty-seventh year of his
reign, granted unto John Crocker de Lewer and others in
trust the house called the Priest- or Church-house, within the
town of Hatherleigh; concerning which Priest-house, Mr.
Short has much to say when he comes to tell us about the
church in connection with the Yeo family.
Langbear, or Lang-a-beare, comes next with the tradition
that a town, having a weekly market held therein, stood in
a field which is still called Market Gratton.
'* Near this place is Knap's-lane-hill where a battle was
fought at the time of the Civil Wars in the reign of King
Charles the First, and on Hurlbridge Moor, adjoining, are
now to be seen several Hillocks which cover the dead bodies
of the slain ; this Moor has recently been plowed up for the
purpose of tillage, and several Human bones, old pieces of
Swords, etc., have been found."
** Yollaberry, anciently Yeo-la-beare, which, in the beginning
of King Edward the Third's reign, was the property of
Nicholas Yeo, son of William Yeo, who had this, together
with Heanton Satchville, in the parish of Petrockstowe," and
as many other manors and estates in Devon and Cornwall as
must almost have caused those much-manored gentlemen,
Baldwin of Exeter and Judhel of Totnes, to turn in their
graves with envy. These manors formed, later on, the bulk
of the great RoUe estate, and the devious way in which
they passed through the hands of the Earls of Lincoln and
of Oxford, the Barons Clinton, Saye, and others, to the
Trefusis family, is traced at great length, as are also the
provisions of the Acts of Parliament passed for the settle-
ment of the various properties embraced therein.
The historical references made by Mr. Short to the Yeos
occupy a considerable space in his book, and are illustrated
with many coloured drawings of the arms borne by the
various branches of that family. There are several forms in
which these arms are shown, but in all of them appears the
inevitable " Shoveller " — thus defined by Bailey, " the Pelican,
a bird."
A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLBIGH. 307
Mr. Short has a difficulty concerning this " bird " which
figures so largely in the Yeo arms, and he has left blank the
shield he had outlined ; this has on the left side the single
word "Arms," and on the other, "Flor. A.D. 1358, E. E.
Edw. 3."
The arms, however, are thus described : —
Argent, a Chevron between three Shovellers, Azure, Member'd
and beak'd, Or.
Crest. On a Torse, Arg. and Sab., a Peacock (Qu. if not a
Turkey Cock) Standing proper.
On a Stone against the North Wall over Reed pew, with five
Coats of Arms painted round the Stone, is the following inscrip-
tion : —
" PiaB MemorisB lohannis Yeo Filij lohannis Yeo de Heed Ar :
et Mariti Annae FiliaB Henrice Hurding de Long Briddy in Agro
Dorsett"' Ar: qui mortalitatem deposuit 15^ die Octob: 1662.
Amoris ergo. Uxor amans oliiii Delecta, nunc solitarie Kelicta hoc
' posuit A* Etatis 63."
What of difficulty remains is to reconcile the difference in
respect to their Coat Armour.
It is generally agreed that the Shovellers aforesaid do belong
to the Heanton Family of this Name. But Guillim ("Display
of Herald." sec. 3, c. 21, p. 233) tells us that a Silver field, a
Chev. Sab. between three Turkey Cocks in their pride is born
[sic] by the name of Yeo of Devonshire.
It may be so, and yet the Bearing be honourable enough : Let
therefore no Critic, as Dr. Fuller advises, cavil at the Coat, as but
a modern Bearing, because Turkey Cocks came not into England
'till about the tenth year of K. Hen. 8***, for they might formerly
be shown here for Rarities, tho' not fed on as Table Fowl till that
time. Besides Heralds have ever assumed that priviledge to
themselves, to assign for Arms, both those Creatures which are
found only in foreign Countries, as Lions, Leopards, Tigars and
the like ; and those whose sole Existence is in the fancy of Poets
and Painters, as the Phoenix, Centaur, Griftin and Ilarpie, whose
face is like a Virgin's, but hath Talons like an Eagle.
So Virgil :—
Tristus haud illis Monstrum nee Saevior ulla, etc
Thus translated by Guillim : —
Of Monsters all, most monstrous this: no greater Wrath
God sends 'mongst men; it comes from Pitchy Hell;
A Virgin's face, but womb-like Gulf insatiate hath;
Her hands are griping Claws, her Colour palo and fell.
It was mentioned early in these notes that the Courts of
the Hundred, Borough, and Manor were held at the George
u2
308 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHBRLEIGH.
Inn, Hatherleigh. The "Dragon " might have been omitted
from the notices given of the holding of these Courts for the
sake of brevity, the inn being so well known; but in Mr.
Short's time its name was " George and the Dragon," and he
gives us a splendidly coloured copy of the sign. It shows
St. George in full armour, with an immense plume of black
ostrich feathers in his helmet, mounted on a white horse,
likewise protected, and prodding with his spear a most
demoniacal -looking green dragon with red wings, which
emits flames not only from his mouth and nostrils, but from
some imaginary vent at the top of his head.
That there were poets in the land in those days let the
following epitaph on the late landlord of the " George " bear
witness : —
Sacred to the memory of Richard King of this Parish who
died the 20tli day of March 1816 in the 58th year of his Age.
A])i)roacli with Awe — here sleeps a King !
Whose Soul from Earth has taken wing
From this vain World its toys and toil
I'm gone— to reign my name is Roy*l.
Believe in Christ from sin refrain
Then you above like Kings shall reign.
Mr. Richard King was formerly Landlord of the George Inn in
this town. His wife, Mary King, kept on the Inn after her hus-
band^s death for nearly forty years and died on the 7th day of
August 1853 aged 80 years.
Her character as a landlady was found written on a pane
of glass in a window of the George Inn with a diamond, and
runs thus : —
Traveler this Inn — which some call mean
Approach with Awe — here lives a Queen !
Nay ! start not at so strange a thing
For truly she's a female King —
So rich her soups — her hashes — minces
My Boys— you iiere may fare like Princes !
The signs of six other inns have been copied with equal
care— the •* Seven Stars," the " Swan," the " Koyal Oak," the
" Three Crowns," the " Bell,*' and the " Sun."
Of the "Seven Stars" (1742) we are told that it was **a
house much frequented by the Gentry of the Neighbourhood
and others who delighted in that barbarous Sport of Cock-
fighting. A Cock pit (slq it was commonly called) was erected
on the premises,^and large bets made on their Cocks. The
Ale at this house was very good and sold at three pence a
quart."
The " Koyal Oak " sign shows the Eoyal Fugitive up a fine
A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHKRLKIGH, 309
oak tree, but by no means trying to conceal himself ; on the
contrary, he seems to be openly watching the movements of
three horse soldiers, who, accompanied by three dogs, are
capering about on the foreground.
The "Sun" is represented by a man's face within the
arms of a bright yellow crescent, which is surrounded with
glowing, wavy, effulgent rays, and the whole is within an
outline of horseshoe form, with a shadowy representation of
a man's face in the lower left-hand corner.
The other signs, though quaint and graphic, call for no
special notice, and the originals of all have long ago dis-
appeared.
Here I should come to an end, leaving the church and the
churchyard, with their monuments, inscriptions, and epi-
taphs, of which many scores of instances are given, the
charities, with the numerous documents relating thereto,
many of them containing references to the families of Yeo
and Lethbridge, to a future period.
Mr. Short's own biography of Jasper Mayne and of the
Eev. Cradock Glascott — a friend of John and Charles Wesley
and of Whitefield — the vicar whose faithful ministry made
necessary the building of three new galleries in the church
in order to accommodate worshippers, — must also stand over,
together with the notice of that gallant, much-persecuted old
cavalier, Colonel George Yeo, of Huish, and of others whose
lives were intermingled with those of Lethbridge, Yeo, and
Trevithick — the three Hatherleigh Worthies of Sir Eoper
Lethbridge's paper.
I cannot, however, refrain from mentioning a wonderful
mural painting that was discovered in the church in 1832
and copied by Mr. Short.
On the left of the picture of the Lethbridge monument, a
photograph of which Sir Eoper gave us in 1904 (" Trans.,"
p. 290), is shown the angle of a wall with a window beyond.
This angle and this window form part of the third new
gallery which was built for increase of accommodation for
Mr. Glascott's congregation.
Down to the year 1832 there was no proper vestry for the
clergy nor for the parish meetings. These wants had been
supplied, before the screen was taken down, by what appears
to have been a chapel at the east end of the south aisle,
which then formed part of the chancel. In this chapel^
^ " In the east window of this chapel were painted the Royal Arms, sup-
posed to be done for John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who, the inhabitauto
say, gave the moor to the poor of the parish."
310 A MANUSCRIPT UISTORY OF HATHERLKIGH.
stood the parish cofifer, in which were deposited the church
plate, the parish documents, records, etc., "until of late
years," when they were removed to the priest's house over
the churchyard gate, and the space that had been so occupied
was set apart for the girls of the Sunday school.
The surface of the churchyard outside the north wall of
the church was at so high a level above the church floor as
to permit the construction of a gallery having a separate
entrance from the churchyard and on a level therewith,
which would leave sufficient height for a vestry beneath it
on the same level as the floor of the church itself. The new
building enclosed a small portion of the churchyard. The
gallery provided sixty sittings. The vestry had, besides the
doorway into the church, a second entrance from the church-
yard, and the whole work constituted a notable improve-
ment. The cost was defrayed by the sale of the sittings
thus provided, and my father's name appears in the seat or
pew assigned to him on the plan of the gallery showing the
general allotment, which plan is duly given in the book, as
well as copies of the faculty, specification, etc.
Let Mr. Short himself describe his great discovery : —
As the workmen were scraping off the wliitewash from the wall
in the Nortli Aisle ... a Scripture sentence from Isaiah, 55 chap.
6 & 7 verses, was discovered written in old black letters in a good
state of preservation. This on being removed and several more
layers of whitewash scraped off an old oil painting in distemper
appeared to view, supposed to be a figure ... of Saint Cliristo-
phor, upwards of eight feet high, with fishes &c. at his feet.
The annexed drawing is a rough Copy taken on a Scale of One
inch to the Foot.
In Mr. Short's drawing, St. Christopher is arrayed in a
tunic striped vertically in various shades of pink, and a flow-
ing red mantle. He wears a golden crown on his head, and
with an olive branch in his hand, used as a walking-staff, is
carrying an infant on his shoulder across a stream. He is
girt with a bright yellow belt from which depends a small
brown pouch.
The Child, who sits astride on the saint's left shoulder, is
clad in a blue *' combination " garment reaching from his neck
to his feet, which are bare. An orb surmounted by a cross is
in his left hand, whilst the right is raised in benediction. He
has long curly hair, on which is a high cap ornamented on
the outer border with fleurs-de-lis.
Between the saint's bare legs a mermaid, with a wonderfully
large scaly tail and furnished with the regulation mirror and
A MANUSCRIPT HISTORY OF HATHERLEIGH. 311
comb, disports herself; while around her a lot of fish of
various strange kinds, and a couple of water-fowl, are swim-
ming about. In the forefront is a three-masted ship at
anchor, and a man is paddling about in a boat, which, lest it
should be carried away by the current, is attached to the ship
by a rope. By the saint's uplifted right foot in the lower
left-hand corner of the picture there is a marvellous spotted
beast whose head and fore parts alone appear above water,
and what might by a strong exercise of the imagination be
deemed a turtle, only that it has six legs and a row of formid-
able spines along the back, is seen on the other side of the
saint's foot.
A curly-headed stripling in a yellow jersey and blue
trousers stands on the left bank fishing, and exceedingly
good sport he seems to be having, for on two of the three
hooks attached to his line are hooked two fish, either of
which is as big as a boat containing eight people, which is
being rowed by four of them towards the bank in front of
him. Another boat with two black paddlers is seen higher
up, just under the hem of the saint's cloak. Two of the fish,
one of them hooked, are flat fish with red spots on them ;
they are apparently plaice, though it puzzles one to think
what sea-fish would be up to in a little stream only a couple
of strides wide, and only deep enough to reach half-way up
to the saint's knees — although capable of floating the ship
mentioned above.
St. Christopher seems to have been having a " refresher "
before essaying the ford, for standing on the bank behind him
is a nun in a bluish-grey robe and black tippet, with a rosary
hanging from her left arm, who holds in her right hand a
hooped tankard nearly as big as the saint's own head ; behind
the nun is a building of alternate red and white bricks, laid
checker -fashion, with narrow loophole-like windows and
roofed with lead, and in the gable-end there is a rose- window,
and on the top of it a cross.
In the distance are seen mountains — the more distant of
the purplish tint due to atmospheric haze ; on their foot-hills
appear the loopholed walls of a city, with the circular
towers of a castle behind them.
This is, in truth, a very marvellous picture, independently
of the circumstances under which it was found.
It is now seventy-four years ago that this old painting was
discovered and destroyed. It is therefore unlikely that any
parishioner still survives who was then old enough to notice
such a picture intelligently, or, if old enough then, too old
312 A MANUSCRIPT HISTORT OF HATHSBLBIGH.
now to retain more than a vague impression of having seen
something of the kind.
Strangely enough, when Mr. Short's book came into my
possession and I saw the picture, I felt at once that I had
seen it before — the fresco itself I could never have seen, for
at the time of its transient exposure I was still unborn — and
the only theory that helps me to account for that conviction
is that I must have seen Mr. Short's drawing whilst he was
at work on it, for he liked to have me with him at times and
would talk to me about matters antiquarian and otherwise
till he was tired, when he would say : " Now run away, boy,
and ask mother for that slice of cake ! "
THE EARLIEST POETION OF THE "TESTA DE
NEVILL" RELATING TO DEVON.
BY J. H. ROUND, LL.D.
(R«ad at Lynton, July, 1906.)
In spite of the confused arrangement and often corrupt text
of the volume known as " Testa de Nevill/' its great value
and importance for the local and family history of the feudal
period have been rightly insisted on by students of the sub-
ject, such as Mr. Whale (XXIX, 218) and Mr. Reichel
(XXXVII, 410). But its evidence needs to be employed
with great discrimination, and the dates of its various re-
turns require to be carefully fixed.
It is clear that Mr. Whale assigned the whole of the
Devon portion to 1235, and mistook the heading of the first
part of it for the heading of the whole (XXIX, 218). The
Pomeroy extent, however, he dated 21 Ed. I, its date being
so given.
A great advance on this view is seen in Mr. Reichel's recent
paper on its "earlier sections,"^ which, as he justly observes,
" from the detailed information they contain are by far the
most important."
I here address myself specially to the first in order of
date.i Mr. Reichel dates this as "1216" (XXXVII, 410, 413),
but states that " it dates apparently from the first year of
Henry III" (XXXVII, 411). As John was king for the
greater part of the year 1216, this is not as clear as it
might be, and I therefore wrote to ask Mr. Reichel his
authority for the date he gives. He explained that the
reference he gives is erroneous, and that his authority is
" the internal argument from the contents." This, however,
proves to be only the wardship of Reginald de Valletort,
* Mr. Reichel is mistaken in calling it " the oldest section in the whole
volume" (which contains some returns of 1198), but it is the earliest for
Devon.
314 THE KARLIBST PORTION OF "TBSTA Dl NKVILL."
which indicates a date, as he observes, not "later than 1 Hen.
Ill, though it may have been penned earlier." Exactly so;
and I shall now show that it was. But I may first observe
that it affords another note of date in its mention of Robert
de Ver; for although Mr. Eeichel adds "[Earl of Oxford]"
after his name, the return is correct in omitting that style.
It was made before he succeeded his brother in 1214.
The fact is that, as I explained in my paper on " The Great
Inquest of Service,"^ published so far back as 1899, this
Devon return on pp. 194-5 of the "Testa" is merely part
of the returns of a great inquiry made by John all over
England in the year' 1212. Its primary object was to trace
all the lands which had been formerly in the hands of the
Crown and had been alienated therefrom. The order for this
inquiry is thus entered in the "Annals of Waverley " : —
[1212] Idem (rex) scripsit vice-comitibus ut per singulos hun-
dredos facerent homines jurare quae terrsB essent de dominico pr»-
decessorum suorum regiim antiquitus, et qualiter a manibus regum
exierint, et qui eas mode tenent et pro quibus servitiis.*
The actual writ commanding the survey was issued on
1 June, 1212, and is printed on page 54 of the "Testa."
From it I select these words : —
De tenementis omnibus quae antiquitus de nobis aut de progeni-
toribus nostris regibus AnglisB teneri sclent, quae sint data vel
alienata . . . et noraina illorum qui ea teneant et per quod ser-
vitium.^
The return was made with great promptitude, and the
heading to the Devon portion in the "Testa" runs thus: —
Inquipicio dominicorum tenementorum et feoffamentorum domini
Regis vel aiitecessorum suorum in Devonia (p. 194).
The contents of the return correspond exactly with the two
previous extracts quoted above.
With this return we have to compare, but with discrimina-
tion, the lists [assigned to 1210-1212] on pp. 558-60 of the
" Red Book of the Exchequer."
Having now explained the date and object of this valuable
return, I turn to some of its entries, for the identifications
in which we are indebted to Mr. Reichers local knowledge.
The references are to the pages and the numbers in his paper
(Vol. XXXVII).
^ In "The Commune of London and Other Studies."
' *' Commune of London and Other Studies," i». 266.
» Ibid.
THE EARLIEST PORTION OF "TESTA DE NEVILL." 315
The annual payment in respect of the hundred of Bud-
leigh (p. 415, No. 1345) is recorded as 408., not lis. (Mr.
iReichel seems to have misread xl. as xj.)
The gift of Harpford to the monks of Marmoutier (p. 415,
No. 1347) was made by Oliver de Dinan 18 June, 1173.^
Hugh Peverel of Sampford Peverel and Aller Peverel
(p. 416, No. 1350). This is a very important entry, for its
reference to an early enfeoffment by "William Peverel, of
Essex, and Matilda his sister." I have not been able to trace
this enfeoffment, but Mr. Eeichel has fallen into error by
confusing (like some of the older antiquaries) the two great
and distinct honours of Peverel of Essex {cdias of London)
and Peverel of Nottingham. The former appears to have
escheated to the Crown under Henry I some time earlier
than the other. Hugh Peverel, the holder at the time of
the return, appears on p. 556 of the "Eed Book" as "Hugo
Pyperellus de Saunforde" holding two and a half fees of the
Bishop of Exeter in 1210-12. But on p. 558 he is entered
for the holding in the "Testa" return as "Hugo Paynel de
Saunforde," and is so indexed, the editor (Mr. Hubert Hall)
failing to recognize his identity.
The comments on the Wonford entry (p. 418, No. 1356)
need much revision. I am myself made responsible, both in
text and note, for the statement that Geoffrey de Mandeville,
who received Wonford, was son to Geofirey de Mandeville,
the Conqueror's companion. But on turning to p. 392 of my
"Geoffrey de Mandeville" (the reference given) no such state-
ment is found, nor have I made it anywhere else.
Mr. Eeichers note opens thus : —
Mr. Whale, on the authority of Madox, says that Ralph Taisson
held Wonford in King Stephen's reign; but how this statement
can be reconciled with Henry I's gift to Geoflfrey de Mandevil
does not appear.
Why create these difi5culties ? Every antiquary knows,
or should know, nowadays, that the roll which Madox with
some hesitation accepted as of "5 Stephen" is simply the
Pipe Roll of 1130 (31 Henry I), published by the Record
Commission. Moreover, the record is not only misdated by
Mr. Whale, but misquoted as to its purport. What we read
in it is (p. 154): —
Godefridus clericus Bald[uini] de Redv[eriis] reddit comp. de
Till li. et VI s, et viii d, ut teneat ad firmam terram de Wunford,
In thesauro xl s. . . .
^ See ray " Calendar of Documents : France," p. 428.
316 THE EARLIEST PORTION OF "TESTA DB NBVILL."
Here we have evidence that Wonford was being farmed of
the Crown in 1130.
Entry No. 1362 (p. 420) relates to the lands of Juhel de
Mayenne (Meduana). "Gorham" and "Ambreres" were
Gorron and Ambriferes, the chefs-lieu of two adjacent cantons
in the arrondissement and Department of Mayenne (not
" Marne," as Mr. Keichel has it) to the south of Domfront, in
Normandy.
We can supplement this entry in very interesting fashion
by turning to another page of the " Testa " (p. 163), where,
in the Somerset portion of the same return, we learn that
the royal manor of South Petherton formed part of the same
exchange, and that Juhel's actual predecessor, who received
these lands, was Hamelin de Mayenne.^
Tliere is a reference in entry 1364 (pp. 420-1) to the grant
by Richard I to Henry, the Earl's son, of Kings Kerswell
and Diptford. Its date was 24 April, 1194, and the charter
is printed in my "Ancient Charters" [Pipe Poll Society],
pp. 101, 102.
I turn to the Braunton entry (p. 421, No. 1366). Mr.
Peichel states, apparently on the authority of "Eisdon's
Note Book " — a secondary authority which is too much used
— that *'in 1176 the king gave £20 a year in Braunton to
Ode son of William son of Gerald." But I have dealt with
these Braunton transactions, using the original authorities,
in **The Ancestor,"- and have there shown, from the Pipe
Poll of 20 Hen. II, that the grant was made at Midsummer,
1174, and that Odo — the ancestor of the great house of
Carew^ — held the estate at least as late as 1201.
Having now dealt with the details of the return, I recur
to the question of its date. This, I have shown, was 1212,
though Mr. Keichel makes it 1216. He closes his remarks
on the date thus : —
The only difficulty is the mention of Baldwin de Insula as E^rl
of Devon (No. 1349) ; for he only became earl on the death of his
father Baldwin de Redvers in 1246. Perhaps the reference to him
is an after insertion (p. 411).
Again I ask, Why create these imaginary difficulties?
We have only to turn to the writer's own version of "No. 1349"
to find that it contains no mention of an Earl Baldwin at all !
* Et Henricns Rex senex dedit illud maneriuni Hamelino de Cheduana
[sic] in escamliium de Anibreres et dc Gurrehani iiescimus quo servicio. Etcii
for the *' Testa de Nevill " ** Cbeduaua " is a gross error.
« No. 5 (1903), i»p. 23, 24.
' He is not identified by Mr. Reicbel.
THE EARLIEST PORTION OF "TESTA DE NEVILL." 317
His words are "the Earl de I'lsle (de Insula)." This style,
like Earl of "Exeter," could be applied to any of the earls of
Devon since the first of them (before his creation), when
driven from Exeter by Stephen, fled to his possessions in the
Isle (of Wight), and thence defied the king.
A precisely similar instance occurs on the same page (p. 41 1).
Dealing with the section of the "Testa/' "on p. iy6h, Nos.
1436-66 [sic], part 37 in the summary," Mr. lieichel holds
that it "probably dates from a time between 1217 and 1221."
But he adds that : —
It mentions, however, Patrick de Chaworth (No. 1493) [sic] as
tenant of Holsworthy, whose father Pagan did not die before 1226,
which seems to create a difficulty ; the explanation offered is that
Patrick was tenant of Holsworthy in his father's lifetime, Hols-
worthy having been his mother's land.
Again a needless difficulty ! How can " Xo. 1493 " be
comprised in " Nos. 1436-66 '* ? We have only to turn to the
entry in question, on p. 439, to find that it forms part of a
section (Nos. 1467-1508) which Mr. Reichel himself assigns
to 1244 (pp. 411,431)!
The simple moral of this paper is that, without care and
accuracy, no amount of local knowledge and no assiduity of
research can produce archaeological work of real and definite
value.
FEES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY.
BY RBV. T. W. WHALE, M.A.
(Read at Lyntou, July, 1906.)
Devonians will always take a lively interest in the
authentic records of the possessions of the greatest of her
sons, the Earls of Devon. The document transcribed below,
" Chancery, Miscellaneous Rolls ^," is one of the most
important of these records, showing that Hugh, Earl of
Devon, who died in the ninth year of Hen. V, paid scutage
for 102^ fees on the honour of Plympton, and for 102^ fees
on the honour of Okehampton. In the time of Hen. Ill
only 427 fees paid scutage in Devon, so that we may say of
this Earl Hugh that he held nearly half of the knights' fees
of the whole county.
No satisfactory list of knights' fees can be found till 12-14
Hen. II, when the barons were required to make a return to
the King of the knights under them and the fees they held
(see Trans. : Dev. Assoc, Vol. XXXIII, p. 363). To show
how uncertain were the payments before this, we find (2 Hen.
II) the King claiming of the Abbot of Pershore for 105J fees,
while the abbot conceded only 16J. In the next place the
book called *' Testa de Nevill" collects from the Rolls of the
Exchequer of 27 Hen. Ill the knights' fees of the county to
serve as a basis for future assessments, and to which the
figures on the right of each page of the present document
refer, mostly following in consecutive order.
The first volume of the new Inquisitiones post mortem is
very useful for explaining the fees of the honour of Plympton,
47 Hen. Ill, p. 173. The old Calendar, which gives only
the names of caput manors, fails utterly to reveal its true
meaning, and, following closely on *' Testa de Nevill," was a
complete riddle ; but now we see (p. 174) that certain manors
were surveyed separately. Afterwards (p. 175) we find **the
following knights' fees held of the lord of the castle " : and a
comparison of these with the Inq. p.m., 1 Ric. II, p. 2, No. 12,
FEES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY. 319
and with Trans.: Vol. XXXII, p. 540, enables us to
follow the list of the knights of the honour and the fees
each held.
The number of fees, reckoning the Barony at 2J, is 89, ^,
T^r, as compared with 89 fees of 12 John and of 27 Hen. IIL
The second volume is shortly to be published, and will be
useful to explain the inq. p. m. of John de Curtenay, 2 Ed. I,
p. 52, 27, with its 91 fees pertaining to the Barony of Oke-
hampton.
The Aid for marrying the King's daughter,A,D.1302,31Ed.I,
next claims special attention. Granted by Parliament, 18Ed. I,
the inquisition was probably made at once, but the subsidy
was not levied. In a parliament held in London in the year
1302 it was unanimously resolved that this aid should be
raised for the service of the Scottish war (Lyttleton's
" England," I, 470) and the consequent King's writ to each
county notes "pro dicti comitatus aisimento hue usque super-
sedimus graciose."
In this year (31 Ed. I) King Ed. I granted to Hugh de
Courtney scutage of the honour of Okehampton for the
armies of Scotland (Feoda in capite, 223).
Eight years later we get (Trans. : Vol. XXXII, pp. 540-2)
a register of fees and liberties of Hugo de Courtney, ex-
tracted from previous registers. This is very important
in connexion with the "Kalendar" we have in hand, for its
quondam tenants are mostly taken from the above Aid, and
where they differ we probably have changes of tenants
between the time of its survey (whether 18 Ed. I or 3 1 Ed. I)
and 4 Ed. II.
Next we note the Inq. p.m. of Hugh Courtney, 1 Ric. II,
p. 2, and of Margaret his widow, 15 Eic. 11, p. 133, who was a
daughter of Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Essex. It is notice-
able that these inquisitions are not arranged in hundreds, but,
like the Cartse, according to the holdings of successive mili-
tary tenants. Apparently the above register of 4 Ed. II was
arranged in the same way.
Passing on to 32 Hen. VIII, when the Court of Wards
and Liveries was created, we find (Feoda in capite, p. 3) fees
held of the King in capite and in demesne collected from
previous registers by the Master, through John Ford, who,
under him as Feodary, had charge of the Devon fees (p. 223),
with special reference to 4 Ed. II. This list contains the
above fees of 1 Ric. II, in the same order, but with certain
additions representing, I suppose, recent acquirements, with
the names of the quondam military tenants of 4 Ed. II
320 FEES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY.
at the head of their respective fees, the first being the
caput.
As to our **Kaleudar/' Scargill Bird, "Guide to Records,"
p. 120, gives its date as £d. Ill, but there is no good reason
for doubting the date, 1 Hen. VI, 63, p. 75, Inq. p.m. ; in
fact, the Inq. p.m. of Hugh de Courtnay's widow Anna,
daughter of Kichard Lord Talbot, 19 Hen. VI, proves the
date by comparison of entries. The inquisition states that
Hugh died in the reign of Hen. IV, seemingly a mistake for
Hen. V. The 10th of Hen. V only lasted from April to
August, A.D. 1422 ; the remainder of the year was 1 Hen. VL
In the next place note carefully the Inq. p.m. of Hugo
Courtenay, Earl of Devon, 10 Hen. V, 29b, p. 66. This must
be, I think, the same Earl Hugh. The inquisition of his
manors, rents, etc., was taken between April and August,
1422; that of his fees later on, in the year 1 Hen. VI; and so
it becomes desirable to add this inquisition to our Kalendar.
The consecutive numbers to each entry are not in the
original, but are inserted for purposes of reference. The
holders of each fee are entered as "quondam tenentes" ; ex-
amination will conclusively prove that they were the tenants
of 4 Ed. II. Against each fee is entered a sum of money at
the rate of £5 for each fee. Now the relief rolls of Ed. I
("Feudal Aids," 438) show that £5 was then the relief payable
on each fee. (See also "New Calendar of Inquisitions," Vol. I,
135.) The names of honours and hundreds within brackets
are not in the original, but are inserted to explain the plan
of the survey. The figures at the end of each entry are
inserted for comparison with "Testa de Nevill" (Trans.:
Vol. XXX, 203-57).
The entry 65 is out of place, and should have been entered
before 139. Bramforde, 399, among the omissions at the end,
has been entered before (see 224)— a strange blunder in an
original document. Aylescote occurs twice (327, 339), perhaps
divided between the two owners.
Hyanton seems to be omitted after 288, but included in
the 2 J fees.
There are some minor faults in the addition. The sum
total of all fees appears to be £1117. 9s. 3Jd. I have failed
to discover why relief should be charged on the cwivowsons ;
perhaps the incumbents had to pay on the death of the
patron. Nor is it easy to see why the third part of the
relief was taken, unless it was an allowance to the Earl.
In the inquisition of manors the third penny of the county,
as of old £18. 6s. 8d., paid to the Earl, appears at the head.
FBES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY.
321
It is remarkable that, after the death of the Countess Isabella
de Fortibus, the Earl Hugh, who died 20 Ed. I, did not assume
the title, and was ordered by the King to take it. So on the
death of Earl Eichard de Red vers, A.D. 1162, the third penny
ceases to be paid till after 1 Ric. I ; seemingly then his suc-
cessors, Baldwin and Richard, did not take up the title, perhaps
because their mother Hawis, daughter of Earl Reginald, was
the Countess. The word hurgus is used in two senses : (1)
as representing the larger burgh of the Nomina Villarum ;
(2) as a smaller defensive castle, for example in Chulmleigh,
Chawleigh, Kenford, . of which we find notices elsewhere.
They were ancient circular buildings or ring forts.
Chancery, Miscellaneous Rolls ^i,
KALENDAR OF ALL KNIGHTS' FEES, AND ADVOWSONS OF
CHURCHES, WHICH WERE HUGO DE COURTENAY*S, FOR-
MERLY EARL OF DEVON, DEFUNCT.
DEVON.
[HONOUR OF PLYMPTON.l
{HuTuired of fVenfort.]
1. Roucomb Hughe, lobelia de Brent . 1 fee, lOOs. ..
2. Poltymore. • i Robert Morchard )
o u ^wTi J A ? and > 1 fee, lOOs. ..
4. Baggetorre, Thomas de Baggetorre . . 1 fee, lOOs. ..
6. Syggeford, Joel de Bukyn^n . . i fee, 25s. ..
6. Stapelhille, Roger Stapelhille . . i fee, 50s. ..
7. Holebenie, William Holebeme . . J fee, 50s. ..
8. Stoke in Tynehyde, Robert Fitz Pain . J fee, 508. ..
9. Throuleghe, William Prouz . . I fee, 50s. ..
10. Parva Lam foi*de. Prior of Plympton . ;:fee, 258. ..
11. Hakeworthy, Peter Hakeworthi . . $ fee, 50s. ,.
12. Clyfforde Corbeyn 1
cum y Thomas Radeweye . ^ fee, 508. ..
13. Halstowe . .J
14. Estwogwill, Robert Malstone
15. Hyncton inToppysham, JoeldeBukyrgton
16. Sege in Topsham, Augustine de Baa
17. Roghorn in the manor of Topsham, John
deToryton . . . . . i fee, 25s.
18. Hewyssh Tremynet, John de Henryssh
Tremynet . . . . ^ fee, 50s.
19. W'oneford, William de Mountaga . . J fee, 50s.
20. Woneford Wygor, William de Venella . " J fee, 50».
21. Pynho . . . ., Thonjas Mpleton . . 1 fee, 100s.
VOL. XXXVIIL X
^ fee, 50s. ..
\j fee, 5s. ..
I fee, 12s. 6d.
632
626
^103
627
628
629
630
633
637
638
639
631
624
625
640
S22
FKSS OF KABL HUGH DX OOURTENAT.
[Esmminidra.'i
22. Legh Doddyscomb, John de Doddyscomb
23. Broyngtone, Walter de Broyngtone
24. Ayesherystx)!!, Richard Prouz
25. Shillyngforde, Thomas fil. Ranulphe
26. Holdham. John de Clavyle .
27. South woae, John Frauncevs
28. Aysford Peverel, Walter de Ashford
b ^ fee, 50b. ...
722
. J fee, 256. ...
719
1 fee, 1008. ...
. ffee, 668. 8d.
718
fee, 508. ...
; fee, 25s. ...
720
: fee, 258. ...
721
29.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
[TairUona.]
Twynes, John de Twynes and Hugh de
Coleford . ...
Yeddeforde, Gilbert de Knovyle .
Anykesdone, John de Moeles
Aystryngton, Isabella de Fysacre and
John ae Beaumond
Holrygge, Abbot of Torre .
Whitewey, Richard de Whiteweye .
Lowedone, John de Doddyscomb .
36,
ICarseuilla,]
Wakeleforde / Gnj d^Bry^n \
(Bakeleford)jjjj^hola^Penyles/
37. Bokelond '\ Stephen de Haccomoe ]
and > and
38. Charlecombe ) John Herpath ;
39. Eggergswill J John de Ferramus (Fer-
aiid > "^^^^^)> Roger de Rem- 1
( mysbwey, and Eustace I
Odeknoll . ) de (le) Baron
Torbruer, John de Mohoun.
Aire juxta Carswill, John de Aire .
Wydecomb, Thomas Fitz Ralph .
[Cadelintona,]
40.
41.
42.
43.
44. Stoke in la Hamme ) Matthew Fitz John )
and c and [
j- and
45. Blake Aueton . ) Abbot of Torre
46. Qrymston, William de Qrymston .
47. Stancombe, Peter Prior
[JDippe/orda,]
48. Leghe Artour, William de Grymstone
49. Herewelthesore, Baldwin de Bastard
50. Wodelegh, Henry Fitz Alan
51. Morleghe, Peter de Fysacre
52. Myddelton "j James de Mohoun ^
and V and >
53. Horswille J Richard de Neweton J
( William de Beneleghe )
54. Beneleghe < and >
( John de Moeles )
55. Combe Rouel, William de Combe .
J fee, 168. 8d. 701
1 fee, 1008. ... 702
1 fee, lOOs. ... 705
1 fee, lOOs. ... 706
^fee, 338. 4d. 703
I fee, 16s. 8d. 704
I fee, 50s. ... 722
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, 1008.
I fee, 508.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
ifee, 25s.
695
^696
[697
698
700
699
1715
2 fees, 2008. .,.<
(714
1 fee, 100s. ... 716
^ fee, 88. 4d. 717
1 fee, lOOs. ... 709
ifee, 25s. ... 707
1 fee, 100s. ... 708
1 fee, lOOs. ... 709
1 fee, lOOs. ... 711
1 fee, lOOs.
^fee, 258.
713
712
FEES OF KARL HUGH DB COURTRNAY.
323
[AUeriga,]
66. Aueton Gyflfard, William le Prouz
57. Flute . . )
68. Bykcomb . ( John de Ambe Marie \
and ( (Alba Maria) /
59. Wardyslegh)
60. Ermyngton, John de Benestede
61. Kyngestone, William Martyn
62. Holboghetone, William de (le) Prouz
63. Kyllebury, Robert de Kyllebury .
64. Uggeburgh, John de Monoun
Wytherygge, William Poleyn
Blache worth, Baldwin le Bastard
[65
I fee, lOOa.
1 fee, lOOa.
^ fee,
J fee,
J fee,
. ^ fee,
1 fee, lOOs.
i + ^fee, 608.
± fee, 258.
67. Nyther Blaccheworth, Prior of Plympton J fee, 258.
[Plintona,}
68. Hennemerdona 1
cum > Nicholas de Warwyk
69. Bockeworth .J
70. Bykeford, William de Bykeford .
71. Legh Chalouns, Robert Chalouns .
72. Gosewill, Baldwin le Bastard
73. Alfamestone, William de Treauwen
74. West Hoo, Osbert Gyffard .
1 fee, lOOs. ... 641
J fee, 268.
tfee, 20s.
fee, 508.
1 fee, 1008.
I fee, 258.
641
644
643
642
684
[ JFalehentOfuu'j
75. Tauyfolyot, John GJorges .
76. Whitechurch, Joan de la Treauwen
77. Sampforde-spyne, Walter de la Spyne
78. Shiteletorre, John Herbert .
79. Louytone, Baldwin le Bastard
80. Bokelond, John Gyffard .
81. Comptone, John Gyffard
82. Efford, Baldwin le Bastard .
84.' ?Srelegli I ^^"^^ ^' ^aTd ^^""'"''^^
85. Whythy . ( *^^^^ ^^ Blakeston
86. Buttockyshyde, William de Buttockya-
hyde . . ...
87. Tamertone Folyot, John Gorges
88. Blakestone, John Blakestone
}
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, 1008.
1 fee, 503.
I fee, 26s.
1 fee, lOOs.
I fee, 75s.
I fee, 508.
3^ fees, 350s.
1 fee, 100s.
1 fee, lOOs.
j[ fee, 608.
677
678
679
680
681
682
683
685
686
I 687
'688
689
693
694
[Xiftono.]
89. Wyselysworth, William Trenchard . 1 fee, lOOs.
90. Lamerton, Joan de la Treauwen . . 1 fee, lOOa.
91. Colycomb)
and y William Trenchard . . 1 fee, lOOs.
92. Wylestre J
93. Bradestone, John de Crwys . . 4 fee, 508.
94. Sprey, John de Assheleghe . . i fee, 508.
x2
645
648
649
r64
6:)0
661
652
324 FEES OF EARL HUGH DB COUBTBNAY.
[TauuerUona,]
96. Mylestonel
and > Richard Corbyn
96. Hoke J
97. Cruke Burnell, Ralph Burell (Burnell) .
98. Taiitone \
cum I
iStSre Hughd^VaUeTovta . .
and I
101. Wyke /
[Toritona,]
102. Lughhyngcote, Jordan de Liiglihyngcote
103. Brygge Rouwald, Ralph de Doune
104. Chury Potford, Robert de Mortone
105. Tiuieueburgh "j
and V Ralph de Asshe. .
106. Clystmeldoune J
107. Gydecote, Walter le Denys .
ll^^fU HalphdeEsse |
110. Haie ( Richard deStapledone J
111. Whamford, William le Prouz
112. Innelegh, John Beaumound
r Walter Speare "j
113. Myddelcote-! and V
(^ Robert de Kyllebury J
114. Scobchestre, Roger Asshbrytell (Assh
bury).
116. Asshbury, Roger Asshbrytell (Asshbury)
116. Radeclyve, John le BrocKe .
117. Beworthy \
and > Ralph Bloyou .
118. MelleburyJ
119. Kympebeare, John le Beare
1 fee, 100s.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, 100s.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
i fee, 508.
J fee, 758.
i fee, 508.
1 fee, lOOs.
^563
[564
562
r567
I 568
569
589
590
591
1^592
[593
594
^595
I 597
'599
600
601
^fee, 168. 8d. 602
ifee, 338. 4d.
1 fee, 100s. ...
i fee, 258. ...
i fee, 508. ..,
} fee, 758. ...
603
604
[606
[607
605
[Mertona.]
120. Warre A
and > Joan de la Treauwen .
121. HoldhamJ
122. Little Tori tone, William Crwys .
123. Beauforde, John Wyletone .
( Robert de Stokhay )
124. Hele Pouere < and >
( Matthew Gyffard )
125. Hele Godyng, Thomas Terrell
126. Twykeyeare . )
127. Wynse^ote . . ( ^^^^^P ^^ Courtenay 2 fees, 200s. ... j
et cum membris ) (
ISInlSr'^rrlondlDaviddeServjngton 1 fee, 1008. ... 616
1 fee, 1008.
i fee, 508.
J fee, 25s.
1 fee, lOOs.
J fee, 25s.
I 608
*609
611
612
613
614
: 615
FEES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAT.
325
nyrgton ^
le DenysJ
[Brantona,]
130. Lobbe, Mauger de Sanctx) Albino .
r rain de Mollecote )
131. Mollecote-! and V .
(^ John Doddyscomb )
132. Whitfyld, Richard Whitfyld
( Prioress of Cany
133. Qodelegh< and
( Heirs of John
134. Cburche Merewode, William Martyn
135. Crackeway, John White way
[Scireaella,]
136. Sherewille, Thomas Beaumound .
137. Stoke, Peter de Fyshacre .
[Sul Moltona,]
13d. Polham, John de Sancto Mauro
i fee, 60s.
i fee, 508.
1^ fees, 1508.
1 fee, lOOs.
i fee, 508.
I fee, 258.
1 fee, 100s.
^fee, 258.
582
I 583
584
686
585
7
687
688
iVfee, 88. 4d. 610
139. Wolferysworth
140. Tedelegh.
and
[jrUric.]
Robert de Stokay,
Walter de Mollond,
John de Wyke,
and
William Dubbe
141. Blakegrove
142. Baggeston, Robert de Baggeston
143. Warbryghtyslegh ]
and y
144. Blakeworth .J
145. Derterauf, Ralph de Esse .
146. Odetowne, Robert de Horton
Tliomas de Danecaster
1 fee, 1008.
J fee,
ifee,
i fee,
J fee.
25s.
258.
128. 6d.
671
672
573
676
676
677
581
679
147. Langgelegh
[Budeleia.]
and ~ > Henry de Wylytone
148. Brotherygge J
149. Crydehylyon, Ralph de Hylyon
150. Wortha, Alexander de WoVtlia
151. Blakeburgh, Hoger le Poyer
152. Clyst St. Alary, Roger Tauntefer .
Femdon Rauf, Thomas Fitz Ralph
C John de Forde )
Forde < and >
( Nicholas de la Wythyen )
Cadebury, William de Botreaus
153.
154.
155.
[Culiniona»]
156. ^Vhitelegh )
and > Hugh le Prouz
157. Wydecomb )
158. Muttone (Suttone), Maurice de Lucy
159. HuUe, Abbot of Quarera .
160. Forewode, Abbot of Quarera
:■•{:
'723
1 fee, lOOs.
■ Y23
Ifee, 16s. 8d. '724
^ fee, 508. ..
A fee, lOs. ..
* fee, 50s. ..
I fee, 338. 4d.
ifee, 168. 8d.
^ fee, 508. ...
i fee, 608. ...
726
726
727
728
729
863
619
fee, 508. ...
620
fee, 168. 8d.
621
fee, 60s. ...
69
326
FEES OF KARL HUGH DB COUBTENAY.
[Axtmuda,]
161. Doune, Ralph de Doune
[Axeministra.]
162. Memburye Capye, William Capye .
163. Wyke, Ralph de Doune
164. Kylmetone, Richard de Mertone .
[ffamiihe.]
166. Chery Stan tone, Oliver de Todeham
[Clisiana,]
166. Kolomp, Mauger de Sancto Albino
167. Biyghrycheston, Nicholas de Boteforde .
iJohn de Valle Torta )
and V
Henry de Frankehayne )
169. Boterlegh, William Poleyn .
[Badentona,]
170. Pal tone, John de Radyngtoue
171. Donnyngston, Abbot of Torre
[TuuerUma,]
172. La Cove )
and > Roger Fitzpain .
173. La Mere)
174. La West Mere, Matthew de la Newlond
176. West Cheuethome, William de Cheue
thorne . . .
176. Louerlegh, Richard le Palmer
177. Legh, Thomas de Legh
178. Pole, Mauger le Qraunt
179. Noggecote, Robert Mauduyt
180. Est Bradelegh, Richard de Est Bradelegh
[Sul/ertana,]
181. Cadelegh, John de Mohon .
182. Plymptrwe, Robert Fitzpain
183. Greenelynch J
184. Northwill f .
and t
186. Yerdone )
186. Blakeburgh Boty— of which |th parti
is in Ashforde, Adam de Boty . j
187. Est Raddone, Augustine de Baa
188. Nywelond, Gregory de Wyllyngton
189. Waylesbeare, John de Chalouns
190. Borne A
and > Margaret de la Borne .
191. DowryggeJ
192. Paddokebroke, William de Cogan .
193. Emehilte, Henry de Campo Amulphi .
194. Sylferton, Humphry de Bello Campo .
ifee, 168. 8d. 618
^ William Thorlok
r fee, 168. 8d.
ffee, 168. 8d.
r fee, 608. ...
1 fee, 1008. ...
J fee, 60s. ...
I fee, 338. 4d.
^ fee, 608. ...
i fee, 608. ...
1 fee, 1008.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, 1008.
I fee, 128. 6d.
nfee,
i fee,
ifee,
; : fee,
fee,
A^ee,
608.
268.
668. 8d.
268.
20a.
2s. 6d
1 fee, lOOs.
i fee, 608.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOs.
" fee, 268.
Jfee,
ifee,
ifee,
J fee,
1 fee, lOOs.
268.
60s.
608.
258.
[Honour of Plympton 102^ fees, 10233s. 4d.]
622
861
667
669
668
963
660
[661
662
762
663
664
666
666
106
653
&54
/864
•\856
! 668
. 666
f666
659
PSSS OF KABL HUGH DX COUBTSNAY.
327
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
206.
206.
207.
208.
209.
210.
211.
212.
213.
214.
216.
216.
217.
218.
219.
221.
222.
223.
224.
[HONOUR OF OKSHAHFTON.]
[JFenf&rt.'i
Rawlandeston, Master John Derwyen .
Bramford Pvn, Robert de Pyn
Parva Donsford, William Servyngton ,
Matforde, Oliver de Dynham
rRalpli Fitz William^
Rocombe Cadeho-! and V
[ Henry Fitz Alan J
Medenecomb, John de Byttlysigate
Rydemore \
and > Stephen de Haccomb .
Clifford .J
Teigntone Drw \ John Dabemoun "j
and > and >
Bradeforde . J John Denes J
Ryssheforde, William de Ryssheforde .
Spraytone, William Talbot
H utteneslegh, Roget Cole .
Eg£;ebeare J
Boledone f j , „ ir«ii«.
and > John Kelly . . .
Haylake )
Foleforde, Henrv de Foleforde
Melehewyssh ( f eter de Melehewyssh ")
^fee, 16s. 8d. 476
1 fee, 100s. ... 475
fee, 608. ... 477
fee, 12s. 6d. 478
1 fee, lOOs.
479
^fee, 50s. 480,481
( 484
f fee, 66s. 8d. \
(486
(486
and ' I and >
Langeston . ( Langeston )
Tettebom, Thomas de Harpetrwe .
Tettebom, R(M5er de Langeforde
Wolderygge, John de Wyke
Wolderygge, Henry Goraunt
Colechurcne, Dommus de Colechurche
" c^ue dicitur Sancte Marie in le Hethe."
Westecote ^
and > Walter de Langedon .
La HagheJ
Uppecote . 1 y^^.^ ^j 1^^^ ^j Uppecote
Holecombe ) <^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ Exemynstre)
Floyerslond juxta Exham, Walter Floyer
Bramforde, William Le Speke
^ fee, 508.
J fee, 75s.
1 fee, 1008.
^fee, 60s.
1 fee, lOOs.
^ fee^ 60s.
1 fee, lOOs.
i, ^ fee, 76s.
fee, 603.
fee, 50s.
fee, 508.
fee, 75s.
487
488
489
[490
491
•"{
492
493
1 fe^, 100s.
J fee, 268. ...<
494
496
496
497
498
499
553
[Esseministra,']
( Hugh le Prouz ^
225. Shappelegh-I and V .
\ Richard le Prouz J
226. Fenne ^
and \ Robert de Valepytte
227. Jordenestoune J
228. Tengce George, John le Norreys .
229. Alandestone, Nicholas Pecche
230. Mamaheued, Nicholas de Carru
231. Teygnemuthe, Serlo de la Gore
^fee, 508.
1 fee, 100b.
1 fee, 100s.
ifee, 16s. 8d.
J fee, 508. ...
fee, 258. ...
1 fee, 100s. ...
^iee, 168. 8d.
552
71
549
550
548
551
554
328 FEES OF EARL HUGH DE GOURTENAT«
[Taintona.]
232. Heanoke, John de Tremynet
233. Parva Maneton, Mabel de Langedon
234. Nytherdone, Hugh le Prouz
236. Torbryan )
nd }
[Caruuilla.]
and { Guy de Briane .
236. Westeton '
237. Spearkewill, William Bernhous
238. Blakedon, John Pypard
239. Haccomb, Stephen de Haccomb
240. Welleburgh, Abbot of Torre
[Cadelintona,]
241. Aydesham (Dydesham), Roger de Inke-
penne . ...
242. Slaptone, Quy de Bryane .
243. Doddebrok A
and y Henry Fitz Alan .
244. Porttelemwe J
245. Lamsyde, Henry Fitz Alan
246. Pral, William Pral ...
247. Engleburne, Abbot of Bucfestre .
[LisUma.]
248. Wyke Langeforde, Prior of Frethelystok
249. Barony of (Bratton) )
250. Comb . . .U^eydeMeryet .
251. Qodescote . )
252. Brydestawe, John de Cobeham
253. Dountertone, Philip de Courtenay .
254. Kelly A
and VJohnde Kelly
255. MedewylleJ
256. Lyem . . \
and y William Trenchard .
257. WadelestoneJ
258. Orchard, John de Mules
259. Godberdone ( Thomas de Godberdone ^
and < and >
260. Alfardestone ( Alfardesdone )
261. Meledone, Michael de Meledone .
262. Hoke, William de Cockyscomb
263. Stokelegh, Geoffrey de Stockelegh .
[TauuetUona,]
264. Eggeneford, Richard de Reygny .
265. Wemme Worthy )
and I William le Speke
266. Brysshford J ^ 381
267. Pettrycheswall i J 379
and \ Adam de Boys . . I fee, 25s. ... {
268. Heyghes. J U78
1 fee, lOOs. ...
538
ifee, 25s. ...
ifee, 16s. 8d.
539
640
638
1 fee, 100s. ...
633
r fee, 50s. ...
634
fee, 16s. 8d.
636
fee, 338. 4d.
636
Ifee, lOOs. ...
537
1 fee, lOOs. ...
1 fee, 100s. ...
f643
ifee, 60s. ...-
1644
ifee, 33s. 4d.
646
fee, 128. 6d.
rfee, 258. ...
646
647
ifee, 508. ...
500
'601
1 fee, 100s. ... <
|502
1
1 fee, lOOs. ...
607
1 fee, lOOs. ...
608
r509
Ifee, 1008. ....
[510
f611
i fee, 338. 4d. -
,512
ifee, 25s. ...
513
r
ifee, 50s. ....
,503
: fee, 20s. ...
604
fee, 20s. ...
506
fee, 50s. ...
506
ifee, 50s. ...
377
(
380
I fees, 200s. ...
FEES OF EARL HUGH DE GOURTENAT.
329
270.
271.
272.
273.
274.
276.
276.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
Nymet Rolond )
&i [johndeWolfryngton
Kolondistone ]
Brodenymet )
^*^T^^ > Robert de Appeldore
Appledore . )
Bordeuylestone, Walter de Loges .
Cloueneburgh, Walter le Denys
Walestone l Robert de Stokhay i
and I and } .
Thorn . I Thomas de Tetborn '
Hals, Walter Tauntefer
Greneslade, Hu^h de Greneslade .
Newelond, William de Newelond .
Cheynystone, Walter de Chenystone
Harawynslegh, Roger Cole .
Wyke, Robert Flambard .
1 fee, lOOs.
1 fee, lOOe. ..
ifee, 508. ...
fee, 33s. 4d.
J fee, 25s. ...
^ fee, 508. ...
j^fee, 75s. ...
rfee, 168. 8d.
; fee, 25s. ...
irfee, 50s. ..,
^:fee, 258. ...
384
286.
287.
289.
290.
291.
292.
293.
294.
295.
296.
297.
297.
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
306.
307.
308.
309.
Ledebrok
[Taritona,]
Domeforde ( ^^^^^ ^^ ^f^f °^ ^^''}^' \
nr^A } boHie aud Agnes de >
Yekesbomei Domeflforde J
Lodecote . )
wis': Jo^'^^«C''<^«^° • •
Rokeworthy )
Belstone, Henry de Belstone
Bryxteneston, Robert de Brodenemet .
Herpforde I Walter Tantefer j
and ] and / .
Radewey . ' Roger de Radewey *
Wyghelegh, Walter Tauntefer
(H)Sonychurch, Richard de (H)Bony-
chiirch . ...
Monokekhampton, Robert de la Mare '.
Brodewode, Henry de Belston
Corbynestone, Peter de Corbynestoue .
Inwardlegh ( Elias Coffeyn ]
and < and >
Westecote ( Walter Perer )
Catokebeare |
and J Roger de Langeforde
Crofte. . J
Gorhuwyssh, William Gorhuwyssh
Maddeforde, William de Maddeforde
West Polworthi, Ralph de Ponestone
Bordone, Roger de Bordone
Bradeforde Auborne, Heirs of lord of
Bradeforde Auborne
2^ fees, 250s.
1 fee, lOOs. ...
i fee, 508. ...
I fee, 33s. 4d.
J fee, 508. ...
5«5 fee, 5s. ...
1 fee, 100s. ...
h fee, 508. ...
I fee, 33s. 4d.
I fee, 16s. 8d.
1^ fees, 1258. ...
453
i fee, 508.
I 454
ifee, 60s. ... 455
I fee, 258. ... 456
^ fee, lOs. ... 467
^ fee, 10s. ... 458
ifee, 128. 6d. 433
330
FEES OF EARL HUGH DX COUBTKNAY.
[Mertana.]
310. Langcars, John de Beaumond
311. Pairkham, Henry de Belston
312. Hemsham, William de Comu
313. Poderygge, Hugh le Moygne
I Matthew Gyffard )
314. Methe j and [ . .
( John le Deneys i
316. Wolledon, John de Wolledon
316. Stokelegh Dabernoun, John le Denys .
317. Heauntou Sachevyle, Mauger Fitz Henry
318. Tonyrton, Joel Pollard
^ fee, 268. ...
2 fees, 7008. ...
^ fee, 608. ...
I fee, lOOs. ....
1 fee, 100b. ...
J fee, 60s. ...
fee, 60a. ...
I fee, lOOs. ...
I fee, 128. 6d.
[ffertilanda,]
319. Asshmoundesworthy, Roger Bemehous . \ fee, 60a.
i Richard de Strokesworth |
and I ^ fee, 608.
Bartholomew Gyffard '
321. Parva Yeamescombe, Walter Fitz Warin 1 fee, lOOs.
[Brantona,]
322. Asshforde, John de Beaumound
323. West Asshforde, Robert Beaupel .
324. Heaunton.
326. Hagyngton
326. Blakewill .
and
327. Aylescote .
328. Lyucomb
329. "VV^orcomb
and
330. Myddlemere
wode
331. Worcombe Roges, Heirs of Fitz Rogo
332. Ilf redecombe, Henry de Campo Arnulpho
333. Kentelysber}', Richard le Wolf
334. Felelegh, Thomas de Felelegh
335. Westecote . j
and [ Henry Merewod
336. Puttesforde *
337. West Bokelond, Nicholas de Warwyk
{Robert Beaupell \
and J
Matthew Forneauus '
339. Aylescote, Augustine de Pyn
-John de Puncherdon ,
Abbot of Donkeswell )
and ;
Matthew Crowethom '
[Scireu£lla»]
340. Sherewille, John de Beaumond
341. Charles, Henry de Ralegh .
[Sut MoUona,]
342. Newetone . |
and 5 Baldwin de Lorrewille
343. Wettestone *
469
460
461
462
463
464
466
466
467
641
642
1 fee, 1008. ...
412
. 1 fee, 100b. ...
413
r414
416
. 3 fees, 3008. ...-
416
. 6
r417
418
. 2 fees,
200b. ,,.-
.419
. i fee,
0 1 fee,
20s. ...
420
100s. ...
421
. 1 fee
100s. ...
422
. i fee.
608. ...
423
111
. ifee,
60s. ...
Ifee,
100a. ...
424
. ifee.
508. ...
425
• ifee,
60s. ...
6
. Hfees,
1608. ...
426
. 1 fee.
1008. ...
427
i 431
. ifee.
508. ...j
432
FEES OF EARL HUGH DX COUBTENAT.
^fee, M)8.
344. Ansty Reygny, Richard de Revgny
345. Frodetone i
and I William de Moigne .
346. Monyeston '
[JFitric.]
347. Chedeldownle Yestre, John Unthunk .
348. Haunteforde, William, son of John de
Ralegh
349. Cadebury, Richard I^e Copyner
350. Bonevyleston, John de Bonevyleston
351. Gorlounde, John de Gorloimde
352. Shitysbeare, William de la Fenne (Stone
353. Baylekeworth, William Cole
354. Stone, William de la Stone
355. Heaunteforde, Roger Cole .
f Simon Fitz Rogo ")
356. Meu8hawe< and > .
(^ Baldwin Flemyng )
357. La Yerd, Roger de la Yerd
358. Assh, Robert de Assh
359. Rakeneforde, Alexander de Crws .
360. Wodebom)
and > Henry de Colecomb .
361. West Aps J
362. WestwcKieborn, Thomas de Westwodebom
363. Ad pontem )
and > William de Raysshelegh .
364. Hospitalem )
[Chriditona,]
365. Yolk (Yowe), Annora de Tettebom
^fee, 50b.
^ fee, lOs. ...
e, 33s. 4d.
fee, 20b. ...
fee, 128. 6d.
: fee, 128. 6d.
fee, 50s. ...
- fee, 168. 8d.
J fee, 128. 6d.
^ fee, 10s. ...
1 fee, 100b. ...
i fee, 50s. ...
I fee, Sas. 4d.
1 fee, lOOs. ...
I fee, lOOs. ...
i fee, 338. 4d.
J fee, 508. ..
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
371.
372.
373.
374.
[Axeministrci.]
377. Forde, Nicholas de Forde .
331
428
(429
I43O
. 395
397
398
399
400
401
403
404
405
406
407
408
409
r410
{
.411
410
[Budeleia.]
lie Shute, Thomas de Swaynesseye
Yetemetone, John le Pouer .
Dialedeche, Robert Dyaledech
Rokebeare, Abbess of Legh
Rokebeare Baudewyne 1
and > Henry deBelston
Dodetone . . . )
Aylysbeare, Sir Hugh de Courtenay
[CuliniorM.']
( William de Parco "i
Colewill -| and >
( The Master of Bothemyscomb )
! William de Parco, J
John de Veer )
1 fee, lOOs. ..,
^ f ee, 258. ...
I fee, 128. 6d.
ifee, 508. ...
I fee, 503. ...
1 fee, lOOs. ...
^ fee, 508. ..
1 fee, 100b.
1 fee, lOOs.
396
655
656
557
658
659
^560
661
473
474
ifee, 608. .,.{%l
I fee, 128. 6d. 471
332
FSBS OF EABL HUGH DE COUBTENAT.
[Axemuda.]
378. Comb Coffyn, Gilbert de Umframvyle
379. Suttecomb, John de Veer .
380. Brokelonde, Vivian de Trylle
[Bdmiohe.'i
381. Hydone, Margaret de Dynham
382. Colomppyne, John Toiler .
383. Nonyngcote, John TyrrV .
384. Bolham, Abbot of Dunkeswill
[Clistana,]
385. Clyst Hydon, William de Hydon .
386. Aflsheclyst, Abbot of Torre
[BadetUona,'}
387. Trounham, William Bamevyle
388. Hokeworthy, William de Hokeworthi
389. Holecomb, Henry de Roges
[HcOberUma.]
390. Selake, Philip Gyffard
[Tuuertona.]
391. Chyuethom, William de Chyuethom
(in the hundred of Baunton)
[Sul/ertona,]
392. Payhembury, Philip Gyffard
393. Hele, Roger de Hele
394. Kentelesbeare '
395. Kyngefforde .
396. Ponteforde .
and
397. Cattesburffh
irgJ
roe
Henry Fitz Mauger j
and I
William Vacy '
398. Langeforde, John de Langeforde
399. Bramforde, William Speke .
400. Monketon, John de Carru .
401. Spelecomb, Roger le Geu .
402. Borlond, Richard de Hewyash
; fee, 50s. ... 468
:fee, 148.3^. 472
fee, 258. ... 748
fee, 508. ... 527
fee, 50s. ... 528
fee, 50b. ... 529
fee, 50s. ... 530
1 fee, lOOs.
ifee, 25s.
i fee, 50s.
I fee, 50s.
1 fee, 100s.
531
525
526
I fee, 128. 6d. 515
^fee, 50s. ... 523
. ifee,
50s. ...
514
. 1 fee.
lOOs. ...
516
519
. 3 fees, 300s. ..."
518
^520
. ifee,
50s. ...
100s. (see
521
1 fee.
224)
i fee,
503. ...
. Ifee,
25s. ...
. Ifee,
50s. ...
[fee8l02f 10214 3^]
The sum £1020 5 11^
Est Coker
North Coker
and
Haryngdon
SOMERSET.
John de Maundevyle,
I John de Sancto Quinteno, I
I and I
Clement de Monte Alto
3 fees, 300s.
FEES OF EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY. 333
Heghe Church (juxta Hemyngton), William le
Prr»na
1 fee, 33a
. I fee, 258.
.10 fees, lOOOs.
i fee, 50s.
1 fee, 100s.
Prous. . . . . . i fee, 33s. 4d.
Folkelond, Nicholas de Seyntvyger
Ashull \
and I Matilda de Moleton
Sevenhampton *
Staunton, Brodo de Staunton .
I John Ryvere )
and >
Stephen Beaumond )
( William de Mounceaus )
Quarme Mounceaus ! and J . J fee, 50a.
' John de Doddescomb '
^T,Simbris}Thomas Gorges . . . 2 fees. 200s.
The sum £87 18 4
DORSET. '"^^'^'^'^^
Childokforde, otherwise called Childakford . . 1 fee, 100s.
BERKS.
Sutton Courtenay, John Borne vile , • • A ^*^» ^^'
BUCKS.
Wottesdon, Richard le Monte . • • i ^^c, 25s.
(Richard Atte Halle,\
Edmund Bernarde, I
John Cotes, I
Isabella Buket, > . . . J fee, 50a.
Stephen Fitz Adam, j
and I
Richard Wermeston^ ^
The sum £3 15
Sum total of all fees . £1117 19 3^
Of which the third i>art £372 13 1
ADVOWSONS OF CHURCHES, ETC.
SOMERSET. iB «. d.
WestCoker . . . . . . 20 0 0
Crukem . . . . . . 53 6 8
The second portion in the church of Crukern . . . 10 0 0
Chantry of the chapel of the Blessed Mary in the church
of Crukern . . . . ..500
Chantry of the chapel of the Blessed Mary in the church-
yard of Crukern . . . ..500
Chapel of Misterton within the parish of the said Church
of Crukern ..... . 200
Sum £95 6 8
DORSET.
Church of Ebryghton . . • . . 10 0 0
HAMPSHIRE.
Advowson of the priory of Brymmore . • . 100 0 0
334
FBIS OF EABL HUGH DB OOURTKNAT.
DEVON.
Priory of St James by Exeter
First Dortion in the church of Tyvertone
Church of Samforde Courtenay
„ Chaluelegh
„ Wodelegh
„ Throwlegh
„ St. Leonard by Exeter
Prebend of Cutton
„ Ken .
Chantry of St. John the Evangelist of Colcomb
„ St Mary of Whiteford .
A «.
d.
. 20 0
0
. 20 0
0
. 26 18
4
. 26 13
4
. 13 6
8
. 10 0
0
. 10 0
0
. 10 0
0
2 0
0
. 6 0
0
6 0
0
Sum £354 0 0
BUCKS.
Advowson of three portions of the church of Wodeadon,
each at £13. 6s. 8d. . . . . .
40 0 0
DEVON.
Third portion in the church of Tyvertone
Abbey of Forde .
Prebend of Heyghes
Church of Musebery
„ Alfyngton
„ Duelton
Chantry of St. John the Evangelist of Ken
„ St. Luke in Newton Popleford
„ Brygbtlegh .
SOMERSET.
Church of Hemyngton
First and principal portion of the church of Crukern
BERKS.
Church of Sutton Courtenay
. 16
0
0
. 200
0
0
. 33
6
8
. 20
0
0
. 20
0
0
. 13
6
8
6
0
0
6
0
0
2
0
0
Sum £354 13 4
DEVON.
Abbey of Bokelond
Priory of Cowyke
Second portion in the Church of Tyvertone
Fourth „ ,. „
Church of Mylton Damarelle
„ Chylmelegh
Five prebends in Chylmelegh, each at 66s. 8d.
Church of Ken .
„ Stokedamarl
Chantry of St Mary of Stykelpath .
Sum total of advowsons £1063 0 0
of which one third part £354 6 8
. 20 0 0
ni . 20 0 0
. 53 6 8
. 100 0 0
. 40 0 0
. 16 0 0
. 10 0 0
. 26 13 4
. 20 0 0
. 16 13 4
. 13 6 8
. 13 6 8
. 5 0 0
Si
im £354 6 8
FEES OP EARL HUGH DE COURTENAY. 335
INQ. P.M. OF HUGO COURTENAY, EARL OP DEVON,
10 Hen. V, 29b, 66.
(Mention is made of divers manors, etc., in the county of
Devon, under the county of Somerset.)
Devon £18. 68. 8d. from the issue (3rd penny) of the
county. Extent of manors and hundreds — Plimpton
honour, castle and burg'; Tyverton, and burg'; Exminster;
Topsham manor; Weneford and Harygge hundreds; Exe,
free fishery; Wodeleghe and Stokdamerle — lands and ad-
vowsons of churches. Advowsons — Bokeland Abbey ; Exon',
priory of St. James.
Trowelegh, Milton Damerle, St. Leonard juxta Exon* —
advowsons of churches.
Bottesford, messuages, lands, etc. Holbogheton, rents.
Okhampton — manor, honour, burg', etc. — extent, Brightlegh,
advowson of chantry. Sampford Courtney, manor (extent),
and advowson of church. Stykelpath, advowson of chantry.
Churebeare, manor. Duwelton, manor, and advowson of
church. Chulmelegh, manor, burg', and advowsons of church
and prebends there. Chaluelegh, manor, burgh', and advow-
son of church. Nywenham, manor juxta Chitelbamholt.
Exclond, manor. Ken, manor, and advowson of chantry
there. Keneford, burgii'. Whympell and Aylesbeare,
manors. Neweton Popelford, hamlet, and advowson of
chantry there. Hontebeare, manor. Colyford, burg'. Mus-
berye, manor, and advowson of church. Brokelond — Frill
and Smalecombe, messuages, and lands there. Pontesford
juxta Colompton, messuages, mill, etc. Alsyngton vel
Alfyngton, land there, and advowson of church. Seilake
juxta Halberton, messuages, land, etc. Advowsons — Forde
Abbey, Cowyk Priory. Heighys, Cutton, and Ken — prebends
in the chapel of the castle of Exon. Crulledych, half of
the market. Budlegh, hundred. Stuttecomb, Milham, and
Loueclyff — messuages, lands, etc., as parcel of the honour of
Okehampton.
Manors of — Godrington, Stancombe Dawny, Southaling-
ton, Slapton. Didisham and Poleantony, as of the honour of
Plympton. Whitewill.
Coleford, and Blackeworth in hundred of Whiterigge —
messuages, lands, mill, etc.
Mill called Habrigemille. Columpe John, manor extent^
as of the Duchy of Lancaster. Exilond, tenement there.
Paddskesbroke juxta Colympton, messuages, lands, etc.
Cornwode, manor. Norton, manor, as of the manor of
336 FESS OF EABL HUGH DE GOUBTENAY.
Marshwodvale. Northpole, manor, as of the manor of
Burlescomb. Farewaye, manor, and advowson as of the
manor of Linieland. Manors of — Toutz Seinston, Twyke-
beare, Holdham. Exon* — land there, glebe of the church
of All Saints, Goldsmith Street — tenements called Londesyn
and Lytelbrian. Bents in Legh Durant and Lopethorne.
Land in Eadestan. Kent of a messuage, etc., in Hurneford.
Wodhaye aliaa Wodecort, rent of a messuage as of manor
of Dertington. Washburn Durant, rent Bayllisford, 4 mes-
suages, 1 cottage, mill, etc. Burdisheale, rent. Sandwell,
messuages, etc. Thorlegh Durant, 2 messuages. Yealborne,
rent. Knytheton, messuages, land, etc. Maneton, rent.
Ford juxta Alington, land. Kingesbrigge and Dodebrok,
2 messuages in each. Coldashe and Kekehill, rents. Burye,
messuage and land. Vielyston, rent. Estekleworthy,
messuage and land. Westekleworthy, Gallisore, Suwelond,
Thornwygger, Coldiscote, Bokelond Chalowe, Lokkysore,
rents. Middelton, messuage and land. Churibeare, 2 mes-
suages, etc. Cotteford, rent. Prestecote, messuage and land.
Exon', tenement, Lancaster Duchy member. Bradeninch
manor member, Barnstaple castle member. Colecombe,
manor. Colyton manor, hundred. Whyteford, manor.
THE EAELY DESCENT OF THE DEVONSHIRE
ESTATES BELONGING TO THE HONOURS OF
MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
BY THE REV. OSWALD J. RBICHEL, B.C.L. & M.A., F.8.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
I. The Honour of Mortain and the Earldom of Cornwall,
The portion of the honour of Mortain to which the follow-
ing observations are intended to apply is not the original
comt(5 of Mortain in the diocese of Avranches which
gives its name to the honour, a Norman barony which,
on the forfeiture of William the Warling (Warlenc) in
1051, was conferred on Robert, the Conqueror's half-
brother (Planch^, "The Conqueror's Companions," I, 108;
II, 55); nor yet the whole of that very much larger estate
in twenty counties in England which on the division of the
spoils was assigned to the count of Mortain; not even
indeed the whole of that portion of it in the shires of
Wilts, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall which, according to the
summary in the Exeter " Domesday*' (fol. 531),^ consisted
of " 623 manors assessed at 833 hides all but 2J virgates,*'
with arable land for 1480 ploughs, " of a value of £1409 all
but 6 shillings and 10 pence,*' and of which we are told
" the count had 200 hides all but 2 [virgates] in lordship,
worth to him £400 and a mark of silver," and ** his liegemen
had 655 hides all but ^ virgate worth to them £1000 all but
6 shillings and 10 pence"; but only the Devonshire estates
belonging to this section, a comparatively small number,
81 manors assessed at 79^ hides with a cultivated area of
^ These fi^oires will not tally. It is suggested that in the lordship we
should read '* 200 hides all but 2 mrgates^'" and that either 833 hides should
bo changed into 855, or 655 into 633. Also how can £1409 -6/10 = £400 +
£1000-6/10 + 13/4? Perhaps instead of 1409 we ought to read 1404— iv
easily beconies ix if carelessly written ; and instead of a mark we should
read 6 marks — vr instead of i — £4 l)eing = 6 marks.
VOL. XXXVIII. Y
338 THE HONOURS OF MOBTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
some 40,000 acres. The count had besides 263 manors in
Cornwall (Exeter "Domesday," fol. 224-65), besides 17
which he had filched from the bishop of Exeter, St. Petrock,
or some other Church holder.*
The holder of this great fief, Bobert, count of Mortain
(Comes Moritonensis or Moritanius, or de Moritonio, or de
Moritolio, or de Moriteleio, for it is written in all these
ways), was by extraction a younger son (Odo, bishop of
Bayeux, being his elder brother) of Herlwin de Conteville and
his wife Herleva, the Conqueror's mother. He was therefore
the Conqueror's half-brother. Born about 1031 (Planch^
I, 108), he must have been some thirty-five years of age
at the time when he received his English estate, the western
section of which now occupies our attention. By his first
wife Matilda (Oliver, ** Mon.," p. 32), daughter of Boger de
Montgomery, earl of Shrewsbury (Bound, " Feudal England,"
154); who is spoken of as ^leceased in documents dating
between 1087 and 1091 ("Cal. of Documents in France,"
257, 433, 435), he had a son, William, afterwards count of
Mort€un, and four daughters, viz. Emma, married to William,
count of Toulouse, great-grandmother to Eleanor, Henry II's
queen ; Agnes, married to Andr6 de Vitre, mother of Hawise,
wife of Bobert de Ferrers, earl of Derby ; Denise or Agatha,
married to Sieur de Laval ; and Barbe, married to Baudouin
de Bose (Mrs. Vade-Walpole in " Notes and Queries," 9 ser,
VIII, 526, 28 December, 1901). After Matilda's death in
1083 ("Cal. Documents in France," p. 435) he married
secondly Almodis (ibid, p. 256, 436), by whom he had
another son, Bobert. On the Conqueror's death he joined
in the rebellion against William Bufus in 1088 (" Political
History of England," II, 75). The insurrection was soon
put down, but sharing in the general amnesty he never lost
his earldom, and died some time before 1100 (Planch^, I,
113, ** Cal. of Docts. in France," 436).
His eldest son, William, who succeeded him as count of
Mortain and earl of Cornwall ("Cal. of Docts. in France,"
285), married Adelidis de Ou or de Eu (ibid, 436) between
1100 and 1106, and founded the priory of Montacute in
Somersetshire (" Trans." XXIX, 257, n. 40). Offended with
' The 17 are Pennadelwan (fol. 101b) taken from a king's manor, Boietona
(fol. 181b) Uken from Tavistock Abbey, Matela market (fol. 199) and St. Ger-
man's market (fol. 200) taken from the bishop of Exeter, Elhil, Calestoo, Trelloi,
Hecglosemuda, Botcinnu, Tremail, Polroaa, Hecglostudic (fol. 202b, 203,
203b, 204b) all taken from St Petrock, LAngorroc (fol. 206) Uken from
St. Carentoch, lAndscauetona (fol. 206b) taken from St. Stephen, Nietestoa
(fol. 207) taken from St Niet, and Treiwal (fol. 179) taken from St MichaaL
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKBHAMPTON. 339
Henry I because that King refused to give him the earldom
of Kent, which his uncle, Odo, bishop of Bayeux, had be-
queathed to him, he took part with Kobert de Bellesme, his
maternal uncle, against the King (Maclean's "Trigg Minor,"
II, 287; Ordericus Vitalis, III. 358), was defeated and
taken captive at Tinchebrai in 1106 ("Political History of
England,'* II, 138, 144). His honour was then forfeited
(Round, " Victoria History of Northampton," 288), his eyes
were put out, and he was condemned to imprisonment for
life. Shortly before his death in 1140 he became a monk at
Bermondsey.
For a time Henry I himself held the honour, and in that
capacity gave a charter to Constance de Tony ("Trans."
XXXIV, 589, 592) ; but before 1113 (" Cal. Docts. in France,"
97, 290) he had bestowed it on his nephew, Stephen of Blois,
afterwards King (ibid. 127). To Stephen succeeded his son
William (Ramsay, " The Angevin Empire," 12). A charter of
William as count of Mortain is dated 1158 ("Cal. Docts.
in France," 285, 343). On William's death in 1159 the
honour of Mortain was reannexed to the royal demesne
(Ramsay, 22), Mathew, son of Dietrich of Flanders who
had married Mary, Stephen's daughter and heiress, some-
time abbess of Riomsey but dispensed from her vows by
the Pope ("Political History of England," II, 271), not being
allowed by Henry II to take it up (Ramsay, 91). The King
then retained the honour of Mortain, but gave the county
of Cornwall to Reginald, a natural son of his grandfather,
Henry I, by Amasa the daughter of Richard Corbet (" lib.
Nig.," p. 131, note ; " Trans." XXIX, 455, n. 4 ; XXXIII. 366),
who in 1166 paid 215 marks 4/5 (Dugdale, "Bar.," I, 610)
for 215J fees in Devon and Cornwall (" Lib. Nig.," 131, 132),
besides 59 marks 6/8 for the fees of Richard de Red vers.
Reginald died 1 July, 1175 (Round, "Feudal England," 509),
leaving two side-wind sons, one by Alice, de Vaux, after- .
wards the wife of the elder William Briwere, known as ^j(«tW^<c>-v
Henry fitz Count or Henry the Earl's son, the other William UtalhiJujii
("Trans." XXXIV, 571), who held Sheepwash in Devon ^^=^^
("Lib. Nig.," 129) and Recradoc in Cornwall ("Trans." JotrlJ4f
XXXIV, 571),» and by his wife Beatrix, daughter of the / /
Cornish magnate, William, son of Richard, son of Turold or
Turolf (Round, "Feudal England," 487), four daughters
(" Trans." XXIX, 455, n. 4), one of whom, Maud, is stated
' William was succeeded at Sheepwash by his son Robert and his daughter,
the wife of Nicolas Avenel ("Trans." XXXIII, 894), and at Recradoc by his
son Henry (" Trans." XXXIV, 667).
t2
340 THE HONOURS OP MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
to have married Kobert, count of Meulan (" Trans." XXXIV,
586, n. 4). Henry II then bestowed the honour of Mortain
on his own son, John, afterwards King (" Devon Notes and
Queries," II, 111), who signs charters as count of Mortain
in 1194 ("Cal. Docts. in France," 469), in 1196 {ibid. 278)
and 1198 (ibid, 71, 91, 339), and is so called in the Pipe
EoU of 1196 (8 Ric. I ; "Trans." XXXVI, 417, 420).* The
county of Cornwall he gave to Reginald's son Henry to hold
to farm, and with it he gave him the manor of Bradninch
("Trans." XXXIV, 573), to which King Richard added
Kingskerswell and Diptford ("Testa," No. 1364, p. 194b)
and King John the castle of Totnes, Comworthy, and
Loddiswell ("Pat. Rolls," 17 John, m. 15; "Testa," No.
1373, p. 195a). After the separation from Normandy in
1204 the county of Cornwall — for the countship of Mortain
no longer belongs to English history — was again confirmed
to Henry the earl's son by Henry III, but was forfeited on
Henry's rebellion in 1219 (Dugdale, "Bar.," I, 611), and on
10 August, 1231, was given by Henry III to his brother
Richard, King of the Romans ("Trans." XXXIV, 574).
From Richard it descended to his son, earl Edmund, who
died without issue in 1300, when it again reverted to the
Crown. In 1307 Edward II bestowed it on his favourite,
Peter de Gaveston, who had married Margaret, Edmund's
widow, daughter of Richard de Clare, earl of Hereford and
Gloucester, but on Gaveston's death on 19 May, 1312, it once
more reverted to the Crown. Ultimately in 1337 it was
constituted an appanage of the heir to the throne and as
the Duchy of Cornwall still retains certain quasi -royal
privileges, such as the appointment of its own sheriff. It
is characteristic of all the honours which grew out of this
fief that they consist of small or Mortain fees, a Mortain
fee being roughly described as § of an ordinary fee,* but to
use exact terms being f of such a fee.®
* 8 Ric. I, ni. 14, Grant to ** J[ohn] count of Mortain of £13 and J mark
in Axenienistra with the hundred for 1 half year." This is rei)eated 9 and 10
Ric. I and 1 John. In 10 Ric. I, m. 12d, Grant to "count John of £9. 15/
in Adlerichescote which is called Tauton,'* In 6 John, m. 7, Hamelin de
Torintou ** accounts for 20 marks for having his laud of Ailricheston which
the King gave him when he was count of Mortain." In 7 John, m. 2d :
"Roger son of Roger de Guierin owes 100 marks and a palfrey and a goshawk
for having his land of Wike and Standon whereof the King when count [of
Mortain] made seisin to Robert his father."
8 "Lib. Niger," 85, 98, 99.
« "Trans." XXXIV, 570. In a.d. 1346, when an ordinary fee paid 40/-,
a Mortain fee jmid 25/- (" Feudal Aids," p. 385).
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKBHAMPTON. 341
II. The derivative Honours of the Mortainfief.
On the Mortain fief being forfeited to the Crown its vava-
sours became tenants in chief of the King, and their holdings
became separate baronies. It becomes therefore necessary to
glance at the descent of those derivative honours which
inchided Devonshire estates. Of these there are seven : the
Cornish honours of Trematon, Botardel and Cardinan, Lantian
and Mideliand or Launceston ("Trans.*' XXXIV, 566) and
the Somersetshire honours of Odcombe, Montacute, and Ash-
leigh.
1. The principal vavasour of the count of Mortain having
estates in Devonshire was Eeginald de Valletorta or de Torta-
valie (Geld KoU, XLIX, B. 8), whose fief is known as the
honour of Trematon from Trematon Castle its chief seat in
Cornwall. It is described in 1166 (" Lib. Niger," 131) as con-
sisting of fifty-nine small fees, and included besides the estates
held in Devonshire and Cornwall by Eeginald de Valletort
under the count, also the ancient crown lordships of Sutton,
Maker, and Kings tamerton,^ likewise one estate held at the
time of the survey by Hugh de Valletort under the count
(Geld Roll, XLI, B. 2), to wit Batson (W. 336), and one
held by Donne, to wit Spriddlecombe (W. 340). According
to the "After Death Inquests" of Edmund earl of Cornwall,
in 28 Ed. I, No. 44, p. 160, and Edward Prince of Wales, in
2 Eic. II, No. 57, p. 14, it included the following fees, those
in Cornwall being printed in italics : —
*'A.-D. Inq.,"28Ed. I. **A.-D. Inq.,"2Ric. II. Reference
Fees belonging to Fees belonging to number to
Trematon Castle. Trematon Castle. "Domesday."
[3l76]Liskerret« . 1 fee .
[836] Blikebury (Big. [3177] Bukkebury . 1 fee . W. 321 p. 838
bury) . . 1 fee
[3178]Hyngehaton ,\ partofW.321
and ll fee
[837] Hugaton
(Hoi ■
- 1 fee [3179] Lippeston. J W. 348 p. 374
(Houghton in
Bigbury)
[838] Loppeston
(Lip son in
Compton Gif-
fard)
' Mr. Whale, in "Trans." XXXIII, 376, suggests Clist St Laurence for
Valletort's 1 fee in 1166 (" Lib. Niger," 128). ^But amrt from the fact that
Clist St. Laurence is returned in the fee lists as only J fee ("Testa," No. 1607,
p. 200), the "A. D. Inq." of Chaworth, 8 Ed. II, No. 56, p. 268, describes
it as held of Odcombe, and not of Trematon. "Feudal Aids," 340, show
Sutton, Makerton, and Kingstamerton held by John de Vautard of the earl
of Cornwall for 1 fee ; and "After Death Inquest," 2 Ric. II, No. 57, p. 14,
names Makre, Sutton, and Kingstamerton 1 fee among *'fees belonging to
Trematon Castle."
^ Liskaret was given to Henry, the earl's son, by King Richard ("Testa,"
No. 1364, p. 194b).'^ It did not therefore originally belong to this honour.
342 THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
[889] Eyt la Grave
[840]Notdenc .
[841] Holwell (in
Bighury) —
[842] Shipham (in
Modbury)* . J fee
[843] Baddcston (Bat-x
sou in Mai- 1
borough) I
[844] Salteconibe (Sal-
combe)
[845] Wvraondesham
( whinipston in
Modbury)
2 fep J3180] On? and .
'*'®*^ [3181] Xa^rVow.
1 fee [3182]Nottedon.
[3183]Holewill .
[3184] Ocbiphara
[3185]Bede8ton .
;}|fce
! 1 fee
. ifee
. ifee
2 fees C^^^^l Saltecombe
[8187] Wymondesham.
[846] Orchardon (in
Modbury) . 1 fee
[847]Peke (Torpeak ^
in Ugborough)
[848] Trevnlneth
[849] Spridlesconib (in
lodbury)
[3188] Godefonl
(Gutsford in
Modbuiy)
[3189] Orcharton
[3190]Torpike .
2 fees [3191] Trtnalnard
[3192] Spriddilscomb
[861] Southrigge (in\
Plympton) { « feM
[860]LopriKge (in ( ^ fee«
North Huish) )
[3193] Torrigge "
[8194] Lopperigge
[852] Makere .
[853] Sutton
[854] Kingstamertou
[866] Hepeford (Har-^
ford)
[866]Stokelegh(Stock
leigh English)
[857] Treloven ^
[858] Harestane \
(Hareston in
Brixton)
[859] Yen ton
(in Ughorough)
[860]Harecnoll
(Ilonicknowl
in St. Budcaux)
[S6\]Fen?ia7igell
[3195] Leye (Leigh) and
[3196] Payneston
(Penson) .
[3197]Makre .
1 fee [3198] Sutton .
[3199] Kiugestamerton
[3201]Ly8foi-di'-
- 2 fees [3202] Stokclegh .
[3203] Trcnelowan
[3204] Hardston .
) 2 fees
Ifee
6 fees
[3205] Venton .
[3200] Hareknolle
[3207] Penhangre
\6 fees
part of W. 321
part of W. 821
partofW.818
p. 360
W. 386 p. 870
. part of W. 386
2 fees, part of W. 818
1 fee
2 fees
partofW.318
W. 819 p. 862
W. 829 p. 368
W. 340 p. 374
W. 842 p. 344
W. 832 p. 318
part of W. 332
part of W. 332
W. 86 p. 30
W. 33 p. 28
W. 84 p. 28
W. 325 p. 338
2 fees W. 307 p. 342
W. 343 p. 346
W. 326 p. 364
W. 347 p. 374
• "A.-D. Inq.," 31 Ed. I, No. 138, p. 184, gives the members of Modbury
as Orcherton, Yedmerston, Penkeyt, Scliipham, Shilston, Spridelesconibe,
Wymundeston, Julesconibe, and Langeston.
" From the collocation it is evident that Southrigge = Torrigge, and that
Loprigge of 28 Ed. I. includes Lupridge, Leigh, and Penson of 2 Ric. II.
''•^ Hepeford, alias Lysford, must be Harford, since Harford and Stockleigh
are the only 2 fees held by Gilbert English of the honour of Trematon in
"Testa," No. 1328, p. 194a; 1172, p. 190b.
THE HONOUKS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON. 343
[862] North Lodbroke^
(Lud brook in
Ugborough)
[863] Bauecombe
(Bawcombo in
Ugboroucli)
[864] South Lodbroke
(an outlier of
Modbury)
[865] LAUgham (in
Cornwood)
[866] Trethmake
[867] Broke
lS6S]JiathvilU .
[869] ApUdoitw/ord .
[S70] Halton .
[871 1 PiUton .
[872] Nodaiorre .
[873] Trewoman
[874] Trem
[8761 Trebigou .
[876' Tregantell
[877] Comhe
[878] Inhosworth
[S79] IHsert
[880] TrewenU .
[881] Kallilond .
[882] TreicenU .
[883] St, Goran .
[SSi]^''a)lstadderion
[885] Lantian .
[886] Bore manor with
members "
3 fees
:}
;}
[3208] North Lodebroke^
[3210] Baucombe
[3209] South Lodebroke
[3211]Langham .
[8212] Trethynack
[h^Brodeoke .
■ 3 fees [ c ] Rackehevill
[ d] Appledemeford,
^Q]Halton . ^
\{\Pilaton .
- 4 fees \g\ Nodetorr ,
[h Trewomam
[ i I Tremaur .
1 fee [k Trenygoo .
Ifee [^]TreganUl.
^ ^^ [m] Combe .
J fee [n] Voyswarke
ifee [o]Di8ert
J fee [ p ] Trewynt .
ifee {i\\Callilond ,
1 fee [T^Kelligreu.
[ s ] Nan Ladron
2 fees
-8 fees
W. 831 p. 816
W. 387 p. 372
W. 830 p. 868
W. 828 p. 866
8 fees
4 fees
:}
1 fee —
1 fee ~
ifee —
ifee —
J fee —
J fee —
Ifee —
2 fees —
21 fees
[8213] Bere manor
with members
21 fees W. 850 p. 840
[Total 69J fees]
(Beer Ferrers and Beer Alston)
Newton Ferrers being one of
the members (**Testa," No.
1324, p. 193b)
Cornwood another ("Testa,"
No. 1327, p. 193b)
[Total 59i fees]
W. 824 p. 328
W. 828 p. 826
^^ The following note which occurs in "Feudal Aids," 489, under date 1846,
shows that only 4^ of these fees lay in the county of Devon : "William de
Ferrers is charged 100 marks for 20 small Mortain fees for the manor of Byr
[Beer Ferrers and Beer Alston, 1 fee apparently not being char^^ed at all] held
of the honour of Trematon. In the notes of the 2nd year Michaelmas term
the aforesaid collectors are chai^ged for 4 fees under the names of John de
Ferrers, son of the aforesaid William and Matilda who was the wife of the said
William, in the hundreds of Roborough and Blacktorington by ancient evi-
dences and inquisitions. And by the same evidences they are charged for
16 fees the remainder of the aforesaid 20 fees, because it is not known to the
court who are the tenants of those fees except by inquisitions officially taken
by the said collectors. Of these [16 fees] 4 fees and a fraction [viz. i-M
and a fiftieth [4^ in all] are in the hands of divers tenants in the county of
Devon whose names are set forth in a Schedule attached to this roll as the
collectors say, and lli + i fees are as they say in the County of Cornwall."
344 THE HONOURS OF MOBTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
Eeginald de Valletort was tenant of nearly all the estates
composing the honour in 1086, and was also the tenant in the
time of William Rufus (Lysons, 287). In 1166 the honour
was held by Half de Valletort (" Lib. Niger," p. 131), whose
heir was in 1207 in the custody of Peter de Rupibus, bishop
of Winchester ("Testa," No. 1372, p. 195a). In 1216
Reginald de Valletort came of age and received possession
("Rot. Lit. Glaus.," 1 Hen. Ill, m. 18 de reverso). He
married Joanna, one of the daughters and heiresses of
Thomas Basset, and was in possession in 1227 ("Trans."
XXXIV, 566) and in 1241 ("Testa," No. 1236, p. 192a),
but died without issue in 1245 ("A.-D. Inq.," 30 Hen. Ill,
No. 11, p. 3), when his brother Ralf succeeded. Ralf died
before 1269 (Risdon's "Notebook," p. 61), leaving a widow,
Joanna, who survived till 1275 ("A.-D. Inq.," 4 Ed. I,
No. 61, p. 59), and an only son, Reginald, who died without
issue in 1269 (" A.-D. Inq.," 54 Hen. Ill, No. 9, p. 33), also
leaving a widow, Hawise, who survived him till 1298 (" A.-D.
Inq.," 27 Ed. I, No. 32, p. 149). The honour then came to
Roger de Valletort, uncle of the last Reginald (Roberts,
"Cal. Geneal.," No. 32, p. 566, and No. 11, p. 639), who
became insane and dissipated the estate. In 1270 he made
over the honour to his overlord, Richard earl of Cornwall,
and many of the estates to Alexander de Okeston,^* who had
married Joanna, his deceaused brother Ralf s widow. On his
death in 1275, Nicolas de Montfort is returned as holding it
as guardian of Ralf's heir (" Feudal Aids," 316), and in 1286
it was in the hands of the Crown (" Feudal Aids," 327). In
1299, however, Henry de la Pomeroy, a grandson of Hawise
de Valletort, and Peter Corbet, who had married Beatrice de
Valletort, her sister, both being sisters of Roger de Valletort
("Trans." XVIII, 204), were found to be next heirs (" A..D.
Inq.," 27 Ed. I, No. 32 ; Roberts, "Cal. Gen.," No. 32, p. 566,
and No. 34, p. 299), and on the death of Edmund earl of
Cornwall, in 1300, they claimed the honour as such (" Abbrev.
Plac," 33 Ed. I, Easter Rot., 5), but in 1315 judgment was
given against them ("Abb. Plac," 9 Ed. II, Easter Rot., 123).
2. The honour of Cardinan and Botardel consisted of
71 fees ("Testa," No. 976, p. 187a), of which 51 represent
" "Cal. of Ancient Deeds," A. 10,842-4; "Abbrev. Placit," 321;
Hundred Rolls, 4 Ed. I, p. 96. Modbyri : "They say that Roeer de
Valletort gave the castle of Trematon to Richard earl of Cornwall and
the borough of Modbyri to Alexander de Okestone who now holds of the
aforesaid earl in socage." These donations were challenged unsuccessfully
by the heirs on the CTound that Roger was mad at the time. In Edwani IPs
time Ox ton conveyed Modbury to Champemown. Oliver, "Mon.,*' 298.
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKBHAMPTON. 345
the fee of William, son of Eichard, and 20 that of Walter
Hai ("Lib. Niger," p. 131). The honour included all the
Devonshire and Cornish estates of Kichard, son of Turold
or Torolf, whether held of the King in chief, as Woodhuish
and Eoddicombe in Brixham (W. 1130; "Testa," 1261,
p. 192b), Notsworthy (W. 1131; "Testa," 1281, p. 192b),
and East Allington (W. 1133; *'Testa," 1257, p. 192a), or
held of the count of Mortain as St. Mary Church (W. 312;
"Testa," 1287, p. 193a), Cotleigh (W. 317; "Testa," 915,
p. 184a), Little Bolbury (W. 333; "Testa," 1240, p. 192a),
Shilston in Modbury (W. 338; "Testa," 1338, p. 194a), and
Little Modbury (W. 341; "Testa," 1322, p. 193b); and also
Earl Hugh's estate of Anstey Crewes (W. 351; "Testa,"
919, p. 184a). Kichard held at least two other estates in
Cornwall, viz. Berner (Exeter "Domesday," fol. 199b) and
Cudawoit {ibid. fol. 224b), and witnessed a charter as late
as 1104 ("Cal. of Docts. in France," 437). In 1166 this
honour was held by his grandson, Robert, son of William
son of Kichard son of Turold,^^ who by Agnes, his wife, ^
had a son, Kobert II (Oliver, " Mon.," 38), and a daughter ,^^^j OA
called Isabel, his eventual heiress (Lysons, "Cornwall," <^a{eiil^
LXXIX), who carried it to her husband, Kobert de Cardinan.
In 1227 the honour was held by A[ndrew] de Cardinan
("Testa," in "Trans." XXXIV, 574), and in 1235 by Kobert
de Cardinan (Oliver, 38), whose widow, Isolda (Oliver, 43),
married Thomas de Tracy, and about 1259 conveyed it to
Oliver de Dinham, son of GeofiPrey de Dinham, a relative
of her deceased husband (Lysons, "Cornwall," LXXIX).
His descendant. Sir John Dinham, was treasurer of the
Exchequer under Henry VII, and died in 1501 without
issue, when his honour and estates fell among his four
sisters, coheiresses, married respectively to Lord Zouche,
Sir Nicolas Carew, Sir Fulk fitz- Warren, and Sir Thomas
Arundel (Lysons, LXXX).
"Botardel 30 fees" appears among fees held of the earl
of Cornwall in 1300 (" A..D. Inq.," 28 Ed. I, No. 44, p. 160),
^^ According to the charter of Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury in
Oliver, **Mon.," 41, Richard, son of Turold [the Domesday tenant], had
a son William. Another charter {ibid. 38) shows that William was succeeded
by his son Robert, who by Agues his wife had a son, Robert II, and a
daughter, Isabel. The Robert de Cardinan, who confirmed his predecessors'
charters (Oliver, 39), was probably grandson of Isabel and son of Andrew de
Cardinan, since he calls William, son of Richard, his atavw (giandfather's
grandfather, Oliver, 39). He had apparently succeeded l)efore 1235, when
llenry III confirmed his charters {ibid, 38), and in 1241 the l»arony is
described as the honour of Andrew de Cardinan (*' Testa," No. 1257, p. l»2a ;
1261, p. 192b).
346 THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMFTON.
but not Cardinan. On the other hand, among fees held of the
Prince of Wales in 1379 (" A..D. Inq.," 2 Ric. II, No. 57,
p. 14) is found Cardynan 26 fees, but no Botardel. In 1286
Oliver de Dinham, son of Oliver, was lord of Cardinan, and
in 1332 John de Dinham died seized of 5^ fees in Devon
belonging to it at St. Mary Church, Little Modbury, East
Allington, Anstey, Woodhuish, and Little Bolbury (" A.-D.
Inq.," 6 Ed. Ill, No. 59, p. 49).
3. The honour of Mineli and Lantian consisted in 1166
of 19 fees ("Lib. Niger," 131), of which 10 formed the
ancient barony of Richard de Luci and 9 the fee (Lantian
9 fees in " A..D. Inq.," 2 Ric. II. No. 57, p. 14) of Adam
Malherbe ("Lib. Niger," 131). In 1227 it was held by
Robert, son of Walter and Matilda de Luci ("Trans."
XXXIV, 566). It consisted apparently of Cornish estates.
One Devonshire estate, however, belonged to it — Shobrook
(W. 304). The "Black Book" (235) has in the return of
Richard de Luci in 1166 this entry: "Oger the server has
1 fee in the township of Scotebroc," and the "After-Death
Inquest," 18 Ric. II, No. 31, p. 182, has "Shokebrook 1 fee
belonging to the manor of Lantyan." The manor of Lantyan
and the fees thereto pertaining, together with Stowford
( W. 353) and Houndbear (Laudeshers, W. 354), in " Domes-
day" the earl of Chester's estates, and subsequently
Herbert son of Mathew's ("Testa," No. 1183, p. 190b;
1217, p. 191a), were in the fourteenth century held by
Ralf de Monthermer, the husband of Joane Flantagenet,
daughter of Edward I, and were by him settled on his son,
Edward de Monthermer and his heirs, but Edward having
died without issue, they came to his brother, Thomas de
Monthermer, whose daughter and heiress carried them to
Sir John de Montacute, second son of William, first earl of
Salisbury. Sir John de Montacute died 4 March, 1390
(" A.-D. Inq.," 13 Ric. II, No. 34, p. 116), followed by his
widow on 24 March, 1395 (" A.-D. Inq.," 18 Ric. II, No. 31,
p. 182), when his son of like name succeeded, who on the
death of his uncle William became second earl of Salisbury,
and was beheaded in 1400. His son Thomas was, neverthe-
less, allowed to succeed in 1408, when he was of full age,
and in 1409 was restored to the earldom. He died in 1428
(" A.-D. Inq.," 10 Hen. IV, No. 54, p. 326), leaving an only
daughter, Alice, who married Richard Nevil, third son of
Ralf, earl of Westmoreland, upon whose attainder in 1460
the estates were forfeited to the Crown (Maclean, " Deanery
of Trigg Minor," II, 125).
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON. 347
4. The honour of Launceston Castle, according to the
"A..D. Inq." of 28 Ed. 1, No. 44, p. 160, included Polreda
6 fees, Worthfala and Penhale 12, Eekaredek 4, Alett li,
Trehagh 3, Tremewith 1, Tremodred 3, Hudene 1, Middel-
launde [i.e. launceston] 10, Hilton 5, Breton [Bratton
Fleming], Hautebray [Highbray], and Bray 7, Fenington,
[West] Kaddon 1, Wadefast 1, Stratton 1, Efford 1, Treverys,
HoUewall, Penrosburden ^, Tidye 1, Hemston 2, Tregony 1,
Lantraghon 1, Hornycote 5 ; but according to '* A.-D. Inq.,"
2 Eic. II, No. 57, p. 14, only those before Hautebray and
Bray belonged to the castle and the rest to Launceston. Its
Devonshire estates, which in the above list are printed in
small capitals, appear therefore to have been confined to
(1) those held by Erchenbold under the count, viz. Hele
(W. 283), Culleigh (W. 275), and Stockleigh Francis ( W. 284)
1 fee ("Testa," Nos. 907-10, p. 184a), Alverdiscot (W. 285)
1 fee ("Testa," 911), and Bratton Fleming (W. 288) 2^ fees'
C* Testa," 918), Croyde (W. 290) 1 fee ("Testa," 917) and
Highbray and Bray (W. 158) 1^ fees ("Testa," No. 31, 175b),
constituting the 7 fees held by Archebold le Fleming in 1227
("Trans." XXXIV, 567), by Richard le Flemyng in 1299
(" A.-D. Inq.," 29 Ed. I, No. 46, p. 167), and frequently referred
to in the fee lists ("Feudal Aids," 413, 415, 417, 439) as the
8 fees of Baldwin le Flemyng. Ash Eogus, Benton, and Haxon
(ibid. 439 ; " A.-D. Inq.," 4 Kichard II, No. 26, p. 30) making
up the eighth ; (2) to the count's own estate of West Eaddon
(W. 306) which in 1241 Geoffrey de Mandevil held appur-
tenant to his honour of Marshwood ("Testa," No. 841, p. 183a)J;
(3) to the two estates held by Hamelin under the count, to
wit Alwington (W. 272) 2 fees ("Testa," No. 906, p. 184a;
" Feudal Aids," 329), and Hempston Borard (W. 316) 2 fees
("Trans," XXXIII, 382); and (4) to one estate held by
Nicolas the King's crossbowman in " Domesday," viz. Web-
worthy (W. 1018; "Testa," 914, p. 184a). It may be
observed that the 10 fees in Midellaund or Launceston held
by William Briwere in 1227 ("Trans." XXXIV, 566) appear
to be identical with the 10 fees held by Geoffrey, son of
Baldwin (Oliver, "Mon.," 41), son of Hamelin (ibid, 42), in
1166 ("Lib. Niger," 131). These were in 1234 held by
Robert de Pin and Walter son of William in right of their
wives ("Trans." XXXIV, 568) and in 1306 by Herbert de
Pyn." All of them were in Cornwall excepting Alwington.
" "Feudal Aids," 207, enumerates tliemaa 4 in Middelaund [or Launceston],
1 in Gere [i.e. Bere, " Feudal Aids," 201], 2 in Alwenton [i.e. Alwington], 1
in Marwenchurche [i.e. Marhamchurch], and 2 in Pensentenyon, Trethewy,
and Westwy.
348 THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMFTON.
5. With the Somersetshire honour of Odcombe ("Lib.
Niger " 98) went all the estates held in " Domesday " under
the Count (1) by Ansger Brito or the Breton, to wit, Buck-
land Brewer (W. 276; "Testa" No. 948, p. 184b; A.-D.
Inq. 36 Ed. Ill, No. 37, p. 247), ^ fee ("Feudal Aids,"
p. 358), East Putford (W. 277; "Testa" No. 949, and 1650,
p. 200), i fee ("Feudal Aids," 358), Bulkworthy (W. 278)
\ fee ("Testa " 950 ; " F. Aids " 358), and Smytham (W. 279 ;
"Trans." XXXIII, 376); (2) by the Englishman, Alward, to
wit Clist St. Laurence (W. 293) i fee ("Testa," 1607, p. 200 ;
"F. Aids" 333; A.-D. Inq. 8 Ed. II, No. 56, p. 258),
Northleigh (W. 315) i fee ("Testa" 843, p. 183b; "F.Aids"
330), and Hawkerland (W. 310) J fee ("Testa," 844 and 1203,
p. 191a ; "Trans." XXXV, 294) and Stockleigh in Highamton
(W. 270) ; and (3) one estate held by Alured the count's
butler {pincertui), to wit, Sutton Satchvil and Upcot
(W. 301), i fee ("Testa" 951 and 1644, p. 200). In 1126
this honour was held by Ansger Brito, a great benefactor
to Bermondsey Abbey (CoUinson's "Somerset" III, 223); in
8 Henry II by Eoger Brito (Risdon's "Notebook" 74), and
in 1166 by Walter Brito ("Lib. Niger" 98), when it was
returned as consisting of 15 Mortain or small fees. From
Walter it descended to his sister's son, Walter Croc ("Lib.
Niger" 372), who in 1200 sold a moiety of it to Richard,
son of William Briwere.^® In 1219 William Croc succeeded
(" Trans." XXXVI, 422), but the entirety appears to have
been acquired by William Briwere, and by his eventual
heiresses it passed to Chaworth and others. William
Briwere was sheriff of Devon 1179-89, of Cornwall
»8 Red Book, quoted "Trans." XXXIII, 373, by Mr. Whale: Richard,
son of William Brewer, holds the barony of Walter Brito. Richard was the
eldest son of the well-kno^vn judge, William Briwere, and lost his life before
1196 fighting against the Welsh. The judge William Briwere*s connexion
with Devon is stated by Dugdale to commence With his purchase of Ilesham
r" y /y in 1179 ("Bar.," I, 700), but it appears that his mother was a Devonshire
J^ K/*<*yUt^ lady, da«^||tEr of Geoffrey and sioterj)f Reginald de Albemarle, of Wood-
^ C&VttCy ^"^y (Hund. Rolls, No. 9, p. 65)7 and that William Briwere inherited
Greendale from his mother. This family, variously written Briwere
("Testa," No. 1488, p. 197b, and 1567, p. 199a), Briguere (charters in
1190 and 1198, "Gal. of Documents in France,*' 119, 462), Bruere ("Testa,"
1357, p. 194b), Bruerre (Red Book, 232), and Briwarr ("Testa," 1442,
I). 196b)— in the foundation deed of Tor Abbey (Oliver, **Mon.," 173)
William signs for himself Briewere and for his son Briegwere—must not l^o
confounded with that of Ralf de Brueria, in "Domesday," an undertenant
of Baldwin, although in the twelfth century the two families became con-
nected by marriage. William de la Brueria married Englesia, William
* Briwere's sister (*• Trans." XXXV, 289), and William Briwere obtained
♦#»/ A0^^ Wolborough (Oliver "Mon.," 186) by purchase from Anthony de Bruera.
^' A j/\ -T^ '^^® charter of 1191 is witnessed by both William Briwerre ana William de
*m. iif^^^^r*<r»^rueria (**Cal. Docts. in France" 17).
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON. 349
1202-3, of Dorset and Somerset 1209-10 (Maclean's "Trigg
Minor," III, 148). His wife was Matilda de Vallibus or /^juj^.^/i
de Vaux (Oliver, "Mon." 173), the mother by Keginald, earl / /
of Cornwall, of Henry the earl's son, and by her he had
issue, besides Richard who lost his life in Wales, another
son William who succeeded him in 1227 (Oliver "Mon.,"
293), and five daughters, who on the death of their brother
on 22 February 1233 without issue by his wife Joanna
(Oliver, p. 174), became his eventual heiresses. Margaret,
the eldest of these according to Risdon ("Notebook" 74),
was married to William de la Ferte or de Aflfertis, and had
by him an only daughter, Gundreda, who brought her share
of William Briwere's honour to her husband. Pagan de
Chaworth (Dugdale, "Bar." I, 517; "Testa" p. 200a).
From Pagan it descended to his son, Patrick de Chaworth
(Hundred Rolls, No. 32, p. 79; "Trans." XXXVII, 428,
n. 22), who was in possession in 1241 ("Testa," p. 183b),
and died in 1257. Patrick was followed by his two sons
in succession. The elder one, Pagan, died without issue in
1278 (Risdon, 75), and the younger one, Patrick, died in
1315 (A.-D. Inq. 8 Ed. II, No. 56, p. 258), leaving an
only daughter, Matilda, who became the wife of Henry
Plantageuet, duke of Lancaster. On Henry's death in 1362
(A.-D. Inq. 35 Ed. Ill, No. 122, p. 237), part of her share
came to her daughter, Matilda, wife of the duke of Bavaria,
who died in 1363 (A.-D. Inq. 36 Ed. Ill, No. 37, p. 247),
but some years later Henry IV incorporated all the Chaworth
estates, some 30 fees, in the Duchy of Lancaster.
Of William Briwere's other daughters, Graecia was married
to Reginald de Braose; Isabel was twice married, Baldwin
Wak being her second husband; Alice married Reginald
de Mohun, and Joan William de Percy (Dugdale, " Bar.," I,
702), "Testa de Nevil" (p. 199a, in "Trans." XXXVII, 446
seq^ enumerates the different estates allotted to the several
coheiresses, from which it appears that of the Mortain fees
in Devon, Denson (No. 1573, W. 291) went to William de
Braose's heirs, Clist St. Laurence (No. 1607, W. 293) to
William de Percy, Northleigh (No. 1628, W. 315) to
Chaworth ("Trans." XXXVII, 428), and Sutton Satchvil
(No. 1644, W. 301) and East Putford (No. 1650, W. 277) to
Hugo Wak. In each case it may be presumed that these
were the head manors, carrying with them a number of
other manors.
6. Two other Somersetshire honours had their origin in
the great Mortain fief — that held in 1166 by the younger
350 THE HONOURS OF MORTillN AND OKBHAMPTON.
Drogo of Montacute, and that of Walter de Ashul (" Testa,"
p. 184b) or Ashleigh ("Testa" 169a), which "Feudal Aids"
writes in one place Ystlegh (427). To Drogo's honour be-
longed (1) three out of the four Devonshire estates held
at the time of the survey by Drogo or Drew, viz. Feniton
(W. 298), Corscombe (W. 299), and Womberford (W. 314),
3 fees ("Testa" 362, p. 179a)— the fourth, Honiton, had
gone to the earl of Devon; (2) all the estates, excepting
Sutton Satchvil, held by Alured the count's butler in
Devon, viz. Monkleigh (W. 273), Frizenham (W. 280),
Wedfield (W. 281), Woodland (Liteltrorilande, W. 282),
Matford Butter (W. 286; "Testa" 369, p. 179a), Thorn-
bury (W. 294; "Testa" 957. p. 184b), Chitterleigh (W. 295),
Stockleigh Luccombe (W. 302), and Poughhill (W. 303) ;»
besides (3) one held by Hugh de Valletort, to wit. Much
Bolbury, alias Bolbury Beauchamp. (W. 334),» i fee ("Testa"
367, p. 179a; 1239, p. 192a). This honour, accordmg to
the Black Book, contained in 1166 10^ + J fees ("Lib.
Niger," 94). To Ashleigh's honour belonged 5^ small fees
("Trans." XXXIII, 371), including the three Devonshire
estates held by Bretel of St. Clare,^ under the Count, to
wit, Charlton (W. 300) i fee ("Testa" 364, p. 179a), Little
Faringdon (W. 308) i fee ("Testa" 1194, p. 191a, in
"Trans." XXXV, 291), and Holbrook Grindham (Colebroca,
W. 309) i fee ("Testa" 1192; "Trans." XXXV, 290).
Before leaving the Devonshire estates of the count of
Mortain it may be as well to observe that the Englishman
Alward, who appears as undertenant, was probably neither
Alward Tochisons, who is mentioned as the ancient holder
of Cruwys Morchard (W. 868, p. 708), Brendon (W. 653,
p. 922), and Puddington (W. 873, p. 714), nor yet Alward
Merta, the dispossessed tenant of Dowland (W. 787, p. 824)
and Nimet (W. 792, p. 828), described as a freeman {liber
honio), because he could go with his land to what lord he
might like, to whom the queen in pity gave a small property
in Ashreigny (W. 1081b, p. 1174), but he may have been
'^ '* Testa," 1205, p. 191a, describes the two last estates as held in socage
of Catharine de Montacute of the barony of Cheselbergh, and Exeter
*' Domesday," fol. 618, shows Ceselberia, in Somerset, held by Alured the
count's butler.
^ "Feudal Aids," 324, says held by Beauchamp of the King, because
Valletort's barony was then in abeyance.
^ Dr. Round says that this was Bretel of St Glare and not Bretel of
Ambrferes, on the ground that he is so described in the G«ld Roll for
Somerset, and that the count's tenant, Bretel, is found in the Montacute
Cartulary as Bretel de Sancto Claro, giving the very land he held at Monta-
cute in " Domesday."
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON. 351
Alward Tabe, who was dispossessed of Matford (W. 286,
p. 350). Richard, son of Torolf, or Torold, besides being
undertenant of the count of Mortain, held other estates in
chief of the Crown, and these as well as the others were
included in the honour of Cardinan. Alured, the count's
butler, was, however, in all probability a distinct person
from Alured the Breton, who held in chief of the Crown.
Otherwise both groups of estates would have constituted
one honour, whereas those of Alured, the count's butler,
formed the Mortain honour of Montacute or Cheselbergh,
whilst those of Alured the Breton were held of the honour
of Plymton. Is it possible that Robert, son of Ivo, who is
also mentioned in an agreement of 1121 ("Cal. Docts. in
France " 258), may be the son of Ivon or Iwun al Chapel
alias Eudo al Chapel (Eudo cum capello), the eldest son of
Turstan Haldub, who subscribed himself in a charter of
1074 as Eudo Haldub (Planch(5, II, 124)? This Eudo
married Muriel, the Conqueror's half-sister, and had a
daughter Muriel, his eventual heiress, who married Robert
de la Haie (ibid. II, 125). A charter of Robert's in 1105
calls him son of Ranulf, house steward to Robert, count
of Mortain, and grandson of Eudo, steward of King William
(" Cal. Docts. in France" 328).
III. Th^ Honour of Okehamton,
The descent of the honour of Okehamton presents greater
difficulties. The authorities tell us that Baldwin, usually
called the sheriff*, the first holder of the honour of Oke-
hamton, was the younger son of count Gilbert de Brionne
in Normandy (" Cal. of Doc! in France " 133, 141, 148, 503),
that he was sometimes called de Molis, from the castle of
Meules (ibid. 26) in Normandy, where he was bom, and at
other times de Sap, after one of the estates restored to him
by Duke William in 1053 (Planch^, II, 34, 41). We also
find him called de Clare (Round, "Feud. Engl." 473), and / ;v^r,^
occasionally de Exeter (" Cal. Doc. in France ** 38) or sheriff
of Exeter (ibid. 327). His share of the spoils of conquest
consisted of 177 manors, assessed at 146 hides, and com-
prising roughly some 100,000 acres of land under cultiva-
tion. With five exceptions, viz. Middlecot (W. 381, p. 406),
Whiteway (W. 512, p. 542), and Alraforda (W. 522, p. 552),**
^ The list of Coartney fees in 1 Ric. II, No. 12, p. 2, names together
Rosamond ford, Whiteway, and Middlecot among fees held of Plymton. Pre-
suming that Alraforda is Rosamondford, Briwere was suceessorto Rannulf in
all three.
352 THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
of which Eannulf was undertenant, Woodington (W. 501,
p. 530), of which William, probably William the guest-
master, was undertenant, and Torington ^ (W. 387, p. 412),
of which Eichard was undertenant, all Baldwin's estates are
found in later times belonging to the honour of Okehamton.
That honour included in addition (1) three fees held of the
bishop of Exeter ("Lib. Niger" 115), to wit, Yeo in Credi-
ton (" Feudal Aids," 337), Dittisham, and Slapton (" Feud.
Aids" 331; "Trans." XXXII, 542); (2) one held of the
bishop of Coutances, to wit, Brampford Speke (W. 195,
p. 192; A.-D. Inq. 1 Eic. II, No. 12, p. 2); (3) two estates
held by Godeva Brictric's widow, to wit, Torbryan (W. 1110,
p. 1192; "Feud. Aids" 317) and Dodbrook (W. 1115,
p. 1192; "Feud. Aids" 332); and (4) Saulfs Little Duns-
ford or Sowton (W. 1118, p. 1188; "Feud. Aids," 314); in
all 92f fees (Eed Book, 558; "Trans." XXVII, 99), and it
was held by the service of three knights (" Trans." XXXII,
542).
Baldwin was twice married, (1) to Albreda, the Con-
queror's niece (Oliver, "Mon.," 338; "Trans." XXX, 506)
or cousin (Planch(5, II, 43), and (2) to Emma (so stated in
"Domesday," W. 478, p. 512), and had issue three sons,
William, Kobert, and Eichard ("Cal. of Doc. in France"
524), besides a daughter Adeliza. The older authorities
gave him also another daughter Emma. Dr. Eound gives
the three sons to Emma, though he is doubtful about
William (" Feudal England " 473). Planche gives her only
the two daughters ("The Conqueror's Companions," II, 44).
Eobert succeeded his father as count of Brionne in 1090
(Planch(5, I.e. 43), and William Succeeded him as sheriff of
Devon (Charters in Oliver, "Mon.," 117, 153; Eound "Feud.
Engl." 330, n. 37), and was succeeded by his brother
Eichard, who in 1129 held the shrievalty together with
the honour of Okehamton (Eound, I.e. 473). Eichard died
without issue on 25 June, 1137 (Oliver, "Mon.," 338), when
the sisters became his heirs. The elder one, Adeliza, was
the wife of William son of Wimund in 1086,^'' which would
almost require her to be Albreda's, and not Emma's daughter,
and if she was the aunt (amita) of Eannulf Avenel, Eannulf
must have been the son of her sister, so that she must have
had a sister married to Avenel's father. She died 23 August,
* Presuming tliat Torintona is Littlo Torington, which, however, Mr.
Whale disputes.
^ "DomesJay," W. 397, p. 422. This manor (Dolton) Baldwin gave to
William son of Wimund, with his daughter in marriage.
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
353
1142, after founding Ford abbey, it is usually said without
issue, but the Ford abbey cartulary (Oliver, "Mon.," 341)
gives a diJBferent pedigree, which may be summarized as
follows : —
Baldwin de Brionis=Albreda.
Richard,
founder of Brightley in 1133,
ob. t.p. 25 June, 1137.
Adeliza=
only daughter,
d, 23 August, 1142.
Rannulf Avenel= Alice. ^ .. ..'^^
I ■ • / ^
Robert d'Avrancheg= Matilda == Robert, the King's son,
first husband.
second husband.
Two
daughters,
nuns.
Ha wise:
elder daughter,
second wife,
stated to be a
descendant of
Albreda, o6. 31
July, 1209.
Reginald de Courtney = a Nomian
son of Florus, Florus
being a son of Louis
the Fat.
lady, first
nfe.
Robert de Courtney,
younger son,
deprived of the
shrievalty in 1231.
r
r
William de Courtney = Matilda,
elder son. younger
daughter.
A difficulty arises in reconciling this pedigree with the
charter of William Avenel (Oliver, 136) addressed to Bishop
Eobert of Exeter [1150-59] and to Earl Baldwin [who died
in 1154] and others, whereby William Avenel the then
possessor of the honour of Okehamton between 1150 and
1154, confirms to Ply m ton priory "all that my father
Rannulf and Adeliza his aunt (arnica = father's sister) gave
to them." Further, it is not true that Hawise de Courtenay
died as stated in the pedigree in 1209, for the Pipe EoU of
12 John, i.e. 1210, contains the entry: "Hawise de Curtenai
accounts for £195. 10s. scutage of 92f fees in Okemanton at
3 marks for each fee"; and that of 16 John, i.e. 1214:
"Hawise de Curtenai owes 7^ marks for the honour of
Okemanton." Also as Cleaveland, p. 124, points out, Reginald
de Courtenay's father, whether called Peter or Florus or
bearing some other name (Florus being only a nickname),
cannot have been son of Louis the Fat. because Louis the
Fat after 1150 married Reginald's daughter.
VOL. XXXVIII. z
354
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON.
Pole, setting the Ford pedigree down as erroneous, gives
an entirely different one, taken, as he says, "out of the
Okhamton lieger book" ^ as follows : —
'.'- 'j^ Baldwin^ - ;, -^
Richard, Adela,
lord of lady of
Okhampton. Okhampton,
ct /I V married a
Kentish
knightf ob.8.p.
William Avenel= Emma = William d'Avranchos.
Matilda=Ralf Avenel,
sister to lord of Ok-
Richard hampton.
de Redvers.
The lord de Aincoort:
first husband.
daughter of
Godwin Dole.
Robert d'Avranches,
lord of Okhamp-
ton.
Matilda = Robert, son of the Eine,
brother of earl Reginald;
second husband lord of
Okhampton.
A Norman lad7=Reginald de Gourtney^Matilda,
first wife.
whom queen Eleanor
brought with her to
England.
second wife,
ob. $,p.
Ha wise de Aiucoort= William Courtney,
lord of Sutton,
Berks.
Robert Courtney=MaiT, daughter of
William de Vernon.
Pole quotes three charters to prove that Matilda, the wife
of Eeginald de Courtney, died without issue. In the first
one Hawise refers to and confirms a deed '*made by my
sister Matilda/' which shows that Matilda was in posses-
sion of the honour before her sister Hawise. The second is
a grant of Musbury made by Matilda, lady of Okhamton,
which supports this suggestion. The third is a grant made
by Reginald de Courtney "with consent of Matilda my wife,"
which proves that Matilda's husband was not called William,
but Reginald. Hawise's charter is witnessed by "Robert
* John Chase, chapter-clerk of Winchester, complains that in the Civil
War " the Minument house was broken up by the Army and Soldiery and all
my lidcer register books taken away'* (Capes, "Rural life in Hami»hire,"
190 ; Winchester Cath. Doc. II, 67).
THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHAMPTON. 355
Courtney and Eeginald his brother my sons," but the father's
name is not given.
There is, however, a diflBculty in the way of William
Courtney being the husband of Hawise, if Cleaveland's
assertion is correct that William Courtney died in the
crusade of 1147-9 before his father came to England. To
meet, as I understand, this diflBculty, A. Ellis in " Notes and
Queries," 1 January 1881, says that there were two Eeginald
de Courtneys, father and son, a view which has been accepted
by the editors of Kisdon's *' Notebook " 73. The documentary
evidence is conclusive that when Robert the natural son of
Henry I, who was in possession of the honour in 1166, in
right of his wife Matilda d'Avranches ("Lib. Niger" 119;
Bound, "Feudal England," 266) died in 1172, followed by
his widow on 21 September, 1173 (Dugdale, "Mon." V, 381),
the elder Reginald de Courtney obtained the wardship of
Matilda's two daughters, and himself married the younger
one, Matilda, whilst he gave the other, Hawise, to his son,
called by Pole and the monks of Ford William Court-
ney. An entry in the Close Roll of 8 Hen. Ill, m. 8,
runs: "Robert de Curtenay had seisin of the manor
of Wotesdon [Wootton Courtney in Somerset] which
Matilda de Curtenay held in dower since the death of
Reginald de Curtenay aforetime her husband, grandfather of
the aforesaid Robert, whose heir he is." But however the
pedigree may be explained, the succession to the honour
according to the charters was, first to William, son of Bald-
win, next to his brother Richard, and then to his sister
Adeliza the aunt of Rannulf Avenel, afterwards to Rannulf
Avenel and to William Avenel his son ("CaL of Docts. in
France" 257, 434), then to Robert the King's son in right of
his wife Matilda, followed by Reginald de Courtney in right
of his wife Matilda, and then to her half-sister Hawise, the
wife of Reginald's son whether called William or Reginald. She
held the honour, it is stated, until 1219, and was succeeded
by her son, Robert Courtney, who married Mary de Redvers,
daughter of William de y«niOn, and had issue John de
Courtney. Through John the honour descended to Hugh I
his son, Hugh II his grandson, and Hugh III de Courtney
his great-grandson. In 1335 (9 Ed. Ill), some years after
the death in 1293 of Isabella de Fortibus, last of the Redvers,
the second of these Hugh Courtneys was authorized to assume
the title of earl of Devon "as being the heir of the Redvers
family and in possession of their estates," and in his person
the honours of Plympton and Okehampton were united.
z2
356 THE HONOURS OF MORTAIN AND OKEHABiPTON.
According to "The case in the House of Lords, 1832,"
Hugh II de Courtney, the first earl of Devon of the new
fi^O' 1^"^» ^^^^ l'^ ^- m* ^^s s^^» Hugh III, second earl of
/Jtr Devon, died 51 Ed. Ill, and was succeeded by his grandson
' Edward, son of Sir Edward Courtney, as third earl, Edward's
uncle being Sir PhiUp of Powderham On the death of the
third earl in 7 Hen. V his son, Sir Hugh, succeeded as fourth
earl, but died 10 Hen. V, Thomas Courtney, his son, then
succeeded as fifth earl, and died 36 Hen. VI. The sixth
earl was his grandson, Thomas Courtney, who was attainted
and beheaded 1 Edw. IV, leaving no issue.
In 1 Hen. VII, Sir Edward Courtney, a collateral, being the
grandson of Sir Hugh Courtney, of Haxjcombe, a brother of
the third earl, was created earl of Devon by a fresh grant
from the Crown, but died in 1509. His son. Sir William,
having been attainted, and his grandson, Henry Courtney
created marquis of Exeter having been attainted and be-
headed 31 Hen. VIII, a new grant of the earldom of Devon
was made by patent on 3 September, 1553, to Sir Edward
Courtney, the son of the late marquis of Exeter, " to him and
his heirs male for ever," but without reversal of the attainders
of his ancestors. The effect of this was to make Sir Edward
and his heirs male earls of Devon of a new creation, but to
leave the old earldom descendible to heirs general together
with the honours and estates of Plympton and Okehampton
forfeit to the Crown. The new earl died without issue
18 September, 1556, when the four daughters of his great-
great-grandfather's brother. Sir Hugh Courtney, of Boconnoc,
were found to be his next heirs, viz. Isabel the wife of
William Mohun, Maud the wife of John Arundell, Elizabeth
wife of John Trethurffe, and Florence wife of John Trelawney.
The present line of earls of Devon, whose claim to the earl-
dom of the last creation was allowed in 1832, are descended
from Sir Philip Courtney, of Powderham.
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
BY CHARLES ADOLPHTJS BRIGGS, F.E.8.
(Read at I.yiiton, July, 1906.)
STONE -FLIES, MAY- FLIES, DRAGON - FLIES,
CADDIS -FLIES, ETC.
The four main divisions of the groups of insects comprised
in the Linnaean order Neuroptera are : —
(1) The Pseudoneuroptera, consisting of the Psocidcc, or
Book-lice, the Feiiidcc, or Stone-flies, and the
UphcMcridcc, or May-flies.
(2) The Odoiutta, or Dragon-flies.
(3) The Neiiroptera'Planipennia, or true Neuroptera, and
(4) The Trichoptcra, or Caddis-flies.
Of these divisions the Pscudaneuroptcra and the Odoiiata
undergo incomplete metamorphosis, while in the Neuroptera-
Planipennia and the Trichoptera the metamorphoses are
complete. With the exception of the Psocidce and the great
majority of the Neuroptera -Planipennia the Neuroptera are
aquatic in their habits, passing the larva or nymph stage in
the water, those of the Perlida^, Ephemcridw, and Odouata
living without protection, while those of the Trichoptera
weave cases of varying thickness covered in some instances
with minute water shells, in others with stones or other
debris.
All the groups, with perhaps the exception of the Odonata,
are well represented in Devonshire. There are few, if any,
counties in England so well adapted to these water-loving,
wood-frequenting insects; and if the record of the species
observed does not stand out above that of any other county,
the fact must be ascribed rather to the general neglect
which has been shown to this most interesting order than
to the paucity of the county fauna.
358 THE RECENT NBUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
The upland bogs of Exmoor, extending 1500 ft. and up-
wards above sea-level and but little altered since the time
of primitive man whose remains are so thickly scattered
among them — the still more wild and lofty range of Dart-
moor— the richly wooded combes and torrent streams of
North Devon, and the larger, more slowly -moving rivers
of other portions of the county with its canals and ponds,
all afford home and shelter suited to the varied require-
ments of different species.
The recorders of Devonshire Neuroptera are but few.
Stephens, in his " Illustrations of British Entomology,"
Mandibulata, Vol. VI, published in 1835-6, records a number
of species from Devonshire apparently on the authority of
Dr. Leach, but no localities are given, and in many instances
the records cannot be implicitly relied on. From his time
but little was done until the late Mr. Parfitt, of Exeter,
the great authority on Devonshire fauna, read his exhaus-
tive paper on Devonshire Neuroptera before the Devonshire
Association in 1879.
Since then the principal records are those by the Eev.
A. E. Eaton and Messrs. McLachlan, Bignell, Porritt, and
myself. Much however remains to be done, especially in
the wilder regions of Exmoor and Dartmoor, where sys-
tematic work, particularly at night, would probably produce
great results.
The Psocidce, the first of the three sub-groups forming the
Pseudoneuroptera, are arboreal or terrestrial in their habits.
Some of the wingless section are chiefly found indoors, being
rarely found away from houses, while the winged section
are usually to be found on the barks of trees or among the
foliage, or on palings and other decaying wood, or among
dead leaves. They are well represented in the county, no
less than three species having recently been added to the
British list from specimens found in Devonshire by myself.
Of the wingless, or partially winged, section, Atropos divin-
atoria, Mull., the " death-watch " of our superstitious ances-
tors, is but too common and destructive in ill-kept collections,
but, like the equally abundant and destructive Clothilla
jndsatoria, Linn., is rarely seen out of doors. These two
species, which have a certain superficial resemblance, may be
easily distinguished by the strongly dilated femora of the
former. Clothilla picea, Mots., is not uncommon at Lyn-
mouth indoors, but is occasionally also taken by beating.
Mr. Parfitt records it as being found among dried fimgi.
Hyperetes gucstfalimis, Kolbe, was introduced to our list
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE. 359
from specimens beaten from an old beech tree in the Valley
of Stones, Lynton, in 1898, and subsequently found at Lyn-
mouth in considerable numbers on ilex trees and, very
rarely, under stones on the hills. The first British speci-
mens of Bertkauia prisca^ Kolbe, were found in 1900 on the
side of a boulder on Countisbury Hill, Lynmouth — (now,
alas ! buried beneath a motor gart^e) — and subsequently on
a few occasions under stones at Lynton. All the specimens
taken were ? , the (J , which is said to be winged, not having
yet been observed here.
In the winged section Psocus longicomiSy Fab., is found
on the rugged bark of trees and has been beaten from alder
on the banks of the Exe and the East Lyn, also taken at
Horrabridge (Bignell). Ps. nebulosuSy Steph., common on
larch at Kockford on the East Lyn, is also recorded from
Bickleigh and Ivybridge (Bignell), and from Newton Abbot
and Killerton (Parfitt). Ps, variegaUts, Fab., occurs on the
banks of the Exe (Parfitt) and near Plymouth (Bignell).
Ps. fasciatiis. Fab., has occurred at Eockford on the East
Lyn. Ps. sexpunctattis, Linn., occurred abundantly in 1902
at Lynmouth, some on the bark of the ilex oak, but the
majority on the stone wall of a cottage. Ps. bifasciattis,
Latr., is fairly common at Lynmouth, and has occurred at
Cann Wood (Bignell) and Stone Wood, Exeter (Parfitt).
A solitary specimen of Ps. qucbdriviaculatus, Latr., is re-
corded without locality by Mr. Parfitt, who also records
Ps. bipunctatusy Linn., though with some hesitation.
Stenopsocus immacidatiiSy Steph., occurs commonly in Lyn-
mouth, Ivybridge (Bignell), and elsewhere. St. cniciatus,
Linn., common round Lynmouth, is also recorded from
Seaton, Stoke Wood, and Dunsford. CcecUius pedicularis,
Linn., frequent in houses, is also found on the trunks and
flying in the sunshine. It has been noticed in abundance at
Saddle Stone Gate, Exmoor, 1500 feet above sea-level, and,
as Mr. McLachlan has pointed out, is the only Psocid that is
known to fly without being disturbed. CJUtvidtts, Steph.,
also occurs on the high levels of Exmoor, as well as at Ljm-
mouth, Plymouth, Dawlish, Seaton, Exeter, and Ivybridge.
C. obsolettis, Steph., occurs very sparingly at Lynmouth, and
C. dalii, McLach., in abundance late in autumn. C. vittatus^
Latr., is fairly common at Lynmouth, Stoke Wood, and
Alphington. C. perlattcs, Kolbe, and C. piceiis, Kolbe, are
sparingly found along the East and West Lyns. Ectopsocus
briggsii, McLach., a genus and species new to science, was
found sparingly at Lynmouth in October, 1899, and since
360 THE BSCEKT NEUROFTSIU OF DEVONSHIBB.
then in abundance there, among dead leaves. A specimen was
taken at Christmas at Seaton (Eaton). Peripsocus pfictopterus,
Steph., has been taken at Gann Wood (Bignell), Stoke
Wood (Parfitt), and is common at Rockford on the East
Lyn. JElipsocus unipunctatus, Miill., is common and generally
distributed, and E. cyanops, Kostock, is common at Lyn-
mouth. K westtooodii, McLach., and its variety dbietia^
Kolbe, are commonly met with. E, hyalinus, Steph., is not
uncommon on the Exe (Parfitt), and E, Jlaviceps, Steph.,
found sparingly at Dawlish, is frequent at Lynmouth.
The Fcrlidce, or Stone-flies, the second sub-group of the
Pseudoneuroptera, pass their early stages imder water, pre-
ferring as a rule the more swiftly flowing streams, though
some are to be foimd in the still waters of canals and
ponds. The larvae or nymphs may frequently be found
beneath submerged stones or crawling on wooden piles in
the water. In Devon the group has been greatly neglected,
though perhaps not more so than in other counties.
Dictyopteryx microcephala, Pict., is recorded by Mr. Parfitt
as being very common along all the streams from spring to
autumn, but on the East Lyn it occurs very sparingly in
spring. D, rectangudatay Pict., was taken in Devonshire,
according to Stephens. Perla margiimta, Panz., is recorded
by Mr. Parfitt as common on the banks of streams, possibly
in error. P, maxima. Scop., and P. ceplmlotes, Curt., are
abundant along all the rivers, as also are Isopteryx torren^
Hum, Pict., and Isop, tripunctata. Scop. A few specimens
of Tmniopteryx nebulosa, Linn., have been taken near Exeter
(Parfitt), and at Exminster in March (Bignell), and T. risi,
Morton, rare at Exeter, has been taken in Bickleigh Vale
(Bignell), and is not uncommon near Watersmeet on the
East Lyn in April. Leuctra geniculata, Steph., is common
on the Exe and the East Lyn in August and at Bovey
Heathfield in May (Parfitt). Of the species formerly con-
fused under the name of L. fuscivcntris, L, hippopus, Kemp.,
occurs at Ivybridge (Bignell), is abundant along the East
Lyn, and L. klapalekiy Kemp., occurs along the East Lyn and
is common on the high grounds of Exmoor some 1500 ft.
high. Nemoura varieyaia, Oliv., is common at Shaugh
Bridge and Bickleigh (Bignell), at Exeter (Parfitt), and on
the East Lyn. N, meyeri, Pict., rare on the Exe in June
(Parfitt), is common on the East Lyn, sometimes appearing
as early as January. It has also been noticed at Horra-
bridge (Bignell). lY. cinerea, Oliv., apparently recorded by
Parfitt under the name of StdcicolliSf Steph., is common
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRB. 361
along the East Lyn, where also N, marginata, Pict., is
equally common. M inconspicua, Pict., has been taken in
Cann Wood in October (Bignell) and Ivybridge in August
(Bignell).
The Epkemeridce, or May-flies, another aquatic sub-group
of Pseudoneuroptera, are also fairly represented. Ephemera
vulgata, Linn., and Eph, danica, Linn., though common, are
not perhaps so abundant as in some coimties. Eph. lineaia,
Eaton, has been taken near Exwick (Parfitt). Leptophlebia
svhmarginata, Steph., and Habrophlebia fusca, Curt., have
been taken sparingly on the Exe in June. Ephemerella
ignita, Poda, is common along the East and the West Lyn.
Ccenis halterata. Fab., and C, dimidiata, Steph., are abun-
dant on the canal at Exeter (Parfitt). Bcetis binoculaius,
Linn., may be found on the Exe and Greedy from spring
to autumn (Parfitt). B, scamhus, Eaton, and B, niger, Linn.,
have been occasionally captured near Exeter (Parfitt). B,
pumilns, Burm., is common along the East Lyn. B. rhodani,
Pict., is generally common from spring to autumn, as also
is B, vermis, Curt., which appears sometimes even in winter.
Cloeon dipte7nim, Linn., is common on the slower streams,
and Centroptilum lutcolum, MlilL, seems to be generally dis-
tributed, as also is Ehithogeniu semicolorata. Curt. Hepta-
genia sulphurefi, Miill., occurs at Stafford's Weir on the Exe.
Ecdifurus venosus, Fab., is common and generally distributed.
Ec. insignis is recorded from the Dart (Eaton) and Exwick
(Parfitt), and Ec, volitans^ Eaton, from Dunsford on the
Teign (Parfitt).
The second main division of the Neuroptera consists of
the Odonata or Dragon-flies, which are also aquatic in their
early stages. Owing no doubt to their conspicuous appear-
ance and diurnal habits the records are fairly satisfactory,
though probably a few species have been overlooked.
Of the forty-one species comprised in the six families of
British Odonata only twenty-five have been recorded from
Devonshire, a number almost equalled by a single pond in
Surrey, but there can be no doubt but that careful search
would add several species. Libellula fvXva, MiilL, for
instance, has probably been passed over for its commoner
congener. L, quadriviaculatus, Linn., and Cordulia anea,
Linn., most surely occur in at all events the southern portion
of the county. jEschTia junceay Linn., and Enallagma
cyathigcrum, Charp., both occur freely at Pinkery Pond,
Exmoor, only about half a mile over the Somersetshire
border.
362 THE BBCENT NEUBOPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
Of the first family the Idbellulidcg, Sympetrum striolatum,
Charp., is generally common, some of the moorland speci-
mens being very highly coloured, and a solitary specimen of
S. vulgatum, Lmn., was taken at Torquay on 15 August,
1899, by Mr. A. H. Hamm. A few specimens of the sporadic
migrant S, flaveolum, Linn., were recorded in 1876 from
Lapford and on the Exe and Clyst (Parfitt). S. sanguineum,
Miill., is reported by Stephens from Devonshire, but has
not been noticed since. S. scoticum^ Don., which appears to
be rare in the southern part of the county, is very common
on Exmoor at an elevation of 1400 feet. Platetrum de-
pressum, Linn., and Libdlula quadrimaeulata, Linn., are
fairly common over ponds and streams. Orthetnvm caned-
latum, Linn., occurs sparingly in the Exeter district
(Parfitt), and 0. carrulescens. Fab., has been taken at Corn-
wood and Ivy bridge (Bignell), Bovey (Hamm). on the Clyst
and at Strete Raleigh (Parfitt), and elsewhere in the southern
portion of the county, but not at present in the northern
portion, although it is common near Bude in North Cornwall,
just over the border. The only species of the next family,
Cordvliidoe^ is Oxygastra curtisii. Dale, which is recorded
by Curtis, "British Entomology," p. 617, from Braunton
Burrows.
Of the Gomphidce, the magnificent Cordulegaster annvlaXtis,
Latr., is widely distributed and fairly common. The jEschnidcc
are represented by Brachytroii pratense, Miill, which is
fairly common, as also is JEschna cyanea, Miill. ^. mixta,
Latr., so long a rarity, has recently been taken in some
numbers by Mr. G. T. Porritt and others at Torcross and
elsewhere along the south coast. ^, grandis, Linn., hos
been taken at Torcross (Bignell) and Bovey Tracey (Hamm).
Of the Calopterygidce, Calopteryx virgo, Linn., is recorded by
Mr. Parfitt as being very scarce in the Exeter district, but
is common at Bickleigh, Plym Bridge, and Shaugh Bridge
(Bignell). It occurs also at Lydford and abundantly on the
East Lyn, while C. splendens, Harris, is generally distributed
in the Exeter district, but not near Plymouth. Of the
Agrionidm, Lestcs sponsa, Hans, is recorded from Ivy bridge
(Bignell) and Bovey Tracey (Hamm). Platycncmis pennipeSy
Pall., has been taken at Saltram (Bignell) and is common
some seasons in the Topsham Marshes (Parfitt). ryrrhosoma
nymphula, Sulz., is generally distributed throughout the
county, and P. tenellum, Vill., has been taken near Bovey
Tracey (Hamm). Ischnura elegaiis, Lind., is fairly distributed
and sometimes abundant. Agrion pidchellum, lind., has
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE. 363
been taken along the Exe (Parfitt), and A, pudla, Linn., is
generally common throughout the county. Miiallagma
cyathigerum, Charp., has only been recorded from Bovey
Tracey (Hamm), but is common at Pinkery Pond, Exmoor,
about half a mile over the Somersetshire border. It has no
doubt been overlooked.
The third main group of Neuroptera, the Planipennia
(Snake-flies, Lacewings, Scorpion-flies, etc.), contains three
divisions — the Sialina, the Hemerobiina, and the Paiwiyina,
which are represented in Great Britain by seven families ;
others, such as the Myrmeleonidce (Ant Lions), familiar
enough on the Continent, not having yet been noticed in
our islands. The group is well represented in the county.
The larvffi for the most part are arboreal, but some are
aquatic and a few terrestrial. In the Sialina the larvae of
both species of Sialis are aquatic. In the Hemerohihia all
are arboreal except the aquatic genera Osmylus and Sisyra,
while the Fanorpina live on or under the ground. Of the
first family of the Sialina, the Sialidce, Sialis lutaina, linn.,
is common and generally distributed, while the rarer
S. fulffinaria, Pict., has only been very sparingly taken on
the East Lyn (Briggs). In the next family, the Raphidiidoe^
Raphidia notata, Fab., and R. xanthostigma, Steph., are men-
tioned by Mr. Parfitt as having been taken in North Devon
by Mr. Eaddon, but a record three-quarters of a century
old is scarcely satisfactory. In the second division or
Hemerohiina in the family Osmylidoe, the beautiful Osmylus
chrysops, Linn., often known as the Fairy-fly, is common
along the East Lyn, and is recorded from Ivybridge (Big-
nell), Marsh Mills and Plym Bridge (Keys), and rarely
at Topsham (Parfitt). Sisyra fuscata, Fab., is not un-
common among firs where water is (Parfitt), and S. ter-
minnlis, Curt., occurs in the Exeter district (Parfitt). Of
the Hemcrobiida:, Micromus variegatus. Fab., and M, paganus,
Linn., are fairly common and widely distributed, the former
being frequently swept from rank herbage by the hedge-
side, while the latter shows a preference for trees and
bushes. Of the genus Hemerobitis itself, ff. pelluddiLS,
Walker, has occurred at Exwick (Eaton) and sparingly at
Lynmouth (Briggs) in company with H, inconspicwus,
McLach. H. 7iitidultis, Fab., occurs among fir trees. H.
micans, Oliv., is common and generally distributed, but its
variety, fuscincrvis, Schn., is rare. ff. humuli, Linn., and
n. lutescenSy Fab., are fairly common and generally distri-
buted. H, marginatus, Steph., is recorded from the Exeter
364 THE RECENT NBUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
district (Parfitt). E, stigma, Steph., is common among firs.
H, atrifrons, McLach., is fairly common at Eockford, on the
East Lyn, and Mr. Parfitt records H. pint from Stoke
Wood, near Exeter. H, suhnebulosus, Steph., is fairly com-
mon but local. H. nervostcs, Fab., occurring at Bude and
Penzance, has not yet been recorded from Devonshire. Two
specimens of the very rare Megalomus hirtus from near
Exeter are recorded by Mr. Parfitt, but there is probably
some error in identification or locality. Of the Chrysopidce,
Chrysopa flava, Scop., occurs sparingly, but is probably fre-
quently confused with the commoner C, mttatay Wesm.
C. alba, Linn., is common and widely distributed, being
recorded from Exeter (Parfitt), Plymouth (Bignell), and
near Lynmouth (Briggs). C. Jlavi/rons, Brauer, is ifairly
common, and C, vulgaris, Schr., is common throughout the
county, though its winter condition, carnea, Steph., has not
been recorded. The ill-odoured C. septe7npunctata, Wesm.,
which most unjustly has given the name of stink-fly or
corpse-fly to the whole of this beautiful genus, is equally
common. C. ventralis, Curt., is taken sparingly both in the
Exeter and Lynmouth districts, but the commoner C, aspersa^
Wesm., seems only to have been taken by Mr. Porritt at
Torcross in 1902. Cperla, Linn., is generally common, and
0, ahhreviata, Curt., was recorded by Curtis from North
Devon, but has not occurred since his time. Most unfor-
tunately his collection with all his types was allowed to
leave England, and is now at the Eoyal Victoria Museum,
Melbourne. Nothochrysa fulvicepSy Steph., and N, capitata.
Fab., are recorded by Stephens from Devonshire, but have
not been noticed since. Of the Conioptciygidce, Conioptcrt/x
tineiformis, Curt., is common in woods and gardens, as also
is C, psociformis, Curt., but C. aleyrodifanniSy Steph., though
widely scattered, is rarer. All three species, however, are
much overlooked.
In the third division, the Panorpina, the family Panarpidce
is represented by Panorpa communis, Linn., and A germanica,
Linn., which are generally common throughout the county,
and P. cogiwta, Ram., which is recorded with hesitation by
Mr. Parfitt from a fir plantation near Powderham.
The Triclwptera, the last of the four groups of the
Neuroptera, are very well represented, taking the county as
a whole, but the distribution is somewhat irregular, owing
to the different character of the waters. Some of the com-
monest of the Phryganidce, Limnophilidm and Leptoceridm,
are almost absent from the Lynmouth district, where the
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE. 365
rivers are rapid mountain torrents, while in the southern
portion of the county, where the rivers are broader and
slower and there are more marshes, ponds, and canals, there
is a marked difference in the Neuropterous fauna, fully
accounting for the richness of Mr. Parfitt's list.
The Tinchoptera are separated into two main divisions, the
Neuroptera, in which the joints of the maxillary palpi of
the males (four, three, or two) are less in number than
those of the females (five), and the JEquipalpia, in which the
number of joints (five) is equal in both sexes. With the
exception of the single terrestrial species, the larvae of all
are aquatic. Many of the imagines come freely to light, and
a few occasionally appear at the lepidopterists' "sugar."
In the first division, in the family PhryganidcBy Phryganea
ffrandiSy Linn., has been taken by the Exeter Canal, and
P. varia, Fab., near Shaugh Bridge (Parfitt). Of the Limno-
phUidce, Colpotaulius incisus, Curt., occurs on the Dartmoor
streams near Ashburton and Tavistock (Parfitt). GramvKh
taulim cUomarius, Fab., is recorded by Stephens; Glypho-
tceluis pelhicidus, Oliv., is recorded as common in June and
July by Mr. Parfitt, but no locality is given. Zimnophilus
rhombvcus, Linn., is not uncommon in May and July. Z,
Jlavicomis, Fab., is frequent at Exeter, and a single specimen
has occurred at Lynmouth. Z. murmoratics, Curt., has been
taken on the Teign in May, on the Axe at Whitford
(McLachlan), at Bickleigh (Bignell), and Torcross (Porritt).
L. lunatus, Curt., sparingly throughout the county. L. griseus,
Linn., is recorded by Stephens, and L. bipunctatus, Curt., by
Parfitt at St. James' Weir, Exeter, and at Torcross at sugar
(Porritt). X. affinis, Curt., occurs sparingly at Lynton, but
is in great abundance on the south coast, flying freely in the
sunshine (Porritt). L, cerUralis, Curt., and Z. vittattLS, Fab.,
are not uncommon at Lynmouth, and are also recorded
from the Exeter and Plymouth districts. Z, auricula, Curt.,
has occurred at Shute (McLachlan), Bickleigh (Bignell), and
is not uncommon at the Alphington Brook and Blackwaller
Weir on the Exe (Parfitt). Z, luridus, Curt., is not common
on the Exe (Parfitt). Z, sparsus, Curt., occurs at Bickleigh
and sparingly on the Upper Weir, Exeter, on the Alphing-
ton Brook in May and June, at Colyton (McLachlan), and
near Lynmouth. Z, fiiscicomis, Kam., is also occasionally
taken near Exeter (Parfitt). Anabolia nervosa, Curt, common
near Exeter in autumn, also occurs near Saddle Stone,
Exmoor, where Anysarchus ccenosus, Curt., may be found
sparingly. Of the somewhat puzzling group of Stenophyllax
366 THK BBCENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
and its allies, Stevophyllax stellatus, Curt., taken occasionally
at sugar at Alphington, is not uncommon at Lynmouth, as
also is S. concentricuSy Zett, which has been taken freely at
sugar at Torcross (Porritt), while S, vibex, Curt., is recorded
from Alphington (Parfitt). Microptema sequax, McLach.,
has been taken at Alphington (Parfitt) and Lynton (McLach-
lan). M. lateralis, Steph., is not uncommon and widely
distributed. Halesus radiaticSy Curt., and JT. digitatus, Schr.,
are both generally common. Ihnisus annulatus, Steph.,
taken by Mr. McLachlan at Dawlish and by Mr. Bignell at
Horrabridge, is common on the higher reaches of the West
Lyn. Chcetopteryx villosa, Fab., is scarce, both in the north
and south of the county, and Apatania muliebris^ McLach.,
is not uncommon at Lee Bay, Lynton, and is also recorded
by McLachlan from the Lynton district.
Of the SeriscostomidcPf Seriscostama personatum, Spence, is
generally distributed throughout the county. Notidobia
cUiariSy Linn., is common along the Dartmoor streams
(Parfitt), Ooera pUosa, Fab., at Whitford (McLachlan), on
the Dartmoor streams, and on the East Lyn. SUo paUipes,
Fab., is generally common, and S. nigHcornis, Pict., is not
uncommon on the East Lyn. Brachycentrus subnubilus.
Curt., has been taken in some numbers by Mr. Parfitt near
Exeter. Cruncecia irrorata, Curt., is recorded from Bovi-
sand (Bignell), Dunsford (Parfitt), Dawlish (McLachlan),
Plymouth (McLachlan), Seaton (Eaton), and a solitary
specimen from the East Lyn (Briggs). Lepidostoma hirtum,
Fab., and Lasciocephala basalis, KoL, are common in most
parts of the county.
In the second division of the Trichoptera, the jEquipalpia
of the family Leptoceridce, Bercea pullata, Curt, which has
occurred at Woodbury, but not commonly, is abundant at
Axmouth and Bovey Common (McLachlan). B, maunis,
Curt., at Seaton (Eaton) and at Shute (McLachlan). B. arti-
cularis, Pict., very sparingly at Seaton (Eaton) and Haven
Cliff (McLachlan). Afolanna angtistata, Curt., was recorded
by Stephens, but has not been noticed since. Odontocericm
alhicome. Scop., has occurred at Newton and Bovey Heath-
field (Parfitt), on the tributaries to the Coly (McLachlan),
and is very common on the East Lyn. Leptocems nigrotur-
vosuSy Retz., occurs along the Exe in June (Parfitt). L, albo-
r/uttatuSy Hag., a specimen taken by the Eev. J. Hellins at
Exeter. Z. annulicornis, Steph., is common by Bla.ckwaller
Weir, Exeter (Parfitt). X. aterrimus, Steph., Exeter, but
not common (Parfitt). Z, ciTieretis, Curt, a very variable
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE. 367
species, is common (Parfitt). L, alhifrons, Linn., occurs at
Alphington Brook and by the Exe commonly (Parfitt),
also at Whitford and elsewhere on the Axe and Yarty
(McLachlan), and at Marsh Mills and Plym Bridge (Bignell).
L, commutatus, McLach., at Dunsford on the Teign (Parfitt)
and Plym Bridge (Bignell). Z. bilineatiis, Linn., at Whit-
ford (McLachlan), Dawlish, Dunsford, Exeter, and in abun-
dance at Exwick (Parfitt), and on the East Lyn (Briggs).
L, dissimilis, Steph., at Whitford, but rare (McLachlan),
Dunsford and by the Exe (Parfitt). Mystaddes (vsurea,
Pict., is common on most streams, but M. nigra, Linn., is
not so common (Parfitt). M, longicomis, Linn., occurs
commonly on all slow waters. Tricenodes hicolor, Curt, is
recorded by Stephens. T, conspersa, Eamb., is taken on the
Exe (Parfitt), and occurred commonly at Whitford on the
Axe in 1902 (McLachlan). Adicdla reducta, McLach., is
recorded by McLachlan from near Seaton Junction and
Axmouth, and is widely distributed in the south (Parfitt).
(Ecetes testacea, Curt., occurs sparingly, but is widely dis-
tributed, Exeter, Plymouth, and Cann Quarry (Bignell)
being among the localities recorded. Setodes tinei/ormis,
Curt., occurs sparingly in the south, and S. interrupta. Fab.,
is common in a very restricted locality near Exwick water-
mill (Parfitt), and has occurred on the Axe (McLachlan).
The county is rich in the Hydropsychidce, Hydropsyche
pdlucidula, Pict., is generally distributed in South Devon
(Parfitt) and not uncommon on the East Lyn (Briggs).
H, instabilis, Curt., not common in the south, is abundant on
the East Lyn. ff. angustipennis, Curt., taken at Ivybridge
by Mr. Bignell, is common at Exwick, Stoke Hill House, and
Higher Weir, Exeter (Parfitt). ff, guttata, Pict., has been
taken singly on the Axe and Coly (McLachlan), at Shaugh
Bridge (Bignell), and on the Exe not commonly (Parfitt).
H. lepida, Pict., on the Exeter Canal, but rare (Parfitt).
Diplectrona felix, Westwood, widely distributed in the
south, occurs sparingly in the Lynmouth district. PhUo-
potamics montanuSy Donovan, is abundant on the more rapid
streams. It appears on the East Lyn throughout the year,
and varies greatly in size and colour ; the variety insvlaris
(McLachlan) has occurred at Salcombe, and chrysopterus
(Morton) at Ilfracombe (Saunders) and the Exmoor streams
(McLachlan). Wormaldia occipitalis, Pict, occurs at Bovisand
(Bignell), at Dawlish (Parfitt), and not uncommonly at
Lynmouth. W, subnigra, McLach., at Lynton, 1 $
(McLachlan), and on the East Lyn (Briggs). Plectronemia
368 THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE.
conspersa, Curt., common near Plymouth, has occurred also
at Dunsford, at Exwick Weir, and on the East Lyn. F.
geniculata, McLach., is recorded from Dawlish (McLachlan),
and the rare P, hrevis, McLach., was taken sparingly near
Seaton by the Rev. A. E. Eaton in May, 1898. and also
subsequently. Polycentropus flavovfiaculatus, Pict.,is common
at Whitford and the tributaries to the Coly, and also at Ide
Brook, the Exeter Canal, and the East Lyn. P. kingi,
McLach., occurs on the East Lyn, and P. muUiguUatus, Curt.,
at Exwick Weir (Parfitt), Bovisand and Bickleigh (Bicknell).
Holocentropus duhim, Ramb., is rare on the Exeter Canal
and in the Exminster Marshes (Parfitt), as also is Ecnomus
tenelliis, Ramb. Tiiiodes wceneri, Linn., has been taken at
Whitford, at Dunsford, and on the Exe, and is common near
Lynmouth. T. tinicolor, Pict., has been taken somewhat
commonly at Seaton (Eaton), and also at Haven Cliff near
Axmouth, and T. aureola^ Zett., at Dawlish (McLachlan),
near Axmouth (Eaton), and singly at Branscombe. Lype
phceopa, Steph., has been taken on the Exe and is abundant
on the East Lyn. Psycnojnia pusUla, Fab., occurs at Whit-
ford (McLachlan) and on the East Lyn.
Of the Rhyacophilidcc, Chimarrha marginata^ Linn., hew
occurred at Cadover Bridge, Dartmoor (Bignell), at Shaugh
Bridge and Drewsteignton (Parfitt), near Dunsford, and a
solitary specimen at Rockford on the East Lyn (Briggs).
RhyacophUa dorsalis, Curt., common at Shaugh Bridge, Duns-
ford, and on the Exe, is in profusion on the East Lyn. K
oUiterata, McLach., was noticed by him higher up the Ex-
moor streams, but is very rare near Lynmouth. R, munda,
McLach., generally distributed on the Dartmoor streams,
also occurs on the East Lyn, where several 2 2 were taken
(Briggs), as well as at Drewsteignton (Parfitt), Comwood
and Shaugh Bridge (McLachlan). Glossoina holtoni, Curt., and
0. veimale, Pict., are recorded by Mr. Parfitt from the Exe
and from Dunsford ; both species are common on the East
Lyn. Agapetics fuscipes, Curt., from Dunsford and Woodbury
Common (Parfitt), near Seaton (McLachlan), and abundantly
at Lynmouth, and A. coinahis, Pict., at Dunsford and
Alphington Brook, more commonly than the last (Parfitt),
also on the tributaries to the Coly (McLachlan).
Of the concluding family, the JTj/droptilidce^ Agraylea
multipunctata, Curt., is not uncommon by Stafford Weir
on the Exe, at Dunsford, and on the bridge at Whitford
(McLachlan). Hydroptila tineoides, Dalm. ( = sparsa, Curt),
is very generally distributed in the south. H. McLachlani,
THE RECENT NEUROPTERA OF DEVONSHIRE. 369
Klap., has been taken at Seaton (Eaton), and H, forcvpata,
Eaton, at Shute (McLachlan). Of Orthotrichia angustella,
McLach., a single specimen is recorded doubtfully by Mr.
Parfitt, and Oxythira falcata, Morton, has been taken at
Seaton (Eaton).
From the foregoing notes it will be seen that although
the record of Neuroptera is a moderately good one, yet it is
not nearly so full as might be expected.
Many of our records are those made during brief holiday
visits, chiefly paid to seaside towns. There is much need
for systematic and continued observation, especially in the
central part of the county, where any one willing to devote
time and attention to the group will, beyond doubt, add
largely to the list of Devonshire Neuroptera.
Rock House,
Lynmouth.
vol. xxxviii. 2 A
SUPPOSED CUEEENCY BAES, FOUND NEAR
HOLNE CHASE CAMP.
BY P. F. 8. AHBRT.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
In a paper I read before this Association at Sidmouth in
1873, on " Some Unrecorded Hill Fortresses near Ashbur-
ton," while describing the so-called Eoman camp, an earth-
work on the elevated peninsula of Holne Chase, I mentioned
a find of several iron bars about fifty yards outside the fosse,
which at the time were supposed to be unfinished weapons
l^SESS^^ilS^S^^
jgjgy
i:!::^^^
ky^Jg>^?l'%'^*^^^^:^^^i^:iafe>^;^'^\^V,y x.X
.;^L:2-^«ww^^#j.ji^.i^i7v;^*V7X-
Supposed Currency Bars.
NoTS. — By the kindness of Reginald A. Smith, Esq., F.S.A., and the
permission of the Committee of the Society of Antiquaries, I am enabled to
reproduce the illustration of typical iron bars used as currency from the
"Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries'* for 26 January, 1906, quoted
sboye.
SUPPOSED CURRENCY BARS, FOUND NEAR HOLNE CHASE. 371
(" Trans.," VoL VI, p. 264). The discovery came about thus.
In 1870 Sir Bourchier Wrey's gamekeeper, while digging
out a rabbit from among a clitter of rocks between the
camp and the River Dart on the west side, came upon about
a dozen flat iron bars packed together on a flat stone with
another stone laid on the top, the whole embedded in peat
earth among the roots of oak coppice. The bars resembled
heavy spear-heads, were twenty-four inches long and two
inches broad, tapering slightly to a flat point at one end,
while the other was bent round as if to receive a shaft or
form a handle. Unfortunately the man broke most of the
bars against the rocks, but carried two or three back to the
house, where the gardener used them for supports under a
cucumber frame.
I first heard of this find in July, 1871, when examining
the camp with Mr. Spence Bate, f.r.s. Being anxious to
get a sight of the bars, I subsequently called at the
gardener's and managed to secure some fragments, for they
had been still further broken a.cross. I then obtained one
specimen showing the flat point and another with a portion
of the folded end, but all was a brittle mass of rust. These
fragments I showed to several members of the Association
meeting at Bideford in 1871, among them to Mr. 6. W.
Ormerod, f.g.s., Mr. E. Parfifct, and Rev. R. Kirwan. By
Mr. Ormerod's advice I sent a portion of the iron to Pro-
fessor Church of the Agricultural College, Cirencester, in
August, 1871, with inquiries.
In reply, Professor Church wrote : —
Tlie iron weapons to wliich you refer have fairly puzzled the
antiquaries. They have been found in several places in England,
sometimes in considerable numbers. They appear to be unfinished
straight swords, but whether they are Roman or not is a question
of great diflficulty. They are smaller in size than any known forms
of gladius or glaive of the Roman times. Yet it is not impossible
that great variations in this particular may have occurred. The
sword in our museum is of about their size (from Bourton-on-the-
Water where it was found with many others). I do not entertain
the faintest doubt of the antique character of your swords. They,
however, are quite unlike the heads of the pila as far as known to
us from sculptures, Roman remains in Gaul and Italy, etc.
In September, 1871, Mr. 6. W. Ormerod sent my most
perfect specimen to Professor Ramsay. In October, 1871,
Mr. Ormerod enclosed me the reply he had received, stating
that he had deposited the specimen in the Museum of
2a2
372 SUPPOSED CURRENCY BARS, FOUND NEAR HOLNK CHASE.
Practical Geology, also Professor Eeeks' replies to the ques-
tions I submitted as follows : —
Gkological Survey of England and Wales,
London, 19 October^ 1871.
Mr DEAR Ormerod,
I received your letter and the weapon yesterday. I have
put it into the hands of the proper man, Mr. Reeks, and it will go
into the museum. I wish your friend had been able to spare us
one of the pointed ones, but I suppose he could not do so. I do
not believe any man can tell whether the iron is ancient or
mediaeval, or later, composition would give no hint. I do not
think they are at all likely to be Roman, at least they are not at all
like any Roman spears or other weapons I have ever seen. They
seem to have been rude pikes of some sort. Reeks or Ruddier
will write a letter of thanks. _ , ,
Ever yours truly,
Andr. Ramsat.
From Mr, Reeks to Mr. Ormerod,
Replies to Mr. Amery*s questions respecting a fragment of an
iron implement sent by Mr. Omerod to the Museum of Practical
Geology, October, 1871.
1. There appears no evidence to prove that the iron of which
this implement is formed is of any great antiquity. It appears to
be ordinary wrought or malleable iron, and exhibits a fibrous
structure at the fractured end. The surface is covered with a
thick coating of hydrous peroxide of iron, wliich is crystallized in
some of the cavities. The time required for this oxidation of the
metal must depend on the conditions to which it has been ex-
posed, but might under favourable circumstances bo effected in a
comparatively short time, and certainly does not by itself bespeak
any high antiquity.
2. It is difficult to assign any date to this implement. Iron
weapons referred to the Anglo-Saxon period are not uncommon,
but they differ from the implements in question.
3. As the edges are thick and blunt the implement could not
have been used as a cutting instrument, but its point at the end
may have rendered it useful as a tlirusting weapon. At the same
time it seems doubtful whether it is really a weapon at all, but
its use could be better determined by examination of a specimen
more perfect than the one now sent.
4. It does not appear to resemble the iron head of the Roman
pilum carried by the pilerii.
5. There is no reason why it should not be an English imple-
ment of modern or mediaeval date. But on this point, as on the
other question, the opinion of a competent antiquary should be
consulted.
SUPPOSED CURRENCY BARS, FOUND NEAR HOLNE CHASE. 373
This ended the inquiry, and I put away the fragments
and made no further investigations.
In September last (1905), when visiting the County
Museum at Heading, I noticed a group of iron bars similar
in appearance to those found thirty-five years before in
Holne Chase, and labelled " Supposed British period
weapons." On inquiry of the Curator, Mr. Colyer, I was
informed that Mr. Eeginald A. Smith, f.s.a., of the British
Museum, had been interested in the subject and was mak-
ing investigations on the character of these iron bars of
British origin, and I gave him some particulars of those
found at Holne Chase, of which he made notes. In
November I heard from Mr. Reginald Smith asking for
full particulars, which I gave him, and he kindly sent me
a copy of his paper on "Ancient British Iron Currency,"
read before the Society of Antiquaries on 26 January, 1905,
in which he states that these iron bars have been known
for many years, and have gone under the name of un-
finished or unforged sword-blades, but they have received
no special attention. The bars roughly resemble swords,
and consist of a flat and slightly tapering blade, the edges
of which are blunt and vertical and the faces parallel. A
rude handle is formed by turning up the edges so as to
meet one another at a point about two inches from the end.
The average length of the twenty pieces he had examined
was 2 ft. 7^ in., the greatest width usually 1 J in., while the
narrow end is square, not pointed, and is usually J in. wide.
An important point, he observes, is that such bars have
often been found secreted in considerable numbers. They
have been foimd buried in the centre of British camps.
And it seems much more probable that the Ancient Britons
would conceal their money at a crisis than that they would
bury half-made swords. It must be remembered that in such
a society division of labour was not in an advanced stage,
and the smith who shaped these bars would have himself
produced the finished article if swords they were to be. He
would not have prepared a large number to hand on to
another to finish. There is too much metal in them for the
manufacture of a sword of the period. Mr. Smith gives
the following particulars of eleven such finds, and the
museums in which they are deposited, which show a wide
distribution which may carry conviction as to their use.
Hod Hill, Dorset — In 1868 it was reported in an account of
this famous earthwork, near Blandfoid, that altogether seventeen
374 SUPPOSED CURRENCY BARS, FOUND NEAR HOLNE CHASE.
had been found, measuring on the average 34 in. in length. There
are eight of them in the British Museum.
Spetfishury Fort^ Dorset. — Also known as Crawford Castle,
seven miles from Hod Hill. Tliere are two complete specimens
from this camp in the British Musexmi, and the handle of a third,
also two of smaller size with average length of 22 in. and \ in.
in thickness. These correspond with a large number found at
Malvern. A detail in the discovery at Spettisbury is that with
them was found a sword-blade, the upper part of which resembled
a fine example of the late La T^ne type from the Thames, now in
the National Collection. Four more of the larger size were
formerly in the Durden Collection, and came from Hod Hill or
other site in Dorset.
Winchester y Hants, — There are four specimens in the British
Museum.
Ham Hillf Somerset, — In May, 1845, a large number were
ploughed up on a part of Hamdon, called Stroud's Hill. The
length deduced from the illustration of one given in "Proceed-
ings of Som. Arch, and Nat. Hist. Soc." (1886, Plate III, f. 4,
p. 82) was about 28 J in., but the end of the grip was missing.
In the British Museum one from this site measures 27|in. and
three-parts of the handle are missing.
Moon Hillf Oloueestershtre, — In 1824, in the middle of this
encampment, 394 similar blades were found deposited in a heap,
each measuring about 30 in. and tapering slightly away from the
handle.
Bourton-on-the-WateVf Qloucestershire, — ^At a place called "the
Camp" 147 examples were found closely packed together in a
gravel pit about 1 J ft. below the surface, and the remains of a box
are said to have accompanied them. Another account says 140
were found lying edgewise in two rows of seventy one above
another in the middle of the camp not far from Addlestrop
Station. There is one specimen in the British Museum and
another in the Reading Museum.
Malvern^ Worcestershire, — In one of the dingles on the east
side of the range between Great Malvern and the Wyche 150
specimens were found together in 1856. They had evidently
been concealed about half-way up the dingle, and lay at a depth
of 3 ft. covered by a piece of rock and rusted into a solid mass.
In the following year a second deposit of 160 were found 3 or
4 yd. further up the hill. The second find comprised 100 com-
plete specimens, the rest being in fragments, and the average length
of the bars was 22 in., with a width of f in. and thickness of \ in.
They were of equal breadth and thickness with one end blunt, the
other hammered out and turned up, forming a sort of socket.
Giasf anbury (Lake Viliage\ Somerset, — Two specimens have
been recovered. The handles resemble those of the smaller
SUPPOSED CURRENCY BARS, FOUND NEAR HOLNE CHASE. 375
Spettisbury and Maidenhead examples ; the lighter is 26 in. long,
weighing 4653 grains ; the heavier, only 21 in., weighs 9098 grains.
Maidenhead, Berks. — A bundle of seven or eight bars was
found at the bridge about 1894. One is in the British Museum.
The handle is represented by two flanges hammered out thin, and
the weight of two shows them to have double the value of the
common size.
St, Laicrencej Ventnor, I.W, — Two were found in 1880 in a
cleft of a rock 6 ft. below the surface, and were broken by the
workmen ; one measures 34 in.
Hunsbury (Danes' Camp\ Northants. — Sir Henry Dryden
illustrated a specimen and compared it with the Meon Hill ex-
amples, being doubtful of their use as swords.
The object of Mr. Smith's paper is to suggest that these
iron bars are none other than the identical iron currency or
money of certain British tribes as described by Caesar in
the Fifth Book of Commentaries. He goes into a long argu-
ment on the various readings to show that iron bars may be
read in the passage usually translated iron rings.
By an examination of the weights and lengths of the
recorded groups of bars he finds them divided into three
sets. The lighter ones average just under 4770 grains or
11 ounces, which he presumes the standard weight; the
twenty of the next set average 8969 grains or 20 i ounces,
the weights ranging between 16^ and 26^ ounces : these he
calls double weight ; then come two heavy ones averaging
18,238 grains or 41 ounces, being a little below the quad-
ruple weight of 19^080 grains or 43 J ounces. It may be
assumed that the conditions afiFecting decay were not uni-
form, but the slightness of the margin affords a good pre-
sumption that these denominations of weight were current
among the Britons occupying the Western strongholds in
the first century B.C.
Mr. Smith mentions a recent coincidence. Near Neath,
Glamorganshire, there has been found a series of late Celtic
bronzes, evidently a hoard, including a weight of 4770 grains.
It is of a common Roman form, cheese-shaped, with "I"
incised on the top. A similar weight, but made of basalt,
is in the museum at Mayence, probably found in that
neighbourhood. It is 4767 grains, and may be considered
identical with that from Wales. This near agreement with
the calculated standard of the iron bars is very remarkable,
and makes it probable that this was the unit of weight in
Britain and Western Europe, and of our smaller iron bar
376 SUPPOSED CUBRENCT BABS, FOUND NEAR HOLNE CHASE.
currency, the others being twice and four times the unit
respectively.
I have searched out the fragments in my possession and
find the effect of thirty-six years' exposure to the atmo-
sphere, has caused a disintegration of the structure of the
iron, which has separated into thin plates lengthways like
the leaves of an old book : these are exceedingly brittle and
will scarcely bear lifting. The great value of the whole
subject is its bearing on the antiquity of the use of iron
and the glimpse we may have of early commerce in Dan-
monia, and is my apology for recording the find of iron bars
near Holne Chase Castle.
AxciKNT Oak Altar in .St. Petkr's CarRcii, Tawstock.— To /m« p. 877.
ANCIENT OAK ALTAE IN ST. PETEE'S CHUECH,
TAWSTOCK
BT C. R. BAKER KINO, A.R.I.B.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Many years ago, when I was engaged upon the restoration
of this church, there was in the south chapel an old table,
which, though not standing against the east wall, I judged
from its unusual design must have been constructed for use
as an altar. I had not then an opportunity of making a
drawing of it, but being in North Devon last year I re-
visited the church and took sketches and measurements
from which the accompanying illustration has been made.
Wooden altar-tables of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries are frequently met with. They usually consist of
an open framework, having four turned and moulded l^s,
with horizontal rails or stretchers framed into them at the
top and near the bottom. The top or slab, also of wood,
generally has moulded edges projecting a little on all sides
beyond the supporting frame.
The table at Tawstock differs from this ordinary type, it
having the general form of a stone altar, being enclosed on
the visible sides, Le. the front and the two ends, by close
paneling. The back is open, having the supports at the
angles without any panelling between them, this face being
intended to stand against the wall
The front has a moulded sill or plinth, mimtings moulded
on both edges, and top-rail moulded on its under edge next
the panels. This front face is divided by the muntings
into four panels, the panels being fluted somewhat similarly
to "linen panels." The ridges between the hollows or
" flutings " are continued from bottom to top, meeting the
plinth and top- rail, without being " stopped " or returned at
the ends, as in the more ornate form of linen panels. The
378 ANCIENT ALTAR IN ST. PKTER'S CHUBCH, TAWSTOCK.
ends of the table are plainer than the front, but the moulded
plinth is continued. The dexter end has both the muntings
moulded, but one munting only of the sinister end is so
treated. The top-rail of each end is left unmoulded. The
top-slab, of oak, is moulded on its front edge, projecting
beyond the face of the frame below. The ends of the slab
also project beyond the face of the end framing, but the
edges are square instead of being moulded as on the front.
The back edge of the slab is flush with the back edge of the
framed supports, so that the frame and top fit closely up
to the wall. There are no crosses cut in the upper surface
as is the case with stone mensae. The top is pinned with
oak pins to the framing below.
The length of the top is 5 ft. 7^ in., with a breadth or
projection of 1 ft. SJ in. The height from the floor is
3 ft. 2iin.
The table now stands against the north wall of the north
transept, being used to accommodate the visitors' book and
its accompaniments.
This work, judging from the character of its details, seems
to belong to the early part of the sixteenth century. At
this period altars were almost universally of stone, and the
subject of this notice seems to have been designed to preserve
the general form of the stone altar, the "table form," having
four ornamental legs but otherwise entirely open below, not
having come into use. Mr. J. T. Micklethwaite, in the Alcuin
Club Tract, " The Ornaments of the Eubric," mentions in a
note that wooden altars were sometimes used as early as the
fifteenth century. This statement is made on documentary
evidence, but he does not cite any existing examples. It
would be interesting to know whether other of these early
wooden altars remain.
Close by the altar just described stands the beautiful
canopied "squire's pew," and in the church are many fine
monuments.
The design of the Tawstock altar shows that it was
intended to stand altarwise against the east wall, the long
front, the part generally seen, being the most ornamented.
I have in my collection of drawings one of the altar-table
at Nerquis, in Flintshire, which was intended to stand in
the centre of the chancel. In this case the frame is open,
having four legs with moulded and carved rails and other
ornaments. One end (intended for the west) is very ornate,
being that towards the people in the nave ; the sides are less
ANCIENT ALTAR IN ST. PETER'S CHURCH, TAWSTOCK. 379
ornamented ; and the other end (the east), being away from
the people and not much seen, is still plainer. This table
now stands in the chancel, altarwise, with the result that
the legs at the opposite ends differ in design, those at one
end being far more ornamental than those at the other end.
This table dates from about the middle of the seventeenth
century.
OLD TIVERTON OE TWYFORD.
BT MISS EMILT SKINNER.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
I. Old Tiverton.
The present town of Tiverton appears to have grown under
the Courtenays' sway, but very old Twyford shows the
marks of three Saxon homesteads gathered together for the
sake of safety, two on the east side of the Exe, Skrinkhill
and Little Holwell, and one on the west side called West
Exe. I will take that which appears the most ancient —
Skrinkhill.
The natural position of old Twyford, between the old ford
in Collipriest and the ford of the Lowman near old
Blundell's School, made it a place of early importance, and
as late as the Commonwealth it was called the Pass. In
pre-Norman days, when an arm of the sea was said to have
extended to the Watergate of the city of Exeter (Moor
Palkan MSS.), the Isca or Exe must then have been
more a tidal river. Anchors have been discovered as far
inland as Cowley, and to this day a sea influence is some-
times visible in the water that works the mill in West
Exe. Before the Countess Weir was made by Isabella de
Fortibus, ships must have been able to come much further
inland and bring the foreign foe nearer Twyford.
Cranmore Fort on Skrinkhill appears to have been an
ancient British settlement, and it is to be regretted that the
old wall of uncemented stone which remained there about
forty years ago should have been destroyed. A rocky hill,
rising like a small Gibraltar, Skrinkhill was undoubtedly
the old guard of the rivers. The names of the old owners
are lost in antiquity, as they would probably have had an
exemption from taxation from the importance of their
service as guards of the rivers.
OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD. 381
Certainly in the earlier sections of " Testa de Nevil," A.i).
1221 — number 1440 closely following Tiverton — Henry de
Pont Audomar (Henry of the Bridge) holds the manor of
Wobernford, Halberton. (I shall mention later the close
connexion this manor had with Tiverton.) ('Trans.,"
Vol. XXXVII, p. 426.)
Any one on the river between the bridge and the church
looking at Skrinkhill would understand its ancient import-
ance. Scouts sent out on Exeter Hill could see a beacon
fire burning on Black Down and other hills, or give warning
by lighting their own. (Culmstock was an old Saxon out-
post. " Trans.," Vol XXX, p. 297.)
From this fort invaders on the east and west of the Exe
could be seen and their crossing the Eiver Lowman checked.
Near Caerwise or the City of Waters (Exeter), Twyford,
through its easy access by the Exe, was exposed to marau-
ders by sea, and this was a warpath — proved by the battle
at Bampton, A.D 620 — whilst the finding of Eoman coins
hidden near Gombay marks the trace of man along the
banks of the Lowman.
In the days of King Alfred the position and locality of
this little town as being near Skrinkhill are placed beyond
dispute, for it is called Twyford or Two Fords, and is described
as on a hill composed of twelve tythings governed by a
portreeve, and is specially named by him in his will to be,
with Collumpton and other places, the property of his
second son.
Although we have no distinct record of Alfred's visiting
Devonshire, a man of his capacity in planning his resistance
of the Danes would certainly have examined, or made
another examine, so important a place as Twyford, with its
two river passes, particularly as in 877 he tried to reach
Exeter to defeat the Danes (Oliver). He was not far off, for
as late as 1826 on the Bath road, eleven miles from Taunton
on Borough Bridge, a pillar stood that was said to mark the
site of the hut where Alfred allowed the cakes to burn.
We know from the word portreeve that Twyford at this
date was a commercial town, and although the English are
considered to have been only shepherds and wool-sellers
before the Plantagenets promoted the manufacture of wool,
the charter of a.d. 690 shows there was a slave traflBc.
Charters of Alfred lay great stress on truth and honour
in respect to contracts and debts. Reeves were to be men
of unimpeachable integrity, and a merchant who traversed
the sea frequently received the social position of an earl.
382 OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD.
In Athelstan's day all large transactions of buying and
selling were to be within the gate, and witnesses of a bargain
were to be above suspicion. He also commanded the
rendering of tithes.
Edgar, A.D. 959-75, fixed one coinage, with the standard
of measurement and weight observed at London and at
Winchester.
Canute's Charter, a.d. 1016-35, regulated military dress,
allowed a man to hunt on his own land. The Sabbath was
to begin at noon on Saturday and continue until Monday
dawn, and there were to be no marketings or business
transactions on this holy day (Stubbs, " Select Charters ").
And 80 this little Saxon homestead continued gaining a
notoriety in its massacre of the Danes.
Gytha, the mother of Harold, held it in the Confessor's
day.
In the Exchequer "Domesday" it is Tovretone, in the
Exeter " Domesday," Touretona.
King William held it and had in demesne 1^ hides with
6 ploughs. His villeins, 35 in number, held 2 hides; there
were 24 bordars and 19 serfs. Cattle and swine appear
plentiful. It had two mills of some importance, as each
paid 58. 6d. annually. One of these mills was probably
near the site of the present one in Elmore, not far from the
old ford of the Lowman (from an early date one portion of
the town lake has been conveyed into the Lowman just
above the mill head in Elmore), and the other in St. Andrew s
Street near Cranmore Fort. At a later date this mill had
a chapel and a court-house near it, and there was an old
bridle-path from Exeter Hill over Skrinkhill that led to it.
These mills appear the most ancient, as the leat which
worked the others was made after the Conquest.
The acreage is given as 4474.
In addition to its woods and fourteen acres of meadow-land,
there is the record of forty acres of common pasture — probably
the moorland round Elmore. Polwhele places Tiverton among
the fenlands of Devon, and the shifting nature of the soil
in Elmore was confirmed in the terms of the gift of Countess
Amica of Elmore to the poor of Tiverton, which contained
a clause, " If soil were taken away it was to be replaced by
other matter." I have heard from my forefathers that
Elmore was originally a sort of fenland on which grew the
wood used for the bows of archers. It is interesting to
note how many important bowmen received land in this
neighbourhood.
OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD. 383
Nicolas, King William's head bowman, held in Silverton
and CoUumpton ; Fulcher had also a free grant of land in
the Hundred of Tiverton. The Kev. T. W. Whale traces
one holding of Fulcher to be Leigh in Loxbeare (" Trans.,"
Vol. XXXIV, p. 297). Archers lived generally near a river,
and I think Fulcher*s land was nearer the Exe. One of his
holdings had the name of " Cott," and " Cotty-house " was
the name of the old turnpike gatehouse at the foot of
Seven Cross Hill. ** Orchard Leigh " is still the name of a
place not far from Broad Lane.
William of Normandy's successful conquest of England
was undoubtedly due to the master mind that made him
secure all places of importance, and he made the Hundred
of Tiverton a Norman stronghold, realizing the advantage
of doing so. As king, he held the little settlement guarding
the junction of the rivers, and some of his important followers
were apportioned other commanding positions. Walter de
Claville held land along the bank of the Eiver Lowman ;
Odo Fitz Gamelin was given Huntsham ; Ealf de Pomeroy
had Chevithome, Uplowman, and Awliscombe; Hamericus
de Arcis, East Bradley; William Hostiarius, the King's
Eeeve, one of the two who carried the geld for Devonshire
to the King's Exchequer at Winchester("Trans.," Vol. XXXV,
p. 159), had a holding at Boleham, and to this day an estate
near is called Eix, apparently a corruption of Bex. Badulf
Paganel and Baldwin the Sheriff had also land in the
hundred.
Four thanes appear to have held land in the Tiverton
hundred. From an explanation given in "Transactions,"
XXIX, 493, note 58, it seems that thanes tilled the post
of county gamekeepers or royal foresters. The many
woods around Tiverton would have given them work.
There was a tradition that the Worth family received
their manor at the Conquest: I do not find it confirmed.
The king held it and Radulf Paganel under him, and in the
Confessor's day Saward held it.
The old Chattey family also claimed from the Conquest :
that I find possible, as Humphrey de Charters held under
Drogo in the Witheridge hundred, and Humphrey continued
a family name to the nineteenth century.
As late as 1860 two surnames were left in Tiverton
that were reminders of the long past — Clavel and Gamelin.
Walter de Claville and Odo Fitz Gamelin held land in the
'* Domesday" list.
From old deeds, and an exemption of service, it seems
384 OLD TIVEETON OR TVnrFORD.
probable that land on the lower portion of Skrinkhill was
old Saxon bog-land. I can trace no Saxon church or
mother church in Tiverton at this early date. I will speak
of its church connexion in my Holwell paper.
II. Manlbytona or Manley Town.
THE HOLWELLS.
The two estates of Great and Little Holwell were formerly
known by the name of Manley, and had that name in deeds
in the reign of Henry VIII.
They correspond in size to the Manley tona of the "Domes-
day " list in the hundred of Tiverton. Manley and Bradley
were popular names for estates in the Halberton and
Tiverton hundreds. The "Domesday" identifiers were
unable to correctly trace this estate, as they did not
know of its purchase, also change of name by the Holwell
family.
It had a splendid position for a Saxon "tun," not far from
the banks of a stream, with woods near to supply it with
fuel ; it was also near the very ancient road and causeway
on Exeter Hill.
In Saxon days Tiverton appears to have had no mother
church, therefore its services must have been conducted by
outside help. At this early date Collumpton, or some
religious house, would have supplied the priest. Collump-
ton, according to the "Domesday" records, had an early
church. Crediton was then the see of the west, and Saxon
roads to this old town must have been through Bickleigh,
which is said to have had one of the first bridges over the
Exe. The Holwells lay in the direct route east of the river,
and old river bridle-paths and lanes from Twyford, Newte's
Hill, Exeter Hill, and Bax Woods converged near and round
them. These can still be traced.
From an early period an alms-box was to be found in
every place of worship. Following the suppression of the
monasteries it became a more permanent source of relief.
An injunction in the reign of Edward VI, and the Visitation
in the second year of Elizabeth, called for special attention
in the placing of this box in a prominent position, and the
antiquity of the highway of Exeter Hill is confirmed, as
Butterleigh Church still retains its poor-box with its in-
scription : " This box is Frelie given to receive Alms for ye
Poore, 1629."
Outside Gogwell farmhouse on Exeter Hill is a flight of
OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD. 385
steps, which tradition says was tlie spot where the minister
stood to receive the tithes when they were paid in kind.
The records of Little Holwell puzzled Harding. More
than three hundred years ago the rights of wdy through it
were declared to be of great antiquity, and the names of its
fields marked a lost power.
One field was called the Gill Hall, or Guildhall, and
another had the important name of Gallows Down. Gallows
were only granted " in a lihti-um mancHum or villa integra " ^
("Trans.," Vol. XXX, p. 247).
Ancient deeds lay stress on its two herb gardens. In
tithes of curtilage garden herbs were accepted as payment,
and in the tithe list of Bishop Brownlow, 1287, the profit of
ovens was included (" Trans.," Vol. XXVI, p. 226). There
also appears to have been an old '* bake howse " of much
importance. The Old English word for a baker was baxter,
and the woods near were called the " Bax Woods.*'
It has no record of a mill, but Tiverton and Bickleigh
mills were near.
The buildings of Great Holwell are comparatively modern,
but no one can look at those of Little Holwell without
noticing their antiquity, and the cottage (now in decay) in
the lane near Bax Woods is also very ancient.
There is a tradition that in older and more troublesome
times, when the fire on the hearth was not burning, guard
used to be kept over the lai^ge open chimney of Little
Holwell, fearing any one might descend to rob or kill, as
tramps and troublesome wayfarers frequented the very old
bridle-paths and roads around the farm.
The " Domesday" records of this manor (" Trans.," ibid. IV,
pp. 544-6) show that it was given to Baldwin the Sheriff,
but it is interesting to note that Edwi the Saxon owner
remained as a tenant at the charge of 10s. yearly.
Ac. r. p.
Its measurement of 145 acres is exactly that
of Little Holwell . ...
and Great Holwell or Hare Hill
31
0
0
114
3
20
145
3
20
This manor, held by Edwi in Saxon days, has no exemp-
tion in the Geld List. It is not a large holding with its
3 villeins, 3 bordars, and 1 serf ; 10 head of cattle, 30 sheep,
^ The original deed confinuiug the rights of way is still preserved.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 B
386 OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD.
and 25 goats. Its situation is helped by Edwi appearing to
be the owner of the near manor of Butterleigh.
The curious old names of the places around still linger —
" Durkshay's- Lane."
One portion was called " Durshame," evidently the Ham
of Dur. The name Gill Hall and the nearness of the
Gallows Down suggests some past payment.
There are strong reasons for considering that at Holwell an
old Court of the Hundred was held — its easy access by the
river paths of the Lowman and Exe and the nearness of the
fords.
" This Court, as regards Devon, was in early times held
in the open air on some carefully entrenched hill or kopje on
the boundary line of the Hundred, where the authorities
and knights of the Hundred met for defence against the
Danes."
Little Holwell was the boundary line of the cultivated
land of tlie Tiverton Hundred, south-east of the Exe, the
Bax Woods forming a wedge between the Tiverton and old
Harrige or Sulfretona Hundred. Silverton was one of the
four cases of exemption of the ordinary form of hiding.
There is a record that a Court of the Hundred of Harriage
was held of old (on the boundary line between Bradninch
and Collumpton) at Whorridge Farm ("Trans.," Vol. XXXII,
p. 545).
Tiverton being a royal holding had a king's reeve by
whom the tax was collected, and I have shown one of the
highest of the King's reeves, William Hostiarius, had a
residence as near as Boleham.
Little Holwell held just the position for the Court of the
Hundred, as it was the boundary line for the collection of
the Danegelt of the Tiverton Hundred in the tenth and
eleventh centuries, and it is worth noting that later, in the
tenth year of Edward I's reign. Arnica, Countess of Devon,
claimed frank-pledge and gallows rights of court on White
Down, near Collumpton, also south of the Tiverton Hundred.
The missing virgate for Tiverton from the Halberton
Hundred is stated to have been one virgate of land in the
Wobemford estate, which at that time included Pitt and
Obernford. It is named villagers' land, held under Bristric,
and is distinct from the township of Halberton, and it proves
this to have been an inhabited region, as Pitt is close to the
Holwells.
This portion of old Twyford and the Cranmore Fort
portion, with its old Castle Barton, now Collipriest Farm,
OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD. 387
appear to help make that part of the Tiverton hundred in
Chappie's Risdon, page 133 : Tiverton £3. 19s. Od.
Although the property of Baldwin the SherifiP, there is no
record of this estate being a possession of the Courtenays,
but it is described as joining their land, and these facts are
confirmed by tlie records of John Greenway's Charities
which included the estate of Little Holwell, which he gave
in the reign of Henry VIII, and from the title deeds and
old leases we know that it was not a possession of the
Courtenays.
The possessors later took the name of the holding, and
bore the surname of Manlech or Manley, and one, William,
is mentioned in an old Latin deed concerning the four
ecclesiastical divisions of Tiverton, and the will of John
Manlie, who held a lease of this little estate granted in the
thirty-second year of Henry VIII, is in the list of Wills
(" Trans.," date 1591, p. 460). He was succeeded by John
Godbere, who was succeeded by Richard Holwell, who
changed the name of the tenement from Manlie to Holwell,
a name he had already given to Great Holwell.
The estate of Little Holwell was connected with Green-
way's Charities from the time of tlie death of the donor in
1529 until the close of the last century ; it has since been
sold.
Great Holwell, which belonged to Blagdon's Charity, has
also been sold.
III. West Exe.
West Exe was the guard of the Exe on the west side and
was of great importance in checking invaders from the
north. It was the third of the Saxon settlements near to
each other for help and security.
The great success in the slaughter of the Danes is ex-
plained if we consider the deadly nature of the attack
coming from the inhabitants east and west of the Exe or
Isca as it was then called. Polwhele says that the word
Isca, in the opinion of several etymologists, is derived from
the British "isacu" (elder), as this wood grew in great
abundance on the banks of the Exe. Elder-wood was held
in great esteem by the ancient inhabitants of Devon and
Cornwall.
There is an ancient legend that dwarf elder or danewort
grows only where the Danes were slain. It certainly
flourishes vigorously around Tiverton and in the Chorl below
St. Peter's churchyard.
2b2
388 OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD.
In West Exe lay the earliest roads from the old ford in
Collipriest to Washfield, Stoodleigh, Oakford, Witheridge,
and Southmolton, as the new road beyond Bolham and
Stoodleigh £oad was not cut before the last century. An
old bridle-path can still be traced from the Broad Lane and
Path Fields, passing in olden days through the meadows in
front of Waldron's Almshouses, and the Loughboro' Fields
to Washfield. There was another old path through the
Ham by Exeleigh.
Seven Cross lload was a very ancient highway, carried
over the hill for safety, when the valleys would be impass-
able at times of heavy rain and floods. One portion on the
brow of the hill is still called Cold Harbour (shelter),
generally held to indicate the neighbourhood of a Roman
road ("Trans.," Vol. X, p. 300). It was an old road to
Bickleigh, Thorverton, and Crediton, and its by-ways led to
Templeton, Eackenford, and also Chumleigh: the latter
was on the borders of the great forest between Exmoor and
Dartmoor, where King Athelstan was said to have hunted
" or ever it was towned." This ancient road, from its position
and crossways, was probably one of the places where Saxon
slaves were liberated. **The solemn enfranchisement of
slaves is recorded as having taken place not in a church but
at the four ways, because here stood the cross where the
people were in the habit of assembling for worship. In fact,
the erecting of a cross seems to have been regarded as a kind
of legal consecration" ("Trans.," Vol. XXX, p. 269).
There are traces of great antiquity around West Exe.
The word " Ham " speaks to us of early dwellers before the
mill leat divided the meadow from the river. The name
" Wellbrook " appears a corruption of the old Saxon word
Wallabrook or brook of tlie town. It was in this part the
very early markets were held ; a stream of some importance
passed through Wellbrook, but it was diverted for filling
the leat.
West Exe was a separate settlement, with a separate
market and tithing, from the more modern town of the
Courtenays' above the Exe bridge. In the very early
entries of the parish registers inhabitants from this part
are specified as from West Exe.
This separation was continued for centuries.
In the ** Taunton Journal," September, 1726, was the
following : " Two burgesses did serve in parliament for the
borough of Twyford. They were chosen by the votes of
potwalliners before Tiverton was incorporated. Note. — ^The
OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD. 389
inhabitants of West Exe, they have no vote in such
election."
This portion of Tiverton is in "Domesday" (Devon),
ibid. VI, p. 904. It is in the Exeter book Touretona, and in
the Exchequer book Tovretone, spelt in the same way as the
manor of Tiverton held by Gytha, the mother of Harold.
This part and Washfield were held in Edward the Con-
fessor's reign by the Saxon Merusalem. They were given
by the Conqueror to one of his military servants, Eadulf
Paganel, a Frankling knight, and they were sub-held by
Girard. Eadulf Paganel held the adjoining manor of Worth
under the king; he had in demesne two ferlings and one
plough (ibid. 756). There is an exemption between the
Geld and " Domesday " lists, and a reduction from 40s. to 30s.,
which helps to decide that the military service was local.
There is another proof of this being a military station.
William is said to have boasted that not one head of cattle
was omitted from the "Domesday" return — in West Exe
and Washfield not one animal is mentioned.
The mistake of the Rev. T. W. Whale in first naming this
holding "Cove," in his "Analysis of Exon 'Domesday'"
("Trans," Vol. XXVIII, p. 445, number 1005), is easily
traced to the spelling " Covertone," instead of Tovertone in
the Pipe Eolls of Henry II ("Trans.," Vol. XXIX, p. 484).
He corrects it in Vol. XXXIV, p. 289 — there he names it
West Exe. The history of the escheat in the Pipe Eolls
of Henry II. places it beyond doubt as the "Domesday"
holding of Girard, and as it belonged to the barony of
Peveril it could not have formed part of the Courtenays'
Ashley park made about 1106. This is further confirmed
by Weyber's gift as late as 1518. " Vocate le Hamme cum
suis pertinenties," "lying in the south part of West Exe
between the land of John Hensleigh on the east, the
tenement of John Bodleigh on the west, and the land of
the Coimtess of Devon on the south." Taking the acknow-
ledged old boundary line of the Earl of Devon's Home Park
as not extending beyond the line of St. Peter's churchyard
in the Ham below where Exeleigh now stands, it helps to
locate this old Peveril portion as being those fields below
Prescott, and to explain why from ancient days there has
been a free use of the river for bathing and fishing near the
weir, and it has been used by the people for generations
as an indisputable right, just as children always played
freely on the portion called the Eag, on the west side of the
ford.
390 OLD TIVERTON OR TWYFORD.
In the Tax EoU of Edward I (" Trans.," Vol. XXX, p. 417)
Little Washfield only is mentioned. In " Testa de Nevill "
(*• Trans./' Vol. XXX, p. 213, note 127) it is again confirmed
as West Exe ; Feoda in Capite acknowledging its tithing,
and this confirms this separate portion shown in Chappie's
(p. 133): West Exe, 15s. This part has still the same
name, but the Washfield next to it, from the smallness of the
holding, 202 acres, could not be the present Washfield ;
that would be Wasfelta (" Dom.," iUd, Vol. VII, p. 946).
Worth is returned about 500 acres. There is little doubt
this portion of the hundred lay between West Exe and
Worth, and would be the Loughboro' Fields, Leat Street,
and where the factory stands. The old name for the
Loughboro* Fields was Tomwill. An old shed and other
buildings were there in the last century.
The Exe has frequently changed its course ; in the days
of the Conqueror the river flowed more to the south and
left more land on the other side for the Courtenays* park,
and its nearness to these fields was no doubt the cause of
the old name Wasfelta and Wassyfield. Beyond these
Ix)ughboro* Fields a line of old villages and old important
residences can be traced. Bishop I^cy's Register records
a licence for a chapel at Palmer's village. There was an
earlier chapel at Farleigh, licensed by Brantyngham in 1374.
Some Tivertonians have an erroneous idea that there
could be no roads or ways near or through tlie Earl of Devon's
park. They should read the Statute of Winchester, a.d. 1285,
Clause V, and they will see that in it Edward I guarded the
rights of all classes of his subjects, and no lord's park could
encroach on a highway.
I can find no trace of habitation at the Norman Conquest
on the principal portion of our present town. Boleham, or
the Ham of Bole, was as disconnected as it is now. This is
shown by its possession of a pack-horse, and a large mill
for it rendered 7s. annually. This was held by William
Hostiarius, the King's reeve, at the time of the " Domesday "
and Geld List.
It is interesting to note that in the long past Tiverton
held its own ; no doubt the abundance of its waterways
helped to make it.
The ancient settlements of Twyford, Manleytona, and
West Exe help to confirm the accepted fact that early
dwellers chose their position on or near the banks of a
stream.
THE'PEIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON:
ANCIENT AND MODERN.
BY THE REV. d'OYLY W. OLDHAM, M.A., OXON., J.P.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1900.)
There are those who in the present day ignorantly talk of
old times as being ** dark ages." It is true that as to social
refinement and scientific knowledge, our distant forefathers
were very far behind ourselves of this twentieth century,
but in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries the
people of England were, according to their lights and educa-
tion, deeply imbued with Keligion and its sacred ordinances,
while at the same time it may be fearlessly asserted that
Eeligion entered into the common routine of daily home
life, forming a larger part of that daily home life tlian we in
this our day have any idea or conception of. For those were
indeed *' the ages of faith."
As early as a.d. 692 the second Trullan Council decreed
that no priest should celebrate either Baptism or Eucharist
without a special episcopal licence for the same, while
Gregory the Great gave licence for the consecration of an
oratory outside the city of Fermo on condition that there
should not be a Baptistery or a " Cardinalem Presbyterum,*'
i.e. a titled parish priest.
And in those days which we are now considering the
erection and maintenance of the Private Chapel or Domestic
Oratory was a very important factor in the Keligious Life
of Christian countries. At one time as many as 7000
private Chapels in Castles, Manors, and Parsonages are said
to have been in use in England. And no wonder, when we
consider the conditions of country life in those days. Long
distance from the parish Church, no roads, but rough cart-
tracks, over vast moors and through dense woods, whilst
highwaymen, beggars, pedlars, and wandering minstrels, all
392 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN.
eking out a precarious existence, rendered riding or walking,
(especially for females,) along the country-side both un-
pleasant and unsafe.
So it came to pass that all who could claim to be of any
substantial position or estate, would crave of their Bishop,
a licence for a private oratory, within their own Domain, in
which the Lord and his Lady, and their retinue, the Squire's
family of lowlier degree, or the Parish Priest, who from age
or infirmity could no longer climb the hill to the parish
church, might in peace and safety celebrate the rites of the
Faith, and daily keep alive the flame of devotion in the
parish or the district where they dwelt.
The Private Chapels of the greater nobles were buildings
of size and importance, while the services therein were
conducted on a scale of magnificence. The finest specimen
of course still extant is that of St. George's, Windsor, whilst
among the large and important ones were those in the
White Tower of London and in the Castle of Colchester,^
the former being the largest, and forming a great and
prominent feature of the building itself, while sometimes,
in the greater Castles, there were two chapels, one being for
the private use of the Lord and his Lady, and the greater
one for the whole resident party.* In the Edwardian
period, the Chapel was as necessary and usual a part of the
house as the Banqueting Hall. Fine examples may still be
seen at Ightham Mote in Kent, Bodiam, Sussex, at the
Vyne, Hants, and also at Haddon Hall in Derbyshire, which
is much like a village Church, and is furnished with Font
and Pulpit, etc. I was there in the autumn of 1903, and I
was told that some years since the fine and ancient stained
glass of the east window had been taken by robbery, and
that its whereabouts had never yet been discovered. As an
architectural feature the Chapel had great differences. In
one good example, that of Broughton in Oxfordshire, the
Chapel is approached by a groined corridor; at Meare in
Somerset, and at Ightham Mote, the Oratory was upstairs ;
and in other places is to be found that singular arrange-
ment by which the Chapel erected on the ground floor
had two stories, the lower portion forming the space
used for the servants and retainers, while the upper
front portion was composed of a handsome gallery seat,
occupied by the master and mistress and their own
^ Now used as a museum.
* This arrangement of having two Chapels is still observed in the Royal
Castle of Windsor.
PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN. 393
immediate entourage. These seats immediately faced the
altar.
This arrangement is to be seen at Maxstoke, Markenfield,
Hendred, Studley, and at Godstowe Nunnery near Oxford.
But to come nearer home, an interesting specimen of this
arrangement is to be seen at Northwyck Manor, South
Tawton, Devon, which has recently been beautifully re-
stored by Mr. Fellowes Prynne, F.R.I.B.A., to which I shall
allude more particularly later on. In Parker's " Domestic
Architecture,' 1853, vol. 2, page 80, we find this interesting
extract from tlie " Liberate Eolls " : —
21st Henry III. AVe command that you cause to be made at
Kennington, on the spot where our Chai)el, roofed with thatch, is
situated, a Chapel with a staircase of plaster, which shall be 30 ft.
long and 12 ft. wide, in such a manner that in tlie upper ^mrt there
be made a Chapel for the use of our Queen so that she may enter
tliat Chapel from lier chamber, and in tlie lower part, let there be
a Cliapel for the use of our Family.
Further on we read : —
At Freemantle a certain chamber with an upper storj' with a
Chapel at the end of the same chamber for the Queen's use.
In some Castles and houses the Chapel was extremely
small in itself, being, in fact, merely a sacrarium with altar
and pace, and divided from tlie great Hall by wooden
screens, in order, perhaps, that the hall space might be
utilized when there was a larger attendance at the services.
And in some few cases the Oratory was a detached building
in the Courtyard. But Mr. Parker in his " Glossary of
Architecture" says: "Domestic Chapels were often also made
from Rooms in a Castle or house, more frequently than
erected as separate buildings."
In olden times in the greater houses the fittings, services,
and the Chapel staff were on a scale of great magnificence.
In the " Archiologicae," c. 25, pp. 320-3, is to be found
the description of the ecclesiastical establishment of Henry
Algernon, fifth Duke of Northumberland, which consisted
of a Dean, who was a D.D., ten priests, eleven gentlemen,
and six Boys of the Choir, and we learn that the " gentle-
men and children of the Lord's Chappell which be not
appointed to attend at no time, but only in exercising of
God's service in the Chapel daily, at Matins, Lady Mass,
High Mass, Evensong and Compline.'*
In the greater houses a band of minstrels was sometimes
kept, and these performed not only in the hall for the
394 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN.
amusement of the guests, but also played in the servioes of
the Domestic ChapeL
Now as to Devonshire and Cornwall we are able to gather
much from certain sources, as to the prominent place which
the system of Private Chapels found in the Eeligious life of
medieval days, and especially in that monument of special
knowledge and accuracy, which we now possess in the
Episcopal Eegisters of Exeter, which are being brought out
under the able supervision and successful labours of
Prebendary Hingeston-Eandolph.
The custom of having a Private Chapel attached to
dwellings (as has already been stated) was of very early
origin, but here in the West of England, as far as we may
judge from the entries in the Episcopal Eegisters, it was not
until the earlier part of the fourteenth century that these
became so common. In the Eegisters of Bishops Brones-
combe and Quivil^ the entries of Licences granted are
very few,^ but during the episcopate of Stapeldon, A.D.
1307-26, wo have a long list of names of persons in
various ranks of life who applied to and obtained from the
Diocesan, permission to keep a Chaplain for private services.
Dr. Cust, in his " Parish Priests,*' p. 427, says that Arch-
bishop Walter de Gray gave his licence to have a Private
Chapel and Chaplain to one Alberic de Percy to celebrate
Divine offices at Sutton "as long as he lives," and, again, he
gives a similar grant to Alexander de Vilers and his heirs
to have Divine offices at Newbottle for his family and
guests " for ever," and there are others mentioned to whom
this prelate did likewise. But as far as I can discover the
Bishops of Exeter usually licensed Private Chapels for
a stated time only, to be renewed if required. In Stapeldon's
time we find that sickness, age, or infirmity were at once
regarded as reasons sufficient for giving the episcopal per-
mission, viz. to Dame Isabella Fishacre in "diebus feriatis"
and on Festivals, on account of rough weather, or from
bodily infirmity being unable, as it is stated, to get to her
Parish Church, a.d. 1312, and again in A.D. 1317 this licence
is renewed to Sir Peter Fishacre, the Bishop " Considerans
impotenciam Domini Fishacre " for the Chapel of Lupton,
in the parish of Brixham. Then again we find that permis-
sion is given to Oliver de Halap, " broken by age and blind,"
^ Qnivil licensed a Chapel in St. Colomb Major Parinh. I find no other.
• The Chapel at Bishopscourt is said to have been erected by Bishop
Bronesconibe m 1296, and I imagine licensed, but nothing appears in his
Register on this point. It was re-licensed by Bishop Phill|)otts in 1868.
PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN. 395
for an Oratory and Chaplain, within his Manor at Hartleigh,
in the parish of Buckland Filleigh, as long as nothing is done
contrary to the well-being of the Kector of the Parish, or
to the Mother Church of St. Mary at Buckland.
To Henry de Lapford and to his wife is leave given from
1 July, 1310, to Michaelmas, 1311, with directions that
they are to attend the Parish Church on Sundays, and on
the greater Festivals, with the kindly and considerate words
attached, " as long as the temperature of the air and their
health permit." The same directions with regard to attend-
ance at the Parish Church are again to be observed in the
licence issued to David and Alianora Servyngton ; they are
given a licence for their Chapel at Dynesbeare, in the parish
of Merton, and also for their house at Upcott, in Bideford,
the services to be entirely for themselves, and, I suppose,
for their family and servants, wliile all other parishioners
were to be excluded.
To William do Wollegh a grant is made in his Manor at
Wollegh, he being a Priest and Rector of Yarnscombe, but
residing in the parish of Beaford. He was not to administer
the Sacrament to any one, and he was to resort to his Parish
Church on Sundays and Festivals, given in 1320, and re-
newed in 1322. In Grandisson's Kegister, a.d. 1328, a
licence is issued to Joanna Arundel, Dame Trembleythe,
which runs in these words, " that the consent of the Kector
of the Parish is to be obtained." And from these extracts
we may see most clearly how jealously were the rights of the
parochial clergy protected, and w^e also observe that the rule
was carried out, when from difierent causes people were
unable to avail themselves of the ministration of the Parish
Church, that the Church and its blessings were brought to
them. These old llegisters of prelates, who lived and ruled
under such widely differing circumstances from those of the
present day, reveal to us, as it were by sidelights, the rough
state of society of that period. Not only do we read in
Quivil's Kegister (1280-91) of the murder of Walter de
Lechlade, Precentor of Exeter Cathedral, in the Close, on his
way home from early Moniing Service, or again of a Kector
of Exbourne being stabbed by another clergyman when at
supper at the house of one of the Canons of Exeter, and of
the would-be assassin being excommunicated by Bell, Book,
and Candle, but afterwards being reconciled to the Church
and receiving absolution. In Brantyngham's Kegister,
p. 335, we find the Bishop excommunicating a certain
Richard Prideaux, who in the Cathedral had attacked and
396 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN.
grievously wounded John Durant, Rector of Comb-in-
Teignhead, but later on we find this wretch seeking and
obtaining absolution, from his Bishop in September, 1374.
Another case of murderous attack took place on the Provost
of Glasney, Sir Reginald Calle, by one Robert Hoo, a cleric,
whom the Bishop in his sentence of excommunication calls
"a satellite of Satan." We notice that frequently Churches
and Churchyards were behig polluted by blood-shedding and
other wickedness, so that the office of reconciliation had to
be used before the sacred precincts were available for Divine
service. Those must have been indeed strange times in Eng-
land, when in some ways Law seemed almost to be in
abeyance, and when in too many instances might became
right, and violence got the upper hand. In Brantyngham's
Register are some curious entries which show that a licence
for a Private Chapel was not always to be traced to the fact
that either age or infirmity were the causes why the petition
was made. For in the year 1373 Sir Peter Hardbrigge
(many of the clergy of those days enjoying the title of Sir^),
the Rector of Dartington craves permission that he may
celebrate the services of the Church within the seclusion of
his own house, because he was living " in the just fear of his
own Parisliioners." His petition was granted, and let us
hope that during the remainder of his sojourn at Dartington
something like peace was his portion ; but it is evident that
his life in that beautiful parish was (like the policeman's in
the well-known comic opera) "not a happy one," because in
the following year the good Bishop gave Sir Peter Hardbrigge
permission to leave tlie parish on account of the suggestion
made to his Lordship that Hardbrigge " dared not reside in
Dartington," " propter sa3viciam inimicorum suonim."
Some interesting entries in the Register of Brantyngham's
episcopate must be noticed, for I find that here in my own
neighbourhood of Mid Devon a licence for a Private Chapel
was granted to John Northwood, Rector of North Tawton, of
St. Mary, Croke, North Tawton, to perform the sacred offices
in the Chapel of Croke in that parish. This ancient sanctuary
exists to-day, used as a hayloft. It still retains its bossed and
ribbed cradle-roof, its altar steps and its piscina, a relic of by-
gone piety; while at the same time also, is granted permission
to the same Rector to officiate in another chapel dedicated to
St. Paul, standing in the cemetery of the Parish Church,
In the parish of Colebrook, it is said, there formerly
* This title Wing equivalent to the University dcjin*<?e of B.A., whereas
' • Magister '* va8 used for those who had gone further in their studies.
PRIVATB CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN. 397
existed no less than five chapels dedicated to the Blessed
Virgin Mary, and in Brantyngham's Register, p. 348,
mention is made of the Manor of " Wolmerstones," a
licence here given to Thomas Peverel and his wife. Again,
in 1384 another licence is given for a chapel in this parish
granted to Adam Copplestonc and his wife Alice, in the
mansion of Colebrook. This was renewed to the same
people by Bishop Stafford in a.d. 1395.
Brantyngham seems to have been very particular in
stating the duration of time for which these licences were
to run : sometimes the wording was thus : " as long as his
Lordship pleases *' (qtiam diu Domino placuerit) ; at another
time for one year, or for two years, or for any longer period.
There is a licence given in September, 1381, to "those living
in the town of Okehampton" for Divine Services to be
celebrated in "a certain Chapel"; this may mean the Chapel
of St. James in the Borough, about which some time since
a contention existed between the Vicar on the one side and
the Trustees of the Charity Lands on the other on the
question of whether the Vicar or Corporation of Oke-
hampton owned the Chapel, when it was decided by the
authorities that St. James' formed a part of the Vicar's
rights.^ But this entry may apply perhaps to the Chapel in
Okehampton Castle, belonging to the Earldom of Devon,
and this is quite possible, as the words by " Contemplacione
Edwardi Comitis Devonite" occur. On very high ground,
three miles from Hatherleigh, commanding a magnificent
view of the Dartmoor Hills to the south, with a foreground
of woods and valleys, Cliurch towers, and farmsteads, is
still to be seen in the parish of Meeth a goodly farm called
Crocker's Hele; and in 1383 here lived William Crocker and
his wife, to whom the Bishop gave his licence for Divine
Service in their Chapel of St. Martin, which was to run for
one year, and no doubt at its expiration be renewed.
In 1397 John Passenham was Eector of Sampford
Courtenay, living there with his sister Eleanor, and to
these worthy jicrsons, Bishop Stafford gave leave for a
Chapel within the Rectory House, and it is an interesting
fact that, when about thirty-six years ago the old Eectory
^ The Vicar of Okehainpton (the Rev. Arthur L. Giles) has kindly fur-
nished me with a draft of the scheme of the Charity Commissioners. In
it, it is stated that henceforth three ex-officio Trustees— the Vicar of Oke-
hampton and two Churchwardens — with two co-optative Trustees shall form
an " Ecclesiastical Charity," and so, after many years' doubt and disputation,
an anxious and difficult question has been settled. I am told that, in medieval
times, this Chapel was in some way connected with the Courtenay family.
398 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN.
House was taken down, a large flat stone with five crosses
was discovered built into the wall It is an ancient altar
slab, and, I rejoice to say, was placed in the Church at
the recent fine restoration by Mr. Fellowes Prynne, and
put beneath the wooden mensa of the altar. This no
doubt once stood in the Domestic Oratory of Eector
Passenham, rescued after many years of oblivion, and
once more restored to its sacred use.
Special mention must be made of an excellent and most
interesting restoration quite recently made in the parish of
South Tawton at the ancient Manor House of Northwyck,
the former seat of the Wyke family. Some few years since
this property returned to the descendant of that family, the
Rev. W. Wykes-Finch, j.p., who has for some time been re-
building and restoring this beautiful old mansion. The
Chapel has been brought back to more than its former
beauty, and here may be seen the old arrangement of
two floors and an upper gallery overlooking the sanctuary.
The altar is again in place, and the whole apartment is
finished with fine oak panelling, and ready for Divine Service.
Dr. Cust in his work before alluded to, " Parish Priests
and their People in the Middle Ages in England," speaks
thus (p. 434) :—
It is a very pleasant feature in the daily life of the Manor
House of medieval England which is brought home to us by
these studies of ancient domestic architecture and from these dry
extracts from Episcopal Registers. By the latter part of the
14 th century it would seem that nearly every Manor House had
a Chapel and its resident Chaplain. Divine services, Matins and
Mass before breakfast, and Evensong l^efore Sui)per were said every
day, and when the solemn worship of Almighty God held so con-
spicuous a place in the daily family life, it is not possible that it
should not have exercised an influence upon the character and
habits of the people, for the family and household really attended
the service as a part of tlie routine of daily life and duty. There
are numerous incidental allusions in the course of historical
narratives which prove this, for Robert of Gloucester says of
William the Conqueror : —
In Church he was devout enow.
For him none day abide
That he heard not Mass and Matins
And Evensong at each tide.
Malory, in his " History of Prince Arthur," has these words :
" So they went home and unarmed them, and so to Even-
song and supper. And on the morrow they heard Mass,
and after went to dinner, and to their counsel, and made
PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN. 399
many agreements what was best to do." One more allusion
to ancient writings on Eeligion in domestic life must suflBce.
In the vision of Piers Ploughman we read these words : —
The king and his knights to the Church wenten
To hear Matins and Maas, and to the meat after.
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, at the time of
Henry VII, I think we may take it that the age of erecting
Domestic Chapels to a great extent ceased, and the fashion
came in of a family building an aisle on to the Parish
Church, using that as their special place of occupation
during Divine Service and after death as a place for
sepulture. It is not quite easy to know wliy this change
was made, but it was so, as the history of many country
parishes shows. The north aisle of Hatherleigh Church was
erected by the munificence of the Yeo family, the Speccot
aisle or Chapel in Merton Church owed its origin to this
change, and in North Lew the north aisle of the Church
still bears the name of Eutleigh Manor, as being erected by
the once owners of that estate. At Modbury also we find
to the north and south small transepts with names either of
families or estates attached (Champemoune and Prideaux,
Okeston). These are only, of course, a few instances, but
they could be indefinitely multiplied.
Dr. Cust, for so learned a man, in his work to which I
have before alluded has apparently fallen into an extra-
ordinary error with regard to medieval Private Chapels, for
at page 420 he asserts " that the Domestic Chapels of the
nobility and great men were always consecrated and had a
perpetual licence for Divine Service." I beg leave to doubt
this entirely, for in the Middle Ages it is a well-known fact,
that even in respect to Parish Churches the rite of Con-
secration was seldom fully carried out, the reason being the
enormous expense which formal consecration imposed upon
the parishioners. Over and over again we come across the
records as to how the Bishops during their long journeys
through the Diocese dedicated^ both Churches and altars
which were being placed in enlarged Churches. Bishop
Bronescombe dedicated himself, eighty-eight Churches and
altars in Devon and Cornwall from the years 1259-69, forty
in one year. Of course it is possible, that these enlarged
or partially rebuilt fabrics needed no fresh consecration,
which they rnaij have received in an earlier day, for Canon
Law holds that if any portion of the walls remain of the
* It is only riglit, however, to mention that some antiquaries say that
**Dedicavit'* and "Consecravit" are synonymous terms.
400 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN.
older buildings, the rite of consecration is not needed.
Where consecration was carried out, crosses were usually cut
in the stone, and these are extremely rare ; they are to be
seen in great form on the south aisle exterior wall of Exeter
Cathedral and at Ottery St. Mary, but these are the only
ones with which I am acquainted in this Diocese. At the
Parish Church of Highampton a cross is cut on a stone of
the tower, but its explanation, I think, is, that this Church is
itself dedicated to Holy Cross. The Roman Pontifical has
this prayer at the consecration of a Church: "Benedic
Domine creaturam istam lapidis, et prsesta per invocationem
Sancti Nominis Tui, ut quicunque ad banc ecclesiam aedifi-
candam, pura mente auxilium dederint, corporis sanitatem
et animje medelam percipiant " (see " Bingham," IV, 80).
"Pontificis judicio locus, et atrium designentur, et per eum
vel ejus auctoritatem per sacerdotem cmx in locofigatur, et
lapis primarius ponatur. Tunc aspergit lapidem ipsura
aqua beuedicta, et accepto cultro per singulas partes sculpit,
in eo signum crucis " {ibidem).
The formal act of consecration at once throws a place of
worship open to the general public, whereas dedication or a
simple licence, confine the services either to the community,
family, or special persons mentioned in the document. So
it is quite obvious that in the case of a Private Chapel, the
very fact of its being consecrated would at once defeat the
object of its being set up, and in no sense could such a
building be regarded as a Private Chapel,
Now to come from ancient times to modern. How many
Domestic Oratories here in Devon are either wholly or par-
tially in use for Divine Service ? As far as I know, at the
present day there are nineteen Chapels attached to Mansions
and Parsonages in this Diocese. They are viz.: —
Cothele ;
Powderham Castle; re-licensed in 1861,
Palace, Exeter ;
Deanery, Exeter ; licensed in 1333.
Killerton ;
Bishopscourt ; re-licensed in 1803.
St. Mar//\% Gnaton Hall; 1887.
Maristowe ;
Lusconibe Castle; licensed in 1862.
Waddeton Court ; licensed in 1868.
Fardel (Cornwood), licensed by Lacy, A.D. 1421.
Eecently restored by Mr. Pode.
PKIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODEKN. 401
Haldon House ; licensed in 1867.
Filham, St. Andrew's, licensed A.D. 1400.
Nutwell Court ;^ licensed in 1370.
Bowringsleigh ;
The Eectory, Milton Damarell ; licensed in 1875.
The Vicarage, Exwick ;
The Vicarage, Bovey Tracey ;
Northwyck Manor ;
Beaford Rectory ; licensed in 1894.
The first named of these is, strictly speaking, across the
Tamar, and in the County of Cornwall and Diocese of Truro,
but up to thirty years ago and for centuries before that time
this lovely place was within the Diocese of Exeter. The
chapel of the mansion was first licensed by Bishop StafiPord
12 May, 1411, and re-licensed by Bishop Phillpotts. It is
right to notice in passing that here within this ancient
sanctuary the marriage of the noble owner, the Earl of
Mount Edgcumbe, and Lady Eavensworth, was solemnized
Eastertide, 1906. The Chapel of Powderham Castle^ has
marks of great interest, and contains some valuable fittings.
The fine St. Gabriel's Chapel at Bishopscourt, in the parish
of Sowton or Clyst Fomison, near Exeter, is one of the
earliest as to foundation which we have, for it was erected
in or about the year a.d. 1296 by Bishop Bronescombe,
Bishopscourt being one of the coimtry seats of the Bishops
of Exeter. Bishopscourt was well restored in 1863, or
thereabouts, by the late Mr. Garratt, and is still the resi-
dence of that family. In the beautiful park at Killerton,
the seat of Sir C. Thomas Acland, Bart., stands the Chapel
of the Holy Evangelists, while this family also has another
Chapel at Culm John for use in connexion with a private
burial-ground. A modem Chapel is to be seen at Haldon
House, in the parish of Kenn, erected in the time of the
first Lord Haldon, the present home and seat of J. Fitzgerald
Bannatyne, Esq. In the parish of Newton Ferrers stands
* Licensed by Brantynghain, a.d. 1370. The Rev. J. C. Browne, Rector
of Lympstone, kindly gives me this information : ** Nutwell Court is not in
my parish, but my registers contain entries of two marriages solemnized in
the Domestic Chapel there by one of the rectors of this parish. The Chapel,
which is a beautiful specimen of fourteenth -century architecture, still exists,
but is now used as a library." Nutwell is really in the parish of Wood-
bury.
^ The screen in Powderham Chapel is said to have once belonged to
More ton Hampstead Church, while the screen in Bowringsleigh was a few
years since removed from South Huish Church.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 C
402 PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODKBN.
Gnaton Hall, to which is attached a very beautiful Chapel ^
dedicated to B.V.M., built by the late Michael Williams,
Esq., High Sheriff of Cornwall (deceased in 1899) in 1887.
on which no expense has been spared, where marble, oak,
and fine glass all combine to make a very fine interior.
At Maristowe, the beautiful home of the Right Honble.
Sir Massey Lopes, Bart., P.O., and over lovely scenes of wood
and water, appears the spire of the noble Chapel erected
in 1877, there having formerly existed one dedicated to
St. Martin near tliis spot. In this instance also, as in the
last mentioned, munificence and good taste have brought
into being a sanctuary in every way worthy of its hjjgh
purpose. Here are daily and Sunday Services, and a resident
Chaplain. The Oratory of Waddeton Court on the Dart
has recently been the subject of a lawsuit, by which the
Rector of Stoke Gabriel laid claim to the Chapel ; but one
which could not be sustained in the Courts, as the judges
decided that the sacred building was the sole property of
the owner of the estates. In the parish of Dawlish is
Luscombe Castle, renowned for the beauties of its sylvan
surroundings. About forty-five years ago or more the
owner, Mr. Hoare, in whose family the property still remains,
constructed a very fine Oratory, in which during his lifetime
Divine Services were celebrated, and it is said to be a
building of great beauty.
In the Bishop's Palace at Exeter is the ancient and well-
proportioned Chapel of the See House, a quiet spot where
"prayer is wont to be made," a place indeed hallowed by
the solemn associations of many centuries. Here successive
prelates who have ruled this great Diocese have confirmed
the young, and ordained many who in their day have done
good work for the Church. This Chapel was extensively
repaired and adorned in the episcopate of Bishop Temple,
and is of course in constant use in the present day. The
Deanery, too, has its ancient Oratory still fitted up where
* Chapel of St. Mary's, Gnaton Hall, of which a picture of interior is hero
added. Erected by the late Michael Williams, Esq., designed by Mr.
Fellowes Prynne, f.]i.i.d.a., built by William Veal and men under him,
stone from neighbourhood, marbles from Eitlcy Park, brass and woodwork
by Singer, of Frome. The triptych of paintings by E. Fellowes Prynne,
brother of architect, seating for seventy persons. This cha])el was erected in
A.D. 1887. It is interesting to note that during this present week, July,
1906, in which our meeting takes place, a marriage was celebrated in thia
cha^Mil, the daughter of the present owner being the bride, Miss Bewea.
The details of the building of St Mary's, Gnaton, kindly given me by
Mrs. Giles of Okehampton Vicarage, who was the widow of the late
Mr. Michael Williams.
o
-«1
c5
3! a
c
Private Chapels of Dkvon : Anxient and Modern.— To fojot p. 402.
(:
PRIVATE CHAPELS OF DEVON: ANCIENT AND MODERN. 403
Family Worship is held. At Milton Damarell in West
Devon the late Kector set up a Chapel, attached to his
Kectory, for his daily service, and some other Parsonage
Houses in Devon have their private Oratories. It was duly
licensed, and is used by his successor for its sacred purpose,
and as far as I know with some others, mentioned in the list,
concludes the list of Private Oratories, great or small, in the
present Diocese of Exeter. There may be more which are
not mentioned, either in Diocesan Calendars or in Directories
of the County, but few as they are in comparison with the
numbers of Private Chapels existing in Devon, say, in the
fourteenth century, yet still we have in this our day a
sufficient number to show us that at all events the spirit
of devotion forming a part of our daily life is not dead
amongst us. And who can say whether or not in "the
coming by and by " the Private Chapel will not again take
a more prominent place in the Eeligious Life of England ?
For if at any time the Parish Churches of our land are
seized by the secular power, handed over to Sectarians for
their use, or even put up to sale for secular purposes, who
can say that then, in the houses of the wealthier and more
educated classes and of the more devout laity, there will not
arise the determination to have the offices of religion jujcord-
ing to the Anglican Rite performed at their own expense and
within their own Domains, and open to all who value a
definite form of religious belief coupled with an ordered and
dignified ceremonial, instead of being forced to give in to
the tyranny of an invertebrate religionism ? May that day
be long far distant from our beloved land, but if at any
time our faith is in this way attacked, I venture to predict
that the Private Chapel will become again, as once it was,
one of the ruling factors in the Eeligious Life of England.
It has been suggested that a list of all Private or Domestic
Oratories in Devon should be added to this Paper. They
are all to be found in the Episcopal Registers of the Diocese.
It is possible that, as a Supplement to this Paper, such a List
may at a future day be added.
2 2
TOTNES: ITS MAYOES AND MAYORALTIES.
1836-1906.
Part VI.
BY EDWARD WIXDBATT.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
EiCHARD SOPER, the Mayor, elected September, 1834, by the
provisions of the Municipal Corporations Act, continued
Mayor until 31 December, 1835.
1836. Charles Taylor.
This first Mayor under the Municipal Corporations Act
held office from 1 January to 9 November, 1836, and in
future the election of Mayor took place on 9 November
in each year. He had been Mayor in 1820. Trewman's
Flying Post, Exeter, under date April, 1836, announced a
company had been set on foot for establishing a steamboat
to navigate the Kiver Dart between Dartmouth and Totnes.
1836. William Fabyan Windeatt.
He was elected 9 November, was the father of the
compiler of this paper, and proclaimed Queen Victoria in
Totnes May, 1837. The original Proclamation is preserved
in the Guildhall. He was present the next year in West-
minster Abbey, at the coronation of the Queen.
1837. Charles Webber.
On 7 February, 1838, Mr. George Farwell ceased to be
Town Clerk, and Mr. George Presswell was appointed in his
place. March, 1838, desk around the Councillors' seats
erected.
1838. John Derry.
On 10 February, 1839, resolved to petition Parliament in
favour of the penny postage as proposed by Rowland HilL
TOTNES: ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 405
1839. John Fogwill.
He died one week before his year of oflBce expired,
1 November, 1840.
On 24 February, 1840, the Town Clerk was instructed to
take the necessary steps to vindicate the immemorial right
to the seat in the Parish Church usually called "The
Mayoress's Seat" by action at law or otherwise against
Mrs. Baker and others, and to take Counsel's opinion if
necessary.
On 24 February, 1840, an address was voted to the Queen
and Prince Albert on the occasion of their marriage. On
3 August, 1840, it was resolved that no one not a member
of the Corporation should sit in the Corporation seats in the
church without the permission of the Mayor.
1840. William Doidge Taunton.
On 22 February, 1841, resolution passed requesting the
M.P.s for the borough to support the proposal that Dart-
mouth be made a packet station by the Government.
1841. Thomas Shore.
On 30 November, 1841, loyal address voted to the Queen,
Prince Consort, and the Duchess of Kent on the birth of the
Prince of Wales, now Edward VII. The address was stated
to be from
" Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Mayor,
Aldermen, and Burgesses of the Ancient Borough of Totnes,
incorporated by the Charter of King John, subsequently con-
firmed by other Charters of your Majesty's predecessors, Kings
and Queens of glorious memory."
1842. Samuel Huxham.
1843. Charles Webber.
1844. Edward Luscombb.
In 1845, during this Mayoralty, an Act was obtained for
improving the markets and providing the borough with
water, and under it new markets were erected.
1845. Edward Luscombb.
1846. John Derry.
On 18 May, 1847, there were bread riots in Totnes.
On 28 July, 1847, South Devon Kailway opened to
Totnes.
On 5 October, 1847, extended Cattle Market opened.
406 totnes: its mayors and matoraltiks.
1847. Samuel Huxuam.
1848. GrSORGE Farwell.
On 11 August, 1849, owing to cholera in Plymouth and
neighbourhood, the Council recommended the races, which
brought large numbers of vagrants and trampers into the
borough, should not be held. As a fact they were held.
1849. William Bowden.
On 22 April, 1850, resolution passed in favour of Great
Exhibition of 1851.
1850. James Gill.
1851. Richard Soper.
On 20 July, 1852, Prince Albert visited the borough, and
the bells were rung in his honour.
1852. EiCHARD Soper.
1853. EiCHARD Soper.
1854 Samuel Huxham.
1855. Frederick Thomas Michell,
REAR ADMIRAL, C.B.
An account of him appears in VoL XXXII of the
" Transactions " of this Association, p. 390. He had com-
manded the ** Queen" before Sebastopol, and handled his
ship so well that he twice received the signal, " Well done,
* Queen '." There is a cast of a marble bust presented to
him by his townsmen in the Guildhall. On 9 January,
1856, the Mayor was requested to call a public meeting
to consider the propriety of keeping Greenwich time, and
this was done.
1856. James Gill.
1857. James Gill.
On 7 May, 1857, the Mayor presented a portrait of
Captain Short, a benefactor to the charities of the borough,
to the Council, and it was placed in the Guildhall, where
it still hangs.
1858. Frederick Thomas Michell,
REAR ADMIRAL, C.B.
1859. Samuel Huxham.
1860. Willlam Fabyan Windeati.
totnes: its mayors and mayoralties. 407
1861. John Derry.
1862. WiLLUM Bentall.
On 10 March, 1863, there was great rejoicing on the
marriage of the Prince of Wales, now King Edward VII.
1863. John Friend Perring Phillips.
1864. John Friend Perring Philups.
He resigned September, 1865, and James Gill was elected
for the remainder of the year.
1865. Thomas Greaser Kellock.
During this Mayoralty the restoration of the church
commenced.
1866. Thomas Edward Owen.
A son was bom to this Mayor during his Mayoralty, and
he was presented with a silver cradle.
1867. John Bowden.
In May, 1868, the Bill for railway from Totnes to Buck-
fastleigh received the Eoyal Assent.
1868. John Bowden.
1869. John Hains.
1870. John Webber Chaster.
1871. John Webber Chaster.
1872. Egbert Bourne.
Railway opened from Totnes to Ashburton.
1873. James Smith Rose.
1874 Jeffery Michelmore,
1875. Jeffery Michelmore.
During this Mayoralty the Mayor's chain was presented
by the inhabitants and relatives of previous Mayors for the
use of the Mayor.
June, 1876. For the first time within fifty years a ship
was built and launched at Totnes Quay.
1876. Joseph Roe.
1877. Joseph Rob.
1878. John Hains.
408 TOTNES: ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.
1879. Jefpkry Michelmore,
First visit of Devonshire Association to Totnes, Sir
H. D. Acland President.
1880. Edward Harris.
1881. Edward Harris.
1882. Frederick Bowden.
1883. Frederick Bowden.
In 1888 Mr. Bowden placed £1000 in trust to provide
annuities of £10 for three poor men of the borough, and he
was 9 November, 1897, elected an Honorary Freeman in con-
sideration of this gift. In April, 1884, the Town Clerk,
Mr. George Presswell, who had been Town Clerk forty-six
years, died, and his son, Mr. H. J. Presswell, was elected in
his place.
1884. Thomas Creaser Kellock.
The compiler of this paper was elected Town Clerk
1 December, 1884, in the room of Mr. H. J. Presswell,
resigned.
1885. Thomas Creaser Kellock.
During these mayoralties a new Cattle Market was pro-
vided. The market had from time immemorial been held in
the streets. A new Water Supply was provided, the water
being obtained on the Bowden estate, the property of the
Duke of Somerset.
1886. Henry Symons.
Jubilee of Queen Victoria. The commemoration in the
borough was carried out on a grand scale. The Mayor
attended the ceremony in Westminster Abbey, and on 20
December, 1887, he was appointed the first Honorary Free-
man.
1887. John Earle Lloyd Lloyd.
Jubilee Eeservoir erected and opened.
1888. Augustus Hingston.
Mr. F. B. Mildmay, M.P., presented to the Corporation a
portrait of Christopher Maynard, Mayor of Totnes 1632,
1648, and 1658, in his robes. This hangs in the Guildhall
It was found in a garret in a country house, and Mr.
Mildmay purchased it, had it restored, and presented it to
the Corporation.
totnes: its mayors and mayoralties. 409
1889. Philip Symons, Jun.^
1890. Philip Symons, Jun.
1891. William Condy.
1892. WILLLA.M Condy.
On 6 July, 1893, there were great festivities in the
borough on the occasion of the marriage of the Duke of
York, now Prince of Wales.
1893. Andrew Hawkins Tanqubray.
1894. Alfred Michelmore.
1895. Henry Symons.
1896. Thomas Greaser Kellock.
Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria. Eejoicings on large
scale in the borough. The Mayor attended the Court at
Buckingham Palace the day after the Jubilee held by Her
Majesty. On 9 November, 1897, he was made an Honorary
Freeman of the borough, being an Alderman, having been
four times Mayor of the borough, one of which was the
Diamond Jubilee year.
28 July, 1897, Sir William V. Whiteway, K.C.M.G., D.L., Q.C.,
Premier of Newfoundland, a native of Littlehempston,
educated at Totnes Grammar School, visited Totnes, and was
made an Honorary Freeman of the borough.
On 9 November, 1897, borough extended, a portion of the
parish of Dartington, including the railway station, included
in the borough.
1897. Benjamin William Hayman.
1898. George John Gibson, m.d.
The Duke of York, now Prince of Wales, visited the
borough and was received by the Mayor.
1899. Thomas White Windbatt.
He was the first person elected Mayor from outside the
Council At the election, 1 November, 1900, he was elected
a Councillor. In July, 1900, the Devonshire Association
visited Totnes for the second time. Lord Clifford was
President.
* The old north gateway was sold by the Endowed School Goveraors, and
purchased by Mr. F. B. Mildmay, M.P., and presented to the Corporation in
1890.
410 totnss: its matobs and mayoralties.
1900. Frederick Tapscott Tucker,
On 22 January, 1901, Queen Victoria (lied,and His Majesty
King Edward VII was proclaimed by this Mayor on 25
January, 1901, at the GuUdhall, outside the parish church of
St. Mary, in the Rotherfold, on Brutus' Stone, on the Plains,
and in Bridgetown. The original Proclamation is framed
and hangs in the Guildhall.
1901. Thomas White Windeatt.
Coronation festivities in the borough. The Mayor at-
tended the coronation of King Edward VII in Westminster
Abbey.
1902. George John Gibson, bid.
1903. Alfred Michelmore.
1904. Capt. Horace Eeid Adams, r.n.
1905. Capt. Horace Reid Adams, rjj.
A member of an old Totnes family, owners of Bowden
House. Several of the family were M.P.S and Mayors.
During this Mayor's Mayoralty, through his instru-
mentality, a MS. book was obtained from the executors of
the late Francis Benthall, Esq., a member of an old Totnes
family, which book contained among other records a list of
Mayors with the following heading : —
" Mayors of Totnes with their Receivers as they are collected by
Mr Wm Yeo some time Town Clarck out of divers records bj
him perused from 33 of Edwd 3d unto 1st of Hen 8 as followeth.
**In ye 27 yr of Edw the Ist there is mention made in ye acct
of the Guild of Mirchants of a Mayr Commonalty and Burgesses
keeping of the Mayrs & the Cort of the Com*^ making of Freemen
there fines, of Rents belonging to ye Mayor & Co Cenery Rent in
the Borough Cenery Rents of Mchants Customs of cutting Flesh
& Amerccnts &c.
Edwd 3d
33. JohnAiyling Mayr. 1359.
34. Ricd Coucheneed 1360."
There is then a gap of seventeen years to 1377, without
any record of a Mayor's name, and in the latter year com-
mences the list which is complete to present time, and gives
a record list for a period of no less than 530 years, with no
name missing, and where a Mayor has died during his
mayoralty the name of his successor recorded. This is a
list of which any borough might well be proud.
THE FOEEST BOUNDS NEAR PRINCETOWN.
BY ARTHUR B. PR0W8B, M.D., F.R.C.8.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1006.)
The frequency with which we find references in old Dartmoor
records to disputes concerning boundaries, and to actions for
trespass and poaching, between the " Duchy " and holders of
property and others living near the forest, makes it evident
that the method followed in defining the boundary by
natural or artificial features, situated at considerable
distances from each other along the forty-two miles circuit,
was not sufficiently definite for practical purposes.
The best natural boundary is undoubtedly a stream, but
such a plain and incontestable limit is only possible here
and there; and, as the distances between the various
boundary-marks fluctuate from three-eighths of a mile up
to as much as two miles, it is easy to understand how difTer-
ences of opinion would arise, even if the boundary line were
supposed to pass from one point to another without any
deviation to right or left on the way. Doubtless a fairly
direct course would be taken, as a rule, in "beating the
bounds " ; but in a wild and rough country like the moor it
is often impracticable to do this. Land, so boggy as to be
difficult for men on foot and quite impassable for horses,
would certainly be avoided, unless very small in extent and,
therefore, easily skirted during a " perambulation."
The necessity for more clearly defining the boundary
would be felt, especially where the land is firm and good for
grazing purposes, etc., and where fairly level and with but
slight undulations, and also where the principal boundary-
marks are of small size and not easily distinguishable,
except from short distances.
Then, too, we must remember the not unfrequent mists,
when even the largest and most distinctive " bounds " may
412 THB FOREST BOUNDS NEAR PRINCETOWN.
be invisible, and therefore useless as guides to a perambulat-
ing party.
Consideration of these points makes it likely that even in
quite early times some additional means would be employed
in some cases to define the boundary beyond a mere enume-
ration of well-known objects at considerable intervals from
each other. One method would be the (modem) plan of
erecting small stone posts at shorter intervals. But such
marks can be, and sometimes have been, moved by designing
persons. A much better, but more laborious, plan is the
turning up of a bank, not necessarily of large size. This,
with the associated ditch, would withstand the denuding
effect of weather for very long periods — it would be a very
good guide in foggy conditions, and as a boundary-mark
could not be easily or quickly obliterated, even though it
might extend for only a short distance.
Bearing in mind these considerations, I have of late years,
when opportunities have ofTered, been on the look out for
lesser boundary-marks in the intervals between the principal
" bounds " mentioned in the " perambulation " documents ;
and with some success in certain parts of the "forest"
margin.
The accompanying map (3 in. to 1 mile) shows what I
have noted in the neighbourhood of Princetown, between
Great Mistor and South Hessary Tor. Starting from the
latter point, the modem boundary-marks in the 1^-mile
stretch to North Hessary Tor are seven granite posts at
intervals along a straight line passing across the west end
of Princetown Station. For about 300 yd. before reaching
the high road the boundary-wall of a meadow runs parallel
and close to this line. Elsewhere the line cuts across other
fences, including that of a meadow belonging to the prison,
about half-way up the hill towards the tor.
When standing on South Hessary Tor, however, a
small bank is seen running for about 500 yd. in a direc-
tion five or six degrees west of the direction of North
Hessary Tor. This is shown upon the Ordnance Survey
6-in. map, except its last 70 yd. (see A on the map accom-
panying this paper). Beyond this, for about one-third of a
mile, there is now no bank visible on ground which has
become rather rough, partly by weathering and partly also
by the usual careless way in which the surface sods have
been replaced in former " turf- ties." Then, again, we find
running in the same direction another similar bank (B)
about 80 yd. long. After an interval of 220 yd. another
THE FOREST BOUNDS NEAR PRINCETOWN. 413
piece (C), about 50 yd. in length, extends almost to the high
road. On the other side of the road is a meadow, to the
west of which is a very boggy bit of ground at the head of
the Meavy Eiver, S.W. of the station. The boundary-line
here probably deviated slightly to the west, so as to cross
this wet ground at its narrowest part. Just beyond it is
another well-defined bank (D) about 50 yd. long which
reaches to the railway embankment, pointing N.W by N.
directly towards North Hessary Tor, which, however, cannot
be seen from here owing to the shoulder of the hill.
After this comes an interval of 90 yd., and then another
bank and ditch (E) nearly 250 yd. long extending in the
same direction. This is ended by an old mining gully
running east and west across its course, just beyond which
the bank can again be followed for fully 140 yd. (F), where
it forms the south-west side of a roughly-rectangular area
of ground, which some one probably intended to enclose.
The south-east side of this area is bounded by a bank,
which forms part of an old trackway running S.W. b S.
towards the south side of Leedon Tor, where it passes
through the middle of a large group of hut-circles and
pounds ; and then, altering its direction rather more to the
south, runs straight up to Sharper Tor. In the other direc-
tion this bank points N.E. straight for Beardown Clapper
Bridge, which is about 1^ miles distant, and near which
there are other remains of the ancient trackway.
Keverting to the boundary-bank, the end of which is
about one-third of a mile from, and pointing directly towards,
North Hessary Tor, it will be seen that rather more than
half-way up the slope the dotted line marking its direction
is continuous with the upper end of the western boiindary-
wall of a large field belonging to the prison.
Beyond North Hessary Tor the modern boundary of the
forest is marked by a series of nine granite posts running
in a direct line to Great Mistor, two miles distant. The
third of these is by the side of the main road from Ash-
burton to Tavistock, about 200 yd. west of where the road
to Princetown branches off at the top of the hill. The few
cottages hereabouts form the hamlet of Rundlestone, which
takes its name from a notable old menhir, mentioned in
various documents, and also in the curious old route-book
called " Britannia Depicta or Ogilby Improved," the fourth
edition of which is dated 1736. In this, on page 180, it is
mentioned as " a Great Stone call'd Eoundle," and is placed
rather more than 1^ miles east of Men vale Bridge.
414 THE FOREST BOUNDS NEAR PRINCBTOWN.
The third of the granite posts mentioned above, by the
roadside, is by some persons called the Bundlestone; but
I am sure that it is of comparatively recent date, and it is
almost exactly like some of the other modeim boundary-
posts. It would hardly be described as a " Great " stone,
and certainly has no claim to be considered a notable object.
Feeling sure that if there had been a large menhir here-
abouts, it must have shared the fate of many another
ancient monument, and been broken and carried ofif to form
part of some comparatively modem building or wall, I
searched carefully every likely place in the immediate
neighbourhood, but could find no trace until one day I saw
a pillar-like block (S) of granite, 8 ft. 5 in. long and 1 ft. 9 in.
square in section, lying on the turf by the roadside a quarter
of a mile east of the modern boundary-post, and close to the
gate of one of the prison fields on the north side of the road.
Two of the warders of the prison told me that the stone was
there when they first began their duties more than twenty
years previously, and that they had never met any one who
remembered how it got there. I think their evidence fairly
outweighs that of a local farmer about fifty years of age,
who, in an off-hand way, said. Oh, yes, he knew the stone ;
and added that it was brought from the quarries beyond
Merivale Bridge a few years ago, and was meant for a gate-
post, but had been left by the roadside. That any one would
have gone to the expense and trouble of shaping such a huge
block for such an object, and then — after bringing it up a
long hill to a place over 500 ft. higher — abandon it, is, to
say the least, unlikely. The man may have thought it a
good joke to invent such a tale, but he must have realized
that I was sceptical before we parted. Moreover, examina-
tion shows that the surface of the three visible sides and of
one end of the block is distinctly weathered and lichen-
marked to such a degree as would not be seen in the case of
a block quarried only a few years since.
A day or two later I found what I believe is the hose of
the menhir embedded in the turf by the roadside about
50 yd. west of where the branch road to Princetown leaves
the main road. Further evidence, however, is needed, by
digging round the stone, before one can feel quite certain on
this point.
This base-stone is close to the line of a boundary-wall
half a mile long coming N.N.W. straight down the hill from
North Hessary Tor ; and it is in a commanding site on the
crest of the hill, 1500 ft. above sea-level, with a long descent
THE FOREST BOUNDS NEAR PRINCETOWN. 415
on both sides — to the west to Merivale Bridge over the
Walkham, and to the east into the Blackabrook Valley.
From the opposite side of the road another boundary-wall
runs N.W. b N. for about half a mile, almost in a direct line
towards the top of Great Mistor. Nearly a quarter of a mile
beyond its end, in the same direction, is the base of a
tumulus, most of which has been used to build the neigh-
bouring fence. It is 22 yd. in diameter ; and, before its de-
struction, must have been a large and prominent object,
standing on ground 1590 ft. above sea-level. The summit
of Great Mistor is three-quarters of a mile further on, in a
direction slightly to the west of the line hitherto followed
from the base of 'the Rimdlestone.
The evidence, therefore, seems to me to suggest that the
ancient boundary of the forest between North Hessary Tor
and Great Mistor deviated to the east of the modem straight
boundary-line ; and that its course is indicated by the two
boundary-walls mentioned, between the ends of which, in
the turf by the roadside, is the base of the original Eundle-
stone. The large tumulus also would formerly have been a
very useful " boimd."
Supporting this view, I think, is the fact that the small
farms forming the hamlet of Bundlestone are all on the
western side of this suggested ancient boundary. No part
of their land is on the eastern side ; whereas in the case of the
modem straight boundary-line between the two tors, these
farms extend both to the east and to the west side of it, i.e.
they are partly within the Duchy boundary and partly in
the domain of the lord of the manor of Walkhampton.
In the future I hope to be able to investigate the
boundary on the confines of the forest in other districts ;
and shall be glad of any hints or help from other members
of our Association.
RALEGHANA.
Part VIL
THREE STATE DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ARREST
AND EXECUTION OF SIR W. RALEGH IN 1618.
BY T. N. BRU8HFIRLD, M.D., F.8.A.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Part II.
THE king's "DECLARATION."
We pass on to consider the third and most important of the
State Papers that were composed and published in justifica-
tion of the action of the King and Privy Council in their
treatment and condemnation of Ealegh. Although usually
known as the King's "Declaration," and by the general
public regarded as his "Apology," the reprint in the Somers
Tracts is headed, " His Majesty's Reasons for his Proceedings
against Sir Walter Raleigh " (II (1809), 421). It was issued
as a small quarto, with the following title-page : —
"A Declaration of the Demeanor and Cariage of Sir
Walter Raleigh, Knight, as well in his Voyage, as
in, and sitheuce his Returne ; And of the true
motiues and inducements which occasioned His
Maiestie to Proceed in doing lustice vpon him, as
hath bene done. (Printer's device.)
LONDON, Printed by Bonham Norton and lohn
Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie.
M.DC.XVIIL" (Firfe facsimile.)
The Royal Arms on the verso of the title-page.
As to its authorship, Edwards affirms "Bacon suggested
that document. He penned it, and published it" (I, 655.
This is Gardiner's opinion also. III, 66, 152); but this is
only partly correct. Probably he prepared the draft copy,
much in the same way that a secretary of a committee
A
DECLARATION
OF THE DEMEA-
NOR AND CARIAGE OF
Sir Walter Raleigh,
Knight,afweli in his Voyagc,as
in , and Hcheoce his Recuroc$
fiAndofthetruemotiues and induce"
mcnts which occafioncd His Maicftic
to Preceeditt doing luff iee vfonhim.
as
hathlene dotK^*
London,
Printed by Bonham Norton
andloHN Bill, Printers to the
Kin^s moB ExeeOeat Mdiefik^
Mdc. XVIII.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 D
418 KALEGHANA.
does at the present time, as a basis for a report. This
seems to coincide with the opinion of Spedding. It was —
"penned by certain Councillors (Bacon being one), allowed by
the Council, and printed by authority. Bacon's rank in Council,
together with his concern in the actual composition, entitle us
to impute to him a large share of the responsibility ; but as he
spoke in the name of others, and his authority was not absolute,
to charge him with the sole responsibility is a mistake " (383).
Brief references in the text (additional to those in "Trans. D. A.,"
XXXVII, 285):—
Fort Pap. = "The Fortescue Papers" (Camd. Soc., 1871), ed. S. R.
Gardiner.
Inderwick = "Side-Lights on the Stuarts," by F. A. Inderwick (1891).
Camd. Misc. = ** Documents relating to Sir Walter Raleigh's last Voyage,"
ed. S. R. Gardiner ("Camd. Misc.," V (1864), pt. ii).
Howell = " Familiar Letters" (ed. of 1903), tliree vols.
Apologie= ** Sir W. Rawleigh his Apologie for his last voyage to Guiana."
First printed in "Judicious and Select Essayes" (1660).
Arraignment=**The Arraignment of S' Walter Rawleigh . . . coppicd
by Sir Tho : Overbvry " (1648).
M. Hume=**Sir Walter Ralegh." by Martin A. S. Hume (1897).
Stud. Hist, of Eng.=**A Student's History of England," by S. R.
Gardiner (1892).
Canib. Mod. Hist = ** Britain under James I," by 8. R Gardiner, in
"Cambridge Modem History," III (1904)
Cayley="Life of Sir W. Ralegh," by A. Caylcy, Junr. (1806), two vols.
Even, with a Rev. = " Evenings with a Reviewer," by J. Spedding (1881),
two vols.
Ediu. Rev. = " Sir W. Ralegh," by Macvey Napier (" Edinburgh Review,"
CXLIII, 1840).
That the Council fully assented to it in its final form is
proved by the statement at its close, that it was attested by
"sixe of his Maiesties priuie Counseir* (68). Edwards
appears to imply tliat the King had nothing to do with its
composition, although, as Gardiner notes, it was drawn up by
his " express order " (III, 152) ; but James would never allow
any State document to be printed in which his personality
or his kingly duties were concerned, without some active
interference on his part, and the "Declaration" was no
exception to this rule. In it this paragraph is printed at
p. 25 : *' This Commission so drawne and framed (as you
see) his Maiestie himselfe did oft peruse and reuise, as fore-
seeing the future euents." And a letter from Bacon to the
Marquis of Buckingham, dated 22 November, 1618, contains
this note : " We have put the Declaration touching Ralegh
to the press with his Majesty's additions, which were very
material, and tit to proceed from his Majesty."^
Spedding adds: "There are no marks in the original to
' Spedding, 378, from ** Gibson Papers," VIII, 99.
BALEGHANA. 419
distinguish these additions. But I suspect them to be the
opening and the coneluding paragraph." But the opening
sentence, "Although Kings be not bound to giue Account
of their Actions but to GOD alone/' is simply a repetition
verb, ct lit. of that which had appeared in the Council's letter
of 18 October, usually assigned to Bacon.^ Then in his
reply to this letter, James certainly suggested some of the
details to be subsequently embodied in the "Declaration": —
"After the sentence for his execution ... a declaration be
presently putt forth in print, . . . Wherein we hold the French
Physitian's confession very materiall to he inserted, as allso his
own and his consortes confession that, before they were at tlie
Islandes, he told them his ayme was at the fleet, with his son's
oration when they came to the town, and some touch of his hate-
full speeches of our person." ^
In his reprint of this letter, why did Spedding omit the
important phrase here shown in italics ? (364).
That the "Declaration," like Stukeley's "Petition," was
not prepared, or was not completed, until after Ealegh had
been executed, is shown by these paragraphs in it : —
" Leaning the thoughts of his heart, and the protestations that
hee made at his death to God that is the searcher of all hearts,
and ludge of all Trueth " (2).
"As to Sir Walter Raleigh his confession at his Death, wliat
he confessed or denied touching any the points of this declaration,
his Maiestie leaues him and his conscience therein to God, as was
said in the beginning of this Discourse. For Soueraigne Princes
cannot make a true iudgement vpon the bare speeches or asseuera-
tions of a delinquent at the time of his death, but their iudge-
ment must be founded vpon examinations, re-examinations, and
confrontments, and such like reall proofes," etc. (67-8).
Bacon must have been aware that at Ealegh's trial in
1603, when the latter requested permission for a "confront-
nient " (i.e. " the advice of bringing face to face," H. E. D.)
with Cobham, the only witness against him, he was refused.
Of the extreme haste in which the printing was effected,
80 as to get the work published with as little delay as
possible, we have ample evidence. Bacon's letter of 22
Xovember (already quoted from) implies it was sent to
press within a day or two of that date. And on the day
of publication, 27 November, Naunton writes thus to the
Marquis of Buckingham : —
"The printer hath sent me two copies of each [i.e. of the
1 ** Trans. D. A.,» XXXVII, 294. • • "Fort Pap.," 68.
2d2
420 RALEGHANA.
" Petition " as well as of the " Declaration "] for his Majestie and
the Prince, and prayes pardon for some escapes committed in
theyr haste, which was such as they were faine to watche 2 nights
and sett 20 presses aworke at once." ^
We have further proof of this on collating a number of
copies with each other. As at that period stereotyping was
unknown, the twenty presses would require as many distinct
settings of type ; probably each worked off a definite number
of pages or sections, as apparently indicated in the occur-
rence of blank pages (8, 44), which were otherwise not
needed. We may accept as the most satisfactory copy the
one with 68 pages, of which the earliest was probably that
having the word "which" (line 12 from top on p. 41)
wrongly placed, but amended in other copies. It is printed
in "Great Primer," the portion between pages 9 and 24
being in italics. The signatures are A to H in fours, I two
leaves, and it ends at " Finis," there being no colophon.
Another copy (penes me) has only 63 pages, all in " Great
Primer," except pp. 46-58, which are in "English" type.
The signatures terminate at H 4; and the work ends with
this colophon, similar to the imprint on the title-page : —
« Imprinted at LONDON by
Bonham Norton and lohn
Bill, Printers to the Kings
most excellent Maiestie.
Anno 1618."
In a number of impressions that have been examined,
some are wrongly paged, while others show variations in
spelling ; thus the surname " Stewkley," and " Stewkeley '^
in the first copy noticed, appears as "Stucley" in some of
the others. The only portions in all where no variation
has been detected, consist of the title-page and the Eoyal
Commission (pp. 9-24). A singular attempt to explain the
blank page 44 is thus advanced by Spedding: "In the
original a blank page is interposed here : apparently for the
purpose of distinguishing what follows as resting only upon
the testimony of Mannoury " (401) ; but the joint account
of him and of Stukeley commenced on page 42. He offers no
suggestion why page 8 also is blank. A due examination
of these circumstances must lead to the conclusion that the
"Declaration," although contemplated, was probably not
written, from being deemed unnecessary, until the burst of
1 ''Fort. Pap.,"67.
RALKGHANA. 421
popular indignation after, and in consequence of, Ealegh's
execution, seemed to demand a State explanation; and,
accordingly, the "Apology," as the public regarded it, was
hurriedly composed, and as hurriedly printed and published.
The contents of the *' Declaration " may be thus briefly
enumerated : —
Pages 1-7. The preliminary proceedings that led to the
King granting Ralegh permission to undertake the voyage
to Guiana, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Spanish
Ambassador.
Page 8. Blank.
Pages 9-24. The King's Eoyal Commission for Ealegh
to make the voyage to Guiana for the purpose of mine
exploration.
Pages 25-40. The voyage, proceedings at Guiana, and
the return to England.
Pages 41-65 (except p. 44 blank). Report based on the
proceedings of the spies Manourie and Stukeley.
Pages 65-8. Summary of Ralegh's offences and con-
cluding remarks.
The summary is thus stated : —
" For these his great and hainous offences, in actes of Hostilitie
vpon his Maiesties confederates, depredations, and abuses, as well
of his Commission, as of his Maiesties Subiects vnder his charge,
Impostures, Attempts of escape, declining his Maiesties lustice,
and the rest, euidently prooued or confessed by himself e ; he had
made himselfe vtterly vnwoorthy of his Maiesties further mercy :
And because he could not by Law bee iudicially called in question,
for that his former attainder of Treason is the highest and last
worke of the Law (whereby bee was Ciuiliter mortuus) his
Maiestie was inforced (except Attainders should become priuiledges
for all subsequent offences) to resolue to haue him executed vpon
his former Attainder " (65-6). •
An execution characterized by Napier as " unquestionably
one of the most revolting acts that stains the annals of
l>ritish criminal procedure." ^
The opening pages of the "Declaration" are devoted to
the King's explanation of his reasons for releasing Ralegh
from the Tower, after the latter had made several ineffectual
efforts to procure it during Salisbury's lifetime (ob. 12 May,
1612). But with the appointment of Sir R. Win wood as
1 **Edin. Rev.," 94.
422 RALEGUANA.
Secretary of State (known to have anti-Spanish views)
Ralegh had better hopes of freedom. Edwards (I, 662)
affirms Ralegh's release to have been effected (1) by bribing
Court favourites, and (2) to enable him to visit Guiana for
the purpose of gold mining.
Respecting the alleged bribery, Oldys (1, 468) states : " That
sir William St. John and sir Edward Villiers . . . procured
sir Walter Ralegh's liberty, and had fifteen hundred pounds
for their labour."^ This seems to be corroborated in the
following extract from a letter, dated 17 March, 1615-16,
from Ralegh to Sir G. Villiers (afterwards Duke of Bucking-
ham) : —
" You have, by your mediation, put me again into the world ;
I can but acknowledge it ; for to pay any part of your favour by
any service of mine as yet, it is not in my power. If it sueceed
well, a good part of the honour shall be yours; and if I do not
also make it profitable unto you, I shall shew myself exceeding
ungrateful." 2
Gardiner doubts whether bribery was necessary; at the
same time he mentions that Ralegh was " liberated through
Buckingham's influence."* But throughout the Stuart period
bribery was absolutely necessary to procure any favour
directly or indirectly from royalty. Ralegh's release, the
elder D'Israeli declared, "was effected by bribing powerful
Court favourites, who worked upon the avarice of James I."*
On 19 March, two days after his letter to Sir G. Villiers,
Ralegh received a letter from the Privy Council, commencing
thus : —
" His Majesty, out of his gracious inclination towards you, being
pleased to release you out of your imprisonment in the Tower, to
go abroad with a keeper, to make your provisions for your intended
voyage^' etc.^
The following curious reasons that have been assigned for
his release will show how little the real cause of it was
* Quoted from ** Obs. on Sanderson's Hist, of King James," 4to, p. 10.
2 Oldys, 468 ; Edwards, II, 341.
» " Student's Hist, of England," 485 (1892).
* **Cur. of Lit," III, 115 (1858). Many courtiers and others who were
pensioners of Spain have been already noticed ("Trans. D. A.," XXXV,
670). In a dispatch from Gondoraar to Philip III he mentions that the
Duke of Lennox and Lord Hay ... are of the French party, and derive
large pensions from France (" Archaeologia," XLI, 2). The painful example
of Lord Bacon shows how nmch the judges were open to bribery (Gardiner,
II, 217 ; Inderwick, 16).
* Edwards, I. 563. Quoted from the registers of the Privy Coancil.
Italics not in the original.
RALEGHANA. 423
known to some writers. One would have thought that Sir
W. Sanderson, an attendant at Court, might have been more
accurate than in the following distorted relation : —
"At last, by meanes of the French Embassadour, with others of
our own Lords, he had freedome, to repair for his health, to his
liouse at St. James; and after a year or two, he procured a
Commission, to make a Voyage to Gueana in the West-indies for
the return of Gold Oare or Mine." ^
The intercession of the French Ambassador we learn for
the first time, and as it is unmentioned by any other writer
we may pass it by. The condition of Ealegh's health had
never been considered throughout his Tower confinement;
and so far from waiting for ** a year or two " before he received
his Commission, it was granted him on 24 August (probably
two months earlier), five months only after his release.
Another singular explanation was advanced by the
historian D. Hume, who asserted that the King "thinking
... he had already undergone sufficient punishment, he
released him from the Tower and gave him 'permission to
try the venture.' " ^
The Eoyal Commission granted permission to Ralegh ** to
vndertake a voyage . . . vnto the South parts of America, or
elswhere within America ... to discouer and finde out
some commodities and merchandizes in those Countries, that
be necessary and profitable," etc. To be "commanded by no
other then himselfe " ; with " full power and authoritie, and
free licence and libertie out of this Our Realme of England
or any other Our Dominions ... for and towards his said
intended voyage." He was "to be the sole Gouemor and
commaunder of all persons that shall trauell, or be with him
in the said voiage"; with *'fidl power and authority to
correct, punish, pardon, gouerne and rule them"; and "in
case of rebellion, or mutiny by sea or land, to vse and exercise
Marshall law"^
This occupies pages 9-24 of the "Declaration," is dated
24 August, 1616, and was issued " Per breue de priuato
Sigillo."
According to Oldys, the " commission seems to have been
given under the great Seal of England," and at least two
months earlier than the one just cited, which was issued
under the Privy Seal (473) This is corroborated by a letter
1 «* Aulicua Coquinariae," 91-2 (1660).
2 "Hist of Eng.." III. 39 (1824).
' Italics not iu the origiual.
424 RALEGHANA.
of Peter Vanlore, quoted by Oldys on the same page.^
Amongst the headings of the charges of the Attorney-
General at the Privy Council meeting on 17 August, 1618,
is this one : ** His Majesty in respect of his countries good
licenseth him by his commission under the great seek " (Camd.
Misc., 9).
This was not the only alteration that was made in the
Commission. Edwards declares that Gondomar " persuaded
James to have certain awkward words scratched out " from
it. and " the words were erased — after they had been written,"*
and so the sentence " trusty and well-beloved servant " was
omitted. This is corroborated by the following extract from
a letter written by J. Pory to Carle ton on 31 October, two
days after Ralegh's execution. At the Council meeting held
on 28 October, Ralegh said that
"His MsL^^ had given him a commission to be his lieutenant
general ouer an army at sea, wherein he styled him our beloved
trusty subjecte, & gave him power of life and death ; as his
Ma^^ would neuer haue done to the man he should esteeme a
Tray tour; ergo his commission was equivalent to a Pardon."*
That the terms of his commission implied a pardon was
the general opinion of those writers of the seventeenth
century who devoted any attention to the subject. Thus
F. Osborne : —
"The most honest sort of Gown-men . . . maintained that his
Majesties Pardon lay inclusively in the Commission he gave him
upon his setting out to sea : It being incongruous, that he, who
remained under the notion of one Dead in Law, should as a
Generall dispose of the lives of others, not beinge himselfe Master
of his owne."*
Howell relates the well-known anecdote of Bacon having
told Ralegh — " positively " — that a pardon was unnecessary
from the fact of the powers that had been confeiTed upon
him by the commission.
" The knee timber of your voyage is money : spare your purse in
this particular, for upon my life you have a sufficient pardon for
all that is passed already, the king having undei' his broad seal
made you admiral of your fleet, and given you power of the
martial law over your officers and soldiers." ^
1 Cf. Edwards, II, 343.
2 II, 591. Cf. Gardiner, III, 42 ; Stebbing, 801.
» **S. P. James I, Dom.," CIII, 61.
* *' Historical Memoires," 11,16-17(1658).
» II, 232. Cf. Shirley, 218.
KALEGHANA, 425
And that " his said commission was as good a pardon for
all former offences, as the law of England could aftbrd him."^
Although this conversation was fraught with the greatest
importance to Kalegh, yet it is not referred to by Spedding,
although he accepts as trustworthy, on the unsupported
authority of the spy Wilson, two other anecdotes relating
to the same two personages, of which one alludes to Kalegh's
intended piracy. '*This," remarks Spedding (347), "must
be supposed to have been spoken in jest/'^ That is to say,
he could cite an anecdote reflecting on Ealegh, but with-
held another that seemed in any way to reflect upon his
favourite, Bacon.^
The following is the sole notice in the "Declaration" of
the sentence passed upon Ealegh in 1603: "in respect of
the perill of Law wherein the saide Sir Walter Ealiegh
[sic] now standeth" (10), and is remarkable for bearing no
relation to the context which either precedes or succeeds it.
Tliere are good grounds for believing this interpolation
to have been made in the revised form of the commis-
sion, and most probably at the instigation of Gondomar.*
To his counsel may also be attributed the two months' delay
before the second form of the commission was framed, as
also the alteration from the Great to the Privy Seal.
Attention must be directed to one important section of
the King's Commission, as it discloses the principal, perhaps
the sole, underlying motive in issuing it. Although in
the preamble only "commodities and merchandizes" are
mentioned, in later pages the precious metals, etc., receive
special notice, as being proper imports, upon which large
dues were to be paid to the Crown.
** Paying and answering vnto Ys, Our Ileires, and Successours
the full fift part in fiue parts to be diuided, of all such gold, and
siluer, and bullion and oare of gold or siluer, and pearle, and
precious stone, as shalbe so imported," etc. [15, and repeated on
pages 17 and 22.]
Similar dues were to be paid by Harcourt and his suc-
cessors, when they took possession of the eastern portion
of Guiana in 1608.^ All this shows "the care taken to
secure his majesty's dividend."* Even Gardiner, who does
^ '*0b3. on Sauderson's History of King James," p. 10.
2 Quoted from *' Literary and frofessional Works,** II, 168-9 (1879).
8 Cf. Gardiner, III, 47-8.
* Cf. Lingard, "Hist, of Eng.," VI, 165 (1825).
* Patent Roll, 11 James I, pt i. n. 5.
« Oldys, 476 ; cf. Mrs. Macaulay, "Hist, of Eng.," I, 5 (1771).
426 RALEGHAKA.
not often support Ralegh's action, confirms this view : " It
can hardly," he remarks, " be doubted that the prospect of
sharing in the profits of the gold mine blinded him [James]
to the risk to himself, as well as to Raleigh, by which the
search would be accompanied" (II, 382). In the opinion
of Spedding, Ralegh ''thought that if he had brought the
gold the King would not have quarrelled with him about
the means employed to get it ; and it was to his supposed
cupidity, not to his sense of justice, that the argument was
really addressed" (351). But James wanted money very
badly ; and however good his principles may have been, and
as recorded by himself in his printed works (especially in
his Basilicon Doron\ his actual practice was directly
antithetic to them, especially when he thought they were
prejudicial to his interests. Examples of this will be found
in Appendix E, and will show what " his sense of justice '*
was worth.
The following were the reasons advanced by James for releas-
ing Ralegh from prison, as recorded in tlje " Declaration " : —
" Sir W. Raleigh had so inchanted the world, with his confident
asseueration of that which euery man was willing to beleeue, as
his Maiesties honour was in a manner ingaged, not to deny vnto
his people tlie aduenture and hope of so great Riches, to bee
sought and atchieued, at the charge of Voluntaries, especially . . .
to nouriph and incourage Noble and Generous enterprises," etc. (4).
But James had denied, for nine years, "the aduenture
and hope" here expressed, as Ralegli had made repeated
though unsuccessful applications of a similar kind, com-
mencing in 1607. Apart from this, the King was not the
kind of man to be governed by such sentiment; and the
probability of obtaining a large share of the spoil would
prove a much more powerful factor in inducing him to
sanction Ralegh's scheme.
The "great and hainous offences" which, according to the
"Declaration," rendered Ralegh "vtterly vnwoorthy of his
Maiesties further mercy," consisted of two classes, and com-
prised the following : —
Primary. 1. The pretence of a gold mine in Guiana as a
cloak for other projects.
2. Attacking the Spaniards in their own territory ,
burning and sacking the town of St. Thomas;
and thereby endangering the peace of the
two countries.
3. Intention to capture the Mexico fleet.
RALEGHANA. 427
Secondary, 4. Attempt to abandon his ships and men.
5. Mutiny.
6. Impostures.
7. Attempts to escape.
8. Attempt to bribe the spies.
9. Speaking ill of the King.
10. French Commission.
11. "And the rest."
Of these, the "Secondary" offences could scarcely even
be termed acts of misprision, and yet they form a full third
of the printed work. What the last on the list (" and the
rest ") refers to is unknown.
The first charge in this list refers to the mine project, to
which twenty allusions are made. These deny the existence
of the mine altogether, and declare that Ealegh knew it to
be " imaginarie " (37). Having been spared " from his Execu-
tion" for foui'teen years, he '*fell vpon an Enterprise of a
golden Mine in Guiana," being " recommended to his Maiestie
by Sir Ealph Winwood, then Secretary of State, as a matter
not in the Aire, or speculatiue, but reall, and of certainty,
for that Sir W. Kaleigh had scene of the Oare of the Mine
with his eyes, and tried the richnesse of it" (3). One
assertion in this quotation is misleading. It is stated that
after his long incarceration, Kalegh "fell vpon" his mine
enterprise ; but, as already noted, similar requests made by
him in former years had been disregarded, and no valid
reason could be adduced why he might not have been re-
leased long before 1616, as his statements concerning the
mine were almost identical on each occasion. Winwood having
died on 17 October, 1617, the "Declaration" makes him
tlie scapegoat for his intercession with the King in favour
of Kalegh, whereas his advocacy was scarcely necessary, as
James was swayed by his own personal motives, aided by
the influence of the favourite Buckingham.
The "pretence of the Mine" was advanced by him "to
procure his libertie, and then to make new fortunes for
himself e, casting abroad onely this tale of the Mine as a
lure to get aduenturers and followers, hauing in his eye the
Mexico Fleete, the sacking and spoyle of Townes planted
with Spaniards, the depredation of Ships, and such other
purchase " (26). Eespecting " this golden baite of the Mine "
(27) ; ..." it is true that his Maiesty, in his owne princely
iudgement, gaue no beleefe vnto it; as well, for that his
428 - BALEGHANA.
Majesty was verely perswaded, that in Nature there are no
such Mines of gold entire " (3, 4).
But unless James possessed the gift of prescience (Scottish
second-sight), it is difficult to credit his assertion that he
"gaue no beleefe" to the existence of a mine. A similar
claim for him is made at page 25 in his power of " foreseeing
the future euents." That is to say, he branded Kalegh at the
outset as an impostor, and yet assisted him to carry out his
project, knowing its avowed object, the place he was to visit,
and all the arrangements that had been made for carrying
it out ! Surely an attempt to prove too much. There is no
trace of any such belief recorded in the Royal Commission,
nor of any until the failure of the expedition was known.
It was certainly an afterthought, and was probably one of
Bacon's efforts to screen James from the consequences
attached to the ill-success of Ralegh's voyage. Spedding
maintains that " the failure of the search for the mine was
only the misfortune of the adventurers, and of small concern
to the King, who had built no extravagant hopes upon it "
(352). No other writer attempts to coincide with, or to
corroborate, this assertion ; and it is diametrically opposed
to the opinion of Gardiner, who had studied the character
of James more deeply than Spedding appears to have done
(vide post).
The "Declaration" endeavours to make young Walter
Ralegh a witness against his father, as being " likest to know
his father's secret," by asserting that as he was leading his
soldiers against the town he ** vsed these or the like words,
* Come on, my hearts, here is the Mine that ye miist expect,
they that looke for any other Mine, are fooles"* (34-5).
And is thus alluded to by the Attorney-General at the Privy
Council in August, 1618: "His sonnes speeches to the
soldiers to attend the spoile of S* Thomas, for that was the
mine they sought after." ^ On what authority all this is
based we know not. No author relates any trustworthy
information respecting it, or gives any reference to it; nor
do any of the witnesses. Oldys disbelieved it (497). More-
over, Capt. Parker, who was one of the attacking party, after
rejoining Sir Walter about a month later, sent a letter to
Capt. Alley, dated 22 March, 1617, containing particulars of
the engagement, but he does not allude to young Walter's
speech, which he undoubtedly would have done had it
been delivered, as at the time he was smarting under the
failure of the expedition.* Howell declares, " there is a
> "Camd. Misc.," 10. » Spedding, 420.
BALEGHANA. 429
worthy captain in this town (London), who was a co-adventurer
in that expedition, who, upon the storming of St. Thomas,
heard young Mr. I^leigh encouraging his men with the
speech just quoted " (II, 228).
This was written in 1645, when the author was a prisoner
in the Fleet, twenty-eight years after the occurrence, a
statement unconfirmed during that long interval. That the
speech affirmed in the " Declaration *' to have been made by
young Walter Ealegh is spurious we have the positive
testimony of Capt. Keymis, who was present in the action.
He, in a letter to Sir Walter, dated 8 January, to inform of
his son's death, wrote thus of him: "With the constant
vigour of mind being in the hands of death his last breath
expressed these words: 'Lord have mercy upon me and
prosper your enterprise.' " ^
When James heard of the failure of the mine project, by
which all his hopes of obtaining money from this source
towards the payment of his debts were frustrated, then we
learn for the first time of his asserted belief, or, rather, the
public expression of his belief, in the fraudulent character
of lialegh's proceedings. James received the tidings from
Capt. E. North on 23 May. Then on 11 June the King
issued a Proclamation commencing thus : —
"Whereas We gave Licence to Sir Walter Rawleigh knight and
others of our Subjectes with him to undertake a Voyage to the
Countrey of Guiana, where they pretended great hopes and
probabihties to make discovery of certain Gould Mynes for the
lawful! inrichinge of themselves and these our Kingdomes," etc. *
On 19 June a Council was held, when James spoke at
length of Ealegh's crime, and Buckingham asked, "Was it
not really just to punish those * traitors who, under pretence
of gold mines, . . . and upon other pretexts equally false,
had brought him [the King] to give his consent to the
expedition ? "* On the following day Gondomar, apparently
to ease the King's conscience, attempted, as Buckingham
had already done, to cast the onus of the Commission on
some members of the Council, and added, " that Ealeigh and
bis followers were in England, and had not been hanged,
and that the councillors who had advised the King to
consent to the expedition were still at large."*
All this shows that on an ex-parte statement, and before
1 "Apologie/'SS.
- Rynier'a ''Foedera," XVII, 92. In the "Cal. S. P., James I, Dom.,"
XCVII, 98, the date 9 June is recorded.
» Gardiner, III, 133.
430 RALE6HANA.
Ralegh was examined (it is doubtful whether he had arrived
in England at the time), he was practically condemned. It
reminds one of Lydford Law,
How in the morn they hang and draw,
And sit in judgment after.
One mistake in the "Declaration" is thus commented
upon by Gardiner : ** In starting from the theory that the
mine was a mere figment of Baleigh's imagination, it left out
of sight the fact that he had reason to believe that the mine
existed" (III, 153). What were the foundations for such a
belief on Ralegh's part ? Even the most cursory student of
English history must be well aware that Ralegh made his
first adventurous voyage to South America in 1595, of which,
under the title of "The Discouerie of . . . Gviana," he
published a full account in the following year.^ Naunton
(1563-1635) was well acquainted with him, and describes
him as " an indefatigable Reader, whether by Sea or Land," *
so that we have good reason to believe he was possessed of
ample knowledge of the exploits of Cortez in Mexico in
1522, and of Pizarro in Peru twelve years later. That
visions of El Dorado — " the golden land " — the country from
whence the King of Spain drew his enormous revenues, led
to Ralegh's memorable expedition, is recorded in the Epistle
Dedicatory of his work : " Many yeares since, I had know-
ledge by relatid, of that mighty, rich, and beawtifull Empire
of Guiana, and of that great and Golden Citie. which the
spanyards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa" (iv).
Having first sent Captain Whiddon with an exploring party
in 1594, from which no important results were obtained, he
commenced his own voyage in February, 1595, and returned
to England in the August following. On arriving at Trinidad
he captured and burnt the Spanish settlement of San Joseph,
and took Berreo, the Governor, prisoner, for having ill-treated
some of XJaptaiu Whiddon's men during the previous year.
From there be started on a boat journey up the River
Orinoco (which he entered by the Cano Manamo branch),
and ascended it as far as the large tributary river Caroni
(Caroli), situated about three hundred miles from the mouth
of the former. This was his turning-point, from whence he
^ The full title of this work, together with much information relating to
the existence of gold in Guiana quoted from it and from other sources ;
together witli the information he received of the fabled city and lake of
Manoa, will be found in Aj)pendix A.
^ "Fragmenta Regalia," 31 (1641).
RALEGHANA. 431
returned to his ships by the eastern or Capuri branch.
(His route is marked in the map in Schomburgk's work.)
Near the surface, in the vicinity of the Caroni River, he
discovered much white spar containing gold, specimens of
which he brought away with him (68). He heard of "a
greate siluer mine " (66) ; and Putijma, a lord of Guiana,
informed him of a gold mine in the neighbourhood of the
Iconuri Mountain, and offered to conduct him there, but as
he was unable to leave his men he sent Keymis (93, an error
for 83). No habitation of any kind was to be seen near the
river at the time of Ilalegh's visit, but when he sent Keymis
to that part in the following year the latter found it occupied
by the Spaniards, as thus recorded by him: "Here the
Spaniardes haue seated their Kancheria of some twenty or
thirtie houses. The high rookie Island, that lyeth in the
middest of the Riuer, against the mouth of Caroli is their
Forte or refuge." At the mouth of the river they had placed
*'a secret ambush, to defend the passage to those mines,
from whence your Oare and white stones were taken the
last yeere." ^
Owing to this "remooue" of the Spaniards the expedition
failed in its main object, and had to return, "not without
griefe to see ourselues thus defeated.*'
His " Pilot . . . offered to bring vs either to the myne of
white stones neere Winicapora, or else to a gold myne [which
Putijma had shewed him during the previous voyage], being
but one dayes iourney ouerland, from the place where we
now stayed at an ancor." His Indian showed him how
" they gather the gold in the sand of a small riuer . . . that
springeth . . . from the rockes where this myne is."^ In
October of the same year Kalegh sent, under the command
of Leonard Berrie, " a pinnesse called the Watte " to the
same place, of which an account was written by T. Masham.
In it he alludes to "the lake called Perima, whereupon
Manoa is supposed to stand " ; and also that " great store of
gold " was to be found in Wiana." ^
Throughout the remainder of his life Salegh's mind seems to
liave dwelt continuously upon his voyage to Guiana, and upon
the auriferous rocks he saw, or heard of, there, etc. During his
Tower imprisonment, from 1603 to 1616, he made frequent
applications to be permitted to send another expedition to
that country, and as shown by the few letters that have been
preserved, he held out every possible inducement for his
1 " Hakluyt'8 Voyages (ed. Goldsmid), XV, 69-70 (1890).
2 IhicL, 70-1. » Ibid,, 98-110.
432 RALE6HANA.
suggestions to be adopted. In 1607 he offered, in a letter to
Lord Salisbury, to accompany such an expedition as "a
private man ... the charge of the shipp, . . . the master,
and all other officers" being appointed by others than by
himself ; and added, " if I do but perswade a contrary course
to cast me into the sea." The only stipulation he made was,
" that uppon the land they may be directed by me, or by any
joynt commissioners." He further offered to pay one-third,
or, under certain circumstances, the whole of the cost.^ He
made a similar offer and suggestions in a letter to Viscount
Haddington in 1610 (?), with tliis addition, " when God shall
permit us to arrive, If I bringe them not to a mountaine
(nire a navigable river) covered with gold and silver care,
let the comander have commissione to cut off my head
ther."2 Then in IGll, or the year following, in a communi-
cation to the Lords of the Council, he reminded them of their
** offer to be att the charge to transport Keemish into Guyana";
and if he " faile to bringe into England halfe a tunne .... of
that slate gold ore whereof I gave a sample to my Lord
Knevett," then all the cost to be borne by him; "yett that
your Lonhhipps iimy he satisfied of th^ truth I am conteiiteil
to adventure all I have, but my reputacion, upon Keemishe's
menwi-y.''^ The importance of this letter (of which a full
transcript will be found in Appendix C) cannot be over-
rated. Of it Schomburgk remarks, "We cannot help express-
ing our astonishment that such a strong case for his defence
should have been overlooked by his biographers" (167).
Neither Oldys nor Gardiner notices it; Stebbing (290-1, 318)
draws attention to its value ; but Spedding, although alluding
to it, does not grasp its importance (343-4, 433). It is prob-
able that much correspondence on this subject has been
lost. For example, in his letter of 1611, lUlegh alludes to
his " former " one to the Lords of the Council ; and in the one
to Winwood of 1615 or 1616,* he notes having sent "letters
.... both to his Majestic and to the Treasurer Cecill.'* Of
these the former is unknown, and the latter was apparently
of later date than the one of 1607. Moreover, Sir Joseph
Jekyll, Master of the Ilolls, once possessed in his private
library a MS. volume, described as containing "several letters
wrote by Sir Walter Kaleigh in relation to Guiana, subscribed
by his own hand*'; which have, thus far, not been traced.^
All the correspondence that has been preserved proves
1 E<lwards, II, 389-91. ^ /^^y^^ 392.4.
' Ibid., 337-9. Italics not in original.
* Edwards, II, 339-41. *» Ibid., II, 337.
RALEGHANA. 433
that up to the period of the last dated letter (1611 or 1612)
the mine, and nothing else than the mine was alluded to, or
even hinted at, in any conversation, or in any letter written
by or concerning Ealegh, as to his suggested visit to Guiana
for the second time.
Before proceeding further, it may be as well to complete
the later history of the mining project. After the return of
lialegh a Privy Council meeting was held in August, at
which Ealegh was examined. Among the " Impostures," the
Attorney-General thus accused him : " Hee never intended a
mine. . . . Hee gave no order to seake the mine." To this
lialegh replied, " he intended a mine, and trusted Captain
Kemish, in whom also they confided, to find the mine, and
the foi'ce hee sent was not to invade them of S^- Tliamas, but to
kcape betwene them and the mine, least the Spaniards should
interrupt them in theire search and tvorkJ*^ The portion
shown in italics formed a part of Ralegh's instructions to
Keymis. ( Vide Appendix B.) On this point the evidence
that had been preserved of two witnesses is printed in
Spedding's work (none of Ralegh's replies are known), from
which these entries are transcribed. Each witness was
asked this question : " Whether in his opinion Sir W, Ralegh
did really intend a mine, or did pretend it only to abuse the
State and to draw followers'*
W. Herbert "saith that ... Sir W. Ralegh was verily
persuaded there was a mine, but not of his own sight, but
upon the credit which the said Sir Walter gave to Keymis ;
for that Keymis told this Exam*« that Sir W. Ralegh was
never at the mine."
Captain R. North ** saith that for his part he thinketh that
Sir W. Ralegh did not believe there was any ; and being
asked the grounds of his so conceiving, he saith that it was
partly out of Keymis his speeches and behaviour, who until
such time as the Town was taken, was confident, and made
no doubt in all his speeches of finding the mine." Further,
that "many others were in doubt" as to the existence of a
mine. If "others" could so testify, there is no record of
their examination on this important point (416-19).
It is singular that neither of these persons replied to the
latter part of the question, marked in italics. Captain Parker,
in a letter dated 22 March, 1617-18, makes many severe
reflections on the action of Keymis. All three witnesses
were in the boat expedition.
1 *'Camd. Misc.," 9-12.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 E
434 RALBGHANA.
The examination of the first two took place in September,
but the King had been actively engaged in his investigations
nearly two months earlier, for on 22 June (about the time
of Ralegh's return), according to Gardiner, " James told him
(Gondomar) that he had been for two hours examining
witnesses who had been inclined to lay the blame on Keymis,
but that he had told them that lialeigh was responsible for
all that had been done, as Keymis had acted under his
orders" (III, 133). But he did not tell him that Keymis had
acted contrary to Ealegh's instructions.
To his dying hour Ralegh never faltered in his great
belief in the existence of a gold mine in Guiana ; a belief
that was fully shared by Keymis. It was based on his
personal examination of the district; on the specimens of
gold ore which he had gathered near the mouth of the
Caroni River; on the reports of the inhabitants; on the
testimony of Keymis, and on the information he had obtained
from Berreo. He had, therefore, good grounds for feeling
convinced he would be able to enrich his country, his
companions, and himself.
He made this entry in his second testamentary note:
" My true intent was to goe to a Mine of Gold in Guiana.
Itt was not fained, but is true that such a Mine there is,
within three miles of St. Tome '* ^ ; followed up by these words
on the scafifold : " I protest it was my full intent, and for
gold, for gold for the benefit of his Majesty, and my selfe,
and of those that ventured, and went with me, with the rest
of my countreymen : But he that knew the head of the myne
would not discover it, when he saw my Sonne was slaine, but
made away himselfe." ^ Finally the Caroni gold mine where
Ralegh picked up his specimens has been identified by Dr.
C. Le Neve Foster in modern days, and been described by
him. ( Vide Appendix A.)
The circumstances under which he was released from the
Tower, and the preparations for his voyage, hindered as they
were by Gondomar, have already been related. The fleet
sailed from the Thames about the commencement of April,
1617, and after considerable delays finally left Cork on 19
August. Before tracing its subsequent history it is neces-
sary to draw attention to some important circumstances,
which belong to the period before Ralegh left the Thames.
I. The first is thus advanced by Spedding : —
*' If Ralegh himself had been asked . . . what he would do if
1 Edwards, II, 496. « "Arraignment,'* 32.
RALE6HAKA. 485
when he came to the mine he found a Spanish settlement pre-
pared to resist him, what answer could he have given ? . . . And
it is possible that some such questions were put to him before he
went" (346).
Had such inquiries been made they would assuredly have
beeu noticed in the *' Declaration." That they were never
asked is certain; and it is equally certain they ought to
have been. In his " Apologie " Ralegh remarks : —
" If the Ambassadour had protested to his Majesty that my going
to Guiana before I went would be a breach of the peace, I am
perswaded that his Majesty if he had not bin resolved that Guiana
had been his would have stayed me " (53).
According to Gardiner, James " told Sarmiento [Gondo-
mar] that if he stopped the expedition now, the whole
nation would cry out against him." And in a foot-note,
*' That James was influenced by popular clamour is plainly
stated in the King s * Declaration,' and receives full confirma-
tion from Sarmiento's despatches" (III, 56).
Here is the paragraph in the " Declaration " referred to : —
'* Sir W. Raleigh had so inchanted the world, with his confident
asseueration of that which euery man was willing to beleeue, as
his Maiesties honour was in a manner ingaged, not to deny vnto
his people the aduenture and hope of so great Riches, to bee
sought and atchieued," etc. (4).
When did James ever yield to public clamour ? Did he
do so with respect to the subject of the Spanish marriage ?
Of this Hallam remarked, " If the king had not systematic-
ally disregarded the public wishes, he could never have set
his heart on this impolitic match" (I, 355). Again, "James
little heeded the popular voice" (I, 299.) There is ample
reason to believe that he made no such attempt, and, more-
over, had no desire to prevent Kal^h from proceeding on
his voyage, and that in so doing he was influenced solely by
mercenary motives. That he could have stopped the ex-
pedition, and would have done so, on being " told . . . that
euery one of the principals that were in the voyage, had
put in security one for another, which if his Maiestie had
knowen in tivxCy hee would neicer haue accepted of^' is afiirmed
in the "Declaration" (26). Of this James was informed
before the fleet sailed : the words are " till they were vpon
their parting," and confirm the statement that he had no
intention of yielding to Gondomar's urgent wish to stop
the expedition. Had Ralegh been successful in bis quest
2s2
436 RALEGHANA.
for gold, James would have been independent of Spain with
respect to the payment of his debts.
II. James was fully aware from many sources of informa-
tion (especially from Gondomar) of the mine on the Orinoco,
and of the Spanish settlement there. Both he and the
Council must have been well acquainted with the " Discoverie
of Guiana" ; with Keymis's voyage in 1596 ; and with Bal^h's
letters on the subject, of 1607, 1610, and 1611 (the last-
named, printed in Appendix C, mentions " St. Thome, where
the Spaniards inhabite.") ^ Oldys points out that the King
" knew where Kalegh was going, and no where declines his
knowledge that the Spaniards were settled there " (479-80).
Ealegh owned that though he had informed James of his
intention to land in Guiana, he had not acquainted him that
the Spaniards had any footing there (letter to Lord Carew
in Edwards, II, 375-6). But he had already given him full
information on the objects, etc., of the expedition. Writing
from St. Christopher's to Winwood on 21 March, 1618 (he
was unaware of Win wood's death on 27 October, 1617), he
states : —
" It pleased his Majestie to value us at so little, as to commaund
me, upon my allegeance, to sett downe under my hand the countrey,
and the very river by which I was to enter it ; to set down the
number of my men, and burden of my ships ; with what ordnance
every ship caryed which being made knowne to the Spanish
ambassador, and by him, in post, sent to the King of Spain, a
despatch was made by him and his letters sent from Madrill,
before my departure out of the Thames ; for his first letter, sent
by a bark of advice, was dated the 19th of March, 1617, at
Madrill; which letter I have here enclosed sent your Honour." ^
A list and survey of Ealegh's ships "taken by certaine
Gentlemen appointed thereunto by the Eight Honourable
Charles Earle of Nottingham, Lord high Admirall of England,
the 15th of March 1616-17," first printed in "Newes of Sir
Walter Eauleigh" (1618), is quoted in full in Schomburgk's
work, 171-2.
Caiiew informed Howell that James had promised " upon
the word of a king to keep it secret " (II, 229). After reading
the foregoing account it is difficult to agree with Gardiner
that " there was nothing in the papers placed in Gondomar's
hands which was not perfectly known to him already " ;
1 Cf. Stebbing, 338 ; Schomburgk, 167.
2 Kd wards, fl, 353-4, where three others are described ; referred to in
Keyniis^s letter to Ralegh of S January, 1(517-18 ; and in the latter'a ** Aiwlogie,'*
34, 41 ; also in letter to Lady Kalegh on 22 March, 1618, Edwards, II, 362.
RALEGHANA. 437
yet the Spanish Ambassador affirmed he was ignorant of
the destination of the expedition, and professed to be unaware
of it until after it had left the Thames three months;
whereas Ralegh "had been reiterating for the last twelve
months" that it was bound for a mine on the Orinoco
(III, 56-7). Gondomar's ignorance was certainly diplomatic,^
as he knew from the very commencement of everything
relating to Kalegh, and his intended voyage, and made it his
especial business to obtain as much information about him
as possible, which was duly forwarded to Spain. The phrase
" no reliance can be placed on his mere word," applied by
Gardiner to Ralegh, was certainly more strictly applicable to
Gondomar. While some authorities deem these proceedings
of James and of Gondomar to have been acts of treachery,
they are not so considered by Gardiner, Spedding, and
Macvey Napier. It need scarcely be said that the
"Declaration" does not allude to the matter. Oldys tersely
sums up the King's action thus : " If James knew, and it is
certain that he did know, of the place where Ralegh was to
work a mine ; also that he affirmed he knew it belonged to
the Spaniards, then he issued a commission to plunder
the territories of a King with whom he was at peace"
(547).
III. The " Declaration " records Ralegh's expressed promise
and intention solely to visit the Guiana gold mines; and
that he "neuer meant or would commit any outrages, or
spoils vpon the King of Spaines subiects " (6, 7). And when
he called at Lancerato, on his way, he informed the Governor
there he "had no purpose to invade any of the Spanish
Kings territories having received from the King . . .
express commandment to the contrary." * Ralegh expressed
no desire to depart from this promise;^ at .the same time it
must be remembered, as the result of his first voyage there
in 1595, he claimed to have taken possession of it for
England.
"The countrey is already discouered, many nations won to her
Maiesties loue & obediece, Si those Spaniards which haue latest
and longest labored about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged
and disgraced, which among these nations were thought to bo
inuincible." *
1 Cf. ••Apologie,"49.
2 Ralegh's ''Journal of his Voyage," in Cottoa MSS., Titus, bk. viii.
fol. 153. Quoted by Schomburgk, 180.
3 Cf. **Apologie,»*49.
* "Disc, of Guiana," 93.
438 RAI.EQHANA.
A letter from him to Lord Carew of 21 June, 1618,
contains this statement : —
'* That Guiana he Spanish territory can never he acknowledged,
for I myself took possession of it for the Queen of England, by
virtue of a cession of all the native chiefs of the country. His
Majesty knows this to he true, as is proved hy the conoeasion
granted hy him under the great seal of England to Harcourt." ^
Again, in his " Apologie " we find the following : —
" These parts hordering the Eiver Orrenoque, and to the South
as farre as the Amazones doth hy the Law of Nations belong to
the Crowne of England, as his Majestie was well resolved when I
prepared to goe thither, otherwise his Majesty would not have
given once leave to have landed there." *
" The Guianians before their planting, they did willingly resigne
all that territory to her Majesty, who by me promised to receiye
them, and defend them against the Spaniards ; and though I were
a Prisoner for this last Fourteene years, yet I was at the charge
every yeare, or every second yeare, to send unto them to keepe
them in hope of being relieved " (52).
And in the report of Keymis, after his voyage in 1596, he
remarks : " It hath pleased God of his infinite goodnesse, in
his will and purpose to appoint and reserve this empire for
vs."^ Then in 1604 Charles Leigh sailed to Guiana, " where
he had beene in a former voyage," and took possession of the
country on the day he landed, " For the prosecuting of this
voyage, in such sort as that we be not preuented by the
Spaniard nor any other nation." * He died in 1605, and in
1609 Robert Harcourt succeeded him, his commission under
the great seal bearing date 13 February, 1609, by which he
was granted **all that parte of Guiana or continente of
America lyinge betweene the Eyver of Amazones and the
Ey ver of Dessequebe (Essequibo).'* ^
In the account of his voyage he mentions that if "the
Spaniards disturb our plantation and endanger the lives of
those that shall make the first settlement there," which in
the writer's opinion could only be effected " by a preparation
out of Spain itself " ; then such attempt is to be frustrated
either by a fort, or by " setting ourselves above two or three
* Quoted by M. Hume, 387, from MS.
' 49. Rei)€ated in his letter to Lord Carew printed in Edwards' work,
II. 376.
» Hakluyt's "Voyages," XV, 98 (1890).
* Purchas. "Pilgrims," IV, 1259-64.
» "S. P. James, Dom.," LXXIV, 198. Copy of grant of 1609, tranjcribed
in that of 1618.
RALEGHANA. 439
of the overfalls of the rivers " (175). Full power is granted
in the above commission for the erection of "forts," etc,
against all intruders.
At page 196 he gives particulars of the manner in which
he took possession "of a part, in the name of the whole
continent of Guiana, lying betwixt the rivers of Amazones
and Oroonoko, not being actually possessed and inhabited by
any other Christian Prince or state." The claim advanced
in the last paragraph quoted is remarkable, as it includes all
the territory between the rivers Amazon and Orinoco,
whereas the commission limits it eastward by the boundary
of the Essequibo River, which discharges itself into the sea
far to the south of the latter one.
Up to this period Spain seems to have offered no impedi-
ment to foreigners to visit or even to colonize those parts of
South America which had been claimed by it since the
Pope had conferred it upon that country in 1493 ; but with
the advent of Gondomar as the Spanish Ambassador in
1613 all this was changed, so far as England was concerned.
In 1619 James granted letters patent under the great seal
to Eoger North (one of Ralegh's old captains) to enable him
**to establish the King's right to the coast and country
adjoining the Amazon river," apparently the same portion as
that which had been occupied by Harcourt. This met with
the "determined opposition of Gondomar," who, beyond
delaying the expedition from starting, was not successful,
as North, apart from "a message of encouragement from the
King," had " obtained from Buckingham one of the passports
which as lord high admiral it was his privilege to seir*;
and he sailed from Plymouth in May, 1620. But before the
end of the month, the King issued a proclamation against
him, and on returning he was imprisoned, and his ship and
its contents were confiscated. Gondomar "assailed the
King with bitter remonstrance," and James laid the
blame on Buckingham.^ In 1626 or 1627 Gondomar again
opposed North, but on this occasion he was unsuccessful,
when North transported to Guiana "a hundred English
settlers." 2
Gondomar's action in claiming Guiana (and, in fact, the
whole of the South American continent) was in striking
contrast to the wavering conduct of the King throughout
the proceedings with North. The former "spared neither
solicitation nor importunitie to stop y* voyc^e, insomuch as
1 «* D. N. B.," iuh ** North, Roger."
> " D. N. B.," iub «* Harcourt, Robert."
440 RALEGHANA.
he came to y® Counsel Table ^ for this only busines, and did
there boldly and confidently aflfirme that his Master had y«
actuall and present possession of these countries, but he
would not hear our witnesse to y® contrary." ^ But like
weak persons, James could insist at times on having liis own
way, despite either the cajolery or the bullying of the
Spanish Ambassador, as in the instances of Kalegh's expedi-
tion, and of his sanction to North's application in 1626—7.
To the end of Elizabeth's reign, the claim of Spain to the
exclusive possession of the South American continent was
disregarded by Englishmen, who refused to accept the pro-
visions of the Papal Bull of 1493, by which "the Pope as
Vicar of Christ was held to have authority to dispose of
lands inhabited by the heathen."^ They believed them-
selves to have as much right to territory there as had the
King of Spain. In taking possession of Guiana in 1595
Ealegh "could not comprehend by what right they (the
Spaniards) claimed monopoly of its sovereignty for theni-
.selves against the rest of Europe." *
Oldys was of opinion that the King "waived his right to
Guiana, at least till Balegh was put to death (for then he
assumed it a^ain, by the power he gave to another expedi-
tion [North's] to those parts, however irresolutely, according
to custom, he revoked it) " (546-7).
The forcible remark of Stebbing that "Unless the King's
title to Guiana were clear, his [Kalegh's] entrance for any
purpose could not have been sanctioned" (351) is patent
enough. If that country belonged to Spain, clearly Ealegh
had no right to visit it for mining purposes without the
knowledge and sanction of the Spanish King ; whereas if it
did not, and as Ralegh claimed it was English territory,
then he had full liberty with the permission of James to
enter that country for the purpose named.
The onus and responsibility of Ralegh's voyage rested
entirely on the head of James, who could have stopped the
'expedition had he cared to do so, and as he ought to have
done.
After the destruction of St. Thomas was known, Gondo-
mar was the more determined to effect Ralegh's condemna-
tion, in which he met with complete success; partly by
^ Gondomar was a member of the Privy Council. The very thought of
such a tiling being possible would havo made Queen Elizabeth's blood boil.
« **D. N. B.," sub "North, Roger."
» Creighton, ** Annals of the Papacy," IV, 196.
* Stebbing, 110.
RALKGHANA. 441
acting on the fears of the vacillating King in threatening a
war with Spain unless the outrage was severely punished,
and partly by working on his cupidity with respect to the
projected Spanish marriage. In this manner, notes M. Hume,
•' the Spaniards had gained their point; the King of England
had admitted that all South America was sacred to them "
(419). The same author attributes the sacrifice of Ralegh
not to any injuries he may have committed in Guiana, " but
to serve as an object lesson to England that all South
America, at least, belonged to Spain*' (xi, xii). Probably
enough this was Gondomar's idea. It is, however, singular
that the asserted right of Spain to Guiana was so far ignored
by the King and Council as to receive no mention in the
"Declaration," or in the patent under which Kalegh was
authorized "to vndertake a voyage by Sea and shipping,
vnto the South parts of America, or elswhere within
America " (9). Moreover, even in directing the execution of
lialegh, all reference to the Spanish claim was carefully
avoided. This is clearly shown in the following quotation
from the earliest separate biography of Sir Walter, by
J. Shirley, published in 1677 :—
" King James was willing to sacrifice the Life of Sir Walter to
the Advancement of Peace with Spain, but not upon such
Grounds as the Ambassadour had design'd : for he desir'd a
Judgment upon the pretended Breach of Peace, that by this
Occasion he might slily gain from the English an Acknowledgment
of his Master's Eight in those Places, and hereafter both stop
their Mouthes, and quench their Heat and Valour. Hence upon
his old Condemnation ... he was sentenced** (216-17).
Doubt as to the validity of the Spanish claim is even
noted by Gardiner : —
" It was, indeed, difficult to say where the lands of the king of
Spain began or ended, but James left the burden of proving this
to Raleigh." ^ The King "left the whole responsibility to Ralegh, who
was given to understand that, if he meddled with any part of the
king of Spain's dominions, he would answer for it with his head.
Since it was precisely the extent of those dominions that was in
dispute, this practically meant that if Ralegh brought back the
assurance of large quantities of gold for James, the site of the
mine would be held at Whitehall to be outside the limits of
Spanish territory." ^
In his great work on the history of England, Gardiner
scarcely alludes to this matter. In that of 1892, he intro-
» "Stud. Hist of Eng.," 489. ' " **Camb. Mod. Hiat," 562.
442 RAL1BGHAKA.
duces it without any undue prominence; bnt in Uie third
above quoted be is remarkably emphatic on the probable
action of the King, that had Ealegh been successful in his
quest, he, James, would have claimed the territory for
England. This volume of 1904 contains some of Gardiner's
latest writings, and is noteworthy for his criticisms of
Balegh being more just than in his earliest work. In it he
changed the name of " Raleigh " to " Ralegh."
IV. According to the ** Declaration," Gondomar offered
" That if Sir Walter Raleigh would goe with one or two ships onelj
to seeke the said Mine, that hee would mooue the King of Spaine
to send two or three ships with him backe againe for his safe
conuoy hither with all his gold; And the said Ambassadours
person to remaine here in pledge for the King his Master his
performance thereof. But such were the constant faire offers
of the saide Sir Walter Raleigh, and specious promises, as his
Maiestie in the end reiected the importunate Suit of the said
Spanish Ambassadour for his stay, and resolued to let him goe"
(6, 7).
This offer Ralegh did not accept.
" What reason [he remarked] had I to goo unarmed npon the
Ambassadours promises, whose words and thoughts that they were
one, it hath wel appeared since then, as well by the forces which
he perswaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me, and
cut me off there ; as by his persecuting of me since my returne." ^
"James . . . knew perfectly well that the Spaniards
would fall upon Raleigh wherever they could find him,"
declares Gardiner (III, 55), and this was certainly the
prevailing opinion; e.g. Lord Carew, writing to Sir T. Roe
on 18 January, 1617, in alluding to Ralegh having set sail
for South America, notes, "The Spaniards will lie in wait
for him, but he will have a good fleet of 500 men, and fears
nothing.*' 2
The following testimony recorded by M. Hume is sufiBcient
to prove the bitter feeling of the Spaniards against Ralegh.
In a letter from Gondomar to the King of Spain, he writes : —
" Pray send the fleet to punish this pirate. Every man caught
should at once be killed, except Ralegh and the officers, who
should be brought to Seville, and executed in the Plaza the next
day. It is the only way to treat such pirates and disturbers " (333).
* **Apologie," 51.
« " Cal. 8. P., James I, Dom.," XC, 24.
RALIGHANA. 443
It is fairly evident that if Ealegh had accepted Gondomar's
offer, some little difficulty would have arisen to prevent his
return.
We now continue the subsequent history of Ralegh's
voyage. The "Orders" issued to the officers, and dated
Plymouth, 3 May, 1617, have often, remarks Gardiner, " been
quoted as a model of forethought and perspicuity. They
show his anxiety not to fight unless attacked by the
Spaniards, at least till he reached the Orinoco** (III, 113).
Was there any reason for inserting the innuendo marked in
italics? The "Orders" are printed at length in "Works,"
VIII, 682-8 (1829). He arrived off the coast of Guiana
in November, and the boat journey started on 10 December,
under the command of Keymis, to whom Ealegh had given
special instructions what course to pursue on arriving in the
vicinity of the mine, and are so brief and concise as to
suggest they were inserted in his work in abstract foim
only. Attention is now drawn to these passages in it: —
" If you find it [the mine] Royall, and the Spaniards begin to
Warre upon you, then let the Serjeant Major repell them, if it
be in his power, and drive them as far as he can. . . . If . . .
without manifest Perill . . . you cannot pass toward the Myne,
then be well advised how you land. ... I would not for all
the world receive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of
our Nation" ("Apologia," 27-8).
Gardiner asserts that Ealegh
" Had sent his men up the Orinoco without any instructions which
might lead them to suppose that he thought the fulfilment of his
promise worth a moment's consideration" (III, 141),
Surely, on all the known evidence, Gardiner was not
warranted in making such a reflection on Ealegh; and it
is hardly a matter of wonder that in 1892 he softened the
accusation in this modified paragraph : " Ealeigh . . . sent
his men up the river, without distinct orders to avoid
fighting."!
Although he regarded the Spaniards as the enemies of his
country, Ilalegh endeavoured to avoid any conflict with
them during his real, as also in his projected, voyages to
Guiana. In his letter of 1607 he wrote: "We will only
trade with the Indiens, and see none of that [Spanish]
nation— except they assail us."* And in that of 1611 he
' ''Stud. Hist of Eng.,'' 489. « Edwards, II, 89U
444 RALEGHANA.
stated he did not desire '* to begiune any quarrell with them
[the Spaniards], except themselves shall beginne the warra"^
Tlie boats under the command of Keymis continued their
journey up the river for twenty-three days. What followed
is thus related by Ralegh : —
"They agreed to land and encamp between the Mine and the
Towne, which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was,
and meaning to rest themselves on the Rivers side till the next
day, they were in the night set upon and charged by the Spaniards,
which being unlooked-for, the Common sort of them were so
amazed, as had not the Captaines and some other valiant Gentle-
men made a head and encouraged the rest, they had all been
broken and cut to pieces." ^
This account, according to Edwards,
"of the treachery which ensured a conflict with the Spaniards
before any attempt could be made upon the Mine is fully and
expressly confirmed by the Spanish historian, Pedro Simon'*
(I, 620).
The evidence of various witnesses testifies to the Spaniards
having first attacked Keymis's party. Of those who gave
their testimony before the Privy Council, W. Herbert " saith
that the Spaniards did first assaile them in the night time,
when they were within less than half a mile of the Town."
Capt. R. North declared "the first shot upon them that
lauded was from the wood at eleven o'clock at Night." And
the Rev. S. Jones who accompanied the expedition in the
" Chudleigh," stated : ** Our men, ready to repose themselves
for that night, were assaulted by the Spaniards from the
skirt of a wood, in pursuit of whom they were brought to
the town almost before themselves knew of it."^
It must be borne in mind that the recorded evidence as
to the Spaniards being the original transgressors, as well as
on other points relating to the expedition, was generally in
favour of lialegh's account of what took place. "Those
who gave it," notes Gardiner, "were, for the most part,
angry and disappointed men " (III, 142). Had their state-
ments been adverse to him, it is certain they would have
occupied a prominent position in the " Declaration.'*
According to Spedding, '* the soldiers landed ; found them-
selves in the neighbourhood of an armed force ; attacked or
were attacked (for accounts differ as to the first blow) . . ."*
1 Edwards, 338. '^ •*Ai)ologie," 29-80.
. » Spedding, 417, 419, 423. * IbicLt 362.
RALEGHANA. 445
He does not give any authority for the latter part of this
assertion, nor has the writer discovered any clue to it, ex-
cepting in a letter of Captain Parker dated 22 March, 1617,
which describes the assaults on the town, but does not state
which side commenced the attack. Moreover, it is in direct
opposition to all the known evidence.
The importance of the point as to which side commenced
the attack is thus remarked on by Stebbing : —
"The whole question of the guilt or innocence of Kalegh on
James's reading of international law, is narrowed to the minute
issue whether the Spaniards or the Englishmen on the particular
scene of the light were the aggressors " (354).
The comments of Gardiner upon it are extremely unsatis-
factory. He asserts : —
" The charge against the Spaniards of having rushed upon the
English when quietly resting on the bank was, no doubt, an after-
thought. The English were preparing to attack, but the Spaniards
actually struck the first blow, ... It must be remembered that
Raleigh had every motive to falsify the narrative, so as to make it
appear that his men were not the aggressors" (III, 122-3. Italics
not in original).
In this account does not Gardiner himself attempt "to
falsify " the matter by relying on the statement of a Spanish
historian, and ignoring the direct evidence of independent
English witnesses, of whom some were present at the attack?
His remarks might raise some doubt if his description had
been made on the sole authority of Ralegh.
Spedding descends to gross misrepresentation, in asserting
that Ralegh " sent his men up the river with instructions to
fight any Spanish force which they could be sure of defeat-
ing" (350); the Spaniards "having ofiTered no provocation
whatever except an attitude of self-defence " (372). Further,
he affirms the instructions to Keymis were " in themselves
a breach of his Commission" {vide Index, sub "Sir W.
Raleigh").
Edwards regards them as "stringent instructions" to the
leaders to "do their best to reach the Mine without any
conflict with the Spaniards" (I, 616).
When the King sanctioned Ralegh's project, both were
fully aware of the Spaniards being in the vicinity of the
mine, who would assuredly attempt to hinder any of the
English from reaching it. Owing to the limitations to
Ralegh's action being, through Gondomar, imposed upon
him by James, Ralegh became conscious of the difficult task
446 BALEGHANA.
he had entered upon. Both sides were cognizant that a
conflict with the Spaniards was almost inevitable : a conflict
that Gondomar did all in his power to provoke. He took
steps to have an adequate number of troops sent to St.
Thomas, where a near relative (some state his brother) was
Governor; and he prepared to meet Ealegh there, who he
intended ** should be drawn into a conflict which would
afiford a pretext for the Spaniards to claim the fulfilment
of the King's promise."^ On arriving at liis destination,
Ralegh found "the Spaniards were planted all along the
river." 2 Ralegh's letter to Lord Carew* points out some
of his doubts as to his plan of action, but whatever may
have passed through his mind beforehand, his actual in-
structions to Keymis were "stringent" enough, so as to
avoid as far as possible any contest with the Spaniards.
"Common sense," states Gardiner, "should have warned
Keymis to pass the town on the further side of the river,
and to take up a defensive position near the mine" (III,
121-2). "Presumably, if Ralegh's expedition had landed
at any other place than in the neighbourhood of San Thome,
even King James must have held him guiltless," is M. Hume's
opinion (392). But neither of these plans would have
obviated the necessity of driving the Spaniards from the
approach to the mine, access to which was through a wood
near the town.
In the severe fight which followed, young Walter Ralegh
was killed, and it is not surprising that the excited troops
pursued the Spaniards into the adjacent town of St. Thomas,
and set it on fire, the destruction being completed some
days later. This action proved the principal gravamen of
the treason charge against Ralegh, which, according to the
"Declaration," consisted in "the sacking and spoyle of
Townes planted with Spaniards"; as though, in imitation
of Drake, Ralegh had attacked important towns, etc., brought
away large quantities of plunder, and lowered the prestige
of Spain. Whereas his leading captain had ascended a
river for nearly 300 miles, and had burnt an insignificaat
and slightly-built Spanish town,* because the garrison had
J M. Hume, 883-4.
a " Cal. S. P., James I, Dom.," XCVI. 10. » Edwards, II, 375 et seq.
* *' In his *Apologie,* Ralegh calls it *a village,* and *a wooden Towne*
(29, 52) ; and describes it in his letter to Lord Carew as 'a towne of staks,
covered with leaves of trees* (Edwards II, 375). Gardiner terms it *«
cluster of huts' (III, 121); and this agrees with the name 'Rancheria*
given it by Keymis (Hakluyt, XV, 69). That a collection of such lightly
constructed dwellings would be rapidly destroyed by fire is certain."
RALEQHANA. 447
"laid an ambush for his men, to hinder their access to a
district which his Sovereign had commissioned him to enter,
and were soundly beaten for their hostility."^
Although the "Declaration" is asserted to be "not founded
vpon coniectures or likelyhoods, but either vpon confession
of the partie himselfe, or vpon the examination of diuers
vnsuspected witnesses" (66), it could not ignore the fact
of the witnesses having testified to the Spaniards having
been the aggressors, but had to own it, although in a very
specious manner, thus: ** It was Uowne abroad, that the
assault of St. Thome was inforced by a kinde c»f necessity,
for that our Troupes were first assailed " (30). That is to
say, it treats the testimony of those who were present as
an idle rumour, and then follows the assertion : —
"It appeareth manifestly, both by his speech at London, of a
Towne indefinitely, and by this his speech earely in his voyage at
Sea of St. Thome by name, that it was an originall designe of his
from the beginning " (30).
The only known basis for this statement will be found in
the examination of Captain North ; one example of the idle
gossip that took place in the fleet, and on which some of the
serious charges against Balegh were made. Captain North
said he
" Heard Sir W. Ralegh say before he went from London, that he
knew a place where they might make a saving voyage in tobacco ;
and that he had heard him also say as they were in the voyage,
that if [wc] they could surprise the Town in the river Orenoque,
they might be sure of forty thousand pounds weight or worth of
tobacco." ^
In the endeavour to make the case stronger against him
must be reckoned the next quotation from the "Declaration."
While on the voyage, when in conversation with his ofificers,
"Most falsly and scandalously, hee [Ralegh] doubted not with
confidence to affirme that he had oroer by word of mouth from
the King and his Councell, to take the Town, if it were any
hinderance to the digging of the Mine " (34).
This seems to be a paraphrase of two charges of the
Attorney-General : —
" Sir Walter's company assaile it [St Thomas], and by direction
from Sir Walter Ralegh.
1 Stebbing, 357.
^ Spedding, 418. It must be borae in mind tliat private trading in
tobacco as in other goods was not prevented in Ralegh's Commission,
448 BALEGHANA.
Hee Bignified to his companie that hee had a commission to doe
what he did."i
Of this Gardiner declares : " This stands on the authority
of the Declaration, upon which I am ready to accept it"
(III, 120. He adds that Ealegh uttered the words with
" unblushing efifrontery ").
A serious charge like this (as well as the one respecting
the speech asserted to have been made by young Ralegh just
before he died) would, if substantiated, have proved strong
evidence against Ralegh; but, on the contrary, there is a total
absence of any corroborative testimony, and even of prob-
ability, to support it. The more the "Declaration" is
examined, the less trustworthy it is found to be. It can
record the names of witnesses in unimportant points, but in
a serious allegation such as this is no names or other references
are noted. The writer therefore dissents from Gardiner as
to the truthful character of this passage in the King's Mani-
festo, which should be placed among what Stebbing has
aptly termed " unproved assumptions " (337).
Keymis remained for some days in the neighbourhood of
St. Thomas in making a fruitless search for the mine. The
cause of his non-success has been accounted for in many
ways.^ There can, however, be little doubt that the death
of young Ralegh, the loss of so many of his soldiers (Steb-
bing says 250), and the numerous difficulties he had en-
countered, affected him greatly ; so seriously, in fact, that on
being reproached by Ralegh soon after he had rejoined him
near the mouth of the Orinoco River, he committed suicide.
Amongst the many pieces of gossip that were disseminated
after, and in consequence of the death of Keymis, the
following extract from " The Life of James I," by A. Wilson,
published in 1653, will be found interesting. (The author
was oet. 23 at the time of Ralegh's beheadal.) Ralegh
" Was no sooner in the Tower, but all his Transactions in this
business are put to the Rack, and tenter'd by his Adversaries.
They say he knew of no Mine, nor did Kemish know that the
Mine ho aimed at was Gold ; but Kemish bringing him a piece of
Ore into the Tower, he fobb'd a piece of Gold into it in dissolving,
making the poor man beleeve the Ore was right, that by these
golden degrees, he might ascend to Libertie, promising the King
to fetch it where never Spaniard had been. But when Kemish
' "Camd. Misc.," 10.
* The **Apologie," 31-7, contains nmch information on this subject, as
also does a letter from Ralegh to Lord Carevv, printed for the first time in
M. Hume's work (383-8).
BALEGHANA. 449
found by better (bitter 1) experience he was couzen'd by Rawleigh,
he came back from the Mine : and Rawleigh knowing that none
but Kemish could accuse him, made him away. This Vizard was
put upon the face of the Action, and all the weight of the Mis-
carriage was layd upon Rawleighs shoulders" (116).^
In his letter of 1611 (vide Appendix C) Ealegh pointed out
the difficulties of localizing a spot after the absence of some
years. - Upon this particular subject no one has thrown so
much light as Gardiner, who states, " it is curious that none
of Kaleigh's biographers have seen the importance of fixing the
locality of the mine" (III, 44). No town existed at or near
the mouth of the Caroni River when Ealegh visited the
vicinity in 1595, but before Keymis went there in the
following year, Berreo had erected the town of St. Thomas ;
Kalegh therefore had reason to believe
"That no Spanish settlement would be reached at any point
lower than the mouth of the Caroni, and as the mine which had
been pointed out to Keymis was situated some miles before the
junction of the rivers was reached, he had no difficulty in coming
to the conclusion that it would be possible to reach the spot with-
out a conflict with the Spaniards " (III, 43).
An excellent sketch map * (vide facsimile) with a description
in Gardiner's work, fully explains the changed position of the
town, and the altered relative one of the mine, which
evidently added so greatly to Keymis's failure. Ealegh
instructed Keymis " to passe to the Westwards of the moun-
taine Aio,* from whence you have no lesse than three miles
to the Myne, and to lodge and encampe between the Spanish
towne and you."^ But between the visits of 1596 and of
1617 a great change had taken place, as between those
dates the town had been shifted to the east side of the Aio
Mountain, of which fact neither Ealegh nor Keymis was
aware when they sailed from England in 1617. "The whole
of the evidence upon Ealegh's voyage," remarks Gardiner,
"is unintelligible unless it is admitted that he knew nothing
of the change of site" when he left England on his last
voyage (III, 45). On the assumption that Ealegh was
^ The account of Ralegh's return to England, and what followed it, will
be found in "Trans. D. A.," XXXVII, 287 et. seq,
^ Cf. the evidence of R. Mering in Spedding's work, 416.
' "With the kind permission of Messrs. Longmans, Green, k Co.
* Sped(iing, 349, quoting from a volume of 1702, has the phrase, ** to the
westwai-d of the mountains," which gives a different meaning to the text.
The Aio Mountain, according to Schomburgk*s map, would, in a straight
line, be about twenty-five miles from the month of the Caroni River.
« *'Apologie,"26-7.
VOL. XXXVIIL 2 F
450
RALEGHANA.
aware of the altered position of the town, and that James
was not, Spedding appears to get somewhat confused.^
There is, however, good reason to believe in these positions
being reversed, and that the King was fully acquainted from
time to time of everything relating to Ealegh and to his
expedition, including the altered site of the town, of which
Bdegh had no knowledge. Instead of attempting to explain
the idtered site of the town, the framers of the ** Declaration,"
to whom the fact must have been well known, concealed
their knowledge in this curious paragraph : *' This Mine was
not onely imaginary, but moueable, for that which was
directed to bee 3 miles short of Saint Thomd, was after
sought 30 miles beyond S. Thom^" (35). Gardiner notes:
'* It was the town that was movable, not the Mine." * He
further notes that the site of the mine "which had been
pointed out to Keymis in 1595 by the Indian guide" was
adjacent to the new town in the vicinity of Mont Aio, some
1 Cf. p. 430 with p. 434.
^ III, 46. Thia author's work contains a mass of information on thia
point at pp. 44-6.
RALEGHANA. 451
miles from " the mouth of the Caroni where Ealeigh picked
up his specimens" (III, 44).
A few words are necessary as to the pillage or " sack " of
the town by Keymis's soldiers. " They collected some spoil
estimated as worth 40,000 reals ( = 2Jd. each = c. £420)."
Partly it consisted of church ornaments, and a couple of
gold ingots reserved for the King of Spain's royalty, but
chiefly of tobacco."^ This hardly tallies with the report
made by Gondomar to Philip III : " Ealeigh ... has brought
back with him enough wealth to make him and his supporters
rich." 2 Although James promised in the ** Declaration" to
** send him [Ilalegh] . . . bound hand and foot into Spaine,
and all the gold and goods he should obteine by Eobberie,
and bring home, were they neuer se great" (5), yet very little
was given up, some compensation for tobacco being all that
is recorded.
Ealegh strenuously denied having directed or authorized
the burning of the town. **I shall be content to suffer
death," he remarks, " if I had any part or knowledge what-
ever of the burning or sacking."* In his letter to the
King he affirms he could " finde noe reason whie the Spanish
Embassadore should complaine " of him, as he had captured
and released Spanish barks, and ** without spoile," and "might
have taken twentye of their towns on the sea coast" had
plundering the Spaniards been his only object*
"Hauing in his eye the Mexico Fleete," and "the depreda-
tion of Ships," according to the " Declaration," (26) formed
two of the principal motives which guided Ealegh to make
such strenuous efiForts to procure his liberty. Its later pages
contain the following additional accusations : —
'' Before hee came to the Islands, hee made no difficultie to tell
many in express termes, that hee meant to surprise and set vpon
the ^lexico Fleete, by saying, * If all failed, or if the Action of the
Mine were defeated.' And Sir Walter Raleigh himselfe being
charged with these speaches, confessed the words, but saith, that
in time, they were spoken after the Action of the Mine was de-
feated ; and that it was propounded by him, to the end, to keepe
his men together, and if he spake it before, it was but discourse at
large" (31-2).
Again, after the return of Keymis, Ealegh
" Called a Councell of his Captaines . . . where hee propounded to
them, that his Intention and designe was; First to make to the
> Stebbing, 323. « M. Hume, 367.
3 M. Hume, 891. Cf. Edwards, II, 86S, 379.
« Edwards, II, 86S.
2f2
452 RALEGHANA.
New-foundlamlfl, and there to revictuall and refresh his Ships;
And thence to goe to the Westeme Islands, and there to lie in waite
to meete with the Mexico Floete, or to surprise some Carrackes"
(37-8).
These extracts eoutain three separate charges against
llalegh: (1) Prior to the expedition; (2) during the voyage;
and (3) after the return of Keymia with the report of his
failure.
1. Would include the anecdote asserted by Wilson to have
been held between Bacon and Ealegh, to which reference has
already been made. But of this Gardiner observes, if even
true, it "may have been said partly out of bravado " (III, 48).
Gardiner maintains that the Council "adopted the theory
. . . that he had sailed with the purpose of at once engaging
in a piratical attack upon the colonies and fleets of Spain"
(III, 141). Wilson relates an anecdote asserted to have been
told him by Ralegh, of an intended attack on the Indian
fleet by means of some French vessels.^
The following extract is taken from Gardiner's work : —
" Winvvood, there can be little doubt, was urging him [Ralegh]
to break the peace at all hazards, and to fall upon the Mexico
fleet as the best means, if all others failed, of bringing the King
to a rupture with Spain " (III, 53).
A serious allegation such as this is should not have been
made unless based upon evidence above suspicion. Gardiner
relies upon the statements of two foreign authorities, one
Spanish, dated -v"f — ..-, 1618, the other Venetian, dated
16 J^iy 5
Oct. H^, 1618. No English authority is cited in support of
such a sweeping charge, and the foreign ones belong to the
year after the death of Winwood (ob. Oct. 27, 1617). Bear-
ing in mind the exaggeration and misrepresentation indulged
in by Continental diplomatists, can such testimony be deemed
trustworthy ? Even Spedding is cautious in accepting Gar-
diner's assertion, to which he alludes as a " discovery which
was new to Bacon," and yet adds : —
*' If Mr. Gardiner is justified in asserting, as a fact," that
Winwood acted in the manner recorded, "tliough it seems too
much to believe of any man on no better authority than the
report of an ambassador, yet the very rumour can hardly
have gained currency respecting one in his place, unless he
1 ''S. P., James I, Dom.," CIII, 16.
RALEGHANA. 453
had been really implicated in some questionable transaction"
(170). The Memoir of Winwood in the " D. N. B." accepts
Gardiner's statement, that Winwood was responsible "for the
grant to him [Ralegh] of permission nominally to make ex-
plorations in South America, but really, although covertly, to
attack and pillage the Spanish possessions there. Winwood's
hatred of Spain was the moving cause of his conduct," etc.
It is difficult to suggest from what source this accusa-
tion sprang. No assistance is obtainable from Winwood's
** Memorials" (1725), wherein the last dated document is
17 March, 1613-14. There are two letters to him from
llalegh in Edwards' work, of 1615 or 1616, and of 21 March,
1618;^ but neither yields any information concerning it.
Moreover, as he was appointed Secretary of State on 29
March, 1614, and retained it until his death, a period of three
and a half years, James was an unlikely man to keep in
office any one who he thought was opposed to his interests.
2. Among the matters to be introduced into the projected
Manifesto (vide the Khig's letter of 20 October, 1618), is the
assertion, " His own and his consortes confession, that before
they were at the Islandes, he told them his ayrae was at the
fleet."- The main testimony that is relied on for charging
Italegh with intended piracy (during the voyage and before
arriving at Guiana) is the following item, that was submitted
to the Privy Council in August: "Being confronted with
Captens S^ Leger and Pennington, confesseth that hee pro-
posed the taking of the Mexico fleete if the mine failed." '
Spedding (who as a rule cannot be accused of favouring
Ralegh) shows these to have been rough and incomplete
notes, made by Sir J. Caesar for his own private guidance,
and which needed additional evidence (such as the discovery
of " the lost sheet or sheets of Sir Julius's notes ") to make
them of value (365 et seq.). He also directs attention towards
the wording of the paragraph, which appears to have escaped
the notice of other commentators. Balegh is said to have
" proposed " to attack the fleet ; but, as Spedding points out,
" to * propose ' ... is not necessarily to * intend,' and it is
with the intention with which we are concerned."* It is
evident Stebbing is incorrect in using the word " intention "
(364).
^ II, 339, 350. No others relating to this subject are noted in the
**Cal. S. P."
2 "Fortes. Pap.," 58. > "Camd. Misc.," X, 13.
* **AUeged Confession of intended Piracy by Sir Walter Raleigh," in
"Gent's Mag.," April, 1850, p. 361. Reprinted in the same author's
*' Reviews and Discussions," 398 (1879).
454 RALEGHAKA.
3. The third heading relates to the period after the
return of Kejmis to HcJegh, and is the one allied against
Sir Walter by the Attorney-General. "When hee sawe that
the towne was taken, and yet got little by it, he resolved to
revitaile himselfe, and then make his voyage uppon the
Mexico flete."^
"As to Raleigh's explanation [{vide ante, quotation from the
'Declaration') remarks Gardiner] of his proposal for attacking
the fleet, no reliance can be placed on his mere word. The only
external evidence I can And is in a petition by Pennington, written
after his return. He says that he came back in great want, * without
offending any of his Majesty's laws, though much incited there-
unto.' There remains the test of probability; and, when it is
remembered that Raleigh had been, to say the least of it, play-
ing with the idea of attacking the fleet for several months, it
seems hardly likely that he did not mean anything serious.
Besides, if he could honestly have denied his intention of attack-
ing the fleet, why did he not do so on the scaffold 1 He certainly
said everything which could be urged in his defence" (128—9).
Scarcely a fair commentary on Ealegh's character. Surely
his " mere word " was as trustworthy as that of the Spcmish
Ambassador, of James himself, or even of the spy Wilson,
whose "credibility" Gardiner relies upon, although the
Council took a different view of it ? It is not easy to com-
prehend why the quotation from Pennington's petition can
be termed " external evidence." It might, if true, be applic-
able to any member of the fleet. No other allusion to it is
included in any other portion of the petition ("S. P., James J,
Dom.," XCVIII, 63). How "the test of probability" was to
tell against Ealegh is not clear. That the idea of attacking
the fleet had been in Ilalegh's mind for several months is
based on surmise alone. Had it been correct it would
assuredly have been embodied in the charge list of the
Attorney -General, whereas only one occasion was notified
in it, viz. the period after the failure of the mine was
known. The reference to the speech on the scaflbld was
hardly fair to be urged against him. The few hours between
his being sentenced and the execution were fully occupied,
the wonder being that he accomplished so much during that
brief period.^ He had prepared a final testamentary note
in case he was not permitted to speak. " He was left," states
Spedding, "to make his last speech, under circumstances
1 "Camd. Misc.,'* 10. Cf. Wilson's letter to the King, 21 September,
in **S. P., James I, Dom.," XCIX, 68.
« Cf. Stebbing, 372-4 ; Edwards, I, 694-7.
BALSGHANA. 455
which would have ensured an indulgent hearing for the
most unpopular criminal " (369), but there was good reason
to believe he would probably have been prevented from
speaking while on the scafifold. Thus a letter from Cham-
berlain to Carl^ton of 7 November, 1618, contains this
paragraph : " They had no thancks that sufiTered him to talk
so long on the scaffold, but the fault was laide on the
sheriffes and there y t rests." ^
Tliere is no substantial reason to believe that the sugges-
tion, proposition, or whatever it may be termed, was any-
thing more than idle fleet-gossip, although Gardiner declares
** there was strong evidence that after his failure he had
attempted to induce his captains to seize Spanish prizes, or
in other words, to commit what James held to be an act of
piracy." ^ But the only approach to evidence consisted of
the incomplete notes of Sir J. Caesar. Even James and his
ministers " saw the difficulty of proving to the country the
capital criminality of the avowal if ever made of a project
never acted upon." ^ Possibly Gondomar saw this difficulty,
and then with "unblushing efifrontery" wrote thus to
Philip III:-^
"Let the authorities at Seville — as if of their own motion —
draw up a statement that an English fleet bearing the King's
commission has raided the Canaries, and that pending your
Majesty's orders, they have embargoed all English property there
(i.e. at Seville). This he says will soon bring James to his knees,
but he will be very insolent if it be not done." *
As a matter of fact, there had been no raiding, and what
took place is fully narrated by Edwards.^
Another unsupported assertion of Gondomar runs thus : —
" That the Earl of Southampton had received a letter from Kalegh
from Canary, saying that he had decided that the beet thing to do
would be to await there the arrival of the silver fleet, and that
he, some French ships having joined him, is now so strong, that
none of the Spanish ships will escape him."^
The following is an accusation made by Gardiner, based
solely upon Spanish authority : —
'* Ralegh made one last eflbrt to escape, by throwing the blame on
his supporters. If he had formed a plot for the seizure of the fleet
» •• S. P., James I, Dom.," CIII, 73.
2 **Ency. Brit." (1886), sub ''Sir W. Ealegh." Cf. **Stud. ffist. of
Eng.," 489.
^ Stebbing, 344. * M. Hume, 332-3.
» 1,604-9. • M. Hume, 888.
456 BALSGHANJL
during his last voyage, it was done, he said, at the instigation of
Win wood, Pembroke, £dmonde8, and others'' (III, 144).
This bears its o\Vd condemnation (apart from the absence
of all evidence respecting it), as Balegh was never known to
shift any blame from his own shoulders to those of others.
Ralegh asks: "If I had had a purpose to have turned
Pyrate, why did I oppose myself against the greatest
number of my Company, and was thereby in danger to be
slaine or cast into the Sea because I refused it ? " ^ Bal^h
had lost many men by disease, as well as during the expedi-
tion of Keymis. Some of his ships had left him ; and in a
letter to Winwood in March he wrote : " I shal be able, if 1
live, to keepe the sea till the end of August, with fewer
reasonable good ships."* " How was it possible," observes
Oldys, " that with such small force he intended to go for the
western islands, to attack the Mexico fleet, and surprise the
carackes, as in the king's Declaration is laid to Salegb's
charge, we shall leave others to decide " (509). To this may
be added that he was suffering from calenture, his officers
were dissatisfied, and his crew mutinous. Moreover, the
Spanish fleet was hovering in the neiglibourhood. There is
no reasonable ground for believing that Ralegh had any
serious " intention " of committing an act of piracy.
According to the Attorney-General, Kalegh '^ptirposed to
set war between the 2 kings of England and Spaine."* But
in the " Declaration " this is modified into " tending to the
breach of the Peace betweene the two Crownes" (5), and
was so represented by Gondomar as the probable result of
the ** Hostile and Piraticall " expedition of Ealegh. It was
used by the Ambassador simply as a threat in his endeavour
to induce the King to stop Ealegh*s voyage, but in this he
failed. It will be shown to have been repeated after Salegh's
return, and may possibly have influenced James in the con-
demnation of Kalegh, as a war would have at once hindered
the Spanish alliance.
Abandonment of ships and men. — Among the wild all^^-
tions made against Kalegh in the ''Declaration" is the
assertion, that while waiting at the Pont de Gallo for the
return of Keymis, he endeavoured to abandon his ships and
the land troops, " hauing his thoughts onely vpon Sea forces,
which how they should haue beene imployed, euery man
may iudge" — an allusion to his intended piracy — "and
1 **Apologie,"47.
2 Edwards, II, 868. » '»Camd. Misc.," 9.
RALEGHANA. 457
whereas some pretence is made by him, as if hee should
leaue some w®rd at Pont de gallo of direction, to what place
the land Souldiers should follow him ; it is plaine, he knew
them at that time so distressed for victual!, as famine must
haue ouertaken them, before they could ouertake him." And
''finding no consent in that which hee propounded, that
cruell purpose was diuerted" (36-7). The Attorney-
General's charge took a more positive form : " He abandoned
and put in danger all his companie." We learn the name of
the author of this assertion or rumour from Ealegh*s reply.
"Hee abandoned not his men as is reported by Sir John
Feme, nor to have gone away and left them in the Indies."^
This is repeated in his second Testamentary Note : " I never
had itt in my thought to goe for Trinidado, and leave my
companies to come after to the Salvage Hands, as hath by
Fern bine falsely reported." ^ Even Gardiner owned "in
this, no doubt, he is to be believed" (III, 151); but even if
true "it would be hard to lay too much stress on words
perhaps flung out in a moment of agony " (III, 125). "His
denial was distinct enough," remarked Spedding (371).
" No more conclusive proof can be given of the spirit of
the King's Declaration of November, 1618, than that it
alleges him not to have minded, but rather to have antici-
pated, the certain starvation of the . returning land forces
through such a removal from the fixed rendezvous." So
writes Stebbing, and adds, " they may believe it who will "
(323, 330).
Mutiny, — Why the account of the mutiny in the fleet
when at Newfoundland finds a place in the "Declaration"
(38-40) is difficult to suggest, as it contains little that
reflects on Ilalegh. The allegations that he tried to persuade
"a principal Comander" to accompany him to the East
Indies, also that he offered his ship to his company if they
would set him aboard a French barque (repeated when off
the coast of Ireland), together with the statement made by
Sir Warham St. Leger to the Eev. S. Jones, that he had
been told by Ealegh "he would never come there [to
England], for if they got him there, they would hang him,
or to that purpose,"' are all negatived by the fact that,
despite all difficulties, he, as he had promised Lord Arundel
he would when starting on his voyage, returned to England.
"They were the very last words I spake unto you," said
1 **Camd. Misc.," 10, 12.
3 Edwards, II, 496. ' Spedding, 424.
458 RALBGHANA«
Lord Arundel to Ral^h on the scaffold.^ Moreover, we
have the testimony of the Sev. S. Jones that during the
mutiny** Sir Walter . . . read his Ma*y*» commission to them,
and . . . put it to their own choice by most voices what
they should do ; giving, as I hear, his own voice at that time
very confidently for [i.e. to return to] England."* Even on
this matter Spedding makes the rather spiteful innuendo:
** That he had kept his promise, was an apparent fact which
could not be disputed. But it did not follow that he would
have kept it if he had found he could do better" (371).
Imposture, — While Stukeley was conveying Ralegh to
London, and had arrived at Salisbury, the latter, with the
help of Manourie, feigned sickness, and so delayed the
journey, " in order to gain a little time on the road " (Gardiner,
139). " I intended no ill," said Ralegh on the scaffold, " but
to gaine and prolong time till his Majesty came, hoping for
some Commiseration from him."^ During this period he
wrote his "Apologie/* and some believe the object of his
delay was to afford him time to compose it.^ A detailed and
nauseous account of this feigned illness, in which he was
aided by Manourie, occupies p. 15 of the "Declaration."
Now an astute lawyer like Bacon (although the draft of this
State Paper may be fairly attributed to him) would scarcely
have advised the insertion in it of such a weak incident,
which neither bore upon, nor in any way tended to strengthen,
the main treason charge, but which would be more likely to
have a contrary effect. Most probably it was done by
direction of the King, who, in his letter to the Commissioners
of 20 October, in allusion to the forthcoming " Declaration,"
wrote, " wherein we hold the French Physitian's confession
very materiall to be inserted." ^
Attempts to escape. — In the " Declaration " we read : —
"About this time Sir Walter Raleigh was comne {sic] from
Ireland into England, into the Port of Plimouth, where it was
easie to discerne with what good will hee came thither, by his
immediate attempt to escape from thence. For soone after his
comming to Plimouth, before he was vnder guard, he dealt with
the Owner of a French Barque ... to make ready his Barque
for a passage. . . . Hee had a purpose to flie and escape from his
first arriuall into England" (41-2).
1 "Arraignment," 32. ^ Siiedding, 425.
8 •'Arraignment," 30. * Stcbbing, 836.
» "Fort. Pap.," 58.
RALEGHANA. 459
But the Attorney-General made a double charge against
him : —
" (1) His purpose of flight before commandment layd
upon him.
" (2) .His endeavour to flie after the arrest upon him."
Ealegh replied, **Hee sought not to escape till after his
arrest by Sir Lewis Stukeley, and afterwards he confesseth
to have endeavoured to escape." ^ We have to bear in mind
that when Ealegh arrived in Plymouth he had determined
to surrender himself to the King, for which purpose he left
for London, but on meeting Stukeley at Ashburton, and on
being informed by him of the orders he had received to
arrest him, he returned with him to Plymouth. That is to
say, until Stukeley's arrival he had made no effort or
preparation to escape, and was not " vnder guard " or arrest
prior to his meeting with Sir Lewis. In his speech on the
scaflfold Ealegh said : —
" I did labour to make an escape from Plymouth to France, I
cannot denie, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, That
there was no hope of my life, upon my return to London I would
have escaped for the safeguard of my Life, and not for any ill
intent or conspiracie against the State." ^
Spedding (428) quotes from the "Arraignment of Sir
Walter Ealegh," by Sir T. Overbury (1640), 28, which does
not mention whether the attempt was made prior to or
after his arrest by Stukeley, but the fact remains that the
latter corroborates Ealegh's account of what took place
''After hee was . . . committed to my keeping."^ This
agrees with the report of Captain King (Oldys, 520-1) ; of
Gardiner (III, 137-8), and is accepted by Sir E. Eodd.*
Edwards accuses Bacon (as the supposed author of the
" Declaration ") of a " falsification of date in relation of the
project of escape," by assigning it to the period before
Stukeley met Ealegh. He adds it was not an "involuntary
error," but was done to effect " a double purpose " of which
he gives details (I, 654-5). Whatever may have been the
motive, it is certain the statement in the " Declaration " is
incorrect.
Attempts to bribe two of the spies. — The asserted attempts
to bribe Stukeley and Manourie are based solely upon the
1 " Camd. Misc.," 11-12. « " Remains," 146 (1651).
» « * Petition, " 6-6. * " Life of Raleigh," 274 (1904).
460 RALEGHANA.
statements of the latter, and fail to be corroborated bj any
other witness. " Hee endeavours to corrupt Manerj. Hee
endeavoured to corrupt Stukeley his keeper/' are among the
charges of the Solicitor -General,^ and many details in
support of it are related in the "Declaration" (61-3).
Some account of these two spies, and also of Wilson,
will be found in Appendix D. It points out the craven
character of Manourie. Gardiner affirms that Ralegh, while
on his journey to London, attempted to bribe Stukeley, but
was met with a refusal (III, 139), and this is accepted as
correct in the "D. N. B." memoir of Stukeley. If this
was so, how is it that it is unmeutioned in the latter's
petition? As he was careful to magnify his various pro-
ceedings, surely he could not have praised himself more than
by showing he was incapable of being bought over. On the
other hand, there is far greater reason to believe that after
Manourie had left him Stukeley accepted jewels, etc., from
Ralegh immediately prior to his final arrest* In a letter
from Wilson to Naunton of 17 September, 1618, is this
entry : " All y^ he had S' Lew. Stukeley tooke fro him, saue
only a saphire ring w*^^ is his seale w^** he shewed me."*
Attention may here be directed to the circumstance that
Sir "Judas" Stukeley, on finding himself snubbed by all
with whom he came in contact, even by those who had
previously been on friendly terms with him, appealed to
the King, who is said to have replied, " If I should hang all
that speak ill of thee, all the trees in the country would not
suffice." * Again, in a letter from J. Tory to Carleton, dated
7 November, 1618, James is said to have remarked to
Stukeley, "I have done amiss; his blood be upon thy
head."^ And yet three weeks ciftcr the date of the last
quoted letter, the e\'idence of Stukeley forms the basis of
several of the accusations against Ralegh in the " Declara-
tion."
Slaiulcrmg the Kvi/j. — According to Manourie, and as
related in the '* Declaration," Ralegh on one occasion " brake
foorth into most hatefull, and Trayterous words against the
Kings owne Person, ending in a menace and brauerie," etc.
(59). This is repeated in Stukeley*s "Petition" (10) as having
been uttered " by such a proude vassall against your sacred
1 **Camd. Misc.," 11.
2 "Trans. I). A.," XXXVII, 290.
» "S. P., James I, Dom.," XCIX. 2.5.
* Letter dated 5 January, ** Gardiner," III, 153.
» "Cal. 8. P., James I, Dom.,'' CIII, 74.
RALEGHANA. 461
person to Monsieur Manourij, as other his disloyal deeds
which hee intended against you."
Manourie is the sole person who said he heard Ralegh
slander the King, and on one occasion only. Not a single
corroboration of this has been cited. That James was very
sensitive to any remarks on his character, person, or habits
is certain. We have some evidence of this in his letter of
20 October to the Commissioners, in which inter alia he
desires to be inserted in the "Declaration" "some touch of
his hatef ull speeches of our person." ^
In the most solemn manner Ealegh, while on the scaffold
a few minutes only before he was executed, said : —
''As I hope to be saved at the last judgement day, I never spake
dishonorably, disloyally, or dishonestly of his Majesty in all my
life. And therefore I cannot but thinke it strange, that that
Frenchman being so base and meane a fellow should be so farr
credited as he hath been " (29, 30).
Spedding accepts Ealegh's denial, but curiously enough
states he was " inclined to think that this was intended for
a report of words really spoken, but that the reporter mis-
understood and so misreported them," and that Ealegh
meant, not James, but the King of Spain ! (371, 408).
Here again the King's allusion in his letter of 20 October,
that the " Declaration " should contain " some touch of his
hatefuU speeches of our person," was the apparent cause of
its introduction into that Manifesto, Ealegh's denial being
ignored.
French Commission, — Wilson left his prisoner on 15
October, and on the 18th the Council wrote to the King,
** for that which concerns the French, wherein he was rather
passive than active, and without which the charge is com-
plete, we humbly refer to your Majesty's considerayion, how
far that shall be touched" (Spedding, 362); then on the
20th a letter from the King to the Council has this para-
graph: "for the French, we hold it not fitt that they be
named [in the "Declaration"], but only by incident and that
very lightly, as that he should have escaped in a French
barke" (" Fort. Pap.," 58). This projected escape is alluded to
in the " Declaration " (64-5), and was not denied by Ealegh.
There is only one other reference in it to the French, that
when at Trinidad he told his oflBcers "there was another
1 ** Fort. Pap.," 68. Cf. ** Traditionall Memoyres," by F. Osborne (1668),
II, 14.
462 RALEGHANA.
course (which hee did particularize vnto them to bee a
French Commission), whereby they might doe themselues
most good vpon the Spaniards ** (32-3).
Bearing in mind that one of the principal duties of Wilson
was to get Ralegh to confess his dealings with the French/
it is fairly certain that his reports were unsatisfactory,
and therefore were neither utilized nor referred to in the
Manifesto ; otherwise how can the remarks of the Council,
and two days later of the King, be explained ? As a matter
of fact, wrote Macvey Napier,
"The Sovereign and his agents — the Secretary of State and the
immediate spy — were thoroughly baffled in their expectations;
but their objects were pursued at the cost of a most harassing
interference with the privacy, quiet, and occupations of the
unhappy proceedings. It is impossible to view their ignoble pro-
ceedings . . . without strong indignation. '^ ^
But Gardiner enters very fully into the matter, and after
accepting as true Stukeley's report of his conversation with
Ealegh relative to the attempted escape in a French barque,
and of Wilson's on matters concerning the Mexico fleet, he
continues : —
'* Thus did the wretched game of falsehood on both sides drag
on, till at last on September 25, Raleigh, weary of the struggle,
wrote to the King, acknowledging that he had sailed with a
commission from the Admiral of France," etc. (Ill, 144).
This asserted confession of Ealegh is stated to be con-
tained in a letter from him to the King, but "of which,
unfortunately, only a Spanish translation has been pre-
served"; but "is quoted in a statement in the Council
Kegister, 27 September" (III, 128, 144). Of this a trans-
lation will be found in St. John's "Life of Ealeigh," II,
331-3 (1868), from which this extract is taken : —
"I received a commission from the Due de Montmorenci,
Admiral of France, to go to sea, which was given to me by a
Frenchman named Farge ... I have now resolved to make an
effort to save myself in the best manner I can by disclosing the
truth to your Majesty, seeing that my enemies in this kingdom
have great power to do me harm. I pray you humbly, therefore,
to pardon and have compassion on me, and if it may please your
Majesty to grant my life, even in imprisonment, I will reveal
things which will be very useful to the State," etc.
^ Vide his letters to Naunton of 16 and 21 September, "CaL S. P.,
James I, Dom.," XCIX, 12, 68.
« "Edin. Rev.,"93.
RALEGHANA. 463
Let this be contrasted with the copy of a genuine letter
sent by Ealegh to the King, and dated on the day previous
to the one just cited (printed in extenso by Edwards, II,
368-9), and any unprejudiced person would own that it was
scarcely possible that the two were the composition of the
same person. The statement in the Council Kegister re-
ferred to contains no mention of a French commission, but
relates mainly to Ealegh's asserted attempt to escape through
the offices of La Chesn^e.
Some of the gravest charges against Ealegh are only
known by letters, dispatches of ambassadors, etc., preserved
in the Simancas, and in other foreign collections, of which
the above letter, quoted of 25 September, is an example. It
is remarkable that an important State document like this,
or a replica of it, should not have been preserved amongst
the English records. The misrepresentations, exaggerations,
and something worse to be found in such foreign documents
are notorious. Some examples have already been given. Of
one quoted by St. John, he remarks : " The Spanish Secretary
certainly drew upon his imagination for some of the details
he forwarded to his master " (II, 340),
In his genuine letters, in his examinations, in his second
testamentary note, and in his final speech on the scaffold,
Kalegh vehemently denied having had any French com-
mission, and there is no valid reason why his word should
be doubted.
Spedding regards the secondary charges for the most part,
either as not affecting the main points against Balegb, or
accepts his denial of them (358-9, 371). The acts, he
affirms, of which he ** stood convicted by his own admission,
as well as by the uncontradicted evidence of all the witnesses,
included the committing of many murders and the setting
on fire of many houses" (359). His condemnation, says
Gardiner, was " formally on the old sentence at Winchester,
in reality for having allowed his men to shed Spanish blood
after engaging that he would not do so."^ But, singularly
enough, he omits all reference to the town being burned and
sacked.
But the witnesses prove that the Spaniards were the
aggressors, and it was in consequence of this that the
soldiers, maddened by the loss of some of their number by
the onslaught of the ambuscaded Spaniards, followed them
into the town and burnt it. The latter act was disowned
by Balegh, and the former was committed against his special
* "Ency. Brit," XXI, 264 (1886).
464 RALBGHANA.
instructions for Keymis to avoid any conflict with the
Spaniards, but to withstand any attack from them. Ralegh
made no engagement to prevent his soldiers from defending
themselves.
To exonerate the King, Spedding states, he " did not either
intend or anticipate any aggression upon Spaniards ; and a
man caanot be thought morally guilty of an act which he
neither meant nor foresaw, however he might be legally
answerable" (359). But lialegh "neither meant nor fore-
saw " the murders by the Spaniards, nor the destruction of
St. Thomas by his own men. Even Spedding would scarcely
deny that the moral law would apply as much to the subject
as it would to the king.
One remarkable assertion in the title of the " Declaration "
seems to have escaped the notice of Ralegh's biographers,
viz. its striking contrast to the statements contained in the
following letter, as to the real cause why James sacrificed
Ralegh. Here is a transcript of the portion of the title
which deserves and requires especial attention to be directed
to it. " The true motiues and inducements which occasioned
His Maiestie to Proceed in doing Justice vpon him, as hath
bene done" (vide facsimile). Compared with the contents
of the following transcript of a letter from the Marquis of
Buckingham to the English Ambassador in Spain, the title
of the " Declaration " expresses a deliberate falsehood : —
" Good Mr. Cottington." After complaining of the slow pro-
gress made by the Spaniards " towards the effecting of the main
business [the Spanish Alliance] and that it hath not been sincerely
intended, but merely used by that State as an amuzement to
entertain and busie his Majesty withal, and for the gaining of
time for their own ends : and this is muttered here by very many,"
he goes on to say that if they do not act according to "the
Protestations and Profession which I have so often heard them
make ... I shall judge them the most unworthy and per-
fidious people in the World, and the more, for that His Majesty
hath given them so many testimonies of his sincere intentions
towards them, which he daily continueth, as now of late, by the
causing Sir Walter Rawleigh to be put to death, chiefly for the
giving them satisfaction whereof his Majesty commanded me to
advertise you, and concerning whom, you shall by the next
receive a Declaration, shewing the Motives which induced his
Majesty to recall his mercy, through which he had lived this
many years a condemned man ... for the great business he
hath endeavoured to satisfle them in all things, letting them see
how in many actions of late of that nature his ^lajesty hath
strained upon the affections of his people, and especially in this
RALEGHANA. 465
last concerning Sir Walter Rawleigh, who died with a great deal
of courage and constancy ; and at his death moved the common
sort of people to much remorse, who all attributed his death to
the desire his Majesty had to satisfy Spain.
" Further, you may let them know how able a man Sir Walter
Rawleigh was to have done his Majesty service, if he should
have been pleased to employ him ; yet to give them content, he
hath not spared him, when by preserving him, he might have
given great satisfaction to his Subjects, and had at command,
upon all occasions as useful a man as served any Prince in
Christendome and on the contrary, the King of Spain is not
pleased to do anything which may be so inconvenient unto him,
as to lessen the affections of his people, or to procure so much
as murmering or distractions among them." ^
This letter is undated, but as it refers to the publication
of the ** Declaration/' which was issued on 27 November,
it must have been written within a few days of that date.
One curious paragraph in it seems to contain a covert threat:
"The decency and buen termine that is to be observed
betwixt great Princes, will hardly admit of Threats or
Revenge for a wooing language."
Could anything be more condemnatory of the action of
James ? In Cayley's opinion it was " a proof of the mean-
ness and cruelty which attended the sacrifice of Sir Walter
Ralegh to that [Spanish] Court. . . . Sacrificed by a mean
and corrupt court to a foreign power, holding an absolute
ascendant in the councils over the true interests of the
nation" (II, 178, 211); "and surely," remarks Macvey
Napier, "if aught done against his own and his people's
honour can consign the memory of a ruler to lasting repro-
bation," Buckingham's letter "ought so to dispose of the
name of James" ("Edin. Rev.," 95). When Ralegh wrote
his "Apologie," Gardiner affirmed it stamped him "as a liar
convicted by his own admission" (III, 141). In the writer's
opinion he accused Ralegh wrongfully, but in the subject
under consideration the phrase was certainly applicable to
James.
Finally, we may quote the words of Oldys (568), that
Ralegh was " made a sacrifice of state to the enemies and
deceivers of the state"; and adds, "we have reserved, as
most convincing, the acknowledgments of an enemy [the
King], who made him that sacrifice," and then concludes
with a quotation from Buckingham's letter.
1 '•Historical Collections," J. Rushwoitb, 9, 10 (1682).
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 G
466 RALEGHANA.
This seems to be strong language to apply to a king, but
it is not the only instance of similar language being applied
to him, a well-known one being the case of the Aberdeen
ministers who were tried at Linlithgow in 1606, and being
found guilty were first imprisoned for some months, and
then were condemned to perpetual banishment. On this
case Gardiner passes the most scathing censure on James,
who, he states, " had at least notified to all who cared for
honesty and truthfulness that it was only by falsehood and
trickery that he had succeeded in establishing his claims "
(I, 315). This was James's " kingcraft " !
Notwithstanding that Spedding quotes a portion of the
letter to Cottiugton (438, 440), he contends **that it was
incumbent on Spain to demand satisfaction and justice to be
done on Ealegh by England " ; and James believed " it was
a sacrifice which justice demanded of him " (438). " The
popular judgment,'* he notes, " gave plausibility to the asser-
tion that the punishment was inflicted upon a false pretence,
and that the real motive was to give satisfaction to the
Spaniards" (435).
Ralegh's " execution upon the antiquated sentence, seems
to be a gross misrepresentation of the spirit of the whole
transaction," alleges the same author, who adds, "Can it
with more justice be called a sacrifice to the vengeance of
Spain ? " (437). It certainly can, and, apart from all other
evidence, the letter of Buckingham alone proves that Ralegh
was executed " to give satisfaction to the Spaniards," and for
710 other purpose. The animus of Spedding against Ral^h
is so markedly shown in everything relating to the latter,
that he not only defends the action of the King in causing
his beheadal, but makes the unjustifiable reflection on the
scaffold scene that " no tragic scene in real life was ever so
finely acted " (370). Again, he alludes to the execution as
" the canonization of Sir Walter Raleigh . . . glorified in the
popular imagination, and regarded as little less than a
martyred saint . . . merely because the offence for which he
suffered was against Spain." ^
The writer has been unable to find any notice of Bucking-
ham's letter in Gardiner's "History," but the following
extract from his last literary work seems to refer to it:
" Ralegh, on his return in 1618, was offered as a sacrifice to
Spain and executed." ^
How the news of Ralegh's execution was received in
» *• Even, with a Ecv.," II, 378-9.
2 **Camb. M<xl. Hist.,*' 662.
RALEGUANA. 467
Spain is thus related in a letter from Sir T. Lake^ to the
Marquis of Buckingham, containing the following extract from
one sent by Lord (then Mr.) Francis Cottington, at that time
English Ambassador in Spain : " His Majesties proceading
with Sir Walter lialegh hath given here so much satisfaction
and contentment as 1 am not able to expresse it unto your
honour, but all men doe extoUe his Majesties syncerity
in it."2
Attention might be directed to other assertions in the
King's Manifesto, such as the want of gratitude to the King
on Rale^ili's part; asserted pardon; living in liberd custodid
in the Tower ; refusal to return to England to ** put his head
vnder the King's girdle," etc. (38); but sufficient has been
adduced to throw some light on the misleading statements,
the exaggerations, the innuendoes, and the direct falsehoods
to be found in it. It satisfied no one, and was looked upon
by the public generally, including Ealegh's biographers, up
to a recent date, not as an explanation or a justification of
his execution, but as an attempt at an Apology, which only
served to increase the feeling of bitterness against Spain, as
well as against those who sided with the King in his
strenuous endeavours to bring about a lioyal alliance with
that country.
Two well-known modern authors (Spedding and Gardiner)
have taken an entirely different view from that which has
just been expressed. The former affirms : —
" Wherever I have been able to compare the statements in this
Declaration with the evidence upon which they were made, I
have found them to be very careful and conscientious; and I
have no doubt that the narrative may in all parts be depended
upon for strict accuracy, so far as accuracy was attainable by
studious comparison of conflicting witnesses " (383).
** I hold the Declaration to be of so much value as a historical
authority that the correction or indication of any error in it is a
piece of good service " (402).
The opinion of the latter is thus expressed : —
'* I cannot pass over the ''Declaration" in so cavalier a manner as
it is customary to do. It was Bacon's production, and I, for one,
do not believe that Bacon would purposely introduce false state-
ments into such a document " (III, 56).
** The Declaration . . . was founded on the evidence which had
been taken, and there is not the smallest reason to suspect that any
^ He became a Spanish pensioner in 1615, and was on intimate terms with
Goudomar. " D. N. B.," sub ** Lake, Sir T."
2 *»Fort. rap.," 80.
2o2
468 RALEGHANA.
false statement was intentionally inserted by James or his
ministers" (III, 153).
"He [Bacon] had before him a great mass of evidence which is
now lost, and though he was led astray on the question of Ralegh's
belief in the existence of the mine, it is impossible to deny, that
whenever a piece of fresh evidence turns up, it conBrms the ac-
curacy of his statements " (III, 56).^
It may seem a delicate matter for an unknown writer to
suggest that neither of these standard authors could have
made an especial study of the work they view so favourably ;
but the foregoing report of the results of his examination
of it has caused him to entertain an opinion wholly
opposed to theirs. In the portion of Spedding's volume
devoted to the criticism of Ealegh, the aim seems to have
been to condemn him, and to praise both the acts and the
motives of James. As a piece of legal casuistry it is a great
success, no doubt, but must be regarded as an advocate's
brief, and nothing more. He "could not," remarks Stebbing,
" well let judgment pass against his idol Lord Bacon without
a word of defence for one of the worst blemishes in a pitiful
official career "(393).
The introduction of "false statements" one can hardly
make Bacon responsible for, as although he drew up the
draft copy of the Manifesto, it was discussed and was prob-
ably much altered by the Council, as well as by the King.
Bacon could not have originated or have composed the long
account of the feigned illness, which, with other secondary
evidence, must be attributed to James. It must, however,
be borne in mind, that he was acting as the King's Advocate,
and in that capacity he would naturally relate facts bearing
on the subject, with a natural tendency to omit, or to modify,
truths that might prove detrimental to his client. That it is
strictly founded upon "the evidence," and may be "depended
upon for strict accuracy," the present writer has shown to be
terribly incorrect.
Gardiner is perhaps one of the most severe critics of
Ealegh's proceedings, but he is frequently unjust in his
comments. While casting grave doubts, and even denials,
on many of Ralegh's explanations, accounts of incidents,
etc., and in unjustifiable language, yet he accepts un-
hesitatingly assertions, o^ften unsupported, made by spies,
or contained in the " Declaration," many of which are ex-
^ The writer has been unable to find any such confirmatory evidence ; on
the contrary, any "fresh evidence" that has l)cen published is antagonistic
to the "Declaration" {vide M. Hume, Preface and cha|)s. xiv. to xvi.).
RALEGHANA. 469
aggerations or something worse ; at the same time derelictions
of duty on the part of the King are too often explained away or
are condoned. (This- is done by Spedding to a much greater
extent.) The following comprise some of the objectionable
paragraphs : That with respect to Ealegh, " no reliance can
be placed on his mere wordy* has been already referred to
(III, 128). Yet on another page he relates that when off
Trinidad, and unable from illness to accompany the boat ex-
pedition up the Orinoco, Kalegh remained behind in charge
of the rest of the fleet, to ward off any attack of the Spanish
navy, his officers,
" Who knew well enough what his value was, . . . declared that,
unless he remained behind, they would refuse to go. . . . They amid
l^lare roiifideiice in his wordy and in his alone, that he would not
expose them to certain destruction by leaving the entrance to the
river open " (III, 118-19).
Again, ** He had been content to found his enterprise upon a
lie, and his sin had found him out. To all who knew what the facts
were, he stamped himself by his Apology as a liar convicted by. his
own admission" (III, 141).
(This has been shown by Stebbing to be based on "un-
proved assumptions '* (337).)
And he sums up thus : —
** Whatever else might be true, it was plain that his story at
least was false. As one by one admissions were wrung from him
which were utterly fatal to his honesty of purpose ; as the Com-
missioners heard one day of his proposal to seize the Mexico fleet,
and another day of his underhand dealings with Montmorency, it
is hardly to be wondered at that, exasperated by the audacity of
his lying, they came to the conclusion that there was not a word
of truth in his assertions, and that his belief in the very existence
of the mine was a mere fiction, invented for the purpose of im-
posing upon his too credulous Sovereign" (III, 142).
This is evidently an attempt to shield the Commissioners, as
well as the King, from all blame. This exaggerated style of
assertive criticism was unworthy of the historian, founded
as it was on flimsy statements that are accepted as positive
evidence. Of the two points adverted to, that of the Mexico
fleet has been already examined ; while Stebbing has thrown
a different light on the so-termed "underhand dealings" with
Montmorency (308).
If we investigate the subject a little more closely, we are
forced to the conclusion that the recklessness and want of
common honesty in money matters on the part of James
formed the real factors in bringing about the condemnation
470 RALEGHAKA.
of Balegh; and although Gardiner finds great fault with the
latter, he is especially emphatic in blaming James for his
conduct throughout the whole of the transactions that led
to it. The following quotations from his works will testify
to this : —
" To impartial persons, it is clear that the king's own misconduct
had its full share in bringing about the catastrophe. ... If he
sent Raleigh to the scaffold, he was condemning himself for the
part which he had taken" (III, 141).
" If justice demanded the execution of Ralegh, it also demanded
his own."^
"James sent him to the scaffold for a fault which he should
never have been given the chance of committing."^
[Ralegh was executed] "nominally in accordance with the sentence
delivered in 1603, in reality because he had failed to secure the
gold of which James was in need. The real crime was the King's,
who had sent him out without first defining the limits of Spanish
sovereignty."^
Such are the adverse censures passed on the King by the
historian of the Stuart period, by whom James is deemed to
have acted as a particeps criminis in the matter for which
lialegh was condemned and basely sacrificed, in the efforts
made by the King to gratify the Spanish faction, and there-
by to facilitate the promotion of the alliance of his son with .
the Infanta, which terminated in such a complete overthrow
of his hopes.
In his latest writings Gardiner's estimate of Ralegh's
character was less severe than it was in his " History " pub-
lished forty years earlier. In his article of 1904 (in " Canib.
Mod. Hist.") he attributes the execution of lialegh to his
failure " to secure the gold of which James was in need " ;
and this really expresses the keynote of James's procedure.
Throughout his occupancy of the English throne, James
incurred enormous debts without, despite his repeated
promises, attempting to make any personal efforts to pay
them, or to limit his expenditure in any way. (Some idea
of his monetary embarrassments and their causes, etc., will
be found in Appendix E, with an account of some other
points in his character.) He was quite unscrupulous as to
the method of obtaining money from any quarter; but he
soon learnt that the various sources of his revenue, regular
^ "P. Charles and the Spanish Marriage," I, 141, quoted by Speddiug,
359.
» "Stud. Hist, of Eng.," 489 (1892). Cf. Hallam, I, 354.
» "Camb. Mod. Hist," 562.
BALEGHANA. 471
or irregular, did not relieve his " financial distress " to any
serious extent. Brighter hopes of obtaining additional
pecuniary aid by one of two new and widely different events
were entertained by him in 1617. One of these consisted
in Ealegh's voyage to Guiana in quest of gold, for which he
had issued a special commission ; the other in the proposed
marriage of his son Charles to a Spanish princess with a
large dowry, of which he expected to obtain a share.
Although at first sight any connexion between these events,
differing so widely in character, was not very apparent, they
certainly influenced each other to a considerable extent.
Whether the vicinity of the mine in Guiana was or was not
in " the King of Spain's dominions '* was left an open ques-
tion, notwithstanding the endeavours of Gondomar to prove
it was within them. But " James, instead of deciding the
question, left the whole responsibility to Ealegh ; . . . this
practically meant that if Ralegh brought back the assurance
of large quantities of gold for James, the site of the mine
would be held at Whitehall to be outside the limits of
Spanish territory."^
So long as all seemed to promise success, no depreciatory
remarks were made against the expedition ; but immediately
on its failure becoming known, and prior to its return, the
King disowned all connexion with it, said that he had been
deceived, and before Ealegh reached England James had
practically condemned him, and from this settled determina-
tion he never swerved, despite all the efforts that were made
to induce him to be merciful. If the following remarkable
passage in a letter recorded by M. Hume to have been sent
by Sir T. Lake to Gondomar on 21 Oct., 1617, be trust-
worthy, the King had even at that early date resolved to
sacrifice Ralegh, who could not have reached Guiana until
the succeeding month : —
Viscount Fenton . . . tells me that his Majesty is very disposed
and determined against Ralegh, and will join the King of Spain
in mining him, but he wishes this resolution to be kept secret for
some little while, in order that, in the interim^ he may keep an eye
on the disposition of some of the people here (334-5).
At that time Lake was a pensioner of Spain, and may have
exaggerated some current Court rumours he had heard, so as to
show his zeal in the cause of that country. The fact of our
knowledge of it being derived wholly from Spanish sources
certainly detracts from its value. According to the memoir
1 "Camb. Mod. Hist.," 662.
472 BALBGHANA.
in the " D. N. B.," Lake's character was not altogether satis-
factory. Unfortunately for Ealegh, the King, having lost
all prospects of income from Guiana, began to employ the
most strenuous efforts to promote the marriage of his son
with the Spanish Infanta. But Gondomar soon showed the
King he was master of the situation, and made him under-
stand that unless Kalegh was executed for his ofiFences
against Spain, not only would the idea of the Spanish
alliance be at once abandoned, but that war would probably
take place between the two countries.
Soon after the treaty with Spain in 1604, James was
desirous for his son Henry to marry a Spanish princess,
but the Prince did not favour it, and his early death on
6 November, 1612, put an end to the project. In 1614 and
following year, the marriage of Prince Charles with the
Infanta was mooted, but from some unknown obstacles the
subject was abandoned for a time, to be reopened in the
spring of 1617.
"When the opening of a formal negotiation for the marriage
treaty was discussed, it was a powerful argument that, whereas
the portion of a French princess would be but £200,000, the
Spaniards offered £600,000 with the Infanta. . . . James declared
that the state of his affairs was such as might give him cause to
make the best use of his son, thereby to get some good portion
towards the payment of his debts." ^
Some curious remarks on this matter will be found in a
letter from Sir J. Digby, English Ambassador at Madrid,
written early in 1617, from which this paragraph is taken :
"His Majestie's necessities shall (by the greatness of the
portion) bee the most relieved, is with Spayne."^
In March, 1623, the Prince, accompanied by Buckingham,
went to Madrid to further the proposed marriage ; and on
favourable accounts of its satisfactory progress being re-
ceived by the English Court, orders were given for Durham
House, Strand (the former residence of Ralegh), to be fitted
up for the reception of the Infanta. " The expenses will be
heavy," notes the Lord Chamberlain.^ This order had to be
countermanded, as the match was broken off; and so ter-
minated " the ridiculous fiasco of the Spanish match, which
made James and his son the laughing stock of Europe."*
Charles returned to England in the following October, and
was received with loud acclamations from the public, as
1 "Camb. Mod. Hist.," 561. ^ *♦ Arcliwologia," XLI, 156.
» "Traus. D. A.," XXXV, 574. * M. Hume, 419.
RALBGHANA. 473
though he had gained a great victory. " They saw in it a
pledge that the prolonged rule of Spanish ministers and of
Spanish counsels was coming to an end."^ And so James
was baulked from receiving any pecuniary assistance, either
from Guiana or from Spain. He must have felt convinced,
not only of having sacrificed Ealegh needlessly, but that also
he had enabled Spain to get rid " of her old and inveterate
enemy, and by whom he had been outwitted," ^ without re-
ceiving any compensation in return. His kingcraft on this
occasion had failed him. James died on 27 March, 1625,
and his son Charles married a French princess about two
months after his coronation.
Down to a recent period authors generally, as well as the
public, were unanimous in their condemnation of the
*' Declaration," which they regarded simply as an apology of
the King for his sacrifice of Kalegh to the Spanish faction.
Scathing remarks upon it will be found in Stebbing's work
(392-3). In Cayley's opinion its authors '* have not neglected
the advantage which they enjoyed of culling a plausible tale
from the superficial circumstances of the case" (II, 178).
The only authors who dissent from this view consist of Mr.
J. Spedding, the biographer of Lord Bacon, and Mr. S. R
Gardiner, the well-known historian, who greatly differ from
each other in their standpoint of criticism, if criticism it can
be termed on the part of the former, whose aim seemed to
1)6 to find grievous fault with everything that Ealegh said or
did, or that could possibly be attributed to him ; apparently
for the purpose of contrasting him with the King, whom he
considered as everything that was wise, patriotic, and just.
( Vide Appendix E.) On the other hand, Gardiner, although
a severe critic of Kalegh's life and actions, and with every
apparent desire to weigh all the evidence as fairly as possible,
yet (in the opinion of the writer) he is too often harsh and
unjust in forming and in expressing his opinions respecting
him. The cause of this, so far as regards the subject-matter
of the present paper, is not far to seek. He assuredly
reasoned correctly from false premises, by accepting as
trustworthy the contents of the " Declaration " ; the evidence
of the paid spies ; and the exaggerated and often unsupported
accounts in the dispatches of ambassadors, etc. In all these
there was a natural bias to prove or to affirm anything that
was required to ensure the condemnation of Ealegh.
On the other hand, the present writer, after a detailed
» Gardiner, *' Hist, of Eng.,'' V, 128.
' Cayley, II, 136.
474 RALBGHANA,
examination of the principal statements and allegations iu
the " Declaration," the results of which are fully recorded in
the foregoing pages, has arrived at wholly different con-
clusions from those advanced by the two great authorities
just named. That State Document records everything that
could possibly be urged against Ralegh, and withholds any-
thing that could be advanced in his favour, a mode of depre-
ciation that would be included under the heading of " king-
craft." This was fully indicated by the King at a meeting
of the Council prior to the arrival of Ealegh at the Tower
under the charge of Stukeley : —
"All he wanted the Councirs opinion about was whether
Ralegh ought to be punished or not. Most of the councillors
answered in the affirmative, and Ralegh's friends refrained from
voting. Since, said the King, they were apparently unanimous, if
ever he learnt that in secret, or in conversation, any of them
defended Ralegh, he should hold them as traitors. Let this^ he
added, be a warning to others who wanted to assail the King of
Spain, whose friendship was the most desirable thing possible for
England "(M. Hume, 373).
Such were the threats and the policy of James in his
endeavours to " make the vprightnesse of . . . his intentions
appeare to his dearest Brother the King of Spaine"
(" Declaration,'* 67). Even after the publication of the last-
named work **it was well known that no surviving friend
would dare to undertake his [Ralegh's] defence against the
sovereign himself."^
On the principle of Audi alteram partem it has been the
aim of the writer to analyse the exaggerations, distorted
facts, and mass "of hearsay evidence," etc., of the King's
Apology (as the '* Declaration " must be considered) more
fully than has been hitherto effected by authors. The result
of this examination has been to force him to the conclusion
that it can neither be " depended upon for strict accuracy,"
nor can it be looked upon as of any "value as a historical
authority." So far from considering " His Maiesties proceed-
ings " to have been " built vpon sure and solide grounds, . . .
wherby it wil euidently appeare how agreeable they haue
beene, in all points to Honour and lustice" ("Declaration,"
1-2), he regards the entire work as the very antithesis of
these self-laudatory assertions, and fully accords with the
terse and expressive opinion of Stebbing (392-3), in regard-
ing it as "a shuffling excuse for a baseness." Despite the
1 L. Aikin, •* Court of James I," II, 105 (1822).
RALEGHANA. 475
severity of his criticisms of Ealegh when pitted against the
statements contained in the "Declaration," Gardiner per-
forms a simple act of justice to him in the following noble
lines with which this paper may fittingly close : —
It was no mere blindness to his errors which made all England
feel that Raleigh's death was a national dishonour. His country-
men knew that in his wildest enterprises he had always before him
the thought of England's greatness, and that, in his eyes, England's
greatness was iudissolubly connected with the truest welfare of all
other nations. They knew that his heart was right (III, 152).
APPENDIX A.
Sir W. Ealegh and the Gold in Guiana,
The following is a transcript of the title of Ralegh's work : —
"The Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtifvl Empire of
Gviana, With a relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa
(which the Spaniards call El Dorado) And the prouinces of
Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia and other Countries, with their
riuers, adioyning.
"Performed in the yeare 1595, by Sir W. Ralegh, Knight,
Captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lo. Warden of the Stanneries,
and her Highnesse Lieutenant of the Countie of Cornewall.
"Imprinted at London by Robert Robinson 1596."
During his expedition Ralegh heard from Spaniards, from Indians,
and from all with whom he came in contact, of the abundance
of the precious metals to be found in all parts of Guiana, but
nothing struck him* so forcibly as the information he received con-
cerning a great city and lake said to exist many miles to the south
of the Orinoco, and thus alluded to in his " Discoverie " : —
" I haue beene assured by such of the Spanyardes as haue seene
Manoa the imperiall Citie of Guiana, which the Spanyards cal El
Dorado, that for the greatnes, for the riches, and for the excellent
seate, it farre exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much of
the world as is knowen to the Spanish nation: it is founded
vpon a lake of salt water of 200 leagues long like vnto mare
caspiii"(10).
The existence of this El Dorado was, apparently from the period
of Pizarro's conquest of Peru, believed in by the Spaniards, who,
for the purpose of reaching and obtaining possession of it, had
sent several expeditions long prior to the date of Ralegh's voyage,
all of which had ended in failure and disaster. Ralegh's faith in
the truth of these reports seemed to be confirmed by the statement
of a man named " lohannes Marlines maister of the munition to
476 RALEGHANA.
Ordace," an early explorer, who was "the first that euer sawe
Manoa." To this Ralegh adds, "At a port called Morequito in
Guiana there lieth at this day a greate ancor of Ordaces shippe,
and this porte is some 300 niUes within the lande, vpon the great
riuer of Orenoque" (13). A copy of his statement in Berreo's
possession was read by Ralegh, to whom it "appeared to be the
greatest encouragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly
attempted the discouerie and conquest" (14).
Martines said he was taken prisoner, and after residing for seven
months in Manoa he was allowed to leave, and his attendants took
with them " as much gold as they could carrie," which had been
presented to him, " but when he was arriued neere the riuers side,
the borderers which are called Orenoqueponi robbed him and his
Guianians of all the treasure" (15).
So convinced was Berreo of the truth of this man's assertions
that he organized an expedition, and with 700 horsemen attempted
to reach the lake and city, needless to say with an unsuccessful
and disastrous result {24: et seq.).
Ralegh heard much about Manoa from Topiowari, king of Arro-
maia (the province adjacent to the Orinoco and Garoni rivers), who
visited him. He related that being a prisoner of the Spaniards
he "paied 100 plates of Golde, and diuers chaines of spleen stones
for his ransome " (77).
The British Museum Library contains a map (Addit. MSS., 17,
940a) believed to have been drawn by or under the direction of
Ralegh (probably assisted by Thomas Heriot) with some of the
names in his autograph. This must have been completed soon
after his voyage. A facsimile of it, with description by L. Fried-
richsen, was published at Hamburg in 1892, and a portion of it
is shown in the accompanying illustration (in it the points of the
compass are reversed, so that the north occupies the lower part).
About midway between the rivers Amazon and Orinoco is repre-
sented " The lake of Manoa," about 200 miles long, with, at its
eastern end, a city labelled " Manoa," with " II Dorado " adjacent
to it. Most probably this map is the one mentioned in Ralegh's
work : —
"How the countrie lyeth and is bordrecfj . . . mine own
discouerie, and the way that I entred, with all the rest of the
nations and riuers, your Lordship (Lord C. Howard) shall receiue
in a large Chart or Map, which 1 haue not yet finished '' (21).
It is also alluded to at page 44, as well as in letters from Sir
Walter and from T. Heriot respectively of 13 November, 1595,
and of 11 July, 1596. Among the articles taken from him at his
admission into the Tower on 10 August, 1618, was "One Plott of
Guiana and Nova Regnia, and another of the river of Orenoque."^
The fabled lake and city continued the current belief through-
1 Edwards, II, 110, 249, 497.
River
Amazon
Ka^st
Kiver
l.)i inoci>
Am£
dire'
RALEGHANA. 477
out the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Milton alludes to
Guiana whose great city Geryon's sons
Call El Dorado. 1
The Count de Pagan in 1655 published a "description of the
Great Country and Kiver of the Amazones," translated into
English by W. Hamilton in 1661, in which he alludes in several
pages to the amount of gold ornaments worn by the natives, and
to places known to be fertile in that metal, especially one large
tributary called the Aguarique River, or River of Gold ; but the
place he speaks most highly of for yielding it runs thus : —
" The great Province of Suane . . . hath this singular glory
. . ." that it is "honoured by the great River of the Amazones,
to carry Gold within her bowels. The famous Mountain that
nourisheth in his bosome so great a treasure ... is two hundred
leagues only distant from the Town of S' Thomas, a Colony
of the Spaniards in Orenoc. Returning to the G old-Mine
of the Mount of Suane, I wonder that neither the Spaniards
of Hordas, and of Berreo, nor the English of Kemnits, and of
Kalech [sic] have never met with it that have searched . . .
alongst the great River of Orenoc, the imaginary Treasures of
the fabulous rather than famous Lagodorado [El Dorado] '' (60, 62).
This is the sole reference to Keymis and to Ralegh in the
work. The fable of Manoa was dispelled by the researches of
Humboldt.
Returning to Ralegh's " Discoverie,'* we find the following
important statement : —
" I was resolued that golde must be found either in graines
separate fro the stone (as it is in most of the riuers in Guiana)
or else in a kinde of harde stone, which we cal the white Sparre,
of which I saw diuers hils, and in sundrie places, but had neither
time, nor men, nor instruments fit to labour. Neere vnto one
of the riuers [Caroni] I founde of the saide white Sparre or flint
a verie great ledge or banke, which I endeuoured to breake by
al the means I could, because there appeared on the out side
some smal graines of gold, but finding no meane to worke the
same vpon the vpper part, seeking the sides and circuit of the
said rock, I founde a clift in the same from whence with daggers,
and with the head of an axe, we gotte out some small quantitie
therof, of which kind of white stone (wherein gold in gendreth)
we sawe diuers hils and rocks in euery part of Guiana wherein we
trauelled " (Address to the Reader, X).
Other accounts of the evidences of gold he met with are
related in the body of the work; e.g. "Rocks of hard stone,
which we call the White spar" (50). "The rocks being most
1 " Paradise Lost," XI, 411 (1666).
478 RALEGHANA.
hard of that minerall sparre aforesaid " (68). " Myselfe sawe the
outside of many mines of the white sparre, which I know to be
the same that all couet in this worlde" (81).
Of this spar (ore) samples were " assaide hy Master Westwood
a refiner dwelling in wood-street," London, as well as by several
others, and all proved to be rich in gold (Address to the Reader,
X). Schomburgk (162-3) quotes from "Chymical receipts of
Walter Rawleigh," in Sloane MSS., 359, 52\ a report of an
analysis, made by Sir Walter, of a sample of " the oare of Guiana,"
which yielded gold. This is probably the one referred to ia "Aji
Inventory of such things as weare found on the Body of Sir
Walter Rawley, Knight, the 10th day of August, 1618. . . .
"A Tryall of Guiana oare, with a description thereof. Fyve
assayes of the Silver Mine " (Edwards, II, 497).
The King gave the Spanish Ambassador two pieces of gold,
who returned this receipt for them : —
"I have received from the hands of his Majesty the King
of Great Britain two pieces of rough gold that Sir Walter
Raleigh brought from the Indies." ^
And in 1736 Oldys records, that "some of the ore which sir
Walter Ralegh brought from Guiana . . . has been so carefully
preserved in his family, that it is now in the possession of captain
William Elwes" (221).
One of the most interesting and convincing reports of the
truth of Ralegh's statements was read by Dr. C. Le Neve Foster,
at the Exeter meeting of the British Association in 1869, of
which an epitome appears in the "Transactions," II, 162-3 (the
paper was not printed tw extenso), and of which the following is a
transcript : —
"The author advanced his own experience as acquired in a
recent journey to the Garatal gold-mines of the Orinoco, as con-
firming the veracity of Sir Walter Raleigh, so coarsely impugned
by the historian Hume, who says : * On his return Raleigh pub-
lished an account of the country full of the grossest and most
palpable lies that were ever attempted to be imposed on the
credulity of mankind.' ^ Schomburgk, in defending Raleigh's
statements, had, in his time, no positive evidence of the existence
of gold in Venezuelan Guiana. The gold-mines which the author
visited last year were discovered in 1849 by Dr. Louis Plassard,
in the bed of the Yuruari, near the old Spanish Mission of
Tupuquen. The Yuruari falls into the Yuruan, a tributary of
the Cuyuni, which enters British Guiana, and eventually pours
1 ** Life of Ralegh," by St. John, 480 (1869).
« "History of England," V, 377 (1812). Thus supported by Lingard :
**The accouut which he, Ralegh, published after his return, proves him to
have been a master in the art of puffing" (**Hi8t. of England," VI, 164
(1825).
RALEGHANA. 479
its waters into the Easequibo. In 1857 people began to flock to
the place, and washed for gold in the river-bed, establishing the
settlement of Caratal. The author had given the geological details
of these mines in a paper recently read before the Geological
Society. He maintained that the present Caratal gold-field was
the one of which Raleigli heard such wonderful accounts. The
* white spar * in Raleigh's detailed description was undoubtedly
quartz ; for spar is the name still used for quartz in Devon and
Cornwall, and the author had himself seen outcrops of lode in
Caratal where gold was visible in blocks of quartz rising up from
the surface. There could be no mistake, also, in identifying the
locality — *the Caroli' mentioned by Raleigh as the Caroni — for
he mentions the falls, which are close to the point where the
Caroni joins the Orinoco. The other details of locality and
distance in Raleigh's account were shown by the author to agree
closely with the facts that have now come to light."
Lastly, " the gold field in Venezuela, which was comprised in
Ralegh's Guiana, a Government Inspector of Mines stated in
1889 that he believed we had in it Sir Walter's el Dorado itself"
(Stebbing, 121).
Sir R. Schomburgk's edition of Ralegh's " Discoverie," with
extensive notes and Introduction, contains a large mass of in-
formation on this subject.
These various statements not only testify to the abundance of
gold in Guiana, especially in that part visited by Ralegh; but
also confirm the accuracy of his accounts in his "Discoverie of
Guiana."
APPENDIX B.
RcdegKa Instructions to Keymis,
(First published in * 'Judicious and Select Essayes," by Sir Walter
Kaleigh (1660), pt. iv. pp. 26-9.)
"Keymis, whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into
Orrenoque to passe to the Myue with my Cousen Harbert and six
musketteers, and to that end you desired to have Sir John Femes
shallop, I doe not allow of that course, because you cannot Land
so secretly but that some Indians on the River side may discover
you, who giving knowledge of your passage to the Spaniards you
may be cut off before you can recover your Boate, I doe therefore
advise you to suffer the Captaines and the Companies of the
English to passe up to the Westwards of the mountain AiOy from
whence you have no lesse than three miles to the Myne, and to
lodije and encamps between the Spanish Towne and you, if there be
any Town neer it, that being so secured you may make tryal what
depth and bredth the Myne holds, and whether or no it answer
our hopes. And if you find it Royall, and tJie Spaniards begin to
480 RALEGHANA.
Warre upon yoUy then let the Serjeant Major repell them if it be in
his power, and drive them as far as he can.
" But if you find that the Myne be not so rich as it may perswade
the holding of it, and draw on a second supply, then shall you
bring hut a basket or two to satisftj his Majesty, that my desifme
was not Imaginatory but true, though not so answerable to his
Majesties expectation, for the quantity of which I never gave
assurance, nor could.
" On the other side, if you shall find that any great number of
Souldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque, as the Cassique of Caliaua
told us that there were, and that the Passages be already Forc'd so
that without manifest Peril 1 of my sonne, your selfe, and other
Captaines, you cannot passe toward the Myne, then be well advised
how you land, for I know (that a few Gentlemen Excepted) what
Scummo of men you have, and / woiUd not for all the world receive
a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation ; I my
self for my weaknes cannot be present, neither will the Company
land, except I stay with the ships, the Gallioones of Spaine being
daily expected. I'igott the Sergeant-Major is dead. Sir Warrham
my Leiftenant, without hope of life, and my Nephew your Ser-
geant-Major now but a young man : It is therefore no [sic] your
judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best.
*' Let me heare from you as soon as you can, you shall find me at
Puncto Gallo dead or alive, and if you finde not my ships there,
yet you shall find their Ashes : For I will fire with the Gallioones
if it come to extreamity. But runne away I will never."
There was nothing unreasonable in this, but an addition to it
was made in the "Declaration," which reflected on Ralegh : here
is the passage : —
" Hee professed that if hee brought home but a handfull or
basketful of Oare, to shew the King, hee cared for no more, for it
was enough to save his credit; and being charged therewith, hee
confessed the iij)€ech," etc. (29). It is unlikely that Ralegh used the
words placed in italics, and the entire meaning of the instruction to
Keymis is perverted. Captain North, whose animus against Ralegh
was made evident in his examination as a witness, gives a different
account of it.^ The charge made by the Attorney-General ran
thus : " He desired onely to have a piece of ewer (ore ?) to please
the King's eyes." -
^ Spedding, 418. Italics not in the original.
2 *'Camd. Misc.," 9.
RALEGHANA. 481
APPENDIX C.
Letter from Sir W, RcUegh to the Privy Council, 1611 [or 1612],
(Printed in Sir R, H. Schomburgk's edition of Ralegh's *' Disco verie ... of
Gviana" (1595), pp. 165-7, from Harl. MSS., fols. 340-50.)
" An agreement betweene S' Wa : Raleigh and the Lords for the
journey of Guiana, to be performed by Captain Keemish in Anno
1611.
" Your Lordshipps as I remember did offer to be att the charge to
transport Keemish into Guyana with such a proportion of men in
twoe shipps as should be able to defend him against the Spaniards
inhabiting vpon Orenoke if they offered to assaile him (not that itt
is meant to offend the Spaniards there or to beginne any quarrell
with them except themselves shall beginne the warre),
" To knowe what number of men shall be sufficient may itt please
your Lordshipps to informe your selves by Captaine More (Moatt),
a servant of Sir John Watts, who came from Orenoke this last
spring, and was oftentimes ashore at St. T^home, where the Spaniards
inhoMte, which numbers made knowne to your Lordshipps and to
the Captaines which you shall please to imploy with Keemish
those Captaines shall be able to judge with what force they will
vndertake to secure Keemishes passage to the Mine which is not
above five miles from the navigable River taking the neerest way.
" Now your Lordshipps doe require of mee that if Keemish live
to arrive [and shall be guarded to the place"] and shall then faile to
bring into England halfe a Tunne or as much more as he shall be
able to take upp of that slate Gold ore whereof I gave a sample to
my Lord Knevett That then all the charge of the journey shall be
laid vpon mee and by mee to be satisfied whereto 1 willingly con-
sent, and though itt bo a difficult matter of exceeding difficulty for
any man to find the same acre of ground againe in a country desolate
and overgrowno which he hath seene but once and that sixteene
yeares since which were hard enough to doe vpon Salisbury Plaine
yett that your Lordshipps may be satisfied of the truth / am con-
tented to adventure all I have (but my reputacion) vpon Keemish
memory, hoping that itt may be acceptable to the Kings Majestie
and to your Lordshipps soe to doe considering that if keemish
misse of his marks my poore Estate is vtterly ouerthrowne, and my
wife and children as utterly beggared.
" Now that there is noe hope after the Tryall made to fetch any
more riches from thence I have already given your Lordshipps ray
reasons in my former letter and am ready vpon a Mappe of the
Country to make demonstracion thereof if itt shall please your
Lordshipps to give me leave, but to the kings Maiesties wisdome
and your Lordshipps I submitte my self e.
" But that which your Lordshipps doe promise is That halfe a
Tunne of the former oare being brought home that then I shall
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 H
482 RAXEGHANA.
have my Libertie and in the meane while my free pardon vnder the
create Scale to be left in his Maiestics hands till the end of the
Journey."
' Is printed in Edwards* work, 11, 337-9, where it is stated as
not *^n Agreement," but as "tending to one," and the paragraph
enclosed in [ ] is omitted. (Italics not in original.)
APPENDIX D.
The Three Spies — Wihon, Stukelet/y and Manourie,
Sir Thomas Wilson, the Keeper of the Records, was knighted
on 20 July, 1618, and on 11 September (or 14) was appointed care-
keeper of Ralegh, and to report to the Council all the information
he could obtain from him. He continued in this office till
15 October. What he received for his services has not been
found recorded in the State Papei-s, but Stebbing notes he " was
driven to importunities three quarters of a year later for payment
of his wages for the six A^eks attendance upon Ralegh " (384).
On 19 January, 1619, James addressed a letter to the Fellows
of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, respecting a successor
to Dr. Branthwaite, then Master, who on that date was "danger-
ously sick, and not likely in any man's judgment to recover." He
appears to have died prior to 30 January, as on that date the
King sent another letter to the Fellows, and "orders them to
elect Sir Thos. Wilson ... in the room of Dr. Wm. Branthwait,
deceased; will take no denial, he being a man of learning and
sufficiency, and having performed long and faithful service. En-
dorsed [by Wilson] with note, that the letter was not sent."^
Probably Wilson had received some intimation that the request
could not be granted, and the Fellows elected Dr. J. Gostlin to
the mastership on 16 February, 1619.-
Baulked of this appointment, Wilson returned to the Record
Office, and retained his appointment there until his death in July^
1629.
This was not the only snubbing James received from Oxford,
for on the day after Ralegh's beheadal, he wrote to desire the
authorities of Wadham College to "admit to the next vacant
Fellowship, W. Durham, m.a., of St. Andrews, * notwithstand-
ing anie thing in your Stiitutes to the contrarie/" But this
attempt "to *job' a Scotchman into a Fellowship" was unsuc-
cessful. ^
The following transcripts of entries in the " Pells Order Book,"
No. 18, 1618-19, fos. 17b, 36b, relative to the payments made to
1 "Cal. S. P., James I, Dom.," CV, 70.
a " Hist, of Oonville and Caius Coll.," by J. Venn, III, 75 (1901).
* '' Hist, of Wadham Coll., Ox.," by T. G. Jackson 111 (1898).
KALEGHANA. 483
Manourie and to Stukeley, contain matters of much interest, and
do not appear to have heen printed hefore.
"By Order dated ix" Xovembris 1618.
" To William ^fannourry frenchman Practitioii? in Phisick the
some of twentie poundf in reward for his chargf travell and at-
tendance being latelie sent for from Plymouth for his Ma^e
seruice by Warrant from the Lordf of the Councell and here
attending w*'*out accompt imprest or other charge to be sett vppon
him for the same \} fre date vj^ Novembris 1608 (i) et j} authorit
Comissioii dal xxj^ Julii 1618 xx**."
" l^y Order dated 29 Dec 1618. That whereas S' Lewes Stuke-
ley K. viceadmirall of the County of Devon did by his ma*e
comandm^ latelie arrest <fe bring vpp hither out of Devon? the
j>son of S*" Walter Kawleigh lO latelie executed ^ did sequester
and mak stay of his shipp called the destiny w**»in the harbor of
Plymouth vppon the returne of the said Rawleigh from his late
voyadge from Guiana In the pformance of w*^ service the said
Stukly disbursed sondrie soines of money aswell to pay marrin^s
of the said shipp vpon their discharge & other occasions of the
Ship, as also for other charges of the said Rawleigh at Plymouth
Si in his iourney hither & for his owne attendance here vntill the
22^^ of this present Dec. amounting in all to 965'. 6' 3** as he
hath made ai)peare vnto his Ma^*'*, whereof the said Stukely hath
received 344^ raised by the sale of a c?taine quantity of Tobacco
found K^ taken aboard the said Ship as also 54'. 18* for a Halser
c?ten boltf of Canvas Emptie Cask^' & other |?visions belonging
to the Shipp by him likewise sold at Plymouth, so there resteth
due to him the sorne of vlxvj* xiij' iij"* w*=** his ma**® is gratiously
pleased should be paid vnto him Theis are therefore to require
yo" of such his Ma^e treasure as remaineth in yo' charge to deliiC
<fe pay vnto the said S*" Lewes Stukeley the said some of 566. 8. 3
The same to be taken to him as of his ma*e princely guift and
reward w**^out accompt &c. j> tre dat xxviij Dec 1618."
Manourie for his services, which lasted about three weeks, was
well paid ; but the sum received by Stukeley, even deducting the
necessary exi)enses of the journey of himself and prisoner, seems
to have been excessive.
It is difficult to say how much or how little of their testimony
against Ralegh is to be believed; nevertheless, it seems to have
been wholly worked into the " Declaration," whereas no reference
is made to that of Wilson, notwithstanding all his efforts to wrest
evidence from Ralegh. "Mannoury's evidence is of very little
importance," affirms Spedding; but James was of a contrary
opinion, and declared " the French Physitian's confession " to be
" very material " ; and the framers of the " Declaration " thought
so too, hence the reason why it occupies so many of its pages.
Not long after Stukeley and Manourie hod received their pay,
2h2
484 RALE6HANA.
letters from the Bev. T. Lorkin to Sir T. Puckeridge record their
subsequent criminal acts : —
"1618/9. Jan. 12. . . . Vpon Twelf night Stukely was
comitted close prisoner to y® Gatehouse for clipping of gould.
He had receyved of y* Exchequer some weeks before 500** in
recompence of y* seruice he had performed in y® buisnies of Syr
Walter Rauleigh, and beganne (as is said) to exercise y* trade
vpon that ill gotten mony (y® price of bloud). The manner of
discouery was strange (if my occasions would suffer me to relate
y« particulars). Vpon his examination he endeavored to avoyd it
from himself, by casting y« burthen either vpon his sonne or
man. The former playes least in sight and can not be found. The
seruant is comitted to y® Marshalsey, who vnderstanding (as they
say) that his Master would shift over the buisnies to him, is
willing to sett y* saddle vpon y« right horse, and accuses his M^"^
In the memoir of Stukeley in the " D. N. B." (of whose char-
acter a more favourable view is entertained than that which is
generally accepted), allusion is made to the "doubtful evidence of
a servant who had formerly been employed as a spy on Ralegh " ;
but the implication (on the father's testimony) of the son is
omitted. Stukeley 's condemnation (for which the King pardoned
him) and miserable ending are recorded in all histories.
The above was not the only occasion on which he was sum-
moned to answer some serious charge, for the following entry
appears in the "Council Register," James II, fol. 115 : "Another
Warraunt to Rob. Browne one of the Messingers of his Ma*
Chamber to bringe S' Lewis Stukeley of the Countie of Deuon
Knight before the Lordes to aunsweare to such matters as shalbe
obiected against him." The result of this examination is not
recorded. 2
The next letter shows Manourie to have been even a more con-
temptible character than Stukeley : —
"1618/9. Feb. 16. Manoury the french Apothecary (who
joigned w^** Stukely in y* accusation of Syr Walter Rauleigh)
is ... at Plymouth for clippyng of gould, as was his campanian
[sic] ... his examination was sent vp hether to y* King,
wherin ... (as I hear from Syr Rob. Winde, cupbearer I thinck
to his Ma***, who saith he read y« Examination) that his accusa-
tion ag* Rauleigh was false, & that he was wonne ther to by >•
practise & iniportunit of Stukely, and now acknowledges this his
present miserable condition a judgm' of god vpon him for that." *
J Harl. MSS., 7002, fol. 438. Cf. Chamberlain to Carleton, 9 January,
"S. P., James I, Dom.," CV, 7.
2 Cf. Edwards, I, 663.
» Harl. MSS., 7002, fol. 450. Cf. letter, Sir T. Wynn to Carleton, 28
January, in '* S. P., Jamca I,'* CV, 67.
RALEGHANA. 485
Both letters are printed at length in "Court and Times of
James I," by T. Birch (1849), I, 122-3, 137-41. In the latter
is the following comment on the importunity of Stukeley : **Likely
enough ; but who moved Stukeley 1 The fact is plain enough, that
the original mover of the treachery was more treacherous than
either, and was ashamed of his tools after he had employed them ''
(140).
APPENDIX E.
James I, Hia Delta and Character,
From what has already been stated there can be little difficulty
in attributing the condemnation of Ralegh to the endeavour of
James to extricate himself from his embarrassed position in money
matters. He thought that the sacrifice would gratify the Spanish
Court, confirm his son's marriage with the Infanta, and so enable
him to defray some of his debts, by appropriating a portion of the
dowry. Despite his impecunious position, he continued throughout
his reign to squander large sums on his favourites (especially on his
worthless handsome male ones), and on others, without any
attempt beyond promises, to limit either his ordinary or his e-\tra-
ordinary expenses. In the year after his accession '*he had
already incurred debts which he had no means of paying," and in
1606 they were reported to be increasing. In 1613 they amounted
to £500,000, and in 1617 to £726,000.1 He certainly engaged
on many occasions to reduce his expenditure, but it was not until
1610 that he "for the first time showed a desire to economise." ^
The weakness of the King in squandering " large sums of money
upon useless purchases of plate and jewels," especially upon his
favourites, can only be regarded as flagrant dishonesty. How
determined Spedding was to sec that James was incapable of
doing anything wrong, is shown by the "great failings" of the
latter being condoned on the plea that " he could not disappoint
his inclinations " ^ — a good excuse to be made for a kleptomaniac,
but a paltry one for a king. Examples of " the King's extrava-
gance " are thus noted by Gardiner : —
In 1616 "about 40,000 Z. were annually given away, either in
presents or in annuities paid to men who had done little or
nothing to merit the favour which they received. ... In February
(1617) he granted to six favourites, four of whom were of Scottish
birth, no less a sum than 34,000 Z." (I, 295 ; II, 1 1 1). In November,
1617, he gave Lord Hay 10,000/. for his wedding charges.* In
the memoir of Lord Hay in " D. N. B." this gift is unmentioned,
as well as the fact of his having been a French pensioner.^
1 Gardiner, I, 186, 293-5 ; H, 199 ; III, 198.
a Ibid., II, 200 ; III, 198. Cf. «* Cabala," 268 (1663).
» *• Even, with a Rev.," I, 207 (1881).
* ** Cal. S. P., James I, Dom.," XCIV, 13.
' "Archaeologia," XLI, 5.
486 BALEGHANA.
"In 1613 the king gave 17,000Z. for jewels presented to Lady
Frances Howard on her marriage to Lord Rochester, while his
personal guard and his postmen from Koyston were still unpaid.
He gave 2500Z. for a single jewel for the queen, and 3200/. for
one for the prince, while the pay of the navy was so much in
arrear that the wives and children of the sailors were hardly kept
from making an outcry at the gate."^
The State Papers contain many items of letters, petitions, and
projects for the payment of the King's debts; e.g. the Eaxl of
Salisbury received a letter from Sir J. Spilman for a debt " due
to him two years past from the King. Has long paid interest for
the pearls that were the Queen's last new year's gift " (from the
King). And a petition from A. Compton, " for payment of 7,277/.
12«. 3d. the surplus of his accounts due from the King and prince
for the past three years. "^ Among the numerous shifts and base
methods resorted to by James to increase his revenue were the
sale of knighthoods and peerages ; also of immense quantities of
Crown timber, which should have been reserved for ship-building.
Then in 1608
"a scheme was proposed, and a Bill was drafted for selling the
Crown lands by bastardizing Queen Elizabeth, an act of perfidy,
of ingratitude, and of baseness, from which the memory of the
king has only been saved by the total collapse of the scheme on
its first suggestion to the House "^ (Inderwick, 14).
One of the most dishonourable acts in his treatment of the
Roman Catholics with respect to the fines demanded from them
as Recusants was, that some of the sums to be collected were
farmed out to the exactions of speculators, of which the following
is a glaring example : —
"1610. jNIay 28. . . . Sir Jo. Savile offers SfiOOl per ann.
for Yorkshire recusants. Sir Geo.. Manners and Sir Thos.
Grantham, 2,000Z. per ann. mai-e than be/orey for Lincolnshire."*
Of this form of proceeding, Gardiner makes the feeble excuse :
"It is quite possible that James's only motive was his extreme
want" (I, 224) — a peculiarity which appears to have extended
throughout the time he reigned in England.
How, in the face of all these facts, Spedding could regard
James as a kind of idol, a pattern of what a king should be, is
difficult to imagine. Here are his words : —
1 Inderwick, 12-13. "S. P. Dom. James I," LXXV, 18. Cf. "Hist of
First Fourteen Years of K. James," 69-70 (1692). Of his lavishness to his
daughter Elizabeth, vide T. Carte. ** Hist, of Eng.," IV, 6 (1755).
« "Cal. S. P. James I, Dom.," LXIV, 48 ; LXVII, 135.
* Another example of the ingratitude of James to the memory of his
predecessor will be found in *' England as Seen by Foreigners," by W. B.
Bye, 121, 270-1 (1865)»
* ** Cal. S. P., James I, Dom.," LIV, 78. Italics not in oiiginal.
RALEGHANA. 487
"The more I become acquainted with him, the more I feel not
only a great personal kindness for him, but a conviction that, as
a governor, he was both wise and patriotic : — wise in his views,
patriotic in his desires and purposes. But then he had three
great failings. One of these runs thus : * If he had not talked
so much, I question whether, even now, his acts would have been
thought foolish."* He was fond of writing and of talking
platitudes, containing many praiseworthy promises, which he
failed to carry into execution. " He had pure Notions in Concep-
tion, but could bring few of them into Action, though they tended
to his own Preservation."- Among the " Instructions to his dearest
Sonne," these maxims will be found : —
" Justice, which is the greatest vertue, that properly belongeth
to a King."
" Vse Justice, but with moderation, as it turns not in tyrannic "
(" Basilicon Doron," 139).
"Justice I will give to all, and favour to such as deserve it,"
he said in his first speech to his English Parliament in 1604
(Gardiner, I, 191). How he applied these principles in Scotland
has already been related in the case of the Linlithgow ministers ;
while in England his earliest act was to direct a thief to be hanged
without trial (Hallam, I, 296).
According to Spedding (359) " Justice demanded " that James
should condemn Ralegh for " the committing of many murders "
at St. Thomas ; but when the latter complained, as he did in his
letter to the King dated 24 September, 1618 (Edwards, II, 368),
of the Spaniards having murdered in cold blood many English
seamen, Spedding refrains from making any comment. In his
** Apologie " Ralegh thus relates what took place : —
" Why did . . . those Spaniards, which were now encountered
in Guiana, tye six and thirty English men out of Master Walls
Ship of London and mine back to back, and cut their throats,
after they had traded with them a whole month, and came to them
a shore ; having not so much as a sword, or any other weapon,
among them all" (54-5 ; and ihid, 61-2, in letter to Lord Carew).
No action or remonstrance of any kind is recorded to have taken
place on the part of the English Government, and yet out of the
most barefaced audacity this incident is actually cited in the
" Declaration " as evidence that Ralegh knew of the existence of
St. Thomas, and that it was inhabited by Spaniards ! Here is the
passage : "It appeares notably in a letter of his owne hand
[apparently the one sent to the King], written since his retume
from his voyage, wherein hee complaines that the Spaniards of
the same place, did murder diuers of his men, which came in
1 ** Even, with a Rev.," I, 207.
2 A. Wilson, "Hist, of James," I, 289 (1658).
488 BAUBGHANA.
peace to trade with them, some seuen yeeres past" (30-1). And
yet Spedding makes no allusion to it, although, as we have seen,
he is ready enough to accuse Ralegh. Surely he most liave
possessed a distorted idea of justice !
The same fear of offending Spain continued to prevail in the
English Court to a later period, as, according to a letter from
Rev. T. Mead to Sir M. Stuteville of 10 March, 1620-1, Dr. Evans
had recently preached a sermon from Genesis xlix. 5, " and here-
upon digressing, to show the Spanish cruelties in the West Indies,
was, for it, by the lords of the council, committed to the Gate-
house."^
The sole comment of Spedding on James's dishonesty in money
matters is this remarkable paragraph : " I am not going to defend
either the profusions of the King which had exhausted his
exchequer, or the methods which he had used to replenish it"* —
a convenient way to dismiss an inconvenient subject.
In forcing the exactions of the Impositions and the Benevo-
lences upon the people, he must have forgotten his advice to his
son, " Aboue all, enriche not yourselfe, with exactions vpon your
subjectes."^
Apart from his unscrupulous methods of obtaining and of
squandering money, does James merit all or any of the encomiums
of Spedding for his wisdom, patriotism, and justice? Were these
qualities exhibited in his treatment of the Roman Catholics, and
which led to causes that produced the Gunpowder Plot? Were
they displayed in the disgraceful proceedings connected with the
divorce of the Countess of Essex ; with her subsequent marriage
to Rochester (Somerset) the King's handsome favourite ; with
the discreditable imprisonment of SirT. Overbury, and its terrible
culmination in his murder, one of the most atrocious that were
ever committed in the Tower 1 In all these transactions James
was in one way or other mixed up, and Ilallam arrived at the
conclusion, based on details fully described by him, that "some
important secret being disclosed, he had pusillanimously acquiesced
in the scheme of Overbury's murder," in which his confidant, the
Earl of Northampton, had taken such a leading part. This con-
clusion appears to be borne out by the King's terror, displayed by
him throughout the trial, and by his letters written during his
" anxiety and suspense, whether Somerset could be prevailed on
to confess his guilt, which would have prevented the public
appearance of the witnesses, and anything which Somerset might
reveal." But Somerset stoutly refused to do so. Gardiner re-
marks, " the tricks to which he [James] condescended, in order to
attain the desired end, were innumerable" (II, 351). Some idea
of James's idea of justice may be gleaned from his attempt to
1 "Court and Times of James I," by T. Birch, II, 237 (1849).
2 ** Even, with a Rev.," II, 284.
» "Basil. Dor.," 146.
RALSGHANA. 489
pardon the two principal prisoners (regarded by Gardiner as " a
want of delicate moral perception ") ; and while all the secondary
agents in the murder were executed, the Earl and the Countess
were reprieved, and sent to the Tower, where they remained about
five years, and were then pardoned and released. Nor was this
all, for after his condemnation James gave Somerset £4000 a
year in land, which he took grants of in the names of his servants;
corresponded with him after his release, "and seems to have given
him hopes of being restored to his former favour." ^
Was the character of James elevated by his treatment of Arabella
Stuart 1 A case, notes Hallam, as "among the hard measures of
despotism, even if it were not also grossly in violation of English
law" (I, 350). Having incurred the King's displeasure for her
marriage with Lord Seymour, she was sent to the Tower in 1611,
where, notwithstanding her piteous appeals to be released, she
remained till her death on 15 September, 1615. For nearly three
years she had been insane,- but the immediate cause of her decease
was dysentery — Tower dysentery. Her remains, unattended and
uncared for, were removed to Westminster Abbey, and buried like
those of a dog. The coffin, placed on that of Mary Stuart, was
" without a plate, and so frail, that the skull and bones were seen,
as far back as the record of visitors extends, visible through its
shattered frame." ^ The reason is thus recorded by James's apolo-
gist : " Because to have a great funeral for one dying out of the
King's favour would have reflected upon the King's honour, and
therefore it was omitted."* The "King's honour" was in abeyance
when James despoiled Arabella during the latter part of the pre-
ceding century, "of her paternal earldom with its broad lands, and
even of her mother's jewels, which had fallen into his hands on
occasion of the death of Thomas Fowler." ^
Then we have the cases of Ralegh, of Cobham, and of Northum-
berland, the "diabolical triplicity " ; whose ruin was mainly effected
by means of the malignant letters of Lord H. Howard (afterwards
Earl of Northampton), written on behalf of himself and of Cecil
to James, during the last two years of Elizabeth's reign.* The
asserted plot of 1603, of which Gardiner declared in his latest
work that Kalegh was "undeniably innocent,"^ and yet caused
the ruin of himself and of Cobham. The opportunity for accom-
plishing that of Northumberland was created by the Gunpowder
Plot, with which he was accused of suspected complicity. But
notwithstanding all the misleading assertions and sophistry of
1 Hallam, I, 852-4; " Archaologia," XVIII, 862-8; Gardiner, II, 840
ei seq,
2 Vide ** Life of A. Stuart/' by E. T. Bradley, II, 68 (1889).
« **Hi8tor. Memorials of Westminster Abbey/' by Dean Stanley, 157 (1882).
* Bp. Goodman, "Court of James I," I, 209 (1839).
» Edwards, I, 298.
« *• Trans. D. A.," XXXV, 669.
' *'Camb. Mod. Hist," 562.
490 AALEGttANA.
Coke, no proof or evidence could be produced to show that he
"had the slightest cognisance of it." Nevertheless, he was pro-
nounced guilty, and received the severe sentence of being deprived
of all his offices ; of being fined £30,000 ; and of being imprisoned
" during His Majesty's pleasure." He remained in the Tower for
eleven years, and paid £11,000 to the King.^
On reviewing the foregoing statements in illustration of James's
kingcraft, could it be considered as probable or possible for the
King to have treated Ralegh differently from others, when in his
opinion the higher qualities of wisdom, ])atriotism, and justice
were in any way detrimental to his interests?
The termination of his unworthy reign is thus related by James
Welwood (1652-1727) in his "Memoirs" : "King James went off
the Stage not much lamented ; and left in legacy to his Son, a
discontented People ; an unnecessary expensive War ; an in-
cumbred Revenue, and an exhausted Treasury ... in fine, he
entail'd upon his Son all the Miseries that befel him" (ed. 1749,
p. 17).
» Memoir of Northumberland in " D. N. B."; ** The House of Percy," by
G. Brenan, II, 116 d seq., 199-200 (1902).
BOTANICAL NOTES.
No. III.
BY HELEN SAUNDERS.
(Rewl at Lyuton, July, 1900.)
Continuing the plan I have hitherto adopted, I do not intend
to record plants which are generally common in Devon, or
which have been mentioned in my former papers, unless
there is some particular interest attached to them.
BIDEFORD.
Mr. Evans, formerly Master of the United Service College
at Westward Ho, published in 1881 his hand-list of plants
occurring within seven miles of the College, and added
supplementary pages in 1881, 1883, 1886, and another in
1894, for which the radius was extended in some directions
to twelve or thirteen miles ; therefore, no doubt, the list
contained all the wild flowers of the neighbourhood of
Bideford. But I must mention some I have observed there
which I have not previously reported in my notes.
Pa2)aver duhium . . . I^ng-headed l)oppy.
Fumaria pdlluliflora . . Pale-flowered fumitory.
Cochlearia danica . . . Danish scurvy grass.
Erysimum orientale (West-
ward Ho) . . . Hare*8-ear cabbage.
Sinapis alba . . . White mustard.
S, nigra .... Common mustard.
Lepidium pfrfoliatum . . Perforated pepper wort.
Vlolu OuHisii . . . Sea pansy.
Lychnis vesj)ertina . . . Evening campion.
Sagina maritima . . . Sea pearl-wort.
Eroffium maritimum . . Sea stork's-bill.
TrifoUum hyhridum . . Alsike clover.
Antfiyllis viUneraria, var.
coccinea .... Lady's fingers.
492 BOTANICAL NOTES.
Rosa stylosa .... Columnar-styled dog-rose.
Carum Carui (Fremington) . Caraway.
Valerianella dentatck . . Narrow-fruited lamb's lettuce.
Artemisia mariiima . . Sea wormwood.
Senecio squalidus . . . Inelegant ragwort.
Olaux maritima . . . Sea milkwort.
Beta mantima . . . Sea beet.
Triglochin palustre (Mr. Evans) Marsh arrowgrass.
T. maritimum . . . Sea arrowgrass.
Carex pendula . . . Great pendulous sedge.
Calamagrostis JSpigeios (Fre-
mington) .... Wood small-reed.
Phragmites communis . . Common reed.
Sclerochloa rigida . . . Hard meadow-grass.
Triticum acutum . . . Decumbent sea couch-grass.
It seems to me that the charming little plant Senecio
squalidus deserves a better title, being a pretty as well
as rare plant growing on bare walls and rocks, attracting
admiration by its bright yellow florets rising from a cup-
shaped involucre, with leaves, some drooping and others erect.
The only reported British stations are Oxford, Berkshire,
Warwick, and Cork. It is said to be a native of Sicily.
It was first published in Oxford by Paul Boccone in 1674 in
his book of the rare plants of Sicily. It was discovered
at Bideford about 1842. As Linnaeus so named it in his
"Species Plantarum," published in August, 1753, and also
quoted in his earlier work, "Hortus Upsaliensis" (1749), we
must allow he had a good reason for doing so. Mr. Hiem
considers it to be on account of its peculiar odour; and
although I have not noticed anything unpleasant about
it myself, it is, no doubt, disagreeable to some persons. It
is sometimes called Oxford ragwort.
I found Zepidium perforatum near the sea at Westward
Ho ; it is, no doubt, an alien and only recently introduced.
I have not heard of its having been discovered at any other
station in the county.
SIDMOUTH.
I am sorry I had very little time for collecting specimens
at Sidmouth, which locality possesses a rich flora. I refer
those who wish to become acquainted with it to Mr. W. H.
CuUen's "Flora Sidostiensis," in which he has recorded
many plants which are rare in the county of Devon.
On the rocks by the sea I noticed Daucus maritimus,
which Professor Babington placed as a synonym of Daiccus
BOTANICAL NOTES. 493
Carota. It is found on the sea-coasts of Devon and Cornwall,
but it seems to be rare in other counties.
In Harpford Wood, a short distance from the railway
station, I observed an Ajuga of an unusual form, but not
having secured a good specimen, it could not be named with
certainty.
I gathered Sagina maritima, sea pearlwort, and many
other flowers which are common in the county and have
been reported from other places.
TEIGNMOUTH.
The flora of Teignmouth has been fully reported in
Ravenshaw's " Flowering Plants of Devonshire " and in the
" Handbook to the Flora of Torquay," by Robert Stewart,
published in 1860. Miss Larter has also written a charm-
ing and descriptive book on the plants growing wild in the
neighbourhood of Torquay for many miles in all directions
(" Manual of the Flora of Torquay," published in 1900).
RapJianus viaritimus . . Sea radish
Silene maritima . . . Sea campion.
Oxalis comiciUata . . . Yellow wood sorrel.
Medicago sativa (two shades) . Common Lucerne.
Tnfoliuvi suffocatum . . Dense-flowered trefoil.
T. suhterraneum (Dawlisli) . Subterranean clover.
Vicia hithynica . . . Bithynian vetch.
Lathynis Nissolia . . . Grass pea.
L. sylvestris .... Everlasting pea.
JSedum glaucum (albescens) . Glaucous stonecrop (Mr.
Griffith).
Scabiosa colum^HiHa . . Small scabious.
Inula conyza . . . Ploughman's spikenard,
Salanum inarinum . . . Sea nightshade, bitter-sweet.
UMcularia vulgaris . . Common bladderwort.
Chenopodium inurale . . Kettle-leaved goosefoot.
A triplex arenaria . . . Sand orache.
Trich onevm Columrue (RomtUea) Columna's trichonema.
Lemna gibba .... Gibbons duckweed.
Sderochloa loliacea (Poa) . Darnel wheat-grass.
Triticum 2>ung€ns , . . Seashore wheat-grass.
Uordeum maritimum . . Sea barley.
I have gathered Eomulea ColurriTwc early in the spring on
Dawlish Warren. It is very rare in England; Dawlish
is almost the only station. It is found in Jersey and
Guernsey, and has been reported from Cornwall It is a
494
BOTANICAL NOTES.
small plant of the order Iridaceae, having flowers of a pinkish-
violet shade, with darker stripes, yellow anthers, and very
slender leaves.
Illecebrum verticHlatum is mentioned by Bavenshaw as
growing in Devon by the Dart and on the east side of Shute
Hill, near Axminster ; but I do not know if this has been
confirmed by other botanists. It has been recorded from
Braunton Burrows and from Looe and Marazion in Cornwall,
and I have been lately informed that it is still to be found
in the marshes near the latter place.
SOUTH MOLTON.
The discovery of thirty-three plants growing wild in this
neighbourhood, including Holland, Knowstone, and Eomans-
leigh, since July, 1901, has increased the number to 603.
They are : —
Fumaria muralis .
F, Borcei ....
Braasica Napiis
Spei'gula sativa
Malva borealis (pwdlld) .
Geranium striatum {versicolor) .
Ulex Gallii ....
Melilottis pnrviflora (Indica) '.
Trifolinm striatum .
T, agrarium ....
Spirma Ulmaria (double-
flowered) ....
Afjrimonia odr/rata .
Pijrus communis \
Callitrirhe stagnalis
Peplis Portula
Ejnlohium ayigustifolium, var.
hi'achycarpum
Rampant fumitory.
Borean's fumitory.
Rape, cole seed.
Corn spurrey.
Small-flowered mallow.
The painted lady.
Planchon's furze.
Small-flowered melUot.
Soft-knotted trefoil.
Golden trefoil.
^feadow sweet.
Fra<^rant agrimony.
Wild pear.
Water starwort(Romansleigli).
Water purslane.
Rose-bay.
E. monianumy a variety of, or perhaps E, durim.
E, roseum
Peucedanum satimim
Gnaphalium sylvaticum .
Petasites fragrans .
Hieracium murorum,, var. ere-
hridens ....
Euphrasia nemorosa (per Mr.
Hiem) ....
Lamium mactdatum
Pale smooth-leaved willow-
herb.
Common parsnip.
Upright cudweed (Romans-
leigh).
Winter heliotrope.
Wall hawk weed.
Wood eyebright.
Spotted dead nettle.
BOTANICAL NOTES. 495
Scleraiithus annuus . . . Annual knawel.
Vinca major (probably an
escaj)e) , . . . Larger periwinkle.
Lilium Martcujoii . . . TurkVcap lily.
Juncus hulhosus (supinus) in a
viviparous st^ite . . . Lesser-pointed rush.
J. Imfuiiius, var. fanciculaius . Toad-rush.
Scirpus setaceus . . . Slender clul>rush (Ronians-
Icigh).
Car ex Goodenovii . . .A. sedge (do.).
C. hiiiervis .... Green-ribbed sedge.
Liidreay a variety near (jlandulosa,
Lilium Martago7i^ which was found in North Molton
parish, is, no doubt, a garden escape, although growing
apparently wild and, as I was informed, self-sown where
1 discovered it.
Epilohium roseum seems to be very rare in North Devon,
but as in appearance it much resembles E, montanum and
growing as a garden weed, it has probably been passed over
or rooted up before flowering. It differs from JS, monianum
in having an entire stigma, leaves mostly alternate with
longer petioles, and two or four raised lines on the stem.
Epilohium angustifolium, var. brachycarpum, flourishes in a
wood in the parish of Knowstone ; it differs from the more
common form viacrocarpuvi in having root-stocks with long
stolens, pistils one-quarter longer than the stamens, and the
capsules very much shorter and spreading.
Sderanthtcs annuus I had previously discovered at Oke-
hampton ; it seems to be a rare plant in North Devon, but
not having an attractive appearance, it may have been
passed unobserved. Mr. Hiern has reported it from Countis-
bury.
An account of the discovery of Hieracium crehridens on
Sheepwash Hill, MoUand, has been given in the "Journal
of Botany" for August, 1904.
Fetasites fragi'ans, although not indigenous in Britain,
grows so wild where it is established as to become a trouble-
some weed, especially in shrubberies, where it destroys
other plants. It flowers in January. It is termed the
winter heliotrope, from the resemblance of its perfume
to that of the true heliotrope of gardens, which belongs
to quite another family (the Borage).
Minudus vioschatiis, which I reported in 1894, still main-
tains its position. I have seen a considerable quantity of it
lately growing on the banks of a stream a short distance
496 BOTANICAL NOTES.
from the town, and it also grows by the River Mole some
distance away. The species tiow known as MimiUus Langs-
dorffii (Donn's monkey-flower) flourishes near the same
place. In my list of plants growing wild in the parish
of South Molton I recorded it as Mimulus luttus, which
name is now considered incorrect.
For the year 1906 I am able to add seven discoveries,
making the total 610 : —
Ophioglossum vulgatum in the parish of Charles, near the
habitat of the daffodil, Narcissus eystettensis,
Nasturtiumsii/oliu7n(Filleigh)yAlysstimalyssoides{CheLr^^
Orobanche major (great broomrape) which is a parasitical
plant growing on the roots of leguminous plants, chiefly
broom or furze.
Silene Ctccubalus, var. puberida (bladder campion).
Vicia angusti/olia, probably var. Bohartii (common vetch),
and a bramble " with rather large white flowers, namely, the
dewberry, or perhaps a hybrid of it with another, and
approaching in character the bramble R. Bal/ouriamis,"
I had little opportunity for botanizing on Dartmoor last
July, but I have recorded some of the plants found in that
district under Okehampton, I must, however, mention a
beautiful luminous moss, Schistostega pennata, which was
pointed out to me by Mr. Amery on one of the excursions
made from Princetown. My attention was called to a cave
or well in a rock in the shape of a cloamen oven of rather
large dimension, which was lined with an even layer of fine
moss. The sun was shining across the cave and giving
it a splendid metallic appearance, which is said to be caused
by the reflection of the light by the minute cells of the
young branches or threads. This moss is found near Notting-
ham and in Lancashire and in other parts of England, but
it is rare in Devonshire.
The Public Botanical Walking Party from Barnstaple
made some excursions in this neighbourhood in the year
1905. I accompanied them on several occasions, when some
of the above-named plants were discovered. From other
parts of North Devon they have added some rare species
to the flora.
In conclusion, I beg to thank Mr. Hiem for the kind
assistance he has given me.
East tiinl uf 6L Andrtw^fi Uhurch, South Taw ton, with Burf^oyrie Able on South,
taxteHsion of 1S81, and Vcatry addeil 1903, an North,
iind
' .
BHRnVM^teAftiAiJ
•if*
«irk'
1 iT*
Ancient Granite Font removed iVom Cliurch iu Broken Cro.^s fit Wijit Wftk. ^ihowing Gaiew*jr
iUstoi'a lion of 1 8 8 L a n d oM H o u se - froii t.
The Cax3»cHV{KUDiEsift' \ccovj«t8 of South Tawtos.— To fact p. 497.
THE CHUECHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF
SOUTH TAWTOK
BT ETHEL LEGA-WEBKES.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
INTRODUCTION.
The accounts of the churchwardens of South Tawton are
replete with matter of general as well as lopal antiquarian
interest; for, beginning as far back as 1524^ — a period prior
to the Eeformation — they illustrate almost step by step the
changes in doctrine, in ritual, in legislation, and in adminis-
tration of the Church of England, while their quaint lan-
guage abounds in treasure for the etymologist.
Those of the earlier years — down to 1540 — are written in
Latin (of a sort !), mostly contracted, and interspersed with
English or quasi-English words; but they are not as diffi-
cult to decipher as some of the English ones of later years,
where the handwriting is more careless and irr^ular, the
words crowded, and lines interlocked in an evident desire to
economize parchment, and the spelling so eccentric that some
of the most familiar words long defied recognition. I have,
however, revised my transcripts by the originals, for un-
restricted access to which I am greatly indebted to the kind-
ness of the Eev. J. Foulkes-Clarke, the present incumbent.
VoL I comprises three divisions, of which the last in
order of binding is the earliest in date, being the accounts of
the head wardens from 1524 to 1568 — with, however, a
lamentable hiatus from 1540 to 1555, nine or ten pages
having been written on and afterwards cut away. They are
continued in the middle division, 1569 to 1612, and again on
page 23, as modernly numbered, where they terminate with
the year 1613, to be resumed in Vol. II with the year 1648.
In the first division of VoL I the first page after two fly-
^ In the parish registers the christenings begin in 1540, the marriages and
burials in 1558.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2 I
498 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
leaves is numbered " 5/' and ten appear to have been cut out
before the next, which is marked " 7."
This portion — pages 7-22 (covering the period 1550-71)
— is occupied by a distinct class of accounts, namely those
of divers "Instaura" or "stores," i.e. stocks of money and
goods, dedicated in honour of certain saints to special de-
votional or charitable objects and administered by their
respective wardens, who were appointed in pairs for a twelve-
month, and were answerable to the head wardens.
As to the titles of the wardens, it may be noted that from
1524 to 1540 the keeper of the principal accounts is described
as the warden ("custos") of the goods and chattels of the
store (" iustaur") of St. Andrew. After that he is called the
" Hed warden " (or, as in 1562, "Chief warden "), and separate
accounts are rendered by "St. Andrew's Wardyns." In 1556,
among the receipts of John Dunning, "Hed Warden," occurs
the item of "x s. from St. Andrew's warden." Among the
subsidiary warden's accounts we find, in 1552, Simon Downe
and John Ascot "gardiani Instaur* Sci Andrei," and a
list of arrears names Walt. Gidlegh, Gustos honor' p'ochianor*
in Staur' no'is Jhesu', 36 Hen. viii ; and Joh. Moore & Joh.
Mannyng, Ousted' eccl'ie p'ochial' in staur' no'is S'ci Audree,
A° D'ni, 1568. Later, 1569-71, the term "Hedwarden" is
replaced by " Warden " (" Gustos ") " of the goods and chattels
of the parish church " (cf. titles of J. Battishill in accounts of
1601 and 1602), and from 1571 to 1590 by "Warden and
Gollector [one man] of the goods and chattels of the parish
church," while concurrently, from 1586 to 1591, separate
accounts are rendered by two men " Keceiver(s ?) and Col-
lector(s?) of goods for the repair of the church," and for
some years following, sums are acknowledged from " collec-
tors for the courche," " for the common store," and " for the
reparation of the church"; and long lists of arrears due
from parishioners for that object are carried forward. In
1580-2-3 the first warden alludes in his account to two
others, "Eccl'ie Gustod'"; in 1585 he receives from two men
a sum "de pecunia collect'." The Eev. Hilperic Friend
("Bygone Devonshire," p. 108), in his notes on the accounts
of Milton Abbot, expresses surprise that money gathered
about the parish to pay for bread and wine for the Holy
Gommunion " should have passed through the hands of such
an official as the Hay- Warden." It would indeed be curious,
seeing that the Hay-Warden's duty was to look to the
hedges (Fr. "haie"; A.S. "hag") and to impound straying
animals, but in this case the word must certainly be inter-
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 499
preted •* High warden." In the same accounts we find the
speUings "Hey-" and "Heigh-"; in those of Morebath
" Hye-" warden ('* Uev. N. & Q.," Morebath, p. 99).
In the Tavistock Accounts (edited by R. N. Worth) I
notice first in 1561 two " wardens of the parysche churche";
at an earlier date the head warden (as I suppose), John Nyle,
is described as "Governor" ("gubernator") of the church. In
the Somerset Accounts two men in 1526 were "hye wardens
of the hye store of St. George" (the saint to whom the church
was dedicated), and at Pilton, it is stated,^ until the year 1530
a single warden administered the parish funds and alone was
responsible to the visiting authority, but under him there were
no fewer than four pairs of wardens, viz. ** Our Lady Wardens,"
" Wardens of St. John's Brotherhood," " Warden of the high
light on the Rood-loft," and those of the "Key," "Kye," or
" Cows." In another Somerset parish, 1525, etc., besides the
accounts of the high wardens there are concurrent accounts
" of the Five men." ^
To return to South Tawton, it may be observed that the
head- warden's account of 1559 is made '^ coram Joh'i Wyks,
Armigero, Will'mo Battishill, Georgio Milford, Ric. Estbroke,
Rob'to Wonston," etc., and that succeeding accounts down
to 1594 are similarly witnessed or audited by the same or
other leading parishioners. These must have included, I
think, the "Questmen" or "Sidesmen" (a term generally
held to be derived from " Synods men "), who in most large
parishes acted as a sort of assistant wardens. At Hevytree,
in certain articles dated 1586, four persons (named) "now
being Sidemen or ffoxvcr men of the same parish " agree to
" faithfully deale in churche causes for the best mayntenance
of the said church, and other necessaryes concernynge the
coinon utilitye of the parishe." The "stronge chest" with
three locks and three keys, containing "the parishe stock,
and all such wrytynge and Evidence as belongeth to the
said paryshe" . . . "shall remayne alwaies in the custody
of one of the Sidemen."
The churchwardens are to render account annually to the
sidemen, and to deliver to them any of the "church store
remaining in their hands " (" D. N. & Q.," VoL I, ii. 37).
In the Chagford accounts, 1521, " the Eight men " delivered
to (S* Michael's) Wardens 48" 4**, "which remain from
the hogner's store." . . . The functions of the "Church
Council" (or "Vestry" in modern parlance) are to be
1 Somerset Record Society, Vol. IV, **Som. Ch. W'dena*. Accts.," edited
l)y Bishop Hobhouse, p. 49, ' /&kf., p. 210.
2i2
500 THB CHUKCHWARDKNS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON.
gathered, says the editor of the Somerset Accounts (Som.
Rec Soc, Vol. IV, p. xi), from the things entered as
done ''coram parachianis,** As to the management of the
church fabric or accessories great freedom was left to the
people, but they were under the inspection of rural deans
and archdeacons, and the wardens (or, according to other
authorities, sidesmen) were sworn to the Visitation Ck>urt to
make presentment of every defect; for the duty of the
parish to maintain and furnish the House of God was
enforceable in the Church Courts. Wardens and sidesmen
were also charged with the responsibility of presentment to
the Archdeacon's Court of moral delinquencies in their vicar
and the flock.
Among the most constantly recurring expenses in the
South Tawton accounts are those for four men riding to
Exeter to the Episcopal and Archidiaconal Visitations. I
conjecture these men to have been the head-warden and
sidesmen. That they did not include wardens of subsidiary
stores or guild-wardens may, I think, be inferred from an
item in one of the subsidiary accounts (1550) alluding under
the head of expenditures to ''the four men,** A similar
class of entries relates to the journeys to Exeter of several
men (generally four) in charge of moneys that had been
levied on the parish, such as the king's subsidies and
" Peter's Pence." We also hear very often of " four men "
riding to Chagford or to Dunsford, to military musters or on
business connected with them, and of their going before
justices or commissioners on divers matters. Whether these
four men were always the same whatever their mission,
or whether the functions of sidesman and of constable or
tithing-man or other such offices might be combined in one
person, I do not know, but there seems to me to be some in-
dication that one at least of the party of money-bearers was
customarily a constable. A Star -Chamber Proceeding
(Ph. and M. Bund. I, No. 22) contains the statement that
John Wykes of South Tawton, gentleman, was constable of
the parish of South Tawton in the reign of Philip and Mary^
and in 1572-3, as is recorded in the Court Roll of the
Borough of Zeal ("Trans." XXXV, 536), he ("John Wykes
Armiger ") was elected " bailiff."
In another Star-Chamber Proceeding (Bund. 32, No. 57)
it is asserted, more than once, that in 1533 John Battishill,
Henry Gidley, Thos. Yeoland, and Kichard Waleys were
"constables of the Parish."
In the head- warden's account of 1562 occurs the item " to
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 501
iij men to ryde to exeter before the co'stabel of the Hundred."
In this, as in several similar ones, the ambiguity of the word-
ing leaves me in doubt whether the men accompanied the
constable or went to him. William Battishill appears re-
peatedly in these accounts; e.g. 1555, "paid unto William
Battyshell for fettyng home the church harnes." 1556, "to
William Battushill & John Donnyng for there expences to
appere before the comyssyoners, xv d." 1567 (Subs.), "paide
unto Mr Battyshill & Richard Wycks for ffyfty doUe, iiij
li. xij s. xd." 1559 (in connexion with expenses of Institu-
tion and Induction), " p'd for the chargesse of mayster batty-
shil & the vicar, xxx"."
It is disappointing not to find in the earlier South Tawton
accounts any explicit reference to a parish clerk. It is true
that the word " clerk " occurs a few times, but as this was a
term applied to any person in holy orders in contradistinction
to laymen, it might here indifferently designate the chaplain
of Zeal (of whom more anon) or the vicar himself, though a
certain item of 1575, the payment of ** 8d. to the clerke for
fetching more tile from North Wyke," would seem to relate
to a subordinate. In the Registers of Burials, under date
15 January, 1622, I find (to translate) "James Beard,^
formerly Parish clerk of this church." John Beard was then
vicar. Possibly both were sons of the George Beard, who in
1607 contested the vicarage against Henry Bowker (" Trans."
XXXIII, 437), the King's presentee, and who is named in
these registers as vicar of South Tawton from 1594 to 1604.
In 1696 was buried "Richard Marks ye Parish clerk."
In the Decretals of Alexander III^ it is written: "A
Presbyter cannot alone perform the solemn service of the
Mass and other offices without the support of an assistant,"
and Bishop Grosseteste^ (1235-53) commands that "in every
Church of sufficient means there shall be a deacon or sub-
deacon, but in the rest a fitting and honest clerk to serve the
priest in a comely habit." The distinction between either
subdeacon or colet (acolite) and parish clerk is not a very
rigid one, for no one might hold the latter position who was
not in one of the minor orders at least (the successive stages
^ In 1615 James Beard married Jane Lug.
In Vol. Ill of the "Cal. of Early Chancery Proceedings" (undated, but
mostly 1485 to 1500), Bund. 118, No. 24, I note ''Margaret Berde k James
lier son, Plaintiffs, v, John Speke K^ re the manor of Talbottyswyke in
North Tawton k three tents, in George Hamme, late belonging to John
Talbot, Esq."
2 **The Rise of the Parochial System in Eng.," the Rev. 0. J. Reicbel,
Exeter Dioc. Arch. Soc, ser. 3, Vol. II, pt iiL p. 110.
3 Ibid., citing Brown, Fasc. II, 412.
502 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
being in the words of Caxton, " fyrst benet, then colet, sub
deeon, deacon, and then preest),"^ and as Bishop Hobhouse
remarks, and as Mr. Chanter has shown in an instructive paper
(*• Trans. Dev. Ass." XXXVI, 391) on this subject, the parish
clerk was occasionally raised to the subdiaconate, which was
the lowest of the major orders. The chief practical difiference
appears to have been that whereas for those in training for
the priesthood there was no endowment (Som. Rea Soc.,
Vol. IV, p. 19), and the maintenance of such for the assist-
ance of the priest was not compulsory (the expenses, if any,
in this connexion being defrayed by the priest himself), the
parish vxts obliged to support the paHsJi clerk.
The duties of the ideal parish clerk were multifarious.
He was to sing with the priest, to read the epistle and
lesson, and presumably to join the clergy in ringing the
church bells — a task which in pre-Eeformation times might
not be delegated to any layman, and was performed in
surplice.^ He was to be a scholar and to act as schoolmaster
to the boys of the parish, to attend the priest inside the
church and out, and particularly in funeral and other proces-
sions, carrying a vessel of holy water which he sprinkled
about him by means of a long brush. Indeed, his distinctive
office was that of '*aqu8e bajalatus," — the so-called benefice of
the holy water,^ — which entitled him to goabout theparish with
his holy water * at certain seasons (there is frequent mention
of the " holy water bucket " in the South Tawton accounts)
and claim from each house " a stetch of clean corn " ; or (" at
Lammas" say some, i.e. 1 August), "when men have shorn
their sheep . . . some wool to make him cotts to goo yn the
parishs livery" (Som. Rec, IV, 223).
1 find no mention of a sexton in the South Tawton accounts,
but in 1529 John Well, and in succeeding years John Veale
(probably the same man, and by trade, apparently, a joiner),
appears as " Keeper of the Bells," being succeeded in that
capacity in 1559 by John Ascot; and from 1526 to 1531
Henry Smith receives two shillings a year as " Keeper of the
Cemetery," and sometimes a few pence for care of hedges, etc.
Another church office was that of dog-whipper, the first
reference to this being, I think, in 1583: "Pd. Connyby for
kepyng out of the Doges out of the courche, xvj d." Similar
* The Orders temp. Bp. Vescy were Tonsurati, Accoliti, etc. — W. E. M.
2 *'N. and Q.," Istser., Vol. XI, p. 33.
» O.J. R., "Par. Syst," 111.
* This reminds me of the ceremony of blessing and asperging houses which
I have witnessed in Como.
THE CHUKCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTOX. 503
entries and payments for " a cord for a whippe " for the same
purpose recur down to comparatively modern times in these,
and are to be met with in many other, churchwardens' ac-
counts. Some delightfully quaint woodcuts, showing a vigorous
application of the whip (or scourge, rather, for it appears to
have two thongs) upon canine intruders at the very foot of
the altar, are given in a little work of 1507, entitled " Dat
Boexken van der Missen," recently reproduced for the
Alcuin Club and edited by Percy Dearmer (1903). Very
probably in the times when secular business was commonly
transacted in the body of the church the dogs were in the
habit of accompanying their masters into the building ; and
perhaps at first it was only if they were noisy, or if they
ventured into the chancel, that forcible ejection was resorted
to. May not the use of the hinged doors and gratings, said
to have been features of some of the old " squints," have been
to prevent dogs and cats from leaping through these apertures
when the chancel gates were closed ?
In 1561 there is an entry which presents a very pretty
problem for arithmeticians ! It distinctly reads : " I ask
allowans of xij® in batyng the farthynge* off ij pens ferthynge
cooyng', which is the suine of xviij d." ^ The subs, wardens'
account of 1550 contains a defective item, presumably of the
same nature: "xvj d. for the change of a ffortye. . . ."
And that of 1562 records a loss of three shillings on four
"pysterlyns" {rpicvi'e, diminutive of pistoles?) "and Spanish
money " received from the previous wardens. In the Pilton
account for 1508 I note, " Item for a lowans of badde grotes
cryppe iij s. ij d." The clipping of hammered coin was a
l)ersistent offence. Henry VII, in an endeavour to check it,
coined new groats and twopenny-bits with outer circles, and
ordered that the "hole scripture" (i.e. whole inscription)
should be &bout every piece of gold; but the clipping as
well as counterfeiting went on well into the seventeenth
century.
As to the value of money at the period of Edward VI and
Elizabeth, the editor of "Somerset Chantries" lays down the
rule that to get at the modern equivalent of the prices
quoted we should multiply by twenty: this would be, he
adds, rather low for the reign of Henry VIII.
It may be as well to prelude a further discussion of the
contents of the South Tawton accounts with an outline of
the history of the church and benefice. The dedication is
^ 12s. =64 coins val. 21d. each ; 64 farthings = Is. 4d., not Is. 6d.
504 THE CHURCHWARDBNS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTOK.
to St. Andrew,^ a saint whose cult was probably introduced
into England by the monks of the Benedictine order sent
•over from the monastery of St. Andrew, at Rome, by Pope
Gregory (himself a monk of that house), c. 600 A.D. St
Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterbury, was a prior
of St. Andrew's, and not only that metropolitan, but all the
other cathedrals in England, besides many monasteries and
churches, were founded by Benedictines.
The style of the edifice is in the main "Perpendicular,"
though several stages of work (apart from obviously late
additions) may, I think, be detected in the masonry — that
of the small turret for ascending to the leads, and the walling
of the south aisle as far as the Burgoyne Chapel and ex-
clusive of the south porch, appearing to be of the oldest
Near the top of the turret is a stone-faced sundial inscribed
with the motto from Juvenal — o(r)brepit . NON . intellecta
. SENECTUS . (Age creeps on unperceived). Perhaps, though,
the earliest material relics are the disused font and a taper-
ing slab (22 in. high, 13^ wide at head, 12^ at foot) with
a cross cut upon it in slight relief, discovered during the
alterations of 1903 and set by Mr. Clarke, for its preservation,
in the stopped-up north doorway. I take it to be a stone
coffin-lid or monumental slab. A drawing of one closely re-
sembling it, but measuring 3 ft 8 in. by 2 ft 2 in., is given
on p. 79 of Alfred Pope's " Old Stone Crosses of Dorset"
Others, short in proportion to their width, and one or two
nearly square, as well as many of normal height, are shown
in " The Eoyal Forests of England," by J. C. Cox, " Some
Feudal Coats of Arms," by Joseph Foster, and in Bouteirs
"Manual of British Archaeology." Their dates range from
the Saxon period — of which 1 have seen examples at Peter-
^ Mr. William Crossing, in his "Crosses of Dartmoor" (p. 125), Las re-
marked on the coincidence that tlie two inscribed posts in the villaf^e of
Sticklei>ath (near to the boundaries resj>ectively of Belstone and Sampford
Courtenay) bear, among other figures, crosses of St. Andrew ; and that the
church of S. T., not a mile distant, is dedicated to that saint. I may observe
further that the church of Sampford Courtenay is also named after St. Andrew.
Now in * * D. B. " the manor of S. C. — including, I suppose, then as now, Stickle-
path — and the manors of Belstone and "Coic" were held {inter alia) o{ Ba\dwm
the Sheriff, lord of the barony of Okehampton (Whale, ** Analysis of Domes-
day," Nos. 367, 368, 456), and the church of Cowick, with lands, was bestowed
by Baldwin's son, William, on the great Benedictine monastery of Bee, in
ifoi-mandy, and thereupon became a "cell" to that foreign house. The
priory at Cowick was also dedicated to St. Andrew, but whether l)eforc or
only after the affiliation I do not learn. The chapel of Stickleptth was for a
time attached to it (see Tanner's "Mouasticon," Nasmyth ; Bridge's "His-
tory of Okehampton," p. 115 ; Oliver's ^'Coll'n.," p. 10 ; "Abbots of Tavistock,"
E. 247). The suggestion was once offered by an antiquary that S. T. Church
ad belonged to Cowick, but Preb. Hingeston-Randolph confuted this theory.
THE CHURCHWARDBNS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 505
borough Cathedral and at Okehampton Church — into the
fourteenth century ; but Boutell says that stone coffins " for
the interment and also for the memorial of persons of emi-
nence and wealth " came into general use about the close of
the eleventh century. They were often, he explains, buried
so close to the surface of the ground in the church or yard
that the lid was exposed. Some of the slabs, he remarks, are
of very small divunsions, and may possibly be memorials of
persons who have died at an early age. But I have noticed
that some of the short ones are carved with insignia of rank
or occupation, such as the sword, the pilgrim's staflf and
wallet, the forester's axe, the wool-merchant's shears — as if
commemorating an adult.
The font, I am told, has been pronounced Anglo-Saxon.
It is of rude surface and simple form — a square block of
granite with the angles chamfered off and with a large
round basin cut in it, the rim showing mortice-slots and
peg-holes, doubtless for the attachment of the cover,
of which we read in the head warden's account of 1538.
The irregular stump of granite on which it now stands in
the vicarage garden (whither it was removed during the re-
storation of 1881) cannot, I think, be the original pedestal
It is to be hoped that the proposed reinstatement of this
venerable object will not be long deferred.
We have not here, as in so many Devonshire villages,
an ancient granite cross within the churchyard, though
possibly one may have stood just outside the lich-gate,
where an oak growing in a square, walled bank is called
by the inhabitants " the Cross Tree." I must add the warn-
ing that the name "Cross" hereabouts, as in the case of
" Spitlars Cross," often simply means cross-roads, and that
two lanes open nearly opposite to each other into the road
not far from the tree.
The nearest cross now remaining (and that only as a base
and stump of shaft) is about a quarter of a mile to south-
ward— its name, "Moon's Cross," perpetuating that of the
Mohun family, who once held lands in the parish.
There was another at the junction of the road from Moon's
Cross with that to Sticklepath, known as "Townsend," or
" Zeal Head," or " Head Hill Cross," but this, I read, was
entirely destroyed some seventy years ago by a man who
was shortly afterwards hanged for felony.
In his work on the "Stone Crosses of Dartmoor" Mr.
William Crossing has described all such monuments now
extant in South Tawton, i.e. Zeal Cross, Oxenham Cross,
506 THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON.
Cross on Einghole Copse, Cross at Addiscott, and Croas a
West Wick.
I may not here enlarge upon the various purposes an<
uses of wayside crosses — as guide-posts, as manorial or othe:
boundary marks, as memorials of the preaching centres o
early Christian missionaries, as prayer-stations, or as pointi
of sanctuary privilege.
" The ancient manner of founding [some] parish churches,'
we are told,^ " was that the founder applied to the bishof
of the diocese and obtained his licence, then the bishop or his
commissioner set up a cross, and set forth the ground where
the church was to be built, and the founders might proceed ;
and when the church was finished the bishop was to conse-
crate it/' 2
Of the date or nature of the foundation of South Tawton
church we can learn nothing.^ Inferentially, it was not col-
legiate but donative, or, if I may coin the expression, Capel-
lanal in origin. I follow Mr. Reichers use of the termfi
" collegiate " and " donative " (in his " Eise of the Parochial
System," pp. 14, 15, etc.), meaning by the first, " churches
equipped with a staff of clergy holding office by election and
performing worship solemnly after the ancient model," and
by the second, "lesser churches or chapels" [founded bj
private persons], " and comprising all administered by a singk
' clergyman, whether priest or deacon."
In modern lexicons the definition of a Donative is much
the same as that of a Free Chapel or Peculiar (see " N". E. D."
' " (2) spec, a benefice which the founder or patron can bestOMi
,j without presentation to or investment by the Ordinary")
I Without presentation, institution, or induction, says Jacol
I (" Law Diet."), and exempt from the bishop's jurisdiction oi
» visitation. The king, he further states, might of ancient
'■» time found, or might by his letters patent give licence to, s
f common person to found such a church or chapel.
But though South Tawton was a " Terra Eegis," its bene<
fice was, apparently, never a Donative in this latter sense —
certainly not since the time of Bishop Bronescombe.
The fact that "Domesday Book" does not mention any
i" church in either of the Tauetonas does not necessarily
!'
I 1 Crippa' "Law Rel. to the Ch. and Clergy," p. 389.
} ^ ** . . . When Cliristianity came a second time into [England] it came
iin the guise of monachism. The monk and the missionary were one. . . ,
Almost every large cliiirch was attached to a monastery, and in the first
instance the monks were tlie parish -priests of the diocese " (Smith, ** Diet.
Chr. Ant").
' ^ Mr. Mugford lias been unable to find any record at Exeter of consecra*
tion or dedication at South Tawton.
Anuiont (Iranite Cross at
Ringhole Co[>se.
Cross by roadside new
Oxenhain.
KiMiiains of Moon's Cross at fork
of roa<ls abont a quarter-mile
South of Cliureh.
Ancient Monumental Slab recently
discovered, and now set in dis-
used North Doorway.
The LiitRiHWAKi en.-.' At counts of Jiouth Tawtc k.— 7'o /(Otr p.
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 507
imply its non-existence, but only proves that there was no
endowment of a benefice with a manor or freehold estate.
This, indeed, we are told, was a rai*e form of endowment in
Devon, the lord in some cases granting the priest only a
copyhold tenement to hold at his will (0. J. R, " Paroch.
Syst.," p. 3).
Mr. Keichel's list ("Par. Syst.," p. 17) of the churches
ascertained to have existed in Devonshire at the date of
"Domesday" (1086) includes very few of the "donative" class;
but I suppose there must have iDeen more such, the records
of which have perished. Edward's Ecclesiastical Law in
1064 (Law 9) declared that there were then three or four
churches in many places where formerly there was but one,
and this increase was, as Mr. Keichel explains, promoted
by the facility with which, after the Norman Conquest,
manorial chapels or domestic oratories were converted into
burial churches, often in defiance of the prior claims of
mother churches.
Eight of burial, let it be remembered, not only entailed
fees for interment and for obituary-masses (for which soul-
shot was paid at the open grave), but carried with it certain
other advantages that gave the church a quasi-independent
status. Edgar's Law, a.d. 958, says : " If any Thane hath
on land booked to him a church with a burying-place, let
him pay the third part of his tithes unto his own church.
If he hath a church with no burying-place, let him give his
priest wliat he will out of the nine parts; but let every
church due go-to the ancient minster." ^
To prevent the impoverishment of the older burial-
churches the Twelfth Canon published at the Legatine
Council of Westminster, A.D. 1138, ordained: "By Apos-
tolical authority we forbid any man to build a church
or oratory on his own estate without his Bishops license."
" The Cathedraticum or See-due still paid by many churches
was," says Mr. Keichel, " a composition for this licence, i.e.
for leave to bestow the tithes on a local church and to treat
it as a burial or parochial church."
It is difficult to imagine how the inhabitants of South
Tawton can have disposed of their dead when (or if) they
were without local burial privilege. There is a tradition
of ancient interments having been discovered at Wickiug-
ton and at Crook Burnell, and I recall, further, having
^ A law of Cnut, 1017, alludes to lesser churches that have a burial-place
where little service is done, and country churches where there is no burial-
place (see O. J. R., *• Rise Par. Syst.," p. 15.
508 THB CHUKCHWARDBNS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON,
been told by an old resident, Mrs. Mary Dunning, that
an ancient **lich-way" or "lich-path" ran through the
hamlet (of East Wyke ?), passing " right through a great old
barn there," and, I think she said, "out over the Moor."
Lydford Church (as Mr. Brooking-Bowe reminds me) was
the burial-place for all the inhabitants of that parish, which
extended over the whole of Dartmoor (a few tenements
only, lying at a great distance, obtaining permission to bury
at Widecombe) ; but South Tawton being outside the bounds
of the parish of Lydford, could not, on the score of its
situation, have claimed burial there.
Whether, by the time of its bestowal by Henry I on
Constance de Bellomonte, South Tawton was the "shrift-
shire" of a "mass-priest" charged with "cure of souls"
(see 0. J. R, "Paroch. Syst.," pp. 3, 5, 11), or whether its
people depended for ordinary religious ministrations (and,
as I understand, for baptism of infants) on a private
chaplain maintained, subject to the bishop's sanction, by
the lord of the manor, I can find no record. In the latter
case they must have had to travel to a fully privil^ed
parish for Mass on High Festival days, as well as for buriala
King John's gift, when Earl of Mortain, of the rents
of four men in AUinges ton ("Trans. Devon. Assoc," XXXIV,
p. 594), in South Tawton, to the distant, and then recently
founded, priory of Canonlegh, might lead one to suspect
either that a church did not then exist in South Tawton,
or that, if existing, it was an offslioot from that collegiate
institution. But gifts to monasteries were so commonly a
matter purely of personal predilection that, I think, little
or no importance could attach to such a conjecture.
John's grant in 1199 to Koger de Tony ("Trans. Devon.
Assoc," XXXIV, 590), though containing no mention of a
church or advowson, defines Aielrichescot as "in paroch* de
Suthawthune," and we may pretty safely accept the word
" parochia " ^ at that date, and in that context, as equivalent
^ Although the parochial system was more or less developed in many — per-
haps most — parts of England, before the year 1000, there is no word formed
from '* parochia" nor any directly answering to it in Old English, the nearest
equivalents being *' preost-scir" and **scrift-scir," both of eleventh or late
tenth century, the latter rendered ** parochia" in the thirteenth century,
Latin version. The laws of Wni. Conq. have, " E de mere iglise de parosse
XX souz, 6 de chapele x souz," but the English word "parish" has not
been found before the thirteenth century (**N. E. D.").
**At what time parochial tithes were separated from the mother church
and affixed to the parish church does not appear. Selden, Cap. xir, on tithes,
says that in the Saxon times we find ecclesiae simply, and not until the Nor-
man dynasty *ccclesiae cum decimis*" (Smith, "Diet. Chr. Ant.").
The Exceptions of Egbert, Archbishop of York, a.d. 750, directs the priests
THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 509
to "parish" in the modern signification. South Tawton
was unquestionably a fully privileged parish in the thirteenth
century.
In 1309 Robert de Tony died, and his sister and heir
Alice brought the manor of South Tawton to her husband,
Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. The Inq. p.m.
(" Trans. Devon. Assoc," XXXIII, 411) names Geoffrey de
Tony as having paid rents to Robert for lands and tenements
in Sele and South Tawton. It has been suggested that
Geoffrey was his son. He is evidently identical with the
Geoffrey Tony who occurs in the Episcopal Registers (Stapel-
don's Register, p. 261) as "Rector of Tawytone, 26 May,
1310," and as the patron under whom Nicholas Walwayn,
clerk, was instituted 26 April, 1314. Geoffrey must have
died before 1339, for in that year we find in Grandisson
(ibid., p. 907), under "Procurations of the Cardinals,"
" Nicholas [Walwayn] Rector Ecclesia de Southetautone pro
Vicaria que quondam ibidem fuit jam consolidata cum
Rectoria sua, taxa xlvj s. viijd " (in margin " xiijd."). As to
this consolidation of the rectory and vicarage. Dr. Pearson
remarks : " Until the time of Henry VIII, the Bishop and
patron together had almost unlimited power in such matters,
and could make the two separate appointments or consolidate
them, but even in the fifteenth century the action of the
common law made the proceedings diflBcult and uncertain."
On 20 March, 1349, Thomcis Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick
(who had presented John de Chalveston, clerk, to South
Tawton in 1344), made a gift of the advowson and rectory
of South Tawton to the College of St. George, Windsor.
On 28 June, 1349, Edward III gave his licence to them to
appropriate the rectory to their own uses, and on 1 August,
in the same year, Bishop Grandisson (Episc. Reg., Hinges-
ton-Randolph) at Chudleigh gave his licence for the appro-
priation. He says he had learnt that the whole annual
income derivable from the rectory did not exceed £20 a
year, and of this the vicar was henceforth to have £10
a year. On every voidance one mark (13s. 4d.) was to be
paid to the dean and chapter of Exeter. The dean and chapter
of Exeter gave their sanction to this arrangement 2 August,
1349. From that day to this, as I am informed, the rectory
with advowson has belonged to the chapter, except during
the Commonwealth, when this and other properties were sold
to receive tithes and write down the names of those who pay them ; they are
to be divided into three parts— for church ornament, for the poor, for the
clergy (Smith, **Dict. Chr. Ant.").
510 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
away. In a previous paper (** Trans. Dev. Assoc," XXXV,
516) I have transcribed in full from a Close Roll (At. RO.,
part 12, No. 13) of the year 1651 the grant by the trustees
nominated in an Act of the then ** present Parliament" to
Robert Aldridge of Ailesbury, Bucks, of "All that the Manor
of the Rectory & Parsonage of S. T. with all the Appurts.
etc., thereof ... & all the quit rents to the said Manor belong*
ing." The rectorial tithes, I am told, were always let on
lease by the Chapter of Windsor till 1863, but the advowson,
or right of presentation, was not generally included in any
such leases. In fact, the only known instance of its being
so included was when the rectory and advowson of South
Tawton, with all emoluments, all manner of tithes, etc., were,
in 6 Elizabeth (1563 ?), gi-anted to John Wyke, of North
Wyke, armiger, for a term of three-score years. That at
least one vicar was presented by him, and one by him and by
William Wyke, gent., may be seen in the Episcopal Registers;
and he and his sons were involved in several lawsuits touch-
ing their claims to tithes in kind. In 1613 presentation was
resumed by the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, and has been
in their name ever since.
I think it probable that the Wyke family had for many
generations before " Warrior's" time enjoyed the " Farm of
the Rectory," i.e. the lease of the glebe and tithes, and that
many a tenth stitch of corn had been piled in the ancient
barn at North Wyke. It is a typical tithe-barn, 22 ft. wide,
66 ft. long (and originally 38 ft. longer, as Mr. Stanbury tells
me is shown by foundations), its high-pitched roof (until
recent repairs) supported by lofty arched couples of adze-hewn
and chamfered oak, the posts of which rest on masonry about
4 ft. from the ground, above which the walls are of cob and
about 2 ft. thick.
Such a lease was certainly held by a Richard Wykes,
presumably the one who appears as uncle of ("Warrior")
John in Vivian's pedigree. And if not possessed of the
advowson also, he must have had sufi&cient influence to
obtain his own appointment to the vicarage, for in a suit very
similar to that which I have previously condensed (*' Trans."
XXXIII, 437), and dated 1608. one of the "Interrogatories
(Exch. Depus. Q.R., 6 Jas. I, Hil, No. 17) to be ministered
to the witnesses of the part & behalf of the D. & C. of
St. George's, Jane Weekes, widow, John Wekes, Esq. [her
son] and George Bearde, clarke, defts. against Henry Bowker,
Clarke, complt." runs : " Have you heard that one Richarde
Wykes, Clarke, did holde the farme of the benefice of S. T. of the
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 511
D. & C. of W., and did, after his tearme therein ended, one a
tyme when he had saydd Mattyns in the church of S. T.,
saye openlye in the sayde p'she church that he woulde not
saye Masse before he did knowe how he shoulde have & be
payed of his wages ? "
He had been ordained " Sub Diaconus," 1498, and appears
(I am told) in the Book of Institutions, as Kichard Wekys,
Chaplain, presented to S. T. November 18, 1508, on death of
John Slier. Witnesses depose that he resided there 60 years.
Some peculiar arrangements would seem to have attended
the appointment of his successor, Sir John Servys, who was
instituted 7 December, 1558, "on death of last incumbent'*
(presumably Richard), and was succeeded on his own death
by John Brawler, 16 March, 1576-7.
The exceedingly unsettled and troublous state of affairs at
the period of Servys' institution, between the death of Mary
and the coronation of Elizabeth might conceivably have
occasioned a reluctance on the Impropriator's part to bear
the responsibilities of patronage, or a desire on the part of
the parish to exercise local choice in the matter of the in-
cumbency. Be that as it may, though presented in the name
of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, the new vicar appears
to have been extraordinarily dependent upon the parish.
(A perhaps parallel case appears in the Churchwardens'
Accounts of St. Matthew, Friday St., London [" Journ. Brit.
Arch. Assoc," XXV, 359] : " 1547-8, P^ to Sir Henry Coldwell,
pryst, for a quarter wag's due o'r Lady within the tyme of
this accompt, xxxiij s. iiij d.")
It has been suggested to me that a lease of the benefice
had probably been taken by the wardens of St. Andrew's
Store, and that in accordance with custom, the clerical
stipend was disbursed by the lessees ; but that they assumed
other responsibilities, and bore divers expenses that were
usually defrayed by the clergyman himself, is, I think, shown
by the following items in the South Tawton accounts : —
" 1559, Pd unto Bartelmew Gidelegh for the Avoysome
for the vicary, xix s. iij d."
** pd. for the Institution & Inductyon unto ye Bishoppe
and for the chargesse of Mayster battyshil & the Vicar,
XXX 8."
" 1559, pd of free will of the parysshe for the Vicar at the
Visitation, x s."
" 1560, pd. unto ye Vicar to helpe paye his subsidy e and
tenth unto the queyns maiestie, xx a"
1561, same, but sum "xiij s. iiij d."
512 THB CHURCHWARDKNS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTOK.
Warrior Wyke's son Soger, when patron of the rectory
in 1589, took a more high-handed course, for he "made staie
of some part of the wages of the Curate of the parish " (to
whom he gave £10 a year) " because he, being a stipendia^
preest chargeable to pay subsidue to H.M., did not pay the
some."
" 1560, pd. unto barthelmew gidlegh for to ryde to Wyn-
sore, V s."
In 1561 (Subs.) one of the ale-wardens is stated to have
''delivered unto Bartolamu gedleght xxxi s. vj d. wch was
Eeceved before mychelmas for xliij s. vj d. of the old
wardyns."
In the court rolls of the borough of Sele of the only year
extant, 1572, I note: "Barthus Gidlegh, in mia quia sect'
debet." The above payments to Bart. Gidleigh were pre-
sumably made to him in some official or intermediary
capacity. He was not a churchwarden. I wonder whether
he can have succeeded Henry Gidleigh as constable ? The
name of the latter occurs in the subsidiary accounts of 1550-
1-2. That of Wat Gedlegh in 1562. The surname was
of course derived from the neighbouring parish, where it
long continued prominent.
The word " Avoysome " in the first item might be rendered
either " Advowson " (which I see is spelt " Avoweisoun " in
a quotation of 1300 in the "N. E. D.") or "Avoidance" (ie.
vacancy of the vicarage). It has been pointed out to me
that whereas the advowson of South Tawton would never
have been sold so cheap as 198. 3d. (for a next presentation
generally fetched three years' purchase), this sum might
represent the stipulated payment of 13s. 4d. to Exeter at
every avoidance of the vicarage, plus some smaller fee.
It may be recalled that '* Warrior " Wyke, when in posses-
sion of the rectory, declared that " one yerely pencon of xij
bushels of rye and xx bushels of wheat ought to be paid to
the fermor of the parsonage of S. T. by the fermor of the
parsonage of Chagford" — at that date Eobert Fisher, gent.
("Trans." XXXIII, citing Chan. Pro. EUz. W.W. ff).
In connexion with this statement, I may note that in the
" Valor Ecclesiasticus," 26 Hen. VIII, it is recorded that an
annual pension of 128. per ann. was due from Chagford
rectory to the Dean and Chapter of the College of Windsor.
The following extracts set forth the value of the living
of South Tawton at divers times : —
1288-91, Taxation of Pope Nicholas (Epis. Eeg., Brones-
combe, p. 65) [in margin words "habet plura" against
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 513
entry] : Ecclesia de So : Tautone : Vicaria eiusdem. Taxacio
xiij li. xlvj 8. viij d. Decima xxvj a. viij d.
1399, the Procurations of the Cardinals [Vicarage consoli-
dated with Rectory, v^ide ante] : Taxa xlvj s. viij d. [in right
margin viij d.].
1536, Valuations of Religious Foundations, Dioc. Exon.
(Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 32,342, f. 8).
Decanat' Dunsford, Vicaria de Sowth Tawton, Ric*us
Wycks est Vicariu, x li.
(1536 ?) Valor Ecclesiasticus, Tem. Hen. VIII, Vol. II, p.
322.
Vicaria de S. T. unde Ric'us Wek est vicarius p'petuus,
var co'ibj a^, videlit : —
In quad'm annual' penc* rec' p. an. de decano & capit'
Collegio de Wynsore, x li. Et in reddii assie de le Glebe-
lond, p. an. xiij. s. j d. Summa x li. xiij s. j d. inde resolut'
d'no epo Exon' & success' suis, p. p'cur' co'ib} a'is, ij s. viij d.
Et solut' archi'o Exon. & succes' suis, p. p'cur' co'ib} a'is
viij*- Et solut d'co archi'o Exon & succ' suis, p. sino~ & cath<»
p. aunu' ij s. v d. Summa xiij s. j d. Et rem' clar' x IL In
p. X™* XX s.
[Translation of above — 0. J. R.]
The Vicarage of S. T. of which Richard Weke is perpetual
vicar (i.e. not removable at will, but in for life) is, in
general, worth annually from a certain rent-charge received
from (i.e. payable by) the dean and chapter of the college at
Windsor, £10 ; and from the assessed rent of the glebe-land
yearly, 13s. Id, making a total of £10 13s. Id. Out of which
has to be paid to the Lord Bishop of Exeter and his succes-
sors by way of procuration, in general, every year, 28. 8d.
And to the Archdeacon of Exeter and his successors by way
of procuration, in general, every year, 8s.^ Also payment to
the said Archdeacon of Exeter and his successors by way of
synod-due (sinodaticum) and see-due (cathedraticum) yearly,
2s. 5d. (the amount was limited to 2s.). Total 13s. Id.
There remains a clear sum of £10, on which the tenth is 20s.
1563, Grant ("Trans. Dev. Asso.," XXXIII, 437) to John
Wyke of North Wyke of the rectory and parsonage of South
Tawton with all the patronage, presentation of the vicarage,
all manner of tithes, fruits, emoluments, etc., for a term of
three-score years, paying therefor yearly £18 13s. 4d.
Roger W. afterwards paid his father £24 yeariy " for the
rectory alone, or for the rectory & glebe-land," witness
* 28, 8d. X 3 = 88. every third year.— W. E, M.
VOL. xxxvm. 2 K
514 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON.
" thinks it was for both," out of which John offered to paj
£4 yearly to Walter Ware, when he was vicar there, in
addition to the £10 a year which he received from Boger.
Koger, it is testified, "had the glebe lands except iij
acres."
1622, List of Benefices in England and Wales. (Add. Ma
36,776.)
South Tawton Vic. Decanus Windsor, Ric. Curson P Jaa
X li. li* irapropriat*.
1650, Grant ("Trans. Dev. Asso.," XXXV, 515) of the
manor of the rectory and parsonage of South Tawton with
all the appurts., etc., to Eobert Aldridge of Ailesbury, Bucks,
for £37-1. The lands, etc., late parcel of the possessions of
the D. C. of W., are enumerated in two groups, the first of
which is said to be of the yearly value of £14. 148., the
second of the yearly value of £4.
1782, " Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus Provincialis, or a Survey
of the Diocese of Exeter," ed. by B. Thorn.
South Tawton, V. (St. Andrew's).
First Fruits x li. 0 s. ij d. Reprisals of Bishop's Procura-
tions viij 8. [marginal note^ — "None ever paid, vide M' Ecton's
book "]. Synodals ij s. v d. Archdeacon's Procurations viij s.
Eeputed value £70. Patron Dean and Canons of Windsor.
Vicar, Mr. Thomas White.
Explanation of terms (ibid., p. 11).
Synodals-Cathedratic : an annual pension paid by the
parochial clergy to the bishop in honour of the Cathedral
Church, and in token of submission to it as the Bishop's
Fee ; these payments are now sometimes called also synodals,
because generally paid at the Bishop's Synod at Easter.
Procurations: certain sums paid to the bishop and arch-
deacon at their respective Visitations, a kind of composition
in lieu of those entertainments the clergy were obliged to
find for their Ordinaries when their Visitations were not
general but parochial.
Reprisals : certain payments to which the parochial clergy
in general are subject, besides First Fruits and Tenths.
First Fruits : the first year's entire income of a living, and
Tenths, the annual tenth part of the same, were originally
paid to the pope, but after the Act of 1534 to the kings,
until 1708, since when they have been paid to the Governors
of " Queen Anne's Bounty " Office, for the benefit of poor
clergy. These "Tenths" are not to be confounded with
"Tithes," wliich were originally claimed from parishioners
for spiritual uses.
THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 515
A statute of 1st Elizabeth (cap. 54) enacting that the
Dean and Chapter of Windsor and all the possessions there-
of shall be discharged of First Fruits and Tenths, applied, I
am told, only to their personal possessions, and did not con-
fer immunity on the vicars of South Tawton.
1786, Bacon, Liber Regis, vel Thes. Kerum Eccl'm.
South Tawton, Kings' books, £10. V. (S* Andrew) cum
Zele Cap' (S* Mary). Yearly Tenths £1. Episc' Prox.
2s. 8d., Archid' Prox. 8s., Cath. 2s. 5d., Annual pens* rec' de
D. & C. Col. W. £10, & terr gleb ad valor' 13s. Id.
1844, Introduction to the Apportionment of the Eent-
Charge in lieu of tithes in the parish of S. T. . . .
We find that the Glebe lands in the possession of the
Vicar containing by estim" 3 acres, and the Glebe-lands (of
which the particulars are stated in the schedule hereunto
annexed) in the poss" of the D. & C. of Windsor or their
lessees containing by estim" 31 ac. 3 r. 21 p., are hy prescrip-
timi, or other lawful means, absolutely exempt from the
payment of all manner of tithes in kind. . . . The esti-
mated quantity in statute measure of all the lands of the
parish exclusive of glebe-lands amounts to 6097 acres 3 r.
15 p., and all the lands of the sd. parish, except the Glebe-
lands, are subject to all manner of tithes in kind; and
whereas the D. & C. of W. are entitled to the tithes arising
from all the lands except the glebe-lands, . . . and that
Dame Maria Palmer Hoare, Widow, and Thomas Palmer
Acland, Esq., hold a lease of the sd. tithes under the D. & C,
the annual sum of £709 ... [in Commutation] . . . etc.,
shall be paid to the lessees during the continuance of the
sd. lease . . . and after ... to the D. & C. of Windsor.
Particulars of the glebe lands in possession of the Dean
and Chapter of Windsor : —
Three fields near Dartmoor, called higher
Sanctuary, including Culover or Culafords
One field called Long Sanctuary
Three fields called Sanctuary Coombes
One field called Sanctuary Meadow
Garden of Seven Stars Inn .
Two fields called Water Cleaves
One Garden
One Garden
Blacksmith's shop garden
Mr. and Mrs. Jope (old residents), having been requested
to ascertain for me where these were situated, reply as
follows : —
2k2
Ac
R.
p.
14
0
0
3
0
0
4
0
0
1
2
0
0
0
30
4
0
0
0
0
7
0
0
12
0
0
12
516 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
Higher Centory (the local pronunciation of Sanctuary.-
E. L.-W.) including Centory Copmbes are joining Dartmoo
There are three fields joining the vicarage of South Tawto
called Centory Combs, also one meadow which is calle
Centre Meadow, two fields called Water Cleaves joiniu
Centre Comb Meadow. The blacksmith's shop is the on
near the church. CuUaford is three miles from Sout
Tawton villt^e, joining the parish of Spreyton. We canno
find out anything about a garden or piece of glebe that [a
I had told them I had heard. — R L.-W.] . . . used to b
called "Fiddlers' Green."
The dispersed situation of the glebe-lands calls to min<
the A.-S. system of husbandry by which, as I understand, eacl
villein (or, as we should say, farmer) holding a homestead o:
a certain size and contributing a certain number of oxen U
the co-operative tillage, had allotted to him for his own cultiva
tion a certain proportionate measure of arable land in ead
of three open fields, the spring, the autumn, and the fallow.
I should doubt whether the irregularities of the ground ii
this part of the country — the steep granite-strewn hills, th<
copses, and the "mashes" — would have permitted of the typica
division of such fields into regular acre and half -acre " strips,'
but at any rate the original priest's share would appear U
have amounted to the typical " virgate " of " about 30 acres,'
which was the quantum of the man who contributed twc
oxen to the year's ploughing.
In 541 A.D. it was enacted by 4 Cone. Aurel. that churches
I founded by private persons should be sufiBciently endowed
,^ St. Gregory (Epist. 12) permitted an oratory to be foundec
■i and consecrated within a certain castle, provided the propei
:; endowment were given^ and he specifies this as " a farm wit!
'; its homestead, a yoke of oxen, two cows, four pounds of silver
': a bed, 15 head of sheep, and the proper implements of «
ij farm" (Smith, "Diet. Chr. Ant.").
May we not suppose that such was the endowment of the
early presbyters at South Tawton ?
From the article on Visitations in Phillimore*s "Ecclesi-
astical Law," and from other sources, and particularly from
a letter of the Eev. Dr. Pearson's on the subject, I learn that
the ancient custom of bishops and archdeacons visiting in
person the parishes within their diocese and archdeaconry,
had by the time of Lyndwood (1422) been superseded by a
system of Visitations of several deaneries at a time, by the
archdeacon every year, and the bishop every third year, at
some market-town or other convenient centre, to which the
THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 517
clergy, churchwardens, and sidesmen of all the parishes in
such deaneries were summoned to appear. The citation was
served (probably in person) by an officer styled the
** Apparitor," who was also sent from time to time to examine
into the condition of the fabric (Som. Eec. Soc., IV., 91) —
whether as deputy of the archdeacon or of the rural dean
(whose office was disciplinary, and who was required to
report oflences to the Ordinary), or of both, I am not clear.
The Apparitor had, further, to verify any complaint of irregu-
larities in the divers parish churches. These inquisitorial
visitations became more and more frequent, until in the
seventeenth century they amounted to an intolerable
nuisance, and made the Apparitor the most unpopular of
characters ! The item in 1585, " P'd to the Pater for warn-
ings iiij d.," no doubt refers to this officer.
At the same time that the visitations ceased to be parochial,
the local entertainment in meat and drink of the bishop
and his retinue was commuted for fixed sums called
" Procurations," varying in different places from 5s. to 10s.
per church. j?he parishioners had, moreover, to disburse for
the diet of their own clergy and wardens at the centre. Dr.
Pearson mentions that in his own parish of Whitstone the
expense of the rector's dinner on such occasions was included
in the church-rate down to 1846, when the then incumbent
declined to accept the 7s. 6d. or 10s. that was regularly
allowed. The official charge for diet at the centres in the
seventeenth century appears from the registers to have
been 2s. 6d., and Mr. Mugford remarks that that is the
customary price of a Visitation dinner nowadays. I
fancy that in the case of South Tawton the half-crown
must have sufficed for the vicar and the " Four Men " as
well!
For *' 6d. for the Vicars dinner " is a very common entry,
and in one instance at least this is definitely stated to have
been " at the Visitation." The cleric who preached at the
centre on the occasion of a Visitation was, I am informed
by Mr. Mugford, exempt from charge for ** Dieta " until the
period beginning at 1622.
The earliest volume of the Registers of Visitations at
Exeter opens 'with the year 1622. They concern only the
Episcopal Visitations (not the Archidiaconal), and unfor-
tunately here and there accounts appear to be missing, as
there is not one for every third year. South Tawton, which
is now in the rural deanery of Okehampton and arch-
518 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
deaconry of Totnes, was then in the rural deanery of Dun
ford (since abolished) and archdeaconry of Exeter.
A typical entry is the following: —
1622, Mar. 26, Tuesday. Vis" of Deanery of [inter ali^
Dunsford, at S* Mary Major's Church, Exeter.
viij* rec. [for Procuration] M' Eichus Curston, artium m
Vic Weekes, fir. [Le. farmer of the rectory] Dieta ij s, vj c
Registrario ij s. Ap're Gen*^ [Apparitor-General] xij d
Viij d. Eec.
These were, as I understand, the fees from the clergyman
Mr. Mugford tells ine that the ancient fees ''^ in this diocese
from the wardens were : To the Bishop's Apparitor, 4d. ; U
the Chancellor, 8d. ; to the Registrar, 3s. 4d. — in all 48. 4d
He further informs me that the exhibits at a " First Visita
tion" were costlier than at subsequent ones: and by thi
term is to be understood either (a) the first visitation of i
bishop after his election (Primary Visitation), or (6) th(
clergyman's first visitation after entry into a benefice ; thi
fees in such cases being: Is. each for letters of orders, in
stitution, and induction (4s.), and registration fee, Ss. 6d
making 7s. 6d. in all; or, if the benefice were worth mor
tlian £30 in the king's book, then 88. 6d. at first VisitatioE
and at succeeding Visitations only 5s. 6d.* or 6s. 6d. re
spectively. In the case of perpetual curates, who wer
appointed by licence without induction, the fees would b
6s. 6d. for first Visitation, and 5s.^ afterwards.*
.1 As to the places in which the bishops' and archdeacons
f Visitations were respectively held, I have not been abl
'i within the time at my disposal to satisfy myself.
i|. I should have supposed, from my gleanings on this subject
i!'' that for the former, at least, it would have been in a Cathedra
Consistory or Court House.
(iJ Jacob's " Law Dictionary," for instance, states : "A Bisho
hath his Consistory Courts to hear Ecclesiastical causes an
to visit the clergy*' . . . "in his Cathedral Church or othe
convenient place," and in the Somerset accounts,^ under ai
item of 1452, Bishop Hobhouse makes the remark, " Under
^ In addition to this Is., wliich was paid by the registrar, I believe eac
parish also i>aid the A.-G. 28. This extra Is. appears to have been fc
licence as preacher.
' i e. 6d. each only for the four papers plus the 3s. 6d. fee.
' i.e. 6d. each for the three papers plus the Ss. 6d.
* But by a curious mistake 4s. 6d. only was in modem tiroes charged fc
several yeai-s at Visitations other than the "First." — W.KM.
' Som. Rec, IV, p. 94. See also p. 140. I am not sure whether th;
parish did not come under the Cons. Court of Wells as a ** Peculiar."
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 519
stand some suit in the Consistorial Court of the Chapter of
Wells, touching the fabric or ornaments of the church."
The registers, however, show that the Bishop of Exeter's
Visitations in the seventeenth century, at least, were held
in the church of St. Mary Major. On this subject
Mr. Mugford writes : " I presume the Visitation Court is a
perambulatory Consistory Court. The Bishop acts at the
Visitation Courts through his Chancellor, who is the Judge
of the Consistory Court, and the Mandates for election of
Eural Deans, and the Inhibitions of the Archdeacon for a
certain time (anciently two months from visiting) are all
passed under the seal of the Consistory Court and signed by
its Registrar, not the Reg' of the Diocese."
The Episcopal Consistorial Court, Mr. Mugford further
informs me, had jurisdiction re wills, etc., in contested cases
over the bishop's own "Peculiar" parishes (fourteen in Devon,
twenty- three in Cornwall), and these parishes are, prior to
1660, roughly taken note of in the registers of the Ordinary
Visitations.
Again, whether the rural dean visited the parishes in
person, as originally intended (or whether, in his case also,
the mountain came to Mahomet l\ I cannot ascertain. Several
items in the South Tawton accounts relate to journeys to
Dunsford, but some at least of these seem to have been on
business connected with musters. There is one puzzling
reference to a ''court at Chagford." South Tawton had no
manorial relations with that place that I know of.
By ecclesiastical law (Jacob, " Law Diet.," inter alia), an
"Inhibition" restrained the bishop from acting during the
archbishop s Visitation, and the archdeacon during the bishop's.
This did not, however, prevent each from visiting at different
times in the same year, as is proved by the following entries
in the South Tawton accounts of 1561 : —
For the makyng of our bil & lyeng yn of ye same at the
bisshope's visitation, xviij d.
unto iiij men, to ride unto ye same visitation, iiij s.
for the Bishop's iniunctions, ix d.
to iiij men to ride at Exceter to the Archdeacon's visita-
tion after Easter . . .
for makyng of a bill & layeng in the same, vj d. ob.
unto iiij men to Ride unto the bisshoppe of Canterbery's
visitation . . .
for makyng of our bil & for layng in of the same, viij d.
for the Iniunctyons xij d.
In the Morebath accounts for the same year, 1561
520 THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON*
("D. N. Q./* Vol. Ill, p. 210) we have: " It. to my Lord of
Cownterbery's visitaeon, iij s. iiij d.," and in the same accounts
there is a *'memo" (ibid., p. 247) that (in 1571) " ther was
iij visitacons y t yere ; that was the Officiallis visitaeon after
ester, ye byschoppis visitaeon then at medsumer then foUyng,
& my lord of Conterberye at michelmas the same yere."
In the South Tawton accounts of the pre-Reformation
period, we find every third year an entry of 3s. 4d. for the
expenses of two Visitations, i.e. of the bishop and the arch-
deacon, and in intervening years only 20d. in expenses of
that of the archdeacon. In 1531, for the first time, the
expenses of the "four men" are added. Later the charges
are more varied and seem to amount to more.
Queen Elizabeth's Visitation, in 1559, is duly com-
memorated in South Tawton accounts, the cost and charges
on this occasion for "Eyding at Exeter** being over 128.
No doubt such an event called for a little extra display.
Bishop Hobhouse (Som. Rec, IV, 174, Yatton Accounts) has
commented on the parade with which the ordinary Visitations
were honoured, "the officers marching into Ilchester with
banners before them,** etc.
A noteworthy tax was that of "Peter's Pence," leviable
(at the rate of Id. from every householder having 30d.
annual rent in land) on 1 August, the Feast of St. Peter
ad Vincula, whence its name. Originating in A.-S. times
as a voluntary offering, in part to the pope and in part
towards the support of an English college in Rome, it was,
like other tributes to Rome, abolished by the Act of 25 Henry
VIII, 1533, and though temporarily renewed in the reign
of Mary, was finally abolished by 1 Elizabeth.
The appearance therefore of "Peter's Pence*' in the
Churchwardens* Accounts of South Tawton and several
other Devonshire parishes, during Protestant reigns, demands
some explanation, and this is afforded in a valuable paper
on the subject by the Rev. Edward Freeman ("Exeter Diocesan
Arch. Soc. Trans.," ser. 3, II, 132).
In Mr. Freeman's opinion the " Peter's Pence " of post-
Reformation times was distinct in origin from the old
" Peter's Pence " (ali/is " Rome-shot " " Hearth Penny,"
"Rome Penny," etc.), the familiar title having gradually
come to be applied (possibly as a corruption of "^^^^w^^io,"
i.e. charge, fee) to another old due, that of "Peter's Farthings."
The latter, as Mr. Freeman shows from documents preserved
by the Dean and Chapter of Exeter, was a payment claimed
from all men and women householders in the city and diocese,
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 521
for the upkeep of the fabric of the Cathedral Church of
St. Peter, Exeter. A sheet dated 1453, and headed " Venia
Beati Petri Exon collecta in Archidiaconata Tottonensi,"
gives a list of the payments in each deanery, amounting in
all to £11 13s. 6id., and a grant from Henry VIII confirms
"the long godly custom" of "tlie gathering of the said
farthings.'*
It would seem that the archdeacons, from being the official
collectors, probably by arrangement with the dean and
chapter, eventually acquired the proceeds of this impost,
as part of their own revenue. The amount due from each
parish, e.g. from Barnstaple 2s. 6d., Chittlehampton 2s. 6d.,
Winkleigh Is. 8d., Zeal Monachorum Is. 2d., Dolton lOd.,
Bondleigh, lOd., Wear Giffard, 7d., Ashford 4d., must, con-
jectures Mr. Freeman, have become fixed by commutation,
for in the accounts from 1672 to 1712 the items under each
deanery, year by year, are invariable.
Uniquely in the archdeaconry of Barnstaple, the charge
of " Peter's Pence " was levied down to as recent a date as
1897 (or later), but it has since been abolished by an arrange-
ment with the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.
The earliest South Tawton account that mentions " Peter's
Farthings " is that of 1605-7. They occur t^ain in 1608-9-
10-13.1 In 1609-10 besides " ij s for Peter's Farthings," there
is a payment of " ij s. for Peters pence." Unless one of the
items belongs properly to another year, this would seem to
conflict with the idea that the "pence" and "farthings" were
interchangeable denominations of the same tax.
The South Tawton Account of 1529 is the first that refers
to the pence. The Latin is too contracted to make the
meaning certain, but it seems to concern the charges of four
men [?for riding to Exeter] to defend Peters Pence [?from
robl^ry on the road].
In 1540 we find viij d. paid for "Pets Pens," and on a
loose sheet (1556?) "for Peters Peny xx d." In 1611 the
item " paid for a brief to Peter Spence," is very suggestive
of "Peter's Pence," but no doubt really relates to a man
of that name.*
In the Ac'ts of the Store of St. Michael, Chagford, I note
1499, " 13J d. for Peter's Pence," and, presumably identical
with this, in 1519, " for indulgences of St. Peter, 13J d."
^ There may be further examples ; my seyenteenth and eighteenth-century
notcp are not as yet exhaustive.
' It was common at this period to carry the last letter of a word on to
tlie beginning of the next ; vide in Morebath Accounts, *' A nox,'* etc
522 THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON.
To remark, finally, upon the tax called the " Fifty Dole "
(a term which I have not been able to find anywhere except
in these and a few other Devonshire accounts), and upon
the "Subsidies" of ** Tenths and Fifteenths" that were in
certain years granted by Parliament to the sovereign, being
rated on nominal values of property as assessed in every
township, borough, etc., in the reign of Edward III (see
Blackstone's " Commentaries,*' Vol. I, pp. 275-7). I am not
sure whether the designation ** Fifty Dole" may not be a
colloquial variant of the "Fifteenth" or "Fifteen"; and
again whether either, if not both, may not be derived, as
suggested by Mr. T. W. Eundle,i from A.-S. " fif tha," or
" fif ta-dael " ; i.e. fifth-share. The " Fifty Dole " is mentioned
in the South Tawton Head Warden's Accounts of 1540-1 and
1564, and in the Subwardens' of 1556, 1564, and 1567. In
1559 (Head Warden's) we find " the xv Doole."
The Rev. J. H. Chanter* has printed some extracts re-
lating to this tax, showing its incidence and amount in
the tithings of Eastdown and Churchill in 1589, and the
Kev. F. W. Win tie ^ has stated that in the Churchwardens'
Accounts of Bere Ferrers, from 1603-11, payments of the
"ffiftie dole" occur not quite annually, though sometimes
twice in one year, and has transcribed two examples. In
the Morebath Accounts it is called in 1546 "the V Dole."
Mr. Brooking- Rowe kindly sends me the following extract —
"(1624. Oct. 28.) Memorandum :—15d. paid the Bailifif
of the Hundred of Ermington in discharge of the fifty dole
for lands in Ermington. (Fifty dole.) Same day pd the
Tythingman of Brownston for the x*** and 15"*, xviij* that
is for my tenant in ]3rownston xijs, for Boundmore iijs., and
for my land at Ellson iijs. A/c Adrian Swete."
ACCOUNTS OF WARDENS
OF SUBSIDIARY STORES.
Transcript in full.
[1550] M*^ that the Beneyth named Eob'rt Wonston &
Eychard levaton have made full paym't of the iiij li xviij
by them ress ... at the hands of hughe Battyshill &
Willm hole in the p'sens of the hole p'isshe as yt appeyreth
aft* the ende of the Account.
* See *'D. N. and Q.,'* pt. iii. p. 82; iv, p. 103; and vii. pp. 220
and 224.
a Ibid. » Ibid.
THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 523
Rychard lange, John hole, Eobt Langworthy, John at
Scale, p' me George Burgeyn.
[1550 ?] Compot' Rob'ti Wonston & Eic'i levaton Custod*
honor' & cat' instauri illustrissimi no'is Jh'u & Beate Marie
Virgi's in eccFie par^hial's de Sowthtawton fact' Cora'
Georgio Bur gei . . . Gydley & aliis xxj die Septembris A®
quart' K's Edwardi.
[Rec] Id'm Comp' respond' de iiij li. xviij s. recept' sup'
det' ace' Hugo'is Battishill & Will'i Hole.
S'm' iiij li. xviij s.
[Exp] Unde Id'm compot' pet' Alloc' de xlvij s. viij d. payd
to Joh ... of the fewer me' by the hands of det* Rob'
Wonsto'. Et de xxxvj s. payd to the sayd Joh' by the hands
of the sayd Richard Levaton . . . Rob'to, xvj d. for the
change of a ffortye. . . .
S'ma alloc iiij li. v s.
Et sup' nunc' co'pot xiij s. q' soluer' ad . . . Smyth
Gardiano xs.
Et sic' quiet'.
[1551] Compot' Thome Kellond Jun' & Henr' Gydley J'.
Gardiani instauri Sci Georgii capt' cora' Georgio Burgein,
Henr' Gydley & aliis xxj die Septefer A® quart R's Edw'
vi.
[Rec] Id'm Comput' r' de iiij li. recept' p m' Ric'i Ascott
& Joh'is Baron sup det' ac eor' Compot'.
Sin iiij li.
[Exp] Id'm Computant* petit Alloc' de xxxiij s. iiij d.
solut' ad m' Johis Wode unde Quatuor (ho?) p (a<>. det'?)
Her' Gydley, et de xx d. solut' p mandat' diu'sor's p'ochianor'
et de xxxiij* iiij^ — solut ad m' Thome Kellond, Sen. ad usu
pochianor', et de viij d payed to the sawdyers.
Sfn alloc*, iij IL ix s.
Et debet Sup nunc C'oput' xj s. q' soluer' ad m'Will'i
Smyth Gardiano.
Et sic q[ui]et' recesser*.
[1552] Co'put' Simonis Downe & Joh'is Ascott Gardiani
instauri Sci Andrei capt' coram Georgio Bur ... & Henr'
Gydle & aliis xxi die Septe'bris A° quarto rr.
Id'm comput' respond* de x d. ob. rec* de Ric*o Wethe-
broke p candel sic vendit.
Et de X d. ob. rec' de Johne Gydley p candelis.
xviij d. rec de Ric*o Wethebroke p caseo sic ei vendit.
ij s. rec' de Bened'co hore & Ric'o Clarke p p . . . sic eis
vend'.
xij d. rec' de Hugone Battyshyll p . . .
524 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton,
xij d. rec' de Wiiro lebeott & Ric'o Walys p pa . . . 8J
eis vedit.
xij d. rec. de Wiiro flfrynde p pa*e ei ve'dit
viij* viii^ rec' de WiU'o Herneman p la . . . sic ei ve'dil
xiij d. ob. p gr. . . . vendit* Joh'e Dunnyng.
xxi d. p candelis d'co J , . . veudit/
xij d. p pane ve'dit eod' Johe.
vj 8. p came vendit* Joh'ne Weyks.
xij d. p pa'e vend' Thome More & Rico long*.
Sm' xxvij 8. ix d. ob.
Unde pet' alloc' de xiij d. ob. q' re' in m' Joh'is . . • Sol't
Et de xxj d. q' re' in m' d'ci Johis p ca . . . sol't
Et de xij d. q* re' in m' d'ci Joh'is p . . . sic ei vendit,
Et de vj 8. q' re' in . . . Joh'e Weykes p car'e . . . sol't
Et de xij d. . . . in m' Tho'e More & Eico (logis ?) p pa'e
. . . sol't.
Ss al' respect' e x s. x d. ob.
Sup' nunc Comput' xvj s. xj d. q' soler' ad m* Will'.
Smyth, Gardiano sp det* ac h's co'pot & sic (ultr ?) respect.
Quiet recesser'
[1551] The Comte of Hugh Dychco & Willya' Ware . . .
Memora'du' : lieceued of Wyllia' mackelegh & John Sloma'
iij 8. X d Itt'. thatt we Receued for our alle & gethered
mony x (1 ?) s. ix d off thys sumes We asckes a lowens
xxxvij 8 iiij d.
Itt' we payd to Eoberte polleslonde & phylype barone
vij 8.
[1554] The Connt off Phyllyppe Baron & Robert polslond
jjdra fjjg ^ fQj.g g^yj philippe Baron & Robert polslond hath
paid unto Wylliam kellond & Thomas Bryght Ivj s.
[1555] The Connt of Willia' Kellond & Thomas Bryght.
They made of there ale & other thyngs gyven & gethered
Iiij s vd M^™ The said William Kellond & Thomas Bryght
hath delu'ed unto the new warde' Wyllam Caseley & Nicholas
Yeollaud iij IL xiiij s. vij d.
[1556] The connt of Wyllyam Caseley & Nicholas Yoellond
yonge men, anno dm. 1556.
They have made of there ale clere w* other thynges gyven
& gethered, iij li.
The charges that Wylliam caselye & Nicholas yoellond
hath bestowed. In p'mis paid unto John Baron senior for ye
fyfty Doole xl s.
Item paid unto a man to serve a carpenter iij dayes which
found hymselfe, ij s.
M**°* that the afore said Wylliam Caselye & Nicholas
THE churchwardens' ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TAWTON. 525
YoUand have delyured unto the new Wardens John Moore
and Ey chard Smythe iiij li. xij s. v d.
[1561] The Connt of John more & Eyehard Smyth anno
Dni M. ceccc. Ixj.
They have of there ale clere w^ other thynges geven &
gatheryd, iij li. vij s. viij d.
Eyehard Smyth delyuered unto Bartolamu gedleght xxxj
s. vij d. ob. w*^ was Eeceved before myghelmas for xliij s. vj
d. of the old Wardyns.
John More Eeceved of the old wardyns xlvj s. whereof
he lost but iiij s.
M^°» That the aforesaid John More & Eyehard Smyth
have delyuered unto the new wardens Eyehard Stronge &
Barnade ffrend v li xij s.
[1562] The Connt of Eyehard Stronge & Barnarde flfrende
the yere of our lorde god M. ccccc. Ixij.
They have made of there ale clere wt other thynges geven
& gatheryd iiij li.
Wereof they aske alowans of xvii d. spend, & dyd losse
by iiij pysterlyns & Span'ys mony wyche they had of the
olde Wardyns iij s.
jjdm rpj^^^ |.j^g aforesayd Eyehard Stronge & Barnarde
Frend have delyuered unto the new Wardens George frend
& Thomas gla'fifeld x" viij*.
[1563] The comte of george Frend & Thomas glamfield
made in the yere of our lord god M. ccccc. Ixiij.
They have made of there alle & gatheryng of other thyngs
clere Ivij s. viij**., weroff they aske a lowans of xviij d. spend
and also pade unto Wat Gedlegh for sawldyers xxxiij s. iiij d.
& also payde unto John Borne att hys com'yng yn, x s.
& also payde unto Eycharde Walleys V when hys Wyffe
was buryed, ij s. iiij d.
& also payd for a key for ye churche hose vi d.
& also payd unto Master Battyshyll for Sawldyers cottes
vs.
& also payd for a bebtocke, v s.
& the hole sum of alowens ys Ivij s. viij d.
j^dm That the afforesayd george ffrend & Thomas Glan-
ffeld have delyuered unto the new wardyns Walter Wonstone
& Wyllyam gerde, x 11 viij s.
[1564] The cowntt of Wat' Wonston & Wyllya' gerde made
the XV day of October In the yere of our lord m.v. hondred
[Eec] In primis Eecevyd of the olde Wardyns Thomas
glanfeld & george ffrend x 1. viij g.
526 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
Also we made of our alle & gatheryng xlviij" viij*
The hole Sume of Recettes xj 1. xvj s. viijd.
[Exp.] The Expe'sses payd by the sayd Wardyns : —
It'm payd flfor the fyf ty dolle to Rycharde Estbrooke hany
Wethebrocke & Rychard Wyckes iijl ix s. iiij d.
Also payd for a nother flfyftye doll' to Rychard Wycks xl*.
Also payd for Reparyng of the churge howsse xxij s. ij d.
Also payd for ye makyng of Bottes xiij d.
Also payd for expe'ssys appone the olde Wardyns & other^
yong men', & the makyng of theyr cowntt xxij d.
Also payd for Wrytyng of the cowntt, iiij d.
The hoUe sume of expe'ssys, vj b. xxiiij s. ix d.
And theyr Remaneth unto the new wardyns, Thomas Bor-
gene & George venycu' v li. xxiij d.
[1565] The conte of Thomas Burgoye and gorge Wenekon
the XV day of October A® 1565.
It' the alle mony xl s. vj d.
It* reseved of gyrde & yonsoe v li xxiij d.
Sm. totl.
It' payd for makyn of the conte and for expenses xvj d.
It* payd to the nou wardens that ys to say Richard holl &
Markes sloeman vij IL ij s. iiij d.
[1566] The cont of donston Slouman & Richard hole the
XV daye of October.
It*m made of our ale this yere iij li & iij d.
It*m receved of Thomas borgen & venycon vij IL & xx d.
It'm payd to Richard estbroke & Thomas kelond x s.
It*m payd for makyng of the cont & for expens' xvj d.
Itm payd to the nou wardens Wyllam Bryght John W
viij li x 8 viij d.
[Half sheet cut ofif.]
[1567] The Acompt of Wyllyam bright & John Ware
made the xxvj *^ day of October in the yere 1567.
[Rec] It'm Recy ved of the old wardens Dunstone Slowman
and Rychard hole, ix li. x s. vij d.
The hole sum of our Receyttes xij li. ij s. viij d.
[Exp] The expences paide by the saide wardens : —
In prim's paide unto M Battyshill & Richard Wycks for
ffyfty dolle iiij li. xij s. x d.
It'm paide to a dome child that could nether speake nor
heare xij d.
It'm for repayringe of the churche howse viij d.
It'm paide for wrytinge of our account and for expences
xvj d.
The hole some of expences iiij li xv s. x d.
THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH TA\VTON. 527
And ther Eemayneth unto the new wardens Hugh polly-
slande & Wyllam burne vij li. vj s. x d.
[1568] The aconnt of WylFam burne & huge pollysland,
made the laste daye of October in the yere 1568.
[Rec] M*^ Eecyved of the old wardens wyllam bryght &
John Ware vij li. vj s. x d.
It'm we made of our ale money & o' gatherynge iij li. vj s.
viij d.
The hole some of Eecy ts x li. xiij s. vj d.
[Exp.] The expenc's paid by the sayde wardens : —
Inpm's paid to Wyllam haywood of Spreyton for bords &
tymber for the church house viij s. v d.
It'm for the caryenge home of the sayd tymber ij s. xj d.
It'm pU to Roger Conybye & John Somer for 4 dayes
worke w'th their meat drynke, vj s.
It*m for the hyre of a man 4 dayes to tend the carpenters ij s.
It'm payd for bares for the church howse & for other yren
worke w* naylles v s. iiij d.
It'm Pd to bamard Lockson for xviij hundred of Shynell
xiij* vii**.
It'm for a hundred of shynell to Jo(mn?) Can, and for
bryngynge home of yt, xij d.
It'm p'd for bringynge home of the shynnell from Wynck-
ley vj 8. vij d.
It'm pd. to Roger Reed for Layenge of the Shynnell ix* viij^
It'm for taken downe of the old shynnell and settynge up
of Scaffolds viijd.
It'm p'd to Ry chard bucher for vij dayes worke with hys
meat & drinke vij s.
It'm pd for a man to tend hime vij dayes iiij s. j d.
„ „ ij bushells & half of lyme iij s.
„ „ caryenge of earth & cleye ij s. vij d.
„ „ latyses for the church howse wyndowes ij s. iiij d.
It'm p'd to the maken of o' account and to the clarke,
XX d.
The hole Some of expens' iij IL xvj s. vij d.
So ther Remayneth unto the new wardens George Ascott &
John Ascott vj li. xvj s. xj d.
1569. The Acount of George ascott and John ascott
made the syxt daye of November in the yere of o' lorde 1569.
[Rec] M** Receved of the old wardens wyllam burne and
hugh pollyslande vj li. xvj s. x d.
It'm we made of our ale money & our gatheringe xxxvj s. . . .
The hole some of Recyt viij li. xiij s ij d.
[Exp] The expenc's paid by the Sayde wardens.
528 THE churchwardens' accounts of south tawton.
Itm paide to Nycolas Soper xiij s. iiij d.
to M' Esbroke for the costletts ij IL vj a. viij d.
for strawe for the church howse xxj (d. ?).
for caryenge of the strawe iiij d.
for thattchine of the church howse xij d.
for a shert for John Smale ij s. viij d.
for John Smale in money viij d.
for another shert of cres ij s. vj d.
for tendynge of the Thattcher vj d.
for maken of o' account & for expenc's xvj d.
The hole Some of expenc's iii li. x s. ix d.
So ther Eemayneth unto the new wardens, John Kellond
& John gerde, v li. ij s. v d.
[1570] The Aconnt of John Kellond & John £rerde made
the iiij or daye of June in the yere of o' Lorde god, 1570.
[Rec] It'm receved of the old wardens George Ascott &
John Ascott the full some of v li. ij s. v d.
Itm made of our Ale money this yere Iv s. iiij d.
The hole some of Eecyts, vij li. xvij s. ix d.
[Exp.] Expenc's paid by the sayd wardens : —
It'm paid to the new wardens bartholomew northmore &
wyllam Ascott of Scale xl s.
It'm p*d to Eychard bucher for footinge of the churche
howse & for a man to serve hime xviij d.
Itm paid for chargs at the maken of our account xij d.
„ „ the clarke for wrytinge of our account iiij d.
S*ma totallis paid xl s. x d.
So ther Eemayneth upon this Account the w*^** was paid
unto Henry Taw, beynge hed warden, v li. xiij s. xj d.
[1571] The Accompte of Wyllam Ascott & Bartholomewe
northmore wardens of the staure of S^ George, made the ij
daye of novemb' 1571, before John Wik's esquyer, Wyllyam
Battishill, & others.
Impmis Eeceyved of the olde wardens John kellond &
John Gerde xl s.
It'm made of o' ale xlvij s. viij d.
S'm iiij li. vij s. viij d.
Solut et expences : —
Imprimis payed to the newe wardens John Wonston &
lauenc hole xl s.
Itm payed to Henrye Tawe xl s.
So ther Eemayneth uppon the accompt w*'^ was payed to
Thomas Venycomb being Hed warden of the saied p'ishe
vij s. viij d.
[End of this division of the book.]
EXAMPLES OF WEST-COUNTRY WIT
AND HUMOUR
BY J. D. PRICKMAN.
(Read at Lynton, Jtily, 1906.)
In continuation of stories of West-country wit and humour,
the following are believed to \ye original and founded partly
on fact.
An old man summoned a lad for using abusive language
to him, and in due course the case came up before the Bench
of County Justices for adjudication.
The Bench happened to have as chairman a somewhat
impatient military gentleman. The complainant was very
garrulous in his statement — told their worships at length
how that he lived in the village.
" Maybe you know it, zer, down tu the bottom ov South
Street, not quite close to the police-station, but you go up
auver the turn, up auver the hill, and then you come to
another turning"; and just as he was going on to give
further details of the way in which his home was reached
he was asked to finish there, and get on and tell what be
had the boy before the Court for.
Then the old gentleman again started off, giving particu-
lars of his family history, how he had a wife and several
children, and lived down at the bottom of South Street,
down by the police-station, yet not quite by the police-
station ; and then again the Chairman interrupted the old
man and told him to tell the story of his complaint against
tlie boy.
His only reply was, ** Why, zer, I be tellin' it to 'ee as
vast as ever I can if you will only let me get on f urder '* ;
and after he had fairly got under way again, he continued
by saying that he lived " up by the police-station, yet not quite
by the police-station," and was a shoemaker by trade, and he
was sitting in the door. By this time the Court was con-
VOL. xxxviii. 2 L
530 EXAMPLES OF WEST-COUNTBT WIT AKD HUMOUR.
vulsed with laughter at the old man's eccentric behavioor
and way of telling his story, and then at last, proceeding, he
demonstrated how he was sitting at his doorsteps mending
a pair o£ shoes.
"When that there little rascal," he said, "he there"
(pointing to the defendant), "put he's head round the
corner of the house and screeched out, * Whose cat ait the
milk?'"
It took some time before the Court could settle themselves
to business. Needless to say the case against the boy was
dismissed.
The story of an old man's will may be interesting. He
was a bachelor with many nephews and nieces, and in due
course was gathered to his fathers, leaving a brother and
several nephews and nieces surviving him.
His will gave considerable legacies to the nephews and
nieces, and when the amounts of the legacies were read out
after the funeral, they clapped their handkerchiefs to their
faces and one and all of them in turn exclaimed, " Oh, dear,
dear uncle ! " thereby expressing perhaps for the first time
for many years any affection for the poor old gentleman.
But the old gentleman had made a codicil to his will by
which he revoked all these legacies, and gave the whole of
his property to his brother: and of this his brother was
aware, and he sat in the room listening to the will being
read with a grim smile on his keen, shrivelled-up face, and
as the legacies were read and one or other of the nephews
or nieces in turn burst out with those expressions of
regret for the loss of their dear uncle, he got restless, and
at last could contain himself no longer, so up he stood and
screamed out —
" Stap, stap there a minute vor* there, harkey a bit, harkey
to what the crocodile zaith ! "
The " crocodile," of course, was the codicil, which put such
a different construction on matters.
An old man consulted his solicitor as to whether he was
entitled to anything under a will. He did it in this way : —
" I have brought 'e een Mr. *s will. I want to know
what I du geet under en."
He then took from his inner pocket a red handkerchief,
carefully unfolded it and disclosed a brown-paper parcel in
which was the will. He handed it over to his solicitor, who
in due course perused it, and said —
EXAMPLES OF WEST-COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR, 531
" Why, you get nothing under this will ; your name isn't
mentioned."
The old man said, "Aw, haven't I let you 'ev the little
' corridors ' ? I awt to a let 'e have 'em. I've got 'em in t*other
pocket for sure. They be the wans which I thinks I get
something by."
In due course the two little " corridors " were produced,
which verified the old gentleman's surmises.
There is a good story of a man brought up before the
justices, and on being asked what his occupation was, said
he was a haymaker by trade, but " twadden 'ees season vor
wurk."
A police-constable, after describing turning a man out of
a public-house who objected to being turned out and whose
friends joined in his protests, thus continued —
" I says, says I, you must go out, I says. He says, * I
shan't,' and all his friends says, * He shan't go ' ; but I says,
says I, I have my dooty to perform, I says, and I won't be
* interpeded ' by nobody."
An old gentleman used to tell an amusing story of a
reply given to him by his keeper, who — having once married
one of the cooks at the house — after he became a widower
came courting one who held the like situation.
The squire objected, and said, *' Look here, Tom, I don't
mind your coming up after the maids, but you took away
one cook, and that ought to sutfice. You ought to go after
the housemaid now and not go after the cook again."
His reply was: "Aw, squire, I hop' you'll excuse it for
this yer wance, vor I do like the smell aw the griddle a
gude dale better thin the dishclout."
An old lady who was caretaker of a church was expostu-
lated with for also attending a chapel, and being inter-
rogated by the rector as to whether such was the case,
replied —
" Why, you see, ser, — ees, ser, I does go to the church and
I du go to the chapel; you see, ser, there's no 'bigamy'
about me, ser."
On the occasion of a parish gathering one old lady was
considerably missed. Not seeing her there, the vicar in-
quired of another old lady whether she had seen her.
She too was surprised at the non-appearance of her friend.
2l2
532 EXAMPLES OF WEST-COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUB.
" I be put out ; I've been luking everywhere vor ur, and
can't see ur. I thought for sure her would be here, ur is
such a brave un for * spectifying ' too/*
A good story is told me from Uflfculme. A poor old man
had met with many misfortunes — ^luck was against him;
domestic and business afflictions had come upon him in great
numbers. A good lady who visited him as district visitor
heard the tale of his woes, and said, " Yes, yes, indeed Provi-
dence does seem to have been hard, very hard, upon you";
but the old man's reply, *' Ess, ess, mum, but there's a power
above 'ee which 111 stop en 'fore he goeth too far, thank
goodness ! " gives room for reflection.
A vicar told me a good story apropos of his* church, to
wliich he had appointed a new sexton, whom, on his ap-
pointment, he had warned not to allow anybody other
than tourists to go over the church without being accom-
panied.
He found him shortly after holding a terrible altercation
with some people who came to go over the church.
" Be you tories ? I've a been ordered by the new vicar to
allow nobody except 'tis * tories ' to go over the church," he
was heard to say, when the vicar came up and explained; but
for some time, until his general kindness of heart overcame
and lived it down, the vicar was thought to have tinges of
clerical intolerance and anti-radicalism.
Another good political story is told of a good old servant
who spoke to his master and said he was very sorry to have
to vote against him, for he was told as how he was a Union
man and wanted to put every one in the union, which was
his somewhat erroneous description of a Unionist.
It was an old moorland friend who always used to say :
*'Aw, yes, that did — ees 't did make matters worse — that
did. As vather used to zay, 'twas like puttin' pepper to
zore eyes."
To those who have visited " Cranmere " the following
slory told me by an old gentleman of Princetown is rather
amusing.
He was asked if he had been out to visit the celebrated
Cranmere Pool, situated in the heart of the bogland of
Dartmoor, lately. His reply was, " No, not very lately, sir ;
funny thing, when I took a gentleman out there the last
time I went, there was actually five or six folks there;
never seed so many there in my life to wanst. There was
EXAMPLES OF WEST-COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR. 533
one man there with a wooden leg, too ; however he got there
I don't know. There was a 'oman there w*im — his wife,
I s'pose, for he was terrible cross w'her. 'Tis a wisht old
place, Cranmere Pool, for a man with a wooden leg, you
know, sir ! No wonder he was a bit tedious and maggoty."
A very old friend who used to use quaint words always
had a knack, when he differed from any one with whom he
was talking, of saying, " With all due inditference to what
you are saying," meaning of course ** due deference," and
then continuing his argument.
The more you look at it the more do you appreciate the
'* due indifference."
An old lady who was driving and met with a trap accident
was asked why she was so frightened, and why she didn't
trust altogether to Providence. She said —
" Aw, ees, zo I did triste, — I did triste tu Providence till
the breechin' brok', and then I hollered out ; I was * foosted '
to."
Tlie story of an old servant who, after the annual spring
cleaning, was listening to her mistress's plan for the adjust-
ment of carpets, under which there were to be no carpets
for the back stairs, remarked: "Be they little back stairs
to go naked, ma'am ? " has a humorous touch.
Pvather a good story is told of a stout lady who was much
given to hunting.
Two farmers were discussing her.
" Fine woman to ride, hain't her ? " says one.
" Zo her be, an' a brave plucky wan tu,'* returned the other.
Then as if to qualify his remark, " Pretty big joint vor
the dish, hain't it?"
An old friend, who was very much averse to gossip or
tittle-tattle, always wUien anybody inquired about his neigh-
bours used to say —
' Don't know, don't know ; can't say, can't say ; they live
hundreds of miles off."
He also used to have a habit of speaking of any man
guilty of spendthrift ways as follows : —
" Law, law, puts his money on to a gridiron and lets it
run through the bars, he do."
An old saying is possibly worth recording : " Never travel
without a bit of string, a knife, and a shilling, for there you
have something wherewith to tie, to cut, and to buy."
534 EXAMPLES OF WKST-CX)UNTBY WIT AND HUMOUIL
An old auctioneer friend on congratulating a new landlord
on going into an hotel, said there were two rules which if
he obeyed would make his fortune. The first was, " Keep
good liquor " ; the second, " See that other people drink it"
A farmer after listening to the complaint of his work-
man, who said it was too hard work, or he had too much to
do, or something like that, said —
" I won't hear anything about it ; I don't like to hear
anything about too too's. There's nothing good about too
too's."
" Aw, yes, there is, master," was the man's reply, for he
was an old, valued employee ; " two glasses of beer is better'n
wan any day, isn't it, master, and specially on a hot day ? "
Here is rather a curious political incident which occurred
in a small village.
In one of the public-houses a village politician was laying
down the law.
"Everything comes out of the land," he said, and his
opponent was equally assertive that such was not the case.
The argument, or rather reiterated statement, of one and
the other got warmer and warmer and louder and louder
until at last the quarrel became great, and the man who had
made the statement that everything came out of the land
left in a heat.
The other, a little, dry, wizened-up man, after his
opponent had gone, scored by saying —
"An 'ee's no High Churchman, iz a? I dawn't suppose 'e
ever heard tell of a vish dinner ! "
The following was recently sung at a village gathering at
Zeal Monachorum, and possibly is worth preserving, as I
can find no trace of its having been previously recorded.
My father died I can't tell liow,
And left me six oxen and a ])loiigh ;
I sold olf my oxen and bouf^lit myself a cow.
Thinks I to myself, I sliall luivc a dairy now.
I sold off my cow and bought myself a calf.
Thinks I to myself, I have lost myself half.
I sold off my calf and hou<{ht myself a cat,
And down in the corner the little thing did squat.
I sold off my cat and bought myself a rat ;
With lire to his tail he burnt my old hat.
I sold off my rat and bought myself a mouse,
And with tire to his tail he burnt down my house.
The chorus after each line was : —
Whim-wham-jam-stram stram along, boys, down along the
room, etc.
THE STONE EOWS OF DAKTMOOK.
Part VIL
BY H. HANSFORD WORTH.
(R«ad at Lynton, July, 1906.)
Yet another row has to be added to the long list which has
slowly accumulated ; and again it is to be found, not in the
inmost recesses of the moor, but in a locality much and
frequently visited.
THE MEAVY VALLEY.
Ordnance Survey, Devon, CVI, S.E., long. 4** 0' 46^", lat.
50" 31' Ti". Near the Princetown road and 326 ft. S.W.,
approximately, from the junction of the Eoutrundle track.
Here are the remains of a ruined cairn, about 36 ft. in
diameter. Running K 89" 20' E. from this cairn is a short
double row, somewhat imperfect. Measuring from the cairn
centre in each case the remaining stones are : at 21 ft. 9 in.
two stones ; at 39 ft. 7 in. one stone, the northern member
of the row ; at 67 ft. 9 in. two stones, one of which is the
largest in the row, and measures 10 in. by 14 in. by 18 in.
high ; at 77 ft. two stones ; at 87 ft. 6 in. one stone ; and at
110 ft. one stone. The two rows are but 10 in. apart,
which is an unusually small distance. The elevation of the
Western horizon is 2" 50', and of the Eastern 1* 10'.
THE LONG STONE ROW, ERME VALLEY.
The Long Stone Eow on the Erme, extending from
Stall Moor to Green Hill, has recently received attention
in more than one quarter. The writer described this row
accurately, but not in detail, in a paper published in the
"Transactions" of the Plymouth Institution in the year 1892.
Last year, in our own "Transactions," Mr. T. A. Falcon, by a
geographical error, removed its northern termination from
Green Hill to Cater's Beam, a distance of 7000 ft., and
suggested inaccuracy on the part of previous observers.
536 THE STONE BOWS OF DARTMOOB.
Subsequently, when this was corrected in " Devon Notes
and Queries/' Mr. Falcon still claimed an "additional exten-
sion—the essence of the matter." This is a mistake: the
total length, as the writer described it in 1892, measured on
the map 11,150 ft., and that same length is accurate.
Sir Norman Lockyer has also devoted some attention to
the monument in question. And since it refuses to adapt
itself to his astronomical theory, he suggests that it may
have been a footpath. The writer has dealt with this
matter in an address to the Plymouth Institution, delivered
last year, and does not propose to repeat his arguments at
the present time. But it is well to point out that, except
to those requiring astronomical significance, this row would
be an absolutely typical example. It does appear hard that
our best Dartmoor example should be refused recognition
and even miscalled.
The accompanying plan, although to a small scale, will
at least serve to remove geographical misapprehensions,
and enable those interested to judge the character of a
row which refuses to adjust itself to the latest astronomical
hypothesis.
It should be explained that " Middle Mire " and " Dry
Lake *' are alternative names for the same valley, or rather
that the one is the name of a portion of the valley, and the
other that of its watercourse.
The following notes may supplement the plan : —
Starting at the South end of the row. From the centre
of the circle only 180 ft. in length of the row can })e seen.
The elevation of the North horizon is 1** 30', and of the
South horizon 0* 50'. Looking north, on the next hillside
the alinement reappears true with the short, near portion
of row visible, but at once deviates toward the east.
At point A, marked on plan, the bank of a gully which
crosses the row, the North horizon has an elevation of
4° 20', and the South horizon 1** 30'. A cairn, marked on
the plan (shown as "hut circle" on the Ordnance Survey),
breaks the North horizon to the west of the row.
From point B, near the cairn above mentioned, looking
Southward, the circle on Stall Moor, at the commencement
of the row, can be seen, and the whole row between. But
the near part is 4** 15' out of the direction of the circle.
Northward, the row can be followed some little distance on
this hill, and then is lost to sight in a valley, reappearing
on the south slope of the next hill, quite out of line, and
deviating still further eastward until it reaches the brow
C/PZTiTA NfLl.
TuK Stonk Rows of uartmoor — 7o S'^^^ p. 536.
THE 8T0NK ROWS OF DARTMOOR. 537
of this latter rise. The angle between the point at
which it disappears in the valley and the point it reaches
at the crest of the next rise is 10** 30'. From B the eleva-
tion of the Northern horizon is 1** 45', and of the Southern
0- 40'.
A little north of B the row crosses a small stream
shown on the plan. Southward from the brink of the
gully in which this stream lies only 100 ft. of the row are
visible.
Point C indicates the crossing of Bed Lake stream by
the alinement. Here the whole Southward portion visible
is considerably convex to the East. No irregularity of the
ground exists which should explain this. From C the
elevation of the Northern horizon is 7** 20', and of the
Southern T 5'.
Towards its Northern extreme the alinement has some
curious deviations, which cannot be explained by irregu-
larities of the ground. The portion immediately before
the end makes a fair attempt to point to the circle on Stall
Moor, although minor irregularities partially obscure these.
The Stall Moor circle cannot be seen by the naked eye
from the tumulus on Green Hill (point D on plan), and
the matter has not been telescopically examined, but at
least the row very near the circle must be in the field of
vision.
From the barrow on Green Hill the Northern horizon is
practically without elevation or depression ; the Southern
horizon is depressed 1* 0'.
The azimuth of the row at various parts ranges between
N. 23* E. and N. 12* W., thus swinging through thirty-five
degrees.
The next edition of the Ordnance Survey will show this
row in its whole length, the survey agreeing with that
given in the plan annexed- Practically every known Dart-
moor row will also be added to this edition.
THE EUDE STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOK
AND ITS BOEDEES.
Part II.
BY RBV. J. F. CHANTBB, M.A., AND R. HANSFORD WORTH.
(Read at Lynton, July, 1906.)
In continuation of the paper printed in last year's " Trans-
actions/' we now present plans and descriptions of some
further monuments on Exmoor and its borders, our surveys
for which were made for the most part May 14th to 19th
last.
One slight variation has been introduced into our methods:
on some of the plans it has been found inconvenient to
place each elevation of the horizon on its sight line, and in
each of these cases a small circle has been drawn repre-
senting the horizon, and the elevations on varying bearings
have been indicated around its circumference.
HADDOCKS DOWN.
Our attention having been directed to an additional stone
still existing at Maddocks Doivn, we searched the neigh-
bourhood thoroughly, but have found nothing beyond one
prostrate menhir indicated to us by Mr. Pearse Chope.
There lies, in a field adjacent to Hi{fher Maddocks Doxcn
Farm, a large spar or quartz block, 10 ft. in length by 4 ft.
in width and 3 ft. 4 in. in depth ; the exact location is long.
3° 59' 54^", and lat. 51' 10' 37^". Its shape is very irregular.
We are informed by the tenant of this farm that five smaller
stones have of late years been broken up and removed, but
none of these appear to have been standing at the time of
their destruction.
We understand that Mr. Smyth Eichards, the owner of
the estate, has given instructions guarding against all inter-
PLATE I.
%
^
X
Y.
StOSV. MOSV^VIVT^ OV F.XMOOIt ASn ITS BORDKRS.— To /if^ ;». 5S9.
8T0NB MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 539
ference with the great mSnhir described in our last con-
tribution. This is a matter for congratulation.
HANGMAN HILL.
PoLWHKLE^ has a reference to certain Hanging-stones near
Combe-Martin ; it runs thus : —
Mr. Badcock seems to have been of opinion that those ancient
pillars at Coombe-Martin, that were called the Hanging-stones,
were some Druidical remains of a temple ; and the Hanging-stone
is the Stonehenge or Balanced-stone^ which was remarkable in all
these edifices. It is said that there is but one pillar left — which
served as a boundary between Coombe-Martin and the adjoining
parish.
In Plate I, fig. 1, we give a photograph of the menhir
which now crowns the Hangman Hill, in long. 4° 0' 6", lat.
5P 12' 14", about. The stone is 5 ft. 3 in. in height; its
breadth points N. 59** E. The N.W. side measures 33 in. ;
the N.E. side, 18 in. ; the S.E. side, 32^ in. ; the S.W. side,
16 in. ; at the top the stone is somewhat thinner, the N.E.
side being 12 in. and the S.W. side 11 in.
This is probably the "one pillar left," according to
Badcock ; but we cannot find evidence on which to discuss
the possibility of its having formerly had companions. We
do not doubt, however, that it has given its name to the
hill ; it does not now form a parish bound.
LONGSTONE DOWN, WEST LYN.
A little distance South-east from West Lyn is an enclosure
now about to be broken for cultivation, but formerly
assigned to turbary allotments; it adjoins Cheriton Road
and Shamble Way. Numerous stones are scattered over its
surface, the greater number of which are the bond stones
of the turf allotments. But towards its South end there are
two menhirs of a character different frpm their companions,
and the larger of which is known as the Longstone. The
smaller menhir has long been prostrate, but the Longstone
itself, although always leaning within living memory, has
only recently completely fallen. On Wednesday, the 16th
of May last, we visited this field, and found preparations
being made for bringing it into cultivation. The workmen
engaged — Mr. E. Bowden, of Lynton, and White — informed
us that by the instructions of the owner of the land —
Colonel Lean, of East Lyn — these two menhirs were to be
* "Historical Views of Devonshire," p. 95.
540 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS.
re-erected to ensure their preservation. We understand
also that Mr. H. Medway, the tenant, has interested him-
self in their safety.
The Longstoiie is no mean weight to manage in the
absence of proper lifting tackle, but as Mr. Bowden was
anxious to get the best information as to the proper
position of this menhir, we stayed with him and aided
in the work. In all there were five of us, and our appliances
were limited to an iron bar, two iron gates, and an oak pole
from an adjacent copse. The smaller stone was easily set
up. The larger, which is 9 ft. 6 in. in length, and measures
2 ft. 6 in. by 9 in. at the base, proved an arduous and anxious
undertaking.
In the case of each menhir the original hole occupied by
its base in the subsoil was readily found. The breadth of
each stone had been in a line pointing to the other, and so
they were refixed. The smaller block measured 5 ft. 4 in.
in length, by 1 ft. 6 in. wide and 10 in. thick at base, and it
now stands 3 ft. 11 in. above ground. As re-erected, the
LoTigstone stands 7 ft. above ground, and measures 27 in. by
9 in. at ground level; it points to the smaller menhir,
which is 55 ft. 10 in. distant in a direction S. 76' 47' E.
On this alinement the Western horizon has a depression
of 0" 30', and the Eastern horizon is neither elevated nor
depressed.
Plate I, fig. 2, gives a view of these menhirs, the Lojig-
stone being the nearer, and Plate II, fig. 1, gives a plan.
The Loiigstone is marked on the six-inch quarter-sheet of the
Ordnance Survey, Devon, III, S.W., in long. 3" 49' 24i'', and
lat. oV 12' 42r.
The re-erection of these stones was absolutely essential
to their preservation, and, although they may prove hin-
drances to agriculture, the gratitude of all archaeologists is
due to Colonel Lean.
Whether or no the smaller stones used to mark out the
allotments have been stolen in past days from some pre-
historic monument we cannot say ; they have been so
arranged in any event that their preservation is now of no
importance.
There is a tradition that the Loiigstone was erected by
some gipsies to mark the grave of a child of that tribe.
Like most traditions, it claims for itself an antiquity that
places inquiry out of all question.
STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 541
WHIMB, FURZEHILL.
South-west of Hill Cottage or Whivib, at Furzehill, there
stands a small menhir on Ilkeston Ridge, The Ordnance
Survey quarter-sheet is Devon, VII, KW.,and the position of
the stone, which is not marked thereon, is long. 3" 49' 51 J",
lat. 51* 11' \2V, Whether this menhir ever had companions
we cannot say ; it stands 3 ft. 3 in. in height, and measures
14 in. by 7 in. Its width points N. 4** 17' W. There are
barrows in the neighbourhood, one of which, South and a
little East from the menhir, is not marked on the Ordnance
Survey. It should be placed in long. 3* 49' 26", and
lat. 51' 11' 41". The extreme diameter is 24 ft., and the
diameter across the top 12 ft.
LITTLE ROWLEY.
In a field North-west of Little Rowley, and near the western
hedge, stands a stone marked on sheet, Devon, VI, S.W., of
the Ordnance Survey, long. 3'' 55' 46", lat. 51' 10' llf .
Its present height is 2 ft. 9 in., but it has apparently been
broken ; its width is 24 in., and thickness 3 in. The direction
of its width points approximately North-west.
TRIANGLES.
We have no triangles to record as the result of our
survey, although by recent robbery a quadrilateral on
Trout HUl has been reduced to this form, but this group
will be found under the next heading.
QUADRILATERALS.
Of these we have to record two, both marked on the
Ordnance.
Brcndon Two Gates. — The first is shown on Ordnance
Survey, Devon, VII, S.E., and lies about 1250 ft. distant,
and a little East of North from Brejidoii Two Gates, Long.
S'* 45' 56i", lat. 51' 10' 11". Three stones, including the
central, still stand ; one has fallen, but its place is marked
^Y triggers. The East and West sides, measured within
the stones, are 31 ft. 5 in. and 30 ft. 9 in. respectively. The
North and South sides are 29 ft. and 29 ft. 5 in. The outer
four stones all appear to have pointed to the centre, as the
three standing still do. At Chapman Barrows, it will be
remembered, all five stones point East and West, and at
Woodharrow Arms three of the outer stones point athwart
the diagonals, the fourth along one side, and the centre
542 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BOJEUDERS.
stone is parallel to this latter. Thus in this respect ther
is no agreement between the various quadrilaterals so fa
surveyed.
The centre member is the tallest still standing, reaching i
height of 38J in. above the ground, and measuring 9 in. h]
4^ in. at the base.
One diagonal bears N. 52° 17' W., and the othei
K 34** 43' E.
[See Plate II, fig. 2.]
Trout Hill, near fence. — A second quadrilateral is showt
on Ordnance Survey, Devon, VII, S.E., long. 3" 43' 31^"
lat. 51** 10' 29}". When the survey was made, in 1887-8
five members were in place. There may have been more
stones, some of which were overlooked by the Ordnance
surveyor. The three which we found and measured will
not accord with the plan given on the ^^Vir sheet. Undei
the circumstances we have given our survey on Plate III
fig. 1, and an enlargement of the Ordnance Survey on the
same Plate III, fig. 2.
A barrow lies 196 ft. distant from the North-west angle
of the triangle now left, and bearing S. 42" E. from it.
The tallest stone now standing is 28J in. above the ground,
and measures 10 in. by 6 in.
[See Plate III, figs. 1 and 2.]
PARALLELOGRAMS.
We propose extending this term to include, not onW
groups of nine stones arranged in three rows of three each,
but also double rows of three stones each when the members
are paired thus —
and the width between the rows bears some considerable
ratio to their length. Our nomenclature must necessarily
be artificial, and it is not desirable to bring into existence a
multiplicity of new terms.
Little Toms Hill. — Shown on Ordnance Survey, Devon,
VII, S.E., long. 3" 42' 5U", lat. 51" 10' 32|". Described by
Page, see literature cited in Part I. (Where, by the by,
the second word in last line of p. 381 should be " Chalk.'')
Page's description is not minutely accurate; and it is
curious that, having recognized this one group, he should
LONGSTONEl, LYN DOWN. PLATE II.
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SCALE.
STONB MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDEBS. 543
have thought it a solitary specimen. Within half a mile
three other monuments exist, in addition to two cairns and
a barrow.
We have here six stones, arranged in two rows of three
each. The breadth of each member points along its row.
The spacing in the alinements varies from 26 ft. 7 in. to
31 ft. 9 in., and between the pairs from 24 ft. 4^ in. at the
North to 19 ft. 7 in. at the South.
The centre line of the group bears N. 3' W., the North
horizon having an elevation of 0** 45', and the South horizon
an elevation of 1° 30'.
The largest stone forms the centre of the Eastern side,
and stands 26i in. high, measuring 14 in. by 5 in. at ground
level. The greatest length of the parallelogram, measured
to the centres of the stones, is 58 ft. 4 in. ; its greatest
width, between the stones, is 24 ft. 4^ in.
[See Plate IV.]
East Pinford. — Another parallelogram, shown on Ord-
nance Survey, Devon, VII, S.E., but only as having five
stones, whereas all six are stauding. Long. 3** 43' 18", lat.
51' 10' 14".
This Ls a more compact collection than the last, which it
resembles, however, in having the spacing at one end of the
rows somewhat less than at the other. Interspaces in the
alinements from 12 ft. 7 in. to 17 ft. 8 in., between the aline-
ments from 11 ft. 10 in. to 13 ft. 4 in.
The stones only approximately point along the rows, the
corner members being somewhat irregular in this respect.
The centre line of the group bears N. 90** 30' E.
The Western horizon has an elevation of 3** 20', and the
Eastern an elevation of 2^ The largest stone is situate at
the North-western angle, and stands 2 ft. 6 in. above ground,
measuring 14 in. by 6 in. at ground level.
One hundred and fifty-nine feet distant from the South-
eastern corner stone, and bearing S. 36" 23' W. from it, is a
small cairn, marked on the Ordnance Survey as a hut circle.
East and a little North of the group, and distant about
500 ft., is another cairn, also marked as a hut circle on the
Ordnance Survey.
The greatest length of the parallelogram, measured to
the centres of the stones, is 31 ft. 9 in. ; its greatest width,
between the stones, is 13 ft. 4 in.
[See Plate V.]
544 STONB MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS.
STONE ROWS.
As in Part I, we include under the heading of " Stone
Rows" some possibly fragmentary groups which, when
complete, would perhaps have fallen under another desig-
nation.
JS^ar JExe Head, — Not shown on Ordnance, Devon, VII,
S.W, long, y 47' 22J", lat. 51' 9' 39J".
Between the Chains Valley and Exe Head we have found
a collection of stones more nearly recalling the Dartmoor
stone rows than any other group which we have seen on
Exmoor.
The total length of this monument is 162 ft. ; it may very
possibly be the remains of a triple row. The soil is peat,
and some stones have sunk until the tops only are visible ;
probably others might be found beneath the surface by care-
ful probing.
The centre row is the most perfect, and six stones are
visible; the least spacing is 12 ft. 6 in., the greatest
64 ft. 10 in. ; the average appears to have been about 15 ft.,
and if so, five stones are missing. Of the Western row four
stones remain, and of the Eastern, three. At the South,
the last stone is out of place for any row.
The largest stone occurs in the central alinement, and
near its centre ; it stands 2 ft. 9 in. in height, and mea-
sures 1 2 in. by 5 in. at ground level. Its width is set across
the direction of the row.
Tlie central alinement bears N. 31*' 13' E. The elevation
of the Southern horizon is 5° 50', and the Northern horizon
is neither elevated nor depressed.
If this be the remains of a triple row, then the Western
row is 20 ft. distant from the central, and the Eastern row
about 12 ft. 6 in. distant.
This group would repay more detailed investigation, as
probably several more stones would be found were time
given to the search.
[See Plate VI.]
Fwrzehill Common.— T>Q\on, VII, N.W. Long. 3^ 48' 24*",
lat. 5r 10' 59". Marked on Ordnance Survey.
The Ordnance Survey sliows two stones, but of these the
more Westerly has fallen, and in addition the place of a
third intermediate to the other two is identifiable by the
triggers. The spacings are 23 ft. 6 in. and 24 ft. The stone
still standing measures 2 ft. 2 in. in height by 9 in. by 7 in.,
/on, 3*- 4.7' 22/4.'
/air, sS/'-3'-33^^
D . VII. S.W.
PLATE VI
HOR. +5*-50'
.yT ,4- icon.
\ / "■:
♦ 1 \
l«" " Jo fallen
•i 31-
*ci
dl )2V5'
.; 33"
CM
^i
• Shelving
n
i
..'^' i
6--3V' 2
CM 1 ^;
1 ! ^:
> Ghow in^
)
12*
V*----- l9'-3'-.-|j2«3-
HOR. O* O'
SCALt 30 r^' TO I IN., FOR STONES lO F'^ TO I |n
FURZEHILL COMMON
VU. N.W. /VC./
/or?. 3*''4,a''24./i'
PLATt VII
9%7-
26"
23-6-
-T-ff.*r! 2V-0t Lj l'^2- fallen
SCAUE 20 FttT TO \ INCH ^ STONES )0 P' TO
II*
/ 20-
9i
(0
buried
(P
•J
0.
29"
I4.9-O--
-'-♦----. 54'- O" ^
15 *lO |2'»»2
36- ,4-
SCALE 60 rPlET TO ) INCH
STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BOEDEBS. 545
and points towards the triggers and fallen stone. The bear-
ing of the row is N. 53' 13' E. The elevation of the horizon
has not been observed.
[See Plate VII, fig. 1.]
Furzehill Common.— Devon, VII, N.W. Long. 3' 48' 46^
lat. 51" 11' 7i". Two of these stones are marked on Ord-
nance Survey.
Probably this is the remnant of some larger group. In
all there are now five stones — three fixed, one nearly buried,
and one fallen. The largest stands 2 ft. 7 in., and measures
22 in. by 8 in. There are two possible bearings assignable,
but each is very uncertain. The first is K 79' 27' W., and
the second N. 25' 43' E. We do not attribute any import-
ance to either.
[See Plate VII, fig. 2.]
Uoce Plain, opposite Old Cot — Devon, VII, S.W. Long.
3' 47' 18J", lat. 51' 10' 7^- Not marked on Ordnance
Survey.
Two stones only, probably the remains of a larger group.
The directions of their widths are at right angles. There
are some indications that a quadrilateral formerly existed
here. Bearing of line joining centres, N. 44' 17' W. ; eleva-
tion of S.E. horizon, 2' 50' ; depression of N.W. horizon,
1' 45'. Larger stone stands 2 ft. high, and measures 8 in.
by 5 in. across diagonals. The distance from centre to
centre of stones is 36 ft. 10 in. Mentioned here for con-
venience, but not regarded by us as a row.
[See Plate VIII, fig. 1.]
Near Brockeribxirrov) Lane, Challacombe parish.
About 40 yd. North of Barrow " D " (refer to Plate XI,
Part I) some six stones, nearly buried in the peat, appear
to constitute the remains of a row. The total length between
the end stones now visible is 66 ft. 2 in. The closest spacing
is 6 ft. 7 in., and the widest 17 ft. 9 in. The direction is
practically parallel to a line drawn through Barrow D and
the stone marked as "last remains of row" which stands
near it.
Since last year we learn the stone C, marked on the same
plan, fell only five years ago.
Barrow A, marked on the plan, was opened this year,
and a kistvaen 17 in. long by 13 in. wide was discovered; it
VOL. xxxviii. 2 M
546 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BOBDSBS.
enclosed an urn containing burnt bones and a flint fabricator.
The length of the kistvsen points N. 67' 13' E.
Barrow B has also been opened, and yielded charcoal and
one flint flake ; it appears to have been disturbed.
Barrow C, also opened with no result beyond one flint
core. This barrow has certainly been opened previously,
and is quite possibly the grave of which Westcote tells a
quaint tale.
UNCLASSED.
Clannon Ball, not far from Brendon Two Gates, — Devon,
VII, S.E. ; long. 3' 46' 31", lat. bV 10' 41i^ Not marked on
Ordnance Survey, but a circle around a small barrow hard
by is shown as " Stones."
This collection comprises four stones still standing and
one fallen. We cannot determine the original form from
any indications, whether of pits or triggers, which might
represent members now gone or the directions in which the
remaining blocks point.
It is too highly speculative to assume that the stone
marked A on plan occupied the centre of a pentagon, of
which the three other standing stones marked three angles,
yet the angles subtended at A are both approximately 72*.
We mention the coincidence merely to dismiss it, and to
record that all search for stones which should have com-
pleted the figure was fruitless.
The largest stone stands 1 ft. 11 in. in height, and measures
:^5 in. by 4| in.
One hundred and eighty-one feet from stone A, and bear-
ing N. 109' 57' W., is the centre of a small cairn surrounded
by an imperfect stone circle of 9 ft. 8 in. diameter ; this, as
mentioned above, is marked on the Ordnance, but not
correctly described. A line from the cairn to A passes
through another stone of the group. The horizon over the
cairn has an elevation of 1" 15'.
[See Plate VIII, fig. 2.]
TtoiU Hill.— Devon, VII, S.E. Long. S" 43' 23^", lat.
51" 10' 26f ". Marked on Ordnance Survey.
This group consists of five stones, all standing, and re-
sembles a deformed quadrilateral. One line appears
sufficiently well marked, since three stones are fixed on
it, and two of these point along the alinement, which bears
N. 15** W. The Northern horizon is elevated V 50', and the
Southern horizon is neither elevated nor depressed.
EXE. PLAIN .
VII.S.W PLATE VIH
S /V^. /
/^/7. ^•-^7-/^^5^-^
it
/^rA S/'^/c'-^/i" }
♦ # —
g 2V
•XA'-IO" ' — T
ao-0
CLAN N ON BALL. VII. S.E
35-
.... 24'- 6
*>•
^
22"
v^
.9
^ V2A-
24-
^/7. 3*' 4-6 -3/"
scale: 10 FEET TO
»5-«4\
.-X.
ZO-
^\
:«>
OM .
V.
TROUT HILL. VII.S.El.
/on, J--4v3-^<3/2-
plate: IX.
0
<0
.,1^
'-. 31"
41 '..9/^-
"<.
^
CM
9Vi
IB
,CALE: lO FEET TO I INCH
STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 547
The largest stone stands 2 ft. 10 in. in height, and measures
14 in. by 5 in.
[See Plate IX.]
On Badgexoorthy Lees, Devon, VII, N.E., South of Withy-
combe Ridge Water, — Two stones are shown on the Ordnance
Survey. In addition to these, there is a small barrow or
cairn, which should be marked in long. 3° 44' 9", and lat.
51** 11' 15^". It is 19 ft. in diameter, and lies 251 ft. from
the Eastern stone, bearing 109^ 1' W.
The Eastern stone stands 2 ft. high, and measures
2 ft. by 1 ft. The Western stone stands 2 ft. 4 in. high, and
measures 17 in. by 8 in. North-west from this latter is a
hillside on which are several stones, some evidently set
artificially ; but whatever arrangement or order they may
once have presented is now entirely lost, and natural rocks
mingling with those which have fallen further obscure the
matter.
On Hoar Toi\ Devon, VII, S.E. — Three stones are marked
on the Ordnance Survey. Of these two, lying near each
other, and about long. 3' 46' 20'', lat. 51' 10' 16", are not
much above ground, and while probably set stones, call for
no further remark.
The third lies, long. ^ 46' 28", lat. 51^ 10' lOJ", approxi-
mately South-west from the others. It stands 1 ft. 11 in.
high, and measures 20 in. by 5 in. We cannot detect any
companions.
On the hill between Warcombe Water and West Lyn River,
especially on its Northern slopes, are several standing stones
of no great dimensions. These are rather widely scattered,
but it is possible that careful search might be repaid. On
the same hillside we found several flint chips and cores in
the mole-heaps, and this neighbourhood has yielded some
good stone implements.
Valley of Rocks, Lynton, — The Valley of Rocks, formerly
and more happily the Valley of Stones, has suffered in many
ways from over-ardent enthusiasts. Almost alone of North
Devon localities, it has had the Druids quartered upon it.
PoLWHELE, Lyttleton, and others conspired in the eighteenth
century to create a druidic atmosphere, and the haze is even
yet hardly dispelled. Polwhele^ writes : —
In the meantime, shapeless piles of stone, on Exmoor or the
adjacent country, miglit be approached as rock-idols of the Britons.
^ ''Historical Views of Devonshire," p. 64.
2m2
548 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS.
The Valley of Stones, indeed, in the vicinity of Exmoor, is so
awfully magnificent that we need not hesitate in pronouncing it
to liave been the favourite residence of Druidism. . . . The
Valley of Stones has a close resemblance to several of those spots
in Cornwall which tradition has sanctified with the venerable
names of rock-idols, Logan-stones, or rock-basons; and the North
of Devon, though it may furnish us with no tradition of the
Druids, must yet be examined with an eye to druidical antiqui-
ties. . . . Not that the Druids formed these scenes. No ; they
only availed themselves of such recesses ; to which they annexed
sanctity, by commemorating there, the rites of religion. The
rock-idols are purely natural — as natural as the groves of Mona.
. . . The whole army of Xerxes could not have raised, by force
or skill, such ledges of rock, piled up in the Valley of Stones, as
if by human industry. The most remarkable rock-idol in this
valley is the Cheesewring. Lyttleton observes that it greatly
resembles the Cheesewring near Altemon. Between Combmartin
and Linton (says the Dean), and opposite to what you apprehend
to be a Druid gorfeddan, is a karn of rocks, which they call the
Cheesewring. It is much like that at Altemon.
And again : — ^
In the central part of the Valley of Stones there are several
plain circles, in diameter about forty feet.
Later, in his book, Polwhele appears to have a suspicion
that others sometimes failed in that discretion which should
mark archaeological speculation. He writes : — ^
Not that I can trace at this moment, with an ingenious corre-
spondent, " the ruins of a very great temple at Sticklepath, near
Zeal-Monachorum, not far from Drewsteignton ; the fragments of
which (he says) are scattered through the village and over the
sides of the mountain on which it was probably erected." The
same gentleman declares that " the Valley of Stones is filled w^ith
the stupendous ruins of some Cuthito or Druid temple, where
there was a hanging-stone (so characteristic of these structures),
till the wind blowing down a great mass of the ruins, the end of
one piece of rock fell against this stone, and it is now quite im-
moveable."
We are inclined to add with Polwhele, but in a dif-
ferent sense from his, " This much far the ages of primitive
Druidism !" But, in fact, there was to be more, for an
open letter, printed and bearing date 26 January, 1854,
contains the words : —
Improperly continuing the dominion and control of the Valley
of Rocks in the hands of those who have misused it for the last
1 Op. cit., p. 62. ' Op, cU., p. 94.
STONB MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 549
fifty years, and have committed and encouraged the commission of
multitudes of acts, such as the building of ugly stone walls and
fences, and, worse than either, the removal of immense Druidical
stones and circles, etc., etc., for the purpose of selling them for
gate-posts.
Cook's "Topography" (circ, 1822-3) probably borrows
from PoLWHELE in asserting : —
The central part of the valley contains several circles of stone,
above forty feet in diameter, most probably Druidical remains.
We have carefully and minutely examined the valley,
and we find at the point marked " hut circles " on the Ord-
nance Survey (Devon, II, S.E.) certain collections of stone
which may possibly be the remains of huts ; while South of,
and under, Castle Bock there is a circle or pound of 40 ft.
internal diameter. The Ordnance Survey rather suggests
that this consists of discrete stones, but it is simply the
ruin of a circular wall or fence.
In the absence of those particular descriptions which we
should have expected to find in the literature had any
columnar circles ever existed, we conclude that the remains
now visible are fair samples of a collection formerly some-
what larger. And we do not fail to remember that
PoLWHELE described the very ordinary huts of G-rimspound,
on Dartmoor, as among the most remarkable druidic circles
in Devonshire. So great has been the change induced in
archaeological methods by the investigations of recent years
that the Valley of St&iies is one of the least likely places, to
modern eyes, in which to search for stone monuments other
than the remains of dwellings and their appurtenances.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.
The stone monuments we have now described are
strikingly unlike any others at present known in Devon
and Cornwall, and, indeed, we do not know where to point
for their fellows.
At the same time there is every indication that their
period is identical with that of the other West-country
remains. The barrows associated with them, so far as
examined, indicate a date in the early Bronze or late Neo-
lithic periods. A few of the stone rows, especially that near
Ujce Head, form connecting links with the Dartmoor series.
One barrow at least, near Brockenhirrow Lane, has been
found to contain a kistvaen, and within it an urn-buriaU
550 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXAIOOR AND ITS BORDERS.
while the urn contained, in addition to burnt bone, a well-
worn flint fabricator. In shape the um closely resembles
that found at Westerlafid Beacon, and described in last year's
Barrow Eeport. All this connects closely with Dartmoor
and South Devon.
We are strongly of opinion that it is most desirable that
the survey which we have commenced should be completed
by the thorouf^h examination of that portion of the Ex:moor
district which lies within the borders of Somersetshire.
The limit we have here set ourselves is that all the remains
above described should fall within the area of these sheets
of the Ordnance Survey which bear Devonshire numbers.
We are not in agreement with the latest astronomical
hypothesis as to the origin and intent of stone rows and
circles. And the fact that we have in most cases given the
elevation of the surrounding horizon must not in any way
be taken as even a qualified assent to such views. Since
there are some who regard these measurements as essential
to a complete survey, we have so far conceded the point as
to give the information which their theories demand.
Whether orientation be a matter of moment or not, we
have tabulated the directions of the principal lines in the
various groups, and give the details below. The nearest
half-degree is given in every case.
In quadrilaterals the diagonals appear to be the most
important lines.
AZIMUTHS OF DIAGONALS OF QUADRILATERALS.
TABLE I.
Loiigstonc Allotment,
Chapman Barrows
Woodborougli Arms
Brendon Two Gates
Trout Hill, near fence
We add a tal)le of diameters, as there is no sufficient
evidence on which to decide that these were really of less
importance than the diagonals.
AZIMUTHS OF DIAMETERS OF QUADRILATERALS.
TABLE II.
Longstone Allotment,
Chairman Barrows N. 44**
Woodborough Arms . N. 74"*
Brendon Two Gates . N. 80"*
Trout Hill, near fence, not ascertainable.
N.
89'' 30' E.
N.
oo o'AV.
N.
34" O'E.
IS.
22" 0' W.
X.
AT O'E.
N.
52" O'W.
N.
10^ O'E.
>:.
87° O'W.
O'E.
N. 46' 0' W,
O'E.
N. 17° 30' W.
O'E.
N. 8- O'W
STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 551
In the parallelograms we assume that the direction of
the longest diameter would be the alinement.
AZIMUTHS OF LONGEST DIAMETERS OF PARALLELOGRAMS.
TABLE III.
Fm-zehill Common . . . N. 12^ 30' W.
Little Toms Hill . . . N. 3' 0' W.
East Pinford . . . N. 89° 30' W.
The alinements of the undoubted rows are as follows.
Where a row is double, a centre line between its members
is taken.
AZIMUTHS OF STONE ROWS.
TABLE IV.
Westcote's Row, Maddock Down (1) N. SV 0' W.
Beiijamy, Ruckham Combe . . N. 29' 30' E.
Winaway . . . . N. 20' W. approx*
Near Setta Barrow . . . N. 45'* 0' E.
Brendon Common, Cheriton Ridge N. 78** 0' E.
Brendon Common,
near Farley Water N. 34"* 0' E. and N. 62° 0' W.
Brav Common, Little Melcombe . N. 54' 0' E.
Near Exe Head . . . N. 31" 0' E.
Furzehill Common . . . N. 55' 0' E.
Near Brockenburrow Lane (?) . N. 76' 0' W. approx.
We have omitted any doubtful remains which may have
been classed with the rows for convenience only.
No very hopeful generalization is derivable from these
tables. The total angle covered is 179 degrees, and the
widest unoccupied gaps are 21 degrees between N. 83' W.
and N. 62' W., 24 degrees between N. 46" W. and N. 22"* W.,
and 19J degrees between N. 10'' E. and N. 29' 30' E.
Some significance may possibly be attributed to certain
apparent attempts to indicate the cardinal points. Thus the
diagonals of the Chapman Barrow qnekdrilsLteTal deviate from
North and South by 2^ only, and from East and West by
0^ 30' only.
The parallelogram on Little Totm Hill points within
3" of North and South, and the parallelogram on £ast
Pinford alines within 0** 30' of East and West.
Whether this last-named feature have significance or not,
it is somewhat remarkable that the stone rows have much
the same range as those on Dartmoor, and exhibit a similar
preference for the N.W. and S.E. quadrants. Winaway is
552 STONE MONUMENTS OF EXMOOR AND ITS B0BDSB8.
the one exception of any importance, and is paralleled on
Dartmoor by the equally exceptional row at Challacomie.
With the experience gained on Dartmoor, we do not pre-
tend to have exhausted the area covered by our survey —
doubtless more will yet be found; indeed, near Hoaroak
there remains a row which has been reported to us, and
which we have not yet examined. But we hope to have
rescued from oblivion the principal survivals of a great
group of antiquities, the destruction of which is still pro-
ceeding. Is it beyond hope that the publication of these
papers and the influence of our Association may lead to a
check in the demolition of these unique stone monuments ?
And cannot road-menders and hedgers be made to respect
the barrows and cairns of Exmoor and its commons, which
form at present one of their chief sources of supply for
stone? If not, then whatever antiquarian work is to be
done in North Devon must be quickly done, and in any
fevent the district affords a fruitful and little-worked field
for operations. Especially is it interesting as showing how
much must have been lost elsewhere in the county as the
tide of agriculture flowed.
LIST OF MEMBERS.
* Indicates Life Meinbera. f Indicates Honorary Members.
t Indicates Members who hare Joined for the current year only.
Italics indicate Members whose addresses are incomplete or unknown.
The Names of Members of the Council are printed in small capitals.
Notice of Changes of Residence and of Decease of Members should be sent to
Mr. J. Brooking- Ro we, Castle Barbican, Plympton, or to
Mr. Maxwell Adams, Wolborough House, Newton Abbot, the General Secretaries
Tear of
Election.
1901 Acland, Sir C. T. D., Bart., Killerton Park, near Exeter.
1881 Adams, CoL H. C, Lion House, Exmouth.
1896 Adams, Maxwell, Wolborough House, Newtoa Abbot (Hon.
General Secretary).
1900*Adain8, S. P., Elbury Lodge, Newton Abbot
1906 Adkins, Capt. A. S., The Old Hall, Manton, Rutland.
1886 Aldridge, C, m.d., Bellevue House, Plympton.
1889tAlford, Rev. D. P., m.a.. Elm Grove, Taunton.
1887 Alger, W. H., j.p., 8, Esplanade, Plymouth.
1896*Allhu8en, C. Wilton, Pinhay, Lyme Regis.
1874 Alsop, R., Landscore Lodge, Teignmouth.
1877 Amery, Jasper, 18, Fleet Street, London, E.C.
1869 Amert, J. S., Druid, Ashburton.
1869 Amert, P. F. S., j.p., o.c, Druid, Ashburton (Hon. General
Treasurer).
1891 Amory, Sir J. Heathcoat, Bart., Knightshayes, Tiverton.
1897 Anderson, Rev. Irvine K., Mary Tavy Rectory, Tavistock.
1901 Andrew, Sidney, 18, West Southernhay, Exeter.
1894 Andrews, John, Traine, Modbury, Ivy bridge.
1863 Appleton, Edward, F.aLB.A., m.Ihst.c.b., 1, Vaughan Parade,
Torquay.
1901 Arthur, Mrs., Atherington Rectory, Umberleigh, R.S.O.,
North Devon.
1906 Atkinson, John P., m.r.c.b., l.r.c.p., Shortlands, Lynton.
1906 Atkinson, Mrs. Engadine, Lynton.
1906 Baker, Rev. H. G., Bovey Tracey.
1906 Barlow, Mrs. Andrew, c/o Mrs. Da we, Petticombe, Monk-
leigh, Torrington.
554 LIST OF M£B(BBR8.
1878*BARiNa-GouLD, Rev. S., m.a., Lew Trenchard, Lewdown.
1897 Barran, Charles, Berry House, Totnes.
1902*Barratt, Francis Lay land, m.a., m.p., 68, Cadogan Square,
London, S.W.
1902 Barrett, B. Skardon, Courtenay Street, Plymouth.
1898 Bayley, Arthur R., b.a., f.r.Hist.8., St. Margaret's, Great
Malvern.
1894*Bayly, Miss A., Seven Trees, Plymouth.
1903 Bayly, John, Highlands, Ivybridge.
1902 Bedford, George, Berner's Hill, Torquay.
1895 Bellew, P. F. B., Colley House, Tedburn St. Mary.
1906 Bent, Major Morris, Deerswell, Paignton.
1905 Bennett, Ellery A., 17, Courtenay Street, Plymouth.
1906 Bennett, Miss E. D., 15a, The Beacon, Exmouth.
1899 Beresford, His Honour Judge, The Hall, Wear Giflford.
1906 Be van, Cecil N., Lyn Valley Hotel, Lynmouth.
1895*Bickford, Col., Newquay, Cornwall.
1890 Bingham, Rev. W. P. S., m.a., Vicarage, Kenton, Exeter.
1880 Birch, Rev. W. M., m.a., Bampton Aston, Oxford.
1904 Bird, W. Montagu, j.p., Dacre House, Ringmore,
Teignmouth.
1897 Birks, Rev. H. A., m.a., Kingsbridge.
1889 Birmingham Free Library, Birmingham.
1904 Bissoll, J. Broad, j.p., Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.
1886 Blackler, T. A., Royal Marble Works, St. Marychurch,
Torquay.
1903 Blissett, T., Grey's Lodge, Torquay.
1905 Bolt, A., Princetown.
1902 Bond, F. Bligh, f.r.i.b.a., Star Life Building, St. Augustine's
Parade, Bristol.
1901 Bond, P. G., 105, Union Street, Plymouth.
1901 Bond, Miss S. C, South Danville, New Hampshire, U.S.A
1906 Bond, W. F., b.a., Lancing College, Shoreham, Sussex.
1906 Bovey, Thomas William Widger, M.R.C.S., l.r.c.p.Lokd.,
Abbotsbury, Dorset.
1890*Bo wring, Thos. B., 7, Palace Gate, London, W.
1898 Boyer, Commander R, U.N., Rosemary Cottage, Clayhidon,
Wellington, Somerset.
1900*Bradridge, C. Kingsley, 13, Talbot Street, Cardiff.
1905 Brendon, Charles E., Tranby Lodge, Saltash.
1892 Brendon, W. T., Whistley, Yelverton, RS.O.
1905 Brenton, W. H., M.R.c.s.BNa., l.r.c.p.Lond., l.s.a., 12, Portland
Villas, Plymouth.
1905 Briggs, C. a., F.E.8., Rock House, Lynmouth, North Devon
(Hon. Local Secretary).
1882 Brushfield, T. N., m.d., f.s.a.. The Cliff, Budleigh
Salterton.
1906 Budgett, Mrs. W. Hill, 8, Worcester Terrace, Clifton, Bristol.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 655
1904 Bullock, Miss Henrietta Ann, 1, Brimley Villas, Teignmouth.
1887 Bulteel, Tliomas, j.p., Katiford, Plymouth.
1873*Burdett-Coutts, Right Hon. Baroness, 1, Stratton Street,
Piccadilly, London.
1887 BuRNARD, Robert, j.p., f.s.a., Huccaby House, Princetown
(Vice-President).
1887 Burnard, Mrs. F. L., Huccaby House, Princetown.
1906 By water. Prof. Ingram, m.a., d.Litt., Athenaeum Club, Pall
Mall, London, S.W.
1902 Calmady, Charles Calmady, Stoney Croft, Horrabridge.
1891 Carpenter, H. J., m.a., ll.m., Penmead, Tiverton.
1866*Carpenter-Gamier, J., 33, Queen's Gate Gardens, S.W.
1905 Carr, Mrs. Emily L., Broad parks, Pinhoe, Exeter.
1902 Carter, Miss E. G., Hartland, North Devon.
1899 Cartwright, Miss M. Anson, 11, Mont-le-Grand, Heavitree,
Exeter.
1895*Ca8h, A. Midgley, m.d., Limefield, Torquay.
1898 Cave, Sir C. D., Bart., Sidbury Manor, Sidmouth.
1900 Chalmers, J. H., Holcombe, Moretonhampstead.
1906 Chambers, R. E. E., Pill House, Bishop's Tawton, Barn-
staple.
1899*Champernowne, A. M., Hood Manor, Totnes.
1890 Chanter, C. E. R., Broadmead, Barnstaple.
1901 Chanter, Rev. J. F., m.a., Parracombe Rectory, Barnstaple.
1884 Chapman, H. M., St. Martin's Priory, Canterbury.
1881 Chapman, Rev. Professor, m.a., ll.d.. Western College,
Clifton, Bristol.
1903 Chapman, J. C, m.Imt.c.b., Cad well House, Torquay.
1906 Chappie, W. E. Pitfield, The Shrubbery, Axminster.
1906 Chappie, Miss Pitfield, The Shrubbery, Axminster.
1902 Charbonnier, T., Art Gallery, Lynraouth.
1902 Ching, Thomas, j.p.. Mount Tamar, Bere Alston.
1896 Chopb, R Pearse, b.a.. The Patent Ofl&ce, Chancery Lane,
E.C.
1902 Christie, A. L., Tapeley Park, Instow, North Devon.
1888 Clark, IL, Carlton House, Exmouth.
1869*Clark, R A., The Larches, Torquay.
1905 Clarke, Miss Kate, 2, Mont-le-Grand, Exeter.
1901 Clayden, A. W., m.a., f.g.s., St. John's, Polsloe Road,
Heavitree, Exeter.
1903 Clay-Finch, Mrs., Bark Hill House, Whitchurch, Salop.
1871 Clements, Rev. H. G. J., m.a., Vicarage, Sidmouth.
1881*CuFPORD, Right Hon. Lord, m.a., j.p., Ugbrooke, Chudleigh.
1893 Cocks, J. W., Madeira Place, Torquay.
1906 Cole, Rev. R. T., m.a., 7, Great George Street, Park Street^
Bristol.
556 LIST OF MSBIBBRS.
1898*CoLSRiDQB, Right Hon. Lord, iljl, K.a, The Chanter's
House, Ottery St. Mary.
1894 Collier, George B., m.a., Whinfield, South Bient
1889 Collier, Mortimer J., Foxhams, Horrabridge.
1896 CoUings, The Right Hod. Jesse, m.p., Edgbaston, Birmingham.
1892 Colson, F. H., m.a., The College, Plymouth.
1900 Commin, James G., High Street, Exeter.
1903 Cooke, T. O. Preston, j.p., Elmhurst, Teignmouth.
1881*Cornish, Rev. J. F., 25, Montpelier Street, Brompton Boad,
London, S.W.
1906 Cornish, H. P., p.r.g.s., Devonia, Long Framlington,
l»Iorthumberland.
1904 Coryndon, R. T., 2, London Wall Buildings, London, KC.
1901 Cowie, Herbert, m.a., Courtlands, Chelston, Torquay.
1895 Cowlard, C. L., Madford, Launceston.
1898 Cox, C. E., Honiton.
1901 Cox, Irwin E. B., m.p., Moat Mount, Mill Hill, Middlesex.
1906 Cox, Rev. W. E., m.a., The Rectory, Lynton.
1904 Crespin, C. Legaesicke, 51, West Cromwell Road, London,
S.W.
1887 Crews, F. H K, 7, Queen's Gate, Plymouth.
1898 Croft, Sir Alfred W., K.ai.K., j.p., m.a., Rumleigh, Bere
Alston, R.S.O. (Viob-Prbsidbnt).
1901 Cross, William, m.i.ck., Kittery Court, Kingswear.
1886 Cumming, Stephen A., The Corbyn, Cockington, Torquay.
1906 Curtis, Miss E. J. The Cedar Trees, Lexden Road, Colchester.
1890tDallinger, Rev. W. H., ll.d., f.r.s., f.l.8., etc., 38, Newstead
Road, Lee, London, S.E.
1901 Dangar, Rev. Preb. J. G., d.d., St. Luke*s, Baring Crescent,
Exeter.
1896 Davies, W., Bellfield, Kingsbridge.
1905 Davies, 0., Princetown.
1897 Davis, J. W., Doneraile, Exmouth.
1878 Davson, F. A., m.d., j.p., Mount Gal pine, Dartmouth.
1878 Davy, A. J., Abbeylield, Falkland Koad, Torquay.
1902 Dawe, Mrs., Petticombe, ^lonkleigh, Torrington.
1906 Dawkins, Edwin Henry, Axminster.
1888*Daw8on, Hon. Richard, j.p., d.l., m.a., Holne Park, Ashburton.
1904 Dawson, Rev. William, Teignmouth.
1905 Dewey, Rev. Stanley D., m.a.. Rectory, Moretonhampstead.
1902 Dimond- Churchward, Rev. Preb., m.d.. The Vicarage,
Northam, North Devon,
1882 Dob, Gkorqb M., Enfield, Great Torrington.
1898*Donaldson, Rev. E. A., Py worthy Rectory, Hols worthy.
North Devon.
1904 Drake, Major William Hedley, Bryn willow, Polsham Park,
Paignton.
LIST OF members; 557
1902 Drayton, Harry G., 201, High Street, Exeter.
1906 Drewett, Charles E. Bratton Fleming, Barnstaple.
1905 Duke, C. L., 19, Portland Villas, Plymouth.
1889 Duncan, A. G., j.p., South Bank, Bideford.
1898*Dunning, Sir K H., j.p., Stoodleigh Court, Tiverton.
1891 DuNSFORD, G. L., Villa Franca, 17, Wonford Road, Mount
Radford, Exeter.
1901 Durnford, George, j.p., o.a., f.o.a.Oam., Greenhythe, West-
mount, Montreal, Canada.
1905 Dyer, S. R., m.d., Princetown.
1879 Dymond, Arthur H, 14, Bedford Circus, Exeter.
1898 Dymond, Robert, j.p.. The Mount, Bideford.
1902 Dymond, Mrs, Robert, The Mount, Bideford.
1901 Earle, The Right Rev. Alfred, d.d.. Bishop of Marlborough,
Dean of Exeter, The Deanery, Exeter.
1898 Eccles, J. A. J., Stent wood, Dunkeswell Abbey, Honiton.
1891 Edmonds, Rev. Chancellor, b.d.. The Close, Exeter.
1906 Edmonds, Mrs., Clooneavin, Lynton.
1901 Edye, Lieut.-Col., St. James's Club, Montreal, Canada,
1896 Elliot, Edmund A. S., m.r.c.s., m.b.o.u., Woodville, Kings-
bridge.
1877 Elliot, R L., Tregie, Paignton.
1906 Elliott, Christopher, Greenover, Brixham.
1893 Elliott, J. C, 3, Powderham Terrace, Teignmouth.
1903 Ellis, Martin, The Larches, Black Torrington, Highampton,
North Devon.
1878 Elworthy, F. T., f.s.a. (President), Foxdown, Wellington,
Somerset.
1888 Ermen, Miss, St. Catherine's, Torre, Torquay.
1898*Evans, Arnold, 4, Lithfield Place, Clifton.
1904 Evans, Major G. A. Penrhys, Furzedene, Budleigh Salterton.
1895 Evans, H. Montague, 10, Upper KnoUys Terrace, Alma
Road, Plymouth.
1886 Evans, J. J. Ogilvie, 1, Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth.
1877 Evans, J. L., 4, Lithfield Place, Clifton.
1880*Evan8, Parker N., Park View, Brockley, West Town, RS.O.,
Somerset.
1869*Evan8, Sir J., d.cl., p.as., p.s.a., etc., Nash Mills, Hemel
Hempstead, Herts.
1902*Eve, H. T., k.c., m.p., PuUabrook, Bovey Tracey, and 4, New
Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C.
1901 Every, Rev. H., m.a.. The Rowdens, Torquay.
1904 Every, Richard, St. Mary's, Salisbury.
1900 Exell, Rev. J. S., m.a.. Stoke Fleming Rectory, Dartmouth.
1905 Exeter, The Rt. Rev. The Lord Bishop of. The Palace,
Exeter (President Elect).
558 LIST OF MKMBEBS.
1905 Falcon, T. A., m.a., Sea View, Braunton, Devon.
1906 Fargus, Capt. Harold, D.8.O., The Pinea, Woody Bay,
Parracombe.
1906JFargu8, Mrs. Amy, Woody Bay, Parracombe, R.S.O.
1906 Fayrer, Major J. 0. S., Thaudicani, Paignton.
1896 Firth, H. Mallaby, Kiiowle, Ashburton.
1896*Firth, R. W., Place, Ashburton.
1903 Fisher, Arthur, St. Aubyns, Tiverton.
1902 Fitzroy, Miss Adela, Weston House, Chudleigh.
1906 Fitzsimons, John Bingham., m.d., The Cottage, Lympstone.
1876 Fleming, J., 83, Portland Place, London, W.
1906 Ford, A. L., j.p., Gwynallt, Lynmouth.
1900 Ford, Miss Kate St. Clair, Ford Park, Chagford, Newton
Abbot.
1898 Fortescue, Miss, The Kectory, Honiton.
1906 Fortescue, Rev. Hugh John, m.a.. The Rectory, Honiton.
1906 Fortescue, Rt. Hon. the Earl, Castle Hill, South Molton.
1867*Foster, Rev. J. P., m.a., Cotswold Park, Cirencester.
1876*Fowler, Rev. Canon W. W., Earley Vicarage, Reading.
1876*Fox, Charles, Tlie Pynes, Warliugham-on-the-Hill, Surrey.
1906 Fox, Miss, 9, AthensBum Terrace, Plymouth.
1892 Francis, H., c.b., 12, Lockyer Street, Plymouth.
1900 Francken, W. A., Okehampton, and Junior Conservative
Club, Albemarle Street, S.W.
1901 Freeman, F. F., Abbotsfield, Tavistock.
1894*Frost, F. C, F.8.I., Regent Street, Teignmouth.
1876 Fulford, F. D., j.p., d.l.. Great Fulford, Dunsford, Exeter.
1880 Furneaux, J., Shute House, 11, Windsor Terrace, Clifton.
1901 Gauntlett, George, 27, Dix*s Field, Exeter.
1900*Gervi.s, Henry, m.d., f.r.o.p., j.p., The Towers, Hillingdon,
Middlesex.
1889 Gibbon, Rev. H., Fremington, N. Devon.
1891*GiFFAUD, Hardinge F., Stone Lodge, Cheam, Surrey.
1901 Giles, Rev. A. L., m.a., The Vicarage, Okehampton.
1892*GiIl, Miss, St. Peter Street, Tiverton.
1877*Glyde, K R, F.aMKr.soc, Stateford, Whitchurch, Tavistock.
1902 Goanian, Thomas, j.p., 14, Butt Gardens, Bideford.
1902 Gorton, Major T., Instow, North Devon.
1893*Granville, Rev. Preb. R, m.a., Pilton House, Pinhoe,
Exeter.
1901 Gratwicke, G. F., York Road, Exeter.
1871 Gregory, A. T., Gazette Office, Tiverton.
1896 Grose, S., m.d., f.r.c.s., Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.
1902 Groves-Cooper, J., Wear Giliord, Bideford.
1873*Guyer, J. B., f.c.s., Wrentham, Torquay.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 559
1880 Hacker, S., Newton Abbot
1892 Halsburt, The Right Hon. the Earl of, 4, Ennismore
Gardens, S.W.
1862 Hamilton, A. H. A., m.a., j.p., Fairfield Lodge, Exeter.
1889 Hamung, J. G., p.o.s., The Close, Barnstaple.
1880 Hamlyn, James, j.p., Bossell Park, Buckfastleigh.
1880*Hamlyn, Joseph, Fullaford, Buckfastleigh.
1878 Hamlyn, W. B., Widecombe Cot, Barrington Koad, Tor-
quay.
1895 Harding, T. L., Highstead, Torquay.
1892 Harpley, Rev. F. R. A., b.a., Oversea, Ashby-de-la-Zouch.
1862tHARPLEY, Rev. W., m.a., f.o.p.s., Clayhanger Rectory,
Tiverton.
1904 Harris, Major F. W. H. Davie, c/o Messrs. Holt and Co.,
3, Wliitehall Place, London, S.W.
1893 Harris, Miss, Sunningdale, Portland Avenue, Exmouth.
1877 Harris, Rev. S. G., m.a., Highweek, Newton Abbot.
1906 Harrison, Mrs., Engadine, Lynton.
1905 Harte, Walter J., Royal Albert Memorial College, Exeter.
1904 Harvey, Colonel Charles Lacon, Hazeldene, Exmouth.
1898*Harvey, Henry Fairfax, Croyle, near CuUompton.
1900 Harvey, Sir Robert, d.l., j.p., Dundridge, Totnes, and
1, Palace Gate, W.
1892*Harvby, T. H., j.p.. Tor Gate, Princetown.
1875*Hatt-Cook, Herbert, Hartford Hall, Cheshire.
1906 Havilland, Rev. J. R. de, m.a., Gidleigh Rectory, Chagford,
R.S.O.
1890*Heberden, W. B., c.b., Elmfield, Exeter.
1906 Hems, H., Fair Park, Exeter.
1906 Henning, Rev. J., m.a., Cockington Vicarage, Torquay.
1888*Hepburii, T. H., Hele, Cullorapton.
1896 Hewetson, Miss, Ware, Buckfastlei*;h.
1882*HiBRN, W. P., M.A., F.R.S., Castle House, Barnstaple.
1899 Hill, W. A., 4, Avondale Villas, Avenue Road, Torquay.
1862 HiNK, J., P.R.I.RA., Lockyer Street, Plymouth.
1892*Hingston, C. A., m.d., Sussex Terrace, Plymouth.
1900 Hoare, Robert R, Coast Guard and Na\tal Reserve, Admiralty,
66, Victoria Street, Westminster.
1906 Hodges, Edward, Queen Street, Lynton.
1898 Hodgson, T. V., 9, Addison Road, Plymouth.
1903 Holden, Laurence, Queen's Square, Lancaster.
1901 Holman, H. Wilson, 4, Lloyd's Avenue, Fenchurch Street,
London, EC.
1901 Holman, Herbert, m.a., llb., Haldon Lodge, Teignmouth.
1893 Holman, Joseph, Downside House, Downlewne, Sneyd,
Bristol.
1906 Holman, Francis Arthur, Jerviston, Streatham Common,
London, S.W.
560 LIST OF MBMBKR8.
1906 Holinan, Ernest Symons, The Rookery, Streatham Common,
London, S.W.
1906 Holmes, Harold, Cherryford, Martinhoe, Parracombe.
1872 Hooper, B., Boumbrook, Torquay.
1903 Hooper, H. Dundee, m.a., Ardvar, Torquay.
1892 Hombrook, W., Garfield Villa, Stuart Road, Devonport.
1896*Hosegood, S., Ghatford House, Glifton, Bristol
1889*HuDLE8TON, W. H., M.A., p.as., p.o.s.. West Holme, Ware-
ham.
1895*HuQHBS, T. Cann, m.a., f.b.a.. Town Glerk, Lancaster.
1896 Hulbert, M., Ingleside, Edge Hill Road, Castle Bar,
Ealing, W.
1901 Humphreys, H. Howard, a.m.i.c.e., Glenray, Wembly-by-
Harrow.
1902 Hunt, Alfred, Percy Lodge, Torquay.
1868*HuNT, A. R., M.A., P.O.8., P.L.8., Southwood, Torquay.
1906 Hunt, Rev. J. Lyde, M.A., Efiford, Paignton.
1876 Hurrell, J. S., The Manor House, Kingsbridge.
1886 Huxtable, James, 2, Brockman Road, Folkestone.
1893 Iredale, A., Strand, Torquay.
1890* Jackson, Mark, Homelea, Purley, Surrey.
1904 Jackson, Rev. Preb. P., Kingsteignton Vicarage, Newton
Abbot.
1902 James, R. B., Hallsannery, Bideford.
1906 James, W., Westwood, Lynton.
1900 Jeffery, Captain Arthur W., Board of Trade Office, Glasgow.
1901 Jerman, J., The Bungalow, Topsham Road, Exeter.
1906 Jeune, E. B., J. p., The Manor House, Lynmouth (VicB-
Prksident).
1906 Johnston, Philip M., 21, De Crespigny Park, Denmark Hill,
London, S.E.
1906 Jones, J., j.p., Churchill House, Lynton.
1906 Jordan, Rev. W., Longraead, Lynton.
1883 Jordan, W. F. C., Sunnybank, Teignmouth.
1871 Jordan, W. R. H., Winscott, Teignmouth.
1903 Julian, Henry Forbes, Redholme, Torquay.
1899*Julian, Mrs. Hester, Redholme, Torquay.
1879*Kelland, W. H., Victoria Road, Barnstaple.
1877*Kellock, T. C., Highfield, Totnes.
1872*Kennaway, The Rt. Hon. Sir J. H., Bart, m.a., m.p., Escot,
Ottery St. Mary.
1903 Kestell-Cornish, The Rt. Rev. Robert, 3, Victoria Terrace,
Exeter.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 561
1880 Kino, C. R B., a.r.i.b.a., 35, Oakley Square, London, N.W.
1902 Kirk wood, J. Morriaon, j.p., Yeo Vale House, Bideford.
1893 Kitson, J., Hengrave, Torquay.
1901 Knight, Mrs. J. H., The Firs, Friar's Walk, Exeter.
1905 Knowles, Rev. H., b.d., Princetown.
1903 Laing, Philip M. T., m.a., 2, Station Road, Budleigh Saltert'jn.
1871 Lake, William Charlbs, m.d., Benton, Teignmouth.
1904 Lang, Charles Augustus, Vigo House, Weybridge.
1905 Langdon, F. B., 19, Trafalgar Place, Stoke, Devonport.
1898 Langdon, Rev. F. E. W., Membury, near Chard.
1903 Langley, Miss, Postbridge, Princetown.
1903 Langley, Miss Helen, Postbridge, Princetown.
1906 Larter, Miss Clara E., Bay View, Combemartin.
1901 Lavis, Johnston, m.d., M.B.a8., l.s.a.lokd., (in summer)
Villa Marina, Vittel, Vosges; (in winter) Villa Lavis,
Beaulieu, Alpes-Mari times, France.
1905 Laycock, C. H., St. Michaels, Newton Abbot.
1871 Lee, Godfrey Robert, Ravenfield, Teignmouth.
1904 Lee, Miss Constance, Budleigh Salterton, R.S.O.
1896 Lee, Rev. H. J. Barton, Cross Park Terrace, Heavitree, Exeter.
1889*Lee, Col. J. W., Budleigh Salterton, South Devon.
1892*Lemann, F. C, Blackfriars House, Plymouth.
1905 Leonhardt, F. A,, The Camp, Exmouth.
1901 Lethbridge, Sir A. S., K.0.8.L, Windhover, Bursledon, Hants.
1903*Lethbridge, William, j.p.. Wood, Okehampton.
1897 Lethbridqe, Sir Roper, K.ai.E., d.u, j.p., m.a.. The Manor
House, Exboume, R.S.O., Devon (Vice-President).
1902 Lethbridge, Captain W. A. L., The Manor House, Exboume,
RS.O., Devon.
1905 Letts, Charles, 8, Bartlett's Buildings, Holborn Circus,
London, E.C.
1905:(Levi8on, Leon, 43, Viewforth, Edinburgh.
1906 Lewis, Rev. W. A., m.a.. The Vicarage, Lynmouth.
1898 Little, J. Hunter, Lisnanagh, Exmouth.
1905 Littleton, W., j.p.. Garden 4, Morice Town, Devonport.
1906 Uewellin, W. M., c.e., 8, Lawn Road, Gotham, Clifton.
1902 Lockley, J. H., Heale, Bideford.
1906 Long, W., The School House, Lynton.
1890*Long8taff; G. B., m.d., Twitcham, Morthoe, RS.O.
1899 Lor^ W. H., CO., Bythom, Torquay.
1900 Lovejoy, R F., North Gate, Totnes.
1898 Lowe, Harford J., Avenue Lodge, Torquay.
1904 Lynch, S. J. T., Nqrthlew Manor, Northlew, Devon.
1863*Lyte, F. Maxwell, M.A., f.c.s., f.lc, Hon. f.r.p.8., Assoc.
Inst. O.E., 60, Finborough Road, Radcliffe Square, S.W.
VOL. xxxvm. 2 N
562 LIST OF MEMBERS.
1886*MacAndrew, James J., j.p., f.l.s., Lukesland, Ivybridge.
1906 MacDermot, E. T., Yemworthy, Lynton, S.O., North Deyon.
1901 Mackey, A. J., b.a., 2, The Close, Exeter.
1894 Mallet, W. R, Exwick Mills, Exeter.
1904 Manchester Free Reference Library, King Street, Manchester.
1905 Manisty, George Eldon, Nattore Lodge, Budleigh Salterton.
1903 Manlove, Miss R, Moor Lawn, Ashburton.
1901 Mann, F., Leat Park, Ashburton.
1901 Mann, Warwick H., Glenthorne, Rodwell^ Weymouth.
1897*Mardon, Heber, 2, Litfield Place, Clifton.
1901 Marines, The Officers Plymouth Division RM.L.I., Royal
Marine Barracks, Plymouth.
1905 Marks, F. C, Steward's House, Princetown.
1904 Marshall, James C, Far Cross, Woore, Newcastle, Stafib.
1871*Martin, John May, as., f.m.b., Musgrave House, Richmond,
Surrey.
1906 Mathieson. Mrs., Otterboume, Budleigh Salterton.
1887 Matthews, Coryndon, f.b.8., Stentaway, Plymstock, South
Devon
1896 Matthews, J. W., Erme Wood, Ivybridge.
1894 Maxwell, Mrs., Lamoma, Torquay.
1906 Med way, Herbert, The Square, Lynton.
1898 Melhuish, Rev. George Douglas, m.a.. Rectory, Ash water.
1902 Messenger, Arthur W. B., Assist Paymaster RN., H.M.S.
"Ganges," Harwich.
1880 Michelmore, H., Claremont, Exeter.
1900 Mildmay, F. B., m.p., Flete, Ivybridge.
1892*Monkswell, Right Hon. Lord, b.a., Monkswell House,
Chelsea Embankment, London, S.W.
1899 Moon, James E., Cloudesley, Brixton, near Plymouth.
1905 Moon, J. W., Albert Road, Devonport.
1906 Morley, The Rt. Hon. The Earl of, Saltram, Plympton.
1904 Morrison, Colonel R., The Rowdens, Teignmouth.
1898 MoRSHEAD, J. Y. Anderson, Lusways, Salcombe Regis
Sid mouth.
1886*Mortimor, A., 1, Paper Buildings, Temple, London.
187 4* Mount Edgcumbe, Right Hon. the Earl of, Mount Edgcunibi-,
Plymouth.
1901 Mugford, W. K, 70, Oxford Road, Exeter.
1904 Murray, 0. A. R., The Admiralty, London, S.W.
1893 Musgrave, G. A., p.b.g.8., f.z.s., Furzebank, Torquay.
1885 Neck, J. S., j.p., Great House, Moretonhampstead.
1898 Nevill, Ralph, F.8.A., Clifton House, Castle Hill, Guildfoni.
1906 Newnes, Sir George, Bart., m.p., Hollerday, Lynton, and
Wildcroft, Putney Heath, London (Vice-President).
1902 Newton Club (per T. W. Donaldson, Esq., Hon. Sec),
Newton Abbot.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 563
1897 Nicholls, Richard Perrott, Otay, Kingabridge.
1900 Nix, J. A., 20, Hans Place, London, S.W.
1896 Northmore, John, 4, Abbey Mead, Tavistock.
1903 Norton, W. Joseph, The Shrubbery, Teignmouth.
1904 Nourse, Rev. Stanhope M., Shute Vicarage, Axminster.
1903 No well, Capt. S., 17, Rock Park, Rock Park Ferry,
Liverpool.
1901 Oldham, Rev. D*Oyly W., The Rectory, Exbourne, R.S.O.,
Devon.
1906tOldhain, Rev. R. W., m.a.. The Rectory, Martinhoe, Parra-
combe.
1906JOpenshaw, Rev. J. 0., Kentisbury Rectory, Barnstaple.
1906 Ough, H., Nelson Cottage, Lynmouth.
1902 Paige, Mias Laura, St. Leonard's, Totnes.
1902 Paige, Rev. W. E., The Laurels, Woodland Park, Paignton.
1901 Pain, R. Tucker, Ryll Court, Exmouth.
1905 Palmer, J. H., Princetown.
1904 Palmer, W. P., Waterloo Cottage, Exmouth.
1906 Palmer, J. C, 32, High Street, Budleigh Salterton.
1906 Parry, H. Lloyd, Guildhall, Exeter.
1905 Parson, Edgcombe, Fursdon, Newton Abbot.
1903 Piismore, Eiobert S., St. German's, Pennsylvania, Exeter.
1903 Patch, Col. R., c.b., Fersfield, Newton Abbot.
1904 Pateman, Miss, 15, Raleigh Terrace, Exmouth.
1902 Patey, Rev. Charles Robert, HoUam House, Tichfield,
Hants.
1905 Paul, R., Cyprus Road, Exmouth.
1903 Peacock, H. G., L.R.C.P., m.r.c.8., Mem. Brit. Mycol. Soc,
The Moors, Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.
1901 Pearse, James, 44, Marlborough Road, Exeter.
1896 Pkarson, Rev. J. B., d.d., Whitstone Rectory, Exeter.
1905 Peet, A. W., Penrallt, Kingskerswell, near Newton Abbot.
1882 Penzance Library, Penzance.
1897 Periam, J., 16, Upper Woburn Terrace, London, W.C.
1902 Perry, Oliver H., 55, West Thirty-third Street, New York
City, U.S.A.
1897 Peter, Thurstan C, Redruth.
1883 Petherick, J., 8, Clifton Grove, Torquay.
1899 Pinkham, Charles, j.p., c.c, Linden Lodge, 7, Winchester
Avenue, Brondesbury, N.W.
1906 PiTT-NiND, Vernon, Lloyds Bank, Lynton (Hon. Local
Treasurer).
1897*Pitt8, Mrs. Stanley, 2, Gleneagle Road, Mannamead, Ply-
mouth.
1896 Plumer, J. B., Allerton, near Totnes.
2n2
664 LIST OF M?MB^gM,
1879 Plymouth Free Public Library, Whimple Street^ Plymoatit
1884 Plymouth Proprietary Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth.
1880 Pode, J. D., Slade, Comwood, Ivybridge.
1898«Pole, Sir Edmund de la, Bart, Shute House. Colyton.
1892 Pollock, Sir F., Bart, ll.d., F.8.A., etc., 21, Hyde Ptak
Place, London, W.
1894 Poltimore, Right Hon. Lord, p.a, D.L., Ck>urt Hall, North
Molton.
1900*Pon8onby, Rev. Stewart Gordon, ila.. Rectory, Stoke
Damerel, Devonport.
1900*Pope, John, Spence Coombe, Copplestone.
1878*Powell, W., m.b., F.R.a8., Hill Garden, Torquay.
1888 Prickman, J. D., Okehampton.
1901 Prideaux, W. de C, L.D.8., r.o.b.eho., 12, Frederick I^ace,
Weymouth.
1906 Priestley, C. W., b.Sc., Richmond Lodge, Torquay.
1901 Pring, Walter, j.p., Northlands, Exeter.
1887 Prowbe, Arthur B., m.d., f.r.c.8., 5, Lansdown Place,
Clifton.
1891 Prowse, W. B., L.R.O.P., m.r.o.8., 11, Gloucester Plaoe,
Brighton.
1899 Prowse, W. H., The Retreat, Kingsbridge.
1894*Pryke, Rev. W. E., m.a., Ottery St Mary Rectory, Sid-
mouth.
1903 Prynne, G. H. Fellowes, F.R.LB.A., 6, Queen Anne's Gate,
Westminster, London, S.W.
1893 Punchard, Rev. Canon E. G., d.d., St Mary's Vicarage,
Ely.
1901 Radford, A. J. V., Dunchideock House, Exeter.
1898*Radford, Arthur L., The Cedar House, Hillingdon, near
Uxbridge.
1889 Radford, C. H., j.p., 4, The Crescent, Plymcmth.
1901 Radford, H. G., Park Cottage, East Sheen, S.W.
1903 Radford, Mrs. J. H., Uppaton, Buckland Monachorum,
Yelverton, R.S.O.
1888 Radford, Mrs., Chiswick House, Ditton Hill, Surbiton,
Surrey.
1906 Rebsch, Samuel, Holme Down, Monkokehampton, Ex-
bourne.
1896 Reed, Harbottlb, 57, St David's Hill, Exeter.
1885*Reichel, L. H., Beara Court, Highampton, North Devon.
1872 Reichel, Rev. Oswald J., ao.L., f.s.a., A la Ronde, Lymp-
stone, Devon.
1904 Reynell, B., Heathfield, South Norwood, London, S.E.
1898»Reynell-Upham, W. Upham, 4, Rill Terrace, Exmouth.
1902 Rice, George, m.d., 46, Friar Gate, Derby.
LIST OF MBMBKR8. 565
1905 Richardson, Miss J. A. C, 1, East View, Fernleigh Road,
Mannamead, Plymouth.
1892 Rickford, Wyndham, Pinehurst, Winn Road, Southampton.
1906 Riddell, W., j.p.. The Tors, Lynmouth.
1892 Risk, Rev. J. Erskine, M.A., Rectory, Stockleigh English,
Crediton.
1903 RoBBRTS, Charlbs E., B.A., 2, Coburg Terrace, Sidmouth.
1906 Roberts, Rev. R O., East Down Rectory, Barnstaple.
1892 Robinson, C. E., Holne Cross, Ashburton.
1905 Roff, C. B., Princetown.
1902*Roger8, W. H., j.p., Orleigh Ck)urt, Bideford.
1902 Ross, Rev. J. Trelawny, d.d., The Vicarage, Paignton.
1906 Ross, H. M., Seafood House, Lynton.
1906 Round, J. Horaoe, m.a., ll.d., 15, Brunswick Terrace,
Brighton.
1906 Row, Rev. Richard W., Mount Vernon, Exeter.
1900 Row, R W. H., Mount Vernon, Exeter.
1904 Rowe, Aaron, The Duchy House, Princetown, Dartmoor.
1862 RowE, J. Brookinq, f.s.a., f.l.8.. Castle Barbican, Plympton
(Hon. General Sbcrbtart).
1899 Rudd,E. K, 11 8, Ford wych Road, Brondesbury, London, N.W.
1905*Rundell, Towson William, f.b.Mkt.Soo., 25, Castle Street,
Liverpool.
1904 Sanders, James, j.p., c.o., 23, South Street, South Molton.
1881*Saunders, Ernest G. Symes, m.d., 20, Ker Street, Devonport.
1877*Saunders, George J. Symes, m.d., 1, Lascelles Terrace, East-
bourne.
1895 Saunders, Miss H., 92, East Street, South Molton.
1887*Saunders, Trelawney, Elmfield on the Knowles, Newton
Abbot
1880*Saunders, W. S., Cranbrook, Castle Road, Torquay.
1903JSawkins, Frederick, Warreleigh, Budleigh Salterton.
1906 Scott, S. Noy, D.P.H. Lohd., L.R.C.P. Lond., M.R.O.8. Emo.,
Elmleigh, Plymstock.
1900*Scrimgeour, T. S., Natsworthy Manor, Ashburton.
1894 Shapland, A. E., j.p.. Church House, South Molton.
1894 Shapland, A. F. Terrell, Spurbame, Exeter.
1902 Shapland, J. Dee, M.R.O.B., Burnside, Exmouth.
1906 Sharland, A., 25, Charleville Circus, West Hill, Sydenham,
London, S.E.
1882 Shelley, Sir John, Bart., Shobrooke Park, Crediton.
1879 Shelly, John, Princess House, Plymouth.
1885 Sibbald, J. G. E., Mount Pleasant, Norton S. Philip, Bath.
1898 Sidmouth, The Right Hon. Viscount, Upottery Manor,
Honiton.
1893 Skardon, Brigade-Suigeon Lieut.-Col. T. G., Simla, Good-
rington, near Paignton.
566 LIST OF 1CEMBKB8.
1902 Skinner, A. J. P., Colyton.
1906 Skinner, Miss Emilt, 21, St Peter Street, Tiverton.
1896 Slade, J. J. Eales, j.p., San Remo, Cockington, Torquay.
1878 Slade, S. H., 65, Westbury Road, Westbury-on-Trym, Gloe.
1902 Slocock, Walter C, Goldsworth, Woking, Surrey.
1895*Smith, The Hon. W. F. D., m.p., 3, Grosvenor Place^
London, S.W.
1901 Smyth-Osbourne, J. S., j.p., d.l., Ash, Iddesleigh.
1905 Snell, M. B., j.p., 5, Copthall Buildings, London, E.C.
1902 Snell, Simeon, f.r.o.b.Emo., j.p., Moor Lodge, Sheffield.
1902 Soares, E. J., m.p., Upcott, Barnstaple.
1896 SoMBRVAiL, A., Natund History Museum, Torquay.
1891 Southconib, Rev. H. G., m.a., Roseasll Rectory, South Molten.
1906 Sparks, Miss F. Adeline, Suffolk House, Putney Hill,
London, S.W.
1906 Sparks, Miss Hilda Ernestine, Suffolk House, Putney Hill,
London, S.W.
1882 Sprague, F. S., Barnstaple.
1896 Square, J. Harris, Clarendon House, Kingsbridge.
1899 Square, J. Elliot, f.r.c.8., Portland Square, Plymouth.
1899 Stawell, George, Penhallam, Torrington.
1868*Stebbing, Rev. T. R R, M.A., f.r.8., Ephraim Lodge, The
Common, Tunbridge Wells, Kent
1901 Stevens, John, St. David's Hill, Exeter.
1898 Stevens-Guille, Rev. H. G. de C, Beaconside, Moukleigh,
Torrington.
1900 Stiff, J. Carleton, Alfoxden, Torquay.
1898*St. Maur, Harold, Stover, Newton Abbot.
1886*Strode, George S. S., Newnham Park, Plympton.
1905 Strong, Leonard E., Yelverton, South Devon.
1896 Stuart, W. J., 6, Louisa Terrace, Exmouth.
1875*Sulivan, Miss, Broom House, Fulham.
1906 Sumner, H. G, c/o R. P. Sumner, Esq., 17, King Street,
Gloucester.
1906 Surridge, Rev. F. H., Heatherville, Lynmouth.
1899 Symonds, F. G, Bank House, Blandford.
1896 Swansea Devonian Society (per S. T. Drew), Swansea.
1899*Tanner, C. Peile, B.A., Chawleigh Rectory, Chulmleigh.
1904tTate, A. L., Holcombe, Dawlish.
1890 Tavistock Public Library, Bedford Square, Tavistock.
1900 Taylor, Alfred, Rasulia, Hoshangabad, C.P., India.
1886 Taylor, Arthur Fumeaux, Ingleside, Han well, London, W.
1903 Thompson, Rev. William Henry, Parracombe Rectory,
Barnstaple.
1903 Thomson, Basil H., H.M. Convict Prison, Princetown
(Vioe-Prksidbnt).
LIST OF MEMBERS. 567
1868 Thornton, Rev. W. H., b.a., Rectory, North Bovey, Moreton-
hampstead.
1903 Tindall, J., Eaglehurst, Sidmouth.
1905 Toms, Rev. F. W., Rectory, Combemartin, R.S.O., North
Devon.
1906 Tonge, F. W., Glen Lyn, Lynmouth.
1902 Tothill, Waring W., Eversley, 123, Pembroke Road, Clifton,
Bristol.
1869*Tothill, W., Stoke Bishop, Bristol.
1904 Towell, Herbert T., Regent House, Teignmouth.
1887 Treby, General Phillipps, J.P., Goodamoor, Plympton.
1903 Trepplin, Mrs. E., Elm Cottage, Sidmouth.
1902*Tri8t, Pendarves, 11, Cottesmore Gardens, Kensington,
London, S.W.
1887 Troup, Mrs. Frances B., Beaumont House, Ottery St. Mary.
1904 Tucker, Mrs. AUin, Blakesville, North Molton.
1876 TucKBR, R. C, J.P., O.A., The Hall, Ashburton (Hon.
Auditor).
1 904 Tucker, Thomas, Claremont, Cyprus Road, Exmouth.
1902 Tudor, Rev. Harry, Sub-Dean and Prebendary of Exeter,
Exeter.
1905 Turner, Alfred, m.d., Plympton House, Plympton.
1906 Turner, C. S., Kelbuie, Westbourne Terrace, BudJeigh
Salterton.
1901 Turner, Rev. R., Vicarage, Colyton.
1880 Turner, T., j.p., f.r.Mkt.soc., Cullompton.
1881 Varwell, H. B., 2, Pennsylvania Park, Exeter.
1887 Venning, J. J. E., Penlee Gardens, Stoke, Devonport.
1884 Vicary, W., The Knoll, Newton Abbot.
1902*Vidal, Edwin Sealy, Fremington.
1901 Vincent, Sir Edgar, k.c.m.g., Esher Place, Esher, Surrey,
per Cecil R. M. Clapp, Esq., 22, Catherine Street, Exeter.
1906 Vinen, G. Starling, 11, Lombard Street, London, E.C.
1893 Wainwright, T., North Devon Athenaeum, Barnstaple.
1904 Walker, Col. D. Corrie, re., The Lodge, Westend,
Southampton.
1893 Walker, Robert, m.d.. East Terrace, Budleigh Salterton.
1895 Walpole, Spencer C, 94, Piccadilly, London, W.
1901 Ward, Rev. Joseph Heald, Silverton Rectory, Exeter.
1906 Warren, J. Grant, m.d., Park House, Lynton.
1904 Watts, Francis, Laureston Lodge, Newton Abbot.
1900 Watts, Mrs. R. J., Upcott Cottage, Highampton, North
Devon.
1900*Wbbkk8, Miss Lega-, Sunny Nook, Rugby Mansions,
West Kensington, Tendon, W.
568 LIST OF MBHBKB8.
1901 Welch, Charles A., 11, Pemherton Square, Room 301,
Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1870*Were, T. Kennet-, m.a., j.p., d.a., Cotlands, Sidmouth.
1897 Western Yacht Club, The Royal^ The Hoe, Plymouth.
1900*Wethey, Charles Henry, c/o The Imperial Bank of Canada,
Toronto, Canada.
1893 Whale, Rev. T. W., m.a.. Mount Nessing, Weston Parii,
Bath.
1873*Whidborne, Rev. G. F., m.a., f.q.s., Hammerwood Lodge,
£a8t Grinstead.
1872 Whitaker, W., ra., p.r.8., f.o.s., Assoc. Inst C.K, F. San.
Inst., 3, Campden Road, Croydon (Carres. Member).
1875 White-Thomson, Col. Sir R T., c.b., j.p., Broomford Manor,
Exboume, North Devon.
1893 White, T. Jeston, 8, Maldon Road, Acton, London, W.
1897 Whitley, H. Miohbll, 28, Victoria Street, Westminster.
1906 Widgery, F. J., The Studio, Queen Street, Exeter.
1890*Wilcock8, Horace Stone, Mannamead, Plymouth.
1883*Willcocks, A. D., m.b.c.8., Park Street, Taunton.
1881*Wilicock8, R, m.d., f.r.o.p., U, Mandeville Place, Man-
chester Square, London, W.
1877*Willcocks, G. W., M.nwr.aB., 4, College Hill, Cannon Street,
London, KC.
1877*Willcocks, R. H., LL.a, 4, College Hill, Cannon Street,
London, E.C.
1877*Willcocks, Rev. R J., M.A., The School House, Warrington,
Lancashire.
1876*Willcocks, W. K., M.A., 6, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn,
London, W.C.
1904 Williams, R, The Firs, Budleigh Salterton.
1893 Willis, H, Lennox Lodge, Shanklin, Isle of Wight.
1899 Willis, Mrs., Lennox Lodge, Shanklm, Isle of Wight
1893 Willmot, Miss, May field, Budleigh Salterton.
1897 Wills, J., Dodbrooke, Littleover Hill, Derby.
1901 Winchester, The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of (Herbert
Edward Ryle, d.d.), Farnham Castle, Surrey.
1875*WiNDEATT, Edward, Heck wood, Totnes.
1896 Windeatt, George K, Heckwood, Totnes.
1896 Winget, W., Glen Almond, Cockington, Torquay.
1872*Winwood, Rev. H. H., m.a., f.g.s., 11, Cavendish Crescent,
Bath.
1906tWodehouse, Rev. Preb. P. J., m.a., The Rectory, Bratton
Fleming, Barnstaple.
1884*Wolfe, J. R, 24, Belsize Crescent, Hampstead, KW.
1905 Wollocombe, Rev. J. H. B., Lamerton Vicarage, Tavistock.
1898 Wood, R. H., f.s.a., f.r.g.s., Belmont, Sidmouth.
1884*Woodhouse, H. B. S., 4, St. Lawrence Road, Plymouth.
1904 Woollcombe, Gerald D., Craumere, Newton Abbot
LIST OF MEMBEBS.
569
1901*Woollcoml)e, Ivobert Uoyd, m.a., ll.d., 14, Waterloo Road,
Dublin.
1886 Woollcombe, W. J., St. Maurice, Plympton.
1891 Worth, R. Hansford, o.b., 4, Seaton Avenue, Plymouth.
1876 Wright, W. H. K., 4, Apsley Road, Mutley, Plymoutli.
1895*Wtkb8-Finoh, Rev. W., m.a., j.p.. The Monks, Chaddesley
Corbett, Kidderminster; and North Wyke, near Oke-
hampton.
1900 Yeo, Miss Mary E. J. Holsworthy, Rossi Street, Yass, New
South Wales.
1900 Yeo, W. Curzon, 8, Beaumont Avenue, Richmond, Surrey.
1895 Youn^ E. H., m.d., Darley House, Okehampton.
1906 YouNa, Thomas, m.elc.8., Woolacombe, N. Devon.
The following Table eontaini a Summary of the foregoing Liit.
Honorary Members . . . S
Corresponding Member . . . 1
Life Members . . . 103
Annnal Members . ... 470
Total, Ist October, 1906
677
INDEX.
Abbot of Tor, William Norton, 94.
Acland, Pedigree of, 168.
Address of President, 40.
Advowsons of Churches, 333.
Algae, 286.
Altar at St. Peter's Church, Tawstock,
Ancient Oak, 377.
Amery, P. F. S., Supposed Currency
Bars found at Hoine Chase Camp,
370.
Twenty- third Report
Folk-lore Committee, 87.
Ancient Altar, Tawstock Church,
377.
Anderson, Rev. Irvine K. , Dartmoor
Exploration Committee, 101.
Annual Meeting, Proceedings at, 23.
Arms of Berry, 188.
Pomeroy, 203.
Popham, 186.
Wichehalse, 169.
Badgeworthy Lees, The, 547.
Baggy Point, Flint Implements found
at, 266.
Balance Sheet, 1905-6, 30-1.
Baldwin de Brionis, Pedigree of,
353-4.
Barbor, Pedigree of, 168.
Barnstaple, North Walk Pottery,
256.
Wichehalscs, 173.
Barrow Committee, Twenty-fifth Re-
port of, 57.
in Hut Circle at Peter Tavy,
113.
Barrows, Chapman, 59.
at Brockenburrow, 59.
Brockenburrow Lane, 58.
Bars found near Holne Chase Camp,
Supposed Currency, 370.
Bastard, Baldwin John Pollexfen,
Obituary Notice of, 37.
Beaumont, Thomas, Inq, p.m,y 264.
Pedigiee of, 159.
Bells, Countisbury, 219.
Lynton Church, 202.
Berry Family, 188.
Pedigree, 7.
Bicheordin, 160.
Bideford, Botany of, 491.
Crockery Pottery, 255.
Blackheads, Cure for, 89.
Bleeding, Charm to Stanch, 88.
Bohun, flarl of Essex, Humphrey,
319.
Boils, Charm for, 89.
Botanical Districts of Braunton and
Sherwill, Some Cryptogams of,
270.
Notes, No. Ill, 491.
Walk, 28.
Bounds near Prince town. The Forest,
411.
Bowden, Frederick James Cornish-,
Obituary Notice of, 38.
Braneys, Honour of, 139.
Braunton and Sherwill, Some Crypto-
gams of the Botanical Districts
of, 270.
Brendon Two Gates, 541, 546.
Briggs, Charles Adol}>hu8, The Recen t
Neuroptera of Devonshire, 357.
Broaken Barrow, 61, 62.
Brokenburrow, Barrows near, 58.
! Lane, 545.
I Brooke, John, 192.
j Browning, John, 194.
Monument at Lynton
Church, 204.
I Bruniquel, Pigmy Flint Flakes found
I at, 262.
' Brushfield, T. N., m.d., Raleghana,
Part VII, 416.
I Butter-steans, 258.
Bye-laws and Standing Orders, 15.
I Caddis-flies, 357.
! Cairns, 57-8.
I Calisham Tor, Sacrifice of a Sheep
on, 87.
I Camp, Oldburrow, 119.
j Camps at Countisbury, 118.
I Carewe, Mathia, Inq, p.m., 258,
INDEX.
571
Cattle Fail-, Lynbridge, 136.
Challacombe Common, 59.
Chanter, Rev. J. F., Documents re-
lating to Lynton and Countiabury,
225.
Ecclesiastical His-
tory of Countiabury and Lynton,
169.
- Parishes of Countis-
bury and Lynton, 114.
and R.
Hansford
Worth, Rude Stone Monuments of
Exmoor and its Borders, 538.
Chapel of St. Mary, Lynton, 209.
St John Baptist, Lyn-
mouth, 211.
South Furzehill, 209.
• of St. Dionisius, Lynton,
209.
— St. Ruman, Lynton, 209.
Chapels of Devon, The Private, 391.
Ancient and Modern, Lynton,
208.
Chapman Barrows, 59-64, 541.
Charbonnier,Thomas, Notes on North
Devon Pottery, 255.
Charities of Coimtisbury, 223.
Lynton, 190.
Charms, 88-9.
Chichester, John, Itiq, p.m., 253.
Robert, Jnq. p.m., 254.
Christening Custom, 92.
Church Plate Committee, 220.
Churches, Advowsons of, 333.
in Neiglibourhood of Lyn-
ton, Dedications of, 122.
of South Tawton, 504.
Churchwardens of Countisbury, 221.
— Lynton, 205.
Accounts of Countis-
bury, 219.
— South
Tawton, The, 497.
Clannon Ball, 546.
"Clavel, Told to," 90.
Clement, Thomas, 197.
Clerks, Parish, 501.
Wages, 221.
Climate of Devon, Twenty-fourth
. Report (3rd Series) of Committee
on, 66.
Colley, Thomas, 195.
Corabrew Pottery, 255.
Committees, 32.
Reports of —
Barrow, 67.
Climate, 67.
Dartmoor Exploration, 101.
Folk-lore, 87.
Commons, Enclosure of, 135.
Contents, 5.
Cooper, "Guide to Lynton," etc.,
T. H., 116.
Cornish- Bowden, Frederick James,
Obituary Notice of, 37.
Cornwall, Earldom of, 337.
Coscombe, 119.
Council, Report of, 21.
Countisbury, 217.
Camp, 118.
Chanties, 223.
Church, 219.
Bells, 219.
Memorials, 220.
Ornaments, 221.
Plate, 220.
Records, 219.
Wardens, 221.
Accounts,
219.
of, 169.
Curates of, 217.
Descent of Manor, 165.
Ecclesiastical History
Legends, 169.
Manor of, 137, 164.
Population of, 135.
Schools, 223.
Terrier of, 213.
and Lynton, Historical
Sketch of, 120.
Parishes of Lynton and,
114.
Courtenay, Fees of Hugh, Earl dc,
318.
I7iq. p.m. of Hugo, Earl
of Devon, 335.
Cox, W^alter Eustace, 200.
Crocker's Old Pottery, Bideford, 255.
Croft, Peter Tavy, The, 113.
Crosscombe, 137-62.
Manor of, 162.
Croyde, Flints at, 261.
Cryptogams of the Botanical Dis-
tricts of Braunton and Sherwill,
270.
The Hore Collection of,
272.
Curates of Lynton, 192.
Cure for Erysii)elas, 93.
Fits, 95.
King's Evil, 97.
Measles, 98.
Currency Bars, 370.
Dartmoor, Flint Flakes on, 261.
Stone Rows of, 534.
Davy, William Tanner, 200.
Dawlish, Botany of, 493.
Dead Hand, 99.
572
INDEX.
Declaration, The King*8, 416.
Deer Park, 59.
Dissenting Cha]>el8, Lynton, 210.
Documents relating to Lynton and
Countisbury, 226.
Dog Whippcr, 602.
Dovell, John, 197.
Dragon Flies, 361
Dry Lake, 636
Elarly Descent of Estates of Mortain
and Okehampton, 337.
Earliest portion of '* Testa de Nevill "
relating to Devon, The, 318.
East Pinford, 543.
the- Water Bideford Pottery,
256.
Ecclesiastical History of Lynton and
Countisbury, 169-190.
Elworthy, Presidential Address of,
F. T., 40.
Ephemeridae, 357-61.
Equation of Time, The, 93.
Ernie Valley, 535.
Erysipelas, Cure for, 93.
Estates belonging to Honours of
Mortain and Okehampton, 337.
Evil Eye, 42.
Eze Plain, 645.
- West, 387.
Exmoor, 59
and its Borders, The Rude
Stone Monuments of, 538.
Forest, 121.
Faith Cure, 97.
Family of Berry, 183
History of Lynton and Coun-
tisbury, 169.
Fees of Earl Hugh de Courtenay, 318.
Ffower men, 499.
Fifty Dole, 522.
Fire Dogs, Clay, 259.
Fishing Rights, 127.
Fishley, George, Pot Works, 255.
Fits, Cure for, 95, 96, 97.
Five Barrow Group, 62.
Flints, 120.
Flint Implements in North Devon,
Pigmy, 261.
Folk-lore, Twenty-third Report of
Committee ou, 87.
Ford Abbey, 139.
and Lynton, 124.
Records of Court of
Augmentations, 229.
Forest Bounds, Princetown, 411.
Fortescue, Earl, Obituary Notice of,
39.
Free Tenants of Manor of Wool-
hanger, 162.
Fremington Pottery, 256.
Foisehill, 137, 163.
Common, 644, 646.
Water, 118.
Garanci^res, Pigmy Flint Flakes
found at, 262.
Garlic, protection against EtU Bye,
46.
Ghost of Widrington, 93.
Spanish Nun, 94.
Tor Abbey, 93.
Glebe, Lynton, 210.
Glenthorne, 119-68.
Green Hill, 637.
Groee Tablet, Lynton Church, 204.
Guiana, Gold in, 475.
Hall, Townsend, Flint Flakes, 261.
Hand, The Dead, 99.
Hanging in Chains, 88.
Hangman Hill, Combe Martin, 539.
Harding, will of Rev. Riohaid, 248.
Haretor, 57.
Hartnoll, John, 195.
Harvest Jugs, 268-60.
Inscriptions on, 2«0.
Hatherleigh, History of, 294.
Historical Memoirs of,
Short, 300.
Law Courts, 305.
Pages fi-ora a MS. His-
tory of, 294.
Haunted Roads, 93.
Hawkeridge, Coplestone, 192.
Hawkins, E. P., Obituary Notice of,
39.
Heanton, Manor of, 137, 138, 160.
Descent of Manor of, 160.
*' Heard at Church Stile," 90.
HepaticjE, 282.
Herring Fishery, 126.
Hoar Oak Water, 118.
Tor, 547.
Hockley, Albert Richard, 218.
Hole, Joshua, 196.
Richard, 197.
Holne Chase Camn, Supposed Cur-
rency Bars foinia near, 370.
Holwells, The, 384.
Homer Red Lake, 58.
Honour of Plympton, 321.
Honours of Mortain and Okehamp-
ton, 337.
Hore Collection of Cryptogams, 272.
Humour, Examples of west-country
Wit and, 529.
Hunting Song, 92.
INDKX.
573
Hat Circles, 119.
Circle or Barrow at Peter Tavy,
113.
Settlement at Watem
Oke, 101.
I'Ans, Francis, 198.
Implements in North Devon, Pigmy
Flint, 261.
Incrinton, Manor of, 137.
Instaora, 499.
Instow Pot Works, 265.
Inventory of Goods of John Knight,
1624, 126.
James I, His Debts and Character,
486.
Jordan, Mrs. Mary Isabella, Obituary
Notice of, 37.
Eebbye, Robert, 192.
Eekewich, Chtirles, 199.
Memorial in Lyn-
ton Church, 204.
Eeymis, Raleigh's Instructions to,
479.
King, C. R. Baker, Ancient Oak
Altar in St. Peter's Church, Taw-
stock, 877.
King's Declaration, The, 416.
Evil, 100.
Cure for, 97.
Knight Family, 188.
Inventory of John, 1624,
126.
Pedigree,
Richard, 198.
Lakenheath, Pigmy Flint Flakes
found at, 263.
Lamp, Earthen, 258.
Larter, Miss C. E., Some Crypto-
gams of the Botanical Districts of
Braunton and Sherwill, 270.
Lawson, William Lipsett, 200.
Lawrence's Weather, St., 98.
Legends, Lynton and Countisbnry,
169.
Lewis, Hugh, 192.
Walter Allen, 218.
Ley, Thomas, 198.
Limmouth Oysters, 127.
Limp Corpse, A, 91.
Lincolnshire, Pigmy Flint Flakes
found in, 268.
List of Members, 663.
Little Rowley, 641.
Toms Hill, 642.
Longstone Down, West Lyn, 639.
Re-erection of the, 540.
Long Stone Row, Erme Valley, 686.
Levering Family, 183.
Lydiate Lane, 135.
Lynmouth, Chapel of St John
Baptist at, 210.
East, 166. ^
Lyncombe Wood, 118.
Lyn, Manor of, 137-54.
River, West, 547.
Lynton, Antiquities of Prehistoric
Period, 116.
Charities, 223.
Church Bells, 202.
Plate, 203.
Records, 201.
Wardens' Accounts,
205.
Curates of, 192.
Descent of Manor of, 140.
Dissenting Chapels, 210.
Glebe, 210.
in 1627, 177.
Leases of Rectory, 214.
Local Legends, 169.
Manor of, 137.
Parsonage, 210.
Reception by Urban District
Council of, 23.
Registers, 206.
Rights and Courts of Manor,
144.
148.
190.
226.
Schools, 223.
Survey of Manor in 1717,
Terriers, 210.
and Countisbury Charities,
History of, 169-90.
of, 114-20.
Documents,
Ecclesiastical
The Parishes
Maddocks Down, 538.
Manleytona or Mauley Town, 384.
Mannourry, WiDiam, French spy,
483.
Manor of Countisbury, 137, 164.
Crosscombe, 162,
Fursehill, 163.
Heanton, 137. 160.
Incrinton, 187.
Lyn, 137. 154.
Lynton, 137, 138.
Woolhanger, 137-151.
Martin, J. M., Pages from a MS.
History of Hathcrleigh, 294.
Marwood, Walter, 209.
Chapel at West, 209.
574
INDEX.
Marwood Family, 169.
Mayors and Mayoralties, Totnee,
404.
Measles, Cure for, 98.
Meavy Valley, 586.
^Medusa, 43.
Members, List of, 553.
"Middle Mire," 636.
Mildmay, Henry Bingham, Obituary
Notice of. 88.
Ministers' Accounts, 36 k 36 Henry
VIII, 230.
Minutes of Council appointing Com-
mittees, 32.
Mitten, W., Death of, 270.
Molton, Botany of South, 494.
Monuments of Exmoor and its Bor-
ders, Rude Stone, II, 538.
Monument, Wichehalse, Lynton
Church, 203.
Morrice, Nicholas, 192.
Mortain Fief, Derivative Honours of,
341.
Early Descent of Estates of,
337.
Mould for Tiles, Wooden, 259.
Muddlebridge Pot Works, 256.
Mundy, Matthew, 199.
Mural Painting in Hatherleigh
Church, 309.
Musci, 273.
Neuroptera-Planipenniay 857, 363.
of Devonshire, The Recent,
357.
NichoUs, Edward, 196-7.
Night Quarters, 91.
North Devon Pottery of Seventeenth
Century, Notes on, 266.
Walk Pottery, Barnstaple, 255.
Norton, Abbot of Tor, William, 94.
Notices, Obituary, 34.
Oak Altar in St. Peter's Church,
Tawstock, Ancient, 377.
Obituary Notices, 34.
Odonatd, 357-61.
Officer's, 1906-7.
Okehanipton, Descent of Estates of
Honour of, 337.
Honour of, 351.
Oldburrow Camp, 119.
— Cot, 545.
Oldham, Rev. D'Oyly W., The
Private Chapels of Devon, 391.
Old Tiverton or Twyford, 380.
Orleigh Court, Flint Flakes found
at, 267.
Ornaments of Church at Countis-
bury, 221.
Oysters, Limmouth, 127.
Pages from a MS. History of Hather-
leigh, 294.
Parallelograms, 542.
Parish Clerks, 501.
Parkman, John, 217.
Parsonage, Lynton, 210.
Pedigree of Baldwin de Brionis, 358.
Berry, 189.
Knight, 190.
Popham, 187.
Wichehalse, 186.
Venner and
others, 182.
Perlidm, 357, 360.
Perseus, Legend of, 48.
Peter's Pence, 500-20.
Petertavy, Hut Circle or Barrow at.
118.
Pi^y Flint Implements in North
Devon, 261.
Pilchard Pots, Names of, 260.
Pinford, East, 643.
Pitchers, Names of, 260.
Places of Meeting, 1862-1906, 10.
Plates, List of, 7.
Plympton, Honour of, 821.
Pomeroy Arms, 203.
Pomeraia, Ralph de, 138.
Popham, Arms of, 186.
Family, 186.
Pedigree, 187.
Stone in Lynton Church,
204.
Population of Lynton, 133-5.
Pottery in Barrows, 62.
Notes on North Devon, 255.
Pot Works at Instow, 255.
Pound, Alfred John, Obituary Notice
of, 34.
Presidents, 1862-1906, 10.
President's Address, 1906, 40.
Prick man, J. D., Examples of West-
country Wit and Humour, 529.
Prince town. The Forest Bounds near,
411.
Private Chapels of Devon, Ancient
and Modern, The, 391.
Proceedings at Annual Meeting, 23.
Prowse, Arthur B., m.d., f.u.c.s..
The Forest Bounds near Prince-
town, 411.
Pseudo-Neuroptera, 367.
Psocidcc, 357.
Quadrilaterals, 541.
INDEX.
575
Bake, John, 195.
Balegh, Sir Walter, 416.
Baleghana, Part YII, 416.
Battlebrook, 101.
Recent Neoroptera of Devonshire,
857.
Beception by Urban District Council
of Lynton, 23.
Becor(», Lynton Parish Church, 201.
Bed-Herring Houses, 127.
Beichel, Bev. Oswald J. , M. a. , D. c. l. ,
The Early Descent of the Devon-
shire Estates belonging to the
Honours of Mortaiu and Oke-
hampton, 837.
Beport of Council, 21.
Beceipts and Payments,
80-1.
Boads, Haunted, 98.
Bobbins, William, 197, 198.
Boborough Castle, 118.
Boe, Thomas, 198.
Bolle Family, 182.
Boman Coins, 120.
Bound, J. Horace, The Earliest Por-
tion of the "Testa de Nevill" re-
lating to Devon, 313.
Bows of Dar^oor, The Stone, 535.
Bude Stone Monuments of Exmoor
and its Borders, Part II, 539.
Bules, 11.
Bundle, Rev. Samuel, Obituary
Notice of, 84.
Sacrifice of Sheep, 87.
Salisbury, Mary, 173.
Saunders, Miss Helen, Botanical
Notes, III, 491.
Saunton Down, Flint Fabricator
found at, 265.
Schools at Countisbury and Lynton,
223.
Setta Barrow, 63, 64.
Sexton, 502.
Sheep, Sacrifice of, 87.
Shergold, John, 194.
Short, J. S., Historical Memoirs of
Hatherleigh compiled by, 300.
Shorto, George Bobert, Obituary
Notice of, 34.
Sicilian Superstitions, 45.
Sidmouth, Botany of, 493.
Simonsbath, 62.
**Skimmington, To ride," 136.
Skinner, Miss Emily, Old Tiverton
or Twyford, 380.
Skipper, Davis, 91.
Song, Hunting, 92.
South Molton, Boteny of, 495.
FursehiU, Chapel at, 209.
South Tawton, Wardens' Accounts,
497.
Span Head, North Molton, 62.
Sparhangcr, 163.
Spindle-whorls, 120.
Spreacombe, Flint Implements at.
266-7.
Squire, John Franklin, 199.
St Peter's Church, Tawstock,
Ancient Altar, 377.
Stall Moor. 537.
Standing Orders, Bye-laws, etc., 15.
State Documents relating to Balegh,
416.
I Steans, Butter-, 258.
. Steed, Thomas, 195.
Stock Castle, 118.
Stone-flies, etc., 357.
Stone Monuments of Exmoor and
its Borders, The Rude, II, 358.
Bows, 544.
of Dartmoor, VII, 535.
Stukely, Sir Lewis, 483.
Subsidiary Stores, South Tawton,
Accounts of, 522.
Superstitions, 45.
TavyBiver, 101.
Valley, Cairns in, 57.
Tawstock, Ancient Oak Altar in St.
Peter's Church, 377.
Tawton, Wardens' Accounts of South,
497.
Teignmouth, Botany of, 493.
Terrier of Countisbury, 213.
— Lynton, 210.
*'TestadeNeviIl,"313.
Thirteen Club, 41.
Thorncombe, 139.
Thorns, Extracting, 89.
Three State Documents relating to
Ralegh, 417.
Tiles, 259.
Tiverton or Twyford, Old, 380.
Tochesone, Ailward, 138.
Toits, 205.
Tomkins Familv, 185.
Toms Hill, Little, 542.
Tor Abbey Ghosts, 93.
Tor, William Norton, Abbot of, 94
Totnes : Its Mayors and Mayoraltit*"*,
VI, 404.
Tracey, Henry de, 139.
William de, 139.
Triangles, 541.
TriehopUra, 357-65.
Triggs, Robert, 193, 217.
Trout Hill, 542-6.
Twyford, Old Tiverton or, 380
576
INDEX.
Urn, Brookenborrow, (K).
Valley of Rocka, 186. 647.
" Valor Ecclesiasticus,'' 216.
Venner Family, 178, 182.
Yisitationa, Episcopal and Arohi-
diaconal, 500.
Wardens' Accoants, South Tawton,
622.
of South Tawton, 498.
Waroombe Water, 647.
Warts, Cure for, 88.
Watern Oke, Hut Settlement at, 101.
Weather, St. Lawrence's, 98.
West-country Wit and Humour, 629.
Westerland Beacon, 61.
West £ze, 887.
Thomas, 197.
Whale. Rev. T. W., Fees of Earl
Hugh de Courtenay, 818.
Whimb, Furzehill, 641.
Wichehalse, Arms of, 169.
Family, 169.
Hugh, 177.
John, 128.
Monument, 208.
Nicholas, 181, 141.
Inq.p,m,,23>7.
Inventory,
1607, 174.
Elxchequer, 254.
Mary, Bill in Court of
Wichehalse, Pedigree of, 186.
Willhanger, Manor of, 160.
Will of John Wichehalse, 245.
Mary 240.
Nicholas 239.
Rev. Richard Hardy, 248.
Williams, Anthony, 198-217.
William Capra, 188.
Wilson. Sir Thomas, 488.
Windeatt, Edward, Totnes : its
Mayors and Mayoralties, 404.
Wise, John Henry, 218.
Wistland Pound Farm, 69.
Wit and Humour, Examples of West-
country, 629.
Woodbarrow, 66.
Arms, 541.
Woolhanger, Courts of Manor of, 152.
Manor of, 150.
Worth, R. Hansford, Report Barrow
Committee, 67.
Climate
of Devon, 66.
and Rev. J. F.
Chanter, Rude Stone Monuments
of Exmoor, 688.
Stone Rows of
Dartmoor, 686.
Yorkshire, Pigmy Flint Flakes in,
268.
Young, Thomas, Pigmy Flint Imple-
ments in North Devon, 261.
PLYMOUTH :
wiLUAM Biinrix>ir amd how, ltd.,
m9
^■'^^■^:^^^^%....'