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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES

COMPL4MENTS OF
Senator- 2l8t Di«t, of Pa.

EXPLANATION OF FATHER BONNECAMP'S MAP.

The Map is a reduced copy of a part of Father Bonnecamp's Manascript
Map of the route of Celeron's Expedition, now deposited in the Archives of
the Department de la Marine in Paris.

<> Indicates the places where leaden plates were buried.

* Points where latitudes and longitudes were observed.

^ Sites of Indian villages.

The degrees of longitude are west of the meridian of Paris, and are indi-
cated by the figures in the outer division of the scales on the eastern and
western extremities of the map. Those on the inner divisions are leagues,
in the proportion of twenty to a degree.

FBENCH NAMES, WITH THE OORnESPONDING AMERICAN DESIGN ATION8,

R. Aux Pommes.
Lac Tjadikoin.
R, Kananougon.
La Paille Coupfie.

Village de Loups.

R. Aux Boeufs.

R. an Vermillion.

R. Au Fiel.

Attique.

R. Kanououara.

Ancien Village de Chaouanons.

R. de Sin h iota.

Village de Loups (a)

Village de Chiningue.

Fort des Miamis.

Apple River. Chautauqua Creek.
Lake Chautauqua,
Conewango Creek.
Broken Straw Creek.

S Village of Loup Indians, called by the
English, Munceys.
French Creek ( Beef or Buffalo River. )
Mahoning Creek.
Gall River. Clarion River.
Kittanning.
Wheeling Creek.
Ancient Village of Shawanese.
Scioto River.
Site of Pittsburgh.
Logstown.
Site of F ort Wayne.

Map of a Voyage made on the Beautiful River, in New France, 1749, by
Rev. Father Bonnecamp, Jesuit Mathematician.

The English translation of Toute cette part de lac ciest inconue is "All
this part of the lake is unknown."

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REPORT OF THE COMMISSION

TO LOCATE THE SITE

FRONTIER FORTS

OK PENNSYLVANIA.

VOLUME TWO,

CLARENCE M. BUSCH,

STATE PRINTER OF PENNSYLVANIA.
1896.

118900

2238

-iLGr
til

THE FRONTIER FORTS

WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA.

By George Dallas Albert.

THE FRONTIER FORTS OF WESTERN
PENNSYLVANIA.

INTRODUCTORY.

Tlie coutentiou between Great Britain and France for the
possession of the territory which is now Western Pennsyl-
vania, began about the middle of the last century. The
treaty' of Aix la Chapelle, signed October 1st, 1748, while it
nominally closed the war between those two countries, failed
to establish the boundaries between their respective col-
onies in America; and this failure, together with the hostile
and conflicting attitude of the colonists in America, were the
causes of another long and bloody war.

The Ohio Company was an association formed in Virginia
about the year 1748, under a royal grant. The nominal ob-
ject of the charter association was to trade with the Indians,
to divert it southward along the Potomac route, and to
settle the region about the Ohio with English colonists from
Virginia and Maryland. That it was intended to be a
great barrier against the encroachments of the French, is
manifest. Its privileges and concessions were large and
ample. (1.)

All the vast extent of this country from the Mississippi
to the Allegheny mountains, bordered by the great lakes
on the north, had been explored, and to a certain degree

4 THE FRONTIER FORTS

occupied by the French. They had their forts, trading post)^
and missions at various points, and they tried by every pos-
sible means to conciliate the Indians. It was apparent that
they would shortly extend their occupancy to the most ex-
treme tributaries of the Ohio, which they claimed by virtue
of prior discovery. (2.) And while the English by their fur-
traders and agents and now by the active co-operation
of their Virginia colonists under the auspices of this com-
pany, sought to gain a permanent occupancy of the Ohio
Valley, the French began actively to assert their claims
to the same region. Thus the formation of the Ohio Com-
pany, the intrusion of Indian traders, and the occupancy of
some colonial families at the favorite trading posts on the
Ohio and its tributaries, hastened the action of the French
in taking possession of this region under their persistently
asserted claims.

Thereupon to counteract the designs of the English, the
Governor-General of Canada, the Marquis de la Galissoniere,
(S) sent Celoron (4) in 1749 down the Allegheny and Ohio
rivers, to take possession of the country in the name of the
King of France. His command consisted of 215 French and
Canadian soldiers and 55 Indians of various tribes. The prin-
cipal officers under him were Contrecoeur, (5) who afterwards
built Fort Duquesne, Coulon de Villiers, (6) and Joncaire-Cha-
bert. (7.)

Provided with a number of leaden plates, they left La
Chine, above Montreal, on the 15th of June, 1749, and as-
cending the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, they coasted
along its shore till they reached Fort Niagara on the 6th of
July. Pursuing their course they arrived at a point on
the southern shore of Lake Erie, where they disembarked.
(8.) By means of Chautauqua creek, a portage, Chautau-
qua Lake and Conewango creek, they came, on the 29th,
to the Allegheny river, near the point now occupied by the
town of Warren, in Warren county. Pa. The first of the
leaden plates was buried at this point. (9.) By these per-
sisting inscriptions and proclamations made with much
oermony. they asserted their nominal possession of the

OF WPJSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 5

Ohio, regarding ihe Alleglieuy as but a continuation of that
river. Notwithstanding their endeavors to strengthen the at-
tachment of the Indians to their cause, they found that all
along the Allegheny there was a strong bias in their feelings
in favor of the English. Continuing their descent of the Alle-
gheny and the Ohio^ and entering some of the tributaries of
the latter, they deposited at various points these plates, each
differing in some minor particulars from the others. When
they came to the mouth of the Miami river, they ascended that
stream, and thence crossed by a portage to the head waters of
the Maumee, descending which they reached Lake Erie and
returned to Montreal, arriving there on the 10th of Novem
ber, 1749.

The way thus opened, the French visited the Allegheny
river region, but did not establish permanent posts there.
They, however, made constant etfort to conciliate the Indians
and to arouse them in an antagonism against the English.
Their affairs were committed to Joncaire-Chabert, who was
vigilant in his labors with the natives. He occupied mostly
the house at the mouth of French creek, or Venango, which
had been built by John Frazer, a Pennsylvania trader, whom
Celoron found there, and whom he drove off. (10.)

The Governor-General of Canada, (Marquis de la Jonquiere),
having died in 1752, he was succeeded by the Marquis du
Quesne. This energetic official was hindered by difficulties in
his anxious desire to occupy this region by force, but at length
the movements of the English hastened his action. Early in
January, 175.S, an expedition consisting of three hundred men
undei' command of Mons. Babeer (Babier) set out from Quebec,
and journeying by land and ice, arrived at Fort Niagara in
April. After resting there fifteen days, they continued their
course by water to the south-eastern shore of Lake Erie. Dis-
embarking at Chadakoin [Chautauqua], at the mouth of Chau-
tauqua creek, where Celoron had disembarked four years be-
fore, they prepared to build a fort. The command of the ex-
pedition was here assumed by Monsieur Morin, who about the
end of May, arrived with an additional force of five hundred
whites and twenty Indians. (11.) The Chautauqua creek had
been adopted as the route by Celoron, but now finding it too

G THE FRONTIER FORTS

shallow to float cauoes or batteaux, he passed further to the
west and came to a place which, from the peculiar formation
of the lake shore, they named Presqu' Isle, or the Peninsula.
This is now the site of the City of Erie. Here the first fort,
which was named Fort la Presqu' Isle, was built. (12.) It was
constructed of square logs, was about one hundred and
twenty feet square, and fifteen feet high, but had no port-
holes, and was probably finished in June, 1753.

When the fort was finished it was garrisoned by about one
hundred men, under command of Captain Depontency. The
remainder of the forces commenced cutting a road southward
to the headquarters of Le Boeuf river, or French creek. This
was a distance of about fifteen miles, and is the site of the
present village of Waterford, Erie county. Pa. Here they
built a second fort, similar to the first, but smaller. (13.)

The season was too late to build the third fort, which they
had been ordered to do; and thereupon, after leaving a large
force of their men to garrison these two forts, the rest re-
turned for the winter to Canada. (14.)

The tidings of these things startled the middle colonies, and
especially alarmed the Governor of Virginia, who late in the
year 1753, despatched a messenger to demand of the French
an explanation of their designs. George Washington, then a
youth who had but shortly attained his majority, was the per-
son selected for the mission by Governor Dinwiddie. He per-
formed his duty with the greatest tact and to the satisfaction
of his government. With seven of a party besides himself,
among whom was Christopher Gist (15) a person admirably
adapted for such a service, he started out on the 15th of No-
vember from Wills creek — the site of Fort Cumberland, in
Maryland — which was the limit of the road that had been
opened by the Ohio Company. Traversing the country by
way of Logstown on the Ohio, below the forks of the river, he
with some friendly Indians whom he had engaged to accom
pany him, pursued the Indian path to Venango. This place,
an old Indian town, was the advance post of the French. Here
he saw the French flag flying over the log house which had
been built by Frazer, but from which he had been ejected. It
was now occupied by Joncaire. He was hospitably enter-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 7

tained, and was referred to the commauding officer whose
headquarters were at Le Boeuf, the fort lately built, a short
distance above on French creek. Thither Washington went,
and was received with courtesy by the officer, Legardeur de
Saint-Pierre, To the message of Dinwiddle, Saint-Pierre re-
plied that he would forward it to the Governor-General of
Canada; but that, in the meantime, his orders were to hold
possession of the country, and this he should do to the best of
his ability. With this answer, Washington retraced his steps
with Gist, enduring many hardships and passing through many
perils, until he presented his report to the Governor at Wil-
liamsburg, the 16th of January, 1754.

Washington on his way back, early in January, 1754, at
Gist's settlement, (16) met seventeen horses, loaded with
materials and stores for a fort at the Forks of the Ohio, and
the day after, some families going out to settle. These parties
were under the auspices of the Ohio Company, which having
imported from London large quantities of goods for the Indian
trade, and engaged settlers, had established trading posts at
Wills creek, (the New Store), the mouth of Turtle creek,
(Frazer's), and elsewhere; had planned their fort at the Forks
of the Ohio, and were proceeding energetically to the con-
summation of their designs.

A company of militia was authorized by Virginia early in
January, 1754, to co-operate with the Ohio Company in their
occupancy. William Trent was commissioned, by Governor
Dinwiddle, Captain; John Frazer, who had his trading house
at Turtle creek on the Monongahela, after being driven from
Venango, was appointed Lieutenant, and Edward W^ard was
appointed Ensign. (17.)

Trent was then engaged in building a strong log store-
house, loop-holed, at Redstone. He was ordered to raise one
hundred men. Returning he left Virginia with about forty
men, intending to have his force recruited by the way. His
objective point was the Forks; and he was instructed to aid in
finishing the fort, already supposed to have been begun by the
Ohio Company. He proceeded to Gist's and thence by the
Redstone trail to the mouth of Redstone creek; where after
having built the store-house called the Hangard, (18) he pro-

8 THE FRONTIER FORTS

eeeded to the Forks of the Ohio, where he arrived on the 17th
of February. Here he, with Gist, George Croghan, and others,
proceeded shortly to lay out the ground and to have some logs
squared and laid. Their tenure, however, was of short dura-
tion. The Captain having been obliged to go back to Wills
creek, across the mountains for provisions. Lieutenant Frazer
being absent at Turtle creek at the time, and Ensign Edward
Ward in command, the French, under Contrecoeur, April 16th,
1754, suddenly appearing in great force demanded the sur
render of the post. (19.) Resistance was out of the question;
and on the day following, having surrendered the post. Ward,
with his party ascended the Monongahela to Redstone, now
Brownsville, where the store-house had been previously
erected.

The French, as soon as the season allowed them to begin
operations, had come down from Canada in force, and early
in the spring had erected a fort at where French creek unites
with the Allegheny. This was the third in their series begin-
ning at Lake Erie — Presqu' Isle and Le Boeuf being the other
two. This fort was called by the French, Fort Machault, (20)
but the English usually referred to it as the French fort a1
Venango. It was completed in April, 1754, under the imme
diate superintendence of Captain Joncaire. It was not so
large a work as either of the other two, but was suited to the
circumstances and for the practical purposes for which it was
erected. The object of these forts was not so much to form
centres of defensive or aggressive warfare, as to be depots for
the stores landed from the lake for transportation to Fort
Duquesne which, it was early seen, was to be the real centre
of operations. They were not remarkable either for strength
or engineering skill; they had no earth- works of imxjortance,
and were all of the same plan. The occupants, with the ex-
ception of a small garrison, were generally workmen; and this
was specially true of Le Boeuf, where canoes aud batteaux
were prepared for the transportation of troops, munitions and
provisions to Fort Duquesne.

This part of tlie opei-ations of the French was, properly
speaking, only the preparation for what they had in view; the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 9

real work was to be doue aL tlie couduence of tin? Allegheny'
and Monongahela rivers. (21.)

The French having duly obtained possession of the Forks of
the Ohio, immediatelj' began the erection of a fortification
which was strengthened from time to time as danger of an at-
tack increased. It was called Fort Duquesne, in honor of the
Governor-General of Canada. (22.)

Orders were despatched from the British cabinet, about
this time to the Governors of the Provinces, directing them to
resort to force in defense of their rights, and to drive the
French from their station on the Ohio.

The King in council, decided that the valley- of the Ohio was
in the western part of the Colony of Virginia; and that the
march of certain Europeans to erect a fort in parts of his
dominions was to be resisted; but the cabinet took no effective
measures to support the decree. It only instructed Virginia,
hy the whole or a part of its militia, at the cost of the Colony
itself, to build forts on the Ohio; to keep the Indians in sub
jection; and to repel and drive out the French by force. A
general but less explicit circular was also sent to each one
of the colonies, vaguely requiring them io aid each other in
repelling all encroachments of France on *'the undoubted"
territory of England. (23.)

The active operations against the French were thus carried
on by the Virginians. The Province of Pennsylvania did not
co-operate or in any way assist the Colony of Virginia, al
though the representatives of the Proprietors always asserted
that this region was within the limits of their charter grant.

After Washington returned from his embassy to the French,
and had made his report, the utmost activity prevailed in Vir-
ginia, and the House of Burgesses, relying on the King to pro-
tect the boundary of his dominions, voted means to assist their
(rovernor in carrying on an aggressive campaign.

Washington received from Dinwiddle a commission, first as
Major, and shortly after as Lieutenant-Colonel, and was or-
dered with one hundred and fifty men to take command at
the Forks of the Ohio, to finish the fort already begun there by
the Ohio Company, and to make prisoners, kill or destroy all
who interrupted the English settlements. (24.)

10 THE FRONTIER FORTS

While his specific orders were such as we have stated, they
had been given prior to the surrender of the post by Ward,
and were not applicable to the changed condition of affairs
caused by that event.

To more effectively prosecute their campaign, the Virginia
Assembly voted an additional sum of money from the public
treasury, and the Governor was induced to increase the mil-
itary force to three hundred men, divided into six companies.
Colonel Joshua Fry was appointed to command the whole.
With this appointment Washington's commission had been
raised to a lieutenant-colonelcy, as stated.

Washington, with his raw recruits raised for this purpose,
as soon as the relaxing winter allowed him to move, started
from Alexandria, Virginia, April 2d, 1754, with two companies
of troops, and arrived at Wills creek, (Cumberland), 17th of
Ai>ril, having been joined on his route by a detachment under
(/aptain Stephen. While remaining here for additions to his
forces, he learned of the surrender of the fort under Ward to
the French. Agreeing at a council of w^ar that it would be
unadvisable for them to advance with the prospect of taking
the fort without reenforcements, it was resolved to advance to
the mouth of Bedstone creek on the Monongahela, make a
road passable thus far, and there raise a fortification. This
point was only 37 miles from the Forks of the Ohio; but the
undertaking, with the forces at his command, was one of peril,
and its results uncertain and not possible to be foreseen.
However, on the 25th of April, 1754, he sent a detachment of
00 men to open a road. The main body of his forces joined
this detachment on the 1st of May. The road had to be cut
as they proceeded, trees felled, rocks removed. Fording deep
streams, cutting an opening through the mountains, dragging
the few cannon, and while the season was cold and wet,
without tents, without a supply of clothes, often in want of
provisions, their progress was thus very slow and toilsome.
On the 0th of May, he reached a place called the Little
Meadows, (25) which was about one-third the distance to the
mouth of Redstone creek, and about half the distance to the
place called the Great Meadows. ITis intention was to reach
Redstone, there to take up a strong position, await the arrival

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. U

of Colonel Fry with reenforcements, and from thence descend
the Monongahela to the Forks. Here more than two days
were spent in bridging the Little Yough. Having effected a
passage through the mountains, he reached, May 18th, the
Youghiogheny. This place is called the Great Crossings.
They remained here several days, while Washington, with
five men in a canoe, descended the river to see if it was navi-
gable. (26.)

His hopes and his voyage ended at the Ohio-Pyle Falls.
They crossed this river without bridging, and on May 24th.
they arrived at the Great Meadows. (27.) On the morning of
that day Washington had received word from Tanacharison,
(Half King), the Seneca, his friend, to be on his guard, as the
French intended to strike the first English whom they should
see. He thereupon hastened to this position. (28.)

That same evening the Half-King's warning was confirmed
by a trader, who told him the French were at the crossings of
the Youghiogheny. (29.) Washington immediately began to
fortify.

On the 27th, Christopher Gist came in from his place, and
reported that a detachment of 50 men had been seen at noon
the day before, and that he afterwards saw their tracks within
five miles of the camp.

Seventy-five men were immediately despatched in pursuit of
this party, but they returned without having discovered it,
but between 8 and 9 o'clock that night, a messenger came in
from Half-King, (Tanacharison), who was then camped with
his followers, six miles off, with the report that he had fol-
lowed the tracks of some Frenchmen to ah obscure retreat;
and he believed all the party were concealed within a short
distance. Fearing a stratagem, Washington put his ammuni-
tion in a place of safety; and leaving it under the protection
of a strong guard, he set out in the darkness and rain with 40
men, and reached the camp of his friendly Indians late in the
night. A council washeld. Itwas agreed thatthey should march
together and attack the enemy in concert; and that to do
this they should proceed in single file after the manner of the
Indians. Early in the morning they discovered the position of
the enemy. A plan of attack was agreed upon: the English

12^ ^ THE FRONTIER FORTS

occupied what might be called the right wing; the Indians the
left. He thus advancing came so near the French without be-
ing discovered, that the surprise was a success. The French
flew to their arms. The firing continued on both sides about
fifteen minutes. The French were defeated, with the loss of
their whole party. Ten men were killed, including Jumon-
ville, their commander, one was wounded; La Force, Drouillon,
two cadets, and seventeen others were made prisoners. The
Indians scalped the dead. Washington's loss was one killed
and two or three wounded. The wing where Washington
fought received all the enemy's fire, and it was that part of the
line where the one was killed and the others wounded. He
was not harmed. This engagement, fought in the darkness of
the morning of May 28th, 1754, was the first engagement of
w'ar in which Washington took a part. (30.)

The prisoners were marched to the Great Meadows, and
from thence conducted over the mountains. Two days after
this affair Colonel Fry died at Wills creek. The chief com-
mand then devolved on Washington. As soon as the news of
the capture of the party under Jumonville reached Fort Du
(juesne, a strong party was organized to advance against the
English. Washington lost no time in enlarging the intrench-
ment and erecting palisades. This fortification he called Fort
Necessity. (31.) With the arrival of Major Muse with the
residue of the Virginia regiment, and of Captain Mackay of
the Royal army, with his company of 100 men from South
Carolina, the force then numbered about 400 men. Leaving
Captain INIackay with one company to guard the fort. Wash-
ington with the rest pushed over Laurel Hill, cutting the road
with extreme labor through the wilderness, to Gist's planta-
tion. (32.) This was about 13 miles distant, and two weeks
were consumed in the work. (33.) On June 27th, 70 men under
r'aptain Lewis were detached, and sent forward, to clear the
road from Gist's. Ahead of these was another party under
Captain Poison, who were to reconnoitre.

During this time there was the greatest activity at Fort
Duquesne. On the 28th a force of about 600 French, and some
Indians whose numbers were later increased, left that post
to confront the English. AVashington had knowledge of these

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 13

things, and on this day a couiRil of wai- was held at Gist's.
It was resolved to have all the forces concentrate at this point,
where already some labor had been expended in throwing up
intrenchments. But later news confirming the superiority in
number of the enemy, made it apparent that a stand here was
inexpedient. The forces all fell back to Fort Necessity.
Their private baggage was left behind, and the horses of the
officers were laden with ammunition and public stores — the
soldiers of the Virginia regiment dragging their nine swivels
by hand over the rough stony road. The men belonging to
the Independent Company looked on, offering no aid, as it was
not incumbent on them as King's soldiers to perform such
service.

It was not Washington's intention at first to halt but to
withdraw to a stronger point and await a reenforcement. But
the men were so exhausted by their labor and from lack
of sustaining nourishment, that they could not draw th,e
swivels or carry the baggage on their backs further. They
had been eight days without bread. Nor were the supplies
of food at Fort Necessity adequate to sustain the march. It
was thought best, therefore, to await both supplies and re-
enforcements. (34.) Hearing of the arrival at Alexandria of
two Independent Companies from New York, some days be-
fore, it was supposed that they might by this time have
reached Wills creek, and an express was despatched to urge
them up.

Washington with his party reached the Great Meadows on
the 1st of July. The royal troops had done nothing in his ab-
sence to make the stockade tenable. He immediately set his
men to work to strengthen the fortification. The little in-
trenchment was a glade between two eminences covered with
trees, except within sixty yards of it. On the 3d of July,
about noon, seven hundred French, (35) with probably more
than one hundred Indians came in sight, and took possession
of one of the eminences. The rising ground was covered with
large trees. These ofi'ered shelter to the assailants, and from
behind them they could fire in security on the troops beneath.
A heavy rain set in. The pngagement continued till night-
fall, when De Mlliers, fearing his ammunition would give out,

14 THE FRONTIER PORTS

proposed a parley. The terms of capitulation that were of-
fered were interpreted to Washington, who did not under-
stand French; and as interpreted were accepted. The next
day being the fourth of July, a date which afterward became
the most famous in the annals of American history, the Eng-
lish surrendered. By the articles agreed to, they were allowed
to retire without insult or outrage from the French or In-
dians; and to take with them their baggage or stores, except
artillery.

At day-break the garrison filed out of the fort, with colors
flying, and drums beating, and one swivel gun. The English
flag on the fort was struck, and the French flag took its place ;
and when the little army of Washington had passed over thfe
mountains homeward, the lilies of France floated over every
fort, military post and mission from the Alleghenies westward
to the Mississippi.

Notes to Introduction.

(1.) In the year 1748, Thomas Lee, one of his Majesty's
Council in Virginia, formed the design of effecting settlements
on the wild lands west of the Allegheny mountains, through
the agency of an association of gentlemen. Before this date
there were no English residents in those regions. A few
traders wandered from tribe to tribe, and dwelt among the
Indians, but they neither cultivated nor occupied the lands.
With the view of carrying his plan into operation, Mr. Lee
associated himself with twelve other persons in Virginia and
Maryland, and with Mr. Hanbury, a merchant in London, who
formed what they called ''The Ohio Company." Lawrence
Washington, and his brother Augustine Washington, (two
brothers of George Washington), were among the first who
engaged in this scheme. A petition was presented to the
King in behalf of the Company, which was approved, and five
hundred thousand acres of land were granted almost on the
terms requested by the Company.

The object of the Company was to settle the lands and to

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 15

carry on the Indian trade on a large scale. Hitherto the trade
with the Western Indians had been mostly in the hands of
the Pennsylvanians. The Company conceived that they might
derive an important advantage over their competitors in this
trade from the water communications of the Potomac and the
eastern branches of the Ohio, whose head-waters approxi-
mated each other. The lands were to be chiefly taken on the
south side of the Ohio, between the Monongahela and Kena-
wha and west of the Alleghenies. The privilege was reserved,
however, by the Company of embracing a portion of the lands
on the north side of the river, if it should be deemed expedient.
Two hundred thousand acres were to be selected immediately,
and to be held for ten years free from quit-rent or any tax to
the King, on condition that the Company should at their own
expense seat one hundred families on the lands within seven
years, and build a fort and maintain a garrison sufficient to
protect the settlement. [Spark's Washington. — Appendix.

The interests of this Company were subsequently merged
in other companies. All persons concerned were losers to a
considerable amount.

(2.) "As early as the winter of 1669-70 or in the spring of the
latter year, Robert Chevalier de la Salle, penetrated to the
upper waters of the Allegheny, and descending that stream
and the Ohio as far as the falls, where the City of Louisville,
Kentucky, now stands, returned. But he has left only the
merest reference to this expedition in his writings, so that for
a time many denied it altogether, though later investigations
have placed it beyond reasonable doubt. But an impassable
barrier yet existed to the safe travel and explorations of these
parts, in the fierce and treacherous Iroquois or "Five Nations,"
who were the terror of both the French and Indians from the
mouth of the St. Lawrence to the banks of the Mississippi."

So well known an explorer as La Salle needs but a short
notice. Robert Chevalier de la Salle was born in Rouen,
France, in November, 1643. He was a short time with the
Jesuits, but withdrew, and came to Canada iu 1666, from
which time his life was given to exploring the Great Lakes
and the Mississippi with its tributaries, till lie was killed in
Texas, March 19, 1687. For an estii/iate of his r-haraeter and

16 THE FRONTIER FORTS

qualities see Parkman's La Salle pp. 406, 407; also Charlevoix
Vol. iv, pp. 94-95. [Register of Fort Duquesne; translated
from the French, with an Introductory Essay and Notes by
Rev, A. A. Lambing, A. M.

Throughout this Introduction wherever it has been neces-
sary to make reference to authorities or quote relevant matter,
use has been made of the Register. Rev. Lambing in his In-
troductory Essay and Notes quotes numerous authorities, and
as he has greatly abridged the biographical notices therein,
they have been of much use to us here.

(3.) Poland Michael Barrin, Marquis de la Galissoniere, was
born at Rochfort, France, Nov. 11, 1693; rose through different
grades to that of admiral; was appointed Governor-General
of Canada in 1747 — that province being under the manage-
ment of the Marine Department, — was energetic in maintain-
ing the interests of France; returned to his native land late in
1749; and died at Nemour, Oct. 26th, 1756.

(4.) Celoron de Bienville. — This officer must not be con-
founded, as is sometimes done, with another oflflcer, Captain
Celoron de Blainville. From 1739 to 1741 he had charge of
various expeditions and missions in the extreme northwesi
about Michilimackinac (Mackinack.) Soon after, he was in com
mand at Detroit; he was sent in October, 1744, to command at
Fort Niagara. In June, 1747, he is spoken of as commander
at Fort St. Frederic on Lake Champlain, but was relieved in
November, and was despatched to Detroit with a convoy, in
May, 1748, from which he returned in September. He was
then trusted with the expedition down the Ohio. In the sum-
mer of 1750 he was commander at Detroit, and five years
later was again at Fort St. Frederic. His chaplain. Father
lionnecamp, speaks of him as fearless, energetic and full of re-
sources; but the Governor calls him haughty and insubordi-
nate.

(5.) "In the present Register, the officer here mentioned is
called 'Monsieur Pierre Claude de Contrecoeur, Esquire, Sieur
^\^' \'jni(li\\ ('aplaiii of Infantry, Commander-in-Chief of the
f^'oils of l)M(Hiesii<*, Pi(^squ' I^le and the Jieviere Au Boeufs.'
lie was ill coiiiiiiand of Fort Niagara at the tinic^ of which we
ail' now speakinti; hiil lie al'leiwaiMl succeeded lo the c(^nn-

OF WESTP:KN PENNSYLVANIA. 17

mand of the detachment which had before belonged to M.
Saint Pierre. Whether he was in command of the fort at the
time of the battle of the Monongahela (Braddock's Defeat),
July 9th, 1755, is disputed. See also registry of the interment
of Sieur de Beaujeur further on. The last day on which the
name of Contracoeur is found in the Register is March 2, 1755',
and the first appearance of that of M. Dumas is, Sept. 18th, of
the same year. The number of entries in the Register is so
few, indeed, that they cannot be taken as an authority in fix-
ing dates with precision; but where a name is mentioned it is
always a high authority. What became of M. Contrecoeur
after his retiring from Fort Duquesne, I have not been able to
learn." [Register, p. 15 n.

Note by Rev, A. A. Lambing, to the Register. — "I have re-
tained the title 'Sieur,' not finding its exact equivalent in our
language. It is sometimes translated 'Sire,' but whatever may
have been the derivation or the original meaning of that
term, its present signification forbids such a use of it."

(6.) There were seven brothers of his family, six of whom
lost their lives in the American wars. This one commanded
an expedition against Fort Necessity in June, 1754. He was
afterwards taken prisoner by the English at the capture of
Fort Niagara.

(7.) Of the elder Joncaire, the father of the one referred to
in this place, see interesting particulars in Mr. Parkman's
Frontenac. He died in 1740, leaving two sons, Chabert Jon-
caire, and Philip Clauzonne Joncaire, both of whom were in
the French service and were in Celoron's expedition. The one
who took the most prominent part was Chabert de Joncaire,
or Joncaire-Chabert. He was on the Allegheny for the next
two years at least, and was at Logstown on May 18th, 1751.
Both were taken prisoners at the capture of Fort Niagara.
The name is variously spelled b}' early writers as John Coeur,
Jean Coeur, Joncoeur, Joncaire, etc.

He acted officially as interpreter between the French and
Indians. He was adopted by the Senecas, and had great in-
fluence and power over them.

(8.) Near the village of Barcelona, New York.

(0.) These |)hites were about eleven inehes long, seven and
2--V0I. 2.

18 THE FRONTIER FORTS

one-half inclies wide, and one-eighth of an inch thick. For the
inscription of the one which was buried at the Forks of the
Ohio, see notes to Fort Duquesne.

Both Celoron and his Chaplain, Father Bonnecamp, a Jesuit,
kept journals of the expedition, and the latter also drew a
map, which is remarkably accurate considering the circum-
stances. He also took the latitudes and longitudes of the
principal points. This map is frequently referred to, as it
marks the location of the various tribes and as it gives the
Indian names of the streams and of their villages. Father
Bonnecamp's map is here reproduced.

(10.) Joucaire in May, 1751, held a council with the Indians
at Logstown, but could not induce them to let the French have
possession of their lands.

In August, 1749, Governor Hamilton, who had arrived at
Philadelphia in November, 1748, sent George Croghan to the
Ohio with a message to the Indians, to notify them of the ces-
sation of hostilities between Great Britain and France and to
inquire of them the reason of the march of Celoron through
their country. In the report of his transactions (Second
Arch, vi, 51G) it is related that the Indian tribes on the Ohio
and its branches, on this side of Lake Erie, "were in strict
friendship with the English and with the several provinces,
and took the greatest care to preserve the friendship then sub-
sisting between them and the English. At that time, he says
"We carried on a considerable branch of trade with those In-
dians for skins and furs, no less advantageous to them than
to us."

In April, 1751, the Governor again sent Croghan to the Ohio
with a present of goods. In one of the speeches made on the
part of the Indians the wish was warmly expressed that the
Governor of Pennsylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to
protect the Indians as well as the English traders, from the in-
sults of the French. On the 12th of June, 1752, the Virginia
Commissioners who met the Indians at Logstown were re-
quested, even insisted upon, to have their government build
a fort at the forks at the same place where they had requested
the Pennsylvanians to build one.

(11.) History of Erie Countv, bv Laura G. Sanford * * *

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 19

Many of these details aie given in ilie InUodiiciion to tlie Reg-
ister, by Eev. Father Lambing.

(12.) See Fort Presqu' Isle.

(13.) See Fort LeBoeuf.

(14.) Deposition of Stephen Coffen. (Second Arch., vi, 184.)

(15.) Gist was the Ohio Company's agent to select the lands
and conciliate the Indians. In 1750^ Gist, as the Company's
surveyor, carried chain and compass down the Ohio as far as
the falls at Louisville.

(16.) Washington calls this "at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela.'*
To this Mr. Veech remarks: "The reader must understand,
that at this early day, Monongahela was a locality which
covered an ample scope of territory. Gist's Plantation, was
about sixteen miles from the river, which, when Washington
wrote this he had never seen." — The Monongahela of Old,
p. 340. n.

(17.) This Company was one of two authorized by Virginia,
Washington was Major of the two, and remained behind or-
ganizing his force. Trent was Captain of one of these com-
panies.

(18.) Hangard, literally, "storehouse."

(19.) "With the opening of spring, they were in the field,
and, having completed Fort Machault, they descended the
Allegheny in a fleet of canoes and batteaux, to the number,
variously estimated, but perhaps little less than one thousand
French, Canadians and Indians, with eighteen cannon in com-
mand of Contrecoeur." — Rev. A. A. Lambing, in Register,
p. 24.

"The French flotilla of 300 canoes and 60 batteaux, with
1,400 soldiers and Indians, and 18 cannon." — Wm, M. Darling-
ton, Esq., in Centenary Memorial.

Washington's account agrees with this, only he says "up-
wards of 1,000 men." Col. Washington to the Governors of
Virginia and Penna., 25th April, 1754. Authorities vary as
to the number of men in Ward's command. It is mostly put
at forty. Bancroft's Hist. U. S., iii, 75, says the force was
"only 33 in number." Wm. M. Darlington, in Centenary Me-
morial, p. 240, says, "Ward having but 41 men, of whom
only 33 were soldiers, Ward surrendered the fort." Sparks'

20 THE FRONTIER PORTS

Washington, Vol. ii, p. 4, says. "The whole number of Ins
men was forty-one."

On the 25th of August, 1753, Trent had viewed the ground
in the forks on which to build a fort, it being considered
preferable to the location at the mouth of Chartiers creek, as
originally intended by the Ohio Company.

Ward hearing of the French descending the river on the
I3th of April, (1754), he hastened to complete the stockading
of the building, and had the last gate finished when the French
were seen approaching on the river. — Wm, M. Darlington,
Centenary Memorial, 259. See Fort Duquesne.

(20.) See Fort Machault.

(21.) Register of Fort Duquesne, p. 23, and citations there.

(22.) See Fort Duquesne.

(23.) Bancroft Hist. U. S., iii, 73. (Cent. Edition.)

(24.) These are the words of his commission. Officers and
men were encouraged by the promise of a royal grant of two
hundred thousand acres on the Ohio to be divided amongst
them * * * Of the two companies to be raised by Vir-
ginia, Capt. Trent was to raise one and Washington, the other.
Washington was Major and ranking officer. The force was
to consist of two hundred men.

(25.) Mention of the Little Meadows is frequently made in
connection with the affairs in this region down to the defeat
of Braddock. Its location with respect to the other posts on
the line of the route was such as to make it an objective and
noticeable point. It was about twenty miles west of Fort
Cumberland. When Braddock came out on this route, he dis-
patched Sir John Sinclair and Major Chapman (on the 27th of
May, 1755), ahead of the main body of the army to build a fori
here. The army was seven days in reaching this place from
Cumberland. ">

At the Little Meadows a division of the army was made; the
General and Col. Halket, with select portions of the two regi-
ments, and the other forces, lightly encumbered, going on in
advance, being in all about 1,400. Col. Dunbar, with the resi-
due, about 850, and the heavy baggage, artillery and stores,
were left to move up by slow and easy marches. Here Wash
ingTon, stricken down by a fever, was left by Braddock,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 21

under the care of his friend Dr. Craik and a guard, two days
in advance of Dunbar, to come on with him if able; the gallant
aid requiring from the General a solemn pledge not to arrive
at the French fort until he should join him. Washington did
not report himself until the day before the battle. [The
Monongahela of Old, p. 58, et. seq.

(26.) "On the 18th they arrived at the Great Crossings, and
remained there several days, while Washington, with five men
in a canoe, descended the river to ascertain if it was navigable.
His hopes and his voyage ended at the Ohio-Pyle Falls. They
crossed the river without bridging." [The Mon. of Old, p. 43.

(27.) The location subsequently of Fort Necessity.

(28.) The French had it reported that this force was sent out
to hunt deserters. During this march, Washington had re-
ports almost daily from scouts, traders, Indians and deserters
as to the movements of the enemy.

(29.) The Crossings of the Youghiogheny were afterward
known as Stewart's Crossings from the circumstance of one
William Stewart's living near the place in the year 1753 and
part of 1754, he having been obliged finally to leave the
counti'v on account of the French taking possession of it. It
was the place where Braddock's army crossed.

(30.) See Jumonville's Camp.

(31.) See Fort Necessity.
. (32.) Near the town of Connellsville, Fayette county, Pa.
Christopher Gist's house was thirteen miles from the Great
Meadows, not far from Stewart's Crossings on the Yough-
iogheny river; five or six miles from Dunbar's camp.

(.33.) As Capt. Mackay bore a king's commission, he would
not receive orders from the provincial colonel. He encamped
apart from the Virginia troops. Neither would his men do
work on the road. To prevent mutiny and a conflict of au-
thority, Washington concluded to leave the royal captain and
his company to guard the fort and stores, while he, on the
16th, set out with his Virginia troops, the swivels, some
wagons, etc., for Redstone, making the road as he went. [The
Monongahela of Old, 848.

(34.) They had milch cows for beef, but no salt to season it.
Besides the "chopped flour" which they found at the fort,

22 THE FRONTIER FORTS

there were some provisions from the "settlements," but only
enough for four or five days. When the French came up they
killed all the horses and cattle.

In the sketch of Wendel Brown and his sons, given by Mr.
Veech, he says that they were the first white settlers within
the limits of Fayette county, having come there as early as
1750 and '51, when the country was an unbroken wilderness.
They came from Virginia. "When Washington's little army
was at the Great Meadows, or Fort Necessity, the Browns
packed provisions to him — corn and beef. And when he sur-
rendered on the 4th of July, 1754, they retired, with the re-
treating colonial troops across the mountains. [Mon. of Old,
p. 209.

The Indians friendly to Washington, such as Half-King,
(Tanacharison), and Queen Alliquippa and her son, and their
people who took part with the English, crowded into the fort
bringing with them their squaws and children. These became
consumers of the scanty supplies without being of any relative
advantage, thus adding to the complexities of the occasion.
The}^ were afraid to return to their homes after the success of
the French. Some went back later, but others never returned
to their lodges about the Ohio.

(35.) The number here, as in all like engagements, varies in
different authorities. Bancroft: Hist. U. S., iii, p. 78, says 600
French with 100 Indians * * * * Sparks's Washington :
"the whole body of the enemy by report amounted to 900
men." ♦ » * » r^y^^ number given above is from the
French account.

Washington's loss in this action out of the Virginia regi-
ment, was twelve killed and forty-three wounded. Capt.
Mackay's losses were never reported.

The following extracts are taken from the "Papers relating
to the French Occupation," and the events are reported from
their point of view. "The English having, in 1754, built Fort
Necessity, twenty-five leagues [?] from Fort Duquesne, M. dc
Jumonville was detached with 40 men to go and summon the
garrison to retire. He was killed with seven Canadians, and
the remainder of his detachment made prisoners of war. On
this intelligence, Captain de Villiers, of the troops of the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 23

Marine, was ordered to conduct 700 men and avenge his
brother's death; he reduced said fort on the 3d of July by
capitulation, and made the garrison prisoners of war." [Sec-
ond Arch., vi, 439.

M, Varin to M. Bigot, from Montreal, the 24th of July, 1754,
''M. de Villiers had 700 men with him, 600 of whom are French,
and 100 Indians, who attacked Fort Necessity in broad day."
[Second Arch., vi, 168.

Extract from M. de Villiers' Journal annexed to M. Varin's
letter. "The enemy's fire increased toward six o'clock in the
evening with more vigor than ever, and lasted until eight.
* * * The English had seventy to eighty [?j men killed or
mortally wounded, and many others slightly. The Canadians
have had two men killed, Desprez, Junior and the Panis, be-
longing to M. Pean, and seventy wounded, two whereof are
Indians." — This report, as is usual with the French reports
from this quarter, is greatly exaggerated in their own behalf.

JUMONVILLE'S CAMP.

Washington reached Wills creek with three companies, on
the 20th of April, 1754, and two days after Ensign Ward ar
rived with the Intelligence of the surrender of the works at
the Forks of the Ohio. Washington immediately sent expresses
to the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, ask-
ing for reenforcements, and then, after a consultation with his
brother ofiflcers, resolved to advance, and, if possible, to reach
the Monongahela, near where Brownsville now stands, and
there erect a fortification. On the 9th of May, he was at Little
Meadows, and there received information that Contrecoeur
had been reenforced with eight hundred men. On the 18th,
he was encamped on the Youghiogheny, near where Smith-
field, in Fayette county, now stands. From that point, he,
with Lieutenant West, three soldiers, and an Indian, de-
scended the river about thirty miles, hoping to find it navi-
gable, so that he could transport his cannon in canoes, but

24 THE FRONTIER FORTS

was disappointed. He had scaicely returned to his troops,
when a messenger from his old friend Tanacharisou arrived,
with information that the French were marching toward him,
with a determination to attaclv him. The same day he re-
ceived further information that the enemy were at the cross-
ings of the Youghiogheny, near where Connellsville now
stands, about eighteen miles from his own encampment. He
then hurried to the Great Meadows, where he made an in-
Irenchment, and by clearing away the bushes prepared a tine
tield for an encounter. Next day Gist, his old pilot, who resided
near the crossings, arrived with the news that a French de-
(achment of Miy men had been at his place the day before.

That same night (May 27th), about nine o'clock, an express
arrived from Tanacharison, who was then encamped with
some of his warriors about six miles off, with information that
the French were near his encampment. Col. Washington, says
Sparks, immediately started with forty men to join the Half-
King. The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the woods
were intricate, the soldiers often lost their way groping in the
bushes and clambering over rocks and logs, but at length they
arrived at the Indian camp just before sunrise (May 28th).
A council with Tanacharison was immediately held, and joint
operations against the French were determined on. Two In-
dian spies discovered the enemy's position in an obscure place,
surrounded by rocks, and a half mile from the road. Wash-
ington was to advance on the right, Tanacharison on the left.
Thus they approached in single tile, until they were discovered
by the French who immediately seized their arms and pre
pared for action, which was commenced by a brisk firing on
both sides, and which was kept up for a quarter of an hour,
when the French ceased to resist. Monsieur Jumonville, the
comnuiudant, and ten of his men were killed, and twenty-two
were taken prisoners, one of whom was wounded. A Cana-
dian escaped during the action. Washington had one man
killed and two wounded. No harm happened the Indians.
The prisoners were sent to Governor Dinwiddle.

The affair was misrepresented greatly to the injury of
NVashinglou. War liad not yet been declan^d. and it was the
policy of caoli nation lo exaggerate tlie proceedings of the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 25

other. Hence it was officially stated by the French Govern-
ment that Jumonville was waylaid and assassinated, while
bearing a peaceful message to Washington.

"Jumonville's camp," says Mr. Veech in Monongahela of
Old, "is a place well known in our Mountains. It is near half
a mile southward of Dunbar's Camp, and about five hundred
yards eastward of Braddock's Koad — the same which Wash-
ington was then making. The Half -King's Camp was about
two miles further south near a fine spring, since called Wash-
ington's Spring, about fifty rods northward of the Great Rock.

"The Half-King discovered Jumonville's, or La Force's
Camp by the smoke which rose from it, and by the tracks of
two of the party who were out on a scouting excursion.
Crawling stealthily through the laurel thicket which sur
mounts the wall of rock twenty feet high, he looked down
upon their bark huts or "lean-tos;" and, retreating with like
Indian quietness, he immediately gave Washington the alarm.
There is not above ground, in Fayette county, a place so well
calculated for concealment, and for secretly watching and
counting Washington's little army as it would pass along the
road, as this same Jumonville's Camp."

"It may not be possible to ascertain at this time the precise
object for which the party under Jumonville was sent out.
The tenor of his instructions, and the manner in which he ap-
proached Colonel Washington's camp, make it evident that he
deviated widely from the mode usually adopted in conveying
a summons; and his conduct was unquestionably such as to
create just suspicions, if not to afford a demonstration of his
hostile designs. His appearance on the route at the head of
an armed force, his subsequent concealment at a distance from
the road, his remaining there for nearly three days, his send-
ing off messengers to M. de Contrecoeur, were all circum-
stances unfavorable to pacific purposes. If he came really as
a peaceful messenger, and if any fault was committed by the
attack upon him, it must be ascribed to his own imprudence
and injudicious mode of conducting his enterprise, and not to
any deviation from strict military rules on the part of Colonel
Washington, who did no more than execute the duty of a

26 THE FRONTIER FORTS

vigilant officer, for which he received the unqualified appro-
bation of his superiors and of the public."

The following from Evert's History of Fayette County de-
scribes the location about 1881:

"Jumonville's Camp is nearly half a mile south of Dunbar's
Camp, and 500 yards east of the old Braddock Road. One
quarter of a mile south of Dunbar's Camp is Dunbar's Spring,
and nearly one-quarter of a mile down the run from the spring,
about ten feet from the right bank, is the spot supposed to be
Jumonville's grave; then west about 20 yards in a straight line
is the camp, half-way along and directly under a ledge of
rocks 20 feet high and covered with laurel, extending in the
shape of a half-moon half a mile in length in the hill and sink-
ing as it approaches, and dipping into the earth just before
it reaches Dunbar's Spring. Thus situated in the head of a
deep hollow, the camp was almost entirely concealed from ob-
servation. * * * The location is in Wharton township,
Fayette county." [History of Fayette County, p. 829.]

FORT NECESSITY.

The discomfiture of La Force's party, and the death of Ju-
monville, were immediately heralded to Contrecoeur at Fort
Duquesne by a frightened, barefooted fugitive Canadian.
Vengeance was vowed at once, but it was not yet quite ready
to be executed. Washington, however, knowing the impres-
sions which this, his first encounter, would make upon the
enemy, at once set about strengthening his defences. He sent
back for reenforcements, and had his fort at the Meadows
palisaded and otherwise improved. And, to increase his
anxieties, the friendly Indians, with their families, and several
deserters from the French, flocked round his camp, to hasten
the reduction of his little store of provisions. Further em-
barrassments awaited him.

On the 9th of June, Major Muse came up with the residue of
the Virginia regiment, the swivels and some ammunition; but

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 27

it was now ascertained that the two Independent Companies
from New York, and the one from North Carolina, that were
promised, would fail to arrive until too late. The latter only
reached Cumberland after the surrender; while the fixed
antipathies to war and the proprietary prerogative, of the
Pennsylvania Assembly, had rendered all Governor Hamil-
ton's entreaties for aid from that Province ineffectual. In his
extremity, Colonel Washington displayed the same energy and
prudence that carried him so successfully through the dangers
and disappointments of the Revolution. He hired horses to
go back to Wills creek for more balls and provisions, and in-
duced Mr. Gist to endeavor to have the artillery, &c., hauled
out by Pennsylvania teams — the reliance upon Southern prom-
ises of transport having failed, as it did with Braddock. But
no artillery came in time; ten onl}-, of the thirty-four pound
cannon and carriages, which had been sent from England,
having been forwarded to Wills creek, but too late. Wash-
ington also took active measures to have a rendezvous at
Redstone, of friendly Indians from Logstown and elsewhere
below Duquesne; but in this he failed.

On the next day (the 10th), Captain Mackay came up with
the South Carolina company; but as he bore a king's commis-
sion, he would not receive orders from the provincial colonel,
and encamped separate from the Virginia troops; neither
would his men do work on the road. To prevent mutiny, and
a conflict of authority. Colonel Washington concluded to leave
the royal captain and his company to guard the fort and stores,
while he, on the 16th, set out with his Virginia troops, the
swivels, some wagons, &c., for Redstone, making the road as
he went. So diflScult was this labor over Laurel Hill, that
two weeks were spent in reaching Gist's, a distance of thirteen
miles.

On the 27th of June, Washington detached a party of some
seventy men under Captain Lewis, to endeavor to clear a road
from Gist's to the mouth of Redstone; and another party
under Captain Poison, was sent ahead to reconnoitre. Mean-
while Washington completed his movements to Gist's.

The French, in the meantime, were active, and on the 28th
a strong force left Fort Duquesne to attack Washington.

28 TH E FRONTIER FORTt.

It consisted of five liuudred French, and some Indians^ after-
wards augmented to about four hundred. The commander
was M. Coulon de Villiers, half brother of Jumonville, who
sought the command from Contrecoeur as a special favor, to
enable him to avenge his kinsman's "assassination," They
went up the Monongahela in periaguas (big canoes), and on
the 30th came to the Hangard at the mouth of Bedstone,
and encamped on rising ground "about two musket shot from
it." This Hangard (built the last winter, as our readers will
recollect, by Captain Trent, as a store house for the Ohio
Company), is described by M. de Villiers as a "sort of fort
built with logs, one upon another, well notched in, about
thirty feet long and twenty feet wide." Veech says (1858),
"It stood near where Baily's mill now is."

Hearing that the object of his pursuit were intrenching
themselves at Gist's, M. de Villiers disencumbered himself of
all his heavy stores at the Hangard; and, leaving a sergeant
and a few men to guard them and the periaguas, rushed on
in the night, cheered by the hope that he was about to achieve
a brilliant coup de main upon the young "buckskin Colonel."
Coming to the "plantation" on the morning of July 2d, the
gray dawn revealed the rude half-finished fort, which Wash-
ington had there begun to erect. This, the French at once
invested, and gave a general fire. There was no response; the
prey had escaped. Foiled and chagrined, Villiers was about
to retrace his steps, when a half-starved deserter from the
Great Meadows came in, and disclosed to him the whereabouts
and destitute condition of Washington's forces. Having made
a prisoner of the messenger, with a promise to reward, or to
hang him, according as his tale should prove true or false,
I he French commander resolved to continue the pursuit. Upon
this we leave him, while we post up Colonel Washington's
movements.

Hearing the French approach, Washington, being at Gist's
on the 29tli, began thi owing up intrenchments, with a view
to make a stand there. He called in the detachments under
Captains Lewis and Poison, and sent back for Captain Mackay
and his company. These all came, and upon council held it
was determined to retreat. The inipcrfecl intrent-hment was

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 29

abandoned, and sundry tools and other articles concealed, or
left as useless. The lines of this old fortification have been
long obliterated, but its position is known bv the numerous
relics which have been ploughed up. It was, according to
Veech, near Gist's Indian hut and spring, about thirty rods
east of Jacob Murphy's barn, and within fifty rods of the
centre of Fayette county.

The retreat was begun with a purpose to continue it to
Wills creek, but it ended at the Meadows. Thither the
swivels were brought back, and under the additional advice
and supervision of Capt. Stobo, a ditch and additional dimen
sions and strength were given to the fort, now named ''Fort
Necessity." So toilsome was this hasty retreat, there being
but two poor teams, and a few equally poor pack horses — that
Washington and other oflScers had to lend their horses to bear
burdens, and to hire the men to carry and drag the heavy
guns. Captain Mackay's company was too royal to labor in
this service, and the Virginians had to do it all. When they
reached the Meadows on the 1st of July, their fatigue was
excessive. The had had no bread for eight days; they had
milch cows for beef, but no salt to season it. Arrived at the
fort, they found some relief in a few bags of chopped flour and
other provisions from the 'settlements," but only enough for
four or five days. Thus fortified and provisioned, they hoped
to hold out until reenforcements arrived, but they came not.

After a rainy night, early on the morning of July 3d, the
enemy approached, strong in numbers and confidence, but
fortunately without artillery. A wounded scout announced
their approach. The French delivered the first fire of mus
ketry from the woods, at a distance of some four or five hun
dred yards, doing no harm. Washington formed his men in
the Meadow outside the fort, wishing to draw the enemy
into an open encounter. Failing in this, he retired behind
his lines, and, after irregular ineffective firing during the day,
and until after dark, the French commander asked a parley,
which Washington at first declined, but when asked again,
granted. In this he behaved with singular caution and cool-
ness: anxious lest his almost total destitution of ammunition
and provisions should be discovered, yet betraying no fear

30 THE FRONTIER FORTS

or precipitation. The French and Indians had killed or stolen
all his horses and cattle, and thus his means of retreat were
rendered as meagre as his means of defence. Yet with all
these disadvantages, in numbers and resources, he obtained
terms of surrender, highly honorable and liberal. Indeed,
the French commander seems to have been a very fair sort of
man. The articles of capitulation were drawn and presented
by him in the French language; and after sundry modifications
in Washington's favor, were signed in duplicate, amid torrents
of rain, by the dim light of a candle, by Captain Mackay,
Colonel Washington, and M. de Villiers.

The French commander professed to have no other purpose
than to avenge Jumonville's "assassination" and to prevent
any "establishment" by the English upon the French do-
minions. Hence, the articles of capitulation agreed on al-
lowed the English forces to retire without insult or outrage
from the French or Indians, to take with them all their bag-
gage and stores, except artillery, the English colors to be
struck at once; and at day-break next morning (July 4th), the
garrison was to file out of the fort and march with colors
flying, drums beating, and one swivel gun. They were also
allowed to conceal such of their effects, as by reason of the
loss of their oxen and horses they could not take with them,
and to return for them thereafter, upon condition that they
should not again attempt any establishment there, or else-
where west of the mountains. The English were to return
to Fort Duquesne the officers and cadets taken at the "assas-
sination" of Jumonville, as hostages, for which stipulation
Captains Van Braam and Stobo were given up to the French,
as we have before related.

Such were, in substance, the terms of the surrender of
"Fort Necessity." But so powerless in all the physicale of
military movements had Washington become, that nothing
rould be carried off but the arms of the men, and what little
of other articles was indispensable for their march to Wills
creek. Even the wounded and sick had to be carried by their
fellows. All the swivels were left. These were the "artillery,"
which the French required to be given up. It is said that
Washington got the French commander to agree to destroy

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 31

them. This was not done as to some of them — perhaps the}'
were only spiked; for in long after years, emigrants found and
used several of them there. Eventually they were carried off
to Kentucky to aid in protecting the settlers of the '^bloody
ground."

The French took possession of the fort, and demolished it
on the morning of the 4th of July, a day afterwards to become
as gloriously memorable in the recollection of Washington, as
now it was gloomy.

Washington's loss in the action, out of the Virginia regi-
ment, was twelve killed and forty-three wounded. Capt.
Mackay's losses were never reported. The French say they
lost three killed and seventeen wounded.

The French, apprehensive that the long expected reenforce
ments to Washington might come upon them hastily, retired
from the scene on the same day, marching ''two leagues," or
about six miles. On the 5th they passed Washington's aban
doned intrenchment at fiist's, after demolishing it and burning
all the contiguous houses. At 10 a. m. next day, the}' reached
tlip mouth of Redstone, and after burning the Hangard, re-
embarked on the placid Monongahela. On the 7th they accom-
plished their triumphant return to Fort Duquesne, "having
burnt down," says M. de A'illiers, in his Journal, "all the sol
tlements they found."

Washington returned, sadly and slowly, to Wills creek, and
thence to Alexandria.

The site of Fort Necessity was the Great Meadows, .lames
N'eech, in The Monongahela of Old, gives in detail, as the re-
sult of his personal investigation, the following:

"The engraving and description of 'Fort Necessity' given in
Sparks' Washington are inaccurate. It may have presented
that diamond shape, in 1830. But in 1816, the senior author
of these sketches made a regular survey of it, with compass
and chain. The accompanying sketch exhibits its form and
proportions. (1.) As thereby shown, it was in the form of an
obtuse angled triangle of 105 degrees, having its base or
hypothenuse upon the run. The line of the base was. about
midway, sected or broken, and about two ])erches of it thrown
across the run, connecting ^Aitli the base by lines of the tri-

32 THE FRONTIER FORTS

angle. One line of the angle was six, the other seven perches;
the base line eleven perches long, including the section thrown
across the run. The lines embraced in all about fifty square
perches of land, on nearly one-third of an acre. The embank-
ment then (1816), was nearly three feet above the level of the
Meadow. The outside "trenches," in which Captain Mackay's
men w^ere stationed when the fight began, (but from which
they were flooded out), were filled up. But inside the lines
were ditches or excavations, about two feet deep, formed by
throwing the earth up against the palisades. There were
no traces of "bastions," at the angles or entrances. The
junctions of the Meadow, or glade, with the wooded upland,
were distant from the fort on the southeast about eighty
yards, on the north about two hundred yards, and on the
south about two hundred and fifty. Northwestward in the di-
rection of the Turnpike road, the slope was a very regular
and gradual rise to the high ground, which is about four
hundred yards distant. From this eminence the enemy began
the attack, but afterward took position on the east and south-
east nearer the fort. One or two field pieces skillfully aimed
and fired would have made short work of it.

"A more inexplicable, and much more inexcusable error
than that in Mr. Sparks' great work, is the statement of Colonel
Burd, in the Journal of his expedition to Redstone, in 1759.
He says the fort was round, with a house in it. That Wash-
ington may have had some sort of a log, bark-covered cabin
erected within his lines, is not improbable; but how the good
Lancaster Colonel could metamorphose the lines into a circu-
lar form is a mystery which we cannot solve.

"The site of this renowned fort is well known. Its ruins
are yet, (1858), visible. It stands on Great Meadow run,
which empties into the Youghiogheny. The "Great Meadows,"
with which its name assoeiates in history, was a large natural
meadow or glade, now highly cultivated and improved. The
place is now better known by the name of "Mount Washing-
ton,"on the National Road, ten miles east of Uniontown, Fay-
ette county, the old fort being about three hundred years
southwai'd of the brick mansion or tavern house. In by-gone
(lays tliousands of travelers have stopped here, or rushed by,

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. '..^

without a thought of its being or history; while a few have
thrown a reverential glance upon the classic spot. Washing-
ton in all his after life, seems to have loved the place. As
early as 1769 he acquired from Virginia a pre-emption right
to the tract of land (234) acres, which includes the fort; the
title to which was afterwards confirmed to him by Pennsyl-
vania. It is referred to in his last will, and he owned it at his
death. His executors sold it to Andrew Parks of Baltimore,
whose wife, Harriet, was a relative and legatee of the Gen-
oral. She sold it to the late General Thomas Mason, who
sold it to Joseph Huston, as whose property it was bought at
sheriff's sale by Judge Ewing, who sold it to the late James
Sampey, Esq., whose heirs have recently sold it to a Mr.
Facenbaker. An ineffectual effort was made some years ago
to erect a monument upon the site. The first battle ground
of Washington surely deserves a worthier mark of com-
memoration than mouldering embankments surmounted by a
few^ decaying bushes."

In reference to the project of erecting a monument spoken
of by Mr. Veech above, there is this further information:
"On July the 3d, 1854, the corner-stone for a monument was
laid with appropriate ceremonies and speeches, by citizens
from different places. A handsome view of the surrounding
neighborhood, painted by Paul Weber, taken in July, 1854,
ornaments the w^all of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
at Philadelphia. The following extract of a letter from Town-
tj^end Ward, who with others, was a visitor at the same time
with ^A'eber, and printed in the North American of July 3rd,
1854, furnishes a description of the present (then) condition of
the fort and country around:

"Fort Necessity is four miles east of Laurel Hill, and about
three hundred yards south of the National Road. As we ap-
proached the spot, the star-spangled banner floated from its
staff, as if in honor of our pilgrimage. The meadow or glade
is entirely level — the rising ground approaching the site of the
fort one hundred yards on one side, and about one hundred
and fifty on the other. Braddock's Road skirts the rising
ground to the south. A faint out-line of the breast-work. ;ind
n trace of the ditch are yet visible, and now will remain so,
3 -Vol. 2.

34 THE FRONTIER FORTS

for the rude hand which held the plow that aided during manj
years to level them, was stayed at the intercession of a lover
of the memories of these old places. The creek was dry, and
this is all that remains. The artillery which Washington was
unable to remove, remained a number of years, and it is said
to have been the custom of emigrants who encamped at the
fort to use it in firing salutes. At length the pieces, one by
one, were carried to Kentucky b}^ some of the emigrants who
crossed the mountains."

Sparks' description of the place follows:

"The space of the ground called the Great Meadows, is a
le\el bottom, through which passes a small creek, and is sur-
rounded by hills ()f a moderate and gradual ascent. This bot-
tom, or glade is entirely level, covered with long grass and
small bushes, and varies in width. At a point where the fort
stood, it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the
base of the one hill to that of the opposite. The position of
the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred yards from
the upland, or wooded ground, on the one side, and one hun-
dred and fifty on the other, and so situated on the margin of
the creek, as to afford easy access to water. At one point,
the high ground comes within sixty yards of the fort, and
this was the nearest distance to which an enemy could ap
proach under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fori
were still visible, when the spot was visited by the writer in
ISHO, occupying an irregular square, the dimensions of which
were about one hundred fe(4 on each side. One of these was
pi'olonged ftirther than the other, for the purpose of reaching
th<' water in the ci'oek. On the west side, next to the nearest
wood, wei-e three entrances, protected by short breast-works,
or bastions. The remains of a ditch, stretched round the south
and west sides, were also distinctly seen. The site c»f this foi't
is three or four hundred yards south of what is called the
National lioad, fonr miles fi-oni the foot of Laurel Hill, and
tifty miles from ( kimberland or Wills Creek."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 35

Notes to Fort Necessity.

{I.) The exhibits refeiied to have never been printed. Mr.
Veech compiled his Monougahela of Old prior to 1858. A part
of it had been published by him in newspapers, but the work
itself was printed in sheets which were not bound or put in
book form until 1802 — then after Mr. Veech's death, and with-
out any alteration. A part of the work — pages 241 and 259—
was included in a pamphlet issued in 1857, entitled "Mason
and Dixon's line." The edition of 1892 was "for private dis-
tribution only." As Mr. Veech was a skilled surveyor and
draughtsman, it is much to be regretted that the exhibits are
not available.

(2.) "AVhen Washington tirst camped at the Great Mea-
dows, he had about one hundred and fifty men, soon after
increased to three hundred, in six different companies, com-
uianded by Captain Stephen, (to whom Washington there
gave a Major's commission), Stobo, Van Braam, Hogg, Lewis,
George Mercer and Poison; and by Major Muse who joined
Washington with reenforcements of men and with nine
swivels, powder and ball, on the ninth of June. He had
been Washington's military instructor, three years before,
and now acted as quartermaster. Captain Mackay, with the
Independent Ko^al Company, from South Carolina, of about
one hundred men, came up on the tenth of June, bringing
witli him sixty beeves, five days' allowance of flour, and some
ammunition, but no cannon, as expected. Among the subor-
dinate officers, were Ensign Peyronie, and Lieutenants Wag-
goner and John Mercer.

"Uesides the illustrious commander, who became a hero, not
for one age, but for all time, several of these officers became
afterwards, earlier or later, men of note. Stephen was a
captain in the Virginia regiment, at Braddock's defeat, and
there wounded. He rose to be a colonel in the Virginia troops,
and to be a general in the War of the Revolution. Stobo was
the engineer of Fort Necessity, and he with Van Braam, were
at the surrender, given up as hostages to the French, until the
return of the French officers taken in the fight with Jumon-
ville; but the Governor of Virginia refusing to return them,

36 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the hostages were sent to Canada. Stobo, after many hair-
breadth escapes finally returned to Virginia in 1759, whence
he went to England. Van Braam was a Dutchman, who knew
a little French, and having served Washington as French in-
terpreter the year previous, was called upon to interpret the
articles of capitulation, at the surrender of Fort Necessity,
and has been generally, but unjustly, blamed with having wil-
fully entrapped Washington to admit that the killing of Ju-
monville was an assassination. He had been Washington's
instructor in sword exercise. He returned to Virginia in
1760, having been released after the conquest of Canada by
t he English ; but the capitulation blunder sunk him. Captain
Lewis was the General Andrew Lewis, of Botetourt, in the
great battle with the Indians at Point Pleasant, in Dunmore's
War of 1774, and was a distinguished general officer in the
Revolution, whom Washington is said to have recommended
for Commander-in-Chief. He was a Captain in Braddock's
campaign, but had no command in the fatal action; and was
with Major Grant at his defeat, at Grant's Hill, (Pittsburg), in
September, 1758. Poison was a Captain at Braddock's defeat,
jind was killed. Of Captain Hogg we know but little. Cap-
tain Mackay was a royal officer, and behaved in this campaign
witli discretion, yet with some hateur. He afterwards aided
Colonel Innes, of North Carolina, in building Fort Cumber-
land, (Wills creek). Peyronie was a French Chevalier, settled
in Virginia; was badly wounded at Fort Necessity; was a
Virginia Captain in Braddock's campaign, and killed. Wag-
goner was wounded in the Jumonville skirmish, became a
Captain in Braddock's campaign, and behaved in the fatal
action with signal good sense and gallantry. Besides these
there were Christopher Gist, already named, and D. Thomas
Craik, the friend and family physician of Washington, until
his death.

Of the Indians whose names are familiar from their con-
nection with our history, there were Tanacharison, the Half-
King of the Seneca tribe of the Iroquois, a fast friend of
Washington and the English ; Monacatootha, alias Scarayoody,
also a Six Nation chief; Queen Alliquippa and her son, and

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 37

Shingass, a Delaware chief." [The Munongahela of Old. By
James Veech.]

The Captain Mackay above meDtioned was ^neas Mackay
W'ho after the services referred to became iu 1773, one of His
Majesty's justices for Westmoreland County, Penna. At the
breaking out of the Revolutionary War he was appointed
Colonel of the Eighth Penn'a Regiment in the Continental
Line, but died early in the war in New Jersey.

"It was a subject of mortification to Colonel Washington
that Governor Dinwiddle refused to ratify the capitulation,
in regard to the French prisoners. The Governor thus ex-
plained his conduct in a letter to the board of trade: 'The
French, after the capitulation entered into with Colonel Wash-
ington, took eight of our people and exposed them to sale, and,
missing thereof, sent them prisoners to Canada. On hearing
of this, I detained the seventeen prisoners, the officer, and
two cadets, as I am of opinion, as they were in my custody,
Washington could not engage for their being returned. 1
have ordered a flag of truce to be sent to the French, offering
the return of their officer and two cadets for the two hostages
they have of ours.' This course of proceeding was not suit-
able to the principles of honor and sense of equity entertained
by Colonel Washington, but he had no further control of the
alfair.

"The hostages were not returned, as was requested by the
Governor's flag of truce, and the French prisoners were de-
tained in Virginia, and supported and clothed at the public
charge, having a weekly allowance for that purpose. The
private men were kept in confinement, but Drouillon and the
two cadets were allowed to go at large, first in Williamsburg,
then in Winchester, and last at Alexandria, where they re-
sided when General Braddock arrived. It was then deemed
improper for them to go at large, observing the motions of the
general's army, and the governor applied to Commodore Kep-
pel to take them on board his ships; but he declined, on the
ground that he had no instructions about prisoners. By the
advice of General Braddock, the privates were put on board
the transports and sent to England. Mr. Drouillon and the
cadets were passengers in another ship at the charge of the

118900

38 THE FRONTIER FORTS

colouy. La Force liaviug beeu only a volunteer in the skir-
mish, and not in a military capacity, and having previously
committed acts of depredation on the frontiers, was kept in
prison in Williamsburg. Being a person of ready resources,
and an enterprising spirit, he broke from prison and made his
way several miles into the country, when his foreign language
betrayed him, and he was taken up and remanded to close con
linement.

*'Van Braam and Stobo were conveyed to Quebec, and re-
tained there as prisoners till they were sent to England by the
<iovernor of Canada."

The following is from Evert's History of Fayette county,
and refers to the locality as it was about 1881:

"Mr. Facenbaker, the present occupant, came to the prop-
erly in 1856, and cut a ditch, straightening the windings of the
run, and consequently destroying the outline. The ditch is
outside the base-line, through the out-thrown two perches.
A lane runs through the southeast angle. The ruins of the
fort or embanked stockade, which it really was, is three
hundred yards south of Facenbaker's residence, or the Mount
Washington stand, in a meadow, on waters of Great Meadow
Kun, a tributary of the Youghiogheny. On the north, two
hundred yards distant from the works, was wooded upland;
on the northwest a regular slope to high ground about four
hundred yards away, now cleared, then woods; on the south,
about two hundred and fifty yards to the top of a hill, now
cleared, then woods, divided by a small spring run breaking
from a hill on the southeast, eighty yards away, then heavily,
and still partially, wooded. A cherry tree stands on one line
and two crab apples on the other. The base is scarcely visible,
with all trace gone of line across the run. Mr. Geoffrey
Facenbakei' says he cleaied up a locust thicket there and lefl
a, few trees standing, and tliat it was the richest spot on tlie
farm. About four hundred yards below, in a thicket close to
his lower barn, several ridges of st(me were thrown up, and
here he thinks the Indians buried tlieii' dead. He found iu
the lane in ditching, logs five feet tinder groniid in good pre-
servation."

*'Th«' sit<' of the fort has not been desetrated by the plow

UE5NE.

ifN3 For THi

I'KU at any cost.

- ■ii<iiriiiilil

,yr.'3

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 39

sim-e it came into the possesssiou of the Facenbaker family.
Mr. Lewis Facenbaker is the present owner."

The location is in Wharton township, Fayette county.

FOKT DIIQIIESNE.

(/apt. William Trent, holding his commission from Governor
Dinwiddle of Virginia, began the erection of a fort at the Forks
of the Ohio river, (1) under the auspices of the Ohio Company,
on Sunday, Fe4). 17th, 17:")4. (2.) The fort was not yet com-
pleted, when the French under Contrecoeur, (3) April 10th, 1754,
appeared in sight, coming down the Allegheny river, in large
numbers. They landed from their boats, drew up on the
shore, and Le Mercier, commander of the artillery, with two
drummers, one of them as an interpreter for the French, and
a Mingo Indian, called The Owl, as an interpreter for the In-
dians, was sent by his superior to denumd the surrender of J
the post. (4.) Capt. Trent and Lieut. Frazer being absent,
Edward Ward, Ensign, in command, the fort was by him given
over to the French. Their object in descending the rivers
from Canada was to secure this post and to erect thereat a
foi'titication, regarding it within Ihe limil^s of tlieii- territory
of Jjouisiana. (G.)

They immediately eroded a fortification which was strength-
ened as time went on and the danger of attack increased. It
was called Fort Duquesne, in honor of the Governor-General
of GaiuKla. (7.) It was probably completed early in the sum-
mer, (8) but in the papers submitted herewith its condition at
Narious times will l»e noted. It was located in the Point, at
I lu' extreme end of the neck of land between the rivers, upon
[dans made by M. de Chevalier de Mercier, captain of artillery
who had been the designer and engineer of a number of such
like fortifications foi- the French in their Canadian posses-,
sions. He is represented as an officer of considerable ability,
but a leech on the public purse; one of the large class who
came to the New World with the determination of getting
rich at any cost.

40 THE FRONTIER FORTS

It was understood that this overt act of war would be fol-
lowed by prompt action on the part of England and the colo-
nies, especially that of Virginia. Already a force of volunteer
militia had been called out by the Governor of Virginia for
the special purpose of aiding the Ohio Company to retain this
post. Some of these were on the way and were west of Wills
creek when Trent was forced to surrender. It was learned by
the French through the active agency of their Indian allies
and the vigilant efforts of their own soldiers that the Vir-
ginians, notwithstanding this backset, were advancing toward
this point with the evident intention of fighting for it. Small
detachments were thereupon sent out from the fort to harrass
and impede the little army which, under young Washington,
was proceeding on the trail made by the Ohio Company the
year previous, and on the Indian path which led from the ter-
mination of that trail westward. (9.)

Captain Trent had been directed by the Governor of Vir-
ginia to occupy this point directly after he was assured of the
intentions of the French from the report of Washington.
Trent's small detachment was therefore merely the advance of
a stronger force which was authorized by the Virginia au-
thorities to proceed westward as soon as organized and
equipped, to occupy this and other posts which were expected
to be established. This force, however, could not be raised
and equipped immediately, but the work of doing so pro-
gressed as circumstances permitted. The Virginia Assembly
voted a thousand pounds towards supporting the expedition
and authorized more men to be raised. Colonel Joshua Fry,
an English gentleman, was to be in chief command; Wash-
ington, whose commission had been advanced to that of lieu-
tenant-colonel, was second in command. Ten cannon and
other military equipments which had arrived recently from
England, were sent to Alexandria for the use of the expe-
dition. (10.)

Washington, with two companies which he had raised by
Ills individual exertions, marched from Alexandria on the 2nd
of April, 1754, and arrived at Wills creek (Cumberland, Md.),
April 17th. He had been joined on his way by Captain
Stephen. His forces amounted to one hundred and fifty men.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 41

Here he learned of the surrender of Trent. At a council of
war it was concluded that it would be impossible to attack
successfully the fort occupied by the French, without reen-
forcements; but it was determined, pursuant to the instruc-
tions which had been given by Governor Dinwiddle in con-
templation of this event, to proceed to the store-house which
had been erected for the Ohio Company the year previous at
the mouth of Redstone creek on the Monongahela (Browns
ville). This point was regarded a favorable one for operations
against the fort at the Forks. With this object he proceeded
forward, opening the road where necessary and taking such
precautions as the occasion required. Having effected the
crossing of the mountain ranges with difficulty, he reached the
Youghiogheny where he was delayed until he constructed a
bridge for its passage. Learning that the French had sent
out a force to oppose him — which force was largely in excess
of his own — he hastened forward to the Great Meadows, at
which place he erected Fort Necessity. The events which
have been narrated elsewhere more in detail, then followed.
The first collision between the French and Virginians oc-
curred when Washington, guided and aided by the friendly
fndian, Tanacharison, called otherwise, Half-King, on the
morning of the 281 h of May, 1754, surprised and attacked
Jumonville with his party who had been sent out to spy his
movements and to intercept his progress. It is a circum
stance to be noted that while the dispossession of the Vir
ginians from the Forks of the Ohio has been generally recog
nized as the beginning of that colossal and eventful war which
was so fatal to the power and glory of France throughout
the world, and especially in America, yet no less noteworthy
is the fact that the first gun fired in the first collision of arms
was by the order of Washington and under his immediate com
mand.

Thence followed the affair of Fort Necessity itself, tlio ro
suit of which left the French in undisputed possession of Fort
Duquesne and of the region of country which it controlled.

It was with truth related at the time, that the events which
then transpired in the vicinity of Fort Duquesne were talked

42 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of in Paris, and that the name of \\ a.shin^ton was then heard
first in Europe.

The French did not underestimate the importance of this
post, or the necessity of holding it at all hazards. Its garrison
from the first was large; and it became immediately upon its
occupancy the chief post on their line of frontier from Lake
Erie southward. This importance it maintained as long as it
was under their domination.

To make themselves more secure the French worked on the
Indians of this region by every device. They were eminently
successful in their dealings with them, and they had little
trouble to make them their allies and dependants. There had
grown a feeling of distrust on the part of the Indians of the
\"irgiuians, and an antagonism against them by the tribes
along the rivers; they were losing their ancient regard for the
Pennsylvanians on account of the manner in which they had
been duped out of their hunting-grounds, and they were thus
the uu)re easily prevailed upon by plausible ai'gument and by
substantial evidence of friendship, to become the allies of the
French. — IMauy tribes were sustained by bountiful donations;
the post was frequented by chiefs and warriors who came
fr<uu distant tribes, and quite a settlement of natives was
gathered in huts around the Fort, to whom were served
rations from the public stores. To this point the representa-
tives of the tribes came and were here fed in time of need.
Here traders and governmental agents carried on the exchange
of furs and peltry; and from here went forth those predatory
bands, sometimes led by Frenchmen or Canadians, which car-
ried terror, destruction and death to the border settlements
of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland. To here were car-
ried the captives taken in these ventures, whence they were
from time to time sent to other posts, or to Canada. And this
continued as long as the place remained in their possession;
that is to sa}', from the time of its occupancy in the spring of
1754 until its abandonment on the approach of the army under
Forbes, in the fall of 1758. (11.)

The history of this post under the French is to be learnt
largely from the documents which relate to the military affairs
of French-Canada, from the accounts which frcuii time to time,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 43

were detailed by escaped captives, or from statements made
bv captured prisoners. As these documents are brought to
light, more information is being obtained; and doubtless the
time will come when a most satisfactory account cau be given
of its history in detail.

The first description we have of the fort is that by Captain
Robert Stobo, one of the two hostages given by Washington
at the surrender of Fort Necessity, who was taken by the
Fiench to Fort Du(iuesue, from where, after being detained
for some time, he was sent into Canada, but ultimately re-
turned to Virginia. (12.)

Stobo, shortly after his capture, wrote two letters to the
(jrovernor of Virginia, which were entrusted to two friendly
Tndians, and each was safely delivered. He enclosed (he })lan
of the fort; and this plan and the description of it furuislMMl
by him Avere regarded, from a military point of view, as of
great value. They were carefully kept and were given to G<'n.
Braddock when he took command of the expedition against
Fort Duquesne, and they were found among his effects on the
field of battle, and with other papers were forwarded by the
French authorities to the proper depository of such official
documents in Canada. (13.) In the. letter of July 28th, 1754,
after speaking of the affairs of the neighboring Indians, he
says : "On the other side, you have a draft of the Fort, such
as time and opportunity would admit of at this time. The
garrison consists of two hundred workmen, and all the rest
went in several detachments to the number of one thousand,
two days hence. Mercier, a fine soldier, goes; so that Con-
trecoeur, with a few young officers and cadets, remain hero.
A lieutenant went off some days ago, with two hundred men,
for provisions. He is daily expected. When he arrives, the
garrison will. La Force is greatly wanted here — (14) no scout-
ing now. He certainly must have been an extraordinary man
amongst them — he is so much regretted and wished for."

In the letter of July 29th, he says: "There are about two
hundred men at this time, two hundred more expected in a
few days; the rest went off in several detachments to the
amount of one thousand, besides Indians. The Indians have
great liberty here; they go out and in when they please with-

44 THE FRONTIER FORTS

out notice. If one hundred trusty iShawanese, Mingoes and
Delawares were picked out, they might surprise the fort, lodg-
ing themselves under the platform behind the palisades by
day, and at night secure the guard with the tomahawks. The
guard consists of forty men only, and five officers. None lodge
in the fort but the guard, except Contrecoeur, the rest in bark
cabins around the fort."

A description of the fort as it was in the summer of 1754 is
given by Thomas Forbes, a French soldier who was at the fort
at that time, and is as follows:

"At our arrival at Fort DuQuesne (from Le Boeuf) we found
the Garrison busily engaged in compleating that Fort and
Stockadoing it round at some distance for the security of the
Soldiers Barracks (against any Surprise) which are built be-
tween the Stockadoes and the Glacis of the Fort.

"Fort Du Quesne is built of square Logs transversely placed
as is frequent in Mill Dams, and the Interstices filled up with
Earth ; the length of these Logs is about sixteen Feet which is
the thickness of the Rampart. There is a Parapet raised on
the Rampart of Logs, and the length of the Curtains is about
^0 feet, and the Demigorge of the Bastions about eighty. The
Fort is surrounded on the two sides that do not front the
Water with a Ditch about 12 feet wide and very deep, because
(here being no covert way the Musquetteers fire from thence
having a Glacis before them. When the News of Ensign
Jumonville's Defeat reached us our company consisted of
about 1,400. Seven hundred of whom were ordered out under
the command of Captain Mercier to attack Mr. Washington,
after our return from the Meadows, a great number of the
Soldiers who bad been labouring at the Fort all the Spring
were sent off in Divisions to the several Forts between that
and Canada, and some of those who came down last were sent
away to build a Fort some where on the head of the Ohio, so
that in October the Garrison at Du Quesne was reduced to 400
Men, who had Provisions enough at the Fort to last them two
years, notwithstanding a good deal of the Flour we brought
down in the spring proved to be damaged, arid some of it
spoiled by the rains that fell at the Time. In October last T
had an oportunity of relieving myself and retiring, there

OF WESTERN PENNSYI.VANIA. 45

were not then any Indians with the French but a considerable
number were expected and said to be on their march
thither." (15.)

When the advance of the Virginians was repelled after the
capture and occupancy of the place by Contrecoeur, the forces
were moved about; some were sent to Niagara and others to
l)oints along the Allegheny and Ohio. The force here was
ample, although it differed at times. Francis Charles Bou-
viere, a deserter from the French fort at Niagara, in a deposi-
t-ion made the 28th of December, 1754, stated that he had
served with other soldiers in the garrison at Quebec until the
beginning of the last winter, when he embarked along with six
hundred men, Canadians and soldiers, on the expedition
against the English at Ohio, and then after attacking and
taking the fort which the English had begun, their com-
mander, Contrecoeur, ordered four hundred men, of which
he was one, to return to Niagara, detaining two hundred
men with him in the fort. (16.)

Another deserter stated that he was one of a very large
number of soldiers who had been brought over from France,
the most of whom were sent to the French fort commanded
by Contrecoeur, on the Ohio; that the soldiers after their ar-
rival were employed in digging mines in order to blow up the
English on their approach to attack them, and that they
talked of making mines all about the fort at a great distance;
that the French had heard the English were making great
preparations against them; that there were numbers of French
Indians in the camp with the French who spoke French, and
were extremely attached to them; that the French said they
would by force compel the English to join with them; that
they offered the lands about the fort to the Canadians and
soldiers, and gave seed for their encouragement to settle there,
and that there were about forty families who had accepted the
terms and were settling the lands. (17.)

During the summer and fall of 1754, the frontiers were kept
in constant alarm at the prospects of attack from that quar-
ter. (18.) The French would seem to have been very desirous
that the reports of what they contemplated doing should be
carried out from the fort, and care was taken not to allow the

46 THE FRONTIER FORTS

effect of these reports to suffer from want of exaggeration.
The accounts on the part of the French coming from various
sources differ; and it will readily be admitted that many of
them are not plausible.

George Croghan, Indian agent, reporting to Governor Ham-
ilton, Sept. 27th, 1754, the result of his inquiries at that time,
says: "I have had many accounts from Ohio all which agree
that the French have received a reenforcement of men and
provisions from Canada, to the fort in particular. Yesterday
an Indian returned here, whom I had sent to the fort for in-
telligence; he confirms the above accounts and further says
there was about sixty French Indians came there while he
was there, and they expected better than two hundred more
every day. He says that the French designed to send those
Indians with some French in several parties to annoy the back
settlements, which the French say will put a stop to any Eng-
lish forces marching out this fall to attack them. This In-
dian, I Ihink, is to be believed, if there can be any credit given
lo what an Indian says.'' (19.)

In anticipation of an early campaign of the English and
colonists, the force at Duquesne was very largely increased
during the late fall of 1754. At one time it is probable there
were at least one thousand regular soldiers there and several
hundred Indians of various tribes. At the same time there
were many other soldiers stationed at the forts up the Alle-
gheny and on Lake Erie, ready for moving promptly when the
occasion arrived.

Governor Sharp reports to Governor Morris from Ann-
apolis, December 10th, 1754, as follows — ''I acquaint you that
I have just now received intelligence from Wills Creek, of the
arrival of 1,100 French, and 70 Arondacks at the French on
Monongahela, and that there are 400 French, and 200 Cana-
wagcs and Gttaways more at the head of Ohio ready to come
down thither. As soon as the Arondacks came to the Fort
the Commandant divided them into three detachments, and
sent them against the luick settlements <»f Pennsylvania, Mary-
land or Virginia. (20.)

Croghan reports to Governor Moriis, Xovembei- 28rd, 1754,
that "Four days ago an Indian man called Caughenstain, of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 47

the Delaware nation, who had been gone six weeks to the
French fort as a spy, returned and brings an account that
there was 1,100 French came to the fort on Ohio and 70 French
Indians called Orundox, and that there was more French at
tlie head of Ohio and 300 Indians of the Coniwagas and Out-
aways, which was expected every day when he left the Fort.
They have brouglit eight more canoes with them. He says
(hat the French sent out thiee small i)arties of Indians against
the English settlements before he left that, but where they aie
destined he could not tind out.'' (21.)

(governor Morris, speaking to the Assembly, December '^,
1754, refers to the condition of the I'rovince as follows:
"From the letters and intelligence 1 have ordered to be laid
before you it will appear that the French have now at their
Fort at Mohongialo above a thousand regular troops besides
Indians; that they are well supplied with provisions, and that
they have lately received an additional number of cannon;
that their upper forts are also well garrisoned and pro-
vided." (22.)

This information was based probably on reports made some
time prior thereto. When it became evident that no opera-
tions would be carried on that winter, most of the regular
force WHS returned to Canada, leaving what was necessary for
garrison duty. (23.) In April of 1755 there were said to be not
two hundred French and Indians, and that their great de-
pendence for the next summer seemed to be on the numerous
tribes of Indians who had engaged to join them. (24.)

The aggressive campaigns on the part of the British which
opened in 1755 against Niagara and Crown Point as well as
Fort Duquesne, necessitated the retention in Canada of most
of those forces which otherwise would have been sent to Du
([uesne. And therefore at no time after the fall or early
winter of 1754 until after Braddock's defeat were the French
forces so large there as they were shortly after its acquisi
tion. They were then in expectation of a formidable move-
ment on the part of the English. The number, however, was
far in excess of that which was actually required; and upon
the withdrawal of Washington and his Virginians after the
surrender at Fort Necessity, there being then no imme<liat('

48 THE FRONTIER PORTS

occasion for such a strong garrison, the men were temporarily
withdrawn to other posts. But the invasion of territory
which the British Government and its colonists asserted be-
longed to them, was a matter which the government of France
knew would be the cause of war. And the event justified
these anticipations.

From the State Papers pertaining to the government of
Canada as a French province we get some information about
affairs here at the time preceding the defeat of Braddock.
The Marquis Duquesne to Vaudreuil, writing on the 6th of
July, 1755, from Quebec, says: "By sieur de Contrecoeur's
letter of the 24th of May last, the works of Fort Duquesne
are completed. It is at present mounted with six pieces of
cannon of six, and nine of two @ three pound ball; it was in
want of neither arms nor ammunition, and since Sieur de
Beaujeu's arrival, it must be well supplied, as he had carried
with his brigade succors of every description.

"I must explain to the Marquis de Vaudreuil that much dif-
ticiilty is experienced in conveying all sorts of effects as far as
Fort Duquesne; for, independent of the Niagara carrying
place, there is still that of Presqu'isle, six leagues in length.
The latter fort, which is on Lake Erie, serves as a depot for all
the others on the Ohio; the effects are next rode to the fort on
the River an Boeuf, where they are put on board pirogues to
run down to Fort Machault, one-half of which is on the River
Ohio, and the other half in the River au Boeuf, and serves as a
<lepol for Fort Duquesne. This new post has been in exist-
ence only since this year, because it has been remarked that
(00 much time was consumed in going in one trip from the fort
on the River au Boeuf to Fort Duquesne, to the loss of a great
quantity of provisions which have been spoiled by bad
weather. 'Tis to be lioped that, by dispatching the convoys
opportunity [? opportunely] from Fort Machaults, everything
will arrive safe and sound in twice twenty-four hours; besides
it will be much more convenient at Fort Duquesne to send
finly to Foi't Machaults for supplies.

"Tlu' .M;ii'(|iiis (If \'aii<li'eiii] imisi 1)p iiifoiiiHMJ that, during
tlif fii'st ('am|)aigns on th(' Oliio, a lioi'ribh^ wastf and disorder
jii-evailcd at the frescjirisle and Niagara carrying plac»^s,

.-^^

J.\^\VVM,

...(♦ >^- *•- .fit.

.»«Ht *•

<^»U

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 49

which cost the King immeuse sums. We have remedied all
the abuses that have come to our knowledge, by submitting
these portages to competition. The first is at forty sous the
piece, and the other, which is six leagues in extent, at fifty.
But we do not think the contractors can realize anything in
consequence of the mortality among the horses and other ex-
penses to which they are subject.

*'Had we been favored with any tranquility, nothing would
have been easier than to supply Fort Duquesne, by having the
stores at Fort Presqu'isle filled during the summer, the horses
could have rode the supplies during the winter to that of the
River au Boeuf, whence they might be sent down the Ohio
[Allegheny] on the first melting of the ice; but continual and
urgent movements up to the present time have not afforded
leisure to ride the effects in winter, and the horses are dying,
which has determined us to give orders to draw from the Ohio
as many of them as possible.

*'Fort Duquesne could in less than two years support itself,
since, in the very first year, 700 minots [a minot is a measure
containing about three bnshelsj of Indian corn have been
gathered there, and, from the clearings that have been made
there since, it is calculated that if the harvest were good, at
least 2,000 minots could be saved. Peas are now planted, and
they have two cows, one bull, some horses and twenty-three
sows with young." (25.)

On the 25th of November, 1754, Major-General Edward
Braddock was commissioned General-in-Chief of His Majesty's
forces in North America and received his instructions touch
ing his duties with relation to the encroachments of the
French. In this year also was held the Council at Albany.
Early the next year, 1755, both governments sent reenforce-
ments of men and large quantities of war munitions, to Amer-
ica; each force under convoy of a lleet.

Before the declaration of war, and before the breaking off
of negotiations between the courts of France and England, the
English ministry had formed a plan of assailing the French in
America on all sides at once, nnd repelling them, by one bold
{uisli, from all their encroachments.

The original plan was not followed out in detail as contem-
4 -Vol. 2.

50 THE FRONTIER FORTS

plated but was somewhat altered as to the points of attack
when operations were begun. A provincial army was to ad-
vance upon Acadia, a second was to attack Crown Point, and
a third Niagara; while General Braddock with two regiments
which had lately arrived in Virginia, aided by a strong body
of provincials, was to dislodge the French from Fort Du-
el uesne.

Gen. Braddock sailed, Jan. 14, 1755, from Cork for America,
with the F'orty-fourth and Forty-eighth Regiments of royal
Iroops, each consisting of five hundred men, one of them com-
manded by Col. Dunbar and the other by Sir Peter Halket.
He arrived at Alexandria, in Virginia, on the 20th of Feb-
ruary. (2G.)

In a (council held at the camp there on the 14th of Apinl,
1755, at which, besides himself and Hon. Augustus Keppel,
Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's ships and vessels in
North America, thei'e were present the (Tovernors of Massa-
chusetts, Virginia, New York, Maryland and Pennsylvania,
three expeditions were then resolved on, the first of which
was against Fort Duquesne, under the command of Gen.
Braddock in person, with the British troops, with such aid as
he could derive from Maryland and Virginia. There were
afterwards added two independent companies from New York.

Gen. Braddock, at length, amply furnished with every thing-
necessary for the expedition, and confident of success, wrote
to his friend (Jov. Morris of Pennsylvania, from Fort (Jum-
l>erland, on the 24th of May, that he should soon begin his
march for Fort Duquesne, and that if he took the fort in the
condition it then was, he should make what additions to
it he deenunl necessary, and leave the guns, ammunition and
stores belonging to it with a garrison of Virginia and Mary-
land forces. But in case, as he apprehended, the French
should abandon and destroy the fortifications, with the guns,
stores and ammunitions of war, lie would repair or construct
some place of defence for th<^ garrison whi<'h he should leave:
but that Pennsylvania, Mrginia and Maryland must imme-
diately supply the artillery, ammunition, stores and provisions
for (he use and defence of the garrison left in the fort, as he
should take all that he now had, and all that he should find

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 51

in the fort along with him, foi- the iurthei' execution of his
plan.

Having completed his aiiangements, he sent forward on the
27th of May, Sir John Sinclair and Major Chapman, with a
detachment of five hundred men to open the roads, and ad-
vance to the Little Meadows, erect a small fort, and collect
provisions. On the Sth of June, the first brigade under Sir
I'eter Halket followed, and on the 9th the main body of the
army, with the Commander-in-Chief, left Fort Cumberland,
and commenced its march towards Fort Duquesue. He
crossed the Allegheny Mountains at the head of two tliousand
I wo hundred men, well armed and supplied, with a tine train
of artillery. In addition to these, Scarooyada, who had suc-
ceeded Half-King, a sachem of the Delawares, joined him with
between forty and fifty friendly Indians; and the heroic Cap-
lain Jack, with George Croghan, the English Indian inter-
preter, who visited his camp, accompanied by a party, in-
creasing the number of Indian warriors to one hun<lred and
fifty, proposed to accompany the army as scouts and guides.
These might have been of great use to him, in this capacity,
and might have saved the army from ambuscade and defeat.
But he slighted and rejected them; and as the offer of their
services was rather despised than appreciated, they left him
in disgust; and retired to their fastnesses among the moun-
tains of the Juniata.

On the seventh day after he left Fort Cumberland, he
reached the Little Meadows, at the western base of the Alle-
gheny Mountains, where the advance detachment under Sir
John Sinclair, Quarter-Master General of the army, had be-
fore arrived. Here a council of war was called to determine
upon a plan of future operations. Col. Washington who had
entered the army as volunteer Aid-de camp, and who possessed
a knowledge of the country and the service to be performed,
had at a previous council urged the substitution of pack-
horses for wagons, in the transportation of the baggage.
This advice was not taken at that time; but before I he army
reached the Little Meadows it was found that, besides the
diflficulty of getting the wagons along at all, they often formed
a line of three or four miles in length; and the soldiers guard-

52 THE FRONTIER FORTS

iug them were so dispersed, that if an attack had been made
either in front, center, or rear, the part attacked must have
been cut off, or totally routed, before it could be sustained by
any other part of the army. Washington again renewed his
advice. He earnestly recommended that the heavy artillery
and baggage should remain with a portion of the army, and
follow by eas}^ marches; while a chosen body of troops, with
a few pieces of light cannon and such stores as were abso-
lutely necessary, should press forward to Fort Duquesne. He
enforced his counsel by referring to the information received
of the march of five hundred men to reenforce the French,
whose delay was caused by the low state of the waters, which
cause would be removed by the rains, which in ordinary
course, might be immediate.

This advice prevailed. Twelve hundred men with twelve
pieces of cannon were selected from the different corps. These
were to be commanded by Gen. Braddock, in person, assisted
by Sir Peter Halket, acting as Brigadier General, Lieut. Col.
Gage, Lieut. Col. Bur I on and Maj. Sparks. It was determined
to take their thirty carriages including those that transported
the ammunition, and that the baggage and provisions should
be carried upon horses. The General left the Little Meadows
on the 19th of June, with his select body of troops, leaving
Col. Dunbar and Maj. Chapman to follow by easy marches,
with the residue of the two regiments, some independent com-
panies, the heavy baggage and the artillery.

The benefit of these prudent measures was not lost on the
fastidiousness and presumption of the Commander-in-Chief.
"Instead of pushing on with vigor, regardless of a little rough
road, he halted to level every mole hill, and to throw bridges
over every rivulet," occupying four days in reaching the Great
Crossings of the Youghiogheny, only nineteen miles from the
Little Meadows. Mr. Peters, Secretary of the Colony of
Penna., and one of the Commissioners to open the road from
Fort Loudon to the forks of the Youghiogheny, strongly ad
vised him that rangers sliould precede the army for its de-
fence. But this advice was treated with contempt, and when
on his march. Sir Peter Plalket proposed that the Indians
which were in tlie army should be employed in reconnoitering

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 53

the woods and passages on the front and tlanks, he rejected
this prudent suggestion with a sneer. When Dr. Franklin, in
his interview at Frederick, ventured to say, that the only dan-
ger he apprehended to his march, was from the ambuscades
of the Indians — he contemptuously replied: "These savages
may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American
militia; but upon the King's regular and disciplined troops,
Sir, it is impossible they should make any impression."

At the Little Meadows, Col. Washington was taken seri-
ously ill with a fever, and rendered unable to proceed any
farther. He was thereupon left at the camp of Col. Dunbar.

On the 8th of July, the General arrived with his division, all
in excellent health and spirits, at the junction of the Yough-
iogheny and Monongahela rivers. At this place Col. Wash-
ington rejoined the advanced division, being but partially re-
covered from the attack of fever, which had been the cause of
his remaining behind. The officers and soldiers were now in
the highest spirits, and firm in the conviction that they should
within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Du-
(|aesno.

The steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the
Monongahela prevented the army from marching in that direc-
tion, and it was necessary in approaching the fort, now about
fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and to march part
of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of the
9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train passed
over the river a little below the mouth of the Youghiogheny,
and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of
the Monongahela. Washington was often heard to say during
his life time, that the most beautiful sight he had ever be-
held, was the display of the British troops on this eventful
morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform, the
soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact order,
the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed
tranquilly on their right and the .deep forest overshadowed
them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men
were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident
anticipations.

In this manner thev marched forward till about noon, when

54 THE FRONTIER FORTS

they arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort
Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to
ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they
had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated but a few
feet above the surface of Ihe river, and extending northward
nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a grad-
ual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which termi-
nated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance
beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Duquesne
led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded
through an uneven country, at that time covered with
wood. (27.)

By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under
Col. Clage, made the advance party, which was immediately
followed by another of two hundred. Next came the General
with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and
the baggage. At one o'clock the whole had crossed the river,
and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the
advance parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had
got forward about a hundred yards from the termination of
the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon
(heir front, which was the first intelligence they had of the
})roxiniity of an enemy; and this was suddenly followed by
another on their right flank. They were filled with the
greatest consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the
tiring seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in
ivturu, however, but quite at random, and obviously without
effect, as the enemy kej)t up a discharge in quick and con-
(inucd succession.

The General advanciMl speedily to the relief of these detach-
ments; but before he could reach the ground wliicli they oc<'U-
pied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and (he
other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and
striking the whole mass with such a panic that no order could
afterwards be restored. The General and the officers be-
haved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally
the men, and bring them to order; but all in vain. In this
state they continued neaily three hours, huddling together in
('onfiised bodies, finng iri'egularlv, shooting down (heir own

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 55

oflBcers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy.
The Virginia Provincials were the only troops- who seemed to
retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and reso-
lution never excelled. They adopted the Indian mode of war-
fare, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This
was prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his
men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manoeu-
veriug on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and
Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a
deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out
their objects, taking deliberate aini, and producing a carnage
almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More
than half of the whole anny which had crossed the river in
so proud an array only three hours before were killed or
wounded; the General himself had received a mortal wound,
and many of his best officers had fallen by his side.

The rear was thrown into confusion, but the main body,
forming three deep, instantly advanced. The commanding
officer of the enemy having fallen, it was supposed from the
suspension of the attack, that the assailants had dispersed.
The delusion was momentary. The fire was renewed with
great spirit and unerring aim, and the regular troops behold-
ing their comrades drop round them, and, unable to see the
foe, or tell from whence the fire came, which caused their
death, broke and fled in utter dismay. Gen. Braddock, as-
tounded at this sudden and unexpected attack, lost for the time
liis self-possession, and gave orders neither for a regular re-
treat, nor for his cannon to advance and scour the woods. He
remained on the spot where he first halted, directing the
troops to form into regular platoons, against a foe dis])ersed
through the forest, behind trees and brushes, whose every sliot
did fatal execution upon his men. The colonial troops, whom
he had contemptuously placed in the rear, instead of yielding
to the panic which disordered the regulars, offered to advance
against the enemy, until the British regiments could fonn,
and bring up the artillery. But the regulars could not again
be brought to the charge. They would obey no orders, but
gathered themselves into a body, ten or twelve deep, and
loaded, fired, and shot down the officers and men before them.

56 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Two-thirds of the killed aud wouuded iu Ihis fatal action re-
ceived their shot from the cowardly and panic-stricken regu-
lars. The officers were absolutely sacrificed by their good
behavior; advancing in bodies, sometimes separately, hoping
by such exami)le, to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to
no purpose.

The conduct of the Virginia troops was worthy of a better
fate. They boldly formed and marched up the hill, but only
to be fired at by the frightened royal troops. Captain Wag-
goner, of the Virginia forces, brought eighty men up to take
possession of a hill, on the top of which a large fallen tree was
lying of three or four feet in diameter, which he intended to
use as a bulwark. He marched up and took possession, with
shouldered arms, and with the loss of only three men killed
by the enemy. As soon as his men discharged their pieces
upon the Indians in the ambuscade, which was exposed to him
from their position, and when this movement might have
driven the enemy from their coverts, the smoke of the dis-
charge was seen by the British soldiery, and they fired upon
the gallant little band, so that they were obliged to leave their
position and retreat down the hill, with the loss of fifty killed
out of eighty. The Provincial troops then insisted upon being
allowed to adopt the Indian mode of warfare, and to shelter
themselves behind trees; but General Braddock denied this
request, and raged and stormed with great vehemence, calling
them cowards and dastards. He even went so far as to strike
I hem with his drawn sword for attempting to adopt this mode
of warfare. He had four horses killed under him, and at last,
on the fifth, received a mortal wound through the arm and
lungs, and was carried from the field of battle.

A large portion of the regular troops had now fired away
their ammunition, in an irregular manner, at their own
friends, and had run off, leaving to the enemy the artillery,
ammunition and stores. Some of them did not stop until they
reached Dunbar's camp, thirty-six miles distant. Sixty-four
(tut of eighty-five officers, and one-half of the privates were
killed or wounded. Every field officer, and every one on horse
back, except Col. Washington, — who had two horses killed
under him. and four bullets through his coat, — was either

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 57

slain or carried froui tiie tield disabled by wounds, and no
hope remained of saving anything except by retreat. Wash-
ington then at the head of the Provincial troops, formed and
covered the retreat with great coolness and courage.

The defeat was complete; the carnage great. Seven hun-
dred and fourteen men were killed. The wagoners each took
a horse from the teams and rode off in great haste; the ex
ample was followed by the soldiers; the rout became general;
all order was disregarded, and it was with difficulty that Gen.
Braddock and the wounded officers were brought off. All the
artillery, ammunition, baggage and stores, together with the
dead and dying, were left upon this fatal field, a prey to
savage spoilers and the beasts of the forest. All the Secre-
tary's papers, with all the Commanding General's orders, in-
structions, and correspondence, together with twenty-five thou-
sand pounds in money, fell into the hands of the French.

The fugitives not being pursued, arrived at Dunbar's camp,
and the panic they brought with them instantly seized him
and all his troops. And although he had now about one
thousand men, and the enemy which had surprised and de-
feated the detachment under Gen. Braddock, did not much ex-
ceed seven hundred Indians and French together, instead of
proceeding and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honor,
he ordered all the stores, ammunition, artillery and baggage,
except what he reserved for immediate use, to be destroyed.
Some of the heavy cannon he buried, and these have never
been found. This he did in order that he might have more
horses to assist his flight towards the settlements. More than
half of the small arms were lost.

Arriving at Fort Cumberland, he was met with requests
from the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia,
that he would post his troops on the frontier, so as to afford
some protection to the inhabitants: but he continued his hasty
march through the country, not thinking himself safe until he
arrived at Philadelphia. In their first march, from their land-
ing, till they got beyond the settlements, the British troops
had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining
some poor families, besides insulting abusing, and confining
the people, if they remonstrated.

58 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Gen. Braddock having died in the night of the 13th of July,
the day after Col. Dunbar had commenced his retreat, he was
buried in the road, for the purpose of concealing his body
from the Indians. He was wrapped in his cloak. The spot is
still pointed out within a few yards of thie National Road, and
about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity at the (Ireat
Meadows. The French sent out a party as far as Dunbar's
camp, and destroyed everything that was left. Col. Wash-
ington being in very feeble health, retired to Mount Vernon.

The loss of the French was slight, but fell chiefly on the
officers, three of whom were killed, and four wounded.. Of
the regular soldiers, all but four escaped untouched. The
( 'auadians suffered still less, in j)roportion to their numbers,
only five of them being hurt. The Indians, who won the
victory, bore the principal loss. Of those from Canada,
twenty-seven were killed and wounded, while casualties
among the western tribes are not reported. All of these last
went off the next morning with their plunder and scalps,
leaving Contrecoeur in great anxiety lest the remnant of Brad-
dock's troops, reenforced by the division under Dunbar, should
attack him again. His doubts would have vanished had he
known the condition of his defeated enemy.

Pitiable, indeed, was the condition of the defeated General
and of those who remained near him. In the pain and languor
of a mortal wound, Braddock showed unflinching resolution.
His bearersr stopped with him at a favorable spot near the
Monongahela; and here he hoped to maintain his position till
the arrival of Dunbar. By the efforts of the officers about a
hundred men were collected around him; but to keep them
was impossible. Within half an hour they abandoned him,
and fled like the rest. Gage, however, succeeded in lal lying
ulioiit eighty beyond the other fording place; and Washington,
on an order from Braddo('k, sj)urred his jaded horse lowards
the camp of Dunbar to demand wagons, provisions, aiul hos-
pital stores.

Fright overcame fatigue. The fugitives toiled on all nighl,
pursued by spectres of horror and despair; hearing still the
war-whoops and the shrieks; possessed with the one thought
of escape from this wilderness of death. In the morning some

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 59

order was restored, liraddock was placed ou a horse; then,
the pain being insutt'erable, he was carried on a litter, Captain
Orme having bribed the carriers by the promise of a guinea
and a bottle of rum apiece. Early in the succeeding night,
such as had not fainted on the way reached the deserted farm
of Gist. Here they met wagons and provisions, with a de-
tachment of soldiers sent by Dunbar, whose camp was six
miles farther on; and Braddock ordered them to go to the re-
lief of the stragglers left behind.

At noon of that day a number of wagoners and packhorse-
drivers had come to Dunbar's camp with wild tidings of rout
and ruin. More fugitives followed; and soon after a wounded
officer was brought in upon a sheet. The drums beat to arms.
The camp was in commotion; and many soldiers and teamsters
took to flight, in spite of the sentinels, who tried in vain to
stop them. There was a still more disgraceful scene on the
next day, after Braddock, with the wreck of his force, had
arrived. Orders were given to destroy such of the wagons,
stores and ammunition as could not be carried bacli at once to
Fort Cumberland. Whether Dunbar or the dying General
gave these orders is not clear; but it is certain that they were
executed with shameful alacrity. More than a hundred
wagons were burned; cannon, coehorns and shells were burst
or buried; barrels of gunpowder were staved, and the con-
tents thrown into a brook, provisions were scattered through
the woods and swamps. Then the whole command began its
retreat over the mountains to Fort Cumberland, sixty miles
distant. This proceeding, for which, in view of the condition
of Braddock, Dunbar must be held answerable, excited the
utmost indignation among the colonists. If he could not have
advanced, they thought, he might at least have fortified him-
self ;ind held his ground till the provinces could send him
help; thus coveriug the frontier, and holding French war-
parties in check.

Braddock's last moment was near. Orme, who though him-
self severely wounded, and who was with him till his death,
told F'ranklin that he was totally silent all the first day, and
at night said only: *'Who would have thought it?" — that all
the next day he was silent again, till at last he muttered,

60 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"^Ve shall better know how to deal with them another time,"
and died a few minutes after. He had nevertheless found
breath to give orders at Gist's for the succor of the men who
had dropped on the road. It is said, too, that in his last hours
"he could not bear the sight of a red coat," but murmured
praises of *'the blues," or Virginians, and said that he hoped
he should live to reward them. He died at about eight o'clock
in the evening of Sunday, the thirteenth of July. Dunbar had
begun his retreat that morning, and was then encamped near
the Great Meadows. On Monday the dead Commander was
buried in the road; and men, horses, and wagons, as we have
seen, passed over his grave, effacing every sign of it, lest the
fndians should find and mutilate the body.

We have in the Narrative of Captain James Smith an ac-
count of what occurred in the fort on the morning of the 9th
of July, when the French sallied forth to battle, and what he
witnessed when he returned. His account is as follows:

"Some time after I was there [Fort Duquesne], I was visited
by the Delaware Indian already mentioned, who was at the
taking of me, and could speak some English. I asked what
news from Braddock's army? He said, the Indians spied
thera every day, and he showed me by making marks on the
ground with a stick, that Braddock's army was advancing in
very close order, and that the Indians would surround them,
take trees, and (as he expressed it,) shot um down all one
pigeon.

"Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July, 1755, in the
morning, I heard a great stir in the fort. As I could then
walk with a staff in my hand, I went out of the door, which
was just by the wall of the fort, and stood upon the wall and
viewed the Indians in a huddle before the gate; where were
barrels of powder, bullets, flints, &c., and every one taking
what suited; I saw the Indians also march off in rank entire —
likewise the French Canadians, and some regulars. After
viewing the Indians and French in different positions, I com-
puted them to be about four hundred, and wondered that
they attempted to go out against Braddock with so small a
party. -I was then in high hopes that I would soon see them

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 61

fly before the British troops, and that Generad Braddock
would take the fort and rescue me.

"I remained anxious to know the event of this day; and, in
the afternoon, I again observed a great noise and commotion
in the fort, and though at that time I could not understand
French, yet I found that it was the voice of joy and triumph,
and feared that they had received what I called bad news.

"I had observed some of the old country soldiers speak
Dutch ;*as I spoke Dutch, I went to one of them and asked him,
what was the news? He told me that a runner had just ar-
rived, who said that Braddock would certainly be defeated;
(hat the Indians and French had surrounded him, and were
concealed behind trees and in gullies, and kept a constant fire
upon the English, and that they saw the English falling in
heaps, and if they did not take the river, which was the only
gap, and make their escape, there w^ould not be one man left
alive before sun-down. Some time after this I heard a number
of scalp haloos, and saw a number of Indians and French com-
ing in. I observed they had a great many bloody scalps, gren-
adiers' caps, British canteens, bayonets, &c., with them. They
brought the news that Braddock was defeated. After that,
another company came in, which appeared to be about one
hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it seemed to me that almost
every one of this company was carrying scalps; after this
came another company with a number of wagon horses, and
also a great many scalps. Those that were coming in, and
those that had arrived, kept a constant firing of small arms,
and also the great guns in the fort, which were accompanied
with the most hideous shouts and yells from all' quarters; so
that it appeared to me as if the infernal regions had broken
loose.

"About sundown I beheld a small party coming in with
about a dozen prisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied
behind their backs, with their faces and part of their bodies
blackened. These prisoners they burned to death on the bank
of Allegheny river opposite to the fort. I stood on the fort
wall until I beheld them begin to burn one of these men ; they
had him tied to a stake, and kept touching him with fire
brands, red-hot irons, &c., and ho screamed in a most doleful

62 THE FRONTIER FORTS

manner, — the Indians in the meantime yelling like infernal
spirits. As this scene appeared too shocking for me to be-
hold, I retired to my lodgings both sore and sorry. In the
morning after the battle, I saw Braddock's artillery brought
into the fort; the same day I also saw several Indians in
British officers' dress, with a sash, half moons, laced hats,
&Q., which the British then wore.

"A few days after this the Indians demanded me, and I was
obliged to go with them."

As pertinent to this narration, the papers following are
<ak"n from the French reports of this campaign and they arc
inserted here for the purpose of showing it from their ijoint
of view.

From a "Journal of the Operations of the Army from 22d of
July to aOth of September, 1755:"

"July 16th. — The enemy had three armies, one destined for
the Beautiful river, where they were defeated. The corps was
three thousand strong, under the command of General Bran-
dolk [Braddock], whose intention was to besiege Fort Du-
quesne; they had considerable artillery, much more than was
necessary to besiege forts in this country, most of Avhich are
good for nothing, though they have cost the King consider-
able. M. de Beaujeu, who was in command of that fort, noti
tied of their marcli, and much embarrassed to prevent the
siege with his handful of men, determined to go and meet the
enemy. He proposed it to the Indians who were with him,
who at first rejected his advice and said to him: No, Father,
you want to die and sacrifice yourself; the English are more
lli;in four th(»usaiid, and we are only eight hundred, and you
want to go and attack them. You see clearly that you have
no sense. W^e ask until to-morrow to make up our minds.
Tlicy consulted together; they never march without doing so.
Next morning JM. de I'.eaujeu left liis fort with the few troo])S
he had, and asked the Indians the result of their deliberations.
They answered him: They could not march. M. de Beaujeu,
who was kind and affable, and possessed sense, said to them:
I am determined to go and meet the enemy. What! will yon
allow us to go alone? I am sure of conqueiing them. Th(!
Indians, thereupon, decided (o follow liiui. 'JMiis detachment

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 63

was composed of 72 Regulais, 14G Cauadiaii.s and (iHT Indians.
The engagement took place within four leagues of the foi"t on
the 9th day of July, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and con-
tinued until five. M. de Beaujeu was killed at the first fire.
The Indians, who greatly loved him, avenged his death with
all the bravery imaginable. They forced the enemy to fly with
a considerable loss, which is not at all extraordinary. The
Indian mode of fighting is entirely dift'erent from that of us
Europeans, which is good for nothing in this country. The
enemy formed themselves into battle array, presented a front
to men concealed behind trees, who at each shot brought down
one or two, and thus defeated almost the whole of the Eng-
lish, who were for the most part veteran troops that had come
over the last winter. The loss of the enemy is computed at
1,500 men. M. de Brandoik, their General, and a number of
officers have been killed. 13 pieces of artillery, a great quan
tity of balls and shells, cartridge boxes, powder and flour have
been taken; 100 beeves, 400 horses, killed or captured, all
their wagons taken or broken. Had not our Indians amused
themselves plundering, not a num would have escaped. It is
very probable that the English will not make any further
attempt in that direction, inasmuch as, in retiring, they have
burnt a fort they had erected for their retreat. We have lost
three officers, whereof M. de Beaujeu is one, 25 soldiers, Cana-
dians or Indians; about as many wounded."

An account of tlie battle of the Monongahela, i>th of July,
1755:

"j\r. do Contrecoeur, Captain of Infantry, Commandant of
Fort Duquesne, on the Ohio, having been informed that llw
English were taking up arms in Virginia for the puri)ose of
coming to attack him, was advised, shortly afterwards, that
they were on the march. He despatched scouts, who reported
to him faithfully their progress. On the 17th instant he was
advised that their army, consisting of 3,000 regulars from Old
England, were within six leagues of this fort. That officer
employed the next day in making his arrangements; and on
the 9th detached M. de Beaujeu, seconded by Messr's. Dnnuis
and de Lignery, all three Captains, together with four Lieuten
ants, 6 Ensigns, 20 Cadets, 100 Soldiers, 100 Canadians and

64 THE FRONTIER FORTS

600 Indians, with orders to lie in ambush at a favorable spot,
which he had reconnoitred the previous evening. The detach-
ment, before it could reach its place of destination, found it-
self in presence of the enemy within three leagues of that fort.
M. de Beaujeu, finding his ambush had failed, decided on an
attack. This he made with so much vigor as to astonish the
enemy, who were waiting for us in the best possible order;
but their artillery, loaded with grape (a cartouche), having
opened its fire, our men gave way in turn. The Indians, also,
frightened by the report of the cannon rather than by any
damage it could inflict, began to yield, when M. de Beaujeu
was killed. M. Dumas began to encourage his detachment.
He ordered the officer in command of the Indians to spread
themselves along' the wings so as to take the enemy in flank,
whilst he, M. de Lignery and the other officers who led the
French, were attacking them in front. This order was exe-
cuted so promptly that the enemy, who were already shouting
their "Long live the King" thought now only of defending
themselves. The fight was obstinate on both sides and the
success long doubtful; but the enemy at last gave way. Ef-
forts were made, in vain, to introduce some sort of order in
their retreat. The whoop of the Indians, which echoed
through the forest, struck terror into the hearts of the entire
enemy. The rout was complete. We remained in possession
of the field with six brass twelves and sixes, four howitz-car-
riages of fifty, eleven small royal grenade mortars, all their
ammunition, and, generally, their entire baggage. Some de-
serters, who have come in since, have told us that we had
been engaged with only 2,000 men, the remainder of the ai'my
being four leagues further ott". These same deserters have in
formed us that the enemy were retreating to Virginia, and
some scouts, sent as far as the height of land, have confirmed
this by reporting that the thousand men who were not en-
gaged, had been equally panic-striken and abandoned both
provisions and ammunition on the way. On this intelligence,
a detachment was despatched after them, which destroyed
and burnt everything that could be found. The enemy have
left more than one thousand men on the field of battle. They
have lost a great portion of the artillery and ammunition.

HISTORICAL MAP

SOUTHWESTERN PENNSYL VANIA

yTHOWmS JJT£-l Of rn^ rfiinClPAi.0i.O FORTS. BLOCK-HO(Ji£S

Scale .■ 6 <

TAH y aoAos A/ic trails .

FOR THICOLD FORTS' COM M ISSiON REPORT.

By G.D.Albert and L.W.fo^^.

/ C AMB R I A

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 65

provisions, as also their Goueral, whose name was Mr. Brad-
dock, and almost all their oflScers. We have had three officers
killed; two oflScers and two cadets wounded. Such a victory
so entirely unexpected, seeing the inequality of the forces,
is the first of M. Dumas' experience, and of the activity and
valor of the officers under his command."

After making- allowance for the exaggeration which is mani-
fest in the French official reports, the battle, tlie victory, and
the results were wonderful things for them. No one can help
hut feel a sort of admiration at the intrepid bravery of those
officers who led their forces against such odds, and the devo-
tion of those followers who went out as to a certain death.
Of this motley force Mr. Parkman says:

"The garrison consisted of a few companies of the regular
1 roops stationed permanently in the colony, and to these were
added a considerable number of Canadians. Contrecoeur still
lield the command. Under him were three other captains,
Beaujeu, Dumas, and Ligneris. Besides the troops and Cana-
dians, eight hundred Indian warriors, mustered from far and
near, had built their wigwams and camp-sheds on the open
ground, or under the edge of the neighboring woods, — very
little to the advantage of the young corn. Some were bap-
tised savages settled in Canada, — Caughnawages from Saut
St. Louis, Abenakis from St. Francis, and Hurons from
Lorette, whose cliief bore the name of Anastase, in honor of
tliat Father of the Church. The rest were unmitigated
heathens, — Pottawattamies and Ojibwas from the northern
lakes under Charles Langlade, the same bold partisan who
had led them, three years before, to attack the Miamis at
Pickawillany; Shawanoes and Mingoes from the Ohio; and
Ottawas from Detroit, commanded, it is said, by that most
redoubtable of savages, Pontiac. The law of the survival of
the fittest had wrought on this heterogenous crew through
countless generations; and with the primitive Indian, the
fittest was the hardiest, fiercest, most adroit, and most wily.
Baptised and heathen alike, they had just enjoyed a diversion
greatly to their taste."

That Fort Duquesne was built by Contrecoeur as the Com-
mander of the expedition and the chief officer in this region,
5 -Vol. 2.

66 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and that it was under liis command for a time, has never been
called in question. But since the discovery of the Register
(28) and other documents of a later period, a. dispute has
arisen as to who the actual commander of the fort was at the
time of the battle of Braddock's Field.

On this subject the Rev. Father Lambing, in his translation
of the Register says:

"It was formerly generally asserted that he [Contrecoeur]
was in command at the time of the battle of the Monongahela,
more commonly known as Braddock's Defeat; and that he was
succeeded earl}^ in the spring of 1756 by M. John Daniel, Es
quire, Sieur Dumas, Captain of Infantry. It was further
stated that he was by no means disposed to favor Beaujeu's
proposed attack upon Braddock's army. But the discovery
of the Register, now published, would appear to prove this
long entertained opinion erroneous; for in the entry of the
latter's death, he is said to be "commander of Fort Duquesne
and of the army." But on the other hand, there is not want-
ing evidence which would go to show that Contrecoeur was in
command. He was commander of the fort from the date of
its construction, but in the winter of 1754-5, he asked to be
relieved, and the Marquis Duquesne, the Governor-General,
dispatched Captain Beaujeu to relieve him, ordering him at
the same time to remain at the fort until after the engage-
ment with the English."

Mr. Francis Parkman, after giving the matter special at-
tention in view of the statements made on the basis of the
baptismal register and elsewhere, has added a lengthy note
as an appendix to the latest edition of his Montcalm and
Wolfe, in whicli he says:

"It has been said that Beaujeu, and not Contrecoeur, com-
manded at Fort Duquesne at the time of Braddock's Expedi-
tion. Some contemporaries, and notably the chaplain of the
f<u't. do, in fact, speak of him as in this position; but their
evidence is overborne by more numerous and conclusive au-
thorities, among them Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, and
Conlrecoeur himself, in an oflScial report."

In I lie reports referred to by Mr. Parkman, the Governor of
(";iii:ul;i s(;il(>s that Contrecoeur \\jis llie Commandant at tlie

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 67

Fort on the 8th of -July, aud that he sent out a party which
was commanded by Beaujeu, to meet the English. In the
autumn of 1756, the Governor in asking the Colonial Minister
to procure pensions for Coutrecoeur aud Ligneris, stated that
the former gentleman had commanded for a long time at Fort
Duquesne — from the first establishment of the English and
their retirement from Fort Necessity to the defeat of the army
under Gen. Braddock.

For his conduct on the 9th of July, Dumas was early pro-
moted to succeed Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Du
(luesne. Here he proved himself an active and vigilant officer,
his parties ravaging Penna., and penetrating far into the in
terior. A letter of instructions signed by him, on 28d of
March, 1756, was found in the pocket of the Sieur Donville,
who, being sent to surprise the English at Fort Cumberland,
got the worst of it and lost his own scalp. This letter con-
cludes in a spirit of humanity honorable to its writer.

M. de Ligneris relieved Dumas of the command some time
hite in 1756, as he is named as the commander on the 27th of
December of that year. De Ligneris retained command until
the French Mere expelled from the soil of Penna. He was
one of the last to leave with his men from the burning Fort
Duquesne, whence he retired to Fort Machault, (Venango),
where we hear of him later.

We have the following description of the fort froiri one John
McKinney, who, having been taken prisoner by the Indians
was carried first to Fort Duquesne and thence to Canada,
from whence he made his escape and came to Philadelphia,
where he made Ihis statement in February, 1756:

"Fort Duquesne is situated on the east side of the Monon-
gahela, in the fork between that and the Ohio. It is four
square, has bastions at each corner; it is about fifty yards
wide — has a well in the middle of the Fort, but the water bad
— about half the Fort is made of square logs, and the other
half next the water of stockadoes; there are intrenchments
cast up all round the Fort about 7 feet high, which consists of
stockadoes drove into the ground near to each other, and
waltlcs wilh poles like basket work, against which earth is
till own up, in a gradual ascent; the steep part is next the

68 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Fort, and has tliree steps all along the intrenchment for the
men to go up and down, to fire at the enemj — These intrench-
ments are about four rods from the Fort, and go all around,
as well on the side next the water as the land; the outside of
the intrenchment next the water joins to the water. The Fort
has two gates, one of which opens to the land side, and the
other to the water side, where the magazine is built; that to
the land side is, in fact, a draw-bridge, which in day-timo
serves as a bridge for the people, and in the night is drawn
np by iron chains and levers.

"TTiider the draw-bridge is a pit or well, the width of the
gate, dug down deep to water; the pit is about eight or len_
feet broad; the gate is made of square logs; the back gate is
made of logs also, and goes upon hinges, and has a wiclvet in
it for the people to pass through in common; there is no ditch
<ir pit at tliis gale. It is through this gnte they go to the^
magazine and bake-house, which are built a little below the
gate within the intrenchments; the magazine is made almost
under ground, and of large logs and covered four feet thick
with clay over it. It is about 10 feet wide, and about thirty-
five feet long; the bake-house is opposite the magazine; the
waters sometimes rise so high as that the whole Fort is sur-
rounded with it, so tliat canoes may go around it; he imagines
lie saw it rise at one time near thirty feet. The stockadoes
are round logs better than a foot over, and about eleven or
twelve feel high; the joints are secured by split logs; in the
stockadoes are loop holes made so as to fire slanting to tin;
ground. The bastions are filled with earth solid about eight
feet high; each bastion has four carriage guns about four
|)ouiid; no swivels, nor any mortars tlmt he knoAVS of; they
have no cannon but at the bastion. The back of the bar-
I'acks and buildings in the Fort are of logs placed about thi*eo
feet distant from the logs of the Fort; between the buildings
and the logs of the Fort, it is filled with earth about eight
feet high, and the logs of the Fort extend about four feet
higher, so that the whole height of the Fort is about 12 feet.

''There are no pickets or palisadoes on the top of the Fort
lo defend il against scaling; the eaves of the houses in the
Foit are about even witli the toj) of the logs or wall of the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 69

Fort; tbe houses uie all co\eied vvilli boards, as well the rool
as the side thai looks iuside the Fort, which they saw there by
hand; there are no bogs nor morasses near the Fort, but good
dry ground; a little without musket shot of the Fort, in the
fork, is a thick wood of some bigness, full of large timber,

"About thirtj^ yards from the Fort, without the intrench -
meuts and picketing, is a house, which contains a great
quantity of tools, such as broad and narrow axes, planes,
chisels, hoes, mattocks, pick-axes, spades, shovels, &c., i'.nd
a great quantity of wagon-wheels and tire. Opposite the Fort,
on the west side of the Monongahela, is a long, high mountain,
about a quarter of a mile from the Fort, from which the Fort
might very easily be bombarded, and the bombarder be quite
safe; from them the distance would not exceed a quarter of a
mile; the mountain is said to extend six miles up the Monon-
-gahela, from the Fort; Monongahela, opposite the Fort, is not
quite a musket shot wide; neither the Ohio nor the Monon-
gahela can be forded, opposite the Fort. The Fort has no do-
fence against bombs. There are about 250 Frenchmen in this
Fort; besides Indians, which at one time amounted to 500; but
the Indians were very uncertain; sometimes hardly any there;
that there were about 20 or 30 ordinary Indian cabins about
the Fort.

''While he was at Fort Duquesne, there came up the Ohio
from the Mississippi, about thirty batteaux, and about 150
men, loadened with pork, tlour, brandy, tobacco, peas, and In-
dian corn; they were three months in coming to Fort Du-
quesne, and came all the way up the falls without unloading."

The descriplion of Fort Duquesne by Farkman, contrasting
the period of the French occupancy with our own time, may
aptly be reproduced. (29.)

"Fort Duquesne stood on the point of land where the Alle-
gheny and Monongahela join to form the Ohio, and where now
stands Pittsburgh, with its swarming population, its restless
industries, the clang of its forges, and its chimnej^s vomiting-
foul smoke into the face of heaven. At that early day a white
tiag fluttering over a cluster of palisades and embankments
betokened the first intrusion of civilized man upon a scene
which, a few months before, breathed the repose of a virgin

70 THE FRONTIER FORTS

wilderness, voiceless but foi- llie lapping of waves upon the
pebbles, or the note of some lonely bird. But now the sleep
of ages was broken, the bugle and drum told the astonished
forest that its doom was pronounced and its days numbered.
The fort was a compact little work, solidly built and strong,
compared with others on the continent. It was a square of
four bastions, with the water close on two sides, and the other
two protected by ravelins, ditch, glacis, and covered way.
The ramparts on these sides were of squared logs, filled in
with earth, and ten feet or more thick. The two water sides
were enclosed by a massive stockade of upright logs, twelve
feet high, mortised together and loopholed. The armament
consisted of a number of small cannon mounted on the bas-
tions. A gate and drawbridge on the east side gave access to
I he area within, which was surrounded by barracks for the
soldiers, officers' quarters, the lodgings of the commandant,
u guard-house, and a store-house, all built partly of logs and
partly of boards. There were no casements, and the place
was commanded by a high woody hill beyond the Monon-
gahela. The forest had been cleared away to the distance of
more than a musket shot from the ramparts, and the stumps
were hacked level with the ground. Here, just outside the
ditch, bark cabins had been built for such of the troops and
Canadians as could not find room within; and the rest of the
open space was covered with Indian corn and other crops."

It is now known that the French had little hope of preserv-
ing this fort from its threatened attack. Vaudreuil writes to
Machault from Montreal, 24th of July, 1755 — before he had
news of the defeat of Braddock:

'Tort Duquesne is really threatened. On the 7th of this
month the English were within 6 or 8 leagues of it; I am in-
formed by letter that they number '{,000, being provided with
artillery and other munitions for a siege.

"1 would not be uneasy about this fort, if the officer in com
mand there bad all these forces; they consist of about 1,600
men, including regulars, militia and Indians, — with which he
would be in a condition to form parties sufficient and con-
siderable to annoy the march of the English from the first
moment he had any knowledge thereof; these parties would

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 71

have liai-i*assed and assuredly lepulsed tliem. Everything was
in oui' iavor in this regard, and aftordiug us a very consider-
able advantage.

"But, unfortunately, no foresight had been employed to sup-
ply that fort with provisions and munitions of war, so that the
(Jommandant, being in want of the one and the other, is
obliged to employ the major portion of his men in making
journeys to and fro for the purpose of transporting those pro
visions and munitions, which cannot even reach him in abund-
ance, in consequence of the delay at the Presq'isle portage and
the lowness of the water in the Kiver Au Boeuf.

''I must also observe that Fort Duquesne has never been com-
pleted; on the contrary, 'tis open to many capital defects, as is
proved by the annexed plan.

"' 'Tis true that the Commandant, urged by the officers of the
garrison, who perceived all the defects, took upon himself
early in the spring, to demand sub-engineer de Lignery of the
Commandant at Detroit, which officer had put the fort in the
best condition he was able, without, however, daring to make
any alterations in it.

"I dread with reason, my Lord, the first intelligence from
that fort, I shall be agreeably surprised if the English have
been forced to abandon their expedition." (30.)

The defeat of Braddock left the frontiers of Pennsylvania,
Maryland and Virginia in unutterable gloom. With one ac-
cord the Indian tribes rose against the English. From now on
until late in 1758, when the French departed, there was one
continuous series of surprises, attacks, of killings, and of
captivity. There was one episode, however, which for a time
brought relief to the northwestern frontier of Pennsylvania;
and was partially effective in staying the maurauding of the
savages. This was the attack on the Indian town of Kittan-
ning, on the Allegheny, by Colonel John Armstrong in Sep-
tember of 1756. The substantial advantage which he gained
by this adventure was timely and of the greatest consequence
to those settlements which were nearest to this harborage;
but its advantages were not so noticeable on the more south-
ern frontiers which were open to the savages who harbored
about Fort Duquesne.

72 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Governor Morris, in liis message to the Assembly, July 24tb,
1755, in anticipation of this condition of affairs, says: ''This
unfortunate and unexpected change in our affairs [he alludes
to Braddock's Defeat] deeply affects every one of his Majesty's
colonies, but none of them in so sensible a manner as this
province; while having no militia it is hereby left exposed lo
the cruel incursions of the French and barbarous Indians, who
delight in shedding human blood, and who made no distinc-
tion as to age or sex; to those that are armed against them, or
such as they can surprise in their peaceful habitations, all are
alike the objects of their cruelty — slaughtering the tender in-
fant and frightened mother, with equal joy and fierceness. To
such enemies, spurred by the native cruelty of their tempers,
encouraged by their late success, and having now no army to
fear, are the inhabitants of this province exposed; and by
such may we now expect to be overrun, if we do not imme-
diately prepare for our own defense." (31.)

Later in the fall in a letter to Governor Dinwiddle, Governor
Morris says that the mischiefs done by these merciless Indians
in this province since my last letter are inconceivable. All
our settlements contiguous to Maryland, westward of the end-
ing of the temporary line, are broken up, and many of their
houses burned. The same ravages have been committed in
the Big and Little Cove; and then these savages finding the
people there armed and on the march against them, quitted
their depredations on the west side of Susquehanna, crossed
that river and fell on the rich vale of Tulpyhoccon, murdering
and burning plantations, as low as within six miles of Mr.
Weiser's house. (32.)

The following is from the Abstract of Dispatches re-
ceived from Canada, officially, from Vaudreuil, Governor-Gen
eral of the Colony, and they set forth the methods of the
French during the winter and early spring of 1756. (33.)

"The Governor remained at Montreal, in order to be in a
more convenient position lo harass the English during the
winter, and to make preparations for the next campaign
With this double object he directed his etlorts principally to
gaining the Indians, and flatters himself that he has generally
succeeded.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 7:5

"All the Nations of the Beautiful Kiver have taken up the
hatcliet against the English. The iirst party that was foimed
in that quarter, since the last report Vaudreuil had sent in the
month of October (1755), was composed of two hundred and
fifty Indians, to wliom the Commandant at Fort Duquesne had
joined some Frenchmen at tlie request of those Indians.

"This party divided themselves into small squads, at the
height of land, and fell on the settlements beyond Fort Cum-
berland; defeated a detachment of twenty regulars under the
command of two oflScers. After these different squads had
destroyed or carried away several families, pillaged and burnt
several houses, they came again together with the design of
surprising Fort (,'umberland, and accordingly la}' in ambush
during some time; but the Commandant of the fort, who no
doubt was on his guard, dared not show himself. This party
returned to Fort Duquesne with sixty prisoners and a great
number of scalps.

"The second detachment, which consisted of a military
< 'adet, a Canadian and Ohaouauous, (Shawanese) took two
prisoners under the guns of Fort Cumberland, whither the
party had been sent by the Commandant of Fort Duquesne,
to find out what was going on there.

"The third, made up of a Canadian and several Chaouanous,
destroyed eleven families, burned sixteen houses and one mill,
and killed a prodigious number of cattle. The Indians re
turned on -horseback.

"The fourth party was cojnposed of one hundred and twelve
Delawares (Loups). They struck in separate divisions. Thir-
teen returned, first, with twenty-one scalps and six prisoners.
The remainder of the party took such a considerable number
of scalps and prisonei's that these Indians sent some to all ilic
nations to replace their dead.

"Vaudreuil reported only what these four parties did. A
number of others had marched with equal success. Some had
aetually been on the war path as far even as Virgii^a.

"The Commandant of Fort Duquesne had informed \'aud
reuil that«the Delawares settled beyond the mountains which
separated them from the English, had. on his invitation, just
i*emov(^d their villages so as to unite with their brelhren. our
5*

74 THE FRONTIER FORTS

allies; that the old men, the women and children, had already
gone with the baggage, and that the warriors were to form
the rear guard and, on quitting, to attack the English."

The following extracts, taken from the same sources, give
the French version of the affairs as they transpired on our
frontiers and about Fort Duquesne while it continued in their
occupancy :

"The latest news from Fort Duquesne is to the 9th of May,
1756. (34.) No English movements of any importance yet in
that quarter. Our Indians, together with some of our detach-
ments, made many successful forays. Thirty scalps have been
sent us, and the commissions of 3 officers of the English regi-
ment raised in the country, who have been killed. The Upper
country Indians carried off entire families, which obliges the
English to construct several pretended forts; that is to say,
to enclose a number of dwellings with stockades. Our Upper
Indians appear well disposed towards us, notwithstanding the
presents and solicitations of the English. M. Dumas, an
officer of great distinction in the Colony, commands at Fort
Duquesne and on the River Ohio. We have lost, in one de-
tachment. Ensign Douville, of the Colonial troops.
******

Fort Duquesne is not worth a straw. A freshet nearly

carried it off a short time ago.

* * * ■ « * *

"Letters of the 23d of March assure us that the Indians
have, since Admiral Braddock's defeat, disposed of more than
700 people in the Province of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Caro-
lina, including those killed and those taken prisners.

"The Delawares and Chouanons, Indian Nations of the Beau-
tiful River, some of whose chiefs have been put to a cruel
death by the English, to whom they had gone on an embassy,
are enraged to an extraordinary degree, and would not make
any prisoners were it not for the continual recommendations
of the Commandants to commit as few murders as possible.

"In April, there had been in those parts twenty detach-
ments of Delawares and Chouanons; these were-joined by
iiioic iIkiii sixty Indiiuis of the Five Iroquois Nations who
have coiiimiHcd trighlfnl ravages. The only resource remain-

■ OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 75

ing to the inhabitants was to abandon their houses, and to
remove to the sea coast. Three forts have been burnt, among
the rest one containing a garrison of forty-seven men, which
was besieged by a party of forty Indians under the command
of M. Douville, a Colonial Cadet. The garrison was sum-
moned to surrender, but having refused, the fort was set on
fire in the night; the garrison then attempted to escape, and
the Indians gave no quarter. M. Uouville lost his life on that
occasion.

''Detachments have been continually in the held. (35.)
******

"Quite an untoward revolution has been experienced in the
direction of the Beautiful River. The winter there is always
very mild; this year it has been exceedingly cold; and as the
[ndians of that quarter are not in the habit of walking on
snow shoes, and still less of going to the enemy when the
latter can track them in the snow, Captain Dumas, Command-
ant at Fort Duquesne, has not been able to have them out, as
frequently as he desired. Nevertheless, he has continually
kept parties in the field, both in Virginia and Pennsylvania,
and has placed oflicers and cadets at the head of some of them.

^'M. de Vaudreuil does not innumerate the scalps they have
brought in, nor the prisoners they have taken, but it appears
that the number of the one and the other has been consider-
able; that they have destroyed whole families; that several
villages on the frontiers of the two Colonies have been aban
doned by their inhabitants, who have removed into the towns ;
that a great many houses and a number of barns filled with
grain have been burnt in the country; that a considerable
amount of cattle has been killed; that some of the little forts
whereof the English have formed, as it were, a chain along the
frontiers, have been attacked and burnt, and that a great
many people had perished in the flames, and that we have not,
so to speak, experienced any losses in all those forays. En-
sign Douville is the only oflBcer killed."

**♦♦»*

Vaudreuil reporting to Machault on the 8th of August, 1756,
what had occurred at Fort Duquesne since his dispatch of the
10th of June, says; (36.)

76 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"A detachment under the command of Sieur de Ceh)ioD de
Blainville, fell in with some of the early scouts at this side of
Fort Cumberland. These two parties met unexpectedly and
tired point blank; the enemy immediately fell back; we killed
three of them whose scalps have been carried oft" by the In-
dians, but we lost Sieur de Blainville, one Hur<»n, one Dela-
ware and one Onondaga.

"Five Chaouanons had a similar adventure a little nearer
Fort Cumberland. They scalped three English. One of their
men was killed.

"A party from different tribes having divided, returned in
squads with a number of scalps.

"Sieur de Rocheblave with another Cadet, a corporal, a mil-
itiaman, and twenty Chaouanons, knocked at the gate of a
small fort, three leagues from Foii; Cumberland, where there
remained some families and thirty militia. He killed four
Englishmen, whom the Indians scalped, wounded three, who
dragged themselves into the fort, and took three prisoners.

"In Pennsylvania, Indian parties have destroyed a great
many cattle and burnt many settlements.

"A detachment under the command of M. de Celoron had a
fight near Cresaps Fort, in the rear of Cumberland; killed
eight Englishmen whose scalps the Indians were not able to
secure, finding themselves in the dusk of the evening under
the musketry of the fort. We have had two Indians killed
and one wounded.

"Finally, M. Dumas writes me that he has been occupied for
more than eight days nearly in receiving scalfts; that there is
not an English party bn( loses some men, and that it was out
of his power to render me an exact report of all the attacks
oiir Indians made."

* * * * -X- *

"Our conlinual incui-sions have placed it out of the power
of Virginia not only to undertake anything without, but even
to construct any fort to protect herself. On the 8th of June,
the grass was growing in the roads communicating with Cum-
berland. Expresses no longer came any fartluM* than Win-
clK^sler, on account of our Indians. \\l)o ai-o always in the
field. Not a grain of Indian corn lias been ]»lant('d l)otw<'(Mi

OP WKSTKRN PENNSYLVANIA. 77

iliai p. St aiidKiiiieging k.[C»)noc cieai^uej, iweuty-tive leagues
distant from it toward the sea. The entire frontier of the
three Provinces is in the like condition. Although the great-
est portion of the Upper Nations have returned, M. Dumas'

force consists, nevertheless, of eight hundred and ten men."

******

"M. de la Chauvignerie has formed a party of twenty-nine
Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas, among whom are some be-
longing to the Grand Village. He has sent them to M. Dumas

who will not fail to make them strike." (;>7.)
******

Particulars of the campaign of 17511 in New France, trans
mitted on the 28th of August of the same year:

"The news from Fort Duquesue and Beautiful River are

very favorable. M. Dumas has laid waste, with his Indians,

a good part of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland. In vain

did these Provinces which have no Indians to aid them, levy

and pay a thousand men, at the opening of this campaign, who

dressed and painted themselves in the Indian fashion; in vain

did they send them to scour the woods; they have not been the

less constrained to abandon more than 60 leagues of country

together with the crops and cattle." (38.)

******

On the 8th of June, 1757, Lieutenant Baker, with live sol
diers and fifteen Cherokee Indians, returned from an expedi-
tion to Fort Duquesne. They had fallen in with a party of
three French officers and seven men on the headwaters of
Turtle Creek, about twenty miles from that fort. They killed
five of the Frenchmen and took one officer prisoner. This offi-
cer gave the information that Captain Lignery then com-
manded at the fort, and that there were at that place, six
hundred troops and two hundred Indians. (39.)

The garrison during the winter of 1756 and 1757 — from the
report of a Delaware prisoner — was said to consist of two
hundred, the greater part French. In the front part of the
fort, along the Monongahela, was a large mine of powder laid,
as the last resource of the garrison. Two sides of the Fort,
the one in front and the otliei' along the Monongahela, were
buill strong. Tt was well sup])li('(l from up and down the

78 THE FRONTIER FORTS

liver; they had a large stock ot provisions, and had planted
a large field of corn. The armament was thirteen guns,
heavy artillery, and six swivels. Four sentries kept watch
on the bastions, and two sentries were planted a mile from the
Fort.

From the Examination of Michel La Chauvignerie, Junior,
made on the 26th of October, 1757, it would seem that in the
June preceding, there were about one thousand five hundred
men there, of whom five hundred were regulars; and the rest
were employed in carrying provisions and in going to and fro
from one post to another, which required great numbers;
that there were about twenty cannon, some mortars, four bas-
tions and a dry ditch; that there were then a great number of
English prisoners at Fort Duquesne, although the prisoners
were constantly being sent away to Montreal; that these pris
oners were used as prisoners of war when they arrived there,
and were fed as the soldiers were; but that the Indians kept
many of the prisoners amongst them, chiefly young people
whom they adopted and brought up in their own way, and that
those prisoners whom the Indians kept with them became so
well satisfied and pleased with the way of living that they did
not care to leave them, and were often more brutish, boister-
ous in their behaviour, and loose in their manners than the
Indians. It was thought they affected that kind of behaviour
through fear and to recommend themselves to the Indians;
the French who were mixed with the Indians seemed also to
behave in the like manner. (40.)

It would readily be concluded, if one's attention were con-
fined to the reports from the French side alone, that the situa-
tion of the colonies at this lime was miserable in the extreme.
From 1755 to the close of the campaign of 1758, defeat fol-
lowed defeat, and the French were everywhere in the ascend-
ant. Deep gloom and despondancy hung over the people;
but new life and energy, however, came to all of the English-
speaking workl when, in June, 1757, William Pitt was created
Premier of England. Round him all parties drew together;
for his patriotism, his talonts, and his ability were well known,
and lie had the genius to subdue men to his will. His letters
lo the colonies, it has been said, were well ada])1e(l to prodnce

OP WESTERN PENNSYIA'ANTA. ?!•

union, energy and ueLion in Ihe piovinees, especially of Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and the Caroliuas, for he told
them that England would soon send to their assistance a
powerful army to act in concert with the provincial troops
against the common enemy. The Assemblies responded, and
voted large sums for that purpose; and the respective Gov-
tn-nors were authorized to issue commissions for officers as
high as colonel in the colonial army to be formed and reor-
ganized. Pennsylvania resolved to place two thousand seven
liundred men at the disposition of the English commanders.

Early in the spring of 1758, Admiral Boscawen arrived at
Halifax with about twelve thousand British troops. There
was now the most formidable army enlisted in the defense of
I he colonies that had even been seen in America. Fifty thou-
sand men were in arms, of whom twenty thousand were Pro-
vincials. (41.)

The plan of campaign of 1758 embraced three expeditions.
The first against Louisburgh, in the island of Cape Breton; the
second against Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and the third
against Fort Duquesne.

The command of the expedition against Duquesne was given
(o Brig.-Gen. John Forbes. His force amounted to about
seven thousand men, consisting of twelve hundred High-
landers, three hundred and fifty Koyal Americans, two thou
sand seven hundred Provincials from Pennsylvania, one hun
dred from Delaware (then called the Lower Counties), one
thousand six hundred from Virginia, two hundred and fifty
from Maryland, one hundred and fifty from North Carolina,
and about one thousand wagoners and laborers. The twelve
liundred Highlanders were divided into four companies, and
the three hundred and fifty Royal Americans into four com-
panies also.

It had been determined, after some dissent among the offi-
cers and against the protestations of the Virginians, that the
route of the expedition from Philadelphia should be through
Pennsylvania; but the final decision as to this route was not
reached until the advance of the army had arrived at Rays-
town, (Bedford); and it was finally so determined on the ear-
nest representations and requests of Colonel Bouquet, who

80 THE FRONTIER FORTS

was satisfied, from a military point of view, of the expediency
of this route; in which view he was encoaraged by the Penn-
sylvanians. The Virginians wanted the expedition to go out
by way of the Braddock road.

Forbes could not keep up with the army on account of his
illness. The advance under Bouquet was making its way over
the Laurel Hill when Forbes was between Carlisle and Ship-
peusburg. When the Loyalhanna, at the western base of the
Laurel Hill, was reached, a fortified camp was formed and a
fort was erected called Fort Ligonier. The position was se
cured by strong works of ample extent.

Instead of marching like Braddock, at one stretch to Fort
Duquesne, burdened with a long and cumbrous baggage-train,
it was the plan of Forbes to push on by slow stages, establish
ing fortified magazines as he went, and at last, when within
easy distance of the fort, to advance upon it with all his force.
It was, therefore, his purpose to gather all the army about this
point at the Loyalhanna preparatory to making another step
forward.

During this time notable things were occurring about the
stockade at the Loyalhanna, or in connection with tlie opcia
lions of detachments of the army, to which reference is made
in the mention of Fort Ligonier, whereat will also be found
some particulars of the expedition itself.

Before the arrival of Forbes at the Loyalhanna, Bouquet
had sen! out Major Grant, of the Highland regiment, with
thirty-seven officers, and eight hundred and live privates, to
i-econnoitre the fort and adjacent country. His instructions
were to approach not too near the Fort, and in no event to take
the risk of an attack.

Grant camped the first day on the banks of the Nine Mile
Run, len miles west of the camp on the Loyalhanna; the sec
ond day he proceeded further, and on the third, to within
twelve or Ihirteen miles of the Fort. Although the French
and Indians were constantly watching the movements of the
army, yet Grant succeeded in coming within sight of the Foi-t.
after Tiiarching near fifty miles without being discovered.

Tlie (leiaclinieiil hailed here until three o'clock in the after
noon. 'IMic ii-oo|is (lien (luielly niaiclied lo a poini about two

A M/\P OF PART OFTHE PROVINCE
OF PENNSYLVANIA WEST OFTHE
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WEST PENNSYLVANIA
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OF WKSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 81

miles from the Fort, vvliere they left iheir baggage under
charge of Captain Bullitt, two subalterns, and fifty men. It
was already dark, and late in the night, Major Grant appeared
with his troops at the brow of the fatal hill which still bears
his name, between the two rivers, about a quarter of a mile
from the fort.

From the apparent stillness of the enemy's quarters, and
from not having met with either French or Indians on the
march. Major Grant supposed that the forces in the fort must
be comparatively small, and at once detennined to make an
attack. Two officers and fifty men were accordingly directed
to approach the fort and fall upon the French and Indians
that might be lying out, if not in too great number. They saw
none, nor were they challenged by the sentinels. As they re-
turned they set fire to a large storehouse, but the fire was dis
covered and extinguished.

At break of day Major Lewis was sent with two hundred
men, principally American regulars and Virginian volunteers,
to take post about half a mile back, and lie in ambush iu the
road on which they had left their baggage, under the preten
tion of fears that the enemy would make a bold attempt to
capture it. But the secret was — that Major Grant who was
jealous of ^lajor Lewis, wished to have the glory of capturing
an enemy who had so sigually repulsed General Braddock,
with his thousands.

Four hundred men weie posted along the hill facing llie
fort, to cover the retreat of Captain McDonald's company, who
marched with drums beating toward the enemy, in order to
draw a party out of the fort; as Major Grant believed that
there were not two hundred men including Indians in the
garrison.

As soon as the garrison w^ere aroused from their slumbers
by the music of the invaders, both French and Indians sallied
out in great numbers to the attack. Their whole force was
immediately separated into three divisions. The first two
were sent dii'ectly under cover of the banks of the river to
surround the main body undei- Majoi- Grant; the third was
delayed awhile to give llie others time, and then displayed

(•.Vol. 2.

82 THE FRONTIER FORTS

themselves before tJie lori, as it (-xliihiiiug their whole
strength.

The attack then commenced, and Captain McDonald was
immediately obliged to fall back upon the main body, and
Major Grant received and returned a most destructive fire.
At this moment he suddenly found himself flanked on all sides
by the detachments from the banks of the river. The struggle
became desperate. The Provincial troops concealing them-
selves behind trees made a good defense, but the Highlanders
who stood exposed to the enemy's fire without cover, fell in
great numbers, and at last gave way and fled. The Provin
cials, not being supported and being overpowered by numbers
were compelled to follow.

Major Grant retreating to the baggage where Captain Bul-
litt was posted with his forty Virginians, again endeavored to
rally the flying soldiers. He entreated them in the most
pathetic manner to stand by him, but in vain, as the enemy
were close at their heels. As soon as the enemy came up.
Captain Bullitt attacked them with great fury for awhile, but
not being supported and most of his men killed, he was
obliged to give way. The resistance shown by this little com-
pany served to check the pursuers, and gave an opportunity
to many retreating to make their escape. Major Grant and
Captain Bullitt, were the last to desert the field. They sepa-
rated, and Major Grant was taken prisoner.

In this conflict, which took place on the 14th of September,
1758, two hundred and seventy were killed, forly-two wounded
and several taken prisoners. It was, saj^s Washinglon, in a
letter to the Governor of Virginia, "A very ill-concerted, or a
very ill-executed plan, perhaps both; but it seems to be gen-
erally acknowledged, that Major Grant exceeded his orders
and that no disposition was made for engaging."

The following letter, but recently made public, written by
Major Grant immediately after this affair, to General Forbes,
gives his version of it. As the account is from a new point of
view and goes into details, it is but fair to allow the ofticer
who has been the object of much animadversion, to be heard
in his own behalf. This letter, vvliidi is merely Grant's Re-
port of tlie Alfair of September 14, 175S, is to (reneral Forbes,

OF WKSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 83

and is found in tlie woi'k of Mi*. Dariijigton, culled "Foil
ritt," I be same being eliiefiy a collection of historical docu-
ments :

"Sir: — If it had been in my power to write sooner, you will
do me justice to believe that I should have troubled you
long before this time with an account of the detachment
which marched the 9th of September from the Camp of Loyal
Hanna.

We were lucky enough not lo be discovered in our march,
though several scouting parties passed very near us. We got
to an advantageous post on the 12th, about three in the after
noon, which, according to the information of all our guides,
was ten to twelve miles from the French Fort. 1 thought it
was a. proper place to encamp in, as I did not think it advis
able to go nearer, for fear of being discovered; but 1 after-
ward found that our guides were much mistaken about the
distance, for, as near as I can judge, the camp is about sixteen
miles from the top of the Hill, where we were to take post.
The i;ith, at break of day, T sent Major Lewis, witli 200 men,
and our Indians, with orders to post men in ambuscade, about
five miles from the fort, which was all the precaution I could
lake to prevent our being discovered in the camp. I flattered
myself that, if a reconnoitering party was sent out, it might
possibly fall into the ambuscade, and, in that case, in all
probability they must have been killed or taken; and, if they
had sent, in the event our plans succeeding, a second party
from the fort, would have found the whole party ready to re-
ceive them. I ordered Mr. Chew to march with a party of fif-
teen or twenty men to reconnoitre the ground and to try, with-
out exposing himself or the men, to draw a party of the enemy
into the ambuscade.

He only went with three Indians, who soon left him, and,
by that means, in place of returning to Major Lewis' about
ten o'clock as I expected, he was obliged to conceal himself
till night came on, and he joined me upon the march about
eleven o'clock at night. But T would not be understood to re-
flect upon him; he is a good, brisk young lad. About three
in the afternoon I marched forward to the rest of the detach-
ment, and I found Major Lewis advantageously posted about

84 THE FRONTIER FORTS

lour miles from our camp. The post, 1 was assured, was not
seven miles from the fort, though I found it was about twelve.
A-fter giving orders to the troops, and particular instructions
to the captains, I proceeded about six in the evening towards
the fort, expecting to get to the top of the Hill about eleven
at night; but, as the distance was so much greater than 1
imagined, it was after two in the morning before we got there.
The Instructions, when I left Loyal Hanna, were that a par-
ticular party should be sent to attack each Indian fire, but, as
these fires had not been made, or were burnt out before we got
to the ground, it was impossible to make any disposition of
that kind. Major Lewis was informed of every particular of
mir project before we marched from Loyal Hanna, and was
told there that he was to command the troops that were to be
sent upon the attack. As 1 w^as to continue upon the height
to make a disposition for covering his retreat (which we did
not desire to be made in good order) and for forming the rear
guard in our march from the fort, you will easily believe that
he and I had frequent conversations upon the march about our
plan of operations. I sent for him the moment the troops ar
rived upon the hill opposite the fort, and told him that as we
had been misinformed by the guides in regard to the distance,
and had got there much later than we expected, it was impos-
sible to make the projected disposition of a party of men for
tlie attack on each fire; but that it w^as possible to continue
another day without being discovered, and that as the night
was far advanced there was no time to be lost. 1 therefore
ordered him to march directly, with 100 Americans, [Royal
Americans, (JOth Kegiment] 200 Highlanders and 100 Vir-
ginians, and to attack anything that was found about the fort.
J gave orders that no attention should be paid to the sentries,
who probably would challenge, and, in case they were fired
upon they were not to return it upon any account — but to
march on as fast as possible — and were not to fire a shot
until they were close to the enemy; and that after they dis
charged their i)ieces they were to use their bayonets without
loading n second time. T told the Major that I would order
;ill our di'ums nnd pipes to bent tlie retreat when it was time
lor I lie troops to relieve, that 1 was indifferent what ordei-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. S5

they came back in, that it was the same thing to me if there
was not three of them together, provided they did the busi-
ness they were sent upon. The Major had not half a mile to
march into the open plain where the fort stands, the 400 men
under his command had a white shirt over his clothes to pre-
vent mistakes and that they might even at a distance distin-
guish one another. I saw the Americans and Highlanders
march off and gave directions that the Virginians should fall
in the rear. Sending a greater number of men might possibly,
I thought, occasion confusion, and I was of opinion that 400
men were quite sufificient .to carry the service into execution.
I was absolutely certain we were not discovered when the
troops marched from the hill. I thought our loss must be in-
considerable, and never doubted but that everything would
succeed beyond our most sanguine expectations.

"After posting the remaining part of the troops in the best
manner T could, I placed myself and the drums and pipes at
the head of the Highlanders who were in the centre and ex-
actly opposite the fort. During the operation the time passed.
The day advanced fast upon us. I was turning uneasy at not
hearing the attack begin, when to my great astonishment
^fajor Lewis came up and told me 'that it was impossible to
do anything, that the night was dark, that the road was bad,
worse than anything I had ever seen, that there were logs of
wood across it, that there were fences to pass, that the troops
had fallen into confusion and that it was a mercy they had not
tired upon one another, that they had made so much noise he
was sure they must be discovered and that it was impossible
for tlu^ men to find their way back through those woods.'
These were really the words he made use of; this behavior in
an officer was new to me; his conduct in overturning a long
])rojected scheme and in disobeying such positive orders was
so unaccountable that I could not speak to him with common
patience, so that I just made answ^er to his last words, that
the men according to the orders that had been given would
have found their way back to the drums when the retreat
beat. So T left him and went as fast as I could to Major Mc
Kenzie and Mr. Fisher to see what the matter was and to give
directions for the attack if tlie thing was practicable. T found

86 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the troops in the greatest confiKsiou 1 ever saw men in, which
in truth was not surprising, for the Major had brought them
back from the plain when he returned himself and everybody
took a road of their own. I found it was impossible to think
of forming them for an attack, and the morning was too far
advanced to send for the other troops from the other places
where they were posted; thus I was reduced, after all my
hopes of success, to this melancholy situation. That some-
thing at least might be attempted, I sent Lieutenants Rob-
inson and McDonald with fifty men, to make an attack at a
place w^here two or three fires had been seen burning the night
before. I desired them to kill a dozen of Indians if possible,
and I would be satisfied. They went directly to the place
they were ordered, and finding none of the Indians they set fire
to the house, but it was daylight before they could return. I
mention this last circumstance that it might appear clearly to
you, it was not in my power to send a greater number. The
surprise was complete, the governor knew nothing of us or our
march, and in all probability the enterprise must have suc-
ceeded against the camp as well as against the Indians if the
attempt had been made. So favorable an opportunity, I dare
say never was lost.

"The difficulties which Major Lewis had represented to me
to be insurmountable appeared to me, as they certainly were,
absolutely imaginary. I marched about twelve miles thai
night, with an advance guard and flanking parties before it
without the least confusion. The Major had not a mile to
march to the fort, and above two-thirds of that was in an open
plain, and I can safely declare that there is no part of the road
in getting into the plain worse than what I had passed without
any great difficulty in coming up the hill. I made no secret to
the people who were then about me that I was so much dis-
satisfied with the Major's conduct that I was determined to
carry him back to the camp in arrest, that he might answer to
you for his behavior. Several officers heard me say so. Mr.
Hentinck, if he escaped, has no doubt informed you that such
was my intention. However, I did not think it advisable to
take any step of that kind till we were out of reach of the
enemy. I therefore sent Major Lewis the 14th, at break of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 87

day, with the American and Virginians to reenforce Captain
Bullet, whom I had left with about fifty men as a guard upon
our horses and provisions within two miles of the fort, directly
upon the road by which we were to return to our camp. I
was afraid the enemy might possibly send a detachment that
way to take possession of some passes to harass us in our
march or perhaps to endeavor to cut us off in case we were
forced to make a retreat, and I directed the Major to place
these troops in ambuscade that he might have all the advan
tage possible of any party that could be sent out. About 7 in
the morning, after the fog was gone and the day cleared up, it
was found impossible to make a plan of the fort from the
height where the troops were posted, and as Col. Bouquet and
I had settled that a plan should be taken "a la barke de la
Garrise" in case an attempt did not succeed in the night.

"I sent Mr. Rhor with Captain McDonald and a hundred men
to take the place, with directions not to expose himself or the
troops. About the same time, being informed that some of
the enemy's Indians had discovered Captain McKenzie, who
was posted upon the left, almost facing the Monongahela, in
order to put on a good countenance and to convince our men
they had no reason to be afraid, I gave directions to our drums
to beat the Reveille. The troops were in an advantageous
post, and I must own I thought we had nothing to fear. In
about half an hour after, the enemy came from the fort in dif
ferent parties without much order, and getting behind trees,
they advanced briskly and attacked our left, where there were
250 men. Captain McDonald and Lieutenant Campbell were
soon killed, Lieutenant McDonald was wounded at the same
time, and our people being overpowered gave way where those
officers had been killed. I did all in my power to keep things
in order, but to no purpose; the 100 Pennsylvanians who were
posted upon the right at the greatest distance from the enemy,
were off without orders, without firing a shot; in short, in less
than half an hour all was in confusion, and as soon as that
happened we w^ere fired upon from every quarter.

"I endeavored to rally the troops upon every rising ground,
and I did all in my power in that melancholy situation to make
the best retreat I could. I sent an officer to Major Lewis to

88 THE FRONTIER FORTS

make the best disposition he could with the Americans and
Virginians till I could come up, and I was in hopes to be able
to make a stand there, and at least make a tolerable retreat.
IJnfortuimtely, upon hearing the firing the Major thought the
best thing that could be done was to march to our assistance,
unluckily, they did not take the same road by which I marched
the night before and by which they had passed that morning,
and as I retired the same way I had advanced, I never saw
them when I found Captain Bullet and his fifty men alone. I
could not help saying to him that I was undone. However,
though there was a little or rather no hopes left, I was re-
solved to do the best I could, and whenever I could get any-
body to stay with me made a stand, sometimes with 100 and
sometimes with 50, just as the men thought proper, for orders
were to no purpose. Fear had then got the better of every
other passion, and I hope I shall never see again such a panic
among troops — till then I had no conception of it.

"At last, inclining to the left with about fifty men, where 1
was told a number of the Americans and Highlanders had
gone, my party diminished insensibly, every soldier taking the
road he liked best, and I found myself with not above a dozen
men and an officer of the Pennsylvanians who had been left
with Captain Bullet. Surrounded on all sides by the Indians,
and when I expected every instant to be cut to pieces, without
a possibility of escaping, a body of the French with a number
of their officers came up and offered me quarters, which I ac-
cepted of. T was then within a short league of the fort; it
was then about 11 o'clo(;k, and, as far as I can judge, about
that time the French troops were called back and the ])ursuil
ended. What our loss is, you best know, but it musi be cou-
sideiable. Captains McDonald and Moni-oe, Lieulenanis
Alex. McKenzie, Collin Campbell and Wm. McKenzie, Lieu
teuanis TJider and Ensign Jenkins and Wollar are prisonei-s.
Knsign J. McDonald is prisoner with the Indians; from what
[ hear they have got two other officers, whose names or corps
I know not. Mr. Ehor and the officer who conducted the In-
dians were killed. Major Lewis and Captain McKenzie are
prisoners. I nin not certain that Lieutenant McKenzie was
Killed, ttnt T have seen his commission. >\lii(li makes i( veiv

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 89

probable. 1 spoke to Lieutenant McDonald, senior, after he
was wounded, and I think he could hardly make his escape.
I wish I may be mistaken. This is the best account I can give
you of our unlucky affair. I endeavored to execute the orders
which I had received to the best of my power; as I have been
unfortunate, the world may possibly find fault in my conduct.
I flatter myself that you will not. I may have committed mis-
takes without knowing them, but if I was sensible of them T
most certainly should tell you in what I thought I had done
wrong. I am willing to flatter myself that my being a pris-
oner will be no detriment to my promotion in case vacancies
should happen in the army, and it is to be hoped that the
proper steps will be taken to get me exchanged as soon as
possible.

"P. S. — As Major Lewis is prisoner, I thought it was right
to read to him that part of this letter w^hich particularly con
cerns him. He says when he came back to speak to me, that he
gave no orders for the troops to retire from the plain. That
Captain Saunder, who was the next officer to him, can best
account for that step; for they did retire, and I took it for
granted that it was by the Major's orders, till he assured me
of the contrary. Mr. Jenkins, of the Americans, is a pretty
young lad, and has spirit. He is the oldest ensign, and is
much afraid that being a prisoner will be a detriment to his
promotion. He begs that 1 may mention him to you, and I
could not think of refusing him."

The following extracts bearing on this affair are taken from
the French Archives. M. Daine to Marshal De Belle Isle,
from Quebec, on the third of November, 1758, says :

''We learn by a courier sent from the Beautiful River to the
Marquis de Yaudreuil that the vanguard of the English, con
sisting of one thousand of their best troops, destined for the
attack on Fort Duquesne, would have surprised M. de Lignery,
Commandant of that fort, that the detachment having taken
an unexpected route, bad not some Englishmen in advance
made a noise and set fire to a barn at a distance. The sentries
having heard that noise and seen the fire, awoke our men, who
were asleep, crying out "Aux Armes!" In a moment they pro
ceeded against the enemy and pressed them so vigorously that

90 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the action lasted scarcely half an lioui. The English having
taken to their heels, were pursued during two hours; the Eng-
lish lost at least six hundred to seven hundred men; four hun-
dred have remained on the field of battle; the remainder have
been massacred by our Indians, who have brought off a great
many scalps, which makes it to be presumed that very few
escaped.

"We have taken prisoners, the Commandant, four officers
and one hundred soldiers, and liave lost only eight men and
eight wounded, who fortunately, have not fallen into their
hands." (42.)

From another dispatch it is reported:

"A detachment of eight hundred English, partly Regulars,
partly Militia, had marched very secretly from Pennsylvania
to within a quarter of a league of Fort Du Quesne, by a very
different road from General Braddock's. Their object was to
attack, in the night, the Indians encamped around the fort,
guiding themselves by the fires the latter are accustomed to
have in front of their huts. But these fires being extin
guished, and the night already advanced when the English
arrived, they could not execute that attack; they posted them-
selves at day-break on a mountain near Fort Duquesne, and
made arrangements to facilitate its reconnoisance by an en-
gineer whom they had brought along.

''But the troops of the Marine and the Canadians, to the
number of seven to eight hundred men, did not give them time.
They pounced suddenly and from all sides on the English, and
immediately threw them into disorder. Our Indians, who at
first had crossed the river, fearing to be surprised, then re
Uirned and also charged right vigorously. It was nothing but
a rout on the part of the enemy. Five hundred of them have
been killed or taken, and almost all the officers. On our side,
only 8 men have been killed or wounded." (43.)

Montcalm says (44):

"We have just received news from Fort Duquesne of the
23d of October. Captain Aubry, of the Louisiana troops, has
gained a somewhat considerable advantage there on the fif-
(eentli. Tli<' enemy lost on the occasion one hundred and fifty
men, killed, wounded and missing; they were pursued as far

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 91

as a new fort called Royal Hannon, which they built at the
head of the River d'Attique. We had only two men killed and
seven wounded."

Exulting over their unlooked for success, the French be-
lieved that a successful attack could be made on the camp
of the army at the Loj'alhanna, and that by venturing out
with all their forces, they could, in the discomfiture of the
English, end all hostilities as they had done in the time of
Rraddock. The entire force, therefore, of the French and
their Indian allies sallied through the woods and with some
light cannon vigorously assailed the forces there. The en-
gagement was long sustained, but the attack availed nothing;
and at last the assailants suddenly withdrew back to Fort Du-
quesne.

This battle at the Loyalhanna is a noteworthy affair, and
important in its consequences. It is now apparent, since ac-
cess is had to the secret papers of the French-Canadian Gov-
ernment, that the vaunted stronghold of Fort Duquesne was
never able really to withstand an investment or an attack.
The French had beaten Rraddock with their Indians; and
they hoped to defeat the English under Forbes in the same
way. In this light it is interesting to note the actual condi-
tion of this famous fortress at the time immediately preceding
its demolition and abandonment.

M. Daine to M. de Cremille in July, 1758, speaks as fol-
lows (45): "I had the honor to communicate to you, in my
short dispatch of the 22d of June, the intelligence that the
Marquis de Montcalm had just then put me in possession of
as to the proposed projects of the enemy to march in force to
the Oyo River and to attack Fort Duquesne. In fact, every-
thing was to be apprehended and little to be hoped. We were
too bare in that quarter, and the Fort is not capable of a good
defense. Ry the avowal of M. Dumas, who has been in com-
mand there, it is fit only to dishonor the officer who would be
intrusted with its defense."

Among the particulars contained in the dispatches from
Vaudreuil, Governor-General of the Colony, and from other
sources appear the following:

"Respecting the Reautiful river: the Commandant of Fort

92 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Duquesne has advised M. de Vaudieuil that that fort will not
be in a condition to resist an attack with artillery. That Com-
mandant is Captain Dumas; the same that happened to be
in command at the affair against General Braddock after Sieur
de Beaujeu's death.

"He has observed to M. de Vaudreuil, that to go out to meet
the enemy and give him battle appeared inevitable. M. de
Vaudreuil had not yet given any positive orders on that point ;
they were to be transmitted after mature reflection. He was
to send him, also, very early in the season, all the assistance
he had demanded, both in men, provisions, &c.

''In order that M. Dumas may not be straitened in any of
his operations, M. de Vaudreuil has issued his commands to
all the posts convenient to the Beautiful river, to forwa\*d
some Indians and Frenchmen to Fort Duquesne." (46.)

"M. Dumas proposes to harass the enemy by trying to oblige
them to keep on the defensive. But whenever advised of their
marching against him, he is to call his forces together again
in order to proceed to meet them, as, in the present state of
the fort, it would be impossible to make any resistance for any
length of time, were he to allow himself to be besieged in
it." (47.)

"I do not think the English will attack M. de Lingeris [then
Commandant of Fort Duquesne]; but though they make some
movements this year, I have neglected nothing to place him
in a condition to resist them, for, indejjendent of his garrison,
of the Militia and Nations inhabiting the Beautiful river, and
of the Militia I have sent him from the Colony, he has actually,
at his disposal, some Militia and some Indian Nations of
Illinois; and, for greater security, I [Vaudreuil] issued orders
in the month of April to the Commandants of Niagara and of
all the posts on the Beautiful river, to send their forces in
rotation, from one post to the other, and to keep themselves
always in readiness to afford each other mutual assistance.
This gives me reason to hope that, should the English organize
any expedition they will fail." (48.)

"Fort Duquesne, in its present condition, could not offer any
resistance to the enemy; 'tis too small to lodge the garrison
necessary on such an occasion. A single shell would be sufii

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. S»3

cient to get it so on fire, too, that 'twould be impossible to ex-
tinguish it because the houses are close. The garrison would
then find itself under the painful necessity of abandoning that
fort. Besides, 'tis so near the confluence of the Beautiful
river with the Malangaillee, [Monongahela], that it is always
exposed to be entirely submerged by the overflowing of the
rivers. JM. de Ligneris is having such repairs done to that fort
as it is susceptible of, regard being had to its bad situation;
but that will not enable us to dispense with the erection of a
new fort, I have incontrovertibly established thereof, in my
letters of 1755 and 1756." (49.)

No accurate number of the French soldiers and Indians at
Fort Duquesne at this conjuncture can be had. The number
was constantly changing. Bouquet in a letter to Forbes dated
17th of September, says that the number of French, (in which
he probably includes French and Indians), varies from three
thousand to twelve thousand. Bigot (the Intendant or Com-
missary General) says that three thousand five hundred daily
rations were delivered at Fort Duquesne throughout the sum-
mer. (50.) The only satisfactory way the French had of keep-
ing tale of the Indians was by the number of rations furnished,
rations being given to them as to their regular soldiers.

In October the number had fallen to one thousand one hun-
dred and eighty, which included Indians. On September 22d
Frederick Post reported the garrison to consist of about one
thousand four hundred men; and he was of opinion that there
would be full three thousand French and Indians, almost all
Canadians, who would be ready to meet the army under
Forbes. (51.) He would probably have been nearly right had
not other things intervened between this time and the arrival
of Forbes, of which he had no suspicion.

The militia of Louisiana and the Illinois left the fort in
November and went home. The Indians of Detroit and the
Wabash would stay no longer and, worse yet, the supplies
destined for Fort Duquesne had been destroyed by Bradstreet
at Fort Frontenac. Hence, Ligneris, the Commandant, was
compelled by prospective starvation to dismiss the greater
part of his force, and await the approach of his enemy with
lliose that remained. (52.)

94 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The French had always depended on the aid of the IndianvS
to hold this place. But it was the custom of the Indians
after a battle, whether successful or not, to go home. Colonel
James Smith, at that time a prisoner who had been adopted
into one of their tribes, in his very valuable narrative, says
that after the defeat of Grant, the Indians held a council, but
were divided in their opinions. Some said that General Forbes
would now turn back, and go home the way that he came, as
Dunbar had done when Braddock was defeated; others sup-
posed that he would come on. The French urged the Indians
to stay and see the event; but as it was hard for the Indians
to be absent from their squaws and children at this season of
the year, a great many returned home to their hunting. After
this, the remainder of the Indians, some French regulars, and
a great number of Canadians, marched off in quest of General
Forbes. They met his army near Fort Ligonier, and attacked
them, but were frustrated in their designs. They said that
Forbes' men were beginning to learn the art of war, and that
there were a great number of American riflemen along with
the red coats, who scattered out, took trees, and were good
marksmen; therefore they found they could not accomplish
their designs, and were obliged to retreat. When they re-
turned from the battle to Fort Duquesne, the Indians con-
cluded they would go to their hunting. The French en-
deavored to persuade them to stay and try another battle.
The Indians said if it was only the red coats they had to do
with, they could soon subdue them, but they could not with
stand Ashalecoa, or the Great Knife, which was the name they
gave the Virginians.

These things, however, w^ere unknown to the English. The
whole army of Forbes having at length arrived at the Loyal-
hanna, went into quarters, and as the season was now ad-
vancing rapidly it was the intention to remain there during
t he winter. The fate of Braddock was ever before the eyes of
P^rbes and his men; and it was distinctly within the re-
membrance of some, chief among whom was Washington.
The knowledge of the actual condition of affairs having
reached Forbes, he concluded, late as \i was, lo advance. On
I lie l.".lli of November. Tojonel Armstrong with one thousand

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 95

men was sent forward to assist Colonel ^Vasl^ington in open-
ing the road. On the 17th General Forbes followed. He had
no opposition in his march, although as the weather was ex-
tremely disagreeable, being rainy and chilly, and the road hav-
ing to be cut as the army proceeded, his progress was neces-
sarih' slow. The wagons and all the artillery, except a few
light pieces, were left behind. The force consisted of two
thousand five hundred picked men who marched without tents
or baggage, and burdened only with knapsacks and blankets.
In addition to these were the force of Pioneers, and the wagon-
ers and provincials engaged on the roads. Friendly Indians
were kept out as scouts, and the greatest vigilance was ex-
ercised to avoid surprise. Washington and Colonel Arrn-
strong had opened a way by cutting a road to within a day's
march of the fort. On the evening of the 24th, the detach-
ment encamped among the hills of Turtle Creek. That night
they were informed by one of the Indian scouts, that he had
discovered a cloud of smoke above the fort, and soon after
another came with certain intelligence that it was burnt and
abandoned by the enemy. A troop of horse was sent forward
immediately to extinguish the burning. At midnight the men
on guard heard a dull and heavy sound booming over the
western woods. In the morning the march was resumed, the
strong advance guard leading the way. Forbes came next,
carried in his litter and the troops followed in three parallel
columns, the Highlanders in the center under Montgomery,
their Colonel, and the Royal Americans and Provincials on the
right and left, under Bouquet and Washington. Thus, guided
by the tap of the drum, at the head of each column, they
moAed slowly through the forest, over damp, fallen leaves,
crisp with frost, beneath an endless entanglement of bare
gray twigs, that sighed and moaned in the bleak November
wind. It was dusk when they emerged upon the open plain
and saw Fort Duquesne before them, with the background of
wintry hills beyond the Monongahela and Allegheny. (53.)

Out of the papers that are available bearing upon this par-
ticular occasion we have selected tlie one from Capt. John
Haslet to the Rev. Dr. Allison, as best answering our present

96 THE FRONTIER FORTS

purpose. It is dated Fort Dinpiesne, No. 26th, 1758, and
reads as follows (54):

"I have now the pleasure to write jou from the ruins of the
fort. On the 24th, at night, we were informed by one of our
Indian scouts, that he had discovered a cloud of smoke above
the place, and soon after another came in with certain intelli-
gence, that it was burnt and abandoned by the enemy. We
were then about fifteen miles from it; a troop of horse was
sent forward immediately to extinguish the burning, and the
whole army followed. We arrived at 6 o'clock last night, and
found it in a great measure destroyed. There are two forts,
about two hundred yards distant, the one built with immense
labor, small, but a great deal of very strong works collected
into very little room, and stands on the point of a narrow neck
of land at the confluence of the two rivers. 'Tis square, and
has two ravelins, gabions on each corner, &c. The other fort
stands on the bank of the Allegheny, in form of a parallelo-
gram, but nothing so strong as the other; several of the out-
works are lately begun and still unfinished. There are, I
think, thirty stacks of chimneys standing, the houses all burnt,
down. They sprung one mine, which ruined one of their
magazines. In the other we found sixteen barrels of ammu-
nition, a prodigious quantity of old carriage iron, barrels of
guns, about a cart load of scalping knives, &c. They went
oti" in such haste, that they could not make quite the havoc
of their works they intended. Vs'e are told, by the Indians,
that they lay the night before last at Beaver Creek, forty
miles down the Ohio from here. Whether they buried their
cannon in the river, or carried them down in their batteaux,
we ha^■e not yet learned. A boy twelve years old, who has
been their prisoner two years, who escaped on the 2d inst.,
tells us they carried a prodigious quantity of wood into the
fort, that they had burned five of the prisoners they took at
Major Grant's defeat, on the parade, and delivered others to
the Indians, who were tomahawked on the spot. We have
found numbers of dead bodies within a quarter of a mile of
the fort, unburied, as so many monuments of French human-
ily. A great many Indians, mostly Delawares, are gathered
on the island last uiulil and this inoiiiing, lo treat with the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 97

General, and we are making rafts to bring them over.
Whether the General will think of repairing the ruins, or leav-
ing any of the troops here, I have not heard. Mr. Beatty is
appointed to preach a thanksgiving sermon for the remark-
able superiority of his Majesty's arms. We left all our tents
at Loyal Hannan, and every conveniency except a blanket and
knapsack."

Of this event Mr. Bancroft says: "Armstrong's own hand
raised the British flag on the ruined bastions of the fortress.
As the banner of England floated over the waters, the place,
at the suggestion of Forbes, was with one voice called Pitts-
burgh. It is the most enduring monument to William Pitt.
America raised to his name statues that have been wrong-
fully broken, and granite piles of which not one stone remains
upon another; but, long as the Monongahela and the Alle-
gheny shall flow to form the Ohio, long as the English tongue
shall be the language of freedom in the boundless valley
which their waters traverse, his name shall stand inscribed
on the gateway of the west."

"The twenty-sixth," Mr. Bancroft continues, "was observed
as a day of public thanksgiving for success. The connection
between the seaside and the world beyond the mountains was
established forever; a vast territory was secured; the civiliza-
tion of liberty and commerce and religion was henceforth to
maintain the undisputed possession of the Ohio."

The French had made preparations for destroying and
abandoning the place, and when the English were within fif-
teen miles of the fort, the French had uncovered their houses,
and laid the roofs around the fort to set it on fire, and made
ready to go off upon the approach of the enemy. (55.)

There had been fortifications as Captain Haslet says above,
about two hundred yards distant from each other. One con-
structed with immense labor, at great expense, — small but
strong, and calculated to concentrate great powers of re-
sistance within a small space, stood on the point of land at the
confluence of the two rivers. The other stood on the bank of
the Allegheny, and was built in the form of a parallelogram,

7- Vol. 2.

98 THE FRONTIER FORTS

not so strong as the first, and its outworks having the appear-
ance of being unfinished.

There were two magazines, one of which was blown up and
ruined by the springing of a mine of powder. The report of
this explosion had been heard by those on duty at the camp-
ing-place of the army. The other magazine contained the ma-
terial enumerated in the letter of Captain Haslet, quoted
above. Their cannon was removed. (56.)

The following incident, among others which occurred on the
day of the taking possession of this place by General Forbes,
was related on the authority of a Captain commanding a com-
pany- of provincials on that day : (57.)

"Upon their arrival at Fort Duquesne, they entered upon
an Indian race path, (58) upon each side of which a number
of stakes, with the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth,
and upon each stake was fixed the head and kilt of a High-
lander who had been killed or taken prisoner, at Grant's de-
feat.

"The Provincials, being front, obtained the first view of
these horrible spectacles, which it may readily be believed,
excited no very khidly feelings in their breasts. They passed
along, however, without any manifestation of their violent
wrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of the
remains of their countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their
ranks, which rapidly swelled and grew louder and louder.
Exasperated not only with the barbarous outrages upon the
persons of their unfortunate fellow-soldiers who had fallen
only a few days before, but maddened by the insult which
was conveyed by the exhibition of their kilts, and which they
well understood, as they had long been nicknamed the "petti-
coat warriors'' by the Indians, their wrath knew no bounds.

"Directly a rapid and violent tramping was heard, and im-
mediately the whole corps of the Highlanders, with their
muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed by th<^
Provincials, foaming with rage, swearing vengeance and ex-
termination upon the French troops who had permitted such
outrages. But the French had fled, and the wrath of the ex-
asperated Highlanders at the escape of the French subsided
into a sullen and n rdontless desire for vengoance."

The flnst I

A PLAN OF THE FORT FOR ££0 MEN
BUILT IN DECEMBER 1758 WITHIN 400 YARDS
OF FORT DU QUE5NE

A. SOLDIERS BARRACKS

B. OFFICERS HOUSE

C. STORES OF PROVISION

D. DITTO FOR INDIAN GOODS.

MO N ON GEHELA

(mm««

THE ABOVE PLAN &? (sEE PLAI

I Kit.irss.

SECTION THRUU(iH A.B.

^-iJ"

.V^iS*

RIVER 40D YARDS WIDE

10 4ft ao

120

I I 1.

0 IS 20

ISO FEET FOR THE PLAN.

^FEET FOR THE PROFITS

ORT AUGUSTAJ

^ OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 99

After the taking of Fort Duquesne, General Forbes sent out
a detachment to search for the relics of Braddock's army, and
oury the remains of the dead. This service was performed —
a service pathetic and mournful in the highest degree. Some
times the detachment found skeletons lying across the trunks
of trees, sometimes sculls and bones scattered on the ground,
and in other places they saw the blackness of ashes amidst the
relics — the av f ul evidence of torture of the unfortunate
wounded. (59.)

On abandoning the fort, the Indians were scattered to their
several places of abode: Of the French, about one thousand
went down the Ohio to the Illinois country, another one hun-
dred passed by land to Presqu' Isle, and the remaining two
hundred with Ligneris the Commandant went up the Alle-
gheny to Venango. Fort Machault (Venango) was strength-
ened, and it was proposed to remain there until spring, and
defend the place, if attacked. With the opening of the river,
an attempt was made, as we shall see, to retake the site of
Fort Duquesne, which failed. (60.)

FORT PITT.

Thus at last this point of land which had been the cause of
the loss of many lives and of much treasure, fell into the
hands of the English; and again the cross of St. George flew
over the spot where the fleur-de-lis of St. Louis had floated
for four tempestuous years.

General Forbes in reporting to Governor Denny immedi-
ately after his taking possession, says:

J "As the conquest of this country is of the greatest conse-
quence to the adjacent provinces, by securing the Indians our
real friends for their own advantage. I have therefore sent for
their head people to come to me, when I think, in few words
and in few days to make everything easy.

*'I shall be obliged to leave about two hundred men of your
provincial troops to join a proportion of Virginians and Mary-

100 THE FRONTIER FORTS

landers, in order to protect this country during winter, by
which time I hope the provinces will be sensible of the great
benefit of this new acquisition, as to enable me to fix this
noble, fine country to all perpetuity under the dominion of
Great Britain.

"I beg the barracks may be put in good repair and proper
lodging for the officers, and that you will send me with the
greatest despatch, your opinion how I am to dispose of the
rest of your provincial troops; for the ease and convenience
of the provinces and inhabitants. You must also remember
that Col. Montgomery's battalion of one thousand three hun-
dred men and four companies of Royal Americans, are, after
so long and tedious campaign, to be taken care of in some
winter quarters." (61.)

The name for the fortification which it was intended to
build after the place was secured, had been determined upon
before that event occurred. With one accord the name of
Fort Pitt was applied to the intended fort. Pittsburgh, as
the name of the place, appeared the next day after its occu-
pancy. On November the 26th, Forbes in reporting the cap-
ture of the place to Lieutenant-Go v. Denny, in the letter which
we have already quoted, dated it from Fort Duquesne, "or
now Pitts-Bourgh." (62.)

It is a noticeable circumstance that in the correspondence
which appears in the Penna. Gazette, and in official communi-
cations bearing date at this place, not only during its occu-
pancy as an English outpost and later as the most important
place in Western Pennsylvania during colonial times, and
then as headquarters of the Western Department during the
Revolution, the name of the place, "Pittsburgh," was used
more frequently than that of Fort Pitt. (63.)

Gen. Forbes immediately began the erection of a new fort
near the site of the old one. The work was proceeded in with
all possible activity. It was getting late in the season. The
enemy had withdrawn, it is true, but their whereabouts were
not definitely known. Most of them had gone up the river to
Fort Machault; some of them had gathered at the strong-hold
at Loggstown, down the Ohio. The post was watched by spies

Fort P'tt and if5 environs.

January q59,

RtFEHENCtS to THE A90VE 5kETCH OF FoRT Du QuE.5Wt,N0W PITTSBURGH,
WITH THE ADJACtNT COUNTRY.

9 Logs Town.

10 BtAVER Creek.

11 KusKusKi6.« Chief Town ofthesijc

NATIONS.

12 Jhinooes Town.

13 AuuooiPPA -

H SENNAKAA5.

1 MONONOEHELA RiVtR

2 Fort Du Quesne or Phtsbuugh
J The Smacv Fort.

4 ALLt&HfeNY RivtR

5 ALLE&HfrMY Indian Town.
b Shanapins

7 YoUGKlOGHtNY RiYER.

8 Ohio oftALttGHEMY River.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 101

and Indians, and thus the situation was not one of absolute
confidence or security.

The character of the structure and the location of the new
fort were probably determined upon before Forbes left on his
return for Philadelphia, which he did on the 3d of December,
The work was located on the bank of the Monongahela at the
south end of what, later, was West street in the city of Pitts-
burgh, and between West street and Liberty, within two hun-
dred yards of Fort Duquesne. It has been described as "a
small square stockade, with bastions." (64.) It was intended
only for temporary use, and for the present accommodation of
a garrison of two hundred men. With this number, when it
was completed. Col. Hugh Mercer, was placed in command;
and the army marched back to the settlements.

The fort, so called, was completed probably about the first
of January, 1759. Col. Mercer, under date of January 8, 1759,
reported the garrison to consist then of about two hundred
and eighty men, and that the "works" were capable of some
defense, though huddled up in a very hasty manner, the
weather being extremely severe. (65.)

On March the 17th, 1759, the garrison is reported as follows:
There were ten commissioned officers, eighteen non-com-
missioned officers, three drummers, three hundred and forty-
six rank and file, fit for duty, seventy-nine sick, three (unac-
counted) making a total of four hundred and twenty-eight.
Twelve had died since the 1st of January. In respect of their
commands, they were divided as follows: Royal artillery,
eight; Royal Americans, twenty; Highlanders, eighty; Vir-
ginia regiment, ninety-nine; First Batt'n Penna., one hundred
and thirty-six; Second Batt'n Penna., eighty-five.

Between the one-fifth and one-sixth of the force, were sick.
(66.)

On July the 9th, 1759, the officers at the place were the fol-
lowing:

Colonel Hugh Mercer; Captains Waggoner, Woodward,
Prentice, Morgan, Smallman, Ward and Clayton; Lieutenants
Mathews, Hydler, Biddle, Conrod, Kennedy, Sumner, Ander-
son, Hutching, Dangerfield and W^right of the train; Ensigns
Crawford, Crawford and Morgan.

102 THE FRONTIER FORTS

This structure, as stated, was intended for temporary use
finly. The one to succeed it was intended to be an imposin«
fortress and such as would last for all time. Work was ex-
pected to be began upon it within the coming year. General
Forbes having died, March 13th, 1759, shortly after his return
to Philadelphia, was succeeded by General John Stanwix as
commander of His Majesty's regular troops, and those to be
raised by the Provinces, for the Southern Department, The
announcement of the appointment of Stanwix and of the
death of Forbes, was made by Gen. Amherst, Commander-in-
Chief, on the 15th of March, 1759.

The importance of this post as it appeared to the great Wil-
liam Pitt, after whom the fort and the succeeding city, were
called, is manifest from an expression of his opinion in
a letter dated at Whitehall, Jan. 23d, 1759, just 60 days after
the taking of Fort Duquesne. The letter shows also the in-
tention of the Ministry. (67.)

"I am now to acquaint you," says he, '^that the King has
been pleased, immediately upon receiving the news of the suc-
cess of his arms on the river Ohio, to direct the Commander-
in-Chief of his Majesty's forces, in North America, and Gen.
Forbes, to lose no time in conserting the proper and speediest
means for completely restoring if possible, the ruined Fort
Duquesne to a defensible and respectable state, or for erecting
another in the room of it of sufficient strength and every way
adequate to the great importance of the several objects of
maintaining his Majesty's subjects in the undisputed posses-
sion of the Ohio; of effectually cutting off all trade and com-
munication this way, between Canada and the western and
southwestern Indians; of protecting the British colonies from
incursion to which they have been exposed since the French
built the fort and thereby make themselves masters of the
navigation of the Ohio, and of fixing again the several Indian
nations in their alliance with and dependance upon his
Majesty's government."

Gen. Amherst having received instructions of a like tenor
from Secretary Pitt, acquainted the Governor of the fact, and
requested the co-operation of the Province with Stanwix c<v
that end. (68.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 103

During the early summer of 1759, the greatest apprehen-
sion was felt on account of the project which the French had
in view, of descending from Fort Machault for an attack on
Fort Pitt. A large force was collected there, which, if cir-
cumstances had not intervened to divert their operations,
would probably have been adequate to capture the place. But
the urgent necessity of the French at Niagara, which place
was invested by the English, compelled them to abandon their
project (69.)

General Stanwix, soon after his appointment as the Com-
mander of this department, arranged to go to Fort Pitt, and
there begin the construction of a permanent fortification, and
such a one as would be a credit to his government, and insure
a permanent defense of the province in those parts. He had,
however, much trouble with the Pennsylvania authorities to
get what he regarded as the necessary supplies and a suffi-
cient number of men and artificers. The season was going
by, and he was becoming impatient. From his camp at Fort
Bedford, the 13th of August, 1759, he wrote to Governor
Denny. (70.)

"It is with reluctance that I must trouble you again upon
this subject, but being stopped in my march, for want of a
sufficient and certain succession of carriages, I am obliged to
have recourse to you to extricate me out of this difficulty."

At the same time he addressed a circular letter to the man-
agers for wagons in each county, saying, in part (71) :

"The season advances fast upon us, and our magazines are
not half full. All our delays are owing to want of carriages.
The troops are impatient to dislodge and drive the enemy from
Iheir posts on this side the Lake, and by building a respectable
fort upon the Ohio, secure to his Majesty the just possession
of that rich country."

Around the garrison at this time many Indians had collected
who were now the dependants of the English, being brought
thither upon invitations to attend conferences and councils,
of which there had been several since the English occupancy
of the place. The treaty of July, 1759, was attended by great
numbers. These had to be fed, nor did they show indication
of departing so long as there was a sufficiency of provisions.

104 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Col. Mercer complains, on the 6th of August, 1759, (72) that on
account of this drain upon their supplies, the garrison had
been brought to great straits, and he had been obliged to re-
duce the garrison to three hundred and fifty, and even with
that number, could scarcely save an ounce between the con-
voys. On the same date Mercer reports that Captain Gorden,
chief engineer, had arrived, with most of the artificers, but
that he would not fix on a spot for constructing the fort until
the arrival of the General, but that they were preparing the
materials for building with what expedition so relatively few
men were capable of.

General Stanwix arrived at Pittsburgh, late in August, 1759,
with materials, skilled workmen and laborers, for the purpose,
and on the 3d day of September, the work of building a
formidable fortification commenced, in obedience to the orders
of William Pitt, Secretary of State.

Colonel Mercer reports September 15th, 1759, "A perfect
tranquility reigns here since General Stanwix arrived, the
works of the new fort go on briskly, and no enemy appears
near the camp or upon the communication. The difficulty of
supplying the army here, obliges the General to keep more of
the troops at Ligonier and Bedford than he would choose; the
remainder of the Virginia regiment joins us next week.
Colonel Burd is forming a post at Redstone Creek, Col. Arm-
strong remains some weeks at Ligonier, and the greater part
of my battalion will be divided along the communication to
Carlisle." (73.)

Gen. Stanwix to Governor Hamilton in a letter dated "Camp
at Pittsburgh, 8th Deer., 1759," (74) reports that "the works
here are now carried on to that degree of defence which was
at first prepared for this year, so that I am now forming a
winter garrison which is to consist of 300 provincials, one-half
Pennsylvanians the other Virginians, and 400 of the first bat-
talion, of the Royal American regiment, the whole to be under
the command of Major Tulikens when I leave it. These I hope
I shall be able to cover well under good barracks and feed like-
wise, for 6 months from the first of January; besides artillery
oflBcers and batteaux men, Indians too must be fed, and they
are not a few that come and go and trade here and will expect

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 105

provisions from us, in which, at least at present they must not
be disappointed."

Gen. Stanwix remained at Fort Pitt until the spring of 1760.
In the fall of 1759 was held a conference with the Indians
which was most satisfactory in its results. It was the policy
of the English government, in which it was seconded bv the
Provinces of Pennsylvania and Virginia, that the oflQcers of
the army as well as the authorities of the Provinces should
use every effort to conciliate the Indians and keep them on
good terms. Accordingly, Colonel Bouquet, representing
Forbes, with Col. Armstrong and several officers, George
Croghan, Deputy agent to Sir Wm. Johnson, with Henry Mon-
tour, as interpreter met with the chiefs of the Delaware In-
dians, at Pittsburgh, on December 4th, 1758, after their occu-
pancy of the post. At this meeting the Indians were assured
of the peaceful intentions of the King of England and his
people toward them. (75.)

Col. Mercer in January (3d-7th), 1759, held a conference with
nine chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares, from
the upper Allegheny, (76) and a very important conference was
held here in July, beginning on the 4th, (1759), by George
Croghan, Esq., Deputy Agent to Gen. Sir. Wm. Johnson, Bart.,
his Majesty's Agent and Superintendent for Indian Affairs in
the Northern District of North America, with the Chiefs and
Warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, and Wy-
andottes, who represent eight nations, Ottawas, Chipawas,
Potowatimes, Twightwees, Cuscuskees, Keckepos, Schockeys,
and Musquakes. (77.)

Here, General Stanwix met the representatives of the Six
Nations, Shawanese, Delawares and other Indian tribes, on the
25th of October, 1759. There were present on the part of the
English, Brig.-Gen. Stanwix, with sundry gentlemen of the
army; George Croghan, Esq., Deputy Agent to Sir William
Johnson; Captain William Trent and Captain Thomas McKee,
Assistants to George Croghan; Captain Henry Mountour was
interpreter. At these various conferences the Indians were
represented by their prominent chieftains, of whom may be
mentioned, Guyasuta, The Beaver, King of the Delawares,
Shingas, the Pipe, Gustalogo, and Killbuck. (78.)
7*

106 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Many private conferences were held to which the Indians
came in and promised to be eternal friends with the whites.
The Indians, indeed, never hesitated to come when they
wanted something to eat and drink, and a supply of ammuni-
tion and blankets.

General Stanwix to Governor Hamilton from Fort Pitt,
March 17th, 1760, says (79) : "As soon as the waters are down
I propose to leave this post for Philadelphia, which I can do
now with great satisfaction, having finished the works all
round in a very defenceable manner, leave the garrison in good
health, in excellent barracks, and seven months wholesome,
good provisions from the 1st of April next; the rest of the
works may be now finished under cover, and [the men] be only
obliged to work in proper weather, which has been very far
from our case this hard winter and dirty spring — so far as it
is advanced — but we have carried the works as far into exe-
cution as I could possibly propose to myself in the time, and
don't doubt but it will be finished as soon as such work can
be done, so as to give a strong security to all the Southern Pro-
vinces, and answer every end proposed for his Majesty's ser-
vice."

Although Fort Pitt was occupied in 1760, it was not finished
until the summer of 1761 under Col. Bouquet. It occupied all
the ground between the rivers, Marbury (now Third street),
West street, and x>art of Liberty. Its stone bomb-proof maga-
zine was removed when the Penna. Railway Company built its
freight depot in 1852. (80.)

"The work," says Neville B. Craig, (81) "was five sided,
though not all equal, as Washington erroneously stated in his
journal in 1770. The earth around the proposed work was
dug and thrown up so as to enclose the selected position with
a rampart of earth. On the two sides facing the country, this
rampart was supported by what military men call a revet-
ment— a brick work, nearly ]K*rpeudicuIar supporting the
rampart on the outside, and thus presenting an obstacle to the
enemy not easily overcome. On the other three sides, the
earth in the rampart had no support, and, of course, it pre-
sented a more inclined surface to the enemy — one which could
be readily ascended. To remedy, in some degree, this defect

The drawing of the Redoubt is from Day's Historical Collections of
Pennsylvania. It is there said that it is a " view as it now (1843) appears.
In looking at the drawing, the reader should understand that the Redoubt
is merely the square building in front. It is situated north of Penn Street,
about forty-six feet west of Point Street, a few bacli from Brewery Alley."

The Redoubt in the above drawing is shown from another point of view
than tlie drawing of current date. The windows, the steps, and at least the
door to tlie left, are to be talcen as modern innovations.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 107

in the work, a line of pickets was fixed on the outside of the
foot of the slope of the rampart. Around the whole work was
a wide ditch which would, of course, be filled with water when
the river was at a moderate stage.

"In summer, however, when the river was low the ditch was
dry and perfectly smooth, so that the officers and men had a
ball-alley in the ditch, and against the revetments.

"This ditch extended from the salient angle of the north
bastion — that is the point of the fort which approached nearest
to Marbury street, back of the south end of Hoke's row — down
to the Allegheny where Marbury street strikes it.

"This part of the ditch was, during our boyhood, and ever
since, called Butler's Gut, from the circumstance of Gen.
Richard Butler and Col. Wm. Butler residing nearest to it —
their houses being the same which now [1848] stand at the
corner on the south side of Penn and east side of Marbury.
Another part of the ditch extended to the Monongahela, a little
west of West street, and a third debouche into the river was
made just about the end of Penn street.

"The redoubt, which still remains near the point, the last
relic of British labor at this place, was not erected till IICA.
The other redoubt, which stood at the mouth of Redoubt Alley,
was erected by Col. Wm. Grant; and our recollection is, that
the year mentioned on the stone tablet was 1765, but we are
not positive on that point."

Gen. Stanwix remained at Pittsburgh until March 21st, 17G0.
From a communication dated from the fort at Pittsburgh, on
that date, and printed in the Penna. Gazette as a part of the
current news, the following information is obtained:

'^This day Major-Gen. Stanwix set out for Philadelphia, es-
corted by thirt} -five chiefs of the Ohio Indians and fifty of the
Royal Americans. The presence of the General has been of the
utmost consequence at this post during the winter, as well for
cultivating the friendship and alliance of the Indians, and for
continuing the fortifications and supplying the troops here and
on the communications. The works are now quite perfected,
according to the plan, from the Ohio to the Monongahela, and
eighteen pieces of artillery mounted on the bastions that cover
the isthmus; and case-mates, barracks and store-houses are

108 THE FRONTIER FORTS

also completed for a garrison of one thousand men and ofQcers,
so that it may now be asserted with very great truth, that the
British dominion is established on the Ohio. The Indians are
carrying on a vast trade with the merchants of Pittsburgh,
and instead of desolating the frontiers of these colonies, are
entirely employed in increasing the trade and wealth thereof.
The happy effects of our military operations are also felt by
[many] of our poor inhabitants, who are now in quiet posses-
sion of the lands they were driven from on the frontiers of
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia.

"When Gen. Stanwix left Fort Pitt there were present as a
garrison seven hundred, namely, one hundred and fifty Vir-
ginians, one hundred and fifty Pennsylvanians and four hun-
dred of the First Battalion of Royal Americans." (82.)

The war between England and France having terminated to
the advantage of the English by the surrender of Montreal, the
last post held by the French, on 8th of September, 1759, the
English in the fall of 1759 and in 1760 took possession of the
surrendered posts.

General Monckton, as the chief officer of this department,
arrived at Fort Pitt on the 29th of June, 1760. Immediately
on his arrival he gave orders for the march of a large detach-
ment of the army to Presqu' Isle, (now Erie). This movement
was made for the purpose of taking possession of the upper
posts as well as those along the frontier to Detroit and Macki-
naw. On the 7th of July, 1760, four companies of the Royal
Americans, under command of Colonel Bouquet, and Captain
^IcNeil's company of the Virginia Regiment, marched for
Presqu' Isle. These were followed in a few days after by Col.
Hugh Mercer, with three companies of the Penna. Regiment,
under Captains Biddle, Clapham and Anderson, and later two
other companies of the same regiment, under Captains Atlee,
and Miles, followed.

A news item dated from Philadelphia the 31st of July, 1760,
gave information that Maj. Gladwin had arrived at Presqu' Isle
vvilh four hundred men from the northward, and that our
troops from Pittsburgh would be at the same place by the 15th
July, 1760. (83.)

The town of Pittsburgh began, in all probability, with the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 109

occupancy of the place by the English in the fall of 1758. That
is to say that from the first there was, near the fort, a collec-
tion of rude cabins occupied by traders, purveyors of the army
and settlers. The name of the town, we have seen, was co-
temporary with the name of the fort. The mention made of
the town by Col. James Burd in his Journal is probably the
first authentic mention with regard to its inhabitants, avail-
able. Col. Burd in command of the Augusta Regiment — as
the Penna. Regiment under his command was then called —
arrived at Pittsburgh on Sunday, 6th July, 1760, and remained
there on duty until November following. In his Journal Is
the following (84):

"21st, Monday. [July, 1760.]

To-day numbered the Houses at Pittsburg, and made a Re-
turn of the number of People — men, women & children — that
do not belong to the army:

Number of houses, 146

Number of unfinished houses, 19

Number of Hutts, 36

Total, 201

Number of Men, 88

Number of Women, 29

Number of Male Children, 14

Number of Female Children, 18

Total 149

"N. B. — The above houses Exclusive of those in the Fort; in
the fort five long barricks and a long casimitt [casement].''

During the winter of 1760 and 1761, Col. Vaughan, with the
regiment, known as his Majesty's regiment of Royal Welsh
Volunteers, were garrisoning the several posts within the com-
munication to Pittsburgli. (85.) These troops being wanted by
Gen. Amherst for other service, he requested the Governor to
make a requisition of provincial troops to take their place.

110 THE FRONTIER FORTS

This request met with the usual result. Geu. Monckton in a
letter to Governor Hamilton, from Fort Pitt, September 26th,
1760, expressed his sorrow to find that there was a likelihood
of the requisition meeting with so much difficulty, and again
represented the necessity of keeping up a body, of at least
four hundred of the Penna. troops, to assist in garrisoning the
forts in that department for the ensuing winter. (86.)

This matter was laid before the Council but the House being
then on the point of dissolution, declined to agree to this meas-
ure at once, and deferred its consideration to the next As-
sembly. (87.) On the 17th of October, the Assembly's Answer
to the Governor's message was delivered. The reason which
they gave for acceding to this request was that since the re-
duction of Canada and the withdrawal of the French home,
there remained nothing for the regular troops in the pay of
the ''Nation" to do but garrison these posts, from which cir-
cumstances they concluded that it was not necessary to en-
gage additional men. (88.)

The Assembly thus not doing anything. Gen. Monckton ap-
pealed to Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, who ad-
dressed the Governor, Feb, 27th, 1761, saying that as it was in-
dispensably necessary that Vaughan's regiment should be re-
moved from their present quarters to Philadelphia, it was
requisite to send in their stead for the security and protection
of the country, to the several forts and posts within the com-
munication to Pittsburgh, a sufficient number of men properly
officered. He requested that three hundred, so officered,
should be raised by the Assembly for that purpose. (89.) The
Governor laid the matter before the Assembly. On March the
18th, 1761, the bill being passed, was handed to the Governor,
who concurred. (90.)

Gen. Monckton had left Pittsburgh, Monday, the 27th of
October, 1760. (91.) He, however, had charge of this depart-
ment for some time thereafter. Amherst, under date of 22d
of March, 1761, acquainted the Governor that Gen, Monckton
would set out from New York on the day following, on his way
to Phila., in order to station the three hundred men voted by '
the Assembly, and to put Vaughan's regiment in motion. (^2.)

Little of interest occurred here from this time until Pontiac'r?

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA, 111

war, in 1763. Treaties were held, as we have seen, from time
to time with the Indians. Gen. Monckton had held a confer-
ence of great moment at the camp on the 12th of August, 1760.
Many representatives were present. The tribes were well
treated. A great store or trading-house, was set up by the
Governor,, at Pittsburgh, and one at Shamokin (Sunbury,
where the Indians were furnished with all sorts of goods, at a
"cheap rate." (93.)

Through almost the entire year of 1762 — until late in the
fall of that year — there was nothing to indicate anything but
a lasting friendship from the Indians about the region of the
Ohio. Beaver and Shingas, had sent word by Frederic Post,
whose message was delivered to the Governor, Feb. 11th, 1762,
that it was their desire to cultivate the friendship of their
brethren, the English. (94.) Later in the year, Beaver, and the
other Indians with him, entered into solemn engagement to
deliver up all the whites whom they held as prisoners, at Fort
Pitt. Col. Burd and Josiah Davenport were commissioned to
receive them. (95.)

The preliminaries of a treaty of peace between France and
Great Britain, (as well as other powers), were interchanged on
the 3d of November, 1762, and the definite treaty was signed
on the 10th of February, 1763. Under this, the whole of the
territory between the Allegheny and the Mississippi, together
with Canada, passed from the French to the English. In the
meantime the greatest Indian uprising in history was being
planned by one of the most remarkable savages of whom there
is account. This was Pontiac, Chief of the Ottawas. He had
been, both from interest and inclination, a firm friend of the
French, During the war he had fought on the side of France.
It is said that he commanded some of his tribe, when he was
yet a young man, at the defeat of Braddock, (96.)

It was a momentous crisis for the Indian race. The English
were masters; the French were conquered. This, to one of a
laind of the vigor and strength of Pontiac's, meant the loss
of all their hunting grounds and the extinguishment of their
race. To the Indians were reserved the great privilege of
annihilating the English race. His vivid imagination con-
<>eived things impossible to be realized. The idea came to him

112 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of uniting all the tribes into a confederation of war; to at-
tack all at once the English posts on the frontier from Macki-
naw to Fort Pitt, and thus by wresting all their conquests
from them, regain for the French as their friends the places
from whence they had been displaced, and to restore to the
native tribes their rightful heritage.

Toward the close of 1762 he thereupon sent ambassadors to
the different nations of savages. These visited the country of
the Ohio and its tributaries, passed northward to the region of
the Upper Lakes, and the borders of the River Ottawa and
far southwards towards the mouth of the Mississippi. Bear-
ing with him the war belt of wampum, broad, and long, as the
importance of the message demanded, and the tomahawk
stained red in token of war, they went from camp to camp, and
village to village. Everywhere the message was approved.
The blow was to be struck at a certain time in the month of
May following, to be indicated by the changes of the moon.
The tribes were to rise together, each destroying the English
garrison in its neighborhood, and then, with a general rush^
the whole were to turn against the settlements of the frontier.

The tribes, then banded together against the English, com-
prised, with a few unimportant exceptions the whole Algon-
quin stock, to whom were united the Wyandotts, the Senecas,
and several tribes of the lower Mississippi. The Senecas were
the only members of the Iroquois confederacy who joined in
the league, the rest being kept quiet by the influence of Sir
Wm. Johnson, whose utmost exertions, however, were barely
sufficient to allay their irritation. (97.)

Preparations having been thus made all the outposts which
were garrisoned by English blood, were assailed about the
same time. Within a short period, of the twelve garrisoned
forts which were severally attacked, nine fell. Among those
taken were Venango, Le Boeuf, Presqu' Isle; — Detroit, Niag-
ara and Fort Pitt alone remained.

In Pennsylvania at this time, F>edford might be regarded the
frontier. Between that point and Fort Pitt about midway
was Fort Ligonier on the Loyalhanna. Between Bedford and
Ligonierat the western side of the Alleghenies was a stockaded
station called Stony Creek. About midway between Ligonier

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 113

and Fort Pitt, near Bushy Run was Byerly's station. These
were all on the line of the Forbes road. From Presqu' Isle
(Erie), there was a short over land passage, called a portage, of
about fifteen miles to Fort Le Boeuf, on French creek, a
branch of the Allegheny; thence the communication was by
French creek to Fort Venango (Old Machault), and thence by
the Allegheny to Fort Pitt.

Fort Pitt stood far aloof in the forest, and one might journey
eastward full two hundred miles, before the English settle-
ments began to thicken. Behind it lay a broken and woody
track; then succeeded the great barrier of the Allegheny s.
traversing the country in successive ridges; and beyond these
lay vast woods, extending to the Susquehanna. Eastward of
this river, cabins of settlers became more numerous, until in
the neighborhood of Lancaster, the country assumed an ap-
pearance of prosperity and cultivation. Two roads led from
Fort Pitt to the settlements; one of which was cut by Gen.
Braddock from Cumberland in 1755 ; the other, which was the
more frequented, passed by Carlisle and Bedford, and was the
one made by Gen. Forbes, in 1758. Fort Ligonier and Fort Bed-
ford were nestled among the mountains in the midst of endless
forests. Small clearings and log cabins were around each
post From Bedford toward the east, at the distance of nearly
one hundred miles, was Carlisle, a place resembling Bedford
in its general aspect although of greater extent. After leav-
ing Fort Bedford, numerous houses of settlers were scattered
here and there among the valleys, on each side of the road
from Fort Pitt, so that the number of families beyond the
Susquehanna amounted to several hundreds, thinly distributed
over a great space. From Carlisle to Harris' Ferry, now Har-
risburg, on the Susquehanna, was but a short distance; and
from thence, the road led directly into the heart of the settle-
ments. (98.)

At this time Capt. Simeon Ecuj-er, a brave Swiss officer, of
the same nationality and blood ns ]?ouquet, commanded at Fort
Pitt, He early received warnings of danger. On the 4th of
May, (1763), he wrote to Col. Bouquet at Philadelphia: "Major
Gladwyn writes to tell me that I am surrounded by rascals.
He complains a great deal of the Delaware and Shawanos.
8- Vol. 2.

114 THE FRONTIER FORTS

It is this canille who stir up the rest to mischief." At length,
on the 27th, at about dusk in the evening, a party of Indians
was seen descending the banks of the Allegheny, with laden-
pack-horses. They built fires, and encamped on the shore
until da^^-break, when they all crossed over to the fort, bring-
ing with them a great quantity of valuable furs. These they
sold to the traders, demanding, in exchange, bullets, hatchets,
and gunpowder; but their conduct was so peculiar as to ex-
cite the just suspicion that they came either as spies or with
some other insidious design. Hardly were they gone, when
tidings came in that Col. Clapham, with several persons, both
men and women, had been murdered and scalped near the
fort; and it was soon after discovered that the inhabitants of
an Indian town, a few miles up the Allegheny, had totally
abandoned their cabins, as if bent on some plan of mischief.
On the next day, two soldiers were shot within a mile of the
fort. An express was hastily sent to Venango, to warn the
little garrison of danger; but he returned almost immediately,
having been twice fired at, and severely wounded. (99.) A
trader named Calhoun now came in from an Indian village of
Tuscaroras, with intelligence of a yet more startling kind.
At eleven o'clock on the night of the 27th, a chief named
Shingas, with several of the principal warriors in the place,
had come to Calhoun's cabin, and earnestly begged him to de-
part, declaring that they did not wish to see him killed before
their eyes. The Ottawas and Ojibwas, they said, had taken up
the hatchet, and captured Detroit, Sandusky and all the forts
of the interior. The Delawares and Shawanese of the Ohio
were following their example, and were murdering all the
traders among them. Calhoun and the thirteen men in his
employ lost no time in taking their departure. The Indians
forced them to leave their guns behind, promising them that
they would give them three warriors to guide them in safety
to Fort Pitt; but the whole proved a piece of characteristic
dissimulation and treachery. The three led them into an
ambuscade at the mouth of Beaver creek. A volley of balls
showered upon them ; eleven were killed on the spot, and Cal-
houn and two others alone made their escape. "T see," writes
Ecuyer to his Colonel, "that the affair is general. I tremWe

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 115

lor our out-posts. I believe, from what I hear, that I am sur-
rounded by Indians. I neglect nothing to give them a good
reception; and 1 expect to be attacked to-morrow morning.
Please God I may be. I am passably well prepared. Every
body is at work, and I do not sleep; but I tremble lest my mes-
sengers should be cut off."

At Fort Pitt every preparation was made for an attack.
The houses and cabins outside the rampart were levelled to
the ground, and every morning, at an hour before dawn, the
drum beat, and the troops were ordered to their alarm posts.
The garrison consisted of three hundred and thirty soldiers,
traders and backwoodsmen; and there were also in the fort
about one hundred women, and a still greater number of chil-
dren, most of them belonging to the families of settlers who
were preparing to build their cabins in the neighborhood.
"We are so crowded in the fort," writes Ecuyer to Col. Bou-
quet, "that I fear disease; for, in spite of every care, I cannot
keep the place as clean as I should like. Besides, the small-pox
is among us; and I have therefore caused a hospital to be built
under the drawbridge, out of range of musket shot. * * *
I am determined to hold my post, spare my men, and never ex-
pose them without necessity. This, I think, is what you re-
quire of me."

The desultory outrages with which the war began, and
which only served to put the garrison on their guard, far from
abating, continued for many successive days, and kept the gar-
rison in a state of restless alarm. It was dangerous to venture
outside the walls, and a few who attempted it were shot and
scalped by lurking Indians. "They have the impudence,"
writes an ofBcer, "to fire all night at our sentinels;" nor were
these attacks confined to the night, for even during the day no
man willingly exposed his head above the rampart. The sur-
rounding woods were known to be full of prowling Indians,
whose number seemed daily increasing, though as yet they had
made no attempt at a general attack. At length, on the after-
noon of the 22nd of June, a party appeared at the farthest ex-
tremity of the cleared lands behind the fort, driving off the
horses which were grazing there, and killing the cattle. No
sooner was this accomplished than a general fire was opened

U6 THE FRONTIER FORTS

upon the fort from every side at once, though at so great a dis-
tance that only two men were killed. The garrison replied
by a discharge of howitzers, the shells of which, bursting in
the midst of the Indians, greatly amazed and disconcerted
them. As it grew dark, their fire slackened, though, through-
out the night, the flash of guns was seen at frequent intervals,
followed by the whooping of the invisible assailants.

At nine o'clock on the following morning, several Indians ap-
proached the fort with the utmost confidence, and took their
stand at the outer edge of the ditch, where one of them, a
Delaware, named the Turtle's Heart, addressed the garrison
as follows:

'*My brothers, we that stand here are your friends; but we
have bad news to tell you. Six great nations of Indians have
taken up the hatchet, and cut off all the English garrisons, ex-
cepting yours. They are now on their way to destroy yoa also,

"My Brothers, we are your friends, and we wish to save your
lives. What we desire you to do is this: You must leave this
fort, with all your women and children, and go down to the
English settlements, where you will be safe. There are many
bad Indians already here; but we will protect you from them.
You must go at once, because if you wait till the six great na-
tions arrive here, you will all be killed, and we can do nothing
to protect you."

To this proposal, by which the Indians hoped to gain a safe
and easy possession of the fort, Captain Ecuyer made the fol-
lowing reply. The vein of humor perceptible in it may serve
to indicate that he was under no great apprehension for the
safety of his garrison :

"My Brothers, we are very grateful for your kindness, though
we are convinced that you must be mistaken in what you have
told us about the forts being captured. As for ourselves we
have plenty of provisions, and are able to keep the fort against
all the nations of Indians that may dare to attack it. We are
very well off in this place, and we mean to stay here.

"My Brothers, as you have shown yourselves such true
friends, we feel bound in gratitude to inform you that an army
of six thousand English will shortly arrive here, and that an-
other army of three thousand is gone up the lakes, to punish

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 117

the Ottawas and O jib was. A third has gone to the frontiers
of Virginia, where they will be joined by your enemies, the
Cherokees and Catawbas, who are coming here to destroy you.
Therefore take pity on your women and children and get out
of the way as soon as possible. We have told you this in con-
fidence, out of our great solicitude lest any of you should be
hurt; and we hope that you will not tell any of the other In-
dians, lest they escape from our vengeance. (100.)"

This politic invention of the three armies had an excellent
effect, and so startled the Indians, that, on the next day most
of them withdrew from the neighborhood, and went to meet
a great body of warriors, who were advancing from the west-
ward to attack the fort.

At Fort Pitt, every preparation was made to repel the attack
which was hourly expected. A part of the rampart, under-
mined by the spring floods, had fallen into the ditch; but, by
dint of great labor, this injury was repaired. A line of pali-
sades was erected along the ramparts ; the barracks were made
shot-proof, to protect the women and children; and as the in-
terior buildings were all of wood, a rude fire engine was con-
structed, to extinguish any flames which might be kindled by
the burning arrows of the Indians. Several weeks, however,
elapsed without any determined attack from the enemy, who
were engaged in their bloody work among the settlements and
smaller posts. From the beginning of July until towards its
close, nothing occurred except a series of petty and futile at-
tacks, by which the Indians abundantly exhibited their
malicious intentions, without doing harm to the garrison.
During the whole of this time, the communication with the
settlements was completely cut oif, so that no letters were
written from the fort, or, at all events, none reached their des-
tination; and we are therefore left to depend upon a few
meagre official reports, as our only sources of information.

On the 26th of July, a small party of Indians were seen ap-
proaching the gate, displaying a flag, which one of them had
some time before received as a present from the English com-
mander. On the strength of this token, they Avere admitted,
and proved to be chiefs of distinction; among whom were
Shingas, Turtle's Heart, and others, who had hitherto main-

118 THE FRONTIER FORTS

tained an appearance of friendship. Being admitted to a
council, one of them addressed Captain Ecuyer and his officers
to the following effect:

"Brothers, what we are about to say comes from our hearts
and not from our lips.

"Brothers, we wish to hold fast the chain of friendship —
that ancient chain which our forefathers held with their
brethren the English. You have let your end of the chain fall
to the ground, but ours is still fast within our hands. Why
do you complain that our young men have fired at your sol-
diers, and killed your cattle and your horses? You yourselves
are the cause of this. You marched your armies into our
country, and built forts here, though we told you, again and
again, that we wished you to remove. My Brothers, this land
is ours and not yours.

"My Brothers, two days ago we received a great belt of wam-
pum from the Ottawas of Detroit, and the message they sent
us was in these words:

" 'Grandfathers the Delawares, by this belt we inform you
that in a short time we intend to pass, in a very great body,
through your country, on our way to strike the English at the
forks of the Ohio. Grandfathers, you know us to be a head-
strong people. We are determined, to stop at nothing; and as
we expect to be very hungry, we will seize and eat everything
that comes in our way.'

"Brothers, you have heard the words of the Ottawas. If
you leave this place immediately, and go home to your wives
and children, no harm will come of it; but if you stay, you
must blame yourselves alone for what may happen. Therefore
we desire you to remove."

To the wholly unreasonable statement of wrongs contained
in this speech. Captain Ecuyer replied, by urging the shallow
pretence that the forts were built for the purpose of supply-
ing the Indians with clothes and qmraunition. He then ab-
solutely refused to leave the place. "I have," he said, "war-
riors, provisions, and ammunition, to defend it three years
atrainst all the Indians in the woods; and we shall never
abandon it as long as a white man lives in America. I de-
spise the Ottawas. and am very much surprised at our brothers

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 119

the Delawares, for proposing to us to leave this place and go
home. This is our home. You have attacked us without
reason or provocation; you have murdered and plundered our
warriors and traders; you have taken our horses and cattle;
and at the same time you tell us that your hearts are good
towards your brethren, the English. How can I have faith
in you? Therefore, now, Brothers, I will advise you to go
home to your towns, and take care of your wives and children.
Moreover, I tell you that if any of you appear again about
this fort, I will throw bombshells, which will burst and blow
you to atoms, and fire cannon among you, loaded with a whole
bag full of bullets. Therefore take care, for I don't want to
hurt you."
-?^ Tfie chiefs departed, much displeased with their reception.
Though nobody in his senses could blame the course pursued
by Captain Ecuyer, and though the building of forts in the In-
dian country could not be charged as a crime, except by the
most overstrained casuistry, yet we cannot refrain from sym-
pathizing with the intolerable hardship to which the progress
of civilization subjected the unfortunate tenants of the wilder-
ness, and which goes far to extenuate the perfidy and cruelty
that marked their conduct throughout the whole course of the
war.

Disappointed of gaining a bloodless possession of the fort,
the Indians, now, for the first time, began a general attack.
On the night succeeding the conference, they approached in
great numbers, under cover of the darkness, and completely
surrounded it; many of them crawling under the banks of the
two rivers, and, with incredible perseverance, digging, with
their knives, holes in which they were completely sheltered
from the fire of the fort. On one side, the whole bank was
lined with these burrows, from each of which a bullet or an
arrow was shot out whenever a soldier chanced to expose his
head. At daybreak, a general fire was opened from every side,
and continued without intermission until night, and through
several succeeding days. No great harm was done, however.
The soldiers lay close behind their parapet of logs, watching
the movements of their subtle enemies, and paying back their
shot with interest. The red uniforms of the Royal Americans

120 THE FRONTIER FORTS

mingled with the gray homespun of the border riflemen, or
the fringed hunting-frocks of the old Indian fighters, wary and
adroit as the red-skinned warriors themselves. They liked the
sport, and were eager to sally from behind their defences, and
bring their assailants to close quarters; but Ecuyer was too
wise to consent. He was among them, and as well pleased as
they, directing, encouraging, and applauding them in his
broken English. An arrow flew OA'er the rampart and
wounded him in the leg; but, it seems, with no other result
than to extort a passing execration. The Indians shot fire-
arrows, too, from their burrows, but not one of them took
effect. The yelling at times was terrific, and the women and
children in the crowded barracks clung to each other in terror;
but there was more noise than execution, and the assailants
suffered more than the assailed. Three or four days after,
' Ecuyer wrote to his colonel, "They were all well under cover,
and so were we. They did us no harm; nobody killed, seven
wounded, and I myself slightly. Their attack lasted five days
and five nights. We are certain of having killed and wounded
twenty of them, without reckoning those we could not see.
I left nobody fire till he had marked his man; and not an In-
dian could show his nose without being pricked with a bullet,
for I have some good shots here. * * * Quj. jq^jj a^e
doing admirably, regulars and the rest. All that they ask is
to go out and fight. I am fortunate to have the honor of com-
manding such brave men. I only wish the Indians had
ventured an assault. They would have remembered it to the
thousandth generation! » * * j forgot to tell you that
they threw fire-arrows to burn our works, but they could not
reach the buildings, nor even the rampart. Only two arrows
came into the fort, one of which had the insolence to make
free with my left leg."

This letter was written on the 2d of August. On the day
before the Indians had all decamped. An event, described
elsewhere had put (101) an end to the attacks, and relieved the
tired garrison of their presence. Upon Col. Bouquet's ap-
proach to the relief of the post, the Indians gathered from all
directions to meet him, and on the 5th and 6th of August was
fought the decisive battle at Bushv Run.

^f l|Wii:t

The Old Block House— more correctly Redoubt— was built by CoL Bou-
quet in 1764, although it is probable that its construction was begun in the
fall of 1763 after Bouquet had relieved Fort Pitt.

It is situated about three hundred yards from the Point, on what is now
known as Fourth Street, and midway between the junction oi the Monon-
gahela and Allegheny Rivers, where they meet and form the Ohio River.

The structure is built of brick, covered with old fashioned clapboards,
with a layer of double logs, through which are cut portholes, thirty-sLx in
number, in two rows, one over the other, for etfective work in case of
necessity.

The building is 16x15 feet, twenty-two feet in heigh th; twenty-feet high
from the floor to the eaves of the roof.

When the Proprietaries, John Penn and John Penn, Jr., determined to
sell the land embraced in the Manor of Pittsburgh, Stephen Bayard and
Isaac Oraig purchased, in January, 1784, all the ground between Fort Pitt
and the Allegheny River, supposed to contain about three acres. This is
what is now known as the "Schenley property," at the Point.

Col. William A. Herron, the agent of Mrs. Mary K. Schenley, of London,
England, the owner of the Block House, presented to the Pittsburgh
Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, at a regular meeting
of the Chapter, April 2d, 1894, a deed for the Block House with a plot of
ground 90x100 feet. Miss Denny in behalf of the Daughters received the
gift in a beautiful and well chosen address.

Since then the work of restoring the Block House and beautifying the
grounds has been completed. A stockade fence has been placed around it
for protection and it is now open to visitors. It will serve as a n)useum for
•Colonial and Revolutionary Relics.

When the new City Hall was built, the stone tablet which had been in-
serted in the wall ot the Redoubt, was taken out and placed in the wall of
the head of the first landing of the stairway of the Hall. On December 15th,
1894, it was taken out of its resting place that it might pass into the custody
and possession of the Daughters.

The stone appears to be as sound and perfect as ever. The inscription cut
into the tablet consists of the figures "1764 " and lielow them the letters
•'Coll. Bouquett."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 121

The Indians being thus foiled in their attempt on Fort Pitt
dispersed. Col. Bouquet not having sufficient force to pursue
them beyond the Ohio, was compelled to delay further action
that year. His troops were therefore dispersed and stationed
along the line of posts for the coming winter, and provisions
were laid in for their support. The next spring preparations
were early begun for the prosecution of his projected cam-
paign, but it was not until August, 1764, that the new forces
assembled at Carlisle, and not until Sept. ITth, that they ar-
rived at Fort Pitt.

In this summer of 1764, was erected the redoubt, still stand-
ing, now "the sole existing monument of British dominion," at
this point. A tablet was inserted in the wall, with the words:
"A, D. 1764, Coll. Bouquet." The structure stands near the
point, the "Forks of the Ohio," between Penn Avenue and Du-
quesne Way.

"In this same year, 1764, Col. John Campbell laid out that
part of the City of Pittsburgh which lies between Water and
Second streets, and between Ferry and Market streets, being
four squares. We have never been able to learn (says Mr.
Craig) what authority Campbell had to act in this case. But
when the Penns afterward authorized the laying out of the
town of Pittsburgh, their agent recognized Campbell's act, at
least, so far as not to change his plan of lots. We know not
precisely at what time of the year Col. Bouquet's redoubt was
built, nor when Campbell's lots were laid out; but certainly
the last step in perfecting this place as a military post and the
first step in building up a town here were taken in the same
year." (102.)

In a notice of a visit made to the place in the summer of
1766, by Kev. Charles Beatty and Rev. Mr. DufSeld, it is said
that "On Sabbath, 7th of Sept., Mr, McLagan, the chaplain of
the Forty-second regiment, invited Rev. Mr. Beatty to preach
to the garrison, which he did ; while Rev. Mr. Duffield preached
to the people who lived in some kind of a town, without the
fort." (103.)

From this time until the regular opening of the land office
(1769) trouble was apprehended by reason of settlers occupying
territory in various parts of the country, particularly on the

122 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Monongahela and the Youghiogheny, in violation of the treatj
rights of the Indians. Complaint being made, the Governor
of Pennsylvania, and the Governor of Virginia, as well as Gen.
Gage, the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in America,
used every reasonable exertion to have the settlers peaceably
removed. Various conferences and treaties were held during
this period between the agents of these officials and the In-
dians, at and about Fort Pitt. It was provided that the penal-
ties that were attached to the violation of these laws, or treaty
obligations, did not extend to those who had settled on the
main communications leading to Fort Pitt, under the per-
mission of the Commander-in-Chief, nor to settlement made
by George Croghan, Esq., Deputy Superintendent under Sir
William Johnson, upon the Ohio above said fort.

On the 5th day of January, 17G9, a warrant issued for the
survey of the "Manor of Pittsburgh." On the 27th of March,
the survey was completed and returned the 19th of May, 1769.
It embraced within its bounds five thousand seven hundred
and sixty-six acres and allowance of six per cent, for roads, &o.

In October, 1770, George Washington arrived here on his
way to the Kenawha. In his Journal for Oct, 17, he says:

"Dr. Craik and myself, with Capt. Crawford and others, ar-
rived at Fort Pitt, distant from the crossing forty-three and a
half measured miles. (Tlie crossings were at Connellsville.)
We lodged in what is called the town, distant about three hun-
dred yards from the fort, at one Semple's, who keeps a very
good house of public entertainment. The houses, which are
built of logs, and ranged in streets, are on the Monongahela,
and I suppose may be about twenty in number, and inhabited
by Indian traders. The fort is built on the point between the
rivers but was not so near the "pitch of it" as Fort Duquesne
stood. Two of the sides which were on the land side were of
brick; and the other stockade. A moat encompassed it. The
garrison consisted of two companies of Royal Irish, com-
manded by Capt. Edmondstone." (104.)

The Indians now manifesting a peaceable disposition on the
frontier the government was induced to abandon the fort. Ac-
cordingly in October, 1772, orders were received by Major
Charles Edmondstone from G -n. Gage, the Oommander-in-Chief

OF WESTERN PENNSYLV A:\1A. 123

of The British forces, to abandon Fort Pitt In carrying out
this order Major Edmondstone sold the pickets, stones, bricJis,
timber and iron, in the walls and buildings of the Fort and
redoubts, for the sum of fifty pounds, New York currency.
Fort Pitt was then abandoned, although the fort buildings
were not torn down. A corporal and three men were left, to
take care of the boats and batteaux intended to keep up the
communication with the Illinois country.

This determination created a fear among the inhabitants
that they would be exposed to unusual danger by the with-
drawal of the garrison, and they petitioned the Governor to
prevail if possible with Gen. Gage to have the garrison con-
tinued, or to have the fort occupied by soldiers of the province.
To Governor Penn, the General replied Nov. 2d, 1772, as fol-
lows (105):

"I have received your letter of the 27th ultimo., by Mr. St.
Clair, tho' I apprehend too late for me to send any Counter-
order to Fort Pitt, for by my letters from thence of the be-
ginning of last month, the garrison only awaited the arrival
of Carriages to move away. I am of opinion, however, that the
Troops abandoning the Fort, can be of very little consequence
to the Public, tho' the Fort might be partially useful. It is no
Asylum to Settlers at any Distance from it, nor can it cover or
protect the Frontiers, tho' people who are near it, might, upon
Intelligence of an Enemy's Approach, take refuge therein.
All this was fully evinced in the last Indian War, and I know
of no use of forts of the kind, but that of being Military De-
posits.

*1t is natural for the people near Fort Pitt, to solicit the
continuance of the Garrison, as well for their personal se-
curity, as obtaining many other advantages; but no govern-
ment can undertake to erect Forts for the advantage of Forty
of Fifty People; every Body of people of the same numbers,
would think themselves entitled to the same Favor, and there
would be no end to Forts. The People have settled gradually
from the Sea into the Interior Country, without the aid of
Fortresses, and it's to be hoped they will be able to proceed in
the way they began, without meeting more obstructions now
than thev did formerlv.

124 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"The List of Ordnance and Stores inclosed in your Letter,
whicli you inform me were lent by the Province of Pennsyl-
vania in 1758, to the late Brigadier General Forbes, shall be
examined into, and orders given to return the same to such
Person as you shall appoint to receive them."

Fort Pitt upon its abandonment as a military post by the
British, was partly but not altogether destroyed. The pro-
prietary government for some time kept a few men here, but
only for the purpose of protecting its property. During 1773,
a citizen of Pittsburgh, Edward Ward, took possession of what
was left and occupied the same until it was taken possession
of by Capt. John Connolly, in 1774, with the Virginia militia.
The year 1774 was a time of excitement and movement here.
In that year Lord Dunmore passed through this place on his
way down the Ohio, to co-operate with Gen. Lewis, of Virginia
in an attack upon the Ohio Indians. About the same time the
controversy between Pennsylvania and Virginia, about their
boundary line, which commenced as early as 1752, seemed to
have come to maturity and was on the very verge of gliding
into a civil war.

Early in 1774, Dr. John Connolly, who had been commis-
sioned "Captain Commandant of the Militia of Pittsburgh and
its Dependencies" by Lord Dunmore, came here from Virginia
with authority from that nobleman; took possession of the
fort, calling at Fort Dunmore; and on the first day of the year
issued his proclamation calling the militia together on the
25th of January (1774), at which time he should "communicate
matters for the promotion of public utility." (106.)

Col. Mackay informs Gov. Penn, Apr. 4th, 1774, that Con-
nolly was then in actual possession of the fort, with a body
guard of militia, invested with both civil and military power,
to put the Virginia laws in force in those parts. To induce the
people to join and uphold him, very specious means were used
by the agents of Dunmore; some were promoted to civil or
military employments, and others were encouraged with prom-
ises of grants of lands on easy terms.

It was contemplated by the friends and adherents of the
Penns, about July. 1774, to abandon Pittsburgh and to erect a
small stockade somewhere lower down the Forbes road, sup-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 125

posedly near Turtle creek, to secure their cattle and ef-
fects. (107.)

The stockade built or refurnished by Connolly appears to
have been used by him as a kind of jail or lockup in which he
put persons who did not agree with him politically, and as a
guard-house in which to confine his drunken or insubordinate
militia. It is spoken of in the correspondence preserved in the
fourth volume of the State Archives, in various places as such
a structure specially used for the purposes mentioned. (108.)

The Pennsylvanians did not under the circumstances have
much veneration for Fort Dunmore, and St. Clair, in anticipa-
tion of the withdrawal of Connolly and his men from Pitts-
burgh, inquiries of Gov. Penn, May 25, 1775,— "If the fort
should be evacuated next month. Pray, Sir, would it be proper
to endeavor to get possession of it, or to raze it? — that (how-
ever) may possibly be done by themselves." (109.)

These troublous times, which we cannot dwell upon here,
continued until the beginning of 1775. But the power of Lord
Dunmore and his agent, Connolly, was, however, fast drawing
to a close. On the 8th of June, the former abandoned his
palace in Williamsburg, and took refuge on board the Fowey
man-of-war, where soon after he was joined yy Connolly, who
was then busily engaged in planning an attack upon the west-
ern frontier. (110.)

The continued collisions and disorder at Pittsburgh could not
fail to attract the attention of all the patriotic citizens of the
two States, and on the 25th of July, 1775, the Delegates in Con-
gress, including among others, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick
Henry, and Benjamin Franklin, united in a circular, urging
the people in the disputed region, to mutual forbearance. In
that circular was the following language: "We recommend it
to you, that all bodies of armed men, kept up by either party,
be dismissed; and that all those on either side, who are in
confinement, or on bail, for taking part in the contest be dis-
charged."

There were no armed men maintained by the Pennsyl-
vanians; so that the expression about "either party," was
probably only used to avoid the appearance of invidiousness;

126 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and Connolly and his men had taken effectual measures for
the release of Virginians from confinement.

On the 7th of August, the following resolution was adopted
by the Virginia Provincial Convention, which had assembled
at Williamsburg, on the first of the month :

"Resolved, That Captain John Neville be directed to march
with his company of one hundred men, and take possession of
Fort Pitt, and that said company be in the pay of the Colony
from the time of their march."

The arrival of Captain Neville at Fort Pitt (111) seems to
have been entirely unexpected to the Pennsylvanians, and to
have created considerable excitement. Commissioners ap-
pointed by Congress, were tlien there to hold a treaty with the
Indians and St. Clair in a letter to John Penn, dated 15th
of September, has the following remarks: "The treaty is not
yet opened, as the Indians are not come in; but there are
accounts of their being on the way, and well disposed. We
have, however, been surprised by a manoeuvre of the people
of Virginia, that may have a tendency to alter their favorable
disposition.

"About one hundred armed men marched from Winchester,
and took possession of the fort on the 11th instant, which has
so much disturbed the Delegates from the Congress, that
they have thoughts of moving some place else to hold the
treaty.

"This step has already, as might be expected, served to ex-
asperate the dispute between the inhabitants of the country,
and entirely destroyed the prospect of a cessation of our
grievances, from the salutary and conciliating advice of the
Delegates in their circular letter."

There is perhajjs, some difficulty in reconciling the conduct
of the Virginia Convention, in ordering Captain Neville to
Fort Pitt, with the recommendation of the Virginia and Penn-
sylvania Delegates in Congress, that 'all bodies of armed men
in pay, of either party,' should be discharged. No doubt, how-
ever, this only referred to the bodies of armed men, kept up by
the Virginians or Pennsylvanians in the disputed region. St.
Clair seems always to have been very watchful of the interests
of Pcnnsylvnnia during the controversy; and no doubt, the
surjiriso expressed by him was unaffected; find yet there were

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 127

strong reasons why Fort Pitt should be promptly occupied
by troops in the confidence of the Whigs of the Revolution.
The war for independence had commenced by the actions at
Lexington and Bunker Hill; and Connolly, a bold, able and
enterprising men, was busy arranging some scheme of opera-
tions, in which Fort Pitt would be an important and controlling
position. It would seem, therefore, to have been nothing more
than an act of ordinary prudence and foresight to send here
some officers, in whose firmness, fidelity and discretion, im-
plicit confidence could be placed.

The year 1775 is the year of Lexington and Concord. At the
very time when the United Colonies commenced their great
struggle against the arbitrary schemes of Great Britain, the
inhabitants of this section of country, were not only involved
in hostilities with the Indian tribes, but were almost on the
verge of civil war among themselves. Under such circum-
stances, it would scarcely be expected that they would be at
leisure and disposed to enter into the contest against the
mother country, upon a mere abstract question, unaccom-
panied by any immediate, palpable acts of oppression. Yet we
find that on the 16th of May, 1775, only four weeks after the
battle of Lexington, meetings were held at this place, and at
Hannastown, and resolutions unanimously passed in entire con-
sonance with the feeling of tlie other portions of the country.
The meeting here was composed of Virginians and Pennsyl-
vanians. The resolution adopted on that occasion at Pitts-
burgh, then styled Augusta County (Virginia), may be found in
Craig's History of Pittsburgh, page 128. Those adopted the
same day at Hannastown are reproduced in this report, where
account is given of that place.

In April, 1776, Col. George Morgan was appointed by Con-
gress, Indian Agent for the Middle Department in The United
States, and his headquarters fixed at Pittsburgh. From his
journals and letters, we get occasional notices of transactions
here. Through his mediation largely the Indian nations were
kept from any general uprising.

The winter of 1776-7 was spent in comparative quiet, in Fort
Pitt. Maj. Neville was still in command there with his com-
pany of one hundred men.

128 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Under the instigation of Hamilton, the British Governor and
superintendent at Detroit, the Indians were now in small
bands marauding upon the border settlements. On the 22d
of February, 1777, fourteen boat carpenters and sawyers ar-
rived at Fort Pitt from Philadelphia, and were set to work on
the Monongahela, fourteen miles above the fort, near a saw-
mill. They built thirty large batteaux, forty feet long, nine
feet wide, and thirty-two inches deep. They were intended to
transport troops in case it became necessary to invade the In-
dian country. (112.)

On Sunday, the first day of June, 1777, Brigadier-General
Edward Hand of the Continental army arrived at Fort Pitt,
and assumed the chief command at Pittsburgh. His garrison
was of a fixed nature — regular, independents, and militia.
Not long after his arrival. Hand resolved upon an expedition
against the savages, — seemingly a timely movement, for up to
the last of July there had been sent out from Detroit to de-
vastate the western settlements, fifteen parties of Indians,
consisting of tworhundred and eighty-nine braves, with thirty
white officers and rangers. The extreme frontier line needing
protection on the north, reached from the Allegheny moun-
tains to Kittanning on the Allegheny river forty-five miles
above Pittsburgh, thence on the west, down that stream and the
Ohio to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. The only posts of
importance below Fort Pitt, at this date, were Fort Henry at
Wheeling, and Fort Randolph at Point Pleasant; the former
was built at the commencement of Lord Dunmore's war in
1774 ; the latter was erected by Virginia in 1775. Rude stock-
ades and block-houses were multiplied in the intervening dis-
tances and in the most exposed settlements. They were de-
fended by small detachments from the Thirteenth Virginia
regiment, usually called, at that time, the West Augusta regi-
ment; also by at least one independent company, (Capt. Samuel
Moorhead's Independent Company of Pennsylvania troops),
and by squads of militia on short tours of duty. Scouts like-
wise patrolled the country where danger seemed most immi-
nent.

Expeditions against the Indians were attempted about this
time from the Western Department with varying results. In

OF WESTERN PENNSYIA^ANIA. 12»

.Fhuiihi-v, 177S, Lioiifeimnt-Colonel George Rogers Clark lefl
Redstone Old Fort (Brownsville), and succeeded in the re
duction of the British posts between tlie Ohio and the Missis-
sippi rivers — Kaskaskia, St. Pliillips, Cahokia and Vincennes.

On the 28th of March, 1778, Alexander McKee, Matthew
Elliott and Simon Girty, fled from the vicinity of Fort Pitt
to the enemy. These three renegades afterward proved them-
selves active servants of the British government, bringing un-
told misery to the frontiers, not only while the Revolution con-
tinued, but throughout the Indian war which followed that
struggle. Their influence was immediately exerted to awaken
the war spirit of the savages. Going directly to the Dela
wares, they came very near changing the neutrality of that
nation to open hostility against The United States— frustrated,
however, by the prompt action of Gen. Hand, and of Morgan,
who was still Indian Agent at Fort Pitt, and by the timely ex-
ertions of the Moravian missionaries upon the Tuscarawas.
After leaving the Delaware, these traitors proceeded wes(
ward, inflaming the Shawanese and other tribes to a white
heat of rapacity against the border settlements. Thence they
made their way to Detroit. (113.)

Gen. Hand requesting to be recalled from Pittsburgh in or-
der to join actively in the operations in the army under Wash-
ington, he was relieved of the command of the Western Depart
ment, and Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcintosh, on Washing-
ton's nomination, was sent to succeed him. On the 26th of
May, he was notified of his appointment.

On the 2d of May, 1778, Congress had resolved to raise two
legiments in Virginia and Pennsylvania, to serve for one year
unless sooner discharged, for protection of the western
frontier, and for operation thereon; — twelve companies in the
former and four in the latter State.

For reasons which were apparent to them. Congress deter
mined that an expedition should be immediately undertaken
to reduce if practicable, the fort at Detroit, and compel the
hostile Indians inhabiting the country contiguous to the route
between Pittsburgh and that post, to cease their aggressions.

Before Congress determined to begin active measures
against Detroit and llic hostile savages, Wasliingloii. npnii re-
n Vol. 2.

130 THE FRONTIER P'ORTS

ceipt of information concerning Indian ravages upon the west-
ern frontier, had ordered the Eighth Penn'a regiment, a choice
body of men, who had been raised west of the mountains —
one hundred of them having been constantly in Morgan's rifle
corps — to prepare to march to Tittsbui'gh, a detachment liav-
ing been already sent to that department At the head of
these troops was Colonel Daniel Brodhead. Previous to this,
the men of the Thirteenth Vii'ginia remaining at Valley Forge,
had been placed under marching orders for the same destina
tion, as tliey, (oo, were enlisted in I he \\'est. The otiiers, num
l)ering upwards of one hundred were already at or near Fort
Pitt, The command of this regiment was given temporarily
to Col. John (xibson. (114.) Brodhead arrived at Pittsburgh
(.n the 10th of September, (1778).

Mcintosh had not been long in the West when Iw discovered
that a number of store-houses for provisions, which had been
built at public expense, were at great distances apart, difti-
cult of access, and scattered tliroughont the border counties.
At each of these, a number of men was required. These build-
ings were given up, as the provisions in them intended for the
expedition which was projected against Detroit, proved to be
spoiled. In place of them, one general store-house was built
by a fatigue party, "in the fork of the Monongahela river,"
where all loads from over the mountains could be discharged,
without crossing any considerable branch of any river. (1 1 .^.'i

On the 17th of September, a treaty was signed between com
missioners, appointed at the suggestion of Congress, and rep
resenlatives of the Dela\Aai'es. Although th<' Indians had been
itivited, none of the Shawanese came, jhey being now openly
hostile to the United States. The Delawares were repre-
sented by their three principal chiefs. White Eyes. Ca]>tain
Pipe, and John Kilbuck, Jr. By its terms, not only wei'c the
Delawares made close allies of The Fnited States and "The
hatchet put into their hands," — thus changing, and wisely too,
the neutral policy previously acted upon. — but consent was
obtained for marching an army across their territory. Thev
stipulated to join the troops of the general government with
such a number of their best and most expert warriors as they
c<uild s])are, consistent with their own safety. A requisition

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 131

for two captains and sixty-braves was afterward made upon
(he nation by the American commander. (IIG.)

The territory of the Delawares, as claimed by them at that
date, Avas bounded on the east by French creelv, the AUej^heny,
and the Ohio — as far down the last mentioned stream as Hock-
hockinf?, at least; on the west, by the Hockhocking and the
Sandusky. They even advanced claims to the whole of the
Shawanese country.

(xen. Mcintosh then built Fort Mchitosh. on th<' right bank
of the Ohio at Beaver, and opened the I'oad to that point. By
the 8th of October, 1778, the headqnartei's of the army were re-
moved from Fort Pitt to the new fort, where the largest body
of troops collected west of the Alleghenios during the Revolu
tion was assembled, preparatory to beginning thf march
against Detroit. This forcp consisted, besides the continental
troops, of militia, mostly from the western counties of Vir
ginia. But the want of the necessary supplies prevented any
immediate forward movement.

On the .^)th of November the movement of the army west-
ward commenced. The Tnscarawas was reached, a distance of
about seventy miles from Fort Mcintosh, at the end of four
teen days. He expected to meet the hostile Indians here, but
none appeared. Being informed that the necessary supplies
for the winter had not reached Fort McTnto«h, and that very
little could be expected, there was now no other alternative
but to return as he came, or to build a strong fort upon the
Tuscarawas, and leave as many men as provisions would
justify, to secure it until the next season. He chose the latter
alternative, and built Fort Laurens, the first military post of
the government erected upon any portion of the territory now
constituting the State of Ohio. Leaving a garrison of on<^
hundred and fifty men, with scanty supplies, under command
of Colonel Jolm Gibson, to finish and protect the work, Mc-
intosh, with the rest of his army, returned, very short of pro-
visions, to Fort Mcintosh, where the militia under his com-
mand were discharged.

Durinc: this winter the Ficrhth Pennsylvania recriment was
assigned to Fort Pitt. The men left in Fort Laurens were a
part of the Thirteenth Virginia. The residue, with the inde-

132 THE FRONTIER FORTS

pendent companies, were divided between Fort Mcintosh, Fort
Henrjj Fort Randolph and Fort Hand; with a few at inferior
stations. There was not one of the militia retained under pay
at either of these posts.

In April, 1779, Mcintosh dispirited and with health im-
paired, retired from the command of the Western Department.
Under his direction of the department, the attention of the
savages had, to some extent, been diverted from the border,
and the anxiety at Detroit considerably increased. In the
management of affairs in the Western Department not im-
mediately connected with aggressive movements beyond the
Ohio, Mcintosh had exercised good judgment. He had care-
fully avoided interfering with the troublesome boundary ques-
tion, although often applied to by both sides; as it was wholly
out of his power to remedy the evil. He had preserved cordial
relations with the several county lieutenants and had been
active and vigilant in protecting the exposed settlements. The
erection of Forts Mcintosh and Laurens as a precautionary
measure was approved by the Commander-in-Chief. (117.)

Congress having directed the appointment of a successor lo
General Mcintosh, ^Vashington, on the 5th of ^larch, (1779),
made choice of Major Daniel Brodhead, of the Eighth Penna.
leginient, who was then first in rank in the Western Depart-
ment under Gen. Mcintosh.

The Letter Book and the Correspondence of Col. Daniel
Brodhead during the time he was in command of the Western
Department gives a satisfactory account of the affairs about
this point, and from this authority without specially indicating
the references, the following extracts are taken. The letters
date from April, 1779, to the latter part of 1780. (118.)

On April I5th, (1779), he represents to the Hon. Timothy
Pickering the necessity for clothing for his regiment, the
supply being inadequate, and that a number of recruits and
drafts were expected to join in the course of a few weeks; and
on the 17th, to Colonel Thomas Smyth, Deputy Quarter-Master
General, that "the troops here are in great distress in want of
provisions and I am unable to strike a single stroke until a
siipj)ly arriv(>s. I am informed that a considerable quantity

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 133

is arrived at liedtord, and 1 must entreat you if possible to
send it on immediately."

To Gen. Washington, May 22d, 1779, he says, "1 am very
happy, in having permission to establish the posts at Kittau
ning and Venango, and am convinced they will answer the
grand purposes mentioned in your letter. The greatest diffi
culty will be to procure salt provisions to subsist the garri-
sons at the different advanced posts; but I have taken every
promising step to obtain them. * * * You can scarcely
conceive how difficult it has been for some time past to procure
meat for the troops at this post. I think we have been without
the article upwards of twenty days, since General Mcintosh
went down the country; and yet I have the satisfaction to in-
form you that the troops have not at any time complained.

To Ool. George Morgan May 22d, 1779: he writes that he had
written to Col. Steel to purchase a net, such as is used in the
Delaware, and he believed it w^ould answer a valuable purpose
here.

June 27th, (1779), he complains in a letter to Timothy Picker
ing that "The inhabitants of this place are continually en
croaching on what I conceive to be the rights of the garrison
and which was always considered as such when the fort was
occupied by the King of Britain's troops. They have now the
assurance to erect their fences within a few yards of the bas
(ion. I have mentioned the impropriety of their conduct but
without effect, and T am not acquainted with any regulations
of Congress respecting it, but hope they will, if they have not
already done it, declare their pleasure with regard to the ex
tent of clear ground to be reserved at this and other posts for
parades, etc., which in my opinion ought at least to be the range
of a musket, and I entreat you will be so obliging as to men-
tion it to some of the members of that honorable body. Gen.
Armstrong is well acquainted at this place, and will be a very
proper person to inform Congress satisfactorily of the extent
of ground occupied by the British troops. The block-houses
likewise which are part of the strength of the place are oc-
cupied and claimed by private persons to the injury of \ho ser-
vice."

To Tol. Stephen Biiyni'd -Tuly 0th, 1779, he conveys the in-

134 THE FRONTIER FORTS

loi'iiialion that " Whilst 1 am writiug, i am tormented by at
least a dozen drunken Indians, and I shall be obliged to re-
move my quarters from hence on account of a cursed villiaii-
ous set of inhabitants, who, in spite of every exertion continue
to rob the soldiers, or cheat them and the Indians out of every
thing they are possessed of."

Jn a circular letter addressed to the lieutenants of the coun
ties within his department, from headquarters July 17th, 1779,
he informs them that:

"His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, has at length given
me a little latitude, and I am determined to strike a blow
against one of the most hostile nations, that in all probability
will eifectually secure the tranquility of the frontiers for years
to come. But I have not troops sufficient at once to carry on
the expedition and to support the. ditfereut posts which are
necessary to be maintained. Therefore beg, you will engage
as many volunteers for two or three weeks as you possibly can.
They shall be well treated, and if they please, paid and entitled
to an equal share of the plunder that may be taken, which I
apprehend will be very considerable. Some of the friendly
Indians will assist us on this enterprise."

The route of this intended expedition was intended to be by
the Allegheny river to near its headwaters, and he expected to
start about the 5th of August, but in this he was disappointed
as he did not get off until sometime later.

To Gen. Greene, from Fort Pitt, Aug. 2d, 1779, he complains,
that "The destruction of public stores for this department was
not confined to Fort Pitt. I rather incline to believe the
greater destruction happened before they reached it. * * *
The delay in transporting the boat carpenters' tools is not the
only misfortune, the want of pitch, nails, and boards, has ob-
liged me to send all of them, (except fifteen) down the countiy,
for further employment. I have, however, sixty boats nearly
finished; two of the barrels of pitch were opened on the road,
the pitch stolen, and some gravel and straw put into them."

Sept. 16th, 1779, he reports to Gen. Washington the results
of the expedition against the Seneca and Muncy nations. He
had left li»';id(|iiartei-s on tlic lltli of .August witli six Imndred
and five I'ank and 111*' and one month's provisitms, and afhr

OF WESTERN PENNSY1.\'ANIA. inr.

successfully accomplishing his object lie letuined on the 14tli
of September, (lilt.)

On October the 9tli, 1779, he had the pleasure to inform Gen.
Washington that he was then in possession of a sufficient
quantity of ]»rovisions to subsist a thousand men for three
months. This must have been agreeable tidings, for little else
reached the ears of the (^'ommander-in-('hief but complaints,
as the correspondence shows.

To (Icn. (rrcene. on Feb. 11th, 17S0, he says: "1 have the
mortification to assure you that T have not a single tent to
cover my men (except some worn out tents) as you will see by
the returns when he (the quartermaster) makes them; and I
shall be exceedingly obliged to you for ordering me a large
Marque with lining, which may occasionally serve for a coun-
cil room when the Indian chiefs come to visit me, my old one
is entirely worn out. Two hundred new tents will be neces-
sary and they ought to be of the best (juality. On the 27th,
he complains of the sufferings which the troops had to with-
stand for the want of clothing, the great depth of snow upon
the mountains having prevented the ari'ival of some supplies
which were on the way.

To the Hon. Richard Peters, on the 18th of March, 1780, he
writes: "As it is probable that the enemy will make some at-
temi)t on our small posts or principal ones in the course of this
spring oi' summer, T entreat you to order the cannon and other
military stores forward as soon as possible, without which we
cannot uuike any considerable resistance. This fort alon(
ought to have sixteen pieces of ordnance and at present it has
but five. T have wrote to the Quarter-master General and his
^leputies frequently to forward some tents to this district;
but cannot learn tliat any are upon the communication, al-
though I have not a tent to cover my men, and the season is
fast approaching in which we ought to take the field. If a
reinforcement from the main army is not sent, and I am ob-
liged to call out the militia, three hundred tents of tlie best
kind will be necessary: if they are made of thin linen the mi-
litia will cut them up for hunting shirts as usual.

On the L'.-.th of Ajiril, 1780, he states to Col. Lochry that lie
had been disap])ointed Iteyond all description in getting cloth

I3C THE FRONTIER FORTS

iiig for his troops, and tkerefoie could uot until then send a
detachment to Fort Armstrong (Kittanning) agreeable to his
intention.

To Gen. Washington, on the 13th of May, 1780, he says: "I
think it is probable the enemy are meditating an attack on
some of our posts, which for want of sufficient garrisons and
supplies cannot make much resistance. I am preparing to
leceive them here, but the detachments to Fort Mcintosh, and
HoUiday's ('ove, Fort Henry and Fort Armstrong leave but a
small garrison to defend this post, wherefore I have warned
I he inhabitants of the town and assigned them an alarm post."

On July the 21st, 1780, to Gen. Washington, he says: It is
with great concern that I inform your Excellency that there
does not remain in our magazines provisions to subsist the
troops more than eight days at full rations, nor can I conceive
how supplies can be procured in time to prevent their ex
periencing great want."

Later he complains in the same spirit:

"For a long time past I have had two parties commanded
by field officers in the country, to impress cattle, but their
success has been so small, that the troops have frequently been
without meat for several days together, and as those com-
mands are very expensive, I have now ordered them in.

"Indeed I am so well convinced that the inhabitants on this
side the mountains cannot furnish half enough meat to supply
the troops, that I have risked sending a party of hunters to
kill buffalo at Little Kanawha, and to lay in the meat until I
can detach a party to bring it in, which cannot be done before
spring.

"I am exceedingly distressed on account of the want of
blankets, shirts, and many other articles of clothing, being
very sensible that the soldiers must suffer much for want of
them and will follow the example of those who have already
deserted to a warm climate on that account. I shall not again
send an officer for clothing, and I hope the clothier general
will not forget to send them when they come to hand.

Extracts from his letters subsequent to this show the con-
dition of the post, December 16th, 1780:

"The troops have not tasted meat at this post for six dnys

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 137

past, and I hear of none that we can purchase, or procure, by
our compulsory means; indeed there is very little meat to be
had on this side the mountain at any rate. I hope some
means are devised for supplying this department, if not, I
shall be under the disagreeable necessity of risking my men in
most dangerous situations to kill wild meat, or march to the
interior of the country, for it will scarcely be expected that
they will be content to live on bread and water only," (120.)

January 23d, 1781: "The whole of my present force very
little exceeds 300 men, and many of these are unfit for such
active service as is necessary here, I hope your Excellency will
be pleased to enable me to take Detroit the ensuing campaign,
for, until that and Niagara fall into our hands, there will be no
rest for the innocent inhabitants, whatever sums may be ex-
pended on a defensive plan."

March 10th, 1781: "I have likewise received instructions
from his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to order the
Maryland Corps to Richmond, in Virginia, and to detach witli
the artillery and field pieces under Brig.-Gen. Clark, a Major,
or Captain's command from my small remaining number of
troops. I mention these things to show you how necessary
it is to have a reinforcement sent hither."

In August, 1781, Col. Brodhead became involved in a very
angry controversy with some of his otticers, Col. Gibson at
their head. His situation was really unpleasant. In a letter
to Washington, dated 19th of August, he says: "Thus by thv
ilamor of some disaffected persons and others, I find myself iu
the most disagreeable situation I ever experienced."

"The conflict of authority at Fort Pitt, together with the
threatened Indian invasion of the Wyandot s under the lead
of the traitor Elliot, caused a postponement of the expedition
against Sandusky which had been partly arranged. Finally,
the contest between the commanders continuing, the enter-
prise was wholly abandoned. Washington put an end to the
dispute by ordering Brodhead to resign his command during
the dependence of his trial, to Col. Gibson, the latter to "as
sume the like command at the post of Fort Pitt and its de-
pendencies, as had been coniniitted to Col. Brodhead." On
the 17th of Sept.. 17S1. tlie latter quietly tni*ned over his
9»

KI8 THE FRONTIER FORTS

charjie as directed by the Coniiuaiidei'-in-Chief, and was re
lieved of his command in the West. (121.)

At this juncture, Fort Pitt was littk^ better than a heap of
ruins. The rejji,ular force stationed there was wholly incom-
})etent to the exigencies of the service. The controversy about
the command of the i»ost had greatly increased the disorder.
The garrison was in want of ])ay, of clothing, of even sub-
sistence itself, and, as a consequence, was in a mutinous con-
dition. The militia of the department was without proper
organization; and when called into service, destitute, to a
great extent of military knowledge and discipline.

The civil government of the country was even in a wors*.*
state than the military, on account of the excitement regarding
the boundary between PiMmsylvania and Virginia. Both
States liefore tlie wai', had asserted their claims to, and exer-
cised an organized jurisdiction over the disputed territory.
As between the two commonwealths, the quarrel was brought
to an end, virtually, in 1779; but bitter feeling still existed
among the people — the line was not yet run. As a eon-
sequence of having long condemned the authority of a neigh-
boring State, many had come into open disrespect of their own.
Hence, there was a restlessness prevailing in the country, and
a desire, on the part of some, to emigrate into the wilderness
beyond the Ohio to form a neAV State.

Such was the disorder — ^the confusion — which beset tlie
Western Department at the moment of tlie threatened inva-
sion. Washington fully ai)preciated the difficulties. Some
thing must be done and done quickly. Above all things, a
commander was needed at Fort Pitt, possessed not only of
courage and firmness, but of i»rudence and judgment. The
('(uumander-in riiiof, with great care and concern, looked
about him for sucli a ])ei*son. His choice for the position,
after due deliberation, hA\ upcui a resident of Carlisle, l*enii
sylvania, an oflficer at the head of the second brigade of that
State — Brigadier-Creneral William Irvine.

Irvine assumed command in the West early in November.
1781. His first efforts were directed to the reformation of the
continental forces stationed at Pittsburgh. ('122.)

\<)t ver\ loiii; afl(M' his arrival, he received insi ructions (o

UF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 139

employ his garrison iu repairing the fort. He immediately
began the task, so as to meet, if possible, any emergency which
might arise in case of an attack by the enemy. New pickets
were prepared; and, to encourage the soldiers, Irvine labored
with his own hands. This had a happy effect. Every officer
followed his example. The greatest activity prevailed. In a
short time the fort was |»ul in tolerable condition for a sue
cessful defence. Kut the work did not stop here. 11 was con
(inued for many months. In January, 1782, Irvine left his post
for a short visit to his home in Carlisle, and to confer with
Congress and the Commander-in-Chief concerning affairs in
the western department; having, however, previous to his
departure, put the frontiers in as good state of defense as was
practicable. Colonel John Gibson was in command during his
absence.

The garrisons at Forts Pitt and Mcintosh were, upon the
commanders return, in a mutinous condition. Great firmness
had to be exercised by Irvine. The result was, before the end
of May, besides the frequent application of "one hundred
lashes Avell laid on," two of the soldiers' suffered the death
penalty. Meanwhile, owing to the increased boldness of the
savages in penetrating into the exposed settlements, the
country people became clamorous to be led against the
Wyandot towns upon the Sandusky river, in what is now
northwestern Ohio, whence came the greatest portion of the
warriors depredating upon the western border of Pennsyl-
vania and of so much of Virginia as lay upon the upper Ohio
river. Irvine finally gave his consent to an expedition against
these Indians, and exerted himself to the best of his ability to
forward the enterprise; issuing instructions to the one to be
elected to command for his guidance. The campaign proved
unsuccessful, the borderers suffering a loss of about fifty men.
Colonel William Crawford, who led them into the wilderness,
Avas captured by the savages and burned at the stake.

Notwithstanding the departure of the volunteers against
Sandusky, Irvine did not relax his watchful care over the in-
habitants upon the border. A large portion of his time, after
the retuiu of the expedition until fall, was taken up in prepar-
ing for another enterprise against the same Indian settlements.

140 THK FRONTIi]R FORTS

This expedition he was to commaud in person. However,
upon the assurance of the Comuiandei'-in-Ohief of the British
forces in America that the savages had all been, required to
desist from further hostilities, it was, by order of General
Washington, laid aside. The ensuing winter brought with it,
occurrences of but little moment in the Western Department.
Irvine again visited his home in the spring, arriving there in
March, 1783. He left Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Bayard in
command at Fort Pitt.

The first letter of Irvine to Washington gives such a fair
idea of the condition of affairs here upon his assuming com-
mand that it is given at length. It is dated from Fort Pitt,
December 2d, 1781:

"At the time Congress requested me to repair to this place,
I took for granted your excellency would have information
thereof, through different channels; and knowing how very
particularly you were at that moment engaged, I did not think
proper to give unnecessary trouble. This I flatter myself,
will excuse me to your excellency for not writing sooner.
Previous to my arrival. Colonel Gibson had received your letter
directing him to take command, which was acquiesced in by
Colonel Brodhead; and things went on in the usual channel,
except that the dispute occasioned Colonel Gibson's intended
expedition against Sandusky being laid aside, and perhaps it
also prevented many other necessary arrangements. The ex
aminations of evidences on the charges against Colonel Brod
head, is still taking, and I am informed will take some weeks.

''Agreeable lo my orders from Congress, to retain no more
<trti(;ers here than suflit-ient for the men, I have made the fol-
lowing arrangemenls; icformed the remains of I lie Eighth
Pennsylvania Regiment into two (•()m[)juii('S, and call them a
de<achment from llie J*ennsy]\ania line, to be commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Bayard. Baron Steuben had some time
ago directed Colonel Gibson to reform liis regiment also into
two comj)anies, retaining witli him the staff of the regiment;
and to send all the supernumerary officers down into Virginia.
The reformation was made; but the officers were so distress<'(l
for want of clothing and other necessaiies, that tliey were not
able to proceed. However, they are now making exertions,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. HI

and I hope will soon set out. 1 have oidered the supei-
niimerary ofiicers of the Pennsylvania line to repair forthwith
to their proper regiments in the line. The whole of the troops,
here, are thrown into four companies. I have been trying to
economize; but everything is in so wretched a state, that there
is very little in my power, I never saw troops cut so truly a
deplorable, and at the same time despicable, a figure. Indeed,
when I arrived, no man would believe from their appearance
that they were soldiers; nay, it would be difficult to determine
whether they were white men. Though they do not yet come
up to my wishes, yet they are some better.

"As it does not rest with me to decide ou the propriety or
impropriety of any person's conduct, 1 shall only make a few
general observations. The consumption of public stores has,
in my opinion, been enormous, particularly military stores;
and I fear the reason given for it will not be justifiable,
namely: that the militia would all fly if they had not powder
and lead given them, not only when in service, but also to keep
in their houses. It is true the county lieutenants, and others
who are called responsible men, have promised to be account-
able: but 1 am certain not an ounce can be again collected.
I find by the returns, that near two thousand pounds of
powder, and four thousand pounds of lead, have been issued
to the militia since the dispute commenced between Colonels
Brodhead and Gibson, chiefly by orders of the former, besides
arms, accoutrements, etc., and not a man called into actual
service. The magazine is nearly exhausted. There is not now
as much remaining as has been issued since the first of last
September.

"I presume your Excellency has been informed by the Gov
ernor of Virginia, or General Clark, of the failure of his
[Clark'sj expedition. But lest that should not be the case, [
will relate all the particulars that have come to my knowledge.
Captain Craig, with the detachment of artillery under him, re-
lumed here the 26th instant. He got up with much difficulty
and great fatigue to the men, being forty days on the way,
occasioned by the lowness of the water. He was obliged to
throw away his gun-carriages, but brought his pieces and best
stores safe. He left General Clark at the rapids [Louisville,

142 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Ky.]; and says the General was uot able to prosecute his in-
tended plan of operation for want of men, being able to cullect
in the whole about seven hundred and fifty. The buffalo meat
was all rotten; and, he adds, the general is apprehensive of a
visit from Detroit, and is not without fears the settlement will
be obliged to break up, unless re-inforcements soon arrive
from Virginia. The Indians have been so numerous in that
country that all the inhabitants have been obliged to keep
close in forts, and the general could not venture out to fight
them.

"A Colonel Lochry, lieutenant of Westmoreland county, in
Pennsylvania, with about one hundred men in all, composed
of volunteers and a company raised by Pennsylvania for the
defense of said county, followed General Clark, who, it is said,
ordered Lochry to join him at the mouth of Miami, up which
river it had previously been agreed on to proceed. But Gen-
eral Clark having changed his plan, left a small party at the
Miami, with directions to Lochry to proceed on to the falls
after him, with the main body. Sundry accounts agree that
this party, and all Lochry's, to a man, were waylaid by the In-
dians and regulars (for it is asserted they had artillery) and all
killed or taken. No man, however, escai)ed either to join
General Clark or return home. When Captain Craig left the
General, he could not be persuaded but that Lochry with his
party had returned hom<\ These informations threw the
people of this country into the greatest consternation and al-
most despair, particularly Westmoreland county, Lochry's
party being all the best men of theii- frontier. At present
they talk of flying early in Ihe spring, to the eastern side of
the mountain, and are daily flocking to me to inquire what
support they may expect.

"I think there is but too much reason to fear that Geneial
Clark's and Colonel fJibson's expeditions falling through will
greatly encourage llu* savages to fall on the country with
double fury, and perhaps the British from Detroit to visit the
post, which, instead of being in a tolerable state of defense, is
in fact nothing but a heap of ruins, f need not inform your
PiXcellency that it is, at best, a bad situation foi- defense, l
iiave been viewing all the ground in this vicinity, and find none

OF WESTKRN PENNSYLVANIA. 143

e(iual tot" a possl to the moiiili of ('hailipis creek, about font-
miles down the river. This was pointed out to me by Captain
[Thomas] Hutchins, [geographer], before I left Philadelphia,
who says there is no place equal to it any where within forty
miles of Fort Pitt. (128.)

"I think it is best calculated, on many jiccounts. First, tlu.'
ground is such that works may be constructed to contain any
number of men you please, from fifty to one thousand. It is
by nature almost inaccessible on three sides, and on the fourth
no commanding ground within three thousand yards.
Secondly, as it would effectually cover the settlement on
( 'hartiers creek, the necessity for keeping a post at Fort Mc
Intosh will of course cease. In case of making that the main
post, Fort Pitt should be demolished, all except the north bas-
tion, on which a strong block-house should be built. A small
part}' in it would keep up a communication with the settle-
tnents on Monongahelti as the whole garrison now does; for the
necessary detachments to Fort Mcintosh, Wheeling, etc., so
divide the troops that no one place can ever be held without a
large body of troops. Indeed, I do not like Fort Mcintosh
being kept a post in the present situation of things.

"If the enemy at Detroit should take it into their heads to
make us a visit, that would be an excellent place for them to
take by surprise; whence they could send out Indians and
other partisans to lay the whole country waste before we could
dislodge them. We have (I think idly) too much of our stores
there. I have been making efforts to bring up the greatest
part; but though it is almost incredible, yet it is true that,
of all the ])ublic boats built here, not a single one was to be
found wheti T came here, except one barge and one flat. I
expect two boats up, loaded, this day. It is, I believe, uni-
versally agreed that the only way to keep Indians from haras-
sing the country is to visit them. But we find, by experience,
titat burning their empty towns has not the desired <'flfect.
They can soon build others. Tliey must be followed up and
beaten, or the Bi-itisli. whom they draw su]>]»oit from, totally
driven out of their country.

"I believe if Detroit was demolished, il would ]><■ a good step
towards giving some, at least temj)orary, ease to this country.

144 'IHK FRONTIER FORTS

It would cost them at least a whole summer to lebuild aud
establish themselves; for, though we should succeed iu leduc-
ing Detroit, I do think there is the smallest probability of our
being able to hold it. It is too lemote from supplies. 1 have
been endeavoring to form some estimates, from such informa-
tion as 1 can collect, and 1 really think that the reduction ol'
Detroit would not cost much more, nor take many more men,
than it will take to cover and protect the country by acting
on the defensive. If 1 am well informed, it will take seven or
eight hundred regular troops and about a thousand militia;
which number could pretty easily be obtained for that pur
pose, as it appears to be a favorite scheme over all this country.
The principal difficulty would be to get provisions and stores
transported. As to taking a heavy train of artillery, 1 fear it
would not only be impracticable, but an incumbrance; two
held pieces, some howitzers, and perhaps a mortar [would suf-
tice]. 1 do not think, especially under present circumstances,
that it would be possible to carry on an expedition in such a
manner as to promise success by a regular siege. 1 would
therefore propose to make every appearance of setting down
before the place, as if to reduce it by regular approaches. As
soon as 1 found the enemy fully impressed with Ihis idea, at
(empt it an once by assault.

''1 mean to write to Congress for leave to go down the
country in January, to return in March, if they make it a point
I hat 1 should continue here. I can scarcely think they will
wish me to remain with four companies of men. The power
of calling out the militia of this country is more ideal than
real, especially till the lines between Virginia and Pennsyl-
vania are determined, and actually run. Neither civil nor
military law will take place until then. Whether I am to be
continued here or not, I am pretty certain it might be of use
for me to go down, in order the better to concert measures
proper to be taken either with your Excellency or Congress;
for, as matters now stand, it is clear to me this country must
l»e given n]>. The militia. Iiowever. ))i'oiiiise pretty fair, and
1 have Iiad no gronnd r<tr ditlVM-ini: witli llieni yet. There are
no jtrovisiojis laifi in. nor' is lliere even sufficient from day fo
(lay. The contract made by Mr. Robert Morris, Snix'rinten

OF WESTKRN PENNSYLVANJ A. 145

Ueut of Fiuauce, for supplyiug lliis posl, lias uot beeu fiiliillt*(i
oil the part of the contractor iu auy tolerable degree; nor
would the contract answer here, even if complied with. How-
ever, as 1 must write particularly to the board of war on this
subject, and have exceeded the moderate bounds of a letter, I
Tear 1 have already tired, and taken up too much of your E\
cellency's time."

According to the militia laws of Pennsylvania and Vir
giuia, frequently alluded to, each company was commanded by
a captain, two lieutenants and an ensign; each battalion by a
colonel, lieutenant colonel and major; and the whole iu a
county by a county lieutenant. Besides this the latter officer
had a general supervision of military affairs within his county
wiih I he rank of colonel. The Western Department, at the dale
of Irvine's arrival at Fort Pitt, included the counties of West-
moreland and Washington in Pennsylvania, Monongahela and
Ohio in Virginia; iu each of which there Avas a county lieu
tenant; in the two former counties, there were, also, sub-lieu-
leuants.

To this letter Washington replied, December 18, 1781:

"I have received your favor of the 2d instant. I am not al
all surprised to hear that you have found matters in disorder
lo I he westward; it is generally the case when a dispute arises
Inspecting command, as the parties make it a point to thwart
each other as much as possible. Perhaps what is past cau
uot be amended, as Colonel Brodhead may say that the de-
livery of ammunition to the county lieutenants was necessary.
But you will judge of the propriety of the measure in future.

"I am sorry to hear of the failure of General Clark's ex-
pedition, of which I was always doubtful, as it was to be
carried on with militia. But of this I am convinced, that tht
possession or destruction of Detroit is the only means of giv-
ing peace and security to the western frontier; and that when
it is undertaken, it should be by such a force as should not
risk a disappointment. When we shall have it in our power
to accomplish so desirable an end, I do not know. It will de-
pend upon the exertion of the States in filling up flieir regular
battalions.

"T cannot undertake to determine upon the propriety of re-
10 -Vol. 2.

146 THE FRONTIER FORTS

moving our principal post from Fort IMtt to Chartiers creek.
It is a matter in which I suppose a variety of interest is con-
cerned, and which must therefore be decided upon by Con-
gress. Should you obtain leave to come down this winter,
you will have an opportunity of laying the matter fully before
them.

"T wish you had been particular upon the manner in which
the contractors of Fort Pitt, etc., have been deficient, and had
given your reasons for thinking that the contract upon its
present establishment will not answer. I would immediately
have laid them before Mr. Morris. If your representations
should not have been made before this reaches you, no time
should be lost in doing it.

"T have directed our commissary of prisoners, who is now at
Elizabethtown, negotiating a general exchange, to endeavor
to include the prisoners in Canada. I cannot see what end
would be answered by your opening a treaty with the com-
mandant of Detroit upon that subject, as we seldom or never
have a prisoner in our hands upon the quarter where you are.

'*In my letter of the 1st of November, I acquainted you with
my determination upon the cases of Hinds and Fisher." (124.)

From Philadelphia, February 7th, 1782, Irvine reports to
Washington:

"The present strength of the garrison at Fort Pitt is two
hundred and thirty. At least thirty of these are unfit for field
dutj', and several, even garrison duty. From this number de-
tachments are made to garrison Forts Mcintosh and Wheel-
ing, the first distant thirty miles, the latter eight}'. Fort Pitt
is in a bad state for defense; Fort Mcintosh pretty easily re-
paired. If Fort Pitt were in the best state, the work is too
extensive for less than a garrison of at least four hundred
and fifty men to make a tolerable defense. Fort Mcintosh
would take one hundred and fifty to defend it properly, and
1»H able to send patrolling parties towards Wheeling.

"Wheeling should have twenty-five or thirty men, and an
(Miual niimb« r al some intermediate post. From Fort Pitt to
I he Laurel Hill, northwards, it would take two hundred men
in actual service fiom the first of Aj)ril to the last of October
to guard that quarter from the incursions of the savages. V»y

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 117

this arrangemeut, it would talie niue liundred aud fifty men to
act on tlie defensive the whole of the summer season. The
number of militia in Washington county is said to be two
thousand; in Westmoreland, one thousand. The inhabitants
are dispirited, and talk much of making their escape early in
the spring to the east side of the mountains, unless they see
a prospect of support."

On the Sth of March, [1782] Washington sent instructions to
Irvine at his home, Carlisle, whither he had gone for a short
visit in the January preceding, to jiioceed with all convenient
despatch to Fort IMtt, and when he should have arrived there
to take such measures for the security of the post and for the
defense of the western frontier, as the continental force there
stationed, combined with the militia of the neighboring
country, would admit. He reached that post on the 25th,
[March, 1782] finding, upon his arrival, the country people in
a frenzy of excitement because of Indian raids. James Mar
shel, the Lieutenant of Washington county, Pennsylvania, had*
ordered out some militia to march across the Ohio river to the
valley of the Tuscarawas, there to attack some hostile savages
believed to be occupying what for a short time previous had
been the deserted villages of the Moravian Indians. The force
was commanded by David Williamson. Upon his arrival, he
found a consideiable number of men, women and children of
".Moravians," and it is said, some warriors. In the end, all
were killed except two boys, who made their escape.

The summer of 1782 was one of great moment to this
frontier. Following ui)on the disastrous result of Crawford's
Expedition came the last inroads of the savages and British
which resulted in the destruction of Hannastown. We cannot
dwell on these at length, but of necessity are restricted to thft
immediate operations at this point.

In a letter to Washington from Fort Pitt, Oct. 20th, 1782.
Irvine refers to the fort as follows: "This fort [Fort Pitt] has
been much repaired in the course of the summer. A new row
of picketing is planted on every part of the parapet where the
brick revetment did not extend, and a row of palisading nearly
finished in the ditch; so far, also, with sundry other improve-
ments; but, above nil, a complete magazin(\ the whole arche,]

HS THE FRONTIER FORTS

with stone. 1 tiiiiik 1 may venture to assert, it is a very ele
gant piece of woriiiuanship as well as most useful one. It has
been executed under the direction of Major Craig. (125.)

"I have used the most rigid economy in every instance. The
whole expense is but a trifle. Though the troops labored hard,
yet, from the smallness of their number and unavoidable in-
terruptions, some necessary repairs remain yet unfinished.
Some parts of the ramparts and parapets are much broken
down. A new main gate and drawbridge are wanted and
some outworks are necessary to be erected, which cannot be
effected this winter, as it is now high time to lay in fuel and
make some small repairs on the soldiers' barracks to make
(hem inhabitable.

"If I am to be continued in service and command here, I
shall be much obliged to your Excellency for leave to visit my
I'amily at Carlisle in the dead of winter, when I suppose there
can be no risk in my being absent from the post. Besides, I
shall then be directly in the line of communication to this
place, and will not stay longer than you may judge proper. I
should not trouble your Excellency with this request, was not
I he necessity of paying some attention to my private affairs
very urgent; notwithstanding, if it is, in any measure, incom
patible with your views, or inconsistent with my duty, I will
cheerfully submit to your Excellency's pleasure in the matter."

Irvine left Fort Pitt to visit his family in Carlisle the last of
February, turning the command of that post and its depen-
dencies over to Col. Stephen Bayard, then of the Third Penn-
sylvania regiment. He reached home, March 4th, (12G.)

Not long subsequent to his reaching Carlisle, he wrote
Washington congratulating him upon the glorious news of
peace which had just arrived in America. "With great sin
cerity," was the reply of the Commander-in-Chief, "I return you
my congratulations." At the request of Washington, Irvine
again reiurned to IMtlsburgh, arriving there in May where he
remained until liis (inal d(^])artnre on tlie 1st day of October,
1788, when he turned over his command to a small continental
force, his <inrrison liaving previously been furloui'lied, except
a small (idacliment.

Ii'vinc T-eached Fort PitI on his third trip out, a lilllc i>a;-<t

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 149

the middle of May (1783). On the first of July, because of the
scarcity of provisions at his post, he furloughed most of the
troops for a few days, and afterward continued the furlough-
ing for some time, in rotation. From the fifteenth of May to
the eighteenth of July, there was but one maraud of savages
into the western settlements. From the last mentioned date
to the time of Irvine's final departure from Pittsburgh, com
parative quiet reigned throughout the Western Departmenl.
On the twenty-sixth of September, he received a letter from
the assistant secretary at war notifying him that as soon as
a detachment of troops arrived which were then on their way,
he would be relieved from command at Fort Pitt, which he so
much desired. He was authorized to furlough as many of his
garrison at once as consistent with safety. This he did, turn-
ing over the remainder to one of his captains, and on the first
day of October started for his home in Carlisle.

Benjamin Lincoln, Secretary of War, under date of June 23,
1783, instructs Gen. Irvine as follows:

'^t is the pleasure of Congress that furloughs should be of-
fered to all the men engaged for the war with a proportion of
officers. As the men who compose the garrison at Fort Pitt
are men under this description, it becomes necessary they
should be relieved. The officer [Captain Joseph Marbury] who
will have the honor of delivering this letter commands a party
who will take possession of the fort on your withdrawing the
present garrison. I wish the gentleman who has the care of
the military stores would continue his charge of them until
further orders.

"The men who belong to the line of Pennsylvania, you will
please to order to Carlisle. Should any of your men live be
tween Fort Pitt and Carlisle who wish to receive their fin-
loughs before they arrive there, you will please to give them
written ones. On their arrival at Carlisle they will find three
months pay in Morris' notes, payable in six months from their
date.

"The men belonging to Virginia you will please to order to
Winchester unless any of them should decline to receive their
furloughs before they arrive^ there. In that case, I wish thev

150 THE FRONTIER FORTS

jilso might be indulged. On their arrival, they will receive the
same pay as those of the line of I'enusylvania."

In July, 1783, Irvine reports to the Secretary of War:

"I yet keep an officer and only ten men at Fort Mcintosh,
merely to take caie of the Avorks; a small garrison, for this
place of one hundred men cannot Avell afford any for that post.
Pray, what is to be done in this case; is it to be demolished
or left standing; or might it not be prudent to put a family
or two in it, to save it from accidental or wanton destruction?
It is on the west side of the Ohio, thirty miles down from this
place, and the same distance advanced towards the Indian
country. If it should hap}>en that 1 cannot keep the regular
troops together till I receive instructions, I intend calling in
about thirty militia only in the present tranquil state, to guard
the stores and post. In this last case, will it be proper for me
to leave the place in charge of a careful captain till the new
garrison arrives? These queries are more numerous and pro-
lix than I could wish, but hope you will not think them un-
necessary or improper."

And August 17th, 1783, to the same :

"Enclosed are returns of the stores at this post. They are
well-assorted, packed, and safely stored in such a manner as
to give little trouble to whatever officer may have them in
charge hereafter. I sui)pose there will be little alteration be-
fore my departure, as the expenditures have been very tritiing
for many months past. I intend taking receipts for the whole
from my successor, which I will transmit to the war office."

The following orders appear later:

"Orders. Fort Pitt, September 28, 1783. Lieutenant John
Mahon is a|>j»ointed agent to settle I he accounts of the troops
of the garrison with the auditor at Philadelphia and to distri-
bute the certificates to the individuals; each man will, previous
<o receiving his furlough, inform Mr. Mahon where he means
10 reside next winter, in order to know where will be most con-
venient to advertise them to assemble, for a final adjustment
of their accounts. The officers present will give him all nec-
essary assistance, and before they depart render him accounts
of clothing issued to the men. He is also to call on President

OF WKSTKRN PKNNSY1.\" ANIA. 151

Heed for a settlement for the time he acted as paymaster, ami
all others concerned."

"Orders. Fort Pitt, September 30, 1783. Captain John Fin-
ley will remain in command at this post with the detachment
already formed for that pnrpose until the arrival of the new
garrison. Lieutenant [John] Mahon will also remain. All
other officers have leave of absence as soon as they furnish Mr.
Mahon with necessary vouchers and accounts to enable him to
proceed to a liquidation of the a(;connts of the troops, agree-
ably to his appointment.

To Captain Joseph Marbury from Fort Pitt, Oct. 1st, 1783,
he addresses the following:

"B}^ official information respecting your appointment and
orders for taking command of this post I am persuaded you
must arrive in a few days. The troops have been already de-
tained so much longer than any others that they are impatient,
though perfect tranquility is reigning. For these reasons, and
because of the urgent necessity for my attending imme-
diately to private concerns, I have left Captain John Finley in
command, with a small detachment only, till your arrival, hav-
ing furloughed the rest.

"This gentleman has charge of all the stores and will deliver
them with returns to you. He is well informed of all matters
necessary for you to know relative to the post and has my
orders also to communicate some private ideas by way of ad-
vice, which I hope will be taken as intended (friendship for a
brother officer).

"Inclosed you have a copy of an extract from a letter of the
Secretary at War addressed to me dated the 15th Sept."
(which refers to the orders which the Secretary of War had
given).

In a letter dated Pittsburgh, July 25th, 1784, Major Isaac
('raig. says: "Immediately after my I'elnrn from Philadelphia
to this place, I called on Major Marbury, who still continued
(o command here and handed him the Quat-termaster General
and Secretary of War's orders for part of the buildings and
five hundred pounds of iron, the former part of the order he
said he would comply with, the latter he could not; because he
had disposed of the iron in purchase of provisions and in ])ay

]&2 THE FRONTIER FORTS

ment of wagon hire. Lieut. Lucket has, since, succeeded
Major Marburj, and seems reluctant to give me possession of
a building, so I have provided a house for the reception of the
goods when they arrive, and have a party employed in the
preparation of timber for the cisterns, pumps, &c., for the
distillery. T am convinced that our best plan will be to erect
a wind-mill at the junction of the rivers instead of a horse
mill. Tt would do work for the inhabitants. At the point
there is almost always a breeze up or down the rivers; while
the water-mills here scarcely work more than six months in
the year." (127.)

The observations following were made by the gentlemen to
whom they are credited, and were written at about the period
of time at which we are at:

Mr. John Wilkins (afterwards a magistrate of the city), who
rame to Pittsburgh in the fall of 1783 gives such an account of
the condition of the place as might be expected when we take
into consideration all the circumstances. "When I first came
here," he says, "I found the place filled with old officers, fol
lowers of the army, mixed with a few families of credit. All
sorts of wickedness was carried on to excess, and there was
no appearance of morality or regular order." (128.)

At the close of this year (1783) Arthur Lee visited the place,
and gives us this impression of it. "Pittsburgh is inhabited
almost entirely by Scots and Irish, who live in palty houses
and are as dirty as in the north of Ireland or even in Scotland.
There is a great deal of small trade carried on; the goods be-
ing brought at the vast expense of 45 shillings per cwt. tioiu
F'hila. and Baltimore. They take in the shops, money, wheat,
flour and skins. There are in the town four attorneys, two
doctors and not a priest of any persuasion, nor church nor
chajtel, so they are likely to be damned, without the benefit of
clergy. The river encroaches fast on the town. The place, I
believe, will never be very considerable."

Doctor Hildreth, of Marietta, Ohio, who passed through
the town in April, 1788, says: "Pittsburgh then contained 400
or 500 inhabitants, several retail stores, and a small garrison
of troops was kept in old Fort Pitt. » * * T«hc houses

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 153

were chieflj built of logs, but now and then one had assumed
(he appearance ol" neatness and comfort."

From one of the series of articles contributed by Judge
Brackenridge to the Pittsburgh Gazette in 1786, he says: "At
(lie liead of the Ohio stands the town of Pittsburgh, on ;ni
angular piece of ground, the two rivers forming the two sides
of the angle. * * * On this point stood the old Freneli
fort known by the name of Fort Duquesne, which was
evacuated and blown up by the French in the campaign of tlie
British under General Forbes. The appearance of the ditcli
and mound, with the salient angles and bastions still remains,
so as to prevent that perfect smoothness of the ground which
otherwise would exist. It has been long overgrown with the
finest verdure, and depastured on by cattle; but since the town
has been laid out it has been enclosed, and buildings are
erected.

"Just above these works is the present garrison, built by
Gen. Stanwix, and is said to have cost the crown of Britain
sixty thousand pounds. Be that as it may, it has been a work
of great labor and of little use — for, situated on a plain, it is
commanded by heights and rising grounds on every side, and
some at less than the distance of a mile. The fortification is
regular, constructed according to the rules of art, and about
three years ago, put into good repair by Gen. Irvine who com
manded at this post. It has the advantage of an excellent
magazine, built of stone; but the time is come, and it is hoped
will not again return, when the use of this garrison is at an
end. There is a line of posts below it on the Ohio river, to the
distance of 300 miles. The savages come to this place for
trade, not for war, and any future contest we may have with
them, will be on the heads of the more northern rivers that
fall into the Mississippi. * * * ]^^ear the garrison on the
Allegheny bank, were formerly what was called the King's
artillery gardens, delightful spots, cultivated highly to use-
fulness and pleasure, the soil favoring the growth of plants
and flowers, equal with any on the globe. * * * On the
margin of this river once stood a row of houses, elegant and
neat, and not unworthy of the European taste, but having been
swept away in the course of time, some for the purpose of

154 THE FRONTIER FORTS

foiming an opening to the river, froui tiie garrison, tliat the
artillery might incommode the enemy approaching and de-
prived of shelter; some torn away by the fury of the rising-
river. These buildings were the receptacles of the ancient
Indian trade, which, coming from the westward, centered in
this quarter; but of these buildings, like decayed monuments
of grandeur no trace remains. Those who, twenty years ago,
saw them flourish, can only say, here they stood."

Little of interest is discoverable from any source touching
military affairs here from this time on. On the 2J)th of April,
1786, Messrs. Robert Galbraith, Isaac Craig, Mich. HufEnagle,
and John Armstrong were chosen at a public meeting of the
inhabitants of Pittsburgh to give information to the Council
relative to the Indians, and their own situation; and pursuant
to this they made report, among other things as follows:

"From reports we are well assured that we have everything
to fear from them. There are but twelve soldiers in the gar-
rison here, the works out of order, no arms or ammunition, the
militia law never executed, no militia otficers or companies
formed by the Lieutenant, whoever he is. On behalf of all the
inhabitants on this frontier, and more especially those of this
place, who request Council to take our situation into their
immediate consideration, and, send us some relief of arms,
ammunition and men, and sncli other assistance as to them
may appear right.''

"The Indians, stimulated probably by British traders, were
troublesome in 1790, and (he President, believing that offen-
sive measures were the only means of protecting the citizens
from their incursions, planned an expedition against the
hostile tribes on the Scioto and Wabash, to be under the com
Uiand of General Harmar, an officer of considerable experience.

"The army uiidei- this (ttticer w^is to proceed from Fort
Washington (o the Scioto river. Gen. Harmar marched with
about fourteen Imndred troops, militia and regulars, on the
;U)th September, 1700, and after destroying several towns on
the Scioto, and meeting a pretty severe repulse, and loosing
several valuable officers and one hundred and fifty men, re-
turned again to Fort Washington. The result of this expedi-
tion of Gen. Harmar, seemed to have greatly encouraged the

FORT PITT

IN
1795.

FROM "FORT PITT^' AND
LETTERS FROM THE FRONTIER.

BY VV!^ M. DARLINGTON ESQ.

1. PETER AUDRAIN

2. JAMES K0S3

3. FERRY H0U3E

^. MOFlROvV'S GREEN TREE TAVERN

5. ADAWSON TANNEHILL

6. SAM EWALT

7. PRESLEY NEVILLE

0 JN0.5CULL. WHERETHE FIRST

news PAPER EVBR PUBUSHBO WEST Or THE
ALLEGHEHy MT^.. WAS PHinrSD.

9. JN0.ORM3BY

10. 5AM. 3AMrLE'5 TAVERN, WHERE

WA3HiNoroN Stopped in mo.

II. JMO. NEVILLE.

U. /6/lAC CHAH>

13. ABRAHAn HIRKPATKICI'

/•f JAMES O'HARA

15. COL.BUTLCffd VilOO

16. OEti. H. SUTLER'S WIDC

17. IVf C£UL rATHEROf
LATE MRS BREWER

16. D? riATHAniEL BBBm

19 OrflCEHS (QUARTER

2C. SOLDIERS BARRACKS

21. T. MARIE

ZZ. ALEKAH0E1iADt>lSi>t1.i

23 JhO.OIB&ON THE B£AH£(i OF

LOCfANS SP££C» TO LORO DunMOKe
34-. MAJOR JOHN lltVilN
2S THE. REDOUBT BUILT BY COL.

Wf? QKANT in I76S-
H. JUDGE B/fACHEflltlDOe
27. yVATS0M3rAV£KM
2i CHAS. RICHARDS
29 BEfl fflCMARDS, COICRED MEn

FATHER t son rOR,1£R KEPT A

GOOD rAV£RH.
3C. BLACK BEAR TAVER.'i.
3i PRES3YTERIAH CHURCH.

3Z BOAT YARD
33. ^}A6 .ROSS.

M. J AS. ROBinsons

3S OEN.WAYfiEi STABLES.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 155

lio.stile ti'ibt's of ludiaus. Their incursionn were extended even
to the vicinity of our city. The following letter written at
this place less than sixty years ago, exhibits a very marked
contrast w4th the present condition of affairs here. The
writer of this letter, Major Isaac Craig, was Deputy Quarter-
master General and Military Store Keeper; as such lie had
a very extensive correspondence with the Secretary of War,
the Quartermaster General, and the commandants of the dif-
ferent military stations, in the west. Of this cctrrespondence
we have eight bound volumes, and a mass of loose letters, and
will probably have frequent occasion to refer to them, in the
prosecution of our work. The store house at that time was an
old log building, much decayed, in the bounds of Fort Pitt,
but entirely unguarded or otherwise protected.''

The letter is dated Fort Pitt, March 25, 1791, and is as
follows:

"In consequence of a number of i)eople killed and several
taken prisoners by the Indians, in the vicinity of this place,
within a few days past, and frequent reports of large parties
of savages being on our frontier, the people of this town have
made repeated applications for arms and ammunition to me,
which I have hitherto i-efused; but in a town meeting held
yesterday, it was resolved that the principal men of the town
should wait on me, and request a loan of a hundred muskets,
with baj'onets and cartouch boxes, and they should eutei-
into an obligation to re-deliver said arms, &c., in good order,
to me in two months, or sooner if demanded by me, in conse-
quence of any order of the commanding officer, or Secretary
of War; but in case of my refusal to comply with, their requisi-
tion, it was resolved to break open the stores and take such a
number as they might think proper. Accordingly, ten of the
most respectable characters of the town waited on me this day,
and made the above demand; and they told me they were de-
termined to take them in case of my refusal — that nothing but
the necessity of putting th<^ town in a state of defense, and
their desire to guard the public stores, could have induced
them to such a determination. T repeated my instructions
to the gentlemen, and told them I must be guilty of a breach
of orders by issuing the smallest article without jtropei- an

1.-C THE FRONTIER FORTS

tlioritj, but that their proper step would be to send an ex-
press to the Secretary of War, requesting an order on me
for such articles as they thought necessary. They agreed with
me that it was proper to send an express, but that there was
not an hour to be lost in arming the inhabitants of the town.
1 had then no alternative but either to see the store houses
broken open, and perhaps part of the stores destroyed, or to
deliver one hundred muskets, and make tliese gentlemen a<'-
couutable, and obtain a guard for the protection of the stores.
I have chosen the latter, and taken the obligation signed by
ten of the most respectable characters, by which they are ac-
countable for 100 muskets, bayonets and cartouch boxes — ■
obliged to re-deliver them in two months from that date, or
sooner, if demanded — furnish such a guard for the stores as
r may think necessary, and also to make application by express
for the approbation of this transaction. I hope, sir, it will ap-
pear to you, that of two evils, one of which was unavoidable,
I had made choice of the least. I shall be very unhappy in
your disapprobation of my conduct in this transaction.''

In reply to this letter the Secretary of War wrote as fol-
lows: "The issuing of arms seems to have been justified by
the occasion. No doubt will arise but they will be considered
as part of the two hundred muskets, for which I gave the (ilov-
eruor an order on the 31st of last month."

In a letter dated March 31st, 1791, Major Craig has the fol-
lowing remarks: "Your (Gen. Knox\s) observations on the
murder of the Indians at Beaver Creek, are already confirmed.
Several persons within a few miles of this place have lately
fallen victims to the revenge of those Indians who escaped on
Beaver Creek."

Another letter to the Secretary of War, dated May 19tli,
1791, says: "We have frequent accounts of murders being
committed on our frontiers by the Indians. Several parties
of them have penetrated ten, fifteen and twenty miles into the
country."

Same to same, Oct. 6th, 1791: "Messrs. Turnbull and Marmie
continue to pull down and sell the materials of the fort.
Siuiill ]>arties of Indians are still thought to be in our neigh-
liorhood."

OF WKt^TERN PENNSYLVANIA. 157

Extract of a letter from Gen. Knox to Major Craig, dated
Dec. 16th, 1791. "I request you immediately to procure ma-
terials for a block-house and picketted fort to be erected in
such part of Pittsburgh, as shall be the best position, to cover
the town as well as the public stores which shall be forwarded
from time to time. As you have been an artillery officer dur-
ing the late war, I request you to act as an engineer. I give
you a sketch of the work generally, which you must adapt to
the nature of the ground. It is possible that some private
property may be interferred with by the position you take,
but an appraisement must take place according to law and
the result sent me."

President Washinton through the Secretary of War, De-
cember 26, 1791, communicated to Governor MiflQin his adop-
tion of the following measures, which were then being put
into execution: "On the 16th of that month, orders were issued
to Maj. Isaac Craig to build a block-house at Fort Pitt and sur-
round it with palisades, so as to contain about 100 men,
where, viz: at Fort Pitt, a commissioned officer and thirty
four non-commissioned and privates should remain, they be-
ing taken from two companies, a part of which had been sta
tioned there from the 20th of October to the 15th of Decern
ber, when they were under orders to descend the Ohio. On
the 26th of December, besides commissioned officers, a detach-
ment of about 120 non-commissioned officers and privates were
to march from Philadelphia, a part of whom to be stationed
at Fort Pitt, and detachments posted at such other places on
the Ohio and up the Allegheny as would be most conducive
to the general safety of these parts."

Extract of a letter from Major Craig to Gen. Knox, dated
29th December, 1791. "I am making every possible exertion
of a work to defend this town and the public stores. Ac-
counts from Fort Franklin, as well as your orders, urge the
necessity of prompt attention to the defence of this place. By
next post, I shall enclose you a sketch of the ground and the
work, that I have judged necessary: it will be erected on
eight lots, Nos. 55, 56, 57, 58, 91, 92, 93 and 94; thry belong to
John Penn. .Jr.. and John Penn: Anthony Butler, Esq., of Phila-
deli)hia, is their agent, the prices were fixed when the town

158 THE FRONTIER FORTS

was laid out. It is not intended to cover the whole of the
lots witli the work, but the portion not covered will be suitable
for gardens, for the garrison.

"Take the liberty of inclosing to you two letters from Fort
Franklin, and extracts of other letters of same date, (December
2fith) by which it appears, that that garrison is in imminent
danger, and that the fidelity of the northern Indians is not to
be depended upon,

"I am mounting four six-pounders and ship carriages, for the
l)lock-houses; but there are no round shot nor grape shot for
that calibre here, the last being sent to Fort Washington."

To the Secretary, he Avrites, January 12th, 1702. "As there
is no six pound shot here, I have taken the liberty to engag<^
four hundred at Turn])ull and Marmie's Furnace, which is now
in blast. Reports by the way of Fort Franklin say, that in
the late action (St. Clair's Defeat, December 4th, 1791) the In-
dians had three hundred killed and many wounded, that there
were eight hundred Canadians and several British officers in
the action. I shall take the liberty of communicating to the
inhabitants of Pittsburgh, your assurance of such ample and
genei'ous means of defence. I believe with you, that Corn-
plan (cr is sincere; but would not a work at Presquile, on the
lake, give greater confidence to him and his adherents?" (129.)

Major Craig then writes to Gen. Knox, 11th March, 1792:
"I have contracted for forty-tw^o boats, viz: ".32 of 50 feet
each, 4 of 00 feet and 0 of .55, they are to be one-fourth wider
jlian those purchased last year, viz: fifteen feet, to be also
stronger and better finished. Delivered here with five oars
to each. Price per foot, 8s and 9d — fl.l7 per foot;"

To Captain Jonathan Cass, Fort Franklin, dated Ajiril 7tli.
1792: "The Indians crossed the river beloAv Wheeling on the
4th instant and killed nine persons near that place;"

To Gen. Knox, May 11th, 1792: "The fifty boats now ready,
will transport three thousand men. they are the best that ever
came here, and, I believe, the cheapest;"

And to same. May ISth, 1792: "Captain Hughes, with his
detachmont. has occupied the barracks in the new fort since
the 1st Instant. Two of the six-pounders are very well
mounted in the second storv of one of the block-liouses. The

UP" WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 159

others will be mounted in a few days. Tlie worli, if you liave
uo objections, I will name Fort La Fayette.'' The Seci'etary
approved this name.

FORT FAYETTE.

The following description of this structure was given under
date May the 19th, 1792: "The fort began last winter at this
[dace, (Pittshurj^li), stands on llie Alleglieny river within about
one hundred yards of the bank, on a beautiful rising ground,
about one-quarter of a mile higher up than the old garrison of
Fort Pitt. Tt is <(iniplctely stockaded in, and one range of
barracks, a blockJiousc in one of the angles finished, and the
remainder in forwardness. Captain Hughes, of the Second
t'nited States Regiment, commands the fort, whi<"h last Satur
day, 12th of May, was named Fort Fayette.'' (130.)

Major Craig to Samuel Hodgdon, Q. M. (leneral, November
9th, 1792: "This morning a detachment of the troops and the
artiticcis. willi llic uecessary tools for building, set off for the
winter ground l)elow Tx>gstown, on the Ohio; in a few days tht;
whole army will follow."

Same to Gen. Knox, ?>()\\i November, 1792: "This morning
at an early hour, the artillery, infantry and rifle corps, except
a small garrison left in Fort Fayette, embarked and descended
the Ohio <o Legion ville, the cavalry crossed the Allegheny at
the same time and will ivach the winter ground as soon as the
boats. As soon as the troops had euibarked, the General
(VN'ayne) went on board his barge, under a salute from a militia
artillery corps of this place, and all have, no doubt, before this
time, reached their winter quarters."

The following is extracted fi*om a IMiiladcljdiia ]>aper, and
is among the authorities furnished by Mr. Craig in his History
of Pittsburgh:

"Pittsburgh. May 14th. 1793.

"Lieutenant Col. John Clark, commandant of the Ith Sub-
Legion, is to command the different posts on this frontier — His
hcadijuarters will be at this place."

160 THE FRONTIER FORTS

111 the suiniin'r of 171)4, wIkmi the people about Pittsburgh
were teiTorized by the mob who collected together to wreak
their vengeance on the revenue officials, and the friends of
order, on the occasion of the Whislcey Insurrection, a request
was made by the inhabitants of the place to the commanding
officer at his post for his protection. "Upon this information
being communicated to Maj. Thos. Butler, the commandant
at Fort Fayette, one of the several gallant brothers, who distin-
guished themselves during the Revolution, he detached eleven
men from his feeble garrison to aid the inspector." (131.)

Speaking of the Pittsburgh of about 1800, Mr. Craig (History
of Pittsburgh) has the following:

"The ramparts of Fort Pitt were still standing, and a portion
of the officers' quarters, a substantial brict building, was used
as a malt house. The gates were gone, and the brick wall
called the revetment, which supported two of the ramparts
facing toward the town, and against which the officers and
soldiers used to play ball, were gone, so that the earth all
around had assumed the natural slope. Outside the fort on
the side next the Allegheny river was a large deep pond,
the frequent resort of wild ducks. Along the south side of
Liberty street, and extending from Diamond alley to the foot
of Fourth street (now Fourth avenue) was another pond, from
which a deep ditch led the water into a brick archway, leading
from Front street (now First avenue) just below Redoubt alley
into the Monongahela.

"By whom this archway was built I have never learned. It
was no trifling work. The writer when a boy (132) has often
passed through it. The sides, which were from three to four
feet high, and the top, were of hard burnt bricks; the bottom
of flag stones. Before it was made, there must have been a
deep gullj' extending up from the river below Redoubt alley;
and I have supposed, that when Colonel Grant built the R(?-
doubt on the bank of the river just above that gully, he prob-
ably had the arch way or culvert constructed to facilitate the
conininnication betwen the Redoubt and Fort Pitt."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 161

Notes to Fort Duquenne, including Notes to Fort Pitt.

(1.) "In January (1754) Wm. Trent was commissioned Cap
tain by Gov. Dinwiddie. He was then engaged in building a
strong log storehouse, loop-holed, at Redstone. John Frazier
[Frazer] was appointed Lieutenant and Edward Ward, F^nsign.
Trent was ordered to raise one hundred men. He succeeded
in getting about 70. On the 17th of Feb., 1754, he, with Cxist,
Croghan. and others niol at tlic Forks, and in a few days he
proceeded to lay out the ground and have the logs squared and
laid, the Half-King. Tanacharison, assisting. Capt. Trent was
soon after (»l»liged to go across (lie mountains to Wills creek
for supplies of provisions. On the 18th of April, Frazier being
absent at Turtle creek, and Ward left in conimand, he heard
that the French were descending the river; he hastened to
complete the stockading of the building, and had the last gate
finished when, on the morning of the 17th, the French flotilla
was seen approaching near Shannopin's town. Tliey moved
down near the fort, landed their canoes, formed and marched
their forces within a little better than gun shot of the fort.
Contrecoeur immediately sent Le Mercier, commander of the
artillery, with two di'ummers, one of them an interpreter, and
a Mingo Indian, called The Owl, as interpreter for the Indians
and (leliv(M'('(l \\''ard a written summons to surrendei* the fort
and I'etreat. Le Mercjier looked at his watch; the time was
about two. He gave Ward an hour to determine, telling him
he must come to the French camp, with his answer in writing.
The Half-King advised Ward to temporize — to tell the French
commander he must await the arrival of his superior ofilicet.
He went to the French camp in compau}' with the Half-King.
Roberts, a private soldier, and John Davidson an Indian in
terpreter, and addressed Contrecoeur as the Half-King had
advised. It was refused, and instant answer to the summons
demanded, or force would be used to take possession of the
fort. Having but fort} -one men, of whom only thirty-three
were soldiers, Ward surrendered the fort, with liberty to move
off with everything at 12 o'clock the next day. That night he
was obliged to encamp within 300 yards of the fort, with a
friendly party of the Six Nations. Contrecoeur invited Ward
11 Vol. 2.

162 THE FRONTIER FORTS

to Slipper and asked him many (juestions con(«M'ning tli<' Enji
lish government to whicli he gave no satisfactory answer.
He was also solicited to sell the French some of his carpenter
tools, but he declined to do so, although offered "any money
for them." The next day Ward marched with his men for
Redstone and Wills creek. At the latter place he met Col.
Washington, to whom he reported the affair. Thus the war
commenced here which closed in America, with the surrender
of Canada to (he British, in 1T«>0." [Wm. M. Darlington, Esq.,
in Centenary Memorial, j). 259.]

"Early in 1754, Capt. Trent was sent out from Virginia, with
about forty men — intended to be recruited on the way — to aid
in finishing the fort at the forks of the Ohio, already supposed
to be begun by the Ohio Company. The captain's line of
march was along Nemacolin's trail to (list's, and then by the
Redstone trail to the mouth of that Creek; where, after hav-
ing built the storehouse called the Hangard, he proceeded,
probably by land and ice, to the forks of the Ohio, where he ar-
rived on the 17th of Feb., and went to work on the fort which
soon proved a vain labor." [The Monongahela of Old; by Jas.
Veech, p. 42.J

(2.) The purpose of this company (The Ohio Company), was
to divert the trade with the Indians north of the Ohio, and its
headwaters, (which hitherto, the French and Pennsylvanians
had enjoyed) soutliward, by the Potonmc route, and to settle
the country round the head of the Ohio with P^nglish colonists
from Virginia and Maryland. T > this end, the king granied t >the
C'ompany five hundred thousandacresof laudwestof the moun-
tains, "to be taken chiefly on the south side of the Oliio, be-
tween the Monongahela and Kanawha, Ibut with privilege to
take part of the quantity north of the Ohio. Two hundred
thousand acres were to be taken up at once, and to be free of
quit rents, or taxes to the king for ten years, upon condition
that the company should, Avithin seven years, seat one hun-
dred families on the lands, built a fort, and maintain a garri-
son and protect the settlement" * * * * * Thus many
settlements were made on lands which were su])posed to be in
Virginia which were afterwards disclosed to be within the
ciiarter limits of Pennsylvania. * * * The incipient move-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 163

ments of this Company (as we have seen) provoked th(^
French and Pennsylvania traders, to jealonsy. and to stir up
the Indians to liostility. * * * Gen. Washington's brothers,
Lawrence and John Anjjustine, as well as himself, were largely
interested in it, and were anxious for its success. Christopher
Gist was the Company's agent to select the lands and con
ciliate the Indians. The company, having imported from
London kirge quantities of goods for the Indian trad(\ and en
gaged several settlers, had established trading ])osts at Wills
creek (the New Stoie), the mouth of Redstone (The Hangai'd)
the mouth of Turtle creek (Frazier's), and elsewhere; had
planned tlieir fort at the forks of the Ohio, and were ])rocepd
ing energetically to I he consummation of their designs. * *
The Ohio Company was in action only about four years, hav-
ing never in reality revived after its first check, at the com-
mencement of hostilities with the French and Indians on the
frontier. All persons concerned were losers to a considerable
amount, though at its outset the scheme promised important
advantages both to individuals and to the country at large.
[The Monongahela of Old, by Jas. Veech, Sparks, Washington.]-

The site on the Ohio, on which Fort Du'quesne, afterwards
called Fort Pitt, was built, was by the Indians called Che-on-
de-ro-ga, and accordingly by the French called Trois Kivieres.
It is recorded by that name in the famous Leaden Plate, which
was buried there as a memorial of their possession, (lov.
Pown;ill says that until he had occasion to explain this it was
always a matter of puzzzle to the cabinet ministers, what place
in those quarters the French meant to design by Trois Rivieres.
* * * * The word Che-on-de-i-o-ga denotes the fork of a
river, or the confluence of (wo branches which go off in one
united stream. This the French always transl.ite Trois
Rivieres. Extracts from "An analysis of a General Map of the •
Middle British Colonies," in appendix to Christopher Gist's
Journals by W. M. Darlington, p. 273.

"At the time of the first appearance of the white man upon
this spot, there were two Indian villages within the i>resent
liuiils of the City of Pittsburgh: Da-un-da-ga, which stood
directly in the forks; and Shanuopin's Town, which was lo-
cated on the east bank of the Allegheny river about two miles

164 THE FRONTIER FORTS

above its confluence with the Monongahehi. Little is known
of the former except that the name is of Seneca origin, and is
said to mean simply ''the forks;" and it is not mentioned, so
far as I have been able to learn by any of either of the colonial
explorers or traders, or by the French. Even Washington
makes no mention of it in the Journal of his ex]>edition to the
posts on French creek, in early winter of 1753 4, although he
was on llie s]»(>( and describes the topography of it. With re-
gard to Shannopin's Town, Celoi'on, in the Journal of his ex-
peditions down the rivei's, remarks undei* dale of .Aug. 7tli,
1749: "I re-enibark^d and \\ent to live village which is called
the Written Hock (Rocher ecrite). They ai'e li'oquois that in
habit (his place, and an old squaw of thai nation is their
leader. She looks upon herself as (pieen. * * * "This
place," lie continues, "is one of the prettiest I have yet seen
on the Beautiful river." Rev. A. A. Lambing, A. M. "The
Centenary of the lioi-ough of Pittsburgh," p. 30. * * * *
Olden Time, \'ol. i, ]>. 327: "In this, evei-y s,yllable is short,
except the |)enultimate, which has an accent somewhat pro-
longed, but less so than many other aboriginal words."

^'ashiugton was tlie tirst person to give a description of the
jtlace, which he does in his journal to the posts on French
creek. He arrived at Fi-azer's, at the mouth of Turtle creek,
on the L*L*d of Nov., 1753. He says: "The waters were quite
impassable without swimming our horses, which obliged us to
get the loan of a canoe from Frazer, and to send Barnaby
Curran and Henry Seward down the Monongahela, with our
baggage, to meet us at the forks of Ohio, about ten miles be-
low; there to cross the Allegheny.

"As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in view-
ing the rivers and the land in the fork, which I think ex-
tremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute com-
mand of both rivers. The land at the point is twenty-five feet
above the common surface of the water; and a considerable
bottom of flat, well-timbered land all around it very con-
venient for building. The rivers are each a quarter of a
mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles:
.Allegheny, bearing northeast; and Monongahela, southeasl.

OF W1]STERN PENNSYLVANIA. 165

The fofniei- ul' these two is a very rapid aud swift iimuiug
water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall.

"About two miles from this, on the southeast side of the
river, at' the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect
a fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares, We called
upon him to invite him to a council at Logstown.

"As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situa-
tion at the forks, my curiosity led me to examine this more
particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defence
or advantages, especially the latter. For a fort at the forks
would be equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the
entir*' command of the Monongahela, which runs up our settle
meut, and is extremely well designed for water carriage, as it
is of deep, still nature. Besides, a fort at the forks might be
built at much less expense, than at the other place."

(3.) "In the present Register .(The Baptismal Register of
Fort Duquesne, Translated with an Introductory Essay and
Notes, By Rev. A. A. Lambing, A. M.), the officer here men
tioned is called "Monsieur Pierre Claude de Contrecoeur, Es-
quire, Sieur de Baudy, Captain of Infantry, Commander- in-
Chief of the forts of Duquesne, Presqu' Isle and the Riviere au
Boeufs." He was in command of Fort Niagara in 1749; but
he afterwards succeeded to the command of the detachment
which had before belonged to M. Saint Pierre. The last date
on which the name of Contrecoeur is found in the Register, is
.Mar. l\ 1755. What became of M. Contrecoeur after his retlr
ing from Fort Duquesne, nothing has so far been learned.

(1.) Extract from the summons commanding the English to
retreat from the Ohio:

"A summons, by order of M. Contrecoeur, Captain of one of
the companies of the detachment of the French Marine, Com
iiiandei in-Chief of his Most Christian Majesty's Troops, now
on Beautiful river, to the Commander of those of the King of
Credit Britiain, at the mouth of the River Monongahela.

"Sir: Nothing can surprise me more than to see you at
tempt a settlement upon the lands of the King, my master,
which obliges me now, sir, to send you this gentleman. Cheva-
lier Le Mercier, Captain of the Artillery of Canada, to know

166 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of \ou. sir, by virtue of what authority you are come to fortify
yourself within the dominions of the King, my master-. This
action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at Aix La
Chupelle, between his Most Christian Majesty and the King of
(Ireat Britain, that I do not know to whom to impute such an
usurpation, as it is incontestable that the land situated along
iliH r.eautiful river belongs to his Most Christian Majesty.

"1 am informed, sir, that your undertaking has ))ee.n con
certed l)y none els(^ than by a company, who have more in view
th(? advantage of a trade, than to endeavor to keep the union
and haruiony which subsists between the two crowns of
France and (ireat Britain, although it is as much the interest,
sir, of your nation as ours, to preserve it.

"Let it be as it will sir, if you come out into this place,
charged with orders, I summon you in the name of the King,
my master, by virtue of orders which I got from my General,
l<» retreat peaceably with your troops from off the lands of the
King, and not to return, or else I will find myself obliged to
ruHill my duty, and compel you to it. I hope, sir, you will
not deter an instant, and that you will not force me to the last
extremity. In that case, sir, you may be persuaded that 1 will
give orde?*a that there shall be no damage done by my detach-
ment. * * * * (Signed) 1H)NTREC()EITR."

Done at camp. April Kl, 17r)4. jOlden Time, Vol. i, p. 83.|

(6.) France claimed the country on the waters of the Ohio by
right of prioiity of discovery and exploration, first by La Salle
in 5660-70, when he penetrated as far west as the falls near
the present city of Louisville. It was resolved by them t<»
<xpel the English traders and erect a line of forts connecting
('anada and Louisiana. In the summer of 1749, Captain
Celoron de Bienville, with a detachment of two hundred sol-
diers and thirty Indians, descend(Hl the Allegheny and Ohio
rivers to the mouth of the Wabash, for the pur])0se of taking
militaiy possession of tlie cotintry. As memorials of the
French King's possessions, leaden plates with suitable in
scriptions were deposited at dllTerent ])oints along the rivers.
A number of these plates were found in after years. One de-
[tosited at the point of land at the junction of the Ohio and
Monongahela rivers, bore date "August ;id, 1749, at the Three

OF WESTF^RN PENNSYLVANIA. 167

rivfMs." Celoion encamped with his troops for some days al
Logstown (a little below the present town of Economy), from
which he expelled the English traders, by whom he sent lex-
ers to Gov. Hamilton of Pennsylvania, dated at "Our Camp
on the Beautiful river at an old Khawnee village, 6th and 10th
Aug., 1749," and stating that he was there "by orders of the
Marcjuis de la (lalissoniere, General-in-Chief oi New France,
whose orders are very strict not to suffer any foreign tradei-s
within his governmenl." [Cenlenary Meuioi-ial, j). LTjC).]

Tl'anslation of the copy of the leaden plate buried at the forlis
of the Monongahela and Ohio by Mons. Celoron "by way
of taking possession and as a memorial and testimony there
of."

"In the year 1749, in the leign of Louis XV, King of France,
Celoron, commandant of a detachment sent by the Marquis
de la Galissoniere, (yoinniandant-in-Chief of New F'rance, to re-
establish peace in certain villages of the Indians of these dis-
tricts, have buried this plate at the Three rivers, below F^e
Boeuf river, this third of August, near the river Oyo, other-
wise the Fair river, as a monument of the renewal of the pos
session that we have taken of the said river Oyo, and of all
those which fall into it, and of all the lands on both sides to
the sources of the said rivers, as the preceding Kings of
Prance have enjoyed or ought to have enjoyed it, and which
they have upheld by force of arms and by treaties, especially
by those of Risv/ick, Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle."

The sentence beginning with "Three rivers" and ending
with "August" is only scratched with the point of a knife, and
scarcely legible, in a space which was left blank to be filled up
when buried.

(7.) Marquis de Quesne * * * Nothing is known of his
early life; but he was descended from Abraham Duquesne,
the famous admiral of Louis XIV. In the latter part of 1754
he demanded his recall to France in order to enter the naval
service, with which he was more familiar. Little more is
known of him except that in 1758 he was appointed to the com-
mand of all the French forces, sea and land, in North America,
and that soon after he sailed in a small squadron, which was

168 THE FRONTIER FORTS

utlcilv discomlitled hy the Eiiglisli. We must iigree with thr
author of Braddock's Expedition, who lemaiked, that, "It is
unjust to the past age, that the names of such men as Du-
quesne, Dumas and Contrecoeur should be consigned to ob-
livion. Thus we are left in ignorance of the period of Uu-
quesne's death, and of all save a single circumstance in his
latter career." [History of Braddock's Expedition, pp. 20-34. j
He was a rigid disciplinarian, and his lofty bearing offended
the Canadians; but he commanded their respect, and showed
that he was born to rule. [Montcalm & Wolfe, Parkman, Vol.
i, p. 85. Quoted in Register, note 35 — introduction.]

(8.) "On the tenth of June, (1754), nine deserters from th<*
French arrived at Washington's camp, [at Fort Necessity,] and
confirmed intelligence previously received by a messenger sent
from Logstown to Tanacharison. These deserters also stated
that the fort at the forks was completed." [Olden Time, Vol.
i, p. 39.] It has been asserted that the F'rendi merely com-
pleted the structure which had been begun by Trent, but the
following extract from a French official rejtort wouhl s»m in in
refute that assertitm: "They the English under Oapt, Trent
were summoned to depart immediately out of the lands belong
ing to France. They obeyed and (luieMy evacuated tlieir fori;
they also prayed M. de Contrecoeur to give them some provi
sions, which they were in want of: he ordered them a plenti-
ful supply, and destroyed tlieir fort." .Memoir < 'outenant le
Precis des fails. &c. [Olden Titne, Vol. ii, p. 150.]

(0.) Nemacolin's [>alli led from the mouth of Wills creek
(Cumberland, Md.), to the forks of the Ohio. It doubtless ex
isted as a purely Indian trail before Nemacolin's time. For
when the Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania traders with the
Indians on the Ohio, began their operations, perhaps as early as
1740, they procured Indians to show them the best and easiest
route, and this was the one they adopted. So says Washing
ton. And when the Ohio Company, was formed, in 1748, and
I)reparing to go into the Ohio Indian trade on a large scale,
they procui'ed Col. Thomas Cresap, [of Old Town, Md.], to en
gage sonie trusty Indians to mark and clear the pathway.
For this |)iir]>ose he engaged Neniacolin. a well known Dehi

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 169

ware Indian, vvlio rehiided at the mouth of iJunlap's creek,
which, in early times, was called Nemacolin's creek. The com
raissioner and engineer, with the aid of other Indians, executed
the work, in 1750, bv blazing the trees, and cutting away and
removing the bushes and fallen timber, so ar-; to make it a good
pack-horse path. Washington says that "the Ohio Company,
in 1753, at a considerable expense, opened the road. Tn 1754,
the troops whom I had the honor to command, greatly re
paired it, as far as Gist's plantation ; and, in 1755, it was
widened and completed by General Braddock to within six
miles (about) of Fort Uuquesne." This is a brief history of the
celebrated Braddock Road. [M<mongahela of Old, p. 27.]

(10.) "Washington, who for a time had been stationed at
Alexandria to enlist recruits, received from Dinwiddie a com
mission as lieutenant colonel and orders, with one hundred and
fifty men, to take command at the forks of the Ohio; *to finish
the fort already- begun there by the Ohio Company;' and 'to
make prisoners, kill, or destroy all who interrupted the Eng-
lish settlements.' Ofllicers and men were encouraged by the
promise of a royal grant of two hundred thousand acres on the
Ohio, to be divided amongst them.-' [History of the United
States, Vol. iii, p. 72.— Bancroft.]

(11.) "Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the
fort [Duquesne] by himself, and counselled with tlie Gov-
ernor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket,
shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he re-
turned he was quite changed, and said 'See here, you fools,
what tlie French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and
never received a farthing;' and (directing himself to me) said,
'The English are fools, and so are you.' " — [Post, First Journal.]
Washington, while at Fort LeBoeuf, was much annoyed by
the conduct of the French who did their utmost to seduce his
Indian escort by bribes and promises. [Parkman, Pontiac,
chap, iv, n.]

(12.) The interest excited by the adventurous spirit of this

man Stobo, who was the first English military prisoner in Fort

Duquesne, and Avho gave the first plan and description of it,

induced Neville B. Craig, FIsq.. the historian of Pittsburgh, to

11*

170 THE FRONTIER FORTS

gather the jirincipal incidents of his life. Fi'om the result of
his inquiry we learn, that Robert Stobo was the only son of
William Stobo, a merchant of (llasgow, in which city Robert
was born in the year 1727. His father and mother both died
when he was young, and he was then, with his own consent,
sent to Virginia to serve in a store owned by some Glasgow
merchants. He became a great favorite of the Governor, Din-
widdle, who, in 1754, when apprehensions began to be enter-
tained of a frontier war, appointed him the oldest Captain of
the Virginia regiment, then raised. After being detained
some time he was sent to Quebec. Not, however, as a close
prisoner, but having the privilege of going about the neighbor-
ing country until some time after Braddock's defeat, when a
great change took place in his situation. When General P>rad
dock began his expedition, against Fort Duquesne, copies of
the foregoing letters and the accompanying plan of that fort
were given to him, and at the time of his defeat they fell into
the hands of the enemy, and were published. The conse-
quence was that Stobo was immediately ordered into close
confinement. Subsequently he was tried and sentenced to
be executed, the sentence, however, was defeired, though his
confinement was rendered still more rigorous. At length,
however, he effected his escape, and after s<)nie most extra-
ordinary adventures indeed, arrived at Louisburgli, on the
Island of Cape Breton shortly after General Wolfe had sailed
for Quebec. He immediately returned to Quebec, afforded
that General much information and pointed out th«^ place of
landing. [History of Pittsburgh, p. 'Ad.]

In a memorial, etc., on the side of the French, we lia\c the
following: "These hostages named, the one Jacob Ambrane
(V'anbraam), and the other Robert Stobo, were two very crafty
spies, and found means to carry on a correspontlence with the
English Generals. There were found among the ])apers an liicli
fell into the hands of the French after the battle of tlie !>tli of
.July, 1755, [Braddock's Defeat] the letters which Robert
Stobo, one of the hostages had written to Major Washington.
That of the 28th of July, to which is annexed an exact plan of
Fort Du Quesne, which he liad himself dra\Nn, deserves above
all a careful perusal." [Olden Time, Vol. ii. p. 152.]

: ■ . OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 171

(13.) These letters along with many other valuable docu-
ments, were secured through the fortunes of war by the
French, and were published by the French, under the Royal
sanction, at Paris, in 175H. These documents were the private
instructions given to Washington and to Braddock; the
articles of the capitulation at Fort Necessity, an account from
the French point of view of the unfortunate Jumcuiville affair,
the journal of ^A'ashington in that campaign, which had not
yet been published in England, and many other papers. The
chief object of their early publication in Europe was to
prejudice the claims of (Ireat Britain as against those of
France in America.

There are, in the book, several very ludicrous mist;ikcs, as
might well be expected in a work translated from English into
French, and then offered to English readers through a transla
tion back from the French. Thus Ensign Ward, is called En
sign Wart; and the word "tomahawk'' in Stobo's letter ap
pears thus: "they can conceal themselves so as to dispatch the
guard without any ditiicult with their Tamkauko." [Olden
Time, Vol. ii, p. 210.]

The full title of this work is as follows: "A memorial con
taining a summary view of facts, with their authorities, in
answer to the observations sent by the English Ministiy to
the Courts of Europe. Translated from the French. New
York, printed and sold by H. Gaine, at the I'rinting Othce of
the Bible and Crown, in Hanover Square, 1757."

(14.) La Force, after his capture by Washington at the
Jumonville affair, was sent with the other ju-isoners into \'ir-
ginia where he yet remained unexchanged.

(15.j "A journal descriptive of some of the French forts:
Had from Thomas Forbes, lately a private soldier in the King
of France's service." [Christopher Cist's Journals, by Wm.
.M. Darlington, Esq., p. 151.]

(ll>.) Records vi, 224. Deposition made Deer. 28, 1754.

(17.) Records vi, 224. Deer. L'8, 1754.

(18.) Archives ii, 17o.

(19.j Archives ii, 17o.

172 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(HO.) Archives ii. 21H.

(21.) Records vi, 181.

(22.) Records vi, 181.

(23.) Governor DeLuncy to Gov. Morris. (Arch, ii, 204.)

(24.) Capt. Rutherford to Mr. Allen. (Arch, ii, 288.)

(25.) Archives, Second Series, vi, 253.

In regard to the statement of Fort Machault's location, re-
ferred to in foregoing, see Fort Machault.

(26.) In the account of Braddock's expedition we have fol
lowed that of I. D. Rupp in the History of Western Penna.,
as his version is taken almost literally from the official papers
and authoritive writings bearing on the subject. We have
verified wherever possible their authenticity. The part which
relates the flight of the array after the death of Braddock to
Dunbar's camp is from Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, Vol.
ii, p. 223; and whenever necessary we have followed Winthrop
Sargent's "History of au Expedition against Fort Duquesne
in 1755, etc." These, with the Sparks' Washington are raade
up for the most part from official documents.

Major-Geueral Edward Braddock, only son of Major-General
Braddock, was born before the close of the 17th centum He
entered the army as Ensign in the Grenadier company of the
Coldstream Guards, 11th of October, 1710; on the 1st August,
1716, was appointed Lieutenant, and fought a duel, with
sword and pistol, with Colonel Waller, 26th May, 1718; on the
30th of October, 1734, he became Captain-Lieutenant, and on
the 10th February, 1736, Captain, with the army rank of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel. He served in Flanders; became second Major
of his regiment in 1743; was present at the battle of Fontenoy,
ILth May, 1745, and was appointed 1st Major of the Cold-
streams, and Lieutenant-Colonel, 21st November, 1745,
lUigadier (iencial, April 23d, 1746, and in 1747 and 1748.
served again in Flanders. In 1753 he was appointed Colonel
of the 14th Foot; in March of the following year, Major-Gen-
eral: and on the 24th of September, Commander-in-Chief of his
Majesty's troops in Araeiica. He sailed from England 21st

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 173

iJecfiiib* I, J 754^ ariived at Hampton Roads, Virginia, 2,0th of
February, 1755, and was killed on the banks of the Monon-
;^ahela, in W'l-sleiii Peiinsyhauia, ou tlie 9th July of the same
year.

The route Braddock's army pursued from Fort Cumberland
to the Monongahela river, as given by Mr. T. G. Atkinson w\ih
his mapsi^- [From the Olden Time, \'ol. ii, p. 53!).J

(27.) Mi'. T. C. Atkinson's account of the march is siibslan-
(ially as follows:

General Braddock landed at Alexandria on, the 20th of
February, 1755. The selection of this port for the debarcation
of the troops, was censured at the time, though it is probabh'
it had the approval of AVashington. The two regiments he
brought with him were defective in numbers, having but about
five hundred men each, and it was expected their ranks would
be recruited in America. It is shown by the repeated requests
on this point made by the General at Cumberland, that this
expectation was vain. After numerous delays, and a confer-
ence with the Royal Governors, we find Gen. Braddock en
route on the 24th of April, when he had reached Frederick
town in Maryland. Passing thence through Winchester, Va.,
he reached Fort Cumberland about the 9th of May. Sir John
Sinclair, Deputy Quartermaster General, had preceded him to
this point about two weeks.

The army struck the Little Cacapehon, (though pronounced
< 'acapon, I have used (says Mr. Atkinson) for the occasion the
spelling of Washington, and various old documents) about six
miles above its mouth, and following the stream, encamped on
the Virginia side of the Potomac, preparatory to crossing into
Maryland. The water is supposed to have been high at thn
time, as Ihe spot is known as the Ferry-fields, from the army
iiaving been ferried over. This was about the 4th or 5th of
May, [1755].

The army thence pursued the banks of the river, with a
slight deviation of route at the mouth of the South Branch, to
the village of Old Town, known at that time as the Shawnee
(>!d Town, modern use having dropped the most characttM-istic
l>art of the name. This ithi(M\ distant about eight miles from
the Ferrv-flelds, was known at that early day as the residence

174 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of Col. Thomas Cresap, an English settler, and the father of
the hero of Logan's speech. The road proceeded thence par-
allel with the river and at the foot of the hills, till it passes
the narrows of ^^'ills mountain, when it struck out a shorter
line coincident with the present country road, and lying bo
fween the railroad and the mountain, to Fort Cumberland.

From the Little Cacapehon to this point the ground was
comparatiN'ely easy, and I he road had been generally jndic
iously ehosen. Thence forward the character of the ground
was altered, not so much in (he general aspect of the country,
as that the march was about to abandon the valleys, and now
the real difficulties of the expedition may be said to have com-
menced.

The fort had been commenced tlie previous year, after the
surrender at the Great Meadows, by ('ol. Innes, who had with
him the two independent companies of New York and South
Carolina. It mounted ten four pounders, besides swivels, and
was favorably situated to keep the hostile Indians in check.

The army now consisted of 1,000 regulars, ;iO soldiers, and
l,liOO provincials, besides a train of artillery. The provincials
wei'e from New York and Virginia; one company from the
former colony was commanded by Captain (Jates, afterwards
the hero of Saratoga. On the 8th of June, Braddock having,
through the interest and exertions of Dr. Franklin, principally,
got ir)0 wagctns and 2,0(MI horses fi-om IN^msylvania, was ready
to nmrch.

Scaroodaya, successor lo the Half-King of the Senecas, and
Mcuiacatoolha. whose acquaintance Washington h;id made on
the Ohio, on his mission to LeBoeuf, with about 150 Indians,
Senecas and Delawares, accompanied him. George Croghan,
the Indian Agent of Penna., and a friendly Indian of great
value, called Susquehanna Jack, were also with him.

The first brigade under Sir Peter Halket, led the Avay on
the 8th, and on the 0th the main body followed. Some idea
of the diflficulties they encountered, may be had when we per-
ceive they sj)en( the third night only five miles from the first.
The place of encampment. Axliicli is about nne-tliird of a mile
from the toll-gate on the National I'oad, is marked by a copious
spring bearing Braddock's name.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 175

For reasons not easy to divine, the route across Wills moun-
tain tirst adopted for the National road was selected, instead
of the more favorable one through the narrows of Wills
creek, to which the road has been changed within a few years,
for the purpose of avoiding that formidable ascent. The
traces are very distinct on the western foot, the route com
tinned up Braddock's run to the forks of the stream, where
(Mary's tavern now [1848] stands, D miles from Cumberland,
when it turned to the left, in order to reach a point on the
ridge favorable to an easy descent into the valley of George's
creek. It is surprising that having reached this high ground,
the favorable spur by which the National road accomplishes
the ascent of the Great Savage mountain, did not strike the
attention of the engineers, as the labor requisite to surmount
the barrier from the deep valley of (reorge's creek, must have
contributed greatly to those bitter complaints which Brad
dock made against the Colonial Governments for their failure
to assist him more effectively in the transportation depart
meut.

Passing then a mile to the south of Frostburg, the road ap
preaches the east foot of Savage mountain, which it crosses
about one mile south of the National road, and thence by every
favorable ground through the dense forests of white pine
peculiar to this region, it got to the north of the National
road, near the gloomy tract called the Shades of Death. This
was the 15th of June, when the dense gloom of the summei-
woods, and the favorable shelter which these enormous pines
should give an Indian enemy, must have made a most sensible
impression on all minds, of the insecurity of their mode of ad-
vance.

This doubtless had a share in causing the council of war
held at the Little Meadows the next day. To this place, dis
tant only about twenty miles from Cumberland, Sir John Sin-
clair and Maj. Chapman had been dispatched on the 27th of
May, to build a fort; the army having been seven days in reach-
ing it, it follows as th*^ line of march was upwards of three
miles long, the rear was just getting under way when the ad-
vance were lighting their evening fires.

Here it may be well enough to clear up an obscurity whirli

176 THK FRONTIER FORTS

enters iuto mauy nairatives of these earl} e\eiil8, froui cuii
fusing the names of the Little Meadows and Great MeadoAvs,
Jjittle Crossings and Great Crossings, which are all distinct
localities.

The Little Meadows have been described as at the foot of
Meadow mountain; it is well to note that the Great MeadoAvs
are about thirty-one miles further west, and near the east foot
of Laurel Hill.

By the Little Crossings is meant the Ford of Cassehiuin's
river, tributary of the Youghiogheuy; and by the Great Cros-
smgs, the passage of the Youghiogheuy itself. The Little
Crossings is two miles west of the Little Meadows, and the
Great Crossings seventeen miles further west.

The conclusion of the council was to push on with a picked
force of 1,200 men, and 12 pieces of cauuon; and the line of
march, now more compact, was resumed on the 19tb. Passiuj.-,
over ground to the south of the Little Crossings, aud of the
village of Grantsville, which it skirted, the army spent the
night of the 21st at the Bear Camp, a locality I have not been
able to identify, but suppose it to be about midway to the
Great Crossings, which it reachv^d on the 28d, The route
I hence to the Great Meadows or Fort Necessity, was well
chosen, though over a mountainous tract, conforming very
nearly to the ground now occupied by the National road, and
keeping on the dividing ridge between the waters flowing into
the Youghiogheuy on the one hand, and the Cheat river on the
other. Having crossed the Youghiogheny, we are now on the
classic gi'ouud of Washington's early career, where the skir
mish with Jumonville, and Fort Necessity, indicate the country
laid open for them in the previous year. About one mile west
of the Great Meadows, and near the spot now marked as Brad
dock's Gi'ave, the road struck off more to the northwest, iu
ordei- to icach a pass through Laurel Hill, that would enable
Iheui to strike tiie Youghiogheuy, at a point afterwards known
as Stewart's Gi-ossings, and about half a mile bt^low the present
town of ('(mncllsville. Tliis part of the route is marked by
tlie f;iiiti kn(»\\ n as .Mount l>i*addocU. This second crossing of
(he VcMigliioglieiiy was effected on the -SOth of June. The high
gi'ouhds inleivening betsveen the river and its next tributaiv.

OF WVESTERN PKNNSYIA'ANIA. 177

Jacob's creek, Lhougli trivial iu comparisou wilii wIiaL Ihev
had already passed, it may be supposed, preseuted serious ob-
stacles to the troops, worn out with previous exertions. On
the 3d of July a council of war was held at Jacob's creek, to
consider the propriety of bringing forward Col. Dunbar with
the reserve, and although urged by Sir John Sinclair with, as
one may suppose, his characteristic vehemence, the measure
was rejected on sufficient grounds. From the crossing of
Jacob's creek, which was at the point where Welchhonse's mill
now stands, about one and a half miles below Mount Pleasant
turnpike near the village of the same name, and thence by a
more westwardly course, passing the Great Sew^ickley near
Painter's Salt \Yorks, thence south and west of the postoffice
of Madison and Jacksonville, it reached the Brush Fork of
Turtle creek. It must strike those who examine the map, that
the route for some distance, in the rear and ahead of Mount
Pleasant, is out of the proper direction for Fort Duquesne, and
accordingly we tind on the Ttli of July, Gen. Praddock in doubt
as to his proper way of proceeding. The crossing of Brush
creek which he had now reached, appeared to be attended
with so much hazard, that parties were sent to reconnoitre,
some of whom advanced so far as to kill a French officer
within half a mile of Fort Duquesne.

Their examinations induced a great divergence (o the left,
and availing himself of the Valley of Long run, which he
turned into, as is supposed, at Stewartsville, passing by the
place now known as Samson's mill, the army made one of the
best marches of the campaign, and halted for the night at a
favorable depression between that stream and Crooked run,
and about two miles from the Monongahela. At this spot,
about four miles from the battle ground, which is yet well
known as Braddock's spring, he was rejoined by Washington
on the morning of the Oth of July.

The approach (o the river was now dovYU the valley of
Crooked run, to its mouth, where the point of fording is still
manifest, from a <iee|) notch in the west bank, though rendered
s(unewhat obscun- t)y vhe improved navigation of the river.
The advance, under Col. Gage, crossed about 8 o'clock, and con

12- Vol. 2,

178 THE FRONTIER FORTS

linued by the foot of the hill bordering- the broad river bottom
to the second fording, which he had effected nearby as soon as
the rear had got through the first.

The second and last fording at the mouth of Turtle creek,
was in full view of the enemy's position, and about one mile
distant. By 1 o'clock the whole army had gained the right
bank, and was drawn up on the bottom land, near Frazier's
house, (spoken of by Washington, as his stopping place, on his
mission to LeBoeuf), and about three-fourths of a mile dis-
tant from the ambuscade.

The advance was now about to march, and while a part of
the army was yet standing on the plain, the tiring was heard.
Not an enemy had yet been seen."

Braddocks Grave. — "A few yards west of the Biaddock Run
on the National Turnpike in Wharton township,Fayette county.
<»n the north side of the road is the grave of Braddock. When
the road was being prepared in 1812, human bones were dug up
a few yards from llie road on Braddock's Run, some military
trappings found with them indicated an otticer of rank, and as
(ieneral Braddock was known to have been buried on this run,
the bones were supposed to be his. Some of them were sent to
Peale's Museum in Philadelphia. Abraham Stewart gathered
them up as well as he could secure them, and placed them
under a tree, and a board with "Braddock's Grave'' marked on
it was fastened to the tree. In 1872, J. King, Editor of the
Pittsburgh Gazette, came out to Chalk Hill, cut down the old
tree, inclosed the spot with the neat fence now standing, and
planted the pine trees now round the grave." [Evert's History
of Fayette ('o.]

(28.) "The Register of Fort Duquesne," &c. This Register is
a translation from the original Registry of baptisms and
deaths, &c., as it was kept at Fort Duquesne during the time
of the French occupancy, by their priest, the Rev. Charles
Baron. It was copied from the Records in Canada, under the
supervision of ^Iv. John Gilmary Shea. LL. I)., and edited with
a histoiical iulrodiutiou and exhaustive notes by Rev. A. A.
Lambiii--. A. M., and published al I'it tsbin-gh. Pa.. 1S8.^). The
Rt'UisltM- cxlciids from .liiiic. 1 7."'t4 to DectMiibei-, 1 7.")(J. The

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 179

most interestiug entry in the Kegister is that in which is re-
corded the death and burial of Beaujeu. It is as follows:

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-five, on
the ninth of July, was killed in the battle fought with the Eng-
lish, and the same day as above, Mr. Lienard Daniel, Esquire,
Sieur de Beaujeu, Captain of Infantry, Commander of Fort
Duquesne and of the army, who was aged about forty-five
years, having been at confession and performed his devotions
the same day. His remains were interred on the twelfth of
the same month, in the cemetery of Fort Duquesne under the
title of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin at the Beautiful
river, and that with the customary ceremonies by us, i'(^collect
priest, the undersigned chaplain of the King at the above
mentioned fort. In testimony whereof we have signed.

Fr. Denys Baron, P. R.,

Chaplain "

"The precise location of this cemetery cannot now be de
termined, nor will it ever be, from the fact that much of the
point has been filled from eight to twelve feet above its level
at the time of the French."

Father Lambing continues further, giving a reasonable ex-
planation of these unsatisfactory averments, and says: "The
conflicting statements may, perhaps, be reconciled in one of
two ways: p]itlier Beaujeu had not yet assumed command,
and tluMi lie is si>oken of in the Register as commandei- by
anticipation, as one who held the commission but liad not yet
begun to exercise the duties of the ottlce to which he was ap-
pointed; or else he was actually in command, as is stated in
the Register, l)ut being dead, Contrecoeur could, without fear
of contradiction, take the honor of victory to himself, and
claim recognition from the home government for his eminent
services. We need not be surprised at this statement, for it is
well known that veracity was not among the most eminent
virtues of some of the representatives of France in the New
World. Xor would the Governor General l)e likely to refuse
his countenance to the fraud, if proper iuHuence were brought
to benr upon him. I am at a loss which of these opinions to
embrace, but regard tlie hitter as the more ]>robable. The

180 THE FliONTlEli FORTS

reader can cliouse lor liimseli'. l>ul whatever may hv said ol'
the commander at the time of the battle, Contiecoeur resumed
command after that time. M. Dumas was a subordinate
officer under Beaujeu at the battle, and the historian of Gen-
eral Braddock states that for his gallant conduct on the occa-
sion he "was early in the subsequent year promoted to succeed
M. de Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Duquesne. This
is a mistake. His name appears in the Register as commander
at least as early as September 18, 1755."

The supposition of Father Lambing would seem to be alto-
gethei' tenable. The trickery and corruption of the Canadian
officials exceeds all belief. It is hard to say what would have
been represented in a petition for a pension had Beaujeu lived
to make application for it.

Touching this conflict of authority we may observe that in
the Journal of Operations of the Army, &c.. Arch., vi, 2d
Series, it is said "M. de Beaujeu, who was in command of the
fort, notified of their march, and much embarrassed to pre
vent the siege with his handful of men, determined to go and
meet the enemy."

In the paper called "An account of what has occurred this
year [1755] in Canada." Arch., vi, 328, reference is made to
Contrecoeur in the following words: "Sieur de Contrecoeur,
Captain in the Canadian troo])s, who was in connnand of that
fort [Duquesne]," etc.

See further as to the details of this expedition and rc^lative
subjects, Winthrop Sargent's History of an expedition against
Fort Duquesne. * * * * Parkman's writings, especially
Montcalm and Wolfe, Penna. Archives, second series. Vol. vi.

As part of the instructions to Ensign Douville (or Donville)
given by Dumas when in command of Fort Duquesne, as
above referred to, are these: "He shall spare no pains to
make prisoners who may be able to confirm to us what we
already know of the enemy's designs. * * * * Sieur Dou
ville will employ all his talents and influence to prevent the
Indians exercising any cruelty on those who will fall into
-their hands. Honor and humanity ought to be our guides in
that regard." This was given from Fort Duquesne, 23d of
.March. 175G. * ♦ * * Tliese are ditferent sentiments

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA 181

from those generally heard tlirouojiont that lime, and they
indicate a different humanity than that wiiicli witnessed the
naked savages, yelling like famished wolves round their pris-
oners whom the fire was scorching on that night after the
defeat, as the scene occurred on the opposite shore from Fort
Duquesne.

"Return of the artillery, munitions of war and other effects
belonging to the English, found on the field of battle after the
action which took place on the 9th of July, 1755, w-ithin three
leagues of Fort Duquesne on the Oyo, between a detachment
of 200 Canadians and 650 Indians, commanded by Captain de
Beaujeu, and a body of 2,000 Englishmen under the command
of General Braddock, exclusive of the considerable plunder
that the Indians took: 4 brass pieces with the arms of Eng-
land, of the calibre of 11 lbs; 4 brass pieces with the arms of
England, of the calibre of 5^ lbs; 4 brass mortars or howitzers'
of 7| in. diameter; 3 other grenade mortars, of 4;^ inch; 175
balls of 11 lbs; 57 howitzers of 6| inch; 17 barrels powder, of
100 lbs; 19,740 musket cartridges; the artifices for the artillery;
the other articles necessary for a siege; a great quantity of
muskets, fit and unfit for service; a quantity of broken car-
riages; 4 or 500 horses, some of them killed; about 100 head
of horned cattle; a greater number of barrels of powder and
Hour, broken; about 600 dead, of whom a great number are
officers, and wounded in proportion; 20 men or women taken
prisoners by the Indians; very considerable booty in furniture,
clothing and utensils; a lot of papers which have not been
translated for want of time; among others, the plan of Fort
Duciuesne with its exact proportions.

"'Note. — The Indians have plundered a great deal of gold and
silver coin." (Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p.)

The jjlan of the fort above referred to is the om* wlikli ('a|»
tain Robert Stobo drew whilst a prisoner or hostage at I'oil
Duquesne.

(29.) Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, Chapter vii.

(80.) Archives, 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 262.

(31.) History Western Tenna.. i)age 118.

(32.) Arch., Vol. ii, p. 530.

182 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(83.) These extracts are taken from the Papers Kelating to
the French Occupancy, and are selected from them with re-
gard to their bearing on Foit Duqnesne and the Frontiers dur-
ing that period. (Arch., 2d series. Vol. vi.)

(84.) Montcalm to Count D' Argenson. Arch.. 2d S., Vol.
vi, p. 852.

(35.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 354.

Ensign Douville was killed in an attack on a small fort on
the north branch of the Cacapehon, in Hampshire count}', Vir-
ginia. The name is written Donville in vi Ai'ch., BOO, and by
Sargent in his Braddock's -Expedition, p. 224.

(86.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 859.

(87.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 864.

(38.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 380.

(39.) Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 39.
Archives iii, 147.

(40.) Further examination of Michael La Chauvinerie,
Junior, 26th Oct., 1757. (Arch., Vol. iii, p. 205.)

(41.) History Western Penna., p. 138. Montcalm and Wolfe, ♦
Chap, xxii, note.

(42.) Arch., 2d S., \'ol. vi, p. 428.

(43.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 425.

(44.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 427.

They regarded the Loyalhanna as the Kiskiminetas which
they called the River d' Attique.

(45.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 418.
(46.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 351.
(47.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 355.
(48.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 402.
(49.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 402.
(50.) Parkman, M. & W., Chap, xxii, n.
(.11. 1 Arcli., \'(»1. iii, p. 54.").

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 183

(o2.| Parkman, M. »S: \\ ., ('iiap. xxii.

(53.) Parkmau, M. «!v; \\ .. ("hap. xxii.

(54.) Haslet's letter in Olden Time, \'ol. i, p. IS4, er seq.

(55.) Post's Second Jouinal, Nov. 22, 1758.

(56.) Col. Bouquet to Wm. Allen, Esq., C. J., Olden Time,
\^ol. i, p. 182. Gen. Forbes to Gov. Denny, Hist. Western
Penna., Appx., p. 800.

A letter from the Hon. Colonel Bouquet, to ^\'m. Allen, Esq.,
Chief Justice of I'ennsvlvania :

"Fort Duquesne, 25th November, 1758.

"Dear Sir: 1 take, with great pleasure, the tirst opportunity
of informing you of the reduction of this important place, ijer
suaded that the success of his Majesty's arms on this side, will
give you a great satisfaction, and reward you for all the pains
you have taken for the diflicult supply of this army.

"We marched from Loyal Hannon with twenty-tive hundred
picked men, without tents or baggage, and a light train of
artillery, in the expectation of meeting the enemies and de-
tei'uiining by a battle, who should possess this country. The
distance is about fifty miles, which we marched in five days,
a great diligence considering the season — the uncertainty of
the roads entirely unknown, and the difficulty of making them
I>racticable for the artillery.

"The 23d we took jtost at twelve miles from hence, and
halted the 24:th for intelligence. In the evening our Indians
reported that they had discovered a veiy thick smoke from
the fort, and in the bottom along the Ohio. A few hours after,
they sent word tluit the enemies had abandoned theii- foit,
after having burnt everything.

"We marched this morning, and fouud the report (rue.
They have blown up and destroyed all their fortifications,
houses, ovens and magazines; all their Indian goods were
burnt in the stores, which seems to have been very consider-
able. "They seem to have been about four-hundred men; parr
have gone down the Ohio; one hundred by land, supposed to
Presque Isle, and two hundred with the Governor, M. de
Liguer}-, to Venango, where he told the Indians, he intended

184 THE FRONTIER FORTS

to staj this winter, witli au iuteiition to dislodge ns in the
spring. We would soon make him shift his quarters, had we
(mly provisions, but we are searcelj able to maintain ourselves
here a few days to treat with the neighboring Indians, who are
summoned to meet us. The destruction of the fort, the want
of victuals, and the impossibility of being supplied in time at
this distance and season of the year, obliges us to go back and
leave a small detachment of two hundred men only, by way of
keeping possession of the ground.

"This successful expedition can be of great service to the
provinces, provided they will improve and support it. It is
noAv the time to take vigorous measures to secure this con
quest; and unless Virginia and Pennsylvania can agree upon
an immediate assistance, all our pains and advantages will be
lost.

"An immediate supply of provisions, clothing and necessa
ries, should at any rate be sent up for the support of the
troops; and measures taken for the formation of magazines on
the frontiers (Raystown and Cumberland), for the supply of
an army to act early in the spring.

"The succors and directions from England would be too late,
and if the colonies do not exert themselves to the utmost of
their power, I am afraid they will have occasion to repent it."

t57.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 181.

(58.) Probabl}' the ground where prisoners ran the gauntlet.
See Smith's Narr.

(59.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 186.

(60.) See Fort Machault. Register, p. 30, whereat authori-
ties are given.

(61.) Hist, Western Penna., Appx., p. 300. '

(62.) Records, Vol. viii, p. 232. Centennial Celebration of tlu>
liicorpuration of Pit isburgli. Address Rev. A. A. Lanil4ng, as
to the authority for the form of the word.

(63.) It has been said, and apparently it seems to be correct,
that "Fort Pitt" as applicable to the structure was first used
by Gen. Stanwix, Dec. 24, 1751), in the body of the letter, where
it is I'cfpii'cd to. (Arrh., Vol. iii, p. 696.) Even that letter he

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 185

writes from "Pittsburgh. ' Other letters of his are dated at
"Camp at Pittsburgh," tiiough not invariably so.

(64
et seq

(65.

(66,

(67,

(68,

(69,

(70.

(71

(72

(73

Centenary Memorial, by Wm. M. Darlington, p. iMJd,

Col. Mercer to Gov. Denny. (Records, viii, p. l'!>J.i

Records, viii, 314.

Records, viii, 315.

Records, viii, 316.

See Fort Machault. (Arch., iii, <i71 & 674.)

Records, viii, 376.

Records, viii, 377.

Records, viii, 391.

Arch., iii, 685.

Gen. Slanwix lo (iuv. h«Miii\ : ••|'ii i.sl»iii-j;li. Oci. IStli, 1759.
We are proceeding here to establish a good post, by erecting
a respectable fort. Our advancements are far unequal to my
wishes, beginning so very late as the 10th of September, which
was as soon as I got up working tools, and have continued as
many troops here as I can feed for the works, to have been
often brought to eight day's provisions. It is this that must
bound every enterprise of every sort in this so distant a
country, and all land carriages. The troops in the garrison,
and on the communication, suffered greatly by death and de
sertions, altho' they were then paid to the first of October, and
now only to the first of August." (Records viii, 427.)

(74.) Arch., iii, 693.

(75.) Western Penna., Appx., 127.

(76.) Western Penna., Appx., 129.

(77.) Records, viii, 383.

(78.) Western Penna., .A.ppx., 139.

(79.) Arch., iii, 711.

(80.) Wm. M. Darlington in Cent. Mem., p. 267.

(81.) Hist. Pittsburgh, p. 85.

Extract of a letter from Pittsburgh, Sept. 24, (1759). "It is

186 THE FRONTIER FORTS

now near a month since the army has been employed in erect-
ing a most formidable fortification; such a one as will, to latest
l)osterity, secure the British empire on the Ohio. There is no
need to enumerate the abilities of the chief engineer, nor the
spirit shown by the troops, in executing the important task;
the fort will soon be a lasting monument of both." Ibid.

(8li.) Craig's llisl. IMl Ishurgh. jt. ST.

(83.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 199.

(84.) Arch., 2d Series, vii, 422.

(85.) Arch., iv, 39.

(86. Records, viii, 509.

(87.) Records, viii, 510.

(88.) Records, viii, 511.

(89.) Records, viii, 578.

(90.) Records, viii, 582.

(91.) Col. Kurd's Journal. (Arch., 2d S„ vii, 428.)

(92.) Records, viii, 592.

(93.) Arch., iii, 744. Records, viii, 64G. Records, viii, 739.

(94.) Records, viii, 676.

(95.) Records, viii, 776.

(96.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap. vii.

(97.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap. vii.

(98.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap, xviii. The account of the
siege of Fort Pitt by the Indians, is largely taken from Park-
man's Conspiracy of Pontiac, omitting therefrom such matters
as is not clearly verified by authentic documents. Mr. Park-
man has treated exhaustively the French and Indian war, hav-
ing had access to papeis and correspondence which had not
tlieretolor!' bern used, and chiefly the Bouquet and Haldiman
Paper, co])ies of which lie obtained from the original manu-
script collection of the British Museum. He has also ex-
hausted all the cotemporary as well as the latter authorities.

(99.) PaHcnian. Pontine xviii (Vol. ii, p. 6, n). Extract from

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 187

a hotter, Ecnyer to Bouquet: "Just as I had tinished my letter
1'laee men came in tiom Clapham's, with tlie Mehmcholy
News, that Yesterday, at three O'Clock in the Afternoon, the
Indians Murdered Clapham, and Every Body in his House:
These three men were out at w^ork, & escaped through the
\\'oods. I Immediately Armed them, and sent them to Assist
our ]N'ople at Bushy Run. The Indians have told Byerly (at
Bushy Hun) to leave his Place in Four Days, or he and bis
Family would all be murdered: I am Uneasy for the little
Posts — as for this, I will answer for it."

(100.) Report of Conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt
July IMith, 1708. Taken from MS. by Mr. Parkman. Id.

(101.) See Bouquet's Expedition and Battle of Bushy Run,
elsewhere, and Fort Ligonier.

dOL'.) Craiii's History of Pit lshur<:h. p. 9:^..

dO;'..) Craig's Hist. IMi tsbiir<;li, p. iK").

(104.) The Major's name is sometimes written Edmoustoue,
and sometimes Edmondson. He signs his name Edmondstone
where he himself had occasion to write it.

(105.) Arch, iv, 457.

The following is an extract from the message of Richard
Peun, (Governor, to the Assembly, on the 29th of Jan., 1773,
(Records x, 09): "It cannot but be doubted but that the late
Military Establishment at Port Pitt, did very greatly Con
tribute to the rapid Population of the Country beyond the
mountain, and that the withdrawing the King's Troops must
of course not only depress the spirits of the Present Settlers,
but retard the progress of the Settlement.

"I persuade myself that you will view the safety and protec-
liou of that Extensive and Flourishing district as an object of
General importance, and worthy of the Public attention; and
as it appears to me that the most proper, and indeed the only
assistance which can be afforded these people, is the support-
ing a small Garrison at that Post or Place. I find myself under
the Necessity of applying to you to enable me to carry that
Measure into Execution."

On the 5th of the same month in another message he says:

188 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"Alt ho' there may be no pi'ospect of a speedy lenewal of Hos
tilities on the part of the Indians, it may yet be udod policy 1o
guard in time against the worst that can happen, especially as
the measure proposed will be attended with no great expense
to the public; a garrison of 25 or 30 men to keep possession of
that important place, being perhaps sufficient for the present."
(Records x, 71.)

(106.) Records x, 141.

We have not entered into the merits of the claim of Edward
Ward on a part of the land which belonged to the fortification
after it had been dismantled by the British government, in
1772. The details of the contention which grew out of this
claim may be seen in the notes to the Washington-Irvine Cor-
respondence, the St. Clair papers, the Olden Time, Craig's
History of Pittsburgh, and the Pennsylvania Archives and Co-
lonial Records. We have alluded to it so far as was necessary
in the treatment of our subject.

(107.) Arch, iv, 457.

(108.) Arch, iv, 561.

(109.) Arch, iv, 629.

(110.) ('raig's Hist<»i-y of IMnsbiirgh, 121.

"To bring the account of this controversy, which has already
occupied so much space to a close, we mention thai under the
kinder feelings produced by united resistance to Great Britain,
movements were made early in 1779, to bring the question to
an amicable settlement. For this purpose George Bryan, John
Ewing and David Rittenhouse, on the part of Pennsylvania,
and Dr. James Madison, late Bishop of the Protestant Epis-
copal Church, and Robert Andrews, on the part of V'^irginia,
were appointed! Commissioners to agree u]>on a boundary.
These gentlemen met at Baltimore on the 31st of August, 1779,
and entered into the following agreement:

"'We (naming the Commissioners'! do hereby mutually, in
behalf of oui* respective states, ratify and confirm the following
agreement, viz: To extend Mason and Dixon's line due west
five degrees of longitude, to be computed from the Delaware

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 183

river, for the southern boundary of Pennsvlvjinia, and that a
meridian, drawn from the western extremity thereof, to the
northern limit of said state, be the western boundary of said
State forever.' "

This agreement was confirmed and ratified by the Legisla
ture of Virginia, u})on certain conditions, on the 23d of June,
1780, and by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, on the 23d
of September, 1780.

[t now only i-emained to mark the lines upon the ground, so
fhat the citizens should know to what authorities they owed
allegiance and obedience, and to whom to look for protection."
[Craig, Hist. Pittsburgh, p. 124, et seq.]

(111.) Captain Neville was then about forty-three or forty
four, about the same age as Washington, of whom he was an
early acquaintenance, and with whom he had served twenty
years previous, in Braddock's expedition and defeat. He had.
in the preceding year been elected a delegate to the Provincial
('onvention, which appointed Peyton Randolph, Ceorge Wash-
ington and others, delegates to the first Continenfal Congress,
but was prevented from attending by sickness.

(11 2.) Craig's Hist, of Pittsburgh, j). 141.

In Nov. of 1777, Congress requested (ien. Washington to
send to Col. William Crawford to Pittsburgh to take command
under General Hand of the Continental troops and militia in
the W estern Department. In May, 1778, Crawford took com
mand of the Virginia regiment here. In the meantime Gen.
Hand had been succeeded by Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcin-
tosh. [Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 19, n.]

(113.) Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 17.

Col. John Proctor in a letter to President Wharton from
"Westmoreland county, Apr. ye 26th, 1778.

"Sir, I am able to inform you that Capt. Alexander McKee
with sevin other Vilons is gon to the Indians, and since there
is a Serj't and twenty od men gon from Pittsburgh of the
Soldiers. What may be the fate of this Country God only
knowcs. but at Prisent it wears a most Dismal aspect.'' [Arch,
vi, 445.]

190 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(114.) Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 22.

(115.) Wash. Irvine Cor., 24.

(11(>.) Wash. Irv. Cor., 20.

(117.) Wash. Irvine Cor.. ]». 134.

Daniel Brodhead was born at Marbletown, Twister rounty.
New York, in 173G. His great grandfather, Daniel Brodhead.
was a royalist and captain of grenadiers in the reign of Charles
II. He came with the expedition nnder Colonel Nichols in
1664, that captnred the Netherlands (now New York)
from the Dutch, and settled in Marbletown in 16fi.5. His son
Richard, and his son Daniel, the father of the subject of this
sketch, also resided in Marbletown. Daniel Brodhead, Sr., in
1736, removed to a place called Dansville on Brodhead's Creek,
near Stroudsburgh, Monroe county, Pennsylvania, when Daniel
Brodhead, Jr., was an infant. The latter and his brothers be-
came famous for their courage in conflicts with the Indians on
the border, their father's house having been attacked by the
savages December 11th, 1755. Daniel became a resident of
Reading in 1771, where he was deputy surveyor. In July,
1775, he was appointed a delegate from Berks county to the
provincial convention at Philadelphia. At the breaking out
of the Revolution, Daniel was elected a lieutenant-colonel (com-
missioned October 25, 1770), and subsequently became colonel
of 1 he Kightli Pennsylvania Regiment; liis promolion was
Mnrch 12, 1777, to rank from Septenil>er 2J), 177G. He par-
ti ci])a led in the battle of Long Island, and in other battles in
which Washington's army was engaged. He marched to Fort
Pitt, as has been already stated, in the summer of 177S, his
regiment forming a part of Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcin-
tosh's command in the Western Department. Here, as we have
seen, he served until the next spring, when he succeeded to the
command in the West, headquarters at Fort Pitt. He retained
this position until September 17, 1781, making a very efficient
and active commander, twice leading expeditions into the In-
dian country, in both of which he was successful; but Avas
supiMsedcd in his command at Pittsburgh by Colonel John (iib-
soii. Ifi (sdlicad \\;is, ;il Jliiit date, colonel of the First Peuu
sylvania Regimcnl, t<» wliicli position he was assigned .January

OF WFSTF;RN PENNSYLVANIA. 191

17, 1781. After the war, he was Suneyor General of Penn
svlvania. He was aj)pointecI to that office November 3, 1789,
and held the place ehnen years, he having previously served
in the General Assembly. He died at Milford, Pike county.
November 15, 1800. He was twice married. By his tirst wife
he had two children; by his second, none. In 1873, at Mil-
ford, an appropriate monument was erected to his memory.

(118.) Letter Book to Oct. 20, 1780, in the Twelfth volume of
the Archives, and the Correspondence from 1780 to Oct. 28th,
1781, in Olden Time, Volume ii, 370.

(119.) The report is found in the Archives xii, 155.

(120.) This Correspondence is in Olden Time, Vol. ii.

(121.) C. W. Butterlield, Esq. Introduction to the Washing
ton-Irvine Correspondence, page 61, etc. Mr. Butterfield's
statement is as condensed as is consistent with clearness. We
have given sufficient jeferences to indicate how much indebted
we are to this compilation.

(122.) On the 6th of Nov., 1781, Gen. Irvine, on receipt of
the news of the surrender of Cornwallis, issued an order to
tire thirteen pieces of artillery in the fort, and the issue of a
gill of whisky extraordinary to officers and privates.

The Eighth Pennsylvania regiment, under command of
Daniel Brodhead as Colonel, marched, as previously explained,
to Fort Pitt in the summer of 1778 to take part in an ex]»edi
tion under Brigadier-(reneial Lachlan Mcintosh against De
troit. The enterjjrise, it will already be seen, jjroved abor
five, but the regiment renuiined in the Western Department;
when, upon the arrival of hvine, "its remains" were reformed
into a "detachment from the Pennsylvania line," to be com-
manded by Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Bayard, as above in-
dicated; the whole consisted of only two companies, the first
commanded by Capt. Clark and Lieuts. Peterson and Reed;
tlie second by Capt. Brady and Lieuts. Ward and Morrison.

(123.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 66 and 67.

Tltc ( 'oniniander-in-Chief did not c<»uiitenanc(' the srlicinc
III' building the fort.

192 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(124.) Hinds and Fisher had been tried bv court-martial
when Col. Gibson was in command, and sentenced to death.
FTpon representations made to the Commander in-Chief the
sentence in Fisher's case was not approved. Of Hinds' case
the General knowing nothing more than what was contained
in the papers submitted, left the case under the circumstances
to General Irvine. For further information see the orders and
proceedings in the Washington Irvine Correspondence, notes
p. S2.

(125.) Major Isaac Craig, was Deputy Quartermaster Gen
eral, &c. He left a verv large mass of papers and corres
pondence which has been well taken care of by his descend
ants. We shall have occasion to refer to him hereafter. For
further information as to the subject connected with Major
Craig's official duties, see the Second Series, Penna. Archives,
Volume iv; the Letter Book of Maj. Isaac Craig running
through several numbers of the Historical Register of 1884,
and "Fort Pitt," n compilation by the late Wni. M. Darlington,
Esq.

(126.) Wash. Irvine Cor., 141.

(127.) Craig's Pittsburgh, 182.

(^128.) Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Pitts-
burgh. Address by Rev. A. A. Lambing, p. 18. * * * *
For Lee's Journal : See Olden Time.

On the 30th of November, 17S2, preliminary articles of peace
between the United States and Great Britain were signed at
Paris. Commenting on the scarcity of information of affairs
here at this period, Mr. Craig (Hist, of Pgh.) says: ''From the
period when the news of that event was received here, mili-
tary movements and preparation would cease, and business
would probably stagnate for a time. In the fall of 1783, the
proprietaries, John Penn, Jr., and John Penn, concluded to
sell the lands within the Manor of Pittsburgh. The first sale
was made in January, 1784, to Isaac Craig and Stephen Bay-
ard, of all the ground between Fort Pitt and the Allegheny
river, "supposed to contain about three acres. Subsequently,
lH)w<M'er, lo the date of thai agreement, the proprietaries con-
el inlcd to lay out a town at the junction of the rivers, so as

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 193

to embrace within its limits the three acres agreed to be sold,
as well as all the ground covered by the fort. We presume,
the purchasers of the three acres assented to this division of
the ground, as they afterward received a deed describing the
ground, not by the acre, but by the metes and bounds fixed by
the plan of the town, except that the lots on the Monongahela
were described as extending to the river, instead of being
limited by Water street, as the plan exhibits them.

"The laying out of the town was complete by Thos. Vickroy,
of Bedford county, in June, and approved by Tench Francis,
the attorney of the proprietors, on the 30th Sept., 1784. Sales
immediately commenced, many applications for lots were made
as soon as the survey was completed and before it had been
traced on paper."

(129.) Craig's Pittsburgh, 210-213.

The foregoing extracts in the text are mostly from the same
authority.

(130.) Arch, xii, 437. Quoting Penna. Gazette, xi, 39.

(131.) Craig, 248.

(132.) The date of the publication of the History from which
this extract is taken is 1851.

"Isaac Craig was born at Ballykeel-Ednagonnel, County
Down, Ireland, of Presbyterian parents, about the year 1742,
emigrating to America at the close of the year 1765 or begin-
ning of 1766, and settled in Philadelphia, working as a journey-
man house carpenter, which trade he had previously learned,
becoming finally a master builder, and laboring with success
until the breaking out of the Revolution. In November, 1775,
he received an appointment as the oldest lieutenant of marines
in the navy, and, in that capacity, served ten months, being
promoted, after some active service, to a captaincy of marines.
Having joined the army with his company as infantry, he was
present at the crossing of the Delaware, the capture of the
Hessians at Trenton, and at the battle of Princeton. On the 3d
of March, 1777, he was appointed a captain of artillery in the
regiment of Pennsylvania troops under the command of
Colonel Thomas Proctor, in which regiment he continued to

13-Vol. 2.

194 THE FRONTIER FORTS

serve until it was disbanded at the close of the war. He was
engaged with his company in the battles of Brandywine and
Germantown. Early in the spring of 1778, he was ordered to
Carlisle. Here he remained until August, 1778. On the 29th
of March, 1779, he was ordered to the command of the fort at
Eillingsport, on the Delaware, below Philadelphia, being re-
lieved May 2d following. He was ordered with his regiment
to Easton, May 20, 1779, and marched with Sullivan in his ex-
pedition against the Six Nations, returning to Easton, October
18, following. In January, 1780, he was with the army at Mor-
ristown, New Jersey. On the 20th of April, he was ordered to
Fort Pitt with artillery and military stores, reaching that post
on the 25th of June. He continued in command of the artil-
lery there until the 20th of July, 1781, when he left with his
detachment for the Falls (Louisville) in aid of Clark, as before
narrated; getting back to Fort Pitt on the 26th of November.
On the 12th of March, 1782, Captain Craig was promoted to
be major, his commission bearing date March 13, 1782, to rank
from October 7, 1781. His duties at Fort Pitt and the con-
fidence reposed in him by General Irvine have already been in-
dicated in previous pages. Major Craig continued at that post
until the close of the war, when he became a citizen of Pitts-
burgh."

FORT LIGONIER.

Within three years after the defeat of Braddock, (1755), an-
other army was organized under orders of the British govern-
ment, with the assistance of the middle colonies, for an offensive
campaign particularly directed against Fort Duquesne. Briga-
dier John Forbes was entrusted with the command. He waited
at Philadelphia until his army was ready, and it was the end
of June, (1758), before they were on the march. His forces
consisted of provincials from Pennsylvania, Virginia, Mary-
land, and North Carolina, with 1200 Higlilanders of Montgom-
ery's regiment and a detachment of Royal Americans, amount-
ing in all, with wagons and camp followers, to between six and
seven thousand men.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 195

The Koyal American regiment was a new corps raised in the

colonies, largely among- the Gennaus of Pennsylvania. Its
oflflcers were from Europe; and of the most conspicuous among
them was Lieut.-Col. Bouquet, a brave and accomplished
Swiss, who commanded one of the four battalions of which the
regiment was composed. (1.)

The troops from Virginia, Xorth Carolina and Maryland
were ordered to assemble at Winchester, in Virginia, under
Colonel Washington; and the Pennsylvania forces at Kays-
town, now Bedford. Bouquet preceded Forbes, who was at-
tacked by a painful and dangerous malady which disabled him
from leaving Philadelphia for some time, and from which he
suffered direfully throughout the whole campaign.

Bouquet with the advance division was at Raystown early in
July, (1758). Here in an opening of the forest, by a small
stream, were his tents pitched; and Virginians in hunting
shirts, Highlanders in kilt and plaid, and Royal Americans in
regulation scailet, labored at throwing up intrenchments and
palisades.

And here, before the army set out on its way through the
wilderness, from this the verge of civilization, a question rose
as to the route to be pursued; whether the army should hew a
road through the forest, or march 34 miles to Fort Cumberland,
(Md.), and thence follow the road which had been made by
Braddock. The Pennsylvanians urged the former; the Virgin-
ians, with Washington as their most active and zealous
speaker, insisted on the latter route. It was finally deter-
mined, upon the opinion of Sir John Sinclair, quarter master-
general, who had accompanied Braddock, and of Col. Arm-
strong, to whose opinion Forbes and Bouquet paid great defer-
ence, as well as from reasons which appeared to be convincing
to Bouquet and himself, that the course should be direct
through Pennsylvania, from which conclusion it was neces-
sary that a new road should be made from that point (2), and
by the 1st of August, ('58). a large force was employed opening
out and making the new road for the passage of the army
between Bedford and tlie Lnnrel Hill. (3.)

Meanwhile Bouquet's men pushed on the heavy work of roarl
making up the main range of the Alleghenies,and, what proved

196 THE FRONTIER FORTS

far worse, the parallel mountain ridge of Laurel Hill, hewing,
digging, blasting, laying fascines and gabions to support the
track along the sides of steep declivities, or worming their way
like moles through the jungle of swamp and forest. Forbes
described the country to Pitt as an "immense uninhabited wil-
derness, overgrown everywhere with trees and brushwood, so
that nowhere can one see twenty yards." In truth, as far as
eye or mind could reach, a prodigious forest vegetation spread
its impervious canopy over hill, valley and plain, and wrapped
the stern and awful waste in the shadows of the tomb. (4.)

Forbes, still very ill, was obliged to rest on his way at every
stop of his progress, as the nature of his disease — being an in-
flammation of the stomach and bowels — was such as required
rest of body. He was carried on a kind of litter, swung be-
tween two horses. It was a little before September when he
reached Bedford, where he was joined by Washington.

The advance of Bouquet's force before this time had reached
the Loyalhanna, and under Col. Burd of the Pennsylvania
regiment, (5), had begun the erection of a stockade and forti-
fied camp. (6.)

The plan adopted by those who were in command, and
carried out by Forbes, was, instead of marching like Braddock,
at one stretch for Fort Duquesne, burdened with a long and
cumbrous baggage-train, to push on by slow stages, establish-
ing fortified magazines as they went, and at last, when within
easy distance of the fort, to advance upon it with all his force,
as little impeded as possible with wagons and pack-horses.

The western base of Laurel Hill along which flows the Loyal-
hanna had been fixed upon as the point at which there should
be a general gathering of the army before any serious attempt
was made to advance farther westward. The first camp of the
soldiers who took up their position here was called the "Camp
at Loyalhannon ;" the place taking its name from the creek in
its English form, which itself is a variation of its Indian name.
The old Indian path direct from their village and trading point
near the Forks of the Ohio to Raystown and the east, crossed
the creek here. It was known as the Loyalhannon, or cognate
name, long before the time when it was occupied by the Eng-
lish. (7.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 197

About the first of September, ('58), nearly all of Bouquet's
division consisting of about 2500 men, were encamped about the
Loyalhanna. It is probable, moreover, that a more advanced
position had even been taken at a point about ten miles west, on
the old trading path, on the bank of the Nine-Mile run, a tribu-
tary of the Loyalhanna. Gen. Forbes, in a letter dated at Fort
Loudoun, Sept. 9th, 1758, says that the road over the moun-
tains, and the communication was then ^'effecttially done to
with 40 miles of the French Fort." (8.)

While the advance of the army lay at the Loyalhanna await-
ing the arrival of the General, occurred the unfortunate affair
of Major Grant's Defeat — the most disastrous episode of this
campaign.

Major James Grant, of the Highlanders, had begged Bouquet
to allow him to make a reconnoisance in force to the enemy's
fort, and being allowed permission to do so, had received
special orders not to approach too near the fort if there were
any indications of resistance, and in no event to run the hazard
of a combat, if it could be avoided.

He left the camp on the 9th of Sept. with a force of 37 offi-
cers and 805 privates. Without having been discovered by the
enemy — which was a remarkable thing — he succeeded on the
third day after, in reaching the hill which overlooked Fort Du-
quesne. He then, very imprudently, prepared his plans to
draw the enemy out; flattering himself that he could readily
defeat them. He based his expectations on an utter ignorance
of the methods of his enemy, of the qualities of most of his
own men, and of the strength of his opponents. The French
within a day or two before had received reenforcements from
the Illinois.

In the early morning of the 14th (Sept., '58), while the fog
yet lay on the land and river, he sent a few Highlanders to
burn a ware-house standing on the cleared ground. He did
this to draw out the enemy, and had the bagpipes play and the
reveille to be beaten to comfort his men ******
The roll of the drums was answered by a burst of war-whoops,
and the French came swarming out, many of them in their
shirts, having just leaped from their beds. They came to-
gether and there was a hot fight in the forest, lasting

198 THE FRONTIER FORTS

about three-quarters of an hour. At length the horrors
of such warfare, to which the Highlanders were not at all
used, the frightful yells and hideous appearance of the bar-
barians, their overpowering number, their own ignorance of
such a method of fighting completely overcame them.
They broke away in wild and disorderly retreat. * * * *
The only hope was in those Virginians whom Grant had
posted back so that they might not share the honor
of victory. Lewis had pushed forward, on the sound of the
battle, but in the woods he missed the retreating Highlander^.
Bullitt and his Virginia company stood their ground, and they
kept back the whole body of French and Indians till two-
thirds of his men were killed. They would not accept quarter.
The survivors were driven into the Allegheny, where some
were drowned, others swam over and escaped. *****
Grant was surrounded and captured, (9), and Lewis, who pres-
ently came up, was also made prisoner, along with some of his
men. * * * * Ti^e English lost 273 killed, wounded and
taken. The rest got back safe to the camp at Loyalhanna.

The French did not pursue their immediate advantage with
the zeal which their success would have justified. From all ac-
counts they made special efforts to make prisoners rather than
kill, and the loss of dead was suffered mostly at the hands of
the Indians. The French who had full knowledge of the move-
ments of the army, and who knew that only a part of it had ar-
rived at the Loyalhanna, determined, notwithstanding the de-
fection of their allies, after their victory over Grant, to make
an attack on the camp without the loss of time and before the
entire army should come up. The Indians now showed every
sign of disaffection. They were getting tired of the French,
and were anxious to get home to their squaws and papooses.
But above all, the wonderful influence of that remarkable man,
Frederick Post, in whom the savages had implicit confidence,
and who was among thorn at tliis time as the agent of the Pro-
vince, was successful in alienating them from their old confed-
erates.

Accordingly, the united forces of the French and Indians,
by a premeditated arrangement sallied forth and with great
desperation attacked the English in their camps around the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 199

stockade, and even the stockade itself. After a bitter engage-
ment they were repulsed; and from this repulse they never
succeeded in gathering their forces together again in sufficient
numbers to encourage them to risk the chances of another en-
gagement. In the woods around Fort Ligonier, the French
and their barbarian allies met in battle for the last time the
English, in their contest for the region of the Ohio.

But in the interim, and up to the time when they were chased
back from the Loyalhanna, the enemy harrassed the English in
every way conceivable, but especially by lying in wait and am-
bushing detachments separated from the others, and by con-
stantly destroying the horses and cattle. This warfare was
carried on all round this post, both eastward and westward of
the camp and all through the woods surrounding it.

Very meagre accounts of this engagement which came off
here at Ligonier on this occasion when the French and In-
dians attacked the English, are available. In its results, how-
ever, it was of great moment and consequence. In the history
of the conflict with the barbarians, single engagements must,
nearly always, be considered in connection with or in relation
to events of which they are merely a part. What the result
would have been had the English at Loyalhanna fallen to the
mercy of their enemies, can only be conjectured. It is certain
that the battle was one of magnitude and desperation. There
is quite enough testimony from the best sources to fix this be-
yond doubt; and its effect on the subsequent part of the cam-
paign and on the history of the timew-as no less a matter for con-
gratulation for the English than of mortification and ill omen
to the French. The more we know of the actual condition of
affairs at that time, the more apparent it becomes that this en-
gagement was of the greatest moment in its results.

The following extracts from the Pennsylvania Gazette, Oc-
tober 26, 1758, &c., give some particulars of the action of the
12th:

''Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated 14th:

'*We were attacked by 1200 French and 200 Indians, com-
manded by M. de Vetri, on Thursday, 12th current, at 11
o'clock, A. M., with great fury until .3 P. M., when I had the

200 THE FRONTIER FORTS

pleasure of seeing victory attend the British arms. The enemy-
attempted in the night to attack us a second time; but in re-
turn for their most melodious music, we gave them a lesson of
shells, which soon made them retreat. Our loss on this occa-
sion is only 62 men and 5 officers, killed, wounded, and missing.
The French were employed all night in carrying off their dead
and wounded, and I believe carried off some of our dead in
mistake."

"Extract of a letter from Raystown, October 16, 1758:

"Yesterday the troops fired on account of our success over
the enemy, who attacked our advanced post at Loyal Hanning
the 12th inst. ; their number, by the information of a prisoner
taken, said to be about 1100. The engagement began about 11
o'clock A. M., and lasted till 2. They renewed the attack
thrice, but our troops stood their ground and behaved with the
greatest bravery and firmness at their different posts, repulsing
the 0nemy each time, notwithstanding which, they did not
quH the investment that night, but continued firing random
shots during that time. This has put our troops in good
spirits. The accounts are hitherto imperfect, which obliged
the General to send a distinct officer yesterday to Loyal Hanning
to learn a true account of the affair. By the General's infor-
mation, they only took one wounded soldier, and say nothing of
the killed, though it was imagined to be very considerable, if
they attacked in the open manner it is reported they did.
Colonel Bouquet was at Stony Creek, with 700 men and a de-
tachment of artillery. He could get no further on account of
the roads, which, indeed, has impeded everything greatly. To-
night or to-morrow a sufficient number of wagons will be up
with provisions. Killed 12, wounded 18, missing 31. Of the
missing 29 were on grass guards when the enemy attacked."
(10.)

It will be seen from the list of those killed, as also from the
reports, that at this day the most of the army at Loyalhanna
was composed of provincials. Bouquet himself was not at the
camp at the time of the engagement. Col. James Burd was in
commapd. and the following is his account in a letter written
the same day. (11.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 201

"Camp at Loyal Hannon, Oct. 12, 1758.
''To Col. Bouquet at Stoney Creek on the Laurel Hill :

I iiad the pleasure to receive your favors of this date this
evening at 7 P. M. I shall be glad to see you. 1 send you,
through Lieut. Col. Lloyd (who marches to you with 200 men),
the 100 falling axes, etc., you desire.

"This day, at 11 A. M., the euemj- tired 12 guns to the south-
west of us, upon which I sent two partys to surround them;
but instantly the firing increased, upon which I sent out a
larger party of 500 men. They were forced to the camp, and
immediately a regular attack ensued, which lasted a long time;
I think about two hours. But we had the pleasure to do that
honour to his Majesty's arms, to keep his camp at Loyal Han-
non. I can't inform you of our loss, nor that of the enemy.
But must refer to for the particulars to Lieut. Col. Lloyd. One
of their soldiers, which we have mortally wounded, says they
were 1200 strong and 200 Indians, but I can ascertain nothing
of this further, I have drove them off the field; but I don't
doubt of a second attack. If they do I am ready." In a post-
script he adds: "Since writing we have been fired upon." (12.)

In a letter of Henry Bouquet's dated at "Kay's Dudgeon,
Oct. 13, 1758, 10 P. M." (13.) He says:

"After having written to you this morning, I went to recon-
noitre Laurel Hill, with a party of 80 men, some firing of guns
around us made me suspect that it was the signal of an enemy's
party. I sent to find out, and one of our party having per-
ceived the Indians, fired on them. We continued our march
and have found a very good road for ascending the mountain,
although very stony in two places. The old road is absolutely
impracticable.

"I have had this afternoon a second letter from Colonel Burd.
The enemies have been all night around the entrenchments,
and have made several false attacks. The cannon and the
cohortes (14) have held them in awe, and until the Colonel had
sent to reconnoitre the environs, he was not sure that they had
retired. At this moment is heard from the mountains several
cannon shots which makes me judge that the enemies haye not
yet abandoned the party, and at all events I am going to at-
tempt to reenter this post before day. The 200 men which

13*

202 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Colonel Burd sent to me, have eaten nothing for two days. I
received this moment provisions from Stoney Creek and will
depart in two hours.

"I have not any report of our loss, two oflScers from Mary-
land have been killed, and one wounded. Duncannon of Vir-
ginia mortally wounded, also one oflScer in the first battalion
of Pennsylvania, and nearly fifty men.

"The loss of the enemy must be considerable to judge by the
reports of our men and the fire which they have already
wasted. Without this cursed rain we would have arrived in
time with the artillery and 200 men, and I believe it would have
made a difference.

"As soon as it is possible, I will send you word how we are.
Be at rest about the post. I have left it in a state to defend
itself against all attacks without cannon, and I learn that they
have finished all that remains to be done."

Col. Bouquet arrived at the camp at Loyalhahna on the 7th
of Sept. He mentions this fact in a letter to Gen. Amherst
written from that post, Sept. 17th, in which he reports the re-
sult of the reconnoisance of Maj. Grant. In this letter he ex-
plains at length the part he had in suggesting the expedition
which was so disastrously carried out by Grant. In this letter
is also given some account of the affairs about the camp, of
interest in this place. He says:

"The day on which I arrived at the camp, which was the 7th,
it was reported to me that we were surrounded by parties of
Indians, several soldiers having been scalped, or made pris-
oners.

"Being obliged to have our cattle and our horses in the
woods, our people could not guard or search for them, without
being continually liable to fall into the hands of the enemy.

"Lieut. Col. Dagworthy and our Indians having not yet ar-
rived, I ordered two companies each of 100 men to occupy the
pathways and try to cut off the enemies in their ambush and
release our prisoners." (15.)

Gen. Forbes to Col. Bouquet from Raystown, Sept. 2.3, 1758.
where he had just heard of the report of Grant's defeat, says:

"I have sent Mr. Bassett back the length of Fort Loudoun, in
order to divide the troops from thence to Juniata, in small

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 203

parties all along that road, who are to set it all to rights, and
keep it so; and as the party s are all encamped within live oi'
six miles one of another, they serve as escorts to the provi-
sions and forage that is coming up, at the same time. * * *
I understand by these officers that you have drawn the troops
from your advanced post. * * * * i shall be glad to hear
that all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and that Loyall
Hannon will be soon past any insult without cannon. 1 shall
soon be afraid to crowd you with provisions, nor would I wish
to crowd the troops any faster up, until our magazines are
thoroughly formed, if you have enough of troops for your own
defense and compleating the roads; and I see the absolute ne-
cessity there is for my stay here some days, in order to carry
on the transport of provisions and forage, which, without my
constant attention, would fail directly. The road forward to
the Ohio must be reconnoitered again in order to be sure of our
further progress." (16.)

The great obstacle which retarded the progress of the army
was that of a sufficient roadway. To make a passage-way
however imperfect, was an undertaking of great difficulty. In
many places, after it was made it answered the purpose but for
a short time, so that forces had to be kept at work upon it con-
stantly. New cuts were made, the angles changed, and the
road-bed altered as necessity required. Some places along the
side of the Laurel Hill were so steep that embankments had to
be made for their support; at other places where the ground
was marshy, the way became impassible with but little usage.
"Autumnal rains, uncommonly heavy and persistent, had
ruined the newly-cut road. On the mountains the torrents
tore it up, and in the valleys the wheels of the wagons and
cannon churned it into soft mud. The horses, overworked and
underfed, were fast breaking down. The forest had little food
for them, and they were forced to drag their own oats and
corn, as well as supplies for the army, through two hundred
miles of wilderness. In the wretched condition of the road
this was no longer possible. The magazines of provisions
formed at Eaystown and Loyalhannon to support the army on
its forward march were emptied faster than they could be
filled. Earlv in October the elements relented; the clouds

204 THE FRONTIER FORTS

broke, the sky was bright again, and the sun shone out in splen-
dor on mountains radiant in the livery of autumn. A gleam of
hope revisited the heart of Forbes. It was but a flattering il-
lusion. The sullen clouds returned, and a chill, impenetrable
veil of mist and rain hid the mountains and the trees. De-
jected nature wept and would not be comforted. Above, be-
low, around, all was trickling, oozing, pattering, gushing. In
the miserable encampments the starved horses stood steaming
in the rain, and the men crouched, disgusted, under their drip-
ping tents, while the drenched picket-guard in the neighboring
forest paced dolefully through black mire and spongy mosses.
The rain turned to snow; the descending flakes clung to the
many-colored foliage, or melted from sight in the trench of
half-liquid clay that was called a road. The wheels of the
wagons sank in it to the hub, and to advance or retreat was
alike impossible." (17.)

Sir John Sinclair was the Quartermaster-General. It is said
of him that he was a petulant and irritable old soldier, who
was a good type of those regular professional soldiers of his
day, who had had their training in the wars on the continent.
It was said that he found fault with everybody else, and would
discharge volleys of oaths at all who met his disapproval. He,
however, was brave and intrepid, and was with the troops in
front whenever occasion demanded. It was his official
duty to secure the transportation for the army; incident to
this was the superintendence of the roads. But he must have
had some quality of excellence that recommended him to the
service; for he had occupied the same position under Braddock.
By the provincials he was regarded as inefficient, and they did
not like him, (18) for his arrogant ways. Forbes, himself, lost
patience with him, and wrote confidentially to Bouquet that his
only talent was for throwing everything into confusion.
Among the orders and requisitions which he made in the line
of his duty, when he had gone forward with the Virginians and
other troops, to make the road over the main range of the Alle-
ghenies, is the following memorandum: "Pickaxes, crows, and
shovels; likewise more whiskey. Send me the newspapers,
and tell my black to send me a candlestick and half a loaf of
sugar." (19.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 205

Gen. Forbes did not reach the camp at the Loyalhanna till
about Nov. 1st. (20.) He had been carried most of the way in a
litter. Fifty days elapsed frojn the time of his arrival at Bed-
ford until he reached the Loyalhanna. It was determined at a
council of war held after his arrival here not to advance fur-
ther that season. The weather had become cold, and the sum-
mits of the mountains were white with snow. This determina-
tion, hoAvever, was suddenly changed, as the result of informa-
tion obtained from various sources touching the actual con-
dition of affairs at Fort Duquesne. It was learnt conclusively,
that the French were wanting provisions, that they were weak
in number, and that the Indians had left them. It was there-
upon concluded to proceed.

Col. Washington had so earnestly requested the privilege of
leading- the army with his Virginians, that his request was
granted; and he and his men under Col. Armstrong with the
Pennsylvanians were intrusted with that duty. He was then
but a young man, but already a beloved leader of his men.
Virginia had intrusted to him her two regiments, consisting of
about 1900. Part of this force were clothed in the hunting
shirt and Indian blanket, which least impeded their progress
through the forest. He himself gave as a reason why he
should have this honor that he had "a long intimacy with these
woods, and with all the passes and difSculties." (21.)

He and his provincials then, as the advance of the army, set
out to open the way. On the 12th of Nov., about three miles from
the camp his men fell in with a number of the enemy, and in
the attack, killed one man, and took three prisoners. Among
the latter was one Johnson, an Englishman, who had been cap-
tured by the Indians in Lancaster county, from whom was de-
rived full and correct information of the state of things at Fort
Duquesne.

On this occasion occurred one of the most memorable of
things that can be narrated about Fort Ligonier. (22.)

We here allude to the engagement which occurred among
the provincial troops by a misunderstanding of orders, in
which Washington ran the greatest risk of death. There has
never been made public until lately a consistent narrative of
this affair. Owing to Washington's reluctance to speak of

206 THE FRONTIER FORTS

liimself and of Ms military career, all the published reports
lacked a certain element of credibility. It was however, con-
ceded on all sides that the occurrence was remarkable, and that
the remembrance of it always remained fresh in the mind of
Washington. The best known authority for the affair was that
which was traceable to Gordon s History of Penn'a. From the
statement there made it appeared that Col. Washington's de-
tachment was engaged on the road several miles from the fort,
and that the noise of arms being heard at the fort it was con-
jectured that his detachment was attacked; and that there-
upon Col. Mercer, with some Virginians, was sent to his as-
sistance; thai the two parties approaching- in the dusk of the
evening, mistook each other for enemies; and that a number of
shots were exchanged, by which some of the Virginians were
killed.

From the conversation between Washington and the Hon.Wm,
Findley, Member of Congress from the Westmoreland district,
which has been preserved, the popular version has obtained.
Whatever allowance may be made for the literal accuracy of
this account, owing to the lapse of time from its narration until
its publication, it is certain that it contains substantially the
essential and elementary germ of fact which clothes this cir-
cumstance with so much interest. A deviation in minor par-
ticulars from the more authentic account, here referred to,
does not detract from its merits. The association of one com-
mand with the other, is excusable when we remember that Mr.
Findley put his recollections on paper near twenty years after
Washington's death, and then only from memory.

But we have from late sources the version given by Wash-
ington himself of this affair. In an article published in Scrib-
ner's Magazine for May, 189.3, there is reproduced some ac-
count of the western frontier wars in which Washington par-
ticipated, from the manuscript of Washington himself. In
prefacing the extracts from this manuscript, Mr. Henry G.
Pickering, in whose family the original manuscript is still pre-
served, says that "it was the purpose of Col. David Humphreys,
a member of Washington's military staff in the latter part of
the revolutionary war, to write the life of Washington; and it
would seem, that at his request Washington prepared the nar-

>
n
o
o
a

Q
O

m f F:

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 207

rative, the connected part of which is given in the article re-
ferred to. This narrative is in autograph, covering some ten
pages of manuscript of folio size, and is in part responsive to
detailed and numbered questions put by Col. Humphreys.
• * * * There are frequent interlineations and erasures,
and the words "I" and "me," in nearly every instance where
they occur, are changed to the initials "G. W.," by the revision.
It was recently read, by permission, before the Mass. Historical
Society, but it has never been printed, [prior to the article re-
ferred to], nor, it is believed, have any extracts from it been
ever given to the public. Certain incidents described in it,
such as the instance of grave peril in which Washington's life
was placed in one of the engagements, are of original historical
interest, but the permanent value of the narrative is in its au-
thoritative source, and the unchanged form in which it has
been transmitted.

The following is a literal transcription of the article:
"But the war by this time raging in another quarter of the
continent, all applications were unheeded till the year 1758,
when an expedition against Fort Duquesne was concerted and
undertaken under the conduct of Genl. Forbes; who though a
brave and good oflQcer, was so much debilitated by bad health,
and so illy supplied with the means to carry on the expedition,
that it was November before the troops got to Loyalhanning
fifty or sixty miles from Fort Duquesne, and even then was on
the very point of abandoning the expedition when some season-
able supplies arriving, the army was formed into three bri-
gades— took up its march — and moved forward; the brigade
commanded by G. W. being the leading one. Previous to this,
and during the time the army lay at Loyalhanning, a circum-
stance occurred which involved the life of G. W. in as much
jeopardy as it has ever been before or since.

"The enemy sent out a large detachment to reconnoitre our
camp, and to ascertain our strength; in consequence of intelli-
gence that they were within two miles of the camp a party
commanded by Lieut. Colo, Mercer, of the Virginia Line (a gal-
lant and good officer) was sent to dislodge them, between
whom, a severe conflict and hot firing ensued, which lasting
sometime and appearing to approach the camp, it was conceived

208 THE FRONTIER FORTS

that our party was yielding the ground, upon which G. W. with
permission of the Genl. called (per dispatch) for voluuteers
and immediately marched at their head, to sustain, as was con-
jectured, the retiring troops. Led on by the firing till he
came within less than half a mile, and it ceasing, he detached
scouts to investigate the cause, and to communicate his ap-
proach to his friend Colo. Mercer, advancing slowly in the
meantime. But it being near dusk, and the intelligence not
havinf;- been fully disseminated among Col. Mercer's corps,
and they taking us for the enemy who had retreated approach-
ing in another direction, commenced a heavy fire upon the re-
lieving party which drew fire in return in spite of all the exer-
tions of the officers, one of whom, and several privates were
killed and many wounded before a stop could be put to it, to ac-
complish which G. W. never was in more imminent danger, by
being between two fires, knocking up with his sword the pre-
sented pieces."

On the 13th, Col. Armstrong, who had proved his skill in
leading troops expeditiously through the woods, was sent out
to the assistance of Washington with 1,000 men. Armstrong
was the senior officer of the Pennsylvania forces, and was next
in command under Bouquet. These two bodies of provincials,
as it would appear, co-operated together in the front; sometimes
detachments of the one would be passed on the road by detach-
ments of the other, and so again as the occasion required. The
army progressed slowly; the 'weather was rainy; the road
miserably bad. A number of friendly Indians were kept out
as scouts; and every precaution was taken to guard against
surprise.

The force for this purpose specially consisted of 2,500 men
picked out. That the men might be restricted as little as jios-
sible in their movements, they went without tents or baggage,
and with a light train of artillery expecting to meet the enemy,
and ready to determine the result by a battle.

On the 17th of Nov., Washington was at Bushy Run. On
the 18th, Armstrong is reported within 17 miles of Fort Du-
quesne, where he had thrown up intrenchments. Gen Forbes
himself followed on the 17th from Ligonier with 4,.300 effective

■■"■^■■RasrjMe

FORT LIGONIER

with part of (he
RETRANCHMENT.

D. 5io«t Houses

E. OFfiCERS Barracks
f. OfFictRs Houses

C. Line Of coMMumCATiON witHiHt
AOVANCtO fASINE BATTERY.

OF WESTERN PE>TNSYLVANIA. 209

men — having left strong garrisons and supplies at Ligonier
and Bedford.

At every stopping place they all resorted to every precau-
tion. On the 19th, Washington left Armstrong (who in the
meantime had come up to him) to wait for the Highlanders,
and, taking the lead, with vigilance proceeded towards the
fort. On the 24th, Forbes encamped his whole army about
Turtle Creek, 10 or 12 miles from Fort Duquesne. Here the
word was brought by the Indian scouts who had advanced to
within sight of the fort, that the French had abandoned the
place and that the structures were on fire. This report was
soon confirmed. A company of cavalry under Capt. Hazlet
was sent forward to extinguish the fire and save as much as
possible, but they were too late. Preparations had been made
by the French to withdraw when it was seen that they could
offer no resistance. They had made ready to destroy their
works, and after setting fire to everything that would burn,
they withdrew with the rest of their munitions and cannons,
some going down the Ohio, and the Commandant with the
most of his forces going up the Allegheny to Fort Machault.
The whole of the English hurried forward and on Saturday,
25th of Nov., 1758, took possession of the site of Fort Du-
quesne, and thenceforth the place was held by those of Saxon
blood.

It is true the old Fort Duquesne was but a heap of ruins
when the army came to take possession of it; nevertheless, the
campaign of Forbes was eminently successful. He took pos-
session of this fortress to which the eyes of the civilized world
were directed, without an engagement, the fruits of his labors
falling into his hands by reason of his careful and masterful
arrangements, his skillful assistants, and his ample prepara-
tions which won him a bloodless victory, and the English race
one of its greatest achievements.

On the next day, Nov. 2r)th, Gen. Forbes, making report to
Gov. Denny of the success of the expedition, added: "I must
beg that you recommend to your Assembly the building of a
block-house and saw mill upon the Kiskiminetas near the
Loyalhanna, as a thing of the utmost consequence to the prov-

I4--V0I. 2.

210 THE FRO'NTIER FORTS

ince, if they had any intention of profiting by this acquisi-
tion." (23.)

The importance of Fort Ligonier as a military position was
apparent, even before this event. Forbes, in a letter to the
Governor from Raystown, Oct. 22, 1758, when the immediate
success of their expedition was uncertain, says that, whether
their attempt on Fort Duquesne should be successful or not,
the chain of forts from the Loyalhanna to Carlisle ought to be
garrisoned, besides those on the other side of the Susquehanna.
Of the number required to garrison these posts, he estimates
that there should be 300 at Loyalhanna, and 200 at Rays-
town. (24.)

Forbes set out from Pittsburgh to return, on the 3rd of
Dee. (25.) On the 8th, Frederick Post came to Ligonier where
he found the General very sick. He expected to leave every
day, but sj:ill continued to be too ill to be moved. On the 14th,
he (the General) intended to go, but his horses could not be
found. They thought the Indians had carried them off. They
hunted all day for the horses, but could not find them. "On
the 16th, Mr. Hays," he says, "being hunting, was so lucky as
to find the General's horses, and brought them home; for
which the General was very thankful to him." Here they all
remained till the holidays. Under date, Dec. 25th, Post says,
"The people in the camp prepared for a Christmas frolic, but
I kept Christmas in the woods by myself." This was the first
Christmas celebrated by the English in that region. On the
27th, he says, "Towards noon the General set out; which
caused great joy among the garrison, which had hitherto lain
in tents, but now being a small company, could be comfortably
lodged. It snowed the whole day."

During the latter part of the year of 1758 and the early part
of 1759, there were busy times about the fort, as it was in the
direct line of communication to Fort Pitt from the east. Of
necessity there was much movement on the military road dur-
ing this time, and this post from its location was the most im-
portant relay station west of Bedford. It is not probable that
any particular body of troops remained here continuously for
any length of time. Part of the time, we know, the detach-
ments of the Pennsylvania provincials were here; sometimes

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 211

there were Virginians, but most of the time — and, after the
regular soldiers were withdrawn from their campaign, all the
time — the garrison was composed of Royal Americans. It
would further appear that for most of the time the senior ofiQ-
cer who happened to be located here, was the one in command,
although the commandant at Fort Pitt was superior officer in
this department. Col. Hugh Mercer was left in charge at Fort
Pitt, and remained there until the arrival of Gen. Stanwix,
who came out in the spring of 1759 to superintend the erection
of the more permanent fortress at that place. Mercer him-
self was at Ligonier when Forbes took possession of Fort Du-
quesne; as from here he communicated the successes of the
army in a letter to Gov. Denny (26), Dec. 3, 1758.

When the French abandoned Fort Duquesne, their Com-
mandant, De Ligneris retired to Fort Machault (Venango).
They still had some influence over some of the Indians of the
northwest; and that vigilant officer used these to good advant-
age. From Venango, and from Indian towns along the Alle-
gheny and streams westward, parties of these barbarians led
by the French Canadians, made inroads constantly on the out
posts of the Province, and were always on the alert to waylay
and harass the convoys on the road. Many reports are made
of their depredations, even after the French abandoned Ve-
ango, in Aug., 1759.

The first camp at the Loyalhanna was doubtless made after
the fashion of those others on the line of advance of Bouquet;
and of necessity was made before the fort was built. Col. Jos.
Shippen, in a letter from Raystown describing the works there,
says: "We have a good stockade fort built here with several
convenient and large store-houses. Our camps are all secured
with a good breast work and a small ditch on the outside." (27.)

In the report of Grant's defeat by Montcalm he says that the
defeated soldiers "were pursued up to a new fort, called Royal
haunon, which they [the English] are building." (28.)

About the first mention made of the place by the French was
on the occasion of the arrival there of Bouquet's advanee, at
which time it is reported "that a fort has been built of piece
upon piece, and one saw mill." (29.)

From the same sources reports were made that the works at

212 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Loyalhanna were still in process of construction in the spring
of 1759. (30.)

The number of troops here during the winter of 1758 and
throughout 1759, must have been considerable. This was nec-
essary not only for the protection of the post but as a support
to Fort Duquesne; for there were fears and uncertainties as to
the plans of the enemy. Col. Mercer, in Sept. (1759), states that
"the difficulty of supplying the army at Pittsburgh obliges the
General to keep more of the troops at Ligonier and Bedford
than he would choose." (31.) At that date, Col. Armstrong was
at Ligonier, and was expected to remain some weeks longer.
Prior to that time, however. Col. Adam Stephen of the Va,
provincials was at least for the time being in command at Lig-
onier. Under date, from this place, July 7th, (1759), Col.
Stephen reports to Gen. Stanwix the particulars of an engage-
ment that occurred the day before. He reports as follows: (32.)

"Yesterday about one o'clock the Scouts and Hunters re-
turned to camp & reported that they had not seen the least
sign of the Enemy about; upon which, in Compliance with Maj.
Tulliken's request, I sent Lt. Blane with the R, Americans to
Bedford, and as the party was but small, ordered a Sergt. &
Eighteen chosen Woodsmen, to conduct him through the
Woods, to the foot of Laurel Hill on the West side, with direc-
tions to return to Camp without touching the Road.

"About three Quarters of an hour after the Detachmt. had
marched, the Enemy made an attempt to Surprise this Post. I
cannot ascertain their numbers, but am certain they are consid-
erably superior to ours.

"At first I imagined the Enemy only intended to amuse the
Garrison whilst they were engaging with Lt. Blane's Party,
but finding the place invested in an instant & the Enemy rush
pretty briskly, I began to entertain hopes of their safety, and
was only anxious for the Sergt. and Eighteen men.

"The Enemy made an effort from every Quarter, but the fire
on the first Redoubt was the hottest, in it Capt. Jones was
killed,

"We are extremely obliged to Lt, Mitchelson, of the Artillery,
for his Vigilence & application. After a few well placed shells
and a brisk fire from the Works, the Enemy retired into the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 213

skirts of the Woods, and continued their fire at a distance, till
ni-ht.

"The Sergt. (Packet, of the Virginians) returned about sunset
without seeing an Enemy until he came within sight of the
Fort. The party behaved well, fought until they had orders
to retreat & got in without the loss of a man.

"The Enemy never molested us in the night. Small Parties
of them have shown themselves in the skirts of the Woods &
fired at a distance without doing us any hurt.

"We were happy in saving the Bullock guard & Cattle & all
the horses employed in the public Service were luckily returned
to Bedford.

"I have not heard from Pittsburgh since the first inst., where
Capts. Woodward & Morgan then arrived with a detachment of
230 men, having under their care Eighty horse load of flour.

"P. S. We have only Capt. Jones killed & three men wounded
& flatter ourselves that their loss is considerable."

On the 17th of the same month, Col. Mercer reporting to Gov.
Denny from Pittsburgh, says: "Half the party that attacked
Ligonier was returned (to Venango) without prisoners or
scalps; they had by their own account, one Indian killed and
one wounded." (33.) Whether this has any allusion to the at-
tack reported by Colonel Stephen, is left only to inference.

Then for a time when the French were making ready to leave
Venango and after they had determined to do so, there are less
frequent reports of attacks either on the posts or convoys; but
there was no safety for those that were on the roads alone or
unprotected. In August, Col. Mercer writes to Gov. Denny
from Pittsburgh : "We are likely to have little trouble from the
enemy this way, for their ludians have dropped off to a very
few who, in small parties, lie about Ligonier, and this place,
serving as spies, and now and then taking a scalp or prisoner,"
(34.)

Later in the same month as part of the intelligence re-
ceived by the Council from Pittsburgh, is the following from
Col. Mercer: 'T.n the evening 11th of Aug., 1759, a Delaware
Indian informed me that 9 Indians of their nation from Ve-
nango had been in the road below Ligonier, and taken an Eng-

214 THE FRONTIER FORTS

lishman prisoner, but that he had made his escape from them
in the night." (35.)

Col. Mercer in a report to Gov. Denny from Pittsburgh, Supt.
15th, 1759, says that "the difficulty of supplying the army here
obliges the General to keep more of the troops at Ligonier and
Bedford than he would choose; the remainder of the Virginia
regiment joins us next week. Col. Armstrong remains some
weeks at Ligonier, and the greater part of my battalion
will be divided along the communication to Carlisle."

At the latter end of 1759, Gen. Stanwix, in command of this
department, reported to Gov. Hamilton that, as the Assembly
had directed the disbandment of their troops, he had ordered
"all the Pennsylvanlans this side of the mountain, viz., at
Pittsburgh. Wetherhold, Fort Ligonier, and Stoney Creek, to
march immediately to Lancaster, to be paid and broke." Hav-
ing sent the Virginians home at the request of the Virginia
authorities for service on their frontiers, the posts here were
garrisoned by the Koyal Americans. (36.) In the winter of 1760
and 1761, Col. Vaughan's regiment were garrisoned on the
communication. (37.)

Little occurred to disturb the ordinary routine about these
frontier posts for several years. The line of forts which had
been established by the French along the Allegheny, and on
the lakes, fell into the hands of the English by the terms of
their treaty. The French being defeated, relinquished their
possessions in America; and these posts were garrisoned by
the British government. Venango, LeBoeuf, Presqu' Isle were
occupied soon after the fall of Fort Duquesne.

In 1763 occurred Pontiac's War. This war was brought
about by the exertions of this one great chief, and from him it
is often called Pontiac's Conspiracy. His scheme was to attack
all the English posts, and, after massacreing the garrisons to
destroy the works. With this war. Fort Ligonier is insep-
arably connected.

In 1763 the English settlements did not extend beyond the
Alleghenies. In Pennsylvania, Bedford mightbe regarded as the
extreme verge of the frontier. From Bedford to Fort Pitt was
about 100 miles; Fort Ligonier lay nearly midway. Each of
these was a mere speck in the deep, interminable forests. Tier

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 215

after tier of mountains lay between them, and they were con-
nected by the one narrow road winding along hills and through
sunless valleys. Little clearings appeared around these posts;
among the stumps and dead trees within sight of the forts, the
garrison and a few settlers, themselves mostly soldiers, raised
vegetables and a little grain. The houses and cabins for the
most part were within the stockades. The garrisons were
mainly regulars, belonging to the Royal American regiment.
Their life was very monotonous. Along these borders there
was, at that time, little to excite their alarm or uneasiness.
Some Indians frequented Fort Pitt, and settlers were coming
in; but the sight of strange faces was rare. Occasionally news
was brought by express-riders; but the life of those who were
obliged to perform garrison duty at these posts, was devoid of
excitement and monotonous in the extreme.

In the latter part of May, 1763, Capt. Ecuyer wrote to Col.
Bouquet, from Pittsburgh, that he believed the Indian aifair,
from the evidences around him, was general, and he trembled
for the out-posts. (38.) At that time settlers had been killed
near the fort, and there were unmistakable signs of the Indians
who had been regarded friendly, having deserted their villages,
and taken to the war path.

Fort Ligonier being on the line of relief to Fort Pitt, it be-
came necessary, for the successful accomplishment of their
scheme, that it should fall; for no war had been more care-
fully planned, no campaign more skillfully laid out, or better
executed than that which had its origin in the brain of the
savage Pontiac, Chief of the Ottaways. In each locality its
execution was carried out by the principal warrior or chief of
that particular region. All orders were executed without dis-
sent, and with implicit obedience.

The Indians well knew that the destruction of Fort Pitt
would avail them nothing permanently unless Fort Ligonier
was likewise destroyed. Besides, there were at Ligonier some
stores and munitions which would be of use to them. These
two posts gone, all the whites to the Allegheny Mountains
would have been murdered. For when they took a post, its
capture was followed by the immediate killing of its inmates,
or by the torture of those who escaped speedy death. It was

216 THE FRONTIER FORTS

only when the garrison was strong enough to make terms, that
it was otherwise.

The Indians, therefore, at about the same time at which
they began their operations at Fort Pitt, appeared about Fort
Ligonier; for one morning a volley of bullets was sent among
the garrison, with no other effect, however, than killing a few
horses. Again an attack was made, about the middle of June,
by a large body of Indians who fired upon it with great fury
and pertinacity, but were beaten off after a hard day's fighting.

The relief of these out-posts was entrusted to Col. Bouquet,
and the particulars of his expedition are given in another
place. He was now doing what he could to keep up the line of
communication and to organize a force fit to penetrate to Fort
Pitt and relieve the frontier settlements and the posts. He
was encamped near Carlisle, on the 3d of July, 1759, when he
heard of the loss of Presqu' Isle, Le Boeuf and Venango. (39.)

Fort Ligonier was then commanded by Lieut. Blane, of the
Royal American regiment. Blane had been at this post for a
number of years, Capt. Lewis Ourry, of the same regiment,
was in command at Bedford. These officers kept up a pre-
carious correspondence with each other by means of express-
riders. This service was dangerous to the last degree, and
soon became impracticable. The substance of a letter from
Col. George Armstrong to Gov. Hamilton, from Carlisle, June
16th, is "That Blane, commander at Ligonier, has not had a
scrape from Pittsburg, nor even any verbal intelligence since
the second express which went to there from Phila.— ^the third
express taking the route by Fort Cumberland. That circum-
stance, with the loss of a man at Ligonier, who going out on
the 14th instant to bring his horse was picked up (so termed)
near that place, gives Blane, with many others, reason to con-
jecture that Pittsburg is invested and the communication cut
off.-'

The condition of affairs about Fort Ligonier from about the
1st of June until the post was relieved by the arrival of the
army, is well disclosed in the correspondence of Col. Bouquet,
which covers this period. The actors thus tell their own
stories. This correspondence has been incorporatd into the
body of the historical work treating of this war by Francis

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 217

Parkman ; and from that work we have taken at length, when-
ever necessary, for the narrative pertaining to this fort. (41.)

The following extracts from the letters of Lieut. Blane, will
show his position; though, when his affairs were at the worst,
nothing was heard from him, as all his messengers were killed.
On the 4th of June he writes: "Thursday last my garrison was
attacked by a body of Indians, about five in the morning; but
as they only fired upon us from the skirts of the woods, I con-
tented myself with giving them three cheers, without spending
a single shot upon them. But as they still continued their
popping upon the side next the town, I sent the sergeant of the
Koyal Americans, with a proper detachment, to fire the houses,
which effectually disappointed them in their plans." (42.)

On the 17th, he writes to Bouquet: "I hope soon to see your-
self, and live in daily hopes of a reenf orcement. *****
Sunday last, a man straggling out was killed by the Indians,
and Monday night three of them got under an out-house, but
were discovered. The darkness secured them their retreat.
* * * * I believe the communication between Fort Pitt
and this is entirely cut off, having heard nothing from them
since the 30th of May, though two expresses have gone from
Bedford by this post."

On the 28th, he explains that he has not been able to report
for some time, the road having been completely closed by the
enemy. "On the 21st," he continues, "the Indians made a
second attempt in a very serious manner, for near two hours,
but with the like success as the first. They began with at-
tempting to cut off the retreat of a small party of fifteen men,
who, from their impatience to come at four Indians who
showed themselves, in a great measure forced me to let them
out. In the evening, I think above a hundred lay in ambush
by Ifie side of the creek, about four hundred yards from the
fort; and just as the party was returning pretty near where
they lay they rushed out, when they undoubtedly would have
succeeded, had it not been for a deep morass which intervened.
Immediately after, they began their attack: and I dare say
they fired upwards of one thousand shot. Nobody received
any damage. So far, my good fortune in dangers still attends
me."

218 THE FRONTIER FORTS

By some means, Blane got word through to Capt. Ourry, of
the fall of Presqu' Isle and the two other posts; for Bouquet re-
ports to Gen. Amherst, July 3d, the news which he had re-
ceived from Capt. Ourry, who had received it from Blane.

Knowing the straits in which Lieut. Blane and his men were,
and having fears that they could not hold out without relief,
Capt. Ourry sent out from Bedford, a party of twenty volun-
teers, all good woodsmen, who reached Ligonier safely. This
fact is mentioned in the Account of Bouquet's Expedition, but
the particular date is not given. It was probably towards the
latter part of June. (43.)

While Bouquet lay at Carlisle, and the tidings were more
and more gloomy, his anxieties centered on Fort Ligonier. If
that post should fall, his force would probably not be able to
proceed, and his would be the fate of Braddock. In the
words of the authentic narrative, — The fort was in the greatest
danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, before the army
could reach it, the stockade being very bad, and the garrison
extremely weak, they had attacked it vigorously, but had been
repulsed by the bravery and good conduct of Lieut. Blane.
The preservation of that post was of the utmost consequence,
on account of its situation and the military stores it contained,
which, if the enemy could have got possession of, would have
enabled them to continue their attack upon Fort Pitt and re-
duce the army to the greatest straits.

For an object of such importance, every risk was to be run.
He therefore resolved at an attempt to throw a reenforcement
into the fort. Thirty of the best Highlanders were chosen,
furnished with guides, and ordered to push forward with the
utmost speed, avoiding the road, traveling by night by unfre-
quented paths, and lying close by day. The attempt succeeded.
After resting several days at Bedford, where Ourry was ex-
pecting an attack, they again set out. They were not discov-
ered by the enemy until they came within sight of the fort,
which was beset by the savages. They received a volley as
they made for the gate ; but entered safely to the unspeakable
relief of Blane and his beleagured men. (44.1

When Bouquet reached Bedford, on the 25th of July, Ourry
reported to him that for several weeks nothing had been heard

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 219

from the westward, every messenger having been killed and
the communication completely cut off. By the last intelligence
Fort Pitt had been surrounded by Indians, and daily threat-
ened with a general attack.

The condition of those at Fort Ligonier during those last
days must have been miserable in the extreme. Cooped up in
thp fort, and blockaded for several weeks, they could neither hear
from the outside world nor could they convey any information.
^A'e can therefore well imagine that it was with great joy they
caught the first glimpses of the red coats emerging out of the
dark laurel bushes, as they first appeared coming down the
slope from the base of the Laurel Hill. What greetings there
must have been, when on the second of August, the little army
with its convoy reached the stockade at Ligonier.

Bouquet, leaving a sufficient garrison and most of his pro-
visions and cattle at Fort Ligonier, proceeded to the relief of
Fort Pitt. The savages vanished when he came up. He left
the fort on the 4th of August, and on the 5th and 6th had the
engagement with the Indians at Bushy Run, an account of
which has been given elsewhere.

Col. Bouquet, not having a sufficient force to penetrate into
the Indian country, was obliged to restrain his operations and
devote his means and attention to supplying the forts with pro-
visions, ammunition and other necessaries, protecting them
against surprise, and garrisoning them with his men, until the
next year, when with new forces he advanced into the Ohio
country.

The troops who had garrisoned these posts during this ter-
rible time, had, for the most part, come out with Forbes in.
17oS. To these, life was becoming a burden. And it was no
wonder. They were all tired of this service: and we can read
with marked interest the series of complaints with which the
commanding officers at these posts worried the ears of Col.
Bouquet. Thus Lieut. Blane, after congratulating Bouquet on
his recent victory at Bushy Run, adds: '1 have now to beg that
I may not be left any longer in this forlorn way for I can assure
you the fatigue I have gone through begins to get the better
of me. I must therefore beg that you will appoint me by the
return of the convoy a proper garrison, * * * My present

220 THE FRONTIER FORTS

situation is fifty times worse than ever." And again, on the
17th of September: "I must beg leave to recommend to your
particular attention the sick soldiers here; as there is neither
surgeon nor medicine, it would really be charity to order them
up. I must also beg leave to ask what you intend to do with the
poor starved militia, who have neither shirts, shoes, nor any-
thing else. I am sorry you can do nothing for the poor in-
habitants. * * * * I really get heartily tired of this
post." He endured it some two months more, and then breaks
out again on the 24th of Nov.: "I intend going home by the first
opportunity, being pretty much tired of the service that's so
little worth any mans' time; and the more so, as I cannot but
think that I have been so particularly unlucky in it." (45.)

We often read in the accounts of those times of the diffi-
culty the officers had in keeping their soldiers from deserting.
There was indeed little wonder that these should do so. Their
existence on the frontier during those perilous times was piti-
able in the extreme. Parkman, repeating after Smith, calls
them military hermits. As an example of the discontent which
prevailed among officers and men who had now for well nigh
seven years been isolated from civilization, the example of Capt.
Ecuyer may well be taken. He writes to Bouquet from Bed-
ford—as Mr. Parkman says— on the 13th of Nov. (1763). Like
other officers on the frontier, he complains of the settlers, who,
notwithstanding their fear of the enemy, always did their best
to shelter deserters; and he gives a list of eighteen soldiers
who had deserted within five days: "I have been twenty-two years
in service, and I never in my life saw any thing equal to it — a
gang of mutineers, bandits, cut-throats, especially the grena-
diers. I have been obliged, after all the patience imaginable,
to have two of them whipped on the spot, without court-
martial. One wanted to kill the sergeant and the other wanted
to kill me, * * * * por God's sake, let me go and raise
cabbages. You can do it if you will, and I shall thank you
eternally for it. Don't refuse, I beg you. Besides, my health
is not very good, and I don't know if I can go up again to Fort
Pitt with this convoy."

An extract from a letter of Capt. Ecuyer to Col. Bouquet
from Fort Pitt, April 23d, 1763, deserves to be given. 'TBefore

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 221

the arrival of your letter I had sent four horses to Ligonier,
they have returned with a vk^agon loaded with iron, harness and
tools. I have sent an order to Mr. Blane to send to me all the
King's horses, having great need of them here, for the boats
and for the gardens. But he replied that he has not any, and
that the horses which he has belong to himself, and that he had
arranged with you on this subject when you came down. I be-
lieve that living so long at this post has made him believe at
last that the place belongs to him." (46.)

The following letters of Colonel Henry Bouquet, written
from Fort Pitt in September of 1763, were published for the
first time in the Magazine of Western History, for October,
1885: (47.)

"Fort Pitt, 15th September, 1763.

''Sir: I received the 10th instant your letters of the fifth,
eighth and ninth, with the return of Ligonier. The King's
company observes that you have not given credit for some bar-
rels of flour and a strayed ox, which will of course increase
the loss of your stores. However, considering all the circum-
stances, it will be found very moderate. The garrisons must
supply themselves with firewood in the best manner they
can, as the General does not make any allowance for that
article; you might have the trees cut now and hauled in when
you have horses, as I find it a saving not to cut it small in the
woods.

"Can the inhabitants of Ligonier imagine that the King
will pay their houses destroyed for the defence of the fort?
At that rate he must pay likewise for two or three hundred
pulled down at this post, which would be absurd, as those
people had only the use and not the property of them, having
never been permitted either to sell or rent them, but obliged
to deliver them to the King, whenever they left them.

"As to their furniture, it is their fault if they have lost it.
They might have brought it in or near the fort.

"What cattle has been used for the garrison will of course
be paid for, but what has been killed or taken by the enemy
I see nothing left to them but to petition the General to take
their case into consideration. I am verv sorrv for their mis-

222 THE FRONTIER FORTS

fortune, and would assist them if I had it in my power, but it
is really not.

"The orders forbidding- any importation of goods are given
by Sir Jeffrey Amherst. However, upon sending me a list
of what may be absolutely wanted, 1 shall take upon me to
grant a permit. One suttler would be sufficient for that post.
We do very Avell here since we have none at all.

"I am sorry to have to acquaint you that Lieutenants Carre
and Potts are included in the reduction, though all the en-
signs remain. I shall, with great pleasure, take the first
opportunity to recommend jou to the General for some place,
if a staff' is established in the garrisons of this continent.
I am, sir, your obedient and humble servant,

H. BOUQUET."

"Fort Pitt, 30th September, 1763.

"Dear Sir: I received your letter of the twentieth with re-
turns for September.

"Major Campbell will change your garrison and, however
disagreeable those things are, you must be persuaded that we
do what we can, and not what we would choose.

"If the ship carpenters now here are not sent to the lakes
you may retain them a couple of days to fit out barracks for
about fifty men, for I don't think we shall have more to spare.
Blankets are certainly very necessary, and I will send them
down for winter service. As to the other article, I cannot
help you at present in that. You must keep two horses going,
and I'll send you some Indian corn. I wish Major Campbell
could give you some assistance to cut tiees at least, but I
know how difficult it is upon a march to do those things.

"You will not forget to send the rice and axes yon received
from Bedford for this post with the seeds.

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,

H. BOUQUET.

"Lieutenant Blane."

The original of this letter, from Colonel Henry Bouquet to
Lieutenant Blane, who was stationed at Fort Ligonier, is
among the papers of General Arthur St. Clair, purchased by

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 223

the State of Ohio and preserved at Columbus. It was copied
for The Magazine of AA estern History, by Mr. A. A. Graham,
secretary of the Ohio State Archaeological and Historical
Society, at Columbus. It was written from Fort Pitt after
the battle of Bushy Run.

Capt. Ecuyer writes to Col. Bouquet from Bedford, Novem-
ber Sth, 1763, stating: "We arrived here on the 4th of the
month and departed the 9th. I do not know when we will
arrive at Ligonier, for the roads are terrible for the chariots.
* * * * The soldiers which are here (Bedford) and at
Ligonier in garrison complained bitterly that they are not pro-
vided for, and I have no money to give them." (48.)

The soldiers on the line of the communication were busy
in keeping the way open, guarding the convoys and hasten-
ing to relief whenever required. Fort Pitt was kept up until
1772, after which a corporal and a few men only were kept at
the fort. The next year Richard Penu advised that a small
garrison should be kept there as a protection from the In-
dians. It is not known, therefore, when Fort Ligonier ceased
to be garrisoned by the Royal Americans, but there is pre-
sumption of the strongest character that about 1767 to 1769
small detachments of soldiers under the Proprietf^ry's govern-
ment were posted here. It was, however, stated officially,
January 30th, 1775, that, ''since the conclusion of the last wat
[French and Indian AYar, 1754 to 1763], no forts or places of
defense have been kept up within this government," (49) and
thus the duties of such as were stationed at these posts, it is
probable, were more of civil or police character than of a mili-
tary character.

During the summer of 1764 Bouquet was occupied in or-
ganizing an expedition against the Ohio Indians, as it was too
late in the season, and he had suffered too much in the cam-
paign of the preceding year, to think of advancing farther
until his forces were recruited. He successfully accomplished
the object of his labors.

In the latter part of August, 1764, the Indians made a raid
near Bedford, and killed near thjit place one Isaac Stimble, an
industrious inhabitant of Ligonier, took some horses loaded

224 THE FRONTIER FORTS

with merchants' goods and shot some cattle, after Col. Reed's
[Reidl detachment had passed that post. (50.)

From the close of Pontiac's War and the treaty of 1764 with
the Ohio Indians, there was no general war waged on the part
of the savages upon the outposts of Pennsylvania for some
time succeeding. The land office was opened to settlers in
Pennsylvania in the sfjring of 17G9, in pursuance of the treaty
of 1768, From that period settlers came hither in great num-
bers. In an incredible short period of time, lands were lo-
cated and settlers were occupying them beyond the bounds
of what we now regard as Westmoreland county, on the north
extending beyond the Conemaugh. Lands could not be taken
farther northward than the limits of the purchase, which
was a straight line from where now the counties of Indiana,
Clearfield and Cambria meet, at a point called Cherry Tree,
to Kittanning on the Allegheny river. It is not probable,
however, that more than a very few isolated settlers occupied
any lands very far northward of the Conemaugh until several
years after the opening of the office, (1769).

From that time it was not long until the county of West-
moreland was erected out of Bedford for the convenience of
the inhabitants of this region. This event occurred February
26th, 1773.

During this time the interests of the Penns in this part of
their Province were entrusted to some gentlemen of high re-
pute and of great integrity. Of these, one of the chiefest was
Arthur St. Clair. St. Clair, afterward a distinguished getieral
in the War of the Revolution, and the first governor of the
Western Territory, was at that time designated Captain, al-
though his duties were chiefly of a civil character. By birth
a Scot, the descendant of an ancient and distinguished family,
he was by nature inclined to a military life. Having gotten
an ensign's commission in the army which Britain sent out in
1758 to join in the war against the French in America, he had
served in the expedition against Canada under Wolfe, had
married in Boston May 14th, 1760. had resigned his commis-
sion April 16th, 1762. and within a few years after, had be-
come interested as the agent of the Penns in the West. It is
probable that he was at Fort Ligonier in some kind of service

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OF WKSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 225

some time before 1769. In a warrant granted to him for a cer-
tain body of land in Ligonier township, it was recited that
he was in command of the post at Ligonier in 1769 at the date
of the opening of the land office. What the nature of the ser-
vice of those agents at these posts was after the withdrawal
of the regular garrisons about 1765, we have, at present, no
accurate means of determining. When the Commander-in-
Chief of the British army abandoned Fort Pitt as a military
post at a later period, the Penns kept a few men there, as we
have seen, to take care of the public property.

St. Clair was appointed Surveyor for the District of Cum-
berland county, April 5th, 3770, and commissioned Justice of
the Court and a Member of the Proprietary Council for that
count}'. At that time Western Pennsylvania was within the
civil jurisdiction of Cumberland, and remained in it until Bed-
ford county was established, March 9th, 1771 at which time he
was appointed a Justice of the County Courts, Prothonotary,
Register and Recorder of Bedford county (March 11 and
12). When Westmoreland county was erected, February
26th, 1773, he was appointed and commissioned to the same
offices in that county. In 1771, St. Clair, with Moses Maclean,
Esq., had run a meridian line west of the meridian of Pitts-
burgh, and his familiarity with this region and his knowledge
derived from an execution of tbis commission, made him, from
this circumstance especial Ij', of advantage to the Penns in
their contention with the Governor of Virginia, which was
now about culminating.

From these circumstances it is probable that the post of
f Jgonier was kept up in a kind of way from 1765 until about
1770 by the Proprietary government, and that St. Clair had
charge of it a part of the time. He is, in the correspondence
of 1773 and 1771, addressed as "Captain" by the Governor;
it is known that he had not borne that title in the British
service. (51.)

His duties hereabouts were arduous and constant, among
which was the very responsible obligation resting on him to
keep the Indian tribes at peace with the Province.

The year 1774 was an eventful one in the annals of Western
Pennsylvania. In that year occurred the frontier war known
15- Vol. 2.

226 THE FRONTIER FORTS

as Dunmore's War, the last one in which the colonists engaged
with the mother country as her subjects. The war burst upon
the southwestern frontiers with fury. Instantaneously, as
it were, the whole of that region was in consternation and
alarm. During this time Ligonier was the center of Pennsyl-
vania influence for all that region which acknowledged the
legitimate authority of this IM'ovince.

The conflict of jurisdiction between the authorities of Penn-
sylvania and of Virginia now partook of the condition of civil
war. Lord Dunmore, the Tory Governor of Virginia, by his
agents, some of whom were desperate and lawless characters,
asserted his claims with arms. In Aarious sections there was
no civil authority, no respect for law — but, instead, violence,
terror, threats and sedition.

The excitement which spread over the country by reason of
these things now turned, inio a panic. Settlers fled in all direc-
tions. In the southern portion the frontier was pushed back
eastward of the rivers. Here and there the remaining set-
tlers gathered into temporary structures for shelter and de-
fense. The panic spread to the northern frontier. Alarms
occasioned by reports that the savages were about to cross
the Alleghen}' river and break in on the northern frontier,
took possession of the peo])le. St. Clair and the rest of the
magistrates and agents of the Ponns were busy night and day,
going in all directions and urging the people to make a stand.
Upon the individual guarantees and assurances of St. Clair,
Col. IMackay, Devereux Smith and others, companies of ran-
gers were formed whose pay was thus made certain. Block-
houses and temporary stockades at various places, and sta-
tions for defence and for harborage of the ranging companies
and people were established. These ranging companies were
distributed for the most part along the line of the Forbes Road
from Ligonier by way of Hannastown to the Alleglien}' river
and Pittsburgh. In a letter to Governor Penn from Ligonier
June 12th, 1774, (.52) St. Clair says:

"In my last I had the honor to inform you, that in conse-
quence of the Ranging Company which had been raised here,
there was reason to hope the people Avould return to thei."
Plantaiions, and pursue their Laboui', and for some time, that

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVAIvI A. 227

is a few days, it liad that effect, but an idle Report of Indians
having been seen within, the Partys has drove tliem every one
into some little Fort or other, — and many hundreds out of the
Country altogether. This has obliged urn to call in the Partys
from where they were posted, and have stationed them, twenty
men at Turtle Creek, twenty at the Bullock Peus, [seven miles
east of Pittsburgh on the Forbes Koadj, thirty at HannasTowu,.
twenty at Proctor's, and twenty at Ligonier, as these places,
are now the Frontier toward the Allegheny, all that great
Country between that Koad and that River, being totally
abandoned, except by a few who are associated with the
People who murdered the Indian, and are shut up in a small
Fort on Conymack, [Coneuiangh], equally afraid of the In-
dians and the Officers of justice. (53.) The People in this
Valle}' still make a stand, but yesterda}' the}' all moved into
this place, and I perceive are much in doubt what to do. Noth-
ing in my Power to prevent their leaving the Country, shall
be omitted, but if they will go, I suj)pose I must go with the
stream. It is the strangest Infatuation ever seized upon men,
and if they go off now, as Harvest will soon be on, they must
undoubtedly perish by Famine, for Spring crops there will be
little or none."

The Indians in this uprising insisted from the first that their
war was with the Virginians only. And in the end this was
seen to be true, for their depredations were confined to the
region in which the war broke out. St. Clair was about the
only one who detected at an early date their attitude, and his
sagacity has been the subject of comment at a very recent
period. (54.) But tliere is no doubt that St. Clair's influence
among the Indians on the north of the Ohio was very potent
to this end.

St. Clair, from Ligonier, June lOth, 1774, thus rejturts to
Gov. Penn (55):

" 'Tis some satisfaction the Indians seem to discriminate
betwixt us and those who attacked them, and their Revenge
has fallen hitherto on that side of the ^lonongahela, which
they consider as Virginia, but le.st that should not continue.
We are taking all posible care to prevent a heavy stroke fall-
ing on the few people who are left in this Country. Forts

228 THE FRONTIER FORTS

at different places so as to be more convenient, are now nearly
completed, which gives an appearance of security for the
Women and Children, and with the Ranging Partys, which
have been drawn in to preserve the Communication, has in a
great degree put a stop to the unreasonable panic that had
seized them, but in all of them, there is a great scarcity of
Ammunition, and several messengers have returned from be-
Jow without being able to purchase. I am very anxious to
3cnow whether the ranging Companys are agreeable to your
Honour or not, because both the Expense of continuing them
will be too heavy for the subscribers, and that I am every day
pressed to increase them. This I have positively refused to
do, till I receive your Honour's instructions, and I well know
how averse our Assemblys have formerly been to engage in
the Defense of the Frontiers, and if they are still of the same
disposition, the Circumstance of the White People being the
Aggressors, will afford them a topic . to ring the Charges
(changes) on and conceal their real sentiments."

The last sentence in the foregoing extract reflects how the
care and watchfulness of St. Clair, and the fear of results
which were inevitable from the aggressions of the whites
themselves, were manifested. After this letter had been writ-
ten he added: "The day before yesterday I had a visit from
Major [Edward] Ward. He informs me Mr. Croghan set out
for Williamsburg the day before, to represent the Distresses
he says of the People of this Country, At the same time he
informed Me that the Delawares had got notice of the Murder
of Wipey and that Mr. Croghan had desired him to come to me
on that occasion, that he advised that they should be spoke
to and some small Present made to them as Condolence and
'to cover his Bones,' as they express it."

It will be seen that St. Clair expresses much Concern to
the Governor ''about the Murder of Wipey." There was no
circumstance in that terrible year that was the cause of more
apprehension to St. Clair or Croghan or Gov, Penn than that
of the killing of Wipey, a friendly Delaware Indian. For it
is remarkable that while Dunmore's, or Cresaps' War, was
traceable to the wanton killing of the friendly Indians at
Captina and Yellow creek, that the entire Delaware tribe

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 229

which had up to that time remained friendly to the whites,
were on the eve of now breaking out on the northern frontier
for a crime of the same nature — as lieartless and cruel.

When a portion of the Delaware tribe, about the time of
Pontiac's war, had passed from their towns on the Kittanning
trail about Frankstown to their new hunting grounds west-
ward of the Allegheny river, there was one of them, some-
what advanced in years, calley Wipey who remained behind
and built his cabin or lodge by a stream on the north of the
Conemaugh in now Indiana county. The place was called
by the whites Wipey's cabin. This lodging place of the old
Indian was on or near the tract of land upon which George
Findley, the first white man that settled north of the Cone-
maugh, located. This was before the title to the land had
passed from the Indians to the Penns. When the land oflQce
was opened, Findley made application for a warrant for the
tract which he had improved. This application is included
among those in the list given by the Surveyor-General to J.
Elder, Deputy-Surveyor to surA'ey, and is literally as follows:

"Apl. 3, 17G9. Application made by George Fendler (Find-
ley), Near Wipsey's (Wipey's) Cabin Near Conemaugh River."

In old title papers the place is mentioned frequently, be-
cause it was well known and was a land mark on the trail
from Ligonier to the old Kittanning Path. Wipey was at
peace with all men, and from repeated evidences of his friend-
ship, he had the reputation of being an inoffensive, harmless
hunter and fisher. He was, in short, regarded as a friend of
the whites.

The circumstances of his unfortunate killing are related by
St, Clair in a report to Gov. Penn from Ligonier May 29th,
1774. (56.)

"An affair, says he, that has given me much trouble and
vexation had liked to have escaped my memory. The murder
of a Delaware Indian, Joseph Wipey, about eighteen miles
from this place. It is the most astonishing thing in the world,
the Disposition of the common people of this Country, actu-
ated by the most savage cruelty, they wantonly perpetrate
crimes that are a disgrace to humanity, and seem at the
same time to be under a kind of religious enthusiasm whilst

230 THE FRONTIER FORTS

they waut the daring spirit that usually inspires. Two of
the Persons concerned in this murder are John Hinkson and
James Cooper. T had got information of their design some
time before they executed it, and had wrote to Hinkson, whom
I knew to be a leader amongst them to dissuade them, and
threatened them with the weight of the Law if they persisted,
but so far from preventing them, it only produced the inclosed
Letter. The Body was discovered hid in a small run of Water
and coATred with stones. I immediately sent for the Coroner,
but before he had got a Jury together the Body was removed,
so that no inquest could be taken. 1 have issued ^V^arrants
on suspicion, but they are so much on their Guard I doubt
they cannot be executed. Your Honor will please to consider
whether it may be proper to Proclaim them — It is most un-
luckey at this time: the letter may perhaps be made use of as
Evidence." (57.)

There is no knowledge obtainable from public documents
as to the character of the letter referred to which St. Clair
received from Hinkson (otherwise Hinckston) or some of the
leaders, and which he transmitted to Gov. Penn with the sug-
gestion that it might be used as evidence. There can be no
doubt that the party who committed the murder had little
regard for civil authority, and that they felt themselves strong
enough to resist any attempt made to punish them. St. Clair
reports to Gov. Penn from Hannastown, July 12th, 1774,
among other things, as follows: (58.)

''Hinkston, with about eighteen men in arms, paid us a visit
at Court last week, and I am ver^^ sorry to say, got leave to go
away again, tho' there Avas a force sufTicient to have secured
two such parties. At the Sheriff's direction I had got intelli-
gence that they were to be there and expected to be joined by
a party of Cressaps' People for which reason the Ranging
Partys, that were within reach, had been drawn in, but none
of the Virginians appeared."

Gov. Penn to punish those men who had by such an un-
fortunate act imperiled the welfare of so many people, issued
a proclamation offering a reward of one hundred pounds for
the apprehension of the two ring-leaders, Hinkston and
Cooper — fifty pounds for either of them. (59.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 231

On December 4th, 1774, St. Clair announced to Gov. Peun
from Ligonier that the war between the Indians and Vir-
ginians was at last over, and that a treaty of peace had been
made with the Shawanese. (60.) The dissension and discord
and frequent collisions between the people of the two colonies,
were kept up until late in 1775, and until the Delegates in the
Continental Congress who Avere making the way clear for war
with the mother country, united in a circular urging the people
in the region of dispute to a mutual forbearance.

St. Clair, in the niojith of December, 1775, received the com-
mission of a colonel in the continental army, together with a
letter from President Hancock, pressing him to repair imme-
diately to Philadelphia. He obeyed the summons, and took
leave of not only his wife and children, but, in effect, of his
fortune, to embaik in the cause of liberty and the United
Colonies. "I hold," wrote St. Clair to his intimate friend,
James Wilson, "I hold that no man has a right to withhold
his services when his country needs them. Be the sacrifice
ever so great, it must be yielded upon the altar of patriot-
ism." (61.)

From the beginning of the year 1775 the events which cul-
minated in the Revolutionary War followed each other rap-
idly. In 1770 quite a number of men from the western part
<<f the country were in active service in the continental army.
In the latter part of 1770 an entire regiment, the Eighth
Penna., was raised in Westmoreland and Bedford counties,
and early in 1777 they joined Washington in New Jersey.

This was a critical time for the people of Western Pennsyl-
vania. During the summer of 1777 occurred the violent and
atrocious outbreak of the savages, instigated by the British in
order to harass the frontiers and to divert the attention of
these people from the contest in the east to the defense of
their own hearths. And from now on until the close of the
war this frontier knew no peace.

There having been no necessity for keeping up the fort from
the termination of Pontiac's war, from the fact that the fron-
tier was removed farther to the west, and the Indians, especi-
ally after Dunmore's war of 1774, being at peace with the
whites, the structure fell into decav, and when the Revolution

232 THE FRONTIER FORTS

came there was probably nothing remaining of the original
fortification but the line of the intrenchments, the magazine,
and, may be, the passage-way to the spring of water or the
creek. But shortly after the war was upon them, the Indians,
instigated and sometimes led by the British or the renegades,
began their warfare which continued down until the war itself
was over. The method of the savages was to make forays
and marauding incursions, coming into the settlements in
squads, and attacking the settlers in their homes and fields.
They seldom came in great numbers, but from the celerity
of their movements, their aptitude in passing through the
woods, the suddenness of their attacks — their depredations
were the more greatly felt.

In the summer and fall of 1777, these marauding ftarties,
crossing the Allegheny, overran the frontiers of Westmoreland
wherever settlements had been made, especially in this direc-
tion, killing and capturing many persons. Most sought safety
in flight. Those who occupied Ligonier Valley from beyond
the Conemaugh were driven into their forts, such as Fort
Wallace and Fort Barr, and others. Archibald Lochry, the
County Lieutenant, who kept watch over the affairs with all
vigilance, reported to President Wharton in November, 1777 :
"The distressed situation of our country is such, that we havt
no prospect but desolation and destruction, the whole country
on the north side of the road (Forbes Road), from the Alle
gheny Mountains to the river is all kept close in forts; and
can get no subsistence from their plantations; they have made
application to us requesting to be put under pay and receive
rations, and as we could see no other way to keep the people
from flying, and letting the country be evacuated, we were
obliged to adopt these measures (requesting your Excellency
to give the necessary orders to enable us to put them in exe-
cution)— if these very measures are not adopted I see no other
method that can secure the people from giving up the country.
These people while they support these frontier posts are cer-
tainly serving the public, and certainly cannot continue long
so to do unless supported by the public.

"Lieut.-Col. Charles Campbell and four other persons are
made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs Creek; four other

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 233

men killed and scalped near the same place; one man killed
near Wallace's Fort or Connomoch ; eleven other persons killed
and scalped at Palmer's Fort, near Ligonier (amongst which is
Ensign Woods). At the place where Col. Campbell, was made
prisoner four rascally proclamations were left by the savages
from the governor of Detroit, requesting all persons to come
to him, or any other of the garrisons occupied by his majesty's
troops and they should receive pay and lodgings as they rank
with us, every private person for encouragement to have two
hundred acres of land.

* * * * '"In sort, there is very few days there is not
some murder committed on some part of our frontiers. * * *
I hope, with Divine assistance, we shall be able to hold the
country till we are enabled by the more effectual measures
(that is, carrying an expedition in their country). We have
likewise ventured to erect two stockade forts at Ligonier and
Hannas Town at the public expense, with a Store House in
each to secure both public and private property in and be
a place of retreat for the suffering frontiers in case of neces-
sity, which I flatter myself will meet with your Excellency's
approbation." (62.)

The fort which Col. Lochry here speaks of, built in the fall
of the year 1777, was the Revolutionary Fort used throughout
the war, and the last one erected. It is probable that it was
kept up during all that time in a defensible condition, as the
storehouse there was the depository of the continental sup-
plies under order of Congress, and more directly of Washing-
ton himself, as the Commander-in-Chief of the arm}', and while
the AVestern Department was in existence. Thereat were
kept also the arms and ammunition furnished by the State for
the militia. From its location it was the most eastern barrier
of that part of the Province west of Laurel Hill, there being
no other station between it and Bedford on the east.

The name given by the people of that day to this stockade
was Fort Preservation; but this name has long been unknown
to tradition or memory, and is preserved in a few instances
in the most obscure part of the public records. No other
name could supplant that of Ligonier. So tenaciously has the
original name clung to the place, that when the proprietors
15*

234 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of the new town laid out the lots and streets therefor, and it
was proposed to call it Ramseytown, (after the name of the
proprietor), it was found to be impossible to make the word
pass current or become acceptable to the people.

The only instances in wliich the name of Fort Preservation
is associated with the fort, so far as known to us, are the fol-
lowing. In the minutes of the Supreme Executive Council for
Friday, September 25th, 1789, is the following entry:

"The Comptroller and Eegister General's report upon the
account of Robert Laughlin, for smith's work, done at Fort
Preservation or Ligonier, in the year 1777, by order of Thomas
Galbraith, amounting to ten pounds, six shillings and eight
pence, was read and approved.'' (63.)

In the minutes of the Council, for Wednesda}^, Sept. 30th,
1789, appears the following:

"The Comptroller and Register General's report upon the fol-
lowing accounts, were read and approved, vizt: Of William
Osburne, for teams hired to transport baggage, &c., to Fort
Preservation or Ligonier, in September and October, 1777,
amounting to twenty-tw o pounds, and ten shillings." (64.)

There has been preserved, through the vicissitudes of time, a
Journal or diary kept during the building of the Revolutionary
fort, which in a very unexpected manner has fallen into our
hands, and which is here reproduced. This Journal is con-
tained in a small book strongly bound in leather and still com-
paratively well preserved. The book in size is four by six
inches and three-fourths of an inch thick, opens lengthwise,
and when closed is held sliut with a brass clasp. The Journal
takes up but a very small part of the book, which itself was
evidently used for brief memorandums of business transac-
tionsand for items of a private character. Although there is no
signature to the end of the Journal, nor in any part of the book
to indicate who the writer was, yet from a careful comparison
of the writing and the signatures with other portions of the
contents, and from other evid( nces of an intrinsic character
sufficient to lead us to a satisfactory conclusion, we are war-
ranted in assuming, if not in positively asserting, that the Jour-
nal was kept by Thomas Galbraith, Esq.

Of the personal history of Thomas Galbraith little has been

OF WILSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 236

learned. (G5.) Of his career as a public officer, the memoran-
dum book which he has left and the public records are the
sources of our information.

At the time of the building of the fort, Thomas Galbraith
was in the service of the State, evidently for the distribution
of the continental supplies, for which the State was respon-
sible. He had been a property-holder and resident of Ligonier
at least from 1773, as title papers disclose.

The evidence of this appears in the Journal itself, and in the
notes below to which we refer. This would also appear evi-
dent enough in the letter from the Council of Safety to the
Delegates in Congress of Nov. 14th, 1777, which letter follows
this Journal.

On Oct. 21st, 1777, Thomas Galbraith and Col. John Proctor
were appointed for the county of AVestnioreland, Commission-
ers for the purpose of seizing upon the personal effects of such
as were traitorously inclined and had abandoned their families
or habitations and joined the army of the King. (66.) He was
continued in this appointment the next year. (67.) He was
elected one of the representatives to the Assembly in the fall
of 1777. (68.) Mention is frequently made of him as in the ser-
vice or employ of the State, and his correspondence, even as a
citizen, appears to have been regarded with respect and favor
by the State authorities, as the minutes of the Council show.
He died in Ligonier Valley prior to 1785, as the Records dis-
close the fact that on the 9th of June, that year, letters of ad-
ministration on his estate were granted by the Register of
Westmoreland county.

The necessity for this fort was asserted emphatically by
Lochry, as we have seen, but in this Journal the particulars of
that trying and emergent time are set forth in detail; and al-
though the period embraced in this diary is but six weeks, a
mere moment in the long years of their desolation and trials,
yet it gives a better insight into the times, circumstances, and
conditions of this frontier post than any other account accessi-
ble.

There is no preface to the Journal : and the title by which we
designate it does not belong to the original, and is no part of
it. Words which are used for the purpose of avoiding repeated

236 THE FRONTIER FORTS

references, or for explanation of the text are inclosed in brack-
ets. The star marks which appear at regular intervals are
used to designate the paging as it appears in the manuscript,
Thisbookissuchaone as might be readily carried in the pocket,
and from its binding and texture was probably intended for
this service. With the exception of the above additions to the
text the journal as here reproduced is a literal transcription of
the original.

Journal Kept at Ligonier During the Building of the Stockade
Fort of the Hevolution, CalledlFort Preservation.

Septr 28th. [1777] 12 o'clock an Express from Palmer's Fort
that George Findlay (69) come in wounded and some more men
missing. In the Evening Capt Shannon (70) with 16 Men was
ready to March, but the Night's being very dark thot it most
advisable to wait till day break.

[Sept.] 29.

When Day appeared the Men Marched to Palmers Fort and
were reinforc'd with 9 Men more then proceeded for Findlays
about Twenty Miles distance from Ligonier. 4 Miles from Pal-
mers we met with Capt Hinkson (71) & 12 Men returning from
burying a Boy that the Indians had kill'd & scalp'd at Findlays
(72.) We proceeded to Rogers within a mile of the place that
Night & next Morning we examin'd the Woods — coul'd find
but 4 Tracks leading into the Laurell Hill towards Bedford.
As they had so much start judg'd it more prudent to take the
Kit tanning Path in ordej' to meet with any partys that might
be* coming into the Inhabitants. We cross'd over the Chest-
nut Ridge, Brushy Valley, Blacklick Creek, Yellow Creek, &
Twolicks Creeks to James Wilkins without discovering any
Signs of Indians, We encamp'd before the House & kiudl'd
Fires, The Inhabitants in all this part of the County having
fled some Weeks before.

[Sept,] 30.

Before Day we left the Fires and march'd into the Woods in
order to have an equal chance with the Enemy shou'd they be

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 237

on Watch. After Day Broke we took a course across the
Country to discover if any partys from the Alleghenny had
lately come into the Inhabitants. About Nine O'clock we came
on the Tracks of a large party of our People steering a Course
for the River. We thot it needless to proceed any further, as
that Party was to range the course we were steering. We then
took a Road for Wallaces Fort & came there about 12 o'clock
from which place the Men Went the Day before to look foi-
*Col. Campbell who was thot to be kill'd with 5 more Men. We
return'd that night to Ligonier.

Octr. 1st.

This Day we were inform'd the Men who went from Wallaces
Fort to look for Col : Campbell (73) had return'd. The Indians,
had taken him & the other Men Prisoners by a Memorandum
left along with five proclamations from the Comn [Com-
mandant] of Detroit offering a continuance to all officers in
their Stations & Ranks in the King's Army if they wou'd repair
to his Standard at Detroit.

Memorand: On our return to Ligonier 4 Miles Distance we

were inform'd of Thomas Woods being kill'd about five miles

from the Town, which occasioned us to make a forc'd March

after Dark into the Town to have the greater certainty.
*************

Octr. 3.

Capt Shannon & myself went up to Col. Lochry (74) to know
if he had adopted the Plan of Building a Fort & Magazine* at
Ligonier for the Support of the Country and to keep the Com-
munication open to Fort Pitt. He inform'd us that he approv'd
of the same, & wrote a letter of Instructions to Col. Pollock (75)
to appoint persons to superintend the Works & go on with
them immediately.

[Octr.] 4.

Sent Col. Lochry's Letter to Col Pollock.

[Octr.] 5.

Col. Pollock came to Town and appointed Capt. Shannon &
Myself to Superintend the Works. We immediately collected

238 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the People & inform'd them of Col: Loehry's Orders. They de-
sir'd to know the Pay which we cou'd not exactly ascertain.
As an unwillingness seem'd to prevail with some of working at
an uncertainty, Col. Pollock propos'd riding up to Col. Lochry
and having every thing done to their satisfaction.

[Octr.] 6th.

Col: Pollock & Capt Shannon rode up to Col: Lochry, who
wrote to the People that he cou'd not ascertain the Pay, but*
assur'd them of pa}' equal to those engag'd in the same Busi-
ness in the Continental Service,

[Octr.] 7th.

We laid out the plan of the Fort & began with Trench: —
Enter'd 2 Teams in the Service.

[Octr.] 8th.

Continu'd digging the Trench, cutting & haling Pickets —
Enter'd three Teams.

[Octr.] 9th.

Continu'd digging the Trench cutting & haling pickets. —
Began to set the Pickets.

[Octr.] 10th.
Employ'd as the day before.

[Octr.] 11th.
Employ'd as the day before.

[Octr,] 12th.
Being Sunday the People refus'd to Work,

[Octr.] 13th.

At Two O'clock, P. M., an Express from Capt Lochry at (76)
Stoney Creek that he had three Brigades of Packhorses with
Continental Stores under escorte; that a Man had been kill'd &
Scalp'd the day before within half a Mile of that place; that
he look'd upon it unsafe to stir them without a further* rein-
forcement, as he had onlv fifteen Guns to defend one hundred

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 239

& forty Fackhorses with their Drivers. At Day break Capt.
Shannon with 24 Men marcli'd to Stoney Creek to liis Relief.
The Works lay still for want of men — there being only a Guard
for the Town left.

[Ootr.] 14th.

About 4 o'clock this afternoon the escorte arriv'd safe at
Ligonier without any Accident on the Road; — The Works lay
still.

[Octr.] 15th.

The Horse Masters apply 'd to the militia Capts., vis, Knox
& McGuftey for a Guard of Twenty Men to escorte them to
Hanna's Town, which they refus'd. Capt. Shannon with 20
Men then st't off & convey'd them to Capt. Lochry's, when he
was reliev'd. Nothing done in the Works this Day.

[Octr.] 16th.

*The Escorte returned from Capt. Lochry's. — A few Pickets
set & some work done in the Trench.

[Octr.] 17th.

Carried on the digging of the Trench — cutting, haling &
setting up Pickets.

[Octr.] 18th.

About sunrise James Clifford shot at an Indian near the
Mill Creek, about a Quarter of a Mile from the Fort. (77.) A
Party Immediately turn'd out. From the Blood it appear'd
he was shot through the Body — a large stream spouting out on
each side of the path, as he ran, for about 40 Rods when the
Blood was stopp'd & the Tracks of three or four making into
a close thicket. The Party examin'd the Thicket as narrowly
as possibly but cou'd make no discovery, impossible to discover
any Track. The remaining part of the day employ'd in the
Trf^nch & setting up the Pickets.

*[Octr.] 19th.

A party was order'd out to reconnoitre if any sculking partys
were near the Town or any Tracks. About 10 o'clock return'd
without making anv discoverv. Col: Pollock came & held a

240 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Conference with me & Capt Shannon on the propriety of
having a Militia Officer to Command the Garrison & regulate
the Militia — as Capt Shannon's Company consisted altogether
of Volunteers, the Militia look'd upon him with a Jealous Eye
of reaping all the Honour of erecting the Fort by the Inde-
fatigable labour of his Men, we inform'd him [that] many of
the Militia had come to the AV'orks with a design to draw pro-
visions & look at others working that I told them [that] unless
they did Duty in the Works I shou'd absolutely refuse to Issue
provisions to any such without an express order from the Lieut,
of the County. Col. Pollock inform'd us the whole Battalion
was order'd into pay & service. I told him when in actual
service* I would issue, but not otherwise. To remove all
Jealousies it was agreed upon, that a Commandant shou'd be
appoint'd to Issue the Orders of the Superintendants to the
Officers of the several Companys. The following is a list of the
Companys & the Number of their Men: —

Captn Knox & 20 privates,

Captn Shannon — 27 privates.

A Lieut, of Capt McGuffey & 4 privates ******
Captn Knox was appointed Commandant of the Garrison & of
the Militia then in the ^Vorks.

[Octr.] 20 th.

Capt. Knox proceeded in the Orders of the Supr, in dividing
the Men into proper partys. The Works went on well.

[Octr.] 21st.
*Tlie Works went forward briskly.

[Octr.] 22nd.]

The People began to grow tir'd of Work — disputed the Au-
thority of the Superintendts — disallowed of Captn Knox & fell
into confusion. — About five O'clock P. M., news was brot that
about two hours before the Indians had kill'd two Children &
scalp'd them, two more they scalp'd alive within 200 yards of
Palmer's Fort. A party pursued them, «fc in a short time the
People of the Fort fired off their Guns to give those persons
notite who hnd gone to their plantations, which the party in

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 241

pursuit hearing, imagin'd the Fort to be attaek'd, immediately
quit the pursuit & return'd.

[Octr.] 23rd.

The People fell to work again — a few Loads of Pickets cut &
liaui'd & some Men appointed to repair the outhouses for the
reception of the Inhabitants.

[Octr.] 24th.

The People fell into confusion again — many of them went
home; this morning Daniel Grafins House & Grain was burnt*
within a mile & a half of Palmers Fort. — The People return'd
in again. James Clifford on his Return saw an Indian on the
opposite side of Mill Creek — he imagined him (the Indian) to
be one of his own Company & challenged him — on which the
Indian immediately whipped on his Horse, & it being very Dark
got into the Woods. On receiving this news at the Town,
Capts Shannon & Knox with 19 Men about Midnight set off to
examine the Houses on Mill Creek between the Ford & Laurell
Hill before Day Break, which they accomplish'd before day
without discovering any appearances of Fire. On their return
in the Morning being rainy, they discoverred a Track about a
Mile from Ligonier which cou'd not be made out any further
than a few Rods, as the Leaves had fallen much & the Weeds
kill'd with the frost. Near to where the Indian was kill'd they
discoverd' two more tracks, but raining hard the tracks cou'd
not be made out with any degree of certainty. — The Artificers
wrought at the Gates. — Clifford's Team discharg'd.

[Octr.] 25th.

Rain'd. McDowell & Johnston's Teams bawling Fire wood
for the Inhabitants.

[Octr.] 26th.

Being Sunday the People went out in Partys to their Planta-
tions. In the afternoon an escorte came from Bedford with
two Brigades of Pack horses loaded with Continental Stores.
The Horse-masters made application to the Military OflScers
for an escorte, which was refused.
16 -Vol. 2.

242 THi^ FRONTIER FORTS

[Octr.] 27th.

Raiuy. — Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox set off this afternoon for
Col. Lochry's. Before they set off Capt Shannon & myself re-
quir'd some Men to turn a run of Water out of the Trenches
which was washing & filling them: — He gave us for answer he
[that is, Pollock] cou'd do it himself in Fifteen minutes. With-
out doing it* himself or ordering Men to do it, we were obliged
to hire two Men to turn the W^ater & dig a Trench to carry it
oir clear of the Works. This day the Sergeant of Capt. Knox's
Company & Lieut. Curry log'd a Complaint with Capt. Knox
against me as Commissary — that I wou'd not Issue their Provi-
sions & was partial in favour of Capt. Shannon. When he
spoke to me on the Complaint, I told him the Flour was not
come in ; that I had offer'd the Beef yesterday but they wou'd
not take a part without the Whole. This Evening they re-
ceived the Beef. This Day we receiv'd an Acco'nt of Jno. Cun-
ningham being shot at & pursued by an Indian 10 miles below
Ligonier. Cunninghnm had shot a Turkey & as he went to pick
it up the Indian fired at him.

*[Octr.] 28th.

This Morning Lieut. Curry sent over his Provision return. I
had not Flour to spare, & told his Man that I wou'd Issue
d'uble Rations of Beef. The Fellow insulted me, when Mr.
George Reading (78) lent me the Quantity. — Rain'd the whole
day excessive hard. — the Loyalhanna overflowing the Banks. —
Partys out for a considerable Distance round the Town Re-
connoitering: — made no discovery. — 2 Springs spouted out in
the Trenches, which keeps them full of W^ater.

[Octr.] 29th.

This day snow'd & Rain'd excesive hard — Nothing done ex-
cept a few reconnoitering — Wm. Halferty made a return of the
Grain and Forage brot into the Garrison. The Waters still
continue high. — Capt. Ourrie (70) gave us agreeable news of the
Enemy being pent np near Philada. and a Defeat unavoidable:
fresh Courage & more Whiskey wou'd * make our People Fight
the English or the D: a Scout order'd for to-morrow to Range
the Chestnut Ridge and Lanrell Hill between Palmers Fort and
Lijionior.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 243

[Oetr.] :30th.

This day Capt. Shannon & myself rode up to Col. Lochry's.
At Capt. Lochry's a complaint was made to me by the former
Magistrates that Col. Proctor, while in the Assembly, had laid
past for the use of the Magistrates the Votes and the Differ-
ent Asemblies from 1744, together with a complete set of the
Laws, which have not been sent to them. They desired the
Copyes may be Furnish 'd them as their Properties, from an
Ordinance of Convention pass'd the '^id Sept., 1770. The Scout
turn'd out this Morning consist'g of 18 Men return'd without
any Discovery of any Indians or Tracks.*

*[Octr.] 31st.

This day Lt. Col. Pomroy came to take Command of the
Garrison. (80.) The Trenches continued full of Water. The
teams employ'd in haling Pickets — the Men in Cutting.

[Novr.] 1st.

The People employ'd in Cutting, Hawling & Setting of
Pickets & clearing the Trenches of Water. — Set up the North
Gate 10 Feet Wide— 12 Feet High in the clear.

[Novr.] 2nd.

The People generally inclined to go Home. Many Familys
did go about 2 oclock, P. M. — Mr. W^oodruft" came and inform'd
us that Wm. Kichardson was found kill'd & scalped about 3
miles from Ligonier — 3 Strokes of a Tomhawk in his head &
the upper part of his Scull broke in. — About 3 miles from
Richardsons 2 men were killd & Scalp'd & a Woman* missing.
24 of our Men turn'd out and bury'd Richardson. There ap-
pear'd only 4 tracks. It was Dusk before we got him bury'd.
— Return'd to Ligonier.

[Novr.] 3rd.

Employ'd in setting, cutting & hawling Pickets. — The F'or-
a ;e Guard went to Richardsons to thrash Oats and Wheat yes-
terday.— As a party was returning to Palmers Fort from a
Scout about a mile from that, one of the party being a small
distance behind was call'd on to stop — first in a low voice.

244 THE FRONTIER FORTS

a second time louder, & a third time very loud. The Person
made up to the Party but being dusk did not return to the
place until the next morning. * * * found the * * * (81.)

*[Novr.] 4th.

Employ'd about the Pickets — digging the Trench — the For-
age Guard continu'd at Kichardson's. — Col. Pollock came
down from Hanna's Town & inform'd us that Gen. Hand had
return'd to Fort Pitt — that the expedition was set aside for
this season. (82.) — Clifford began to Hawl with his Team. * * *
Yesterday Morning Capt. Shannon with 5 Men sett off to meet
the Scout from Barr's Fort & Wall ace's Fort to range the Chest-
nut Ridge for fifteen miles, which they did without any dis-
covery of Indians except at the Places where the People were
kill'd. * -» * * They likewise found a Mare belonging
to Saml. Craig who had been coming to Ligonier for Salt on
Saturday. * * * * he is * suppos'd to be taken prisoner
as his body cou'd not be found. (88.) — These Scouts fir'd the
Ridge in many places. * * * * Capt. Shannon return'd.
* * * * Col. Pomroy demanded from me the Continental
Salt to have it in his own keeping. * -f * * i refus'd de-
livering it without an Order from a Continental Officer. * * *
Let him have half a Bush for Palmers Fort & ^ a bushl.
for Barrs Fort. (84.) — Sent 2 Light Horse Men up to Col.
Lochry for an Order to detain some of the Arms & Ammuni-
tion for this Fort. * * * * About one half a Mile from
Ligonier, being very dark, they heard some human Voices, but
cou'd not distinguish who they were.

[Novr.] 5th.

The Light Horse Men return'd with the news that Yester-
day about 11 o'clock Wallace's Fort was attacked by a num-
ber * of Indians on one Side while a White Man on the Other
Side came wading up the Tail Race of his Mill with a Red
Flag which seem'd to be intended as a deception for the at-
tack. When the Man appear'd open to the Fort in the instant
of the Attack 7 Balls were fir'd thro' him. * * * * 2 of
the Balls went thro' 2 Letters he had ty'd in a Bag which was
hung round his Neck down his Breast. * * * * prom

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 245

what cou'd be discovei-'d by the Letters they were proclama-
tions from Detroit to the same amount of those found with
Col. Campbell. — The same day the People about Palmers Fort
were flr'd on. * * * * Several Partys were discover'd
about there & Squirrell Hill. * * * * To-morrow we ex-
pect an Attack. * * * * This evening Capt. Shannon &
2 Men set off for Col. Lochry's for Ammunition. * * * *
Return'd at Night with 41 lbs. Powder, 15 lbs. Lead. * * *
As the Light Horse return"d some of our working party being
near the place where they heard the Voices, they went and
examin'd the Ground. * * " * found 5 Indians Tracks.
— At the same time the Indians fir'd on the People at Palmers
Fort they flr'd on the Forage Guard about one and a fourth
miles from the Fort without doing any damage.

This day Capt. Williams brot seven Men part of 25 Order'd
by Col. Pollock out of his Company into the Works. * * *
immediately on receiving the news they all ran away, having
first drawn their provisions. * * * * 25 Men more were
order'd from Capt. McGufichs comp'y. * * * he having
only 6 Men & those in the W^orks, the Men cou'd not be fur-
nish'd. * * * Capt. Shannon having 27 Men constantly
in the Works of his Volunteer Comp'}', he sent orders for 27
Men to relieve.

[Novr.] 6th.

This day Gentries posted out & Guards. * * * * Some
Pickets set & hawl'd. — I demanded an Escorte to Bedford on
public Business from Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox, which* they
refus'd. — I apply'd to Capt. Shannon of the Volunteer Com-
pany who with 3 Men escorted me. We left Ligonier at 8
o'clock P. M. — Came over the Laurell Hill to Jollys. (85.) —
Very Dark.

[Nov.] 7th.

We came safe to Bedford. — The People on the Road all
Fled for 42 Miles from Ligonier.

[Novr.] 8th.

I left Capt. Shannon on his Return to Ligonier. As I came
thro' Bedford news had come that a Man was kill'd directly
after T pass'd the Mountain (upon it).

246 THE FRONTIER FORTS

It will be seen from the last entries in the foregoing journal
that on November 8th (1777), Thomas Galbraith, or Ihe writer
thereof, was in Bedford. The information which the Council
of Safety obtained from "verbal accounts,'' and which in a
communication from Lancaster^ November 14th, 1777, they
addressed to the Delegates of Pennsylvania in Congress, was
in all probability obtained from him. They say (86):

"This Council is applied to by the people of the County of
Westmoreland in this Commonwealth with the most alarming
Complaints of Indian Depredations. The Letter, of which
the inclosed is a copy, will give you some Idea of their
present situation.

"We are further informed by verbal accounts, that an Ex-
tent of 60 Miles has been evacuated to the Savages, full of
Stock, Corn, Hoggs & Poultry, that they have attacked Pal-
mer's Fort about 7 miles distant from Fort Ligonier without
success; and from the information of White Eyes & other
circumstances, it is feared Fort Ligonier has, by this time,
been attacked. There is likewise reason to fear the ravages
will extend to Bedford, & along the frontier. We shall order
out the militia of Bedford County, & take such other steps as
may be immediately necessary for the relief of those settle-
ments, but we find they are greatly deficient in the articles of
arms, & especially ammunition «S: Flints. In Fort Ligonier.
when our Informants left it, there was no more than 40 lb of
powder & 15 lb of Lead — Flints are sold at a Dollar a piece.

"We must beg the assistance of Congress in these articles —
arms we dare hardly ask, but ammunition & Flints we hope
may be supplied by Congress both to Westmoreland & Bed-
ford; and we must also intreat the attention of Congress to
the general Defence of the Frontier. We know not the situ-
ation of Gen. Hand, his forces or his views; but we have
reserved the militias of Bedford & Westmoreland, for the pur-
pose of co-operating with him in those parts of the State, &
the neighborhood.

"Mr. Thomas Galbraith will call on you in a few Days on his
way to Ligonier, the supplies should be furnished to him from
Carlisle, to be carried from thence on Pack horses. He will
explain more at large their situation & it might not be amiss

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 247

to communicate to him what may be expected from Gen.
Hand, as well as what Congress shall order."

Col. Lochry reports to Pres. Wharton, under date Gth of
December, 1777, the following (87) :

"I Wrote to your Excellency by Col. Shields, giving a State
of the Ravages Committed by the Indians on the Inhabitants
of this County; they have still Continued to Destroy and
Burn Houses, Barns and Grain, as you will see more Particu-
lar in a Patation from the People to the Honnorable Assembly,
Praying Relieff. My Situation Has Been Critical; Genneral
Hand required more Men rhan T could Possibly furnish from
Two Batalions, which is all I can Pertend to have jurisdiction
over, on acc't of the unsettled Boundery between this State
and Virginia. I sent One Hundred men for the Remainder
was Stopt by His Order, at the same time the frontears of our
County Lay Expossed to the Marcy of the Savages ; Not a Man
on Our fruntears from Logenear to the Alegenia River, Except
a few at fort Hand, on Continental Pa}'. I was Oblidged, by
the Advice of the sub-lieutenants & other Principal People
of the County, to adopt the Measures I Before Laide Down to
your Excellency; I Requested Genneral Hands Approbation on
the Plan, which he Declined, as you May see His Letter of the
18th October; if our Measures Had not been adopted, I am
very Cartain there Would Not been Many Persons on the
North Side the Create Roade Now, if there is Not Stors Laide
in this Winter, In Spring they Must undoubtedly Leave the
Countery; they Have no Salt to lay up Meat, of which there
is a greate IMenty, their Crain is all Burn'd & Destroy'd on
the North of Connemoch ; if there is no Store of Provision for
Next summer, and the People Hindred from Getting Spring
Crops the Countery is undoubtedly Broke ui^. The Plan we
Have addopted Has Been Put in Execution at the Expence
of a few Individuals, which Cant Be Long Continued without
supported by the Publick. I Have sent five Indian Scalps
taken by One of our Scouting Party, Commanded by Col'l
Barr, Col'l Perry, Col'l Smith, & Cap't Kingston [Hinkston?],
Being Voluentears in the Action. The Action Hapned Near
Kittaning, they Retoock Six Horses the Savages Had Taken
from the suffering fruntears; for Encouragement to other

248 THE FRONTIER FORTS

l)artys I Hoop your Excellency Will make a Retaliation [com-
pensation or reward?] for these Scalps."

We have an account of the affairs about Ligonier towards
the middle of the next year, 1778, in a letter from Thomas Gal-
braith, from Lancaster, May20th, 1778, to Col. Hambright. (88.)

"I left Ligonier the 2d May, the people had entered into an
association to defend the i)lace while their provisions would
last or ammunition; their store amounted to one month's pro-
visions & about 1 lb powder & 1 lb of lead per man. The
Time will soon elapse that necessity will compell the Inhabit-
ants to seek for assistance elsewhere in the more interior
parts of the Country. There are now two Brigades of Pack-
horses in Canicocheague, to go with loading for Fort Pitt.
The Pennsylvania Road for some time hath been shut by the
Enemy, & prevents the necessary supplies being left on the
line; if two Companies of Militia would be sent to guard the
supplies of ammunition & Provisions up to Ligonier &
Hanna's Town, the Inhabitants will be encouraged to defend
the Posts more stoutly. The attention of the State to the
Frontier will revive their drooping spirits ; their situation will
not permit those to move who can have supplies, to act on the
Defensive, & their necessitys at present requires an immediate
exertion."

Col. George Reading addressed the following letter from
Fort Ligonier, April 26th, 1779, to President Reed (89):

**From our former acquaintance I am the more emboldened
to make free with you. Your letter of the 27th ult. I rec'd
per Col. Jno. Shields. I accordingly communicated it the
inhabitants and used by best influence with them to stand
their Ground, in consequence of which several staid here
which otherwise would have gone in hopes of speedy relief,
which is yet delayed. This day the Enemy made a breach
upon us, killed one man, taken one prisoner, another man
missing, two families living some distance from the Fort,
not known what is become of them, we not having men suffi-
cient at this post to send out, being reduced to a very few in-
habitants, and but eight men and boys as a guard to the Fort.
I am sorry to say that unless we have some speedy support
and protection we shall be obliged to abandon this important

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 249

Post, several of the families being entirely out of bread, must
go 40 or 50 miles for what is got, and pay a most exorbitant
price for. We dread being blocked up in a few days, the
Enemy appearing numerous, and of course our creatures all
destroj'ed, if that should be the case our situation will be most
distressing, our case is not agrivated but rather mitigated."

Col. Lochry was notified by Gen. Mcintosh in a letter from
Fort Pitt January 29th, 1779, that he (Mcintosh) was just in-
formed that a large party had just then set out to strike the
inhabitants about Ligonier and Blackleg Creek. This infor-
mation to Lochry was sent by an express so that the neigh-
borhood might be acquainted of it and be upon their
guard. (90.)

By orders from the Commander-in-Chief, General Wash-
ington, from headquarters at Morristown, April 12th, 1780,
the supplies which were to be furnished by the State for the
Continental service in these parts were directed to be depos-
ited at Fort Pitt and Ligonier. To Ligonier was apportioned
three hundred barrels of Hour, eight hundred and fifty gallons
of rum, forty tons of hay, and two thousand bushels of
corn. (91.)

Owing to the difficulty of transportation, and from other
causes, it is probable, however, that these supplies never came
up to this quantity at any one time. (92.)

On June the first, 1780, Col. Lochry writes to President Keed
that "Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left this county,
we have had three parties of the savages amongst us — they
have killed and taken five persons two miles from Ligonier,
and burned a mill belonging to one Laughlin." (93.)

In speaking of the ravages of the Indians in the county
during the summer of 1781, Col. James Perry writes to Presi-
dent Reed July 2d, of that year, that on the last Friday two
young women were killed in Ligonier Valley. (94.)

After the destruction of Hannastown in 1782 there was,
during that fall, a ranging company, consisting of about
twenty-two privates and two officers, stationed at Ligonier for
the defense of tliat quarter. When these disbanded there
was probably no force kept at this point after that, as the
war of the Revolution was now over. (95.)

250 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The original fort erected at the Loyalhauna was called Fort
Ligoiiier after the name of the head of the British army at
that time. In October, 1757, Sir John Ligonier was made
Commander-in-Chief of tlie land forces in Great Britain, and
I'aised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Ligonier, of
Enniskillen. He had greatly distinguished himself as a sol-
dier, under the Duke of Marlborough, and afterward in Ger-
many. In 17(33 he was created an English Baron, and in 1766
an English Earl. He died in 1770, aged ninety-one years.
He was born in France, his father was a Huguenot of a noble
family. He fought in the battles of Blenheim, Oudenarde,
Ramilies, and at Malplaquet twenty-two balls passed through
his clothes without injuring him. (96.)

The old Fort Ligonier, as is evident from the plan here an-
nexed, which was copied from the original in the British war
oflSce, was a. work of strength and of some magnitude. It was
intended to be such a place of defense as would meet all
emergencies, and was especially constructed in conformity
with the requirements of warfare peculiar to the time. It
was designed and constructed to answer for more than a
shelter against the Indians, and was made to resist the ar-
tillery and the appliances of civilized warfaie. As it was on
the direct line of communication with Fort Pitt, and from its
location would necessarily be a relay station for convoys
and a depository for wai' munitions, provisions and material,
it was arranged with barracks and ample accommodations
for a permanent garrison. As such a post it served its pur-
pose throughout the French and Indian War, and the peril-
ous time when the English held the line between the colonists
and their enemies. In IVnitiac's War, we have seen, it was
one of the four posts which withstood the siege of the bar-
barians with much honor and to good purpose.

The Fort proper was but a part of the post, which with its
outward retrenchments, fascine batteries and redoubts, was
really the harborage for a small army. The situation of the
¥ovi, with its ai)purtenances, was, from a military point of
view, excellent. It stood on an elevated ground within easy
distance of the Loyalhauna Creek, being on the north or east-
ern bank, the stream here flowing northward. Eastward the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 251

<>rouud was iieiuly level, but on all other sides it declined rap-
idly. At its highest point it was probably more than forty
feet above the level of the creek, but where tlu^ passage way
was made for access to the stream, the bank was such as to
make the approach easy. A deep ravine extended along the
side marked by the small stream as indicated in the plan.
There is some ti-aditional evidence, supported by circum-
stances of a j)robable character, that on the bank opposite this
ravine, which is now partly built upon by the town, was the
burying-ground used by the garrison and by the first settlers
near the Fort. On the side of this sloping laud within range of
the guns of the Fort were the cabins of the settlers and those
who Jmd business at the post. The buildings which are referred
to in the accounts of the siege during Pontiac's AYar were
likely in this quarter. Many relics have been gathered about
the ground, such as bayonets, gun-barrels, hatchets, knives,
pieces of wagon-tire, flints and arrow-heads.

The fort which St. Clair speaks of in 1774, into which the
people of the valley gathered during that Summer, was prob-
ably the old fort rehabilitated b}' St. Clair himself; for during
this time this was the center from which he directed opera-
tions as the agent of the Penns. It is also probable that a
part of the fort — the magazine and storehouse — had been kept
up for the accommodation of the property belonging to the
Province, down to at least 1772 or 177.'*>. These structures
from the nature of the material used in their construction —
logs and earth embankments — and exposed as they were to
the inclemency of the weather, could not last long without
constant reparation. While the material of Fort Ligonier
was of this perishable character, yet the earth-works, the
bastions, the store-house, and the magazine were originally
intended, as we have said, to be more permanent and substan-
tial than was usual in the ordinary forts of that period.

The stockade of the Revolutionary period was an entirely
different affair. The place M^hich it occupied cannot be
l>ointed out, but it is altogether probable that it was built
near the site of the old fort, some remains of which, such as
Hie ditch, were then utilized. The new structure was prob-
ablv nearer the creek, and lower than the site of the old fort,

252 THE FRONTIER FORTS

as the circumstance of the water flowing into the ditch, men-
tioned in the "Journal," when it was building, would indicate.
Doubtless, however, it embraced within its limits the maga-
zine of the old fort, and was within proximity to the spring of
the ravine.

It is proper to observe, without any motive of adulation,
that the people of Ligonier Valley have ever manifested a
spirit of patriotic interest in the historic events which are
connected inseparably with old Fort Ligonier. Nor is there
any place within the Commonwealth more deserving of remem-
brance or better calculated to arouse sentiments of filial grati-
tude and patriotic reverence.

Its history begins with the earliest appearance of civili-
zation in these wilds. Its record antedates every other point
west of the mountains secured by the English-Americans.
The British historian in narrating the story of the conflicts
of England with those nations of Europe which her valor and
diplomacy conquered, and especially with France, with whom
she struggled for life or death for the supremacy, must men-
tion the campaign of Forbes and the fort on the Loyalhanna;
the annalist of the Province which the Penns founded, cannot
help dwelling on the names of Ligonier and St. Clair; the
history of the Commonwealth would be incomplete without
allusion to it. Nor could the student of history whose at-
tention is directed to the frontier wars, avoid, if he would,
a recurrence to this place; for it is peculiarly identified with
the history and traditions of a long and bloody savage war-
fare waged about her fields and round her stockade walls.
The ground on all sides was wetted with innocent blood;
families were torn asunder, captives were carried off, and
widowed women and orphaned children left shelterless to the
compassion of their neighbors. The unwritten events far out-
number those of authentic narration. For all the region of
the Ligonier Valley between the mountain ridges extending
to the limits of the occupancy of the whites. Fort Ligonier was
the citadel, the place of refuge, the harbor of safety.

In two things particularly is the place notable. The one is
in the interest that attaches to the circumstantial account
of '\\'asl)ington's great peril, and the otlier is in the associa-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 253

tion of the career of St. Clair with its early history. Of the
memory of St. Clair, this whole legion partakes. A character
singular and unique, a life checkered and of many experiences,
a career remarkably unfortunate — there is no personage more
marked in its individuality during the Revolutionary period
than his. He was a patriot, a soldier and a statesman, but
unfortunate in a degree to arouse commiseration. This is
not the place to do justice to his services or his character, and
only a reference to him can be made. It may well be, how-
ever, that for no thing that he did will his memory be more
likely to endure in the gratitude and respect of his country-
men than for the part he took in directing these people in the
early days of the Revolution, particularly in their sentiments
and attitude as manifested in the Resolutions passed at
Hannastown, May 16th, 1775. (97.)

Notes to Fort Ligonier.

(1.) This regiment was authorized by Act of Parliament.
It was to consist of four battalions of one thousand men each,
and intended to be raised chiefly of the Germans and Swiss,
who, for many years past, had come into America, where
waste land had been assigned them on the frontiers. They
were generally strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate.
It was necessary to appoint some officers, especially sub-
alterns who understood military discipline and could speak
the German language; and as a suflQcient number could not be
found among the English officers, it was further necessary to
bring over and grant commissions to several German and
Swiss officers and engineers. [Smollett's History of England,
111-475.]

The Royal American regiment is now the Sixtieth Rifles.
* * * * Its ranks at the time of Pontiac's War were filled
bv provincials of English as well as of German descent.
[Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. 18, n.]

(2.) The Virginians wanted the expedition to advance on
the road made bv Braddock. Washington had an interview

254 THK FRONTIER FORTS

■with Bouquet midway between Fort ruuiberland, where his
regiment lay, and Bedford, and spared no etiort to bring him
to his opinion. The final decision was not made until Forbes
came to Raystown; for even then the very strongest efforts
were put forth by those who favored the lower route. AVash-
ington gave many reasons why it should be preferred. Col.
John Armstrong, of the Pennsylvanians, in a letter to Richard
Peters from "Ray's Town, October 3d, 1758," says that Col.
AVashington was ''sanguine and obstinate" as to the opening
of the road through Pennsylvania, and adds, "The presence of
the General lias been of great use in this as well as other ac-
counts."— Arch, iii, 551.

(3.) Some reports says 1,700 men. * * * * Q^^\ j^g
Shippen in a letter to Richard Peters from the camp at Rays'
Town, 16th of August, 1758: "The army here consists now
of about 2.500 men, exclusive of about 1,400 employed in cut-
ting and clearing the road betw^een this and Loyal Hanning,
a great part of which I suppose by this time is finished, so
that I am in hopes we shall be able to move forward soon
after the General comes uj>, who we hear is at Shippensburg
on his way up. * * * * . Col. Washington and 400 of his
regiment have not yet joined us, nor has any of Col. Byrd's
(of Virginia) except two companies." — .\.rch. iii, 510.

The number reported as so engaged, August 1st, in Sparks'
Washington, Vol. ii, p. 289, is 1,700. The numbers in all occa-
sions vary, from obvious reasons, and particularly for the rea-
son that the position of the troops was constantly changing.

(4.) Parkman — Montcalm and Wolfe, et seq. This authority
is followed wherever necessary, and given literally.

(5.) The Pennsylvania Regiment consisted of three batta-
lions. The Hon. Wni. Denny, Esq., Lieut.-GoA'. of the Province
of Penna., Colonel-in-Chief.

First Battalion — Colonel Commandant, John Armstrong.

Second Battalion — Colonel Commandant, James Burd.

Third Battalion — Colonel Commandant, Hugh Mercer.

{(>.) We have no present information as to the date when
P.ouquet first came to Loynlhanna. He says, in a letter report-
ing Gnint's defeat dated ntLoyallianna. Sept. 17th, 1758. * * *

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 255

''The day on which I arrived at the camp, whicli was the 7th
[of Sept.,] it was reported to me that we were surrounded by
parties of Indians, several soldiers having been scalped or
made prisoners." See Fort Pitt, by ^A'. M. Darlington, Esq.,
p. 75.

From the side of the French we have some account of this
period. Vaudreuil to Massiac, from Montreal, 28th of Sept.,
1758, says: "M. de Ligneris has written to me from Fort Du-
quesne on the 30th of last month; he continues to have parties
out, who brought him two prisoners on the 30th, [August]
from whom he learned that Gen. Forbus was immediately
expected at Royal Amnon; where there were not more than
2,000 men, under the command of Col. Bouquet, with eight
pieces of cannon or field carriages and several mortars; that
a fort had been built there of piece ujjon piece, and one saw-
mill; as for the rest, they are ignorant whether Fort Duquesne
is to be attacked this fall; that the Provincials had orders to
go into winter quarters; that they had been since counter-
manded, but that people still spoke of dismissing them; that
there are no more horned cattle at Royal Amnon. but plent,y
of provisions of flour and salt meats.'' Arch, vi, 2d ser. p. 553.

(7.) An early mention of the place, Loyalhanna, is in connec-
tion with the points on the Old Trading Path. (Records v,
747-750.) March 2, 1750, the Governor laid before the Council
Mr. John Patten's Map of the Distance to the Ohio, together
with the account given of the same by ^Ir. Weiser and the
Traders in former examinations. He desired them to peruse
the map carefully, and to examine a witness on the subject,
who had accompanied Col. Fry to Loggs Town to a treaty held
there in the year 1752.

The following distances are given as computed by the Indian
Traders from Carlisle to Shanoppin's Town:

"From Ray's Town to the Shawonese Cabbin 8 miles * * *
To the Top of Allegheny Mountains 8 m * * * * to Ed-
mund's Swamp 8m**** to Cowamahony Creek 6 m
* * * * to Kackanapaulins 5 m * * * * to Loyal
Hannin 18 m * * * * from Loyal Hannin to Shanoppin's
town 50 m.

256 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The Courses of the Road by Compass.

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 64 W., 12 miles to Loyal
Hannin Old Town.

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 20 W., 10 miles to the
Forks of the Road.

From Kackanapaulin's House West 10 miles to .

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 80 W., 15 miles to Shanop-
pin's Town.

Mention of the place in C. Gist's Journal :

Christopher Gist, as the agent of the Ohio Company, set out
from Col. Thomas Cresap's at the Old Town on the Potomac
River in Maryland, Oct. 31, 1750, on a journey of exploration.
He was required to keep full notes for an official report. The
Journal of the tour is found in Pownall's "Topographical Des-
cription of North America," published in London in 1776, but
later reprinted in Christopher Gist's Journals, &c., by Wm.
M. Darlington, Esq., Pittsburgh, 1893.

Following is an extract: "Monday, 12th Nov., 1750, set out
from Stoney Creek N. 45, W. 8 N crossed a great Laurel Moun-
tain [Laurel Hillj * * * * Tuesday 13. — Rain and Snow

* * * * Wednesday 14. — set out in 45 W. 6 M. to Loyal-
hannan an old Town on a Creek of Ohio called Kiscominatis,
then N. 1 M,, NW. 1 M. to an Indian's camp on the said Creek

* * * * Thursday, 15, the Weather bad and I unwell I
staid here all Day: the Indian to whom this Camp belonged
spoke good English and directed Me the Way to this Town,
which is called Shannopins Town : He said it was about 60 M.
and a pretty good Way." Observe here the place is called an
old town, and the creek the Kiskiminetas.

In the map accompanying the Report of Gist, called "Fry
and Jefferson's Map, 1755." Loyalhanna is marked as an Indian
place, not as the name of the "stream" which is called the
Kishkeminetaa. * * * * ggg infra.

George Croghan, the Indian trader in a letter to R. Peters,
March 23d, 1754, giving the distance to the points on the trad-
ing paths westward, says: * * * * "The road we now
travel * * * * from Laurel Hill to Shanopens [near the
forks of the Ohio], is but 46 miles,- as the road now goes, which

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 257

I suppose may be 30 odd miles on a straight line." Arch, ii,
132.) Croghan, it must be remembered, was very zealous for
action on the part of the province, and consequently did not
magnify the distances.

In the "Account of the Road to Loggs Town on Allegheny
River, taken by John Harris, 1754" (Arch, ii, 135) the follow-
ing distances are noted from the points designated * * * *
From Ray's Town to the Shawana Cabbins 8 M. * * * *
to Allegheny Hill 6 M * * * * to Edmond's Swamp 8 M

* * * * to Stoney Creek 6 M * * * * to Kickener
Paulin's House, (Indian) 6 M * * * * to the Clear Fields
7 M. * * * * to the other side of the Lawrel Hill 5 M.
to Loyal Haning 6 M. * * * * to the Big Bottom 8 M.

* * * * to the Chestnut Ridge 8 M. * * * * to the
parting of the Road 4 M. ■"-**♦ thence one Road leads
to Shannopin's Town the other to Kisscomenettes, old Town."

On Lewis Evans' Map, 1755, it is called "Loyalhanning," and
it is marked as an Indian town, or camp, and is located on the
south or western side of the creek.

From an "Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British
Colonies" — from which this information is derived — "The
greatest part of Virginia is composed with Assistance of Mes-
sieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it. * * * * The Map in
t':^ Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the Passes through the
]\ 0 intains Westward, is laid down by the Information of
T. aders and others, who have resided there, and travelled
th 'm for many years together. Hitherto there have not been
any Surveys made of them, except the Road which goes from
Shippenburg which goes round Parnell's Knob and by Ray's
Town over the Allegheny Mountains." * * * * This Map
and Analysis were printed in Phila. by B. Franklin and D.
Hall, 1755. The Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750-
51-52, were copied from the original in the Public Record Office
London, by J. A. Burt, 1882 for Wni. M. Darlington, Esq., to
whose work "Christopher Gist's Journals, with notes, etc."
Pittsburgh, 1893, we are indebted for this, and other relevant
data.

According to John Heckewelder — Names which the Lenni

17 -Vol. 2.

258 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Lennape or Delaware Indians gave to Rivers, Streams and Lo-
calities, within the State of Pennsylvania, etc., Moravian So-
ciety's Publications,"' the word Loyalhanna is corrupted from
Laweellhanne, signifying, the middle stream.

Other words in which the root of these two words are found,
are Le-la-wi, the middle * * * « Lawi-lo-wan, mid-winter
* * * * La-wit-pi-cat, mid-night ■' * * * La-wu-
linsch-gan, the middle finger. (From the vocables to above on
authority of David Zeisberger.)

Han-ne, signifies stream, and is applicable to river or creek.
It appears in many names and in different forms. Kittanning
from Kit-hanne, in Minsi Delaware, Gicht-hanne, signifying,
the main stream, i. e,, in its region of country. Tobyhanna,
corrupted from Topi-hanne, signifying alder stream, i. e. a
stream whose banks are fringed with alders. Youghiogheny,
corrupted from Jud-wiah-hanna, signifying a stream flowing in
a contrary direction, or in a circuitous course. * * * *
Cawanshannock, corrupted from Gawunsch-hanne, signifying
green-brier stream. The stream called Stony Creek in Somer-
set county is the English of the Indian name: Sinne-hanne, or
Achsin-hanne.

A large creek on the eastern side of Laurel Hill is called by
Frederick Post, Rekenpalin. Vide Journal.

The designation. Middle Creek as given to the Loyalhanna
was applicable probably from the fact that it was about mid-
way between the Allegheny or Ohio and the Raystown Branch
of the Juniata. It was direct on the Indian trail, as we have
seen, between these two points. There was a Shawanese town
on the site of Bedford, it is said. — (See Note to Juniata, in
Heckewelder, supra.)

Heckewelder says that Hanne means a stream of flowing
water. Mr. Russell Errett says, however, (Magazine of West-
ern History, May, 188.5, page 53), that the word in common use
among the Algonkin tribes for river is sipu, and this includes
the idea of "a stream of flowing water." But in the moun-
tainous parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, sipu
does not sufficiently convey the idea of a rapid stream, roaring
down the mountain gorges, and Hanne takes its place to desig-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 259

nate not a mere sipu, or flowing river, but a rapid mountain
stream.

Proper Indian names, we have seen, were written phonetic-
ally, so that the least deviation was liable to convey a different
impression. Thus some of Heckewelder's names, it is said, da
not exactly give the correct pronunciations to the English, for
the reason that he naturally gave his vowels and diphthongs
German sound.

We have preserved a remarkable incident of the correctness
of this observation in this particular word * * * * The
Hon. Wm. Findley, member of Congress for many years from
the Westmoreland district, an intimate friend of Washington,
in reporting a conversation which they had touching Fort
Ligonier, says (in part):

"The Fort, which is conversant with me, he [Washington]
and many others called Layalhana, after the name of the creek,
was also named Ligoniers, [Ligonier's] near which there is now
a town of that name." Wm. Findley to editor of Niles'
Register for May 9th, 1818, p. 180. Letter dated Youngstown,
Pa., March 27th, 1818.

From the examination of a Delaware Prisoner [about] May,
1757, Arch, iii, 147 "they reported (while yet the French were
at Duquesne), that 135 Indians had set off from Fort Duquesne,
not designed against any Particular Place, but divide and fall
separately in different places on the frontier: A party divided
at Lawelpanning, &c."

In the French oflScial report it is called Royal Hannon. The
Indians, it is known, could not pronounce "r." The only ex-
planation of the French form is that they made it an English
name. The vulgar conception of the name is that which gives
it an English derivation. * * * * «The absence of the
consonants r, f, and v, the accumulation of the k sounds (all
enunciated from the depths of the throat), * * ♦ * ^re
marked peculiarities of their [the Delawares] dialect." Trans.
Mor. His. Soc. Introduction to Names, Heckewelder.

It is known that the Indians generally could not say rum,
but called it lum, Heckewelder says, in one place, an Indian
called him Quackel, taking him for a Quaker. (Indian Nations,
p. 144.)

260 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Johu McCullough's narrative of his captivity, written by him-
self is among the best productions of the kind, on account
of its being accurate as well as entertaining. He is quoted
frequently by Mr. Parkman — (See the Conspiracy of Pontiac,
Chap, xviii, et seq.) * * * * rj^^^ author of the Narrative
says, as part of his introduction, that "his endeavour through-
out the whole is to make it intelligible to the meanest capacity ;
wherever he had deemed it necessary to retain Indian words,
lie has divided them into syllables, in order to give the reader
iin idea of the pronunciation." * * * * jjg ^^s captured
on the 25th day of July, 1756 from the Conococheague settle-
ment, now Franklin county, near Fort Loudoun. He says: "I
must pass over many occurrances that happened on our way
to Pittsburgh, excepting one or two. The morning before we
came to Kee-ak-kshee-man-nit-toos, which signifies Cut Spirit,
an old town at the junction of La-el-han-neck, or Middle Creek,
and Quin-nim-mough-koong, or Can-na-maugh, or Otter Creek,
as the word signifies."

(8.) Western Penna., page 136 — note.

As evidence of this see Post's Journal for 9th Nov., 1758.
On this day he left Forbes and the army at the Loyalhanna,
and proceeded with his friendly Indians on his journey to per-
suade the tribes about the Ohio to take part with the English.
He says: "We waited till almost noon for the writing of the
General. We were escorted by an hundred men, rank and file,
•commanded by Capt. Hazlet; we passed through a tract of good
land, about six miles on the old trading path, and came to the
creek again, where there is a large fine bottom, well timbered ;
from thence we came upon a hill, to an advanced breast-work,
about ten miles from camp, well situated for strength, facing
a small branch of the aforesaid creek; the hill is steep down,
perpendicular about twenty feet, on the south side; which is
a great defence on the west side the breast-work, about seven
feet high, where we encamped that night." *****
Note — This was before the advance of the army under Forbes.

This place is easily located now. It is on the Nine Mile Run,
a stream which flows into the Loyalhanna about a mile east of
Latrobe. The land belongs to the heirs of John Rumbach,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 261

dec'd., and is situated in Unity township, Westmoreland
county, about a mile and a half from Latrobe. The hill has
always been known as the Breast-work Hill. The breast-work
running across the plateau, is within the memory of many per-
sons still living. There can be no doubt that it marked the old
Indian trail or trading path to Shannopin's Town from Loyal-
hanna: as to which see Post's Journal, same date.

Also Col. Bouquet's letter from Loyal Hanna, Sept. 17th,
1758, to Gen. Amherst, (Fort Pitt by Wm. M. Darlington, p.
75), in which he explains the part he had in Grant's Expedi-
tion, contains the following : "I begged them to give me their
opinion upon a project, of which I had spoken several times to
Maj. Grant at Raystown, which was to attack during the night
the Indians camped round the Fort in huts, and that the dis-
position could be made thus: Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should
march with 900 men to the post which was known to be 10
miles distance, there construct an entrenchment and remain
with 200 men. The Major should march with .300 Highlanders,
etc." * * * * By this "post" he probably meant the Nine-
Mile Run position.

He says further: "On the 9th he departed, and I joined him
on the 10th at the post, where Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should
have stopped. I remained here all night, and saw him depart
on the 11th with his detachment in good order. This post be-
ing nearly ready for defence, I returned to the camp." Id.

Also Gen. Forbes in a letter dated Raystown, Sept. 23, 1758,
(referred to in the text hereafter) to Col. Bouquet at Loyal-
hanna, says:

"I understand by these oflQcers that you have withdrawn the
troops from j^our advanced post, which I attribute to its being
too small for what you intended it, or that it did not answer
the strength that you at first described it to me. I shall be
glad to hear all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and
that Loyal Hannon will be soon past any insult without can-
non." * * * * From Bouquet Papers, British Museum;
quoted in Fort Pitt, supra, p. 71.

Quaere. Whether Col. John Armstrong in letter to R. Peters,
from Raystown, Oct. 3, 1758, Arch, iii, 551, does not mean this
when he says: "The Road to be opened from our advanced

262 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Post is not yet fully determined, and must be further recon-
noitred." * * * * This letter to be compared with
Forbes' letter above, as to the order for examining the country
for a road from this point. * * " * See also the letter of
Forbes first quoted. * * * * At no place in the corres-
pondence of this period have we seen the distance from the
Loyalhanna post to Fort Duquesne fixed at 40 miles, and it is
not likely that Forbes alluded to the Loyalhanna post in that
letter.

(9.) James Grant was born in the Parish of Inveravon, Banff-
shire, Highlands of Scotland, and after studying law entered
the army m 1741, at Ensign, at the age of twenty-two, and be-
came captain in the 1st Battalion, 1st Royal Scots, October 24,
1744. In 1747 he was appointed aid to Gen. James St. Clair,
ambassador to the Courts of Vienna and Turin. Captain Grant
served in the wars in the Netherlands.

In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new
77th Regiment, 1st Battalion, known as Montgomery High-
landers, commanded b}' Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Mont-
gomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were ordered
to America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and ariving at Hali-
fax, America, in August. Sailed from Charleston, South Caro-
lina, arriving there September 29th, having been ordered there
with a portion of the Royal Americans, in apprehension of an
attack by the French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regi-
ment arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina,
and became part of Genl. Forbes' army in his campaign of that
year.

Grant and nineteen officers were captured. He was soon
exchanged, and became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 40th Foot in
1760, and was appointed Governor of East Florida. In 1761
he was despatched by General Amherst, with a force of thir-
teen hundred Regulars, against the Indians of Carolina,

Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his
nephew, Major William Grant. In 1772 he became Brevet-
Colonel; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament for Wick
boroughs, and at the general election of the year after for
Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he was appointed Colo-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 263

nel of the 55th Foot, lu 1776 Grant went as a Brigadier to
America, with the reinforcement under General Howe. He
commanded two British brigades at the battle of Long Island,
was employed by Lord Howe on special services in New Jersey,
accompanied the army to Phila., and commanded the 1st and
lid Brigades of British at the battles of Brandy wine and Ger-
mantown.

In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off La-
fayette, but was unsuccessful. He eommanded the force sent
from New York to the West Indies, which captured St. Lucia
in December, 1778, and defended the island against an attempt
to recapture it, made by a French force under the Count d'
Estaing.

Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General
in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the 55th
to the 11th Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in succession, of
Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was noted for his love
of good living and became immensely corpulent.

He died at Ballindalloch, April 1.3, 1806, in his eighty-sixth
year. Having no descendants his estate went to his grand-
nephew^, George Macpherson, who assumed the surname of
Grant. [Wm. M. Darlington in C. Gist's Journals, p. 207.]

Maj. Grant having been severely criticized on all sides for
his rashness and what was regarded, his imprudence, it may
be interesting to note the comments of an Indian chief, which
have been preserved in the Narrative of Captain James Smith.
He says: "When Tecaughretango had heard the particulars of
Grant's defeat, he said he could not well account for his con-
tradictorA' and inconsistent conduct. He said, as the art of
war consists in ambushing and surprising our enemies, and in
preventing them from ambushing and surprising us, Grant, in
the first place, acted like a wise and experienced officer, in art-
fully approaching in the night without being discovered; but
when he came to the place, and the Indians were lying asleep
outside the fort, between him and the Allegheny river, in place
of slipping up quietly, and falling upon them with their broad-
swords, they beat the drums and played upon the bagpipes.
He said he could account for this inconsistent conduct in no
other way than by supposing that he had made too free with

264 THE FRONTIER FORTS

spiritous liquors during the night, and became intoxicated
about daylight."

Montcalm reports to Marshall De Belle Isle of an engage-
ment as follows: "Montreal, 15th of Nov., 1758. We have just
received news from Fort Duquesne of the 23d of Oct., Capt.
Aubray of the Louisiana troops, has gained a tolerably con-
siderable advantage there on the 15th. (?) The enemy lost on
the occasion 150 men, killed, wounded and missing; they were
pursued as far as a new fort called Royal Hannon, which they
built at the head of the river d'Attique. We had only two men
killed and seven wounded." (Arch, vi, 2d Series, 426.) The
River Attique, is the name which is set down in early French
maps for the Kiskiminetas. * * * * It is hardly enough
exaggerated to answer for the French report of Grant's De-
feat, but that is doubtless the one alluded to. * * * *
Bougainville to Cremille reporting (Arch. 2d Series, vi, 425) the
affair with Grant says: "Five hundred of them have been
killed or taken, and almost all the officers. On our side, only
eight men have been killed or wounded."

(10.) Quoted in Arch, xii, 392. Also History Western
Penna., p. 139, n.

The following is a list of killed, wounded and missing:
Highlanders, 1 killed; First Virginia Regt., 4 killed, and G
wounded; Md. Companies, 2 killed, 6 wounded, 11 missing;
First Penna. Regt., 4 killed, 5 wounded, 12 missing; Second
Penna. Regt., 1 killed, 4 wounded; Lower Country Company,
1 missing. Total — 12 killed, 17 wounded, 31 missing."

(11.) See letter quoted in Fort Pitt, by Wm. M. Darlington,
p. 81.

(12.) This engagement is mentioned in the Journal of Col,
Samuel Miles, who says: "When the army lay at Ligonier
[1758], we were attacked by a body of French and Indians,
and I was wounded in the foot by a spent ball." * * * »
Miles was then a lieutenant in the second battalion in the
Penna, reginnent. * * ♦ * Mile'ai Journal, Arch, ii, 2d

ser., p. 560.

******

That Col. Burd was recognized as the hero of this engage-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 265

ment is very evident fioui a letter of a domestic character,
recently made public. In a biographical paper, entitled
"Col. James Burd, of Tinian," by Mr. A. Boyd Hamilton, pub-
lished in the Historical Kegister for September, 1884, Vol.
ii, No. 3, the following letter is produced. The importance
of this engagement vt'ould have been more generally recog-
nized had it stood out alone, and had not the magnitude of
succeeding operations somewhat obscured it. The letter is
from Edward Shippen, Esq., the father-in-law of Col. Burd.
It is of a private nature, and was not, of course, intended
originally for the public. In this case, however, it serves the
purpose of establishing the facts narrated. The preface is
from the article.

"Colonel Bouquet writes Burd, on the 16th of October, that
"General Forbes had fired a feu de joie for your affair"
[meaning the engagement and repulse at the Loyalhanna].
That Burd actively participated in the victorious engagement
at Loyal Hannon there can be no question, and the following
from his father-in-law, Shippen, never hitherto published —
the original is among the papers of the Dauphin County His-
torical Society — is interesting. It presents his conduct as it
was understood by the public authorities and his fellow-
soldiers. The neat self-glorification on the part of the writer
gives a pleasant glimpse of the pride of a family circle over
this "feat in arms" of a favorite son-in-law. The superscrip-
tion bears an elaborate address [indicated by the lines of
separation]. The bearer was Colonel George Gibson, father
of the late Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of this State,
John Bannister Gibson, whose mother was Fanny West, a
niece of Hermanns Alricks;

"Lancaster, 6th Nov., 1758.

"Dear Mr. Burd: About the 15th or 16th ultimo, Johnny

Gibson, Messrs. Hans Barr, & Levi Andrew Levi, wrote us

from Raystown, that an acc't was just arrived there from

Loyal Hanning, of your being attackt by a very large party of

17*

266 THE FRONTIER FORTS

French & Indians from Fort dii Quesne, & that jou had killed
two or three hundred and taken as many prisoners & beat off
the rest. This now, you may be sure, gave us great cause of
rejoicing, as it did the people of Philada., to whom Mr. Bar-
nabas Hughes carryed copy's of these letters. Nay, I sent
down two or three copies of them to cousin Allen & Neddy,
[his son, the Judge]. In two days afterwards we had the
pleasure to see your letter to Sally [Mrs. Burd], of the 14th
ulto., with a confirmation of the repulse you had given the
enemy; and tho' you were quite silent as to the number killed,
&c., yet our joy was greatly increased. I make no doubt you
have slain a considerable number of the enemy, and I don't
care a farthing whether I ever know the quantity, nor do I
care whether you have killed more than half a dozen of them;
it is enough for me to be convinced that you have driven off
the enemy, & have bravely maintained the Post you were sent
to sustain; & were you certain you had killed two or three
hundred, out of 12 or fourteen hundred before their retreat,
yet you could not be sure of success iiad you sallyed out and
pursued them. Indeed, by taking such a greedy step, you
might have been drawn into an ambuscade, & by that means
been defeated, which might have put an end to the present
expedition. You happily called to mind, that a Bird in hand
was worth two in the Bush ; & tho you don't pretend to equal
skill with an experienced officer, yet I think you may lay
claim to some share of Bravery, as you have so well defended
your post, & I make no question but y'r General will pro-
nounce you a good & faithful servant & will entrust you
another time. I suppose he is with you by this time, consider-
ing the season of the year, the badness (now) of the road and
the quantity of Provisions now at Ilaystown and Loyal Ban-
ning, and the difficulty, or rather, (if ye winter should shut
in immediately,) the impossibility of getting ye any more be-
fore the spring; I say he is without doubt considering all
things; and so am I. And I am almost ready to conclude it
will be impracticable, not to say imprudent, to attempt to
march a step further this fall. But let the glorious attempt
be made now, or at any other time, I pray God to give Him
success, & return you all home in peace and safety."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 267

Extract from French Archives: On the side of the French
there is a letter reporting- their movements about this
time. Vaudreuil to Massiac, in the letter above referred to
(Arch, vi, 2d Ser., p. 553), adds: "The English suppose us to be
very numerous at Fort Duquesne. I am not sure whether
the enemy will organize an expedition this fall, or wait until
spring; the advanced season and the two advantages we have
gained in succession over them would lead me to hope that
they will adopt the latter course. [Does he here allude to
the defeat of Grant and the attack on the camp at Loyalhanna
as the two victories?] 'Tis much to be desired, for 'twould
not be profitable for M. de Ligneris to resist the superiority
of the enemy's forces. Meanwhile, he will use all means in
his power to annoy them; embarrass their communications
and intercept their convoys. It is a great pity that he has
been absolutely obliged, by the scarcity of provisions, to re-
duce his garrison to 200 men."

******

(13.) Fort Pitt, p. 82.

(14.) Technically, a tenth part of a legion — about five or six
hundred soldiers — sometimes applied to about that number
of fort soldiers. Here used probably in a sense other than
literal.

(15.) Letter before referred to in Fort Pitt, p. 75.

(16.) Fort Pitt, p. 71.

(17.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.

(18.) Olden Time, Vol. ii, p. 515. In a report by George
Croghan and the rest of the gentlemen who had been ap-
pointed by Mr. Morris, Governor of Pennsylvania, to lay out a
road from Carlisle to Fort Cumberland, etc., they say: "He [Sir
John Sinclair] is extremely warm and angry at our province;
he would not look at our draughts, nor suffer any representa-
tions to be made to him in regard to the province, but stormed
like a lion rampant."

To be fair with Sir John, he had no better opinion of the
provincials or of those with whom he was associated, — In-
dians included. He wrote at the tail of a letter to the Swiss

268 THE FRONTIER FORTS

colonel: "Adieu my dear Bouquet. The greatest curse that
our Lord can pronounce against the worst of sinners is to
give them business to do with provincial commissioners and
friendly Indians.' Parkman — Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap,
xxii. * * * * See mention of Sir John Sinclair at note
to Col. Adam Stephen, below.

(19.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.

(20.) All of the army had not yet come up on the 7th of
Nov., as on that date Post sets forth in the -Journal: "We
rose early, and made all the haste we could on our journey;
we crossed the large creek, Rekempalin, near the Lawrel Hill.
Upon this hill we overtook the artillery; and came, before
sun set, to Loyal Hanning. We were gladly received in the
camp by the general, and most of the people. We made our
fire near the other Indian camps, which pleased our people."

* * * * It appears by a return quoted in Provincial Let-
ters, p. 142, of Oct. 21st, (1758), that Col. Washington, com-
manding the Virginia regiment, was then encamped at Loyal
Hannon with 461 rank and file. On the 25th of Oct. the com-
panies of the Royal American regiment, under Col. Bouquet,
Captains Ralph Harding, Francis Lander, and Thomas Jo-
celyn, were there in want of numerous articles of clothing,
as were also the Maryland troops under Lieut. Col. Dagworthy.

* * * * As to Captn. Jocelyn, see quotation from Arthur
Lee's Journal, infra.

(21.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap, xxii, et seq.

Washington desired to show his zeal and patriotism for a
common cause, actuated as he invariably was, by motives
the most noble. He was accused of being obstinate to an un-
warranted degree in opposing this route. He had insisted
with unusual warmth that the Braddock route was the one
the expedition should pursue. It has been observed that the
chances were against the success of Forbes, at least until the
summer of the next year, but for Washington and his men
and their ways. That these were large elements in the success
in that campaign, is certain. See Bancroft's History U. S.,
Vol. iii, p. 204, Cent. Ed.: "Vast as were the preparations,

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 269

Forbes would never, but for Washington, have seen the Ohio."
See Sparks' Washington, Vol. ii, p, 315, etc. ]

(22.) Wm. Findley to the editor of Niles' Register, for May^
1818, p. 180, Vol. ii, new series. — Extract : "Since I am in the
way about writing about Washington, I will add one serious
scene through which he passed, which is little known and with
which he concluded this conversation. He asked me how near
I lived to Layalhana Old Fort, and if I knew a run from the
Laurel Hill that fell into the creek near it. I told him the
distance of my residence, and that T knew the run. He told
me that at a considerable distance up that run his life was in
as great hazard as ever it had been in war. That he had been
ordered to march some troops to reenforce a bullock-guard on
their way to the camp — that he marched his party in single
tile with trailed arms, and sent a runner to inform the British
officer in what manner he would meet him. The runner ar-
rived and delivered his message, but he did not know how it
was that the British officer paid no attention to it, and the
parties met in the dark and fired on each other till they killed
thirty (30) of their own men; nor could they be stopped
till he had to go in between the fires and threw up the muzzles
of their guns with his sword." Letter dated at Youngstown,
March 27th, 1818. * * * j^ charitable allowance, which
is no apology for the integrity of Mr. Findley, may be madt;
from the fact that this incident depended largely on his
memory. His veracity is not to be questioned.

By Gordon's account, a lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians
were killed.

The following, from the Gazette, *'is said to be the best ac-
count that can be given at Philadelphia, November 30," [1758] :

"On the 12, Col. Washington being out with a scouting
party, fell in with a number of the enemy about 3 miles from
our camp, whom he attacked, killed one, took 3 prisoners
(an Indian man and woman, and one Johnson, an Englishman,
who, it is said, was carried off by the Indians some time ago
from Lancaster county), and obliged the rest to fly. On hear-
ing the firing at Loyal Hanning, Colonel Mercer, with a party
of Virginians, was sent to the assistance of Colonel Wash-
ington, who arriving in sight of our people in the dusk of the

270 THE FRONTIER FORTS

evening', and seeing them about a fire the enemy had been
drove from, and the two Indians with them, imagined them to
be French; and Colonel Washington being under the same
mistake, unhappily a few shots were exchanged, by which a
lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians were killed. That Johnson
being examined, was told he had forfeited his life by being
found in arms against his king and country, and the only way
to save it and make atonement, was to give as full an informa-
tion of the condition of Fort Du Quesne, and of the enemy, as
he could, which being found to be true, his life should be
spared, and in case of success he should be well rewarded;
hut if he should give any false intelligence, or not so full as
he had it in his power then to do, he should certainly be put to
death in an extraordinary manner. That upon this threaten-
ing and promise Johnson said, that the Canadians who had
been with Mons. Vetri at Loyal Hanning were all gone home;
that the Ohio Indians had also returned to their several
towns; that the attempt made by Vetri at Loyal Hanning was
only to make us apprehend their strength at Fort Du Quesne
to be very great, whereas they were very weak there, and
added that our army would certainly succeed. That the In-
dian man being likewise examined, his relation, we are told,
agreed with that of Johnson; and they both said the French
were very scarce of provisions, as well as weak in men, and
that upon this information Colonel Armstrong, with 1,000
men and part of the train, was ordered to march next day, and
the General designed to have followed the next day after
with the whole army, but was necessarily detained till the
17th, Avhen he certainly marched, and we hope is now in pos-
session of Fort du Quesne.''

"The General marched from Loyal Hanning 4,300 effective
men, all well and in good spirits, besides Indians, and left a
strong garrison there and at Ray's Town," &c.

"It is said Vetri and his people on their return from Loyal
Hanning, were obliged to kill and eat several of our horses,
whose skins and bones were afterwards found by some of our
men."

Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated November
IS:

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 271

"This day the General marched with the rear division of
the army. The front division, under tlie command of Colonel
John Armstrong, is now about IG miles from Fort Du Quesne,
and they have made a good road to their camp from this garri-
son."

''The party of the enemy mentioned in last week's paper
to be attacked by our people near Loyal Hanning, we hear
consisted of above 200 French and Indians, and it is said
that had before taken and sent off Lieutenant James Hayes,
of our Provincials, and another man."

(23.) Western Penna. Appx., p. 300.

(24.) Records, Vol. viii, 224.

(25.) In his Journal for December 2d, 1758, Post mentions
Pittsburgh." On the 4th he speaks as having drawn provi-
sions for "Fort Ligonier" on his return. From Post's Journal
December 27th, 1758: "Towards noon the general set out.
* * * * It snowed the whole day. We encamped by
Beaver Dam under Laurel Hill. 28th — We came to Stoney
Creek, where Mr. Quicksell is stationed. The general sent
Mr. Hayes, express, to Fort Bedford and commanded him to
see if the place for encampment, under the Allegheny Moun-
lains, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments
should be at hand at his coming."

These places for the convenience of the General had to be
prepared in advance for him. In a letter to Bouquet, from
Raystown (Bedford), Septr. 23d, 1758, on his way out, Forbes
writes: "Pray make a liovell or hutt for me at L. Hannon
or any of the other posts, with a fire place if possible."

(26.) Arch., iii, 571.

(27.) Arch., iii, 510. Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in Gen.
Forbes' army. Olden Time, Vol. ii, 465.

(28.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 428.

(29.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 553.

(30.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 564.

(31.) Arch., iii, 685.

(32.) Arch., iii, 669.

272 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Samuel Jones, a captain who served in the Penn'a regiment,
in 1758 and '59, is marked dead, in a list made out in 1760.
Pa. Arch, ii, 2d Ser., 009.

Gol. Adam Stephen, mentioned above, was one of the fore-
most soldiers of his day, and but for a single failing would
have been classed with the greatest of the Revolutionary-
Generals. He was a Virginian, and was with Washington in
his first campaign, at the Jumonville affair and at Fort Ne-
cessity, and fought with him again on that terrible day at
Braddock's Field. At the attack on Jumonville's camp, he
with his own hands, made the first prisoner, capturing the
Ensign, M. Drouillon, "a pert fellow." (Sargent's Braddock's
Expedition.) * * * * Jq fj^e Forbes' campaign, he and
Sir John Sinclair could not get along together; and they had
some hot words at Ligonier, when Sir John ordered him under
arrest. Part of his regiment went with Major Grant —
(Grant's defeat); and, under the circumstances, Major Lewis
had to command. It is probable that Stephen, who was of a
fiery nature, would not brook the Quarter-master's ways.
"From this cause or some other, Lieut.-Col. Stephen, of the
Virginians, told him he would break his sword rather than be
longer under his orders. 'As I had not sufficient strength,'
says Sinclair, 'to take him by the neck from among his own
men, I was obliged to let him have his own way, that I might
not be the occasion of bloodshed.' He succeeded at last in
arresting him." [Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap, xxii.]

The following extract from a letter from Gen. Arthur St.
Clair (not to be mistaken for Sir John Sinclair, as they were
in no way related), refers to this circumstance. The letter
is to Gen. Greene, who desired St. Clair's opinion upon some
questions of military precedence; it is dated at West Point,
August 10th, 1779, and is found among the St. Clair papers,
Vol. i, page 482. He says: "Some time in the campaign of
1758, the late Gen. Stephens (then, I think, a major of Provin-
cials), commanded at Fort Ligonier, upon the Loyalhanning,
when Sir John St. Clair [so he writes it], Quartermaster-
General, with the rank of colonel, arrived at that fort. He
immediately assumed the command, and ordered Major Ste-
phens to make returns of his garrison and stores to him. The

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 273

major insisted on his command, and refused to make the
returns. Sir John put him in arrest. The major complained
to General Forbes, and demanded a court-martial. Whether
a court-martial sat upon the matter I do not recollect, but
this is certain, the major was released, restored to his com-
mand, and Sir John censured."

Gen. Stephen served in the Kevolution. In 177G he was
Colonel of a Virginia regiment, and shortly thereafter was
made Brigadier-General and then Major-General. He fought
at Trenton, at Princeton, and at the Battle of Brandywine,
and won the praise of his commander. "But at Germantown,
where he led a division, the sins of his youth lay triumphantly
in wait for him. That which neither the red skins of the In-
dians nor the red coats of Ihe British had accomplished, was
wrought by *an enemy less honorable than either.' The army
was defeated; Gen. Stephen was dismissed. * * * * jje
was the founder of Martiusburg, Va., and called it after his
friend Martin, a relative of Lord Fairfax." Near this place,
in a corner of the beautiful estate of 'Boydville,' (Stephen's
home), close by the road, is a heap of stone, some rough and
some hewn as if in preparation for a monument, and under
these lie all that was mortal of a pioneer, a patriot, and a
general." [Rev. Geo. Hodges, in Pittsburgh Dispatch, Sept.
24th, 1894.]

(33.) Arch., iii, 074.

(34.) Arch., iii, p. Records, viii, 379.

(35.) Records, viii, 379.

(36.) Gen. Stanwix to Gov. Hamilton from Pittsburgh, Dec.
4th, 1759.

Arch., iii, 696. * * * * 'The old battalions were last
winter greatly distressed on the communication for want of
pay, clothing and provisions. Numbers of them paid the debt
of nature in the way of scalping, and many more died of the
diseases arising from cold and hunger." * * * * Qq-[
John Armstrong to Gov. Denny, from Fort Ligonier, Oct.
9th, 1759. Arch., iii, 688.

(37.) Arch., iv, p. 39.
18 -Vol. 2.

274 THE FRONTIER FORTS

A good idea of the movemeut of the troops and munitions
from Ligonier in the summer of 1760 may be had from the
journal of Col. James Burd, Arch, vii, 2d Ser., p. 419.

Col. Samuel Miles says that, "In the year 1759, I was sta
tioned at Ligonier, and had 25 men picked out of the two bat-
talions, Penna. regt., under my command," etc. Arch, ii, 2d
Ser., p. 560.

In Arthur Lee's Journal there is mention of Fort Ligonier.
Lee passed here in 1784, as one of the Commissioners ap-
pointed by Congress to hold treaties with the Indians. Ex-
tracts are printed in The Olden Time, p. 334. He says: "On
the 29th Nov. we traversed a part of the Allegheny called
Laurel Hill, from an abundance of what is called in Virginia,
ivy, growing upon it. On this mountain St. Joselin (this is the
first time we have seen any allusion to this person, or to this
attack, says the editor in a note, but Capt. Thos. Jocelyn was
in the Royal American Regt. there) was attacked and killed
by the Indians; but his convoy was saved. On this mountain
Capt. Bullet was attacked and put to flight by a party of In-
dians within two miles of Ligonier, (Query: Does he here al-
lude to the attack on Grant's Hill?) — and at another time the
savages attacked the hospital, and that was going from the
fort and massacred the sick. At night we reached Fort
Ligonier, built in 1758, by Gen. Forbes, as a station, in his
progress against Fort Pitt — Duquesne. It was frequently
attacked by the French and Indians, and many of its troops
killed. A very good and capacious stockade fort was raised
there during the late war [the Revolution] as a defense against
the Indian incursions. But they massacred the inhabitants
as far as Bedford, having passed the fort, through the woods
and over the mountains."

(38.) Pontiac, Chap, xviii. — Parkman.

(39.) Pontiac, Chap. xix. — Parkman. Express Riders.

(40.) Archives, iv, 109.

Mr. Parkman has told in a graphic manner of the perils
which beset the express-riders, whose desperate duties it was
to be the bearers of the correspondence of the oflBcers of the
forest out-posts with their commander. "They were usually,"

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 275

he says, " soldiers, sometimes backwoodsmen, and occasionally
a friendly Indian, who, disguising his attachment to the
whites, could pass when others would infallibly have per-
ished. If white men, they were always mounted; and it may
well be supposed that their horses did not lag by the way.
The profound solitude; the silence, broken only by the moan-
ing of the wind, the caw of the crow, or the cry of some prowl-
ing tenant of the waste; the mystery of the verdant labyrinth,
which the anxious wayfarer strained his eyes in vain to pene-
trate; the consciousness that in every thicket, behind every
rock might lurk a foe more fierce and subtle than the cougar
or the lynx; and the long hours of darkness, when, stretched
on the cold ground, his excited fancy roamed in nightmare
visions of a horror but too real and imminent, such was the
experience of many an unfortunate who never lived to tell
it. If the messenger was an Indian, his greatest danger was
from those who should have been his freinds. Friendly In-
dians were told, whenever they approached a fort, to make
themselves known by carrying green branches thrust into the
muzzles of their guns; and an order was issued that the token
should be respected. This gave them tolerable security as
regarded soldiers, but not as regarded the enraged backwoods-
men, who would shoot without distinction at any thing with a
red skin."

(41.) Pontiac, Parkman, Chap. xix.

(42.) Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, although an
able oflScer, did not understand the Indians or Indian warfare.
He could not see how the posts which had not fallen could
not hold out. He was constantly finding fault with his offi-
cers. "His correspondence," says Parkman, "breathes a cer-
tain thick-headed, blustering arrogancy worthy the successor
of Braddock. In his contempt for the Indians, he finds fault
witli Capt. Ecuyer at Fort Pitt for condescending to fire can-
non at them, and with Lieutenant Blane at Fort Ligonier for
burning some out-houses, probably those referred to by Blane
in the above letter, under cover of which 'so despicable an
enemy' were firing at his garrison."

Amherst could not speak of the savages with reason. In a

276 THE FRONTIER FORTS

postscript to this letter lie made the suggestion to Bouquet,
which has been much commented upon. He says: ''Could
it not be contrived to send the Small-Pox among those dis-
affected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use
every stratagem in our power to reduce them." (Signed) J. A.

Bouquet was evidently somewhat chary about this method
of proceeding, being afraid of catching the disease himself.
Nevertheless in seeming to comply with the invitation to ex-
periment in the manner suggested by his superior, he replies
also in postscript: "I will try to inoculate them with some
blankets, and take care not to get the disease myself. As it
is a pity to expose good men against them, I wish we could
use the Spanish method, to hunt them with English dogs,
supported by rangers and some light horse, who would, I
think, effectually extirpate or remove that vermin." * * *
Amherst rejoined: "You will do well to try to inoculate the
Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try every other
method that can serve to extirpate this execrable race. I
should be very glad your scheme for hunting them down by
dogs to take effect, but England is at too great a distance to
think of that at present. (Signed) J. A."

"There is no direct evidence that Bouquet carried into effect
the shameful plan of infecting the Indian, though a few
months after the small-pox was known to have made havoc
among the tribes of the Ohio. Certain it is, that he was
perfectly capable of dealing with them (by other means,
worthy of a man and a soldier; and it is equally certain, that
in relations with civilized men he was in a high degree hon-
orable, humane and kind." [Parkman — Pontiac, Chap, xix.]

It is not impossible, indeed, that Bouquet had a special
horror of that disease, which might have been known. Sur-
geon J. Stevenson, in a letter preserved in Arch., iii, page 82,
dated Phila., Dec. 13th, writes to Col. Bouquet: "The reason
of my not paying my respects to you upon your arrival here,
was owing to my being informed by Capt. Tullikins that you
have never had the small-pox, and as I imagined from my
being so often among the soldiers sick of that disease, that my
coming near you might make you uneasy, I on purpose avoided
vou."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 277

(43.) Gol. Bouquet wrote to Gov. Hamilton, from Carlisle,
July 3d, 1763: "Fort Ligonier has likewise stood a vigorous
attack, by means of some men who reinforced that small
garrison from the militia at Bedford. The Indians expect a
strong reinforcement to make new attempts on these two
posts."

(44.) An Historical Account of the Expedition, «S:c. — Park-
man's Pontiac.

The last reenforcemcnt reached Fort Ligonier ijrobably
about the beginning of July.

(45.) Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. xxvi.

(46.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, p. 121.

(47.) Vol. ii. No. 6, Magazine of Western History, Cleve-
land, O.

(48.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, 138.

(49.) Arch., iv, 591.

(50.) Isaac Stimble's son Isaac conveyed, Feb. 18th, 1775
(Deed Book A, p. 06, Westmoreland County Records), the land
which Isaac Stimble had "improved," joining the garrison
lands at Ligonier.

(51.) See biographical sketch in St. Clair Papers.

(52.) Arch., iv, 514.

(53.) It is probable that the fort he alludes to here was
Wallace's Fort and the Indian was Wipey, an account of
whose killing is given further on.

(54.) Consult his correspondence in Fourth Archives, and
the St. Clair Papers.

(55.) Arch., iv, 519.

(56.) Arch., iv, 503.

"May, 1774. — A meeting was held at Colonel Croghan's house,
Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White Mingo and
the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of the orators."
* * * * Christopher Gist's Journal, 212.

278 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(57.) He doubtless means as evidence at the trial to convict
these offenders.

(58.) Arch., iv, 543.

(59.) Records, x, 198.

The proclamation was made in pursuance of a resolution
of the Assembly passed July 20, 1774, as follows:

"Resolved, That this House will make Provision for Paying
the reward of One Hundred Pounds to any Person who shall
apprehend James Cooper and John Hinkson, who, it is said,
have barbarously murdered an Indian on the Frontiers of this
Province, and deliver them into the Custody of the Keeper
of the Gaol, within either of the Counties of Lancaster, York
or Cumberland, or the sum of Fifty Pounds for either of
them." Arch., iv, 549.

When the proclamation was published printed copies were
ordered to be sent into Westmoreland.

There is not a harmony of agreement as to the exact place,
or the stream, at which Wlpey was killed. It is altogether
probable that he was killed at or near the mouth of Hincks-
ton's Run, a stream which is a confluent of Conemaugh river,
having its source in Blacklick and Jackson townships, Cam-
bria county, flowing in a westerly direction and emptying into
the Conemaugh in the Fourteenth ward of the city of Johns-
town, which stream — Hinckston's Run — takes its name from
Hinckston, one of the men who killed Wipey.

It is likely that Wipey hunted and fished along the Cone-
maugh; and while the tradition is very direct of his being
killed at the place we have mentioned, the fact would not be
inconsistent with his having lived and abided at the place re-
ferred to in Wheatfield township, Indiana county.

On this subject I am privileged to quote from a letter of the
Hon. W. Horace Rose, of Johnstown, Pa., a gentleman who
has given the subject of the early local history of his part of
the country some attention. He says:

"In reference to the killing of John [Joseph] Wipey, St.
Clair's statement is in entire accord with the fact of the Indian
being killed as I have stated. It is not above eighteen miles,
perhaps but fifteen by the old Mountain road, from the mouth

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 279

of Laurel Run, which is located about a mile and a half from
Hinckston's Run [to Ligonier]. The old road, known as the
Fairfield road, left the Conemaugh river about midway be-
tween the two runs. The statement I make about him having
been shot below or near the mouth of Hinckston's Run is
based upon the statement of the original settlers in this neigh-
borhood made to my informants. The Adamses were well ac-
quainted with Wipey, and from them directly those who in-
formed me had the statement of his death, and the fact that
he was killed while fishing, from a canoe or boat just below
the mouth of Hinkston's Run. Their statement was that he
was hidden in Laurel Run, to which point he floated in the
canoe; and that the canoe was turned upside down and at-
tracted the attention of some Indians who lived in the vicinity
of what is now New Florence. They recognized the boat,
which led to a search for Wipey. Hinckston and Cooper fled
but were subsequently arrested. It was not claimed that
Wipey made his permanent home at this point, but that he
frequently came here and was associated with the Adamses.
The information I have comes but second-handed from the
Adamses who were interested in the Indian, he having at one
time given them warning of a foray. It is hardly possible
that the story could have been invented with such circumstan-
tial particulars as were given in the tradition here. George
Beam was well acquainted with the Adamses, and from them
directly he obtained the statement. I knew Beam very well.
He died at an advanced age, and resided in this locality from
the close of the last century. He was thoroughly posted in
the land-marks, and the history of the Valley.

''Hinckston, like Cooper, was a renegade, and tramped about
the country, subsisting principally on game. Such is the ac-
count I have of the men who murdered the last of the Dela-
wares.

"I wish to call your attention to the fact that if Wipey was
killed about eighteen miles from Ligonier, Hinckston's Run
would more nearly fill the distance than West W^heatfield."

The statement to which Mr. Rose alludes in the first sentence
above was one made by him in the History of Johnstown
(The Johnstown Daily Democrat, souvenir edition, autumn,

280 THE FRONTIER FORTS

1894), viz: "In May, 1774, [Joseph] John Wipey, a Delaware
Indian, the last of his race who lived in the valley, was shot
while sitting in his canoe fishing, at the mouth of Hinckston's
Run, by one of two renegade white men — John Hiuckston and
James Cooper."

Of the Adamses it is there said: "The Adamses were among
the first to make a location in the vicinity of the Indian town
(Conemaugh Old Town), and two of the streams, confluents of
the Stony creek — Ben's creek and Solomon's run — take their
names from them. They were located here before they made
application for warrants." * * * * ^tVe shall hear of
Capt. Hinckston later on in connection with Fort Ligonier.

John Hinckston, about this time — 29tli of August, 1774 —
conveyed "all his right, title and interest, &c., in a certain lo-
cation by and for me obtained out of the Proprietary's Land
OfSce for the Province of Penna., bearing date 3d April, 1769,
for the quantity of 270 acres lying on the river Conemaugh,
bounded on the E. by land of Wm. McCune and on the W. by
land of John Wood, being the Squirrel Hill Old Town, with
the improvements." — Deed Book A, p. 65, conveyed to Thomas
Galbraith, Innkeeper of Ligonier. Consideration, Four hun-
dred pounds.

Hinckston was undoubtedly a deadly foe of the Indians.

In the narrative of Col. James Smith, before referred to,
we have mention of this person. Col. Smith was, during part
of the Revolution, a resident of Westmoreland county; and
an office-holder here. He conducted an expedition, under
commission from Brodhead, against the Indians on the upper
Allegheny, which has been described very entertainingly by
him. The following extract bears on the subject of Capt.
Hinckston :

From Col. James Smith's Narrative: "In the year 1778,
I received a colonel's commission, and after my return to
Westmoreland, the Indians made an attack upon our fron-
tiers. I then raised men and pursued them, and the second
day we overtook and defeated them. We likewise took four
scalps, and recovered the horses and plunder which they were
carrying off. At the time of this attack, Capt. John Hincks-
ton pursued an Indian, both their guns being empty, and after

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 281

the fray was over, he was missing. While we were inquiring
about him, he came walking up, seemingly unconcerned, with
a bloody scalp in his hand — he had pursued the Indian about
a quarter of a mile, and tomahawked him."

Col. Smith had some land in this county, situated on the
headwaters of Sewickley creek. He is identified with the
Sewickley settlement. In the summer and fall of 1778 most
of the Indian fighters were on the line from Ligonier or Laurel
Hill westward to the Allegheny river, along or to the north
of the Forbes Road; while some inroads were made on the
Sewickley settlement towards the Allegheny.

It might be that Smith's mention of this adventure refers
to an account given by Col. Lochry to Thomas Wharton,
President of the Council, December 6th, 1777, Arch., vi, 68, of
the state of affairs here, in which he mentions that he has
sent five Indian scalps, taken by one of the scalping parties
which he had sent out, commanded by Col. Barr, Col. Perry,
Col. Smith and Capt. Kingston [Hinckston], who were volun-
teers in the action which occurred near Kittanning.

As Col. Smith in his Narrative drew largely from his recol-
lection, he might readily have been inaccurate in fixing the
year 1778 as the time of his coming into Westmoreland county,
or rather of this action, if it be the one he alludes to.

"An order was drawn in favor of Col. A. Lochry, Lieutenant
of the county of Westmoreland, for the sum of twelve pounds,
ten shillings, State money, to be paid to Capt. Samuel Brady,
as a reward for an Indian scalp, agreeable to a late procla-
mation of this Board." In Council, Feb. 19th, 1781. Records,
xii, 632. For rewards for scalps, see Records, xii, 328.

(60.) St. Clair Papers. Vol. i, p. 347.

(61.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 14.

(62.) Arch., v, 741.

(63.) Records, xvi, 170.

(64.) Records, xvi, 176.

(65.) Thomas Galbraith once had title to the land upon
which the town of Ligonier now stands. The chain of title
is as follows: David Espy, of Bedford, Pa., attorney-in-fact of

282 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Arthur St. Clair, conveyed to Thomas Galbraith, of Fairfield
township, Westmoreland county (Book A, p. 156) — 13th of
June, 1777, three plantations and tracts of land situate at
Ligonier, in the county aforesaid, one of them including the
town of Ligonier and containing 581 acres, and allowance.

Jasper Moylan, assignee of Francis and John West, who
were the assignees of Arthur St. Clair, Esq., " per John
Brandon, Sheriff, sold to James Ramsey, of Franklin county,
Pa., six hundred and sixty acres of land, more or less, known
by the name of the Ligonier Tract; also about 10 acres, adjoin-
ing said tract, known as the Indian Field and Mill Creek, as
the property of Thomas Galbraith, late of Fairfield township,
in the county aforesaid, in the hands of Wm. Jamison and
Buchanan, his administrators. Sold on the 22d of Sept., 1793.
Book 4, p. 297, Recorder's Office of Westmoreland county.

From James Ramsey the title passed to his son, John Ram-
sey, who laid out the plan and founded the town of Ligonier.

We may remember here, as a place pertinent to recall it,
that the only title that existed in those who had settled around
the old fort was one of sufferance. Those who had property
destroyed here by the Indians in Pontiac's War when the post
was besieged and who wanted compensation therefor from the
King, were reminded that they had no title whatever to the
propert}^, but were permitted to occupy the premises only by
courtesy. St. Clair appears to have secured a warrant at the
opening of the land office for this particular tract.

One of Thomas Galbraith's daughters is supposed to have
been the wife of William Jamison, above mentioned, who had
two children, Thomas Jamison and Ann Jamison, married to
Robert McConnaughey, the father of Mr. J. C. McConnaughey,
of Ligonier township, in whose possession the memorandum
book referred to above was found. Mr. McConnaughey writes
under date of Nov. 22, 1894: "In regard to the book. My
grandfather Jamison used to keep store in Ligonier many
years ago; when he died my father settled his estate; he had
all his books, and among them was this memorandum book."

(66.) Records, xi, 329.

(67.) Second Arch., iii, 777, et. seq.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 283

(68.) Records, xi, 373.

(69.) George Findley is said to Lave been the first white
settler of Indiana county, in what then, of course, was West-
moreland. He migrated from the settlement made by John
Pomroy and James Wilson in what is now Derry township,
Westmoreland county. The date of his leaving and '^toma-
liawking" a tract and making an improvement is given as
1764-5. He selected the tract occupied (now or lately) by his
grandson, George Findley Matthews, in East Wheatfield town-
ship, Indiana county, where his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Mat-
thews, born 28th of Jan., 1784 (lately), resided. When the
Revolution began he had a clearing of about 10 acres, and a
rude cabin for his bride, whom he had married in Maryland,
not far from Hagerstown, in 1776. In 1784, he again returned
to his improvement, and continued his residence there. He
was repeatedly forced to seek shelter at Fort Ligonier, or
Palmer's Fort. Biographical sketch in Hist. Ind. Co., 120.

East Wheatfield township lies on the Conemaugh adjoining
Westmoreland county at the northern end of Ligonier Valley.

His home is spoken of. May 29th, 1769, in an application
for a warrant, as the "Findley 's cabbins." * * * * It is
said that Findley's cabin was fitted for defense. * * * •
His clearing or location was next to Whipey's — See before
for an account of Wipey, the Delaware Indian murdered bj
the whites.

Robert Rodgers was a settler near George Findley's. The
two came out together from Conococheague Valley. Findley
then had an improvement of several years. Rodgers is said
to have located about 1771 or 2. [Hist. Ind. Co., 422.]

There was also an Isaac Rodgers, a neighbor of Findley's.

(70.) Captain Samuel . Shannon is frequently mentioned in
the public records, and he had something more than a local
reputation. He must have been ver3- popular, as Ihe name
"Shannon" as a Christian name is so common throughout
the valley as to be noticeable. He had a command under Col.
Lochry in his expedition of 1781, and was taken by the In-
dians, and succeeded in command by Lieut. Isaac Anderson.
(2d Arch., xiv, 685.) He, presumably, was exchanged or made

284 THE FRONTIER FORTS

bis escape, as letters of administration on the estate of Samuel
Shannon were granted April 3d, 1785, to Elizabeth Shannon
and Mary Slaughter, by the Register of Westmoreland county.
There was a Captain Robert Shannon, who is said to have been
a brother of Samuel. * « * * Capt. Robert Knox, Col.
William McDowell, James and Charles Clifford, and others
named here, were long remembered on account of being con-
spicuous figures in the history of the fort. Families of the
same stock and name still live in the valley.

(71.) Capt. Hinkson (otherwise Hinkston) is spoken of be-
fore. It is altogether probable that this is the same person
who was connected with the murder of the friendly Delaware,
Wipey. Some of the whites of the neighborhood condoned
the murder in their suspicions and distrust of all red men.
Hinkston, Hinckston or Hinkson, as the name is variously
spelled, was from that neighborhood. To the conveyance of a
location he had made on the Conemaugh — he spells his name
Hinkson.

(72.) The fact of this boy's killing is corroborated in a letter
to Jeff W. Taylor, Esq., of Greensburg, Pa., from William
Reynolds, Esq., of Bolivar, Pa., Nov. 15th, 1891, and given for
reference here. Mr. Reynolds is a grandson of George Find-
ley, spoken of, and is now seventy-six years of age. His ac-
count is from direct report. He says that George Findley
and his bound boy, fourteen or fifteen years of age, but large
and strong, started back from Palmer's Fort, whither they had
fled, in hopes of recovering a mare that had left them and
which they supposed had returned home. They kept in the
woods, not venturing into the clearings, but notwithstanding
this they were fired upon by some Indians, the boy falling.
Findley, shot through the arm and bleeding much, effected
his escape, and returned to Fort Palmer, bringing back with
him, however, a girl who had remained about the Rogers
settlement. This girl subsequently became the mother of the
Hills, of near Ninevah. "The next morning a squad of
men Avent back and found the boy scalped, his brains knocked
out, and stripped naked. They buried him."

Fort Palmer was about six miles from Ligonier, on the line

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 285

of the flight of the settlers from the Conemaugh and Upper
Ligonier Valley.

(73.) See Wallace's Fort. * * * * Also Arch., v, 741.

* * * * Col. Charles Campbell was taken Sept. 25th,
1777. A copy of the proclamation referred to is found in
Arch., V, 402. It is as follows:

"A Proclamation.

"By virtue of the power and authority to me given by his
Excellency Sir Guy Carlton, Knight of the Bath, Governor of
the Province of Quebec, General and Commander in chief,
&c., &c., «S:c.

"I assure all such as are inclined to withdraw themselves
from the Tyranny and oppression of the rebel committees
and take refuge in this Settlement or any of the posts com-
manded by his Majesty's Officers shall be humanely treated,
shall be lodged and victualled, and such as are off in arms
and shall use them in defense of his majesty against rebels and
Traitors till the Extinction of this rebellion, shall receive pay
adequate to their former stations in the rebel service, and all
common men who shall serve during that period, shall receive
his majesty's bounty of two hundred Acres of Land. Given
under my hand and seal, Henry Hamilton (L. S.), Lieut. Gov.
& Superintendent."

"Eleven other persons killed and scalped at Palmer's Port,
near Ligonier, amongst which is Ensign Woods." Col. Lochry
to President Wharton Nov. 4th, 1777. Archives, v, 741.

(74.) Col. Lochry, County Lieutenant, who had absolute con-
trol of the militia and arms of the county, lived on the Twelve
Mile Run, in LTnity township, between the turnpike and St.
Vincent's Monastery. Lochry was a neighbor of Col. John
Proctor. This was on the southern side of the Forbes Road.

* * * * It will be remembered that Lochry recommended
(lie c rection of this fort.

(75.) Coi. James Pollock was then a sub-lieutenant of the
county. He was superceded in his office by George Reading,
Esq., April 1st, 1778, Rec, xi, 455, where the reason is given.
In the light of this journal the Council might have had some

286 THE FRONTIER FORTS

suggestion from Thomas Galbraith. Col. Pollock lived toward
West Fairfield, eight or nine miles from Fort Ligonier. He
held civil offices much later; and was a candidate, unsuccess-
fully, against William Findley, for Congress.

(76.) This was not Archibald Locliry. Btony Creek was
a station on the Forbes Road, where it crossed that stream,
now Stoystown, in Somerset county. Guards and relays were
kept here. There was a kind of stockade erected here when
the road was cut by Bouquet and a small garrison stayed
there. It was deserted for a time in Pontiac's War, 1763.

(77.) Charles Clifford, brother to James Clilford, was taken
prisoner on the 22d of April, 1770, from their jjlace on Mill
creek, about two miles from Ligonier. It does not appear
that he was treated with unusual severity or with any cruelty.
He was taken to Canada, turned over to the British, and re-
mained there somewhat above two years, then he was ex-
changed and returned home.

(78.) George Reading, not long after this, was appointed
a sub-Lieutenant of the county in place of James Pollock,

(79.) The manuscript is sufficiently distinct to make it cer-
tain that Captain Ourrie is not the same person as Lieut.
Curry, a reading that casually might make it appear other-
wise.

(80.) Col. John Pomroy, of the Fort Barr and Fort Wallace
(Derry) settlement; a prominent man in Indian affairs during
all these times. * * * * William Richardson was a set-
tler of some standing several years prior to this time.

(81.) The manuscript here is illegible. The meaning prob-
ably is, that the one who was behind the others, on being
called upon, hurried up to the rest of the party, but it being
dusk the party did not return to the place whence the voice
proceeded until the next morning, and found the (tracks of
Indians.)

(82.) The expedition here referred to had been planned by
Gen. Hand, the Commandant at Fort Pitt, against the Indians
at Sandusky, but it failed for the lack of men and supplies,
which he expected from the western frontier of the State.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 287

"One reason for the failure was a want of concert between
Gen. Hand and the lieutenants of the border counties of
Virginia and Pennsylvania.'' Wash.-Irv. Cor,, 12.

(83.) Samuel Craig, Sr., who came from New Jersey, set-
tled on the Loyalhanna in Derry township, near (now) New-
Alexandria, shortly after the opening of the land office. He
and his sons were all actively engaged in frontier service.
"The duties of Samuel Craig's appointments calling him to
Fort Ligonier, he had to go there frequently; and on the last
occasion he was taken on the road. A beautiful mare which
he used for riding, was found on the Chestnut Ridge between
his home and that post. The mare had eight bullets in her;
but all efforts of the family to ascertain the fate of Capt. Craig
were unavailing." Mrs. Margaret Craig, MS.

(84.) The writer (Thomas Galbraith) was, as stated before,
evidently a Commissioner for the distribution of salt and
other supplies, and was in the service of the Continental Con-
gress as well as of the State.

The following entry is found in the book from which this
journal is taken:

1777, March 15th, provisions left at Ligonier in care of
James McDowell, for use of the Continent:
1625" Bacon.
532" Pork, salted.
300" Heads.
400" Beef.

(85
(86
(87,
(88
(89
(90.
(91.
(92.
(93.

Jollys — The station at Stonycreek (Stoystown).

Arch., vi, 3.

Arch., vi, 68.

Arch., vi, 532.

Archives, vii, 345.

Archives, vii, 173.

Archives, viii, 180.

Arch., viii, 485.

Arch., viii, 282.

288 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(94.) Arch., ix, 240.

(95.) Washington-Irvine Correspondence, 254.

(96.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 200.

It was customary to name the forts erected about this time
after some person prominent in military or civil affairs, for in-
stance, of Loudoun, Bedford, Ligonier, Pitt.

For services of Sir John Ligonier, see Knight's History of
England, Chapter clix.

At what time the name Ligonier was first applied has not
at present been definitely ascertained. Forbes mentions "the
fort of Loyalhannon, October 22d, 1758," (Records, viii, 224),
and as late as November 9th, 1758, he dates his letter to the
Indian chiefs "From my camp at Loyal Hannon." In his
Journal for December 4th, 1758, Post says he drew provision
(at Pittsburgh) "for our journey to Fort Ligonier."

(97.) A Chronological Table of Events in the career of Gen.
St. Clair. Born at Thurso, in the County of Caithness, Scotland,
March 23, 1736; Ensign in the Sixtieth Regiment of Foot
(the Royal Americans, he being in the second battalion com-
manded by Lawrence), May 13th, 1757; with Amherst at Louis-
burg, Canada, May 28th, 1758; Lieutenant, April 17th, 1759;
capture of Quebec, Sept. 13th, 1759; married at Boston to
Miss Phoebe Bayard, a half sister of Gov. James Bowdoin,
of Massachusetts Bay, May 14th, 1760; resigned his commis-
sion, April 16th, 1762; on special service in a civil capacity as
agent of the Penns in Western Pennsylvania, having charge of
Fort Ligonier, 1767-'69; appointed Surveyor for the District of
Cumberland by Gov. Penn, April 5th, 1770; appointed County
Justice and Member of the Proprietary Council for Cumber-
land county, May 23d, 1770; appointed Justice of the court
(by special commission), Prothonotary, Register and Recorder
for Bedford county, March llth-12, 1771; appointed to same
offices for Westmoreland county, February 27th, 1773; actively
engaged as Penn's chief representative in Westmoreland
county throughout 1774; Resolutions at Hannastown, May
16th, 1775; Colonel under Council of Safety, 1775; Colonel
in the Continental service, January 3d, 1776; before Quebec,
May 11th, 1776; Brigadier-General, August 9th, 1776; Major-

r!LA\NJ

FORT LIGONIER

with pari of the
RETRANCHMENT.

C. PQWDER MAGAZINE
0. STOBt HOUSES

£. Officers Barracks
f officers houses
g.line of commu«ication witbthe

ADKANCEO FA5INE BATTERY.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 289

(ronenil. February lOtli. ITTT: detailed as Adjutant-Gen
eral, March. 1777; nienil)er of Coiincil of Censors,
1783; Auctioneer of Philadelphia, February 24th, 1784;
Member of Tonfiress (elected), November 11th, 1785;
took his seat, February 26th, 1786; President of Congress.
February 2d, 1787; Governor of the Northwestern Territory,
chosen by Gonjiress, October 5th, 1787; candidate for Governor
for Penna., 1790; Commander-in-Chief of the army, 1791;
Rattle of the Wabash, November 4th, 1791; resigns his General
.ship, 1792; removed from Governorship of Northwestern Ter-
ritory by Jefferson, November 22d, 1802; died, August 31. st.
1818, and buried in the Presbyterian graveyard, at present
called the St. Clair cemetery, at Greensburg, Westmoreland
county, Pa.

Remarks.

The location of old Fort Ligonier, with respect to the land-
murks as they at present exist, is indicated with accuracy on
the plan prepared with that object, which plan is hereto at-
tached. It will be seen that most of the ground which was
covered by the Fort and the garrison land adjacent is now the
property of R. M. Graham, Esq., a gentleman who is a native
of the valley, and who has taken much interest in all matters
relating to the Fort.

Mr. Graham has made a statement in which he has author-
ized the writer to say that he will grant in perpetuity a plot of
ground within these boundary lines, or contiguous thereto,
for the ])urpose of erecting thereon a suitable memorial of a
substantial character, commemorative of old Fort Ligoniei'.
The people of Ligonier Valley may be congratulated on the
circumstance that the ownership of such a historic and inter-
esting spot is in a gentleman of such liberal and enlarged
views.

The writer is here constrained to make mention of the
commendable eliorts of I. M. Graham, Esq., editor and pub-
lisher of the Ligonier Echo newspaper, in perpetuating the
memorials of the Fort and Vallej' and in encouraging an ac-
tive interest in their early history. He has thus been instru-
mental in bringing out fioni obscurity and making public
19- Vol. 2.

290 THE FRONTIER FORTS

much information, interestinji;. and, from a local point of A'iew,
valuable; and he has in every possible way assisted the writer
in the duties incident to this report.

HANNASTOWN.

By the treaty of November 5th, 1768, with the Six Nations,
the right to the occupanc}^ of the lands within the limits of
what is called the New Purchase (1) was given to the Proprie-
tors of the Province. Prior to that time, howevei', settle
ments had been made in the southwestern portion of the State,
as it is now, under the patronage of Virginia, that colony
assuming that the region so settled was within her territorial
limits.

At the time of the opening of the laud oftice (April ;^d, 1709),
for the application of those who desired to take up land in
the New Purchase, the same w^as declared to be within the
civil jurisdiction of the county of Cumberland, in which juris-
diction it continued till Bedford county was organized, March
9th, 1771.

The necessity for a new county organization westward of
Bedford was so urgent, that \A'estmoreland county was
erected February 26th, 1778. This county was the last one
formed under the proprietary government. It embraced all that
part of Bedford — and of the Proviuce — lying Avest of the Lau-
rel Hill, and was circumscribed only by the limits of the line
nif the New' Purchase on the uortliward, oNIason and Dixon's
line on the south, and the farthest bounds of the charter grant
to the Penns, on the west — limited by the act to where the
most westerly branch of the Youghiogheny crossed the boun-
dary line of the Province.

With the organization of the county it was provided that
the courts should be held at the house of Kobert Hanna until
a court-house should be built, and a place definitely fixed by
legislation for the county seat. On the 6tli of April, 1778,
under llie reiiin of "Our Soveieiun Lord George the Third,

OF WESTERN PENNSYT.VANIA. 291

by the Grace of God. of Great Britaiu, France and Ireland,
King, &c.." the first court was organized at Robert Hanna's
house before William Trawford, Esq., and his associates, jus
tices of the same court. This was the first place west of the
mountains where justice was administered judicially and pub
licly, under the fonns and according to the principles of th«:
English jurisprudence.

No sooner, however, had the legal government of the Penns
been establislied hero, than a conflict began between Virginia
and the Province touching the rights of the respective colonies
in this region — each one claiming this territory. The clashing
of authority led to a condition of civil war; the causes of it,
its progress, and a recital of its details cannot be given here.
These culminated the next year, 1774. At that time John
Murray, Lord Dunmore, was the royal governor of Virginia.
Himself a subservient tory, his chief tool and representative
was one Dr. John Connolly, a Pennsylvanian by birth. The
chief representative of the Penns, (2) was Arthur St. Clair, who
had held commissions under them for a number of years, and
Avlio had been identified with the affairs of the western portion
of the Province in varous capacities since early in 1770.

Hannastown, the county seat of this larger Westmoreland
county, was about thirty-five miles east of Pittsburgh on the
Forbes road. Here and eastward to Ligonier, Penns' interests
were paramount. In many other settlements the inhabitants
were largely in sjmpathy with Virginia.

In the meantime Connolly undertook with a high hand to
dominate affairs. He seized upon Fort Pitt, erected a stockade
which he called Fort Dunmore, issued proclamations in the
name of the Governor of Virginia, commanding all to obey his
authority, and proceeded by force against the adherents of
Penn at Fort Pitt.

For the issuing of his proclamation and the calling of the
militia together in pursuance of it, St. Clair had Connolly ar-
rested on a warrant, brought before him at Ligonier, and com-
mitted to jail at Hannastown. Giving bail to answer for his
appearance in court, he was released from custody. On being
r^elensod he went into Augusta county, Va., where at Staunton,
I lie county seat, he was created a justice of the peace. It was

292 THE FRONTIER FORTS

alleged that Fort Pitt was in that county, in the District of
West Augusta. This was to give a show of legality to his pro-
ceedings, and to cover them with the official sanction of the
authority for whom he was acting. When he returned in
March it was with both civil and military authority, and his
acts from thenceforth were of the most tyrannical and abusive
kind.

W^hen the court, early in April, assembled at Hanna's, Con-
nolly, with a force of a hundred and fifty men, armed and with
colors, appeared before the place. He placed armed men be^
fore the door of the court-house, and refused admittance to the
provincial magistrates without his consent. Connolly had had
a sheriff appointed for this region. In the meeting between
himself and the justices he said that in coming he had fulfilled
his promise to the sheriff, but denied the authority of the court,
and that the magistrates had no authority to hold a court.
He agreed, however, so far as to let the officers act as a court in
matters which might be submitted to them by the people, but
only till he should receive instructions to the conT;rary. The
magistrates were outspoken and firm. They averred that their
authority rested on the legislative authority of Pennsylvania;
that it had been regularly exercised ; that they would continue
to exercise it, and to do all in their power to preserve public
tranquility. They urged the assurance that the proprietary
government would use every exertion to have the boundary
line satisfactorily adjusted, and that at least by fixing upon a
temporary boundary the differences could be accommodated
till one should be ascertained.

At this time, 1774, broke out the war in which the Indians
made special head against the Virginians on the border of
what we now call southwestern Pennsylvania and northwest-
ern West Virginia. The effect of this uprising, added to the
condition of the people under the tyrannizing of Connolly, cre-
ated a panic which led almost to the depopulation of our fron
tiers. During this time Arthur vSt. Clair, Aeneas Mackay, Dev-
ereux Smith and other staunch friends of the Penns, by their
personal influence alone succeeded in quieting the Indians on
tlie northern frontier and west of the Allegheny, and in allay-
ing the fears of the people.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 293

St. Clair writing to Gov. i't'uu Irom Ligoniei-, May 29th, 1774,
s<ays :

"The panic that has struck this Oountiy, threatening an
entire Depopulation thereof, induced me a few days ago to
make an Excusion to Pittsburgh to see if it could be removed
and the Desertion prevented.

"The only probable Kemedy that offered was to afford the
iVople the appearance of some Protection, accordingly Mr.
Smith, Mr. Mackay, Mr. Butler, and some other of the Inhabit-
ants of Pittsburgh, with Collonel Croghan and myself, entered
into an Association for the immediate raising an hundred Men,
to be employed as a ranging Company to cover the Inhabitants
in case of Danger, to which Association several Magistrates
and other Inhabitants have acceded, and in a very few days
I hey will be on foot.

'•We have undertaken to maintain for one Month at the rate
of one Shilling six-pen ee a Man per Diem; this we will chear-
fnlly discharge; at the same time. We tiatter ourselves that
your Honour will approve the Measure, and that the Govern-
ment will not only relieve private Persons from the Burthen,
but take effectual Measures for the safety of this Frontier, and
this I am desired by the People in general to request of your
Honor." (3.)

Col. John Montgomery writes to Gov. Penn from Carlisle,
•I line '.', 1774:

"] am just Returned from the Back Country. I was up at the
place where Coinis arc held in Westmoreland County; I found
the people there in great Confusion and Distress, many
families returning to this side the mountains, others are about
Building of forts in order to make a Stand; But They are in
Great w-ant of Ammunition and Arms, and Cannot get Suffi-
cient Supply in those parts. I wish some method wou'd be
Taken to Send a Supply from Philadelphia, and unless they
are Speedily furnished with arms & ammunition will be obliged
to Desert the Country. There is a fine Appearance of Crops
over the mountains, and Could the people be protected in Save-
ing them, it would be of Considerable Advantage in Case we
should be involved in an Indian Warr and Obliged to raise
Troops, to be able to Support them with provisions in that

294 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Country. Capt'ii Sinclair has wrote to your Honour a lull
State of Affairs in the Bmsk Country, wliose letter 1 send by Ex-
press from this place." (4.)

The next year 1775, was one full of excitement ; and
although civil affairs were unsettled in the early part of the
year (here was a lull toward spring time of a short duration.
Public affairs of much greater moment were attracting the
attention of the people. The New England colonies were in
open revolt against the mother country. For a time, civil and
local disputes and antipathies were allowed to rest, and com-
mon danger and a common patriotism led to a unity of ihe
factions.

On the 16th of May, 1775, the inhabitants of Westmoreland
count}' met at Hannastown in convention and then and there
produced those remarkable Resolutions which, as long as our
annals are preserved will keep the memory of this place ever
fresh in the notice of men.

The Minute and Resolutions are as follows:

"Meeting of the inhabitants of Westmoreland county, Pa.

"At a general meeting of the inhabitants of the County of
Westmoreland, held at Hanna's town the 16th day of May,
1775, for taking into consideration the very alarming situation
of the country, occasioned by the dispute with Great Britain :

"Resolved unanimously, That the Parliament of Great
Britain, by several late acts, have declared the inhabitants of
the Massachusetts Bay to be in rebellion, and the ministry, by
endeavoring to enforce those acts, have attempted to reduce
said inhabitants to a mere wretched state of slavery than ever
before existed before in any state or country. Not content
with violating their constitutional and chartered privileges,
they would strip them of the rights of humanity, expos
ing their lives to the wanton and unpunishable sport of licen
tious soldiery, and depriving them of the very means of sub
sistence.

"Resolved unanimously. That there is no reason to doubt but
the same system of tyranny and oppression will (should it meet
with success in Massachusetts Bay) be extended to other parts
of America: It is therefore become the indis]tpnsnble duty of
every American, of every man who has any public virtue or

OF WKSTRUN PENNSYLVANIA. 295

love for his country, or amy bowels for posterity, by every
means which God has put in his power, to resist and oppose
the execution of it; that for us we will be ready to oppose it
with our lives and fortunes. And the better to enable us to
accomplish it, we will immediately form ourselves into a mili-
tary bod}', to consist of companies to be made up out of the
several townships under the following association, which is
declared to be the Association of Westmoreland County:

'•Possessed with the most unshaken loyalty and fidelity to
His Majesty, King George the Third, whom we acknowledge to
be our lawful and rightful King, and who we wish may be the
beloved sovereign of a free and happy people throughout the
whole British Empire; we declare to the world, that we do not
mean by this Association to deviate from that loyalty which we
hold it our bounden duty to observe; but, animated with the
love of liberty, it is no less our duty to maintain and defend
our rights (which, with sorrow, we have seen of late wan-
tonly violated in many instances by a wicked Ministry and a
corrupted Parliament) and transmit them to our posterity, for
which we do agree and associate together : •

"1st, To arm and form ourselves into a regiment or regi-
ments, and choose officers to command us in such proportions
as shall be thought necessary.

"2d. We will, with alacrity, endeavor to make ourselves
masters of the manual exercise, and such evolutions as may be
necessary to enable us to act in a body in concert; and to that
end we will meet at such times and places as shall be appointed
either for the companies or the regiment, by the officers com-
manding each when chosen.

"3d. That should our country be invaded by a foreign enemy,
or should troops be sent from Great Britain to enforce the late
arbitrary- acts of its Parliament, we will cheerfully submit to
military discipline, and to the utmost of our power resist and
oppose them, or either of them, and will coincide with any plan
that may be formed for the defence of America in general, or
Pennsylvania in particular.

''tth. That we do not wish or desire an innovation, but only
that things may be restored to and go on in the same way as
before the era of the Stamp Act, when Boston grew great, and

;i96 THE FRONTIER FORTS

America was happj. As a proof of this disposition, we will
quietly submit to the laws by which we have been accustomed
to be governed before that period, and will, in our several or
associate capacities, be ready when called on to assist the civil
magistrate to carry the same in execution.

"5th. That when the British Parliament shall have repealed
their late obnoxious statutes, and shall recede from their claim
to tax us, and make laws for us in every instance; or some
general plan of union or reconciliation has been formed and ac
cepted by America, this our Association shall be dissolved; but
till then it shall remain in full force; and to the observation of
it, we bind ourselves by everything dear and sacred amongst
men.

"No licensed murder! no famine introduced by law!

'^Resolved, That on Wednesday, the twenty-fourth instant,
the townships meet to accede to the said Association, and
choose their officers."

Arthur St. Clair in a letter to Joseph Shippen, Jr., from Lig-
onier, May 18th, 1775, says: "Yesterday, we had a county meet-
ing and have come to resolutions to arm and discipline, and
have formed an Association, which I suppose you will soon see
in the papers. God grant an end may be speedily put to any
necessity to such proceedings. I doubt their utility, and am
almost as much afraid of success in this contest as of being
vanquished." (5.)

To Gov. Penn, May 25th, he says: "We have nothing but
musters and committees all over the country, and everything
seems to be running into the wildest confusion. If some con
C'iliating plan is not adopted by the Congress, America has
seen her golden days, they may return, but will be preceded by
scenes of horror. An association is formed in this county for
defense of American Liberty. I got a clause added, by which
they bind themselves to assist the civil magistrates in the exe-
cution of the laws they have been accustomed to be governed
by."

This clause was the fourth one. This was the first step taken
hySt. Clair as a Revolutionary patriot. It shows a conservative
siiii'it. and an unwillingness to do anything that might tend
lo iiiiarchy or violation of just laws. (6.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 297

When with these people the actual war of the Revolution
began, the situation of affairs in the western part of the Pi-o
vince was peculiar. The British government early employed
the savaj>es as their allies in the war with the colonies; and
although a regiment of men — (seven companies of w^hich were
made up of Westmorelanders) — joined the Continental Army
under Washington, yet the brunt of the war here had, for the
time being to be borne by these people unaided and alone.
Early in the war, a department was created called the Western
Department, of w'hich Fort Pitt was the headquarters, which
\\as under command of a continental officer and a force
mostly of regular soldiers, to which in times of emergency were
added the militia of the counties.

The structure called a fort erected in 1774 at Hannastown
was doubtless of a very temporary character, intended only, as
it was, for the emergency. From early in 1776 there were
quarters here for the accommodation of the regulars of the
Eighth Penn'a Regiment and of the militia companies which
from time to time were recruited. In 1776 it w^as a point
where supplies were collected, and it so continued to be until
the destruction of the place which w-as one of the last acts in
the Wiw. AMiile it continued to be a recruiting and distribu-
ting station, there was also a fort erected here in 1776 which
with the necessary additions was kept up until the day in
which it did good stead for those W'ho sought its shelter, as we
shall see later.

From the Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council for Uec.
17th, 1790, among the reports of the Treasurer. Comptroller
and Register-General, the following account, among others,
was read and approved, vizt: "Of David Semple, for superin
tending the building of the fort at Hanna's Town in the year
177(), by order of Messieurs [Edward] Cook, [James] Pollock
and [Archibald] Lockry, amounting to twenty-two pounds. (7.)

Tn a letter of Col. Lochry to the President of the Council of
date Nov. 4th, 1777, referred to elsewhere, in which he sums up
the tale of Indian depredations, he says — "We have likewise
ventured to erect two stockade forts, at Ligonier and Hannas
Town at the Public Expense, with a Store House in each to
secure both Public and private property in and be a place of re

19*

298 THE FRONTIER FORTS

treat for the suffering frontiers in case of necessity, which 1
flatter myself will meet your excellency's approbation."

It is altogether probable that the fort here alluded to was
but an improvement or an addition to the fort then standing.
This, however, is only supposition; and if it was a new struc-
ture altogether it took the place of the earlier one.

There are many reports of the Indians being in the neigh-
borhood and of the people fleeing to Hannastown from this
time on. The place, however, escaped an attack from the fact,
probably, of there being constantly kept there either soldiers
of the regular service or squads of militia, with a supply of
arms and ammunition. The quantity of supplies was often ex-
tremely meagre.

Col. Lochry to President Reed from Hannastown, May 1st,
1779, says — "The savages are continually making depredations
among us; not less than forty people have been killed,
wounded or captivated this spring, and the enemy have killed
our creatures within three hundred yards of this town." (8.)

Gol. Lochry writes to Col. Brodhead from Hannastown, 13th
of Dec, 1779, at a time when the people were suffering much
and apprehending an outbreak in the spring, in which letter
he says: "His Excellency, the president of this state, has in-
vested me with authority to station Capt. Erwin and Capt.
(-Campbell's companies of rangers to cover this county, where I
may think their service will be of the most benefit to the dis
rressed frontiers. I have received orders for that purpose. In
consequence of which orders, I request you (sir) to send these
troops to this place as soon as possible, where I shall assign
them stations that I flatter myself their service will be of more
benefit to this county than it can possibly be in Port Pitt." (9.)

Col. Lochry frcmi his home on the Twelve Mile Run writes to
Pres. Reed, June 1st, 1780: "I have been under the necessity
of removing the public records of the county from Hannas-
town to my own plantation on the Twelve Mile Run— not with
out consulting the judge of the Court who was of opinion it
would be no prejudice to the inhabitants. My principal reason
for moving them, I did not think them safe as the place is but
weak, and is now a real frontier." flO.)

The fall of 1781 was a gloomy one indeed to tlie iieuide of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 299

Westmoreland county. This was the period of thf ill-fated
Lochry expedition. Besides all this they \Apre haras^xl all
the summer from the inroads of the savages. Co]. Lochry to
President Reed, (11) July 4th, 1781, says: "We have very dis
tressing times here this summer. The enemy are almost con
stantly in our country, killing and captivating the inhabitants."

Tn August, 1781, the detachment of the Seventh Maryland
regiment, which had been serving under Brodhead. left Fort
Pitt, and returned over the mountains home.

In a letter to Washington of Dec. M, 1781, (12) Irvine said:

"At present the people talk of flying early in the spring, to
the eastern side of the mountain, and are daily Hocking to me
to inquire what support they may expect."

It was very generally believed, and Washington himself
shared in the opinion, that the failure of Clark (witli Lochry i
and Gibson, in their expeditions of that year, Avould greatly
encourage the savages to fall on the frontiers with double fury
in the coming spring.

The month of Feb., 1782, was one of unusual mildness. War-
parties of savages from Sandusky visited the settlements and
committed depredations earlier than usual on that account.
From the failure of the expeditions of the previous autumn,
before alluded to, there had been a continued fear all along the
border during the winter; and now that the early melting of
the snow had brought the savages to the settlements at an un-
wonted season, a more than usual degree of excitement and
apprehension prevailed. (13.)

Through the spring and sumuK'r of 1782 the settlers gathered
together at various points of convenience, living in common
and preserving the strictest w^atch. While the gloom from re-
peated disasters still rested upon the people, they gathered
into the cabins about Hannastown and nearer the blockhouses
and stations. The militia in the service of the State had de-
serted from the posts, because they were not paid and were in
rags. The whole country north of the Great Road alniost to
the rivers northwestward was, so to speak, deserted.

Such was the condition of affairs at the time when Hannas-
(uwii was attacked, on Saturday, July 13th, 1782, and almost

300 THE FRONTIER FORTS

totally destroyed, an event of the greatest historical import-
ance in the annals of Western Pennsylvania. The first of the
following articles is from the pen of the Hon. Richard Coulter,
at that time a practising attorney of the Westmoreland bar,
and later one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Pennsyl-
vania. It was printed in the Pennsylvania Argus, published
at Greensburg, Pa., in 1836. Judge Coulter obtained his in-
formation from the persons who had been a part of what he
narrates:

"About three miles from Greensburg, on the old road to New
Alexandria, there stand two modern built log tenements, to
one of which a sign-post, and a sign is appended, giving due
notice that at the seven yelloAV stars, the wayfarer may par-
take of the good things of this world. Between the tavern and
the Indian gallows hill on the west, once stood Hanna's town,
the first place west of the Allegheny mountains where justice
was dispensed according to the legal forms of the white man.
The county of Westmoreland was established by the provincial
legislature on the 26th of Feb., 1773, and the courts directed to
be held at Hanna's town. It consisted of about thirty habita-
tions, some of them cabins, but most of them aspiring to the
name of houses, having two stories, of hewed logs. There were
.1 wooden court house and a jail of the like construction. A
fort stockaded with logs, completed the civil and military ar-
rangements of the town. The first prothonotary and clerk of
the courts was Arthur St. Clair, Esq., afterwards general in
the revolutionary army. Robert Hanna, Esq., was the first
presiding justice in the courts; and the first Court of Common
Pleas was held in April, 1773. Thomas Smith, Esq., after-
wards one of the judges on the supreme bench, brought (juar-
terly, from the east, the most abstruse learning of the profes-
sion, to puzzle the backwoods lawyers; and it was here that
Ilugli Henry Brackenridge, afterwards also a judge on the su-
preme bench, made his debut, in the profession which he after-
wards illustrated and adorned by his genius and learning. The
road first opened to Fort Pitt by Gen. Forbes and his army,
passed through the town. The periodical return of the court
brought together a hardy, adventurous, frank, and open-

OF WJiJSTERN PENNSYLVAxXiA. aOl

hearted set ol meu from the Kedstone, the George's creek, the
Voughiogheny, the Monongahela, and the Catfish settlements,
as well as from the region, now m its circumscribed limits,
still called "Old Westmoreland." It may well be supposed
that on such occasions, there was many an uproarious merry-
making. Such men, when they occasionally met at courts, met
joyously. -But the plough has long since gone over the place
of merry-making; and no log or mound of earth remains to tell
where justice held her scales.

"On the 13th July, 1782, a party of the townsfolk went to
O'Connor's fields, about a mile and a half north of the village,
to cut the harvest of Michael Huffnagle. ***** xhe
summer of '82 was a sorrowful one to the frontier inhabitants.
The blood of many a family had sprinkled their own fields.
The frontier northwest of the town was almost deserted; the
inhabitants had fied for safety and repose towards the Se-
wickley settlement. At this very time there were a number
of families at Miller's station, about two miles south of the
town. There was, therefore, little impediment to the Indians,
either by way of resistance, or even of giving warning of their
approach. When the reapers had cut down one field, one of
the number who had crossed to the side next to the woods, re-
turned in great alarm, and reported that he had seen a num-
ber of Indians approaching. The whole reaping party ran for
the town, each one intent upon his own safety. The scene
which then presented itself may more readily be conceived
than described. Fathers seeking for their wives and children,
and children calling for their parents and friends, and all
hurrying in a state of consternation to the fort. Some crim-
inals were confined in jail, the doors of which were thrown
open. After some time it was proposed that some person
should reconnoitre, and relieve them from uncertainty. Four
young men, David Shaw, James Brison, and two others, with
their rifles, started on foot through the highlands, between
that and Crabtree creek, pursuing a direct course towards
O'Connor's fields; whilst Captain Matthew eTack, who happened
to be in the town, pursued a more circuitous route on horse-
back.

302 THE FRONTIER PORTS

"The captain was the first to arrive at the fields, and his eye
was not long in doubt, for the whole force of the savages was
there mustered. He turned his horse to fly, but was observed
and pursued. When he had proceeded a short distance, he
met the four on foot — told them to fly for their lives — that the
savages were coming in great force — that he would take a cir-
cuitous route and alarm the settlements. He went to Love's,
where Frederick Beaver now lives, about a mile and a quarter
east of the town, and assisted the family to fly, taking Mrs.
Love on the horse behind him. The four made all speed for
I he town, but the foremost Indians obtained sight of them,
and gave them hot pursuit. By the time they had reached the
Oabtree creek, they could hear the distinct footfalls of their
pursuers, and see the sunbeams glistening through the foliage
of the trees upon their naked skins. When, however, they got
into the mouth of the ravine that led up from the creek to the
town, they felt almost secure. The Indians, who knew nothing
of the previous alarm given to the town, and supposed they
would take it by surprise, did not fire, lest they might give
ncttice of their approach; this saved the lives of David Shaw
and his companions. When they got to the top of the hill, the
strong instinct of nature impelled Shaw to go first into the
I own, and see whether his kindred liad gone to the fort, before
he entered it himself. As he reached his father's threshold
and saw all within desolate, he turned and saw the savages,
with their tufts of hair flying in the wind, and their brandished
tomahawks, for they had emerged into the open space around
the town, and commenced the war-hoop. He resolved to make
one of them give his death halloo, and raising his rifle to his
eye, his bullet whiz/ed true, for the stout savage at whom he
aimed bounded into the air and fell upon his face. Then, with
the speed of an arrow, he fled to the fort, where he entered in
safety. The Indians were exasperated when they found the
town deserted, and after pillaging the houses, they set them
on fire. Although a considerable part of the town was within
rifle range of the fort, the whites did but little execution, being
more intent on their own safety than solicitous about de-
stroying th«- enemy. One savage, who had put on the military
coat of one of the inhabitants, paraded himself so ostenta-

OF VVJ'JSTERN PKNNSY LN'AN I A. 303

liuiisly that he was shot dowu. Except tliis one, and the one
laid low by Shaw, there was no evidence of any other execu-
tion, but some human bones found among the ashes of one of
the houses, where they, it was supposed, burnt those who were
killed. There was not more than fourteen or fifteen rifles in
the fort; and a company having marched from the town some
time before, in Lochry's ill-fated campaign, many of the most
efficient men were absent; not more than 20 or 25 remained.
A maiden, .Iann<4 Shaw, was killed in the fori ; a child having
run opposite the gate, in which there were some apertures
through which a bullet from the Indians occasionally whistled,
she followed it, and as she stooped to pick it up, a bullet
entered her bosom — thus she fell a victim to her kindness of
heart. The savages, with their wild yells and hideous gesticu-
lations, exulted as the flames spread, and looked like de-
moniacs rejoicing over the lost hopes of mortals.

"Soon after the arrival of the marauders, a large party of
them was observed to break off, by what seemed concerted sig-
nals, and march towards Miller's station. At that place there
had been a wedding the day before. Love is a delicate plant,
but will take root in the midst of perils in gentle bosoms. A
young couple, fugitives from the frontier, fell in love and were
married. Among those who visited the bridal festivity, were
Mrs. Hanna, and her two beautiful daughters, from the town.
John Brownlee, who then owned what is now the fine farm of
Frederick J. Cope, and his family, were also there. This in-
dividual was well known in frontier forage and scouting
parties. His courage, activity, generosity, and manly form,
won for him among his associates, as they win everywhere,
confidence and attachment. Many of the Indians were ac-
quainted with his character, some of them probably had seen
his person. There were in addition to the mansion a number
of cabins, rudely constructed, in which those families who had
been driven from their homes resided. The station was gen-
erally called Miller's town. The bridal party were enjoying
themselves in the principal mansion, without the least shadow
of approaching danger. Some men were mowing in the
meadow — people in the cabins were variously occupied— when
suddenly the war-whoop, like a clap of thunder from a

304 THE FHUNTJER FORTS

cloudless sky, broke upon their astonished ears. The pegple
in the cabins and those in the meadow, mostly made their es-
cape. One incident always excites emotions in my bosom when
I have heard it related. Many who fled took an east course,
over the long steep hills which ascend towards Peter George's
farm. One man was carrying his child, and assisting his
mother in the flight, and when they got towards the top of the
hill, the mother exclaimed they would be murdered, that the
savages were gaining space upon them. The son and father
put down and abandoned his child that he might more ef
fectually assist his mother. Let those disposed to condemn,
keep silence until the same struggle of nature takes place in
their own bosoms. Perhaps he thought the savages would be
more apt to spare the innocence of infancy than the weakness
of age. But most likely it was the instinct of feeling, and even
a brave man had hardly time to think under such circum
stances. At all events, Providence seemed to smile on the act,
for at the dawn of the next morning, when the father returned
to the cabin, he found his little innocent curled upon his bed,
sound asleep, the only human being left amidst the desolation.
Let fathers appreciate his feelings; whether the Indians had
found the child and took compassion on it, and carried it back,
or whether the little creature had been unobserved, and when
it became tired of its solitude, had wandered home through
brush and over briers, will never be known. The latter sup-
position would seem most probable from being found in its
own cabin and on its OAvn bed. At the principal mansion, the
party were so agitated by the cries of women and children,
mingling with the 3'ell of the savage, and all were for a
moment irresolute, and that moment sealed their fate. One
young man of powerful frame grasped a child near him, which
happened to be Brownlee's, and effected his escape. He was
pursued hy three or four savages. Rut his strength enable<l
him In gain slightly upon his followers, when he came to a rye-
field, niui taking advantage of a thick copse, which lay by a
sM(hh'ii I urn intervened between him and them, he got on the
fence ;iii(] leaped far into tlie rye, where he lay down with the
child. He heard llie quick tread of the savages as they passed,
and their slower step? as they returned, muttering their gut-

OF VVEt^TI•;Ji^" PKNNSVL\'AN'1A. ^05

(uial disappointiueiU. That inau lived to an liouoicd old age,
but is now no more. Brownlee made his way to the door,
having seized a rifle; he saw, however, that it was a desperate
game, but made a rush at some Indians who were entering the
gate. The shrill clear voice of his wife, exclaiming, "Jack, will
you leave me?" instantly recalled him, and he sat down beside
her at the door, yielding himself a willing victim. The party
were made prisoners, including the bridegroom and bride, and
several of the family of Miller. At this point of time, Capt.
Jack, was seen coming up the lane in full gallop. The Indians
were certain of their prey, and the prisoners were dismayed
at his rashness. Fortunately he noticed the peril in which
he was placed in time to save himself. Eagerly bent upon giv-
ing warning to the people, his mind was so engrossed with tha t
idea, that he did not see the enemy until he was within full
gun-shot. When he did see them, and turned to fly, several
bullets whistled by him, one of which cut his bridle-rein, but
he escaped. When those of the marauders who had pursued
the fugitives returned, and when they had safely secured their
prisoners and loaded them with plunder, they commenced
their retreat.

"Heavy were the hearts of the women and maidens as they
were led into captivity. Who can tell the bitterness of their
sorrow? They looked, as they thought, for the last time upon
the dear fields of their country, and of civilized life. They
thought of their fathers, their husbands, their brothers, and,
as their eyes streamed with tears, the cruelty and uncertainty
which hung over their fate as prisoners of savages over-
whelmed them in despair. They had proceeded about half a
mile, and four or five Indians near the group of prisoners
in which was Brownlee were observed to exchange rapid
sentences among each other, and look earnestly at him. Some
of the prisoners had named him; and, whether it was from that
circumstance or because some of the Indians had recognized
his i>erson. it was evident that he was a doomed man. He
stooped slightly to adjust his child on his l)ack, which he
carried in addition to the luggage which they had put on him;
and, as he did so. one of the Indians who had looked so

20- Vol. 2.

306 THE FRONTIER FORTS

earnestly at liim stepped to him hastily and buried a toma-
hawk in his head. When he fell, the child was quickly dis-
patched by the same individual. One of the women captives
screamed at this butchery, and the same bloody instrument
and ferocious hand immediately ended her agony of spirit,
(xod tempers the wind to the shorn lamb, and He enabled Mrs.
Urownlee to bear that scene in speechless agony of woe. Their
bodies were found the next day by the settlers and were in-
terred where they fell. The spot is marked to this day in
Mechling's field. As the shades of evening began to fall, the
marauders met again on the plains of Hanna's town. They re-
tired into the low grounds about the Crabtree creek, and there
regaled themselves on what they had stolen. It was their
intention to attack the fort the next morning before the dawn
of day.

''At nightfall thirty yeomen, good and true, had assembled
at George's farm, not far from Miller's, determined to give,
that night, what succor they could to the people in the fort.
They set off for the town, each with his trusty rifle, some on
horseback and some on foot. As soon as they came near the
fort the greatest caution and circumspection was observed.
Experienced woodsmen soon ascertained that the enemy was
in the Crab-tree bottom, and that they might enter the fort.
Accordingly, they all marched to the gate, and were most
joyfully welcomed by those within. After some consultation,
it was the general opinion that the Indians intended to make
an attack the next morning; and, as there were but about
forty-five rifles in the fort, and about fifty-flve or sixty men, the
contest W'as considered extremely doubtful, considering the
great superiority of numbers on the part of the savages. It
became, therefore, a matter of the tirst importance to impress
the enemy with a belief that large reinforcements were arriv-
ing. For that purpose the hoi'ses were mounted by active men
and brought full trot over the bridge of plank that was across
the ditch which surrounded the stockading. This was fre-
quently repeated. Two old drums were found in the fort,
which were new braced, and music on the fife and drum was
kept occasionally going during the night. While marching
and counter-marching, the bridge was frequently crossed on

OF VVF.STKRN PKNNRYLVANIA. 307

foot by the whole gurrisou. These measures had the ilesii-ed
effect. The military music from the fort, the trampling of the
horses, and the marching over the bridge, were borne on the
silence of night over the low lands of the Crab-tree, and the
sounds carried terror into the bosoms of the cowardly savages.
They feared the retribution which they deserved, and fled
shortly after midnight in their stealthy and wolf-like habits.
Three hundred Indians, and about sixty white savages in the
shape of refugees, (as they were then called,) crossed the Crab-
tree that day, with the intention of destroying Hanna's towu
and Miller's station.

"The next day a number of the whites pursued the trail as
far as the Kiskiminetas without being able to overtake them.

"The little community, which had now no homes but what
the fort supplied, looked out on the ruins of the town with the
deepest sorrow. It had been the scene of heartfelt joys — em-
bracing the intensity and tenderness of all w^hich renders the
domestic hearth and family altar sacred. By degrees they all
sought themselves places where they might, like Noah's dove,
find rest for the soles of their feet. The lots of the town,
either by sale or abandonment, became merged in the adjoin
ing farm; and the labors of the husbandman soon elTaced what
time might have spared. Many a tall harvest have I seen
growing upon the ground; but never did I look upou its wav-
ing luxuriance without thinking of the severe trials, the patient
fortitude, the high courage which characterized the early
settlers.

"The prisoners were surrendered by the Indians to the
British in Canada. The beauty and misfortune of the Misses
Hanna attracted attention; and an English officer — perhaps
moved by beauty in distress to love her for the dangers she
had passed — wooed and won the fair and gentle Marian. After
the peace of '83 the rest of the captives were delivered up, and
returned to their country.''

The papers which follow contain information relative to the
destruction of the place. The first account is tlie following:

308 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Michael HuHuagle to Irvine:

"Hannastowu, July 11, 1782.

"Dear JSir: — At the request of Major Wilson, L am sorry to
inform you that yesterday about two o'clock, this town was at-
tacked by about one hundred Indians, and in a very little time
the whole town except tuo houses were laid in ashes. The
people retired to the fort where they withstood the attack,
which was very severe until after dark when they left us. The
inhabitants here are in a very distressed situation, having lost
all their property but what clothing they had on.

"At the same time we were attacked liere, another party at
tacked the settlement. What mischief they may have done we
luive not been able as yet to know; only that Mr. Hanna, here,
had his wife and his daughter Jenny taken prisoners. Two
were wounded — one out of the fort and one in. Lieutenant
lirownlee and one of his children with one White's wife and
two children were killed about two miles from this town.

"This far 1 wrote you this morning. The express has just re-
turned and informs that when he came near Brush Run the In
diaus had attacked that place, and he was obliged to return,
if you consider our situation, with only twenty of the inhabit-
ants, seventeen guns and very little ammunition, to stand the
attack in the manner we did, you will say that the people be-
haved bravely. I have lost what little property I had here,
together with my papers. The records of the county, I shall,
as soon as I can get liorses, remove to Pittsburgh, as this place
will in a few days be vacated. You will please to mention to
Mr, Duncan to do all he can for the supplying of the garrison
until I shall be able to get a horse, having lost my horse, saddle
aud bridle."

Michael Huffnagle to Irvine:

"Hannastown, July 17, 1782,-4 o'clock P. M.

"Dear (leneral: — I just this moment received yours by the
soldier. I should have sent you an express on Saturday night,
but could get no person to go, as the enemy did not entirely
leave us until Sunday morning. A party of about sixty of our
people went out last Monday and found where they were en-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. . 309

camped within a mile of this place. And fiom the appearance
of the camp they must have staid there all day Sunday. We
have had parties out since and find their route to be towards
the Kiskiminetas and that they have a large number of horses
with them. They have likewise killed about one hundred head
of cattle and horses and have only left about half a dozen
horses for the inhabitants here.

"Last Sunday morning, the enemy attacked at one Freeman's
upon Loyalhanna, killed his son and took two daughters pris
oners. From the best account I can collect, they have killed
and taken twenty of the inhabitants hereabouts and burn and
destroy as they go along. I take the liberty of mentioning if
a strong party could follow that they might still be come up
with them; having so much plunder and so many horses with
them, I imagine they will go slow. As for the country rousing
and following them, I am afraid we need not put any depend
ence on it; as several parties, some of thirty, others of fifty
[men], would come in on Sunday and Monday last and stay
about one hour, pity our situation and push home again.

"I am much afi-aid tliat the scouting parties stationed at the
different posts have not done their duty. We discovered where
the enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at
least about ten days; as they had killed several horses and eat
them about six miles from Brush Run and right on the way
towards Earr's fort. This morning about four miles from this
place towards the Loyalhanna one of the men from this fort
discovered four Indians whom he took to be spies.

"I have mentioned to the inhabitants the subject of making a
stand here. They are willing to do everything in their power
if assistance could be given them. It will take at least fifty
men to keep a guard in the garrison and guard the people to
get in their little crops, which ought to be done immediately;
otherwise, they will be entirely lost. By a small party that re
turned last evening, I am informed from the different camps
they saw, there must at least have been about two hundred of
the enemy; and from the different accounts we have from all
quarters, it seems that they had determined to make a general
attack upon the frontiers.

"Sheriff [Matthew] Jack has been kind enough to let m*^ have

310 THE FRONTIER FORTS

a horse ; to-morrow morning, 1 shall set out, and in a few days
shall supply you with some whisky and cattle. I have just
this moment been informed that Richard Wallace and one An
derson who were with Lochry, made their escape from Mon
treal and have arrived safe in this neighborhood. As soon as
I shall be able to procure what intelligence they have, I shall
inform you.

"P. S.— The inhabitants of this place having lost what provi-
sions they had, they made application to me to supply them
with some. I had a quantity of flour and some meat. I took
the liberty of supplying them and hope it will meet with your
approbation; and when I shall see you [you can give] me par-
ticular directions for that purpose." (13.)

Michael Huffnagle to President Moore:

''Fort Reed, July 17. 1782.

"Sir: — I am sorry to inform your excellency, that last Satur
day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, Hannastown was attacked
by about one hundred whites and blacks [Indians]. We found
several jackets, the buttons marked with the king's eighth
regiment. At the same time this town was attacked, another
parly attacked Fort Miller, about four miles from this place.
Hannastown and Fort Miller, in a short time, were reduced to
ashes, about twenty of the inhabitants killed and taken, about
one hundred head of cattle, a number of horses and hogs
killed. Such wanton destruction I never beheld, — burning and
destroying as thej' went. The people of this place behaved
bravely; retired to the fort, left their all a prey to the enemy,
and with twenty men only, and nine guns in good order, we
stood the attack until dark. At first, some of the enemy came
dose to the pickets, but were soon obliged to retire farther off.
I cannot inform you what number of the enemy may be killed,
as we saw them from llie fui*t carrying ott" several.

"The situation of the inhabitants is deplorable, a number of
them not having a blanket to lie on, nor a second suit to put
on their backs. Affairs are strangely managed here; where
the fault lies I will not presume to say. This place being of
the greatest eonsequenco to thp frontiers, — to be left destitute
(»(' moil, arms, and aiuiminition, is surprising to me, although

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 311

frequent applications have been made. Your excellency, I
hope, will not be offended my mentioning that I think it would
not be amiss that proper inquiry should be made about the
management of the public affairs in this county; and also to
recommend to the legislative body to have some provision made
for the poor, distressed people here. Your known humanity
convinces me that you will do everything in your power to
assist us in our distressed situation." (14.)

The following is an extract from a letter written by Ephraim
Douglass at Pittsburgh, July 26, 1782 (15) :

"My last contained some account of the destruction of Han
nastown, but it was an imperfect one — the damage was greater
than we knew, and attended with circumstances different from
my representation of them. There were nine killed and twelve
carried off prisoners, and, instead of some of the houses with-
out the fort being defended by our people, they all retired
within the miserable stockade, and the enemy possessed them
selves of the forsaken houses, from whence they kept a continual
fire upon the fort from about twelve o'clock till night, without
doing any other damage than wounding one little girl within
the walls. They carried away a great number of horses and
everything of value in tht* deserted houses, destroyed all the
cattle, hogs, and poultry within their reach, and burned all
the houses in the village except two; these they also set fire
to, but fortunately it did not extend itself so far as to consume
them; several houses round the country were destroyed in the
same manner, and a number of unhappy families either mur
dered or carried off captives — some have since suffered a sim
ilar fate in different parts — hardly a day but they have been
discovered in some quarter of the country, and the poor inhab
itants struck with terror thro' the whole extent of our frontier.
Where this party set out from is not certainly known ; several
circumstances induce the belief of their coming from the heads
of the Allegheny or toward Niagara, rather than from San-
dusky or the neighborhood of Lake Erie. The great number of
whites known by their language to have been in the party, the
direction of their retreat when they left the country, which was
toward the Kittanning, and no appearance of their tracks,
either coming or going, have been discovered by the officer and

312 THE FRONTIER FORTS

party which the general ordered on that service beyond the
river, all conspire to support this belief."

David Duncan to Mr. [Jamesj Ounniugham, member of the
Council from Lancaster, writes: (16.j

"Pittsburgh, July 30, 1782.

'•Dear Sir: — I have taken the liberty of writing you the situ
ation of our unhappy country at present. In the first place,
1 make no doubt but you have heard of the bad success of our
campaign against the Indian towns [Crawford's campaign
against Sandusky], and the late stroke the savages have given
Haunastown, which was all reduced to ashes except two
houses, exclusive of a small fort, which happily saved
all who were so fortunate as to get to it. There were upwards
of twenty killed and taken, the most of whom were women and
children. At the same time, a small fort [Miller] four miles
from thence, was taken, supposed to be by a detachment of tht;
same party. I assure you that the situation of the frontiers of
our county is truly alarming at present, and worthy of our
most serious consideration. **********

"I make no doubt but you will be informed of a campaign
that is to be carried against the Indians by the middle of the
next month. General Irvine is to command. I have my own
doubts."

The following extract from a letter written by General Ir-
vine to Washington on the 27th of January, 1783, (17), shows
the origin of the attack upon Hannastown, and that the enemy,
came from the "heads of the Allegheny," as Douglass sur
mised: "In the year 1782, a detachment composed of three hun
dred British, and five hundred Indians, was forniedandactually
embarked in canoes on Lake Jadaque [Chautauqua Lake], with
twelve pieces of artillery, with an avowed intention of attack
ing Fort Pitt. This expedition * * * * was laid aside in
consequence of the reported repairs and strength of Fort Pitt,
carried by a spy from the neighborhood of the fort.

"They then contented themselves with the usual mode of
warfare, by sending small parties on the frontier, one of which
biinied Hannastown."

Tlu following letter was written by General Irvine to Wil-
liam .Moore, then President of the Supreme Executive Council.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 313

The letter to which he refers was probably the one written bv
Huflnagle to him under date July 14th, 1782, heretofore given :

"Fort Pitt, July 16, 1782.

"Sir: — Enclosed is a copy of a letter which is the best ac-
count I have been able to get of the unfortunate affair related
in it,

"The express sent by Mr. llutfnagle through timidity and
other misconduct, did not arrive here till this moment (Tues-
day, 10 o'clock), though he left Hannastown Sunday evening,
which I fear will put it out of my power to come up with the
enemy, they will have got so far if they please; however, I have
sent reconnoitering parties to try to discover whether they
have left the settlements and what route they have taken.

"I fear this stroke will intimidate the inhabitants so much
that it will not be possible to rally them or persuade them to
make a stand; nothing in my power shall be left undone to
countenance and encourage them. But I am sorry to acquaint
your excellency, there is little in my power — a small garrison
scantily supplied with provision, rarely more than from day to
day, and even at times days without — add to this that, in all prob
ability, I shall be in the course of a few days, left without
settlers in my rear to draw succors from. I have not time to
add [more], having found a Mr. Elliott who is instantly setting
out for Lancaster, from whence he promises to forward
this. (17.)

It will be seen from the following extract from a letter of
Edward Cook, lieutenant of Westmoreland county, to the gov
ernor of Penn'a that he used every expedient to aid those wlio
suffered by the attack upon Hannastown :

"Westmoreland County, September 2, 1782.

"Sir: — It may be necessary to inform your excellency that
upon an application made to me by some of the distressed in
habitants of Hannastown and the vicinity thereof, I have al
lowed them to enroll themselves under the command of Captain
Brice and draw rations for two months, upon their making
every exertion in their power to keep up the line of the fron
t lers.

"The ranging company, consisting of about twenty-two pri

314 the: frontier forts

vaLos and two officers, is stationed at Ligonier for the defense
of that quarter." (18.)

In September of 1782, Oapt. Hugh Wiley, (doubtless from
Cumberland county, sent over the mountains to Irvine), was
stationed at Hannastow^n. On Oct. 4th, 1782, from that place
in a letter to the General he says: "Our County Lieutenant,
(probably meaning the lieutenant of Cumberland county. Pa.),
informed me that our business would be scouting on the fron
tier, which was the means of our coming out in the most lighr
order that the season would admit of. We have been reason
ably well supplied with provisions since a few days after our
arrival here; and I keep out a scout of between twenty and
thirty men on the frontier. * * * * j enclose you a re
turn of a lieutenant and a few men who came up since as will
appear. I have nothing of importance to communicate. Our
scouts have made no discoveries, and they are of opinion the
coasts are pretty clear of the enemy." (10.)

Hannastown never recovered from its loss. From the fact
that the place had never been definitely agreed upon as the per
manent seat of justice, its destruction now terminated any ex
pectation of its being favorably considered thereafter. The
board of commissioners had never been harmonious. In the fall
of 1778, three members of the commission signed a recommen-
dation favoring IMUsbiiigli, Oetobei' .']d, 1774, four mem
bers signed a recommendation of Hannastown, or as
an ultimatum, a site on Brush Run Manor, probably near
Harrison City. Again on Aug. 23d, 1783, after the burning of
the place, another recommendation of Hannastown w^as sub
mitted. It was not acted upon, and before any final report
was considered, the Assembly had authorized a State road to
be made from Bedford to Pittsburgh, on a route through West-
moreland county, two or three miles south of the old Forbes
Road; and on this road Greensburg began its existence within
a few years after Hannastown was no more. The courts were
still held at Hanna's — the last session in Oct., 1786. In the
meantime the CominissioiieTs win* had been appointed bj the
Assembly to select a new location for a county seat, had re-
ported in favor of the place, now known as Greensburg, where
the first court was held for the January term of 1787.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 315

The site ot the town can uow only be approximated, as the
lots laid uui, became merged long ago iuLo the adjoining laud.
The grave-yard used by the first settlers is still enclosed and
kept from desecration, as the tenure of the land has fortunately
beeu iu persons of liberal and humane sympathies.

The map accompanying this report has been prepared with
much labor and great care under the direction of John iJ. Steel,
Esq., of Greensburg, Pa., especially to illustrate what has been
said with respect to this historic place. It shows perhaps as
clearly and as certainly as it is possible, (or likely ever will be
possible), theproximate points of interest in the old town and in
the neighborhood. The spring marked Mier's Spring, a name
appearing frequently in old title papers, is located; and so are
such places as the site of the fort, the burying-ground, and 6f
(xallow's Hill, which marks the spot where capital punishment
was tirst meted out in these parts to malefactors found guilty
by a verdict of twelve jurymen. The route of the marauders
as they approached Hannastown, their course to Miller's, the
place where Brownlee was killed and where he was buried,
their camping-ground on that terrible night and their trail
back to the Kiskiminetas, are here laid down.

Beyond these muniments there is nothing to indicate to the
stranger the spots made memorable by notable deeds, thrilling
associations and marked historical events. And not the least
thing to be remembered is the fact that, while the war for the
independence of the colonies was practically over, yet this was
the last place upon which the British and their savage allies
wreaked their vengeance in a common hate. When it is con
sidered how that the project originated in Canada and was
carried out in pursuance of orders from the British agents, it
may consistently be said that the destruction of Hannastown
was the last act of war in the Revolution.

The site of the old town is on the farm now owned by Mr.
William Steel, in Hempfield township, Westmoreland county,
Pa.

316 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Notes to Hannastowii.

{\.} From the encroachments of the whites upon the hunting
,i;r<)unds of the Indians and on the lands not alienated by them,
about the years 1767 and 1768, and for various other reasons
there was at this conjuncture many indications that another In-
dian war W'as brewing — a war which promised to be a general
one. The Indians had been quiet as long as was usual, and
their mutterings ail round the settlements of the whites from
Western New York to Western Virginia were audible. To
none was it more instinctively perceptible than to Sir William
Johnson, the one man to whom more than to any other the
Board of Trade and Plantations intrusted the management of
the royal and colonial interests arising from trouble with the
tribes. This war was thereupon averted by the intervention
of Johnson, whose influence over the Six Nations was un-
bounded. At his suggestion a great council was held at Fort
Stanwix, in New York. Here all grievances were redressed,
chains brightened, and tomahawks buried. By the terms of
this treaty made with the Six Nations, November 5, 1768, all
the territory extending in a boundary from the New York line
on the Susquehanna, towards Towanda and Tyadaghton creek,
up the West Branch, over to Kittanning on the Allegheny, and
thence down the Ohio and along the Monongahela to the Pro
vince line, was conveyed to the proprietaries. This was called
the New Purchase. Of the most of this region was afterwards
erected Bedford and then Westmoreland counties.

The New l*urchase, or that of 1768, on our map begins at the
Susquehanna in Bradford county; thence, following the
courses of those local streams which then were designated by
their Indian names, the line meanders in a south and west
direction through the counties of Tioga, Lycoming, Clinton, to
the northeast corner of Clearfield; passing through Clearfield
from the northeast to the southwest corner, it reaches a point
at Cherry Tree where Indiana, Clearfield, and Cambria meet;
thence in a straight line across Indiana county to Kittanning,
on the Allegheny river; thence down the Allegheny to the
Ohio, and along the Monongahela till it strikes the boundary
line of the State on its southern side.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 317

(2.) John Ponn fsoii of Richard, the jjrandson of William
Penn, born in Phila., 1728, diod 1795) was Governor of the
Province from 1703 to 1771. and also from 1773 to the end of
the proprietary government in 1776.

Richard Penn brother of John Penn, was Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor from 1771 to 1773, dnring" the absence of John Penn in
Enofland.

(3.) Arch, iv, 504.

(4.) Arch, iv, 506.

(5.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 353, Arch. iv.

(6.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 355, Arch. iv.

(7.) Records xvi, 541.

(8.) Arch, vii, 362.

(9.) Arch, viii, p. 42.

(10.) Arch, viii, 284.

(11.) Arch, ix, 247.

(12.) Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 381.

(13.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., p. 383.

(14.) Arch, ix, 596.

The circumstance that ' Hutfuagle's letter to I'residiMil
Mooreis dated at Fort Reed hasbeenthe source of annoyance to
some narrators and the cause of some very erroneous notions.
Fort Reed is mentioned in the Twelfth Volume of the Archives
on the authority of this letter, and subsequent writers quoting
from the Archives have made mention of Fort Reed as a place
1o which the people of Hannastown fled after the burning of
the town. Mr. Darlington in his "Fort Pitt and Letters,' etc.,"
in a list of forts given — it would seem from "Notes by General
O'Hara" — quotes: "Fort Reed, erected 1773, near Haunas
town." In the list of forts, etc., given with the Historical Map
of Penn'a, it is set down with the date 1782. On the Map itself
it is placed some distance northward of "Hannastown Stock-
ade," doubtless from the notion that it was "four miles" from
Hannastown, a mistake which was likel}^ to occur from a mis-
coustruction of HufEnagle's letter above.

318 THE FRONTIER FORTS

This ambiguity has been rendered more uncertain from the
fact that no other mention is elsewhere made of any Fort Reed
in those parts, nor is there any such name held in the traditions
of the country.

Tt will be borne in mind that at the time the town was
burned (except two houses) the fort was not taken. Those
cooped up in it remained there until the enemy had left; nor
is there any intimation that they had abandoned it at any time
thereafter. The letter written by Huffnagle to General Irvine
on the day following the attack, was written from "Hannas
town." David Duncan on the 30th, (see letter above), speaks
only of the fort at Hannastown, saying that "Hannastown
* * * * was all reduced to ashes except two houses ex-
clusive of a small fort [Reed?], which happily saved all who
were so fortunate as to get to it."

The uncertainty of the language used by Huffnagle in his
Fort Reed letter, has, as we say, been the most apparent cause
of these mistakes. He states that "at the time this town was
attacked, another party attacked Fort Miller, about four miles
from this place." We think he meant by the expression "this
place," both Hannastown and the Fort there which he calls
Fort Reed.

There is no mention of a fort of any sort at Hannastown in
1773, and there is nothing made public from which one can
assume that the fort built there in 1774: was called Fort Reed.
(Archives, iv, .lOH, '-U\ .juue, 1774.) The name Fori Kced could
be applicable in a fitting sense only to the Revolutionary fort,
the one which was erected in-the-new, or which was the old
one rehabilitated, as we have seen, in 1777. Being a very im
portant post it took its name, probably at the instance of Huff-
nagle then very active in affairs, in compliment to Joseph Reed,
President of the Supreme Executive Council from 1778 to
1781. As Reed was not of the Council in 1782, it may be in-
ferred that it was known locally but not generally as Fort
Reed from 1779.

There was a Reed's Blockhouse and Station on the Allegheny
river which was noticeable during the Indian troubles after
lli(^ Rcvolulion. This place was not in the vicinity of Hannas

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA, 319

town, and is not to be considered in this connection. We ^ive
some account of Reed's Station further on.

A theory sometimes advanced was thought to be tenable,
which was that Fort Reed was but a mistaken reading of Fort
Rook and applicable to Rugh's Blockhouse. Huffnagle had
spoken of "Rook's Blockhouse,'' (see Rugh's Blockhouse) in a
letter of Dec. 20th, 1781. This point, beyond doubt, was one
of activity in the days following the raid on Hannastown. It
was about the same distance from Miller's. Hence an infer-
ence was raised that Huffnagle had intended to write "Fort
Rook" and that his writing was made to appear as "Fort Reed."

From these considerations it is a reasonable supposition —
and to us conclusive — that the Hannastown fort was the one
which Huffnagle calls Fort Reed.

(15.) Wash.-Irvine Cor.

(16.) Arch, ix, 606.

(17.) Wash.-Irvine Cor.

(18.) It has been said on behalf of Genl. Irvine that he ad-
vanced money and material aid to Huifnagle and others on ac-
count of the condition of these people. The following voucher
would appear to confirm this:

"Fort Pitt, August 22, 1782.
"Ref-eived and borrowed from Brigadier General William Ir-
vine, one hundred and thirty-two pounds and eight shillings,
specie (money belonging to the State of Pennsylvania), which
we promise to pay to General Irvine the first day of October
next or bring an order from [the supreme executive] council
[of Pa.] on him for that sum.

"MICH. HUFFNAGLE.
"DAVID DUNCAN."

From General Irvine's papers, edited by C. W. Buttertield,
Esq., and frequently referred to here.

',19.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 399.

Extracts from newspapers of 1782, relative to the at
lack on Hannastown:

320 THE FRONTIER FORTS

[I.]

"Philadelphia, July 30. From Westmoreland county, 16
July. On the 13th a body of Indians came to and burnt Han-
nastown, except two houses. The inhabitants having received
notice of their coming, by their attacking some reapers who
were at work near the town, fortunately (except fifteen who
were killed and taken) got into the fort, where they were se-
cure. [Pennsylvania Pacivet. 30 July, 1782, No. 917.

. [n.]

"Richmond. Aug. 17. By our last accounts from the north-
western frontier we learn that the Indians have lately de-
stroyed Hannastown and another small village on the Penn-
sylvania side, and killed and captured the whole of the in-
habitanls." [Pennsylvania Packet, 27 Aug.. 1782. [No. 929.]

[in.]

"Extract of a letter from Fort Pitt, dated Sept. 3: 'From the
middle to the last of July, the Indians have been very trouble-
some on the frontiers of this country — Hannastown was
burned, several inhabitants killed and taken, and about the
same time Fort Wheeling [Henry] was blockaded for several
days; for two weeks the inhabitants were in such consterna-
tion, that a total evacuation of the country was to be dreaded
[feared] ; but since the beginning of August matters have been
more quiet, and the people have again, in a great degree, got
over their ])anic.' '' [Pennsylvania Packet, 1 Oct., 1782, No.
944; Salem Gazette, Oct. 17, 1782.

(jruyasutlui. or Kiashuta as the name is more frequently
spelled in the old Records, and Avhich spelling probably corres
ponds more nearly with the true pronunciation — was the lead-
ing spirit of the Senecas in this part of the country, and was
one of the most blood-thirsty and powerful chiefs of his time.
The following sketch is by Neville B. Craig, Esq. It is of
course very inadequate, but no biography of him has been at-
tempted at any other hand.

"That ubiquitous character (whose name is so variously spelt
(ruya.soola, Keyasutha, (luyasotl)Ji, Kiashuta, and various

.-nJ'

Hannastown

with line ofthe forbes

road and route of the

Indians atthetimeofits

Destruction July 13'-" 1782.

-HuFFNAGLES Fields,

-WHERE THE MOWERS FIRST
SAW THE INDIANS.

BusHr Run

BATTLE GROUND.

TO FORT LIGom£n

^Uj

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 321

other names), who long acted a conspicuous part near the
Ohio, was at the treaty with Bradstreet, and afterwards was a
leading actor in the conference with Bouquet.

"He was certainly a very active leader among the warriors
of the Six Nations. The first notice we have of him is in
Washington's journal of his visit to Le Boeuf, in 1753. The
name does not appear in that journal, but Washington men-
tions in the diary of his visit to the Kenawha in 1770 that
Kishuta called to see him while he was descending the Ohio,
and then states that he was one of the three Indians who ac-
companied him to Le Boeuf. He was afterwards, as we have
before stated, one of the deputies at the treaties with Brad-
street and Bouquet. In 1768, he attended a treaty in this
place, of which we will give a full account. He was, we under-
stand, the master spirit in the attack upon and burning of
Hannahstown.

"The war of 1764 has sometimes been spoken of as Pontiac,
and Guyasootha's war.

"We recollect him well, have often seen him about our
fiather's house, he being still within our memory, a stout active
man. He died, and was buried, as we are told, on the farm
now owned by James O'Hara, called "Guyasootha's Bottom."
(Olden Time, Vol. i, 337.)

In the History of Venango county, (compiled and published
by Brown, Runk & Co., Chicago, 111., 1890) it is said: ''Guy-
asutha was one of the most prominent of all the Indians
saehems on the Allegheny. He was a man of great ability and
good judgment, an implacable enemy, and a firm friend. In
his youth he accompanied Washington in his trip to Venango,
and is probably known in his Journal as "The Hunter." We
find him on all occasions and in all places, in times of peace,
and in times of war. He had been the great leader in the
burning of Hannastown, and in other operations at that time."

Two places dispute the honor of his burial-place. Mr. Craig,
as we have seen, locates the place of his sepulture in Alle-
gheny county, but some have contended that he died and was
buried at Custaloga's town, a town of the Senecas on French

2I--V0I. 2.

322 THE FRONTIER FORTS

creek, some twelve miles above its mouth and near the mouth
of Deer creek.

In respect to the burial of Guyasutha, at Custaloga's town,
the late Charles H. Heydrich, a few years before his death,
wrote as follows:

"Early in the present century, my father, the late Dr. Hey-
drick, made a tour of inspection of these lands and found evi-
dences of occupation by the Indians, and other vestiges of the
Indian village being still visible. At that time there was liv-
ing upon an adjoining tract a settler named Martin, who had
settled there soon after the remnant of land north and west of
the Rivers Ohio and Allegheny and Conewango creek, not ap-
propriated to Revolutionary soldiers, etc., had been thrown
open to settlement — certainly as early as 1798. One of
Martin's sons, called John, Jr., was a bright, and for the time
and under the circumstances, an intelligent young man, and
claimed to have been intimate with the Indians, and spoke
their language.

"In 1819 I first visited the place, and stopped at Martin's
house, while there I found many vestiges of the Indian village,
and made many inquiries of its people. In answer to my
inquiries John Martin, Jr., told me, among other things, that
he had assisted in the burial of three Indians on my farm, an
idiot boy, "Chefs" squaw, and a chief whose name he pro-
nounced "Guy-a-soo-ter." He said that he made the coffin for
"Guyasooter," and after it was finished the Indians asked him
to cut a hole in it in order that he ("Guya«ooter") might "see
out." He farther said that "they buried all his wealth with
him; his tomahawk, gun and brass-kettle." Martin pointed
out to me the grave of the chief, and the spot was always
recognized as such by the other pioneers of the neighborhood,
though I do not remember that any of them except Martin pro-
fessed to have witnessed the burial. * * * From all the
evidence I had on the subject, much of which had doubtless
escaped my recollection, and some of which was probably de-
rived from other sources than Martin, I was so well satisfied
that the chief named and others were buried at the place desig-
nated by Martin that T have to this day ])rpsorved a grove

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 32^

about the reputed graves, and have had it in mind to mark the
spot by some permanent memorial."

James M. Daily, a pioneer of French Creek township, Mercer
county, whose farm adjoined those of Heydrick and Martin and
who was a resident of that locality from 1S04 until his death,
made the following statement regarding the burial of Guy-
asutha under date of June 15, 1878:

"John Martin, Jr., who could converse in the Indian tongue,
informed me that he made the coffin and assisted in burying
a chief. They placed in the coffin his camp-kettle, filled with
soup; his rifle, tomahawk, knife, trinkets, and trophies. I
think they called him 'Guyasooter.' " (Id., p. 28.)

MILLER'S STATION.

Miller's Station, or Miller's Fort as it is sometimes called,
attained celebrity at the time of the incursion of the Indians
when Hannastown was destroyed. Captain Samuel Miller was
a prominent settler at that place as early as 1774, his name
appearing among petitions of that year to Governor Penn. He
was one of the eight Captains of the Eighth Penna. Regiment
in the Continental Line; was ordered from Valley Forge, Feb.
10th, 1778, to Westmoreland county, on recruiting service, and
while here w^as killed, July 7th, 1778. (Arch, vi, 673.)

Throughout 1781-2 the Miller homestead was resorted to by
many of the surrounding people, a fact attested by the most
authentic account of the destruction of Hannastown, that has
been preserved. (See Hannastown.) There does not appear,
how^ever, to have been any blockhouse or other structure suit-
able for warfare erected at this place. It is probable that
there w^ere ample accommodations in cabins temporarily
erected for those who were there at that time. On the day
when Hannastown w^as attacked and burned, Miller's Station
was also attacked and many prisoners were taken. In the ac-
count which is given herewith of the destruction of Hannas-
towm, the particulars of the attack on Miller's Station will be
found also.

324 THE FRONTIER FORTS

It will be seen from the copy of a paper which we give below
that reference is made to the character of the building at the
time of its destruction. The paper appears to have been a
deposition made by the Hon. William Jack in some contested
title arising out of the ownership of the old Miller farm. It
was used apparently in evidence, but is no part of the records.
The writing is in Judge Jack's own hand :

"Westmoreland county, S. S. Before me, a Justice of the
Peace in and for said county of Westmoreland, personally ap-
peared William Jack, Esq., who was duly sworn according to
law, did depose and say that Captain Samuel Miller, who was
killed by the Indians in the year 1778, at the commencement of
the Revolutionary War, actually settled on a plantation now
adjoining Peter Eichar, John Shoetler, John Mechling, and
others in Hempfield township in the county aforesaid, that
Andrew Cruikshanks (who married the Widow of the said Cap-
tain Samuel Miller), Joseph Russell, who is married to one of
the Daughters of the said Samuel Miller, dec'd, claims the
benefit of an act of Assembly passed September 16, 1785, and
that the said Andrew Cruikshanks was in the course of the
said war actually in possession of the said plantation, and was
drove away from his habitation on said land by the Indians on
the 13th day of July, A. D. 1782, being the same day that Han-
nastown was burned and destroyed by the Indians, and that
some of the heirs of the said Captain Samuel Miller was killed
and taken prisoners on -the said day, and that the House was
burned and the property in the House by the Enemy, and that
afterwards the said Plantation lay waste and vacant for some
time for fear and dread of the Indians.

«WM. JACK.

"Sworn & subscribed before me the ninth day of March, A. D.
1814. R.W.Williams. (J. P.)"

The location of the Miller house was on the farm known as
the William Russell farm, in Hempfield township, Westmore-
land cnnnty, about two miles northeast of Greensburg, not
far from the Pennsylvania railroad, on the northern side —
within probably half a. mile of the railroad.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 325

FORT HAND.

Fort Hand was erected near the house of one John McKibben^
whose "large log house" had been the refuge and asylum of a
number of people whither they had fled at times preceding that
event, as is noted in the sketch of Caruahan's Blockhouse. From
the extract given there from the Draper Manuscripts, now in
possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, it appears that
during the summer of 1777, when the Indians infested all that
line of frontier, McKibben's house was one of the objective
places, at which many families remained probably during the
entire summer while the men gathered the crops and scouted
and fought. Carnahan's Blockhouse was the nearest point;
and although they were only about three or four miles apart
the communication between them was frequently cut off.

This portion of Westmoreland — and of the frontier as well —
would have been entirely deserted that summer, so much did
it suffer from the savages, had not Colonel Lochry succeeded
in raising sixty men whom he stationed in four divisions under
command of two captains and two lieutenants, and who cov-
ered the line of the Kiskiminetas. (1.) A part of this force
ranged this neighborhood and assisted the inhabitants from
these two posts — Carnahan's and McKibben's.

McKibben's house, and subsequently Fort Hand, were from
three to four miles south from the Kiskiminetas river at the
ford, and the ford was about six miles above the mouth of the
stream. The stream was northwest from Hannastown about
fourteen miles.

Upon the particulars mentioned in the Draper Manuscripts,
which were founded on the statement of James Chambers who
was personally conversant with the facts, the reapers in the
oat field, when they had been apprised of the presence of In-
dians, left to notify the people, taking their guns with them
and "going to the house of John McKibben's where Fort Hand
was made the ensuing winter, and where several families had
collected for safety in McKibben's large log house."

The exact date of the erection of Fort Hand is not known,
but it was sometime in the fall of that year for it was occupied
and had its name, (after Col. Hand), at least early in the winter.

326 the: frontier forts

On the 6th of December, 1777, Col. Loehry in a letter to Presi-
dent Wharton, after reciting the privations and dangers of the
people from their exposed situation by reason of having sent
some of his men to General Hand for the proposed expedition
which the General had contemplated, says that there is "not a
man on our frontiers from Ligonier to the Allegheny river, ex-
cept a few at Fort Hand, on continental pay." (2.)

General (then Col.j Hand to Loehry, on the 18th of Oct., 1777,
saj's — ^'Congress ordered a post in your county (The Kittan-
ning); I could not support that and have ordered another to
be erected at the expense of the Continent. This I think suffi-
cient, and will support, if you lend me your aid; at the same
time, beg leave to assure you that I don't mean to interfere
with your command of Westmoreland county, or in your plan
in erecting as many forts and magazines as you please at the
expense of the State of Pennsylvania, and jjutting the whole
county in its pay. * * * * i shall to-morrow proceed to
Wheeling with what troops I have; yours will receive every
necessary I can afford them when they arrive here, [Fort Pitt]
and when they join me shall be put on the same footing with
the militia of any other county." (3.) The expedition to Wheel-
ing was abandoned when it was found that not a sufficient
number of men could be collected that season to enter the
Indian country.

March 22d, 1778, Gen. Hand writes to Col. Loehry: "I am in-
structed by the Hon., the Commissionersjappointed by Congi'ess
to fix on a plan for the defence of these frontiers, to desire that
you may continue a hundred and fift}^ privates of the militia of
your county, properly officered, on constant duty on its fron-
tiers. Thirty of them to be added to Capt. Moorhead's com-
pany', stationed at Fort Hand, and the remaining one hundred
and twenty placed at such stations as you will find best calcu-
lated for the defence of the county." (4.)

Capt. Moorhead and Col, IJarr had been in the service of the
militia raised by Westmoreland, from the summer preceding;
they reported to Gen. Hand for service in the project against
Wheeling.

Upon the arrival of Gen. Mcintosh, about the beginning of
August, 1778, at Pittsburgh, to take cominnnd of the Western

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 327

Department, there were but two fixed stations besides Fort
Pitt, west of the Alleghenies, occupied by Continental troops.
These two were Fort Eandolph (Wheeling) and Fort Hand. (5.)
There were, however, many smaller stations, or forts at differ-
ent times garrisoned by militia.

From its situation on the line of the frontier at that par-
ticular time, the post was one of importance, and although it
was not garrisoned by continental troops for any length of
time after the erection of Fort Crawford, yet it was used in-
frequently throughout the Revolution, and was garrisoned
sometimes by the militia. During the latter part of the Revolu-
tion it was kept up mainly by the exertions of the surrounding
inhabitants, and was rather a station than a fort.

Thomas Scott, reporting the condition of affairs in West-
moreland, Aug. 1st, 1778, says: "The Indians have made sev-
eral breaches on the inhabitants of late in different parts of
this country. Captain Miller, of the Eighth Penn'a regiment,
with a party of nine men, chiefly Continental soldiers, were
bringing grain from the neighborhood to a fort called Fort
Hand, about 14 miles north of Hannas Town, on the 7th of last
month, and on their return were surprised by a party of In-
dians, who lay in wait for them and killed the captain and
seven others." (6.)

Col. Brodhead succeeded Gen. Mcintosh in the command of
the Western Department in the spring of 1779. The whole
force turned over to him by Mcintosh, including continental and
independent troops, consisted of seven hundred and twenty-two
men, stationed at Fort Laurens and Fort Mcintosh, Fort Henry
and Fort Randolph, Fort Hand and Fort Pitt. A few other
stations were garrisoned with small detachments.

Pursuant to a resolution of Congress, Pennsylvania about
this time determined to raise five companies of rangers for
service to the westward. Militia, also, were ordered "to
march with all possible expedition" from the eastward, "for
the immediate protection of the counties of Bedford and
Westmoreland."

In the Introduction to the Washington-Irvine Correspond-
ence, there is the following:

"Turning our eves from the wilderness bevond the Ohio, to

888 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the northern settlements of Westmoreland, we see that, as
early as the 26th of Feb., 1779, Indian depredations began
therein. On. that day, about twenty miles east of Pittsburgh,
on the main road leading over the mountains, eighteen per-
sons— men, women, and children — were either killed or taken
prisoners. It is not surprising, therefore, that the first care
of Brodhead, after assuming command in the west was to pro-
tect the northern frontier. His first order directed a detach-
ment from Fort Pitt to occupy the vacant Fort Crawford, lo-
cated a few miles up the Allegheny. The soldiers were in-
structed to scout on the waters of that river, as well as on
Puckety Creek, and upon the Kiskiminetas as far as Fort
Hand, thereby to protect as much as possible, from the death-
dealing savages of the north, the exposed settlements to the
east of Pittsburgh."

"The Indians seem to have taken quarters in Westmore-
land," Brodhead wrote, on the 14th of April, (1779) "but they
lost one of their scalps yesterday." On the 26th, Fort Hand,
was attacked by a considerable force of the enemy, — supposed
to be not less than one hundred. (7.) It was defended by Capt.
Samuel Moorhead, commanding his independent company,
then numbering only 17 men inside the fortification. The post
was assailed about one o'clock in the afternoon, and a continual
firing kept up until near mid-day of the 27th, when the foe re-
tired. (8.) The garrison had none killed. Three were wounded
— one soon died. There were a few women in the fort,
who busily employed themselves during the attack in running
bullets for their brave defenders. A company of forty men
marched from Pittsburgh to intercept the enemy, but the at-
tempt proved a failure. On the same day of the appearance
of the savages around Fort Hand, the Indians attacked the
settlement at Ligonier, killing one man and taking two pris-
oners." (9.)

It is likely that the account which follows refers to this at-
tack. It is from the manuscript collection of Dr. Lyman C.
Draper, now in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical So-
ciety, by whom we have been favored with this extract:

"1779. — In April of '79, as two men were plowing adjoining
Fort Hand thev were fired on, but both escaped unhurt to the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 329

Fort. The Indians killed the horses and oxen that they were
plowing [with] and all the cows and sheep about the fort —
fired on the fort and the fort on them. Phillip McGraw, a
sergeant, an old Irishman, was in a sentry box in which was a
crack, through which the Indians shot and killed him; and
afterwards Sarjeant McCauley was slightly wounded at the
same spot — after which that sentry box was abandoned.
These were the only persons killed or wounded in the fort.
The Indians stayed all that day and the ensuing night, and left
the next morning, probably fearing the neighboring settle-
ments would come in force to the relief of the fort. Capt.
Samuel Moorhead (who had married a daughter of Col. Lau-
ghery's [Lochry] commanded the company stationed at
Fort Hand, and William Jack, afterward Judge Jack, was his
lieutenant: Every two hours the sentry was relieved and
the cry "all's well" would be announced. During the night the
Indians were there they fired a deserted house near the fort —
the old building of McKibben's — which had been for some time
occupied by William McLaughlin, but deserted on the ap-
proach of the Indians: There were many whites with the Indians
who now taunted the fort people when the house was burning
and asked if all was well now? This party of British and In-
dians was large — was not pursued being too strong. Don't
know who commanded them — nor their loss, if any. * ♦ ♦
In the fall of '79 Fort Hand was abandoned."

Capt. Thomas Campbell who was stationed there with a
company of militia, was, on the 2d of Oct., 1779, ordered by
Col. Brodhead to take his command from Fort Hand to Fort
Crawford. On the evacuation of Fort Crawford in the begin-
ning of the winter of 1779, this company was sent back to
Fort Hand by Col. Lochry's orders.

"A threatened attack by rangers and savages from Canada
induced Brodhead to keep a watchful eye in the direction of
Venango and the Indians towns far up the Allegheny. Scouts
were frequently sent "to reeonnoiter the Seneca country:" A
party from Fort Pitt, (June, 1779), of twenty white men and a
yoiing Delaware chief, "all well painted," and commanded by
woman and four children in one of the settlements; they had
of that nature, "fell in with seven Indians," not many miles
21*

330 THE FRONTIER FORTS

above Kittanning. These savages had penetrated across the
jiortheru border, upon a marauding expedition. They had
killed a soldier between Fort Crawford and Fort Hand, and a
woman and four chidren in one of the settlements; they had
also taken two children prisoners. The Indians were attacked
by Brady and his band, their captain killed, their plunder re-
taken and the two prisoners rescued. It was the opinion of
Brodhead that a garrison, respectable in size, stationed at
Kittanning, would afford better protection against these at-
tacks by the northern savages, than many little forts scat-
tered through the settlements.'' (10.)

In the fall or winter of 1779, after the return of Brodhead
from his expedition against the Seneca Indians, the regular
soldiers were placed in such positions as, in the opinion of the
commander, would best protect the western country. Fort
Armstrong and Fort Crawford were evacuated. The principal
points garrisoned above Fort Pitt on the line of the northern
frontier, were Fort Hand, Fort Wallace and Hannastown: the
two last mentioned were occupied by the ranging companies
of Captains Erwin and Campbell, whose terms of service ex-
pired during the ensuing winter. (11.)

After the erection of Fort Crawford, and the establishment
of a post at Kittanning, the line of the frontier being extended
farther westward, Fort Hand was not such an important post
as it had been prior thereto; but it continued to be a point
of some importance till the close of the war, and there is men-
tion of the place as late as the troublous times between 1785
and '91. (12.) There is, however, no reason to believe that it
was fitted up after it had fallen into disuse by the withdrawal
of the garrison from it. Carnahan's Blockhouse being, doubt-
less, further adapted to the necessities of the ranging com-
panies, and from its location on the new line of the frontie^
being more of an objective point, took the place of Fort Hand.
Carnahan's Blockhouse was nearer the Kiskiminetas river
than Fort Hand.

Fort Hand was lorntcd on what is now the farm owned by
Jacob M. Kearns, in Wasliington township, Westmoreland
county. The farm is one mile north of the village of North
Washington, and about three and n half niilt^s southwost fi'om

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 331

the West Penn Division of the Pennsylvania Railroad and the
Kiskiminetas river at Apollo. Francis Kearus, the father of
Jacob M. Kearns, purchased and occupied the farm in 1835.
At that time the signs of the ditch which marked the course of
the palisade — the earth having been thrown up against it from
the inside, — were to be seen distinctly. This line included
nearly an acre, and would have enclosed the ground which is
now occupied by the farm house, garden, and spring. Inside
the stockade were cabins which were used for the settlers and
as barracks. From the fact that small cannon-balls (among
other evidence of military occupancy) have been plowed up
around the site of the fort, it is probable that at times small
wall-guns were mounted upon it.

Notes to Fort Hand.
(1.) Arch., V, 344.

Col. Hand to Lochry on the 18th of Oct., 1777, says — "Con-
gress ordered a post in your county (The Kittauning); I could
not support that and have ordered another to be erected at the
expense of the Continent. This I think sufficient, and will
support. If you lend me your aid; and at the same time, beg
leave to assure you that I don't mean with your command of
Westmoreland county, or in your plan in erecting as many
forts and magazines as you please, at the exjDense of the State
of Pennsylvania, and putting the whole county in its pay. * *
I shall to-morrow proceed to Wheeling with what troops I
have; yours will receive every necessary I can afford them
when they arrive here, (Fort Pitt) and when they join me shall
be put on the same footing with the militia of any other
county." * * * * Fort Pitt, page 227. The expedition to
Wheeling was abandoned when it was found that not a suffi-
cient number of men could be collected that season to enter
the Indian country.

From the dates mentioned in the correspondence cited, Fort
Hand was built between Oct. 18 and Dec. 6, 1777.

(2.) Arch., vi, 68.

332 the; frontier forts ■

(3.) Fort Pitt, 227.

(4.) Fort Pitt, 231.

(5.) Washington-Irvine Gor., p. 24.

(6.) Arch., vi, 673.

(7.) W.-I. Cor., p. 39.

(8.) Col. Lochry probably refers to this affair in his letter to
President Reed, May 1st, 1779. * * * * "A few days ago
the savages surrounded Fort Hand, and in general, they come
against us in such bodies that it is almost in vain to make
head against." Arch, vii, 362.

(9.) W.-I. Cor., p. 40.

(10.) W.-I. Cor., p. 41. Arch., xii, 131.

(11.) W.-I. Cor., p. 46.

(12.) Hist. Armstrong County, R. W. Smith, p. 158.

CARNAHAN'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Mention is frequently made of Carnahan's Blockhous'e, es-
pecially during the latter part of the Revolution, although it
was in existence much earlier. This blockhouse was erected
on the land of Adam Carnahan, and the tract of land is now
known as the William McCauley farm, from the name of its
late owner, in Bell township, a short distance northeast of
Perry ville, about two miles from the Kiskiminetas river. This
point was near eleven miles northwest of Hannastown. Not
far from this locality is the place known as Old Town, other-
wise Kiskiminetas Old Town, in ancient times an Indian
village.

It was within the limits of what is now Westmoreland, and
at that time on the frontier. The earliest mention of it indi-
cates that it was a conspicuous place in the neighborhood. Dr.
Lyman C. Draper, who collected much early history from per-
sonal interviews with those who could give him direct and

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 333

positive information, devoted much time with the patience
and persistency of a confirmed antiquary to the object of se-
curing his material at first hands. His collection of facts and
statements on the subject of the Indian wars of this frontier
was made about the year 184G, he intending to use this data
in a History of the Pioneers. His manuscripts, a voluminous
bulk not yet properly arranged or indexed, are in the posses-
sion of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and are designated
"The Draper MSS." From them, by the courtesy of the Hon.
Reuben G. Thwaites, Librarian, we extract the following:

''Adam Carnahan's Blockhouse was located about a mile
south of the Kiskiminetas, and about six miles below the
mouth of the Conemaugh. A party of six or seven men, my
informant [James Chambers] one of the number, were in
August, 1777, engaged in reaping oats six miles from Carna-
han's, and one of the men had taken his gun and wounded a
deer, and while hunting for it in the woods adjoining the oat
field he discovered an Indian and signs of others. He imme-
diately gave notice to the reapers, and they thought it prudent
to leave and notify the people; took the guns which they had
with them, and went to John McKibben's where- Fort Hand
was made the ensuing winter and where several families had
collected for safety in McKibben's large log house. The intel-
ligence was sent to Carnahan's. Next day, which was Satur-
day, a party went out from McKibben's to scout, and in the
neighborhood of the oat field found the signs plenty, and the
spot near the field where the Indians had the day before
secreted themselves. That day the Indians plundered several
cabins — Mr. Chambers' for one — which had been deserted by
the occupant and property left behind. That afternoon Robt.
Taylor and David Carnahan went from Carnahan's Blockhouse
to McKibben's to learn what intelligence they could of the In-
dians, and when they were returning and had nearly reached
the blockhouse they espied several Indians some distance from
them making for Carnahan's — and the two men dashed there
in great haste, got there a few minutes before the Indians, and
had the doors made fast, etc. It was now towards night. The
Indians proved to be fourteen in number. There were but few
men in the blockhouse, some being absent. John Carnahan

334 THE FRONTIER FORTS j

opened the door and stepped out to get a good shot and was
instantly shot and fell into the door. His body was dragged
in and the door again fastened. The firing now brisktj^ com-
menced and continued until dark, when the Indians decamped
taking with them a couple of horses, probably to aid in carry-
ing their wounded."

Carnahan's,. as we have seen, became a regular station and
a place of more importance after the garrison had been with-
drawn from Fort Hand and placed along the line of the Alle-
gheny river. Brodhead, Nov. 27th, 1779, (Archives xii, 193),
ordering Lieut. John Jameson to evacuate Fort Armstrong,
says that he can get some pack-horses to transport his stores
if needed, from Capt. [James] Carnahan's where these horses
were under his care to recover fiesh. James Carnahan — after-
ward called Colonel, and John Carnahan who was killed at the
blockhouse, were sons of Adam Carnahan.

Col. Archibald Lochry's force, which was intended to join
G en. Clark and take part in his expedition against the Indians
in the northwest, rendezvoused at Carnahan's blockhouse July
24, 1781. From here they left for Wheeling, but on arriving
there they found that Clark had gone twelve miles down the
river, (from Wheeling the point at which they expected to join
him,) leaving for them some provisions and a traveling boat,
with directions to follow him thither. There were about 120
men of Westmoreland with Lochry. This force failing to join
Clark, who still continued to precede them, was decoyed into
an ambush and cut oif to a man — all being either killed or
taken prisoners. Their terrible fate is one of the most dis-
tressing episodes in the history of Western Pennsylvania.

Col. Edward Cook, who had succeeded Col. Lochry as County
Lieutenant, writes to CJen. Irvine, April 8th, 1782, (Wash.-Irv.
Cor,, 323): "I must request you to furnish those militia with
anns, such of them as want that article, likewise ammunition.
It will be necessary to send those to Carnahan's blockhouse in
order to scout toward Ligonier, etc., where I expect they will
be joined by a. draft from the north side of the Youghiogheny."

On the 18th of April, 1782, Cook writes to Irvine: 'a:>ast
Thursday, the draft from the battalion in which I live (bein^
the second) set out for their place of rendezvous at Widow

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA, 335

Myres'. They consist of about fifty men. I cannot tell whether
the other companj^ at Carnahan's blockhouse is complete, but
I have ordered Captain [Joseph] Beckett, who commands this
draft, to detach from his so as to make them complete. I have
instructed him in the mode of defense agreeable to the ar-
rangement. I furnished them with ammunition and expect
they will obtain arms from those they relieve sufficient to
equip them, Capt. Beckett will take the first opportunity to
give you a return of those under his command. I was not at
home when the drafts from the fourth or upper battalion went
along being at court. I left orders for them to proceed to
Carnahan's blockhouse. Col. [John] Pumroy of the first bat-
talion [of Westmoreland county militia] is near Hannastown."
(Id., 324.)

John Carnahan (said by the Camahan family to have been
a brother of James Carnahan and both sons of Adam Car-
nahan), "was killed just outside the blockhouse, and was
buried not more than twenty rods from there, and the spot of
ground has never been broken. The ground where he is
buried is surrounded by timber." [MS. Mr. L. Carnahan,
Salina, Pa.]

Remarks: Old Town. This was the site of an old Indian
town, and w^as located on the banks of the Kiskiminetas op-
posite the present site of Saltsburg, Indiana county, some
distance below the junction of the Loyalhanna. It was on the
path which was a fork of the Kittanning Path. In Conrad
Weiser's Journal for Aug. 25, 1778, is this entry — "Crossed
Kiskeminetoes creek and came to Ohio [Allegheny] river that
day." . Mr. Smith in his History of Armstrong county, p. 157,
commenting on this says: "The point where they crossed the
Kiskiminetas must have been at the ford just below the mouth
of Carnahan's (formerly Old Town) Run, having the latter
name on Reading Howell's Map, so called from Old Town, on
the opposite or Westmoreland side of the river. That must have
been the town mentioned in Post's Second Journal, for Nov.
11th, 1758. Traveling on the path from Loyalhanna he says:
"Pisquetomen [a friendly Indian with him], led us upoi a steep
hill, that our horses could hardly get up; and Thomas Hick-

336 THE FRONTIER FORTS

man's [another Indian with him] horse tumbled, and rolled
down the hill like a wheel ; on which he grew angry, and would
go no further with us and said, he would go by himself. It
happened we found a path on the top of the hill. At three
o'clock we came to Kiskemeneco, an old Indian town, a rich
bottom, well timbered, good fine English grass, well watered,
and lays waste since the war began."

Mr. Smith thus says further: "The writer infers that Kis-
kemeneco must have been Old Town, from which the first name
of Oarnahan's run was derived, and that Weiser and his party
crossed the Kiskiminetas at the ford just below the mouth of
that run. According to the recollection of Phillip Mechling,
who was, in his boyhood, familiar with the Kiskiminetas from
Livermore to the Alleghen}^, that was the only ford between
Kelly's, near Livermore, and the junction of those two rivers.
In some old deeds, land about Leechburg is mentioned as being
a mile or so below "Old Town."

On the meadow lands of this bottom the old and worn pack
horses were sent to regain strength. This is sometimes men-
tioned in connection with Oarnahan's Blockhouse and Old
Town. (Arch, xii, 253, et seq.)

James Carnahan went out as second lieutenant with Captain
Joseph Erwin's Company, raised in Westmoreland county,
joined the Penna. Rifle Regiment, Col. Samuel Miles, at Marcus
Hook. This company was subsequently included in the Thir-
teenth Penna. Regiment, then in the Second, and finally dis-
charged at Valley Forge, Jan. 1, 1778, by reason of expiration
of term of enlistment. He was made first lieutenant; was.
missing since the battle, Aug. 27th, 1776; upon release he re-
ported to headquarters in Dec. 1776, and served as a volunteer
at Trenton and Princeton ; promoted first lieutenant in Eighth
Penna., on Jan. 15th, 1777. Was in command of the company
Mav. Isf, 1777. His services on the frontier and at the various
posts along the Allegheny river were continued until the end
of the War.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 337

FOKT CRAWFORD.

In the autumn of 1777, as we have seen, the border settle-
ments were overrun by scalping parties. Many of these parties
coming from eastern Ohio were known to cross the Allegheny
river at a shallow place used by them as a fording. This point
was about sixteen miles northward from Pittsburgh; and it
was too remote from the posts at Kittanning or Fort Pitt to
be guarded successfully by the military. It was therefore
deemed necessary to erect a fort to cover this pathway, and to
serve as a rallying point for scouts, as well as to aiford pro-
lection to troops who were intended to garrison it. In the
spring of 1778 as the inroads of the savages seemed to increase,
one of the first duties assigned Colonel William Crawford, who
in May of 1778 took command of the Virginia regiment station
in the Western Department, was ihe building of this fort. Gen-
eral Mcintosh was then in command of the department with
headquarters at Fort Pitt. Colonel Crawford, taking with him
a small party of men went up the river to determine the most
eligible site for the post, and to begin its erection. The place
agreed upon was on the southeastern, or Fort Pitt side of the
Allegheny river, 'a short distance above the mouth of Punkety
creek. There a stockade was built, which, by direction of
Brigadier General Mcintosh, was called Fort Crawford. Col-
onel Crawford commanded here at intervals during the years
1778, '79 and '80. (1.)

From this time on to the close of the Revolutionary war, Fort
Crawford was kept up as a depot and distributing place of sup-
plies and munitions of war for the military; as a place of
refuge for the surrounding inhabitants; of resort and as head-
quarters for scouts, and as post garrisoned by the continental
soldiers under the General Commanding in the department, or
by independent companies of militia wlio Avere called our by
the County Lieutenant for short service. It served all the jnir-
poses of a frontier stockade fort.

Colonel Crawford at intervals during the year 1778, and the
two following years, commanded at that post. WTien Colonel
Brodhead succeeding Mcintosh took command of the Western

22 -V©!. 2.

338 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Department, his first order, April 13tli, 1779, was to direct
Lieutenant Lawrence Harrison of the Thirteenth Virginia
Kegiment to take a detachment from Fort Pitt to occupy Fort
Crawford, then vacant. The soldiers were then instructed to
scout on the waters of the Allegheny, as well as on Puckety
creek and upon the Kiskiminetas as far as Fort Hand, in order
to protect thereby, as much as possible, the exposed settle-
ments, to the eastward of Pittsburgh. (2.)

Captain Samuel Moorehead who was in command of a com-
pany stationed here resigned in June, 1779, and the command
of his company was turned over to James Carnahan, a subordi-
nate oflScer, who had been recommended by Moorhead for the
vacancy. The company at that time contained only seventeen
men. (3.)

Under date June 25th, 1779, Col. Brodhead reports that
"Captain Brady with twenty white men and one young Dela-
ware chief (all well painted) set out toward the Seneca country
and some of the Indian warriors came in to the inhabitants.
They killed a soldier between Forts Crawford and Hand, and
proceeded towards the Sewickley settlement where they killed
a woman and four children, and took two children
prisoners. (4.)

Ensign Coleman commanded at Fort Crawford, July 19th,
1779, as on th'at date Col. Brodhead writes him a letter that he
hoped Capt. Brady had fallen in with the party of Indians
which Coleman's men had discovered and which the Ensign
had reported. Brady had discovered their tracks and was
after them.

Oct. 2d, 1779, the following orders were issued to Capt.
Thomas Campbell by Col. Brodhead:

''On receipt hereof you are immediately to march your com-
pany with all your stores from Fort Hand to Fort Crawford,
which post you are to garrison until further orders — Captain
Erwin will be ordered to Kittanning, and I will order you a
sufficient quantity of provisions. You are to send me an exact
return of your company, accounting for all absentees, and sick
present. You will keep out scouts daily between your gar-
rison and the Kiskamanitis creek, and between your post and
Fort Pitt; and upon any discovery of the enemy or their tracks,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 339

you are immediately to send an express to me, witli proper in-
telligence. Your officers and men must be kept strictly to
their duty, and not suffered to straggle from the fort. I wish
you may find your new post more agreeable than Fort Hand,
and heartily wish you success." (5.)

Within a few days of the order to Capt. Campbell, Col. Brod-
head sent a quantity of salt pork to Fort Crawford, and at the
same time ordered another quantity to Fort Armstrong, (Kit-
tanning), and as Campbell had not yet arrived at this post, the
whole of the pork was taken to Fort Armstrong; (6), at which
place he was directed, Oct. 16th, 1779, to get his supplies. In
the letter acquainting Cainpbell of this circumstance, Brod-
head wishes that it was in his power to supply "your men with
blankets and shoes ; I have wrote to the President and Council
for them, which I expect will be forwarded, and if I had been
made acquainted with the terms on which they are engaged
perhaps I could now furnish some shoes, but neither the Coun-
cil or Board of War have yet informed me a word about them."
Campbell had evidently felt the need of a suitable barracks for
his men, and had doubtless so written to the Colonel, for in
th© same letter to Campbell from which we have quoted, it is
added further that "when you come to headquarters I will con-
sider the propriety of building barracks for your company." (7.)

Nov. 4th, 1779, Colonel Brodhead in a letter to Campbell ap-
proves of his sending scouts up and down the river in the man-
ner mentioned by him, and he advises that the practice should
be invariably pursued. He thinks, however, that the Captain
had better not build any barracks at the station as yet, it being
uncertain whether his continuance there would be so long as
to render it necessary. In the meantime he sends him two
kegs of whiskey, and twenty pounds of soap, which were to be
issued sparingly to the men, and only at such times 'as they ap-
peared to reallj^ stand in need. The Captain was also directed
to send a small party, soon as possible, to Pittsburgh, to drive
some live cattle for the use of the garrison. (8.)

Nov. 20th, 1779, a request from Capt. Campbell for pa^k
horses was thought by Col, Brodhead to be unnecessary fop the
reason that "the season fs now in which the river never fails to
rise sufficiently for transporting provisions, or anything be-

340 THE FRONTIER FORTS

tween your post and Fort Armstrong. I have sent you three
head of cattle, and two-horse load of flour to answer your
present necessity, and hope you will endeavor to find those
which are lost. I expected that the two kegs of liquor which
I sent you the 4th inst, would have lasted your men consider-
ably longer; nor can I comply with your requisitions for a
further supply at present, as I expect to have occasion to mal^e
use of the stock on hand in a matter of more absolute neces-
sity." In a post script to this letter, the Colonel adds: "Please
send down to this place one subaltern officer, one sergeant, and
fifteen rank and file to assist in laying in a quantity of pro-
visions; if you have any butchers, coopers or masons, let them
compose part of the number; and let any of your men that
have been enlisted into the Eighth Penna. Regt. also be in-
cluded in the number, and sent down as soon as possible." (9.)
Shortly after this the companies of rangers which had been
stationed at Kittanning, (Fort Armstrong), and at Puckety
[otherwise Pucketos] (10) (Fort Crawford), were ordered by Col.
Brodhead to Fort Pitt. He gave as his reason for doing this
that the terms of the men were nearly expired; that the river
was soon likely to close with ice, and because he apprehended
no danger from the enemy in the winter season. (11.)

November 27th, 1779, orders were issued from headquarters
by Col. Brodhead to Capt. Campbell, which will best explain
themselves. These were as follows:

"The terms for which your men were engaged being nearly
expired, renders it both inconvenient to erect barracks or lay
in a magazine of provisions, and as I do not apprehend any
danger will ensue to the frontier by the evacuation of your
post, and have no reason to expect blankets or clothing for
your men, I apprehend your company can be best accom-
modated here where they are likewise wanted. You will there
fore, on receipt hereof, evacuate Fort Crawford, and bringing
off the stores of every kind march your company to head-
quarters. (12.)

There appears to have been some personal feeling about this
time, or shortly after, between Col. Brodhead and Capt. Camp-
bell. It would seem that one of these causes 'arose from the
desire of Col. Brodhead to have the Eighth Pennsylvania Regi-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 341

ment in regular service, kept up by transferring those who
had enlisted in the ranging companies into the regiment to
serve out their time. This was resisted by the County Lieu-
te»ant, Lochry, who evidently sided with Campbell. It was
also the opinion of Lochry and others that it was of the utmost
importance to have this post constantly garrisoned. Camp-
bell was sent to the Council of Safety with letters from Lochry
and others, to lay their complaint before that body. President
Reed in his letter to Col. Brodhead, throws some light on the
contention. (13.)

Fort Crawford, as well as Fort Armstrong, was thus evacu-
ated late in 1779, but both the posts were garrisoned in the
spring of 1780.

On April 2d, 1780, Col. Lochry, the Lieutenant of Westmore-
land, was directed by Brodhead to order out from the militia
of the county, sixty able bodied, rank and file, and a propor-
tionate number of commissioned and non-commissioned of-
cers. A proper rendezvous was to be fixed upon, where a
small quantity of provisions was to be laid up by the commis-
saries, and the men equipped with all possible expedition. One-
third of the above number was to be detached to take post at
Fort Crawford, one-third at Fort Armstrong, and the remain-
ing third part was to go to the forks of Black Legs where the
officer was to make choice of a commanding ground convenient
to water, and act agreeable to such orders as they should re-
ceive from the commander. They were to be drafted for two
months if not sooner discharged.' This body of men with a
number of regulars to support those detached to Fort Arm-
strong, the Colonel commanding hoped would give sufiicient
countenance and protection to the inhabitants of the county,
(Westmoreland.) (14.)

]\ray 6th, 1780, Brodhead, upon receiving news by express
from Captain Thomas Beal, who was then in command at Fort
Crawford, that a number of Indian warriors had been dis-
covered opposite the fort, wrote him that, in order to dis-
cover their number and where they came from, he had sent
two Indians with Billy Brady to gather information. But
if the alarm should prove false, or if the Westmoreland militia
under Guthrie, whom it was reported Captain Beal had sent

342 THE FRONTIER FORTS

for, should arrive, then the Captain was to proceed immedi-
ately to Fort Armstrong- (15.)

In the latter part of the summer of 1780, various detach-
ments and companies of rangers were at ditferent times at
Fort Crawford. Capt. James Carnahan was probably here
as well as at Fort Hand. Capt. Thomas Stokely having asked
for supplies for his company, was answered by Brodhead,
August 3rd, 1780, (16) that he had no provisions for the garri-
son at Fort Pitt, except what he seized. He was referred
to Col. Lochry to learn whether any State Commissary was
employed to furnish provisions for the militia in service;
and if he received a negative answer then he was directed im-
mediately to march his garrison headquarters to Fort Pitt,
bringing with him all the stores belonging to The United
States, and assist in foraging until a sufficient supply of pro-
visions was served, "when you can again take your station at
Fort Crawford. When it is known whether you continue
or not, I will upon future application afford you any necessary
stores you may stand in need of. If you want craft for trans-
porting the public stores, send a party for it."

The garrisons, so far as they were under Colonel Brodhead,
were seemingly withdrawn, but on the 19th of August, 1780,
Brodhead in a letter to Colonel Lochry, says that the Monon-
galiela is rising a little, and he hopes it will be speedily in
his power to return the garrison of Armstrong and Crawford
to their stations. (17.)

This post and fort were, heard of from time to time until
the close of the Revolutionary War, during which time its
relative position was such as might be inferred from the
foregoing account. From the Revolution nothing is heard of
this station until the Indian troubles of 1791-'93. During this
period it was suggested at one time that a company of State
Militia to range from Fort Mcintosh (Beaver) to Fort Crawford
at the head of Pine run, a distance estimated at about thirty-
three miles, would afford protection to that part of southwest-
ern Pennsylvania, which had been in earlier times on the route
of the Indians in their incursions from bej'ond the Alle-
gheny. (18.) ' ' ' ,

The structure itself was one of those stockades which re-

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 343

quired constant care and attention to l^eep in repair, and
which when abandoned even temporarily soon fell into decay.
It was similar in design to Fort Armstrong (Kittanning). (19.)
Being intended for a garrison, it was partly fitted up with tem-
porary barracks, as the}^ probably might be called; but which
scarcely answers the description usually given of such appur-
tenances. It stood a little way above the mouth of Puckety
creek within now Burrell township, Westmoreland county,
and near the line of the Allegheny Valley railroad, on the
eastern side of the Allegheny river, on land of the heirs of
Mr. J, W. Logan, dec'd, now in the borough of Parnassus.
The exact location cannot be found.

Wm. Ross, Esq., Braeburn, Pa., an aged gentleman who has
resided in the locality all his life, writes: "I have not found
anyone who can tell anything as to the time when the last re-
mains were seen."

Notes to Fort Crawford.

(1.) Crawford's Expedition Against Sandusky, p. 107. C.
W. Butterfield.

(2.) Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 38. Butterfield.

(3.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 129.

(4.) Arch., vii, 505.

(5.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., sii, 160.

(0.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 171.

(7.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 172.

(8.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 179.

(9.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 187.

(1(7.) I'uckcto, sometimes called Puckrtos, more frequently
Puckety, a stream (emptying into the Allegheny from the
south), corrupted from pach gita, signifying throw it away,
abandon it. (Heckewelder.)

(11.) Arch., viii, 38.

(12.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 104.

344 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(13.) Arch., viii, 109.

(14.) Brodliead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 215.

(15.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 230.

j(16.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 255.

(17.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 257.

(18.) Letter from David Redick to Gov. Mifflin, 13th of
Feb., 1792. Arch., iv, 2d Ser., p. 700-701.

(19.) Brodhead to Bayard, W.-I. Cor., p. 41, n., and Brod-
head's Letter Book.

WALLACE'S FORT.

From the best information at present obtainable, Wallace's
Fort was erected probably as early as 1774. It contained
about half an acre of ground, and had a good blockhouse
within the enclosure. In case of an actual attack by the In-
dians, the women and children were placed in the lower
story, while the men proceeded above, and used their rifles
from the port-holes in the walls.

The Fort was erected on the* farm of Richard Wallace, who
was one of the first settlers of that part of Derry township
in Westmoreland county, which lay between the old Forbes
road and the Conemaugh river. John Pomroy, James Wilson,
William Barr, Alexander Barr and William Guthrie beloliged
to this settlement.

This fort was the place of resort and refuge for the inhabit-
ants of the frontier lying north of the Old Road and east of
Hannastown and Fort Hand, all through the Revolution; and
particularly for those who lived along the Conemaugh river
and north of that as far as settlements were made. In that
direction there was no otlier fort and no place of harborage
worth speaking of; so that in the more perilous times the
people gathered together there while it was dangerous to be
abroad. (1.) At some periods, particularly during the open
part of 1777 and 1778 and 1780 and '81 that frontier, for the

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 345

most part, was deserted. Arms and ammunition were kept
here; it was a designated place for the supply of salt; and it
was an objective point for the rangers. It thus was an at-
tractive spot for the savages. In their incursions they came
in mostly from beyond the Allegheny river, crossing it either
above or below Fort Crawford, and frequently following the
old Kittanning Path and the path which led down the Ligonier
Valley. (2.)

Some idea of the condition of affairs here in 1777 may be
had from the Journal of Fort Preservation (Ligonier). * * *
On the 4th of May, 1778, Col. John Piper, of Bedford, writes
to President Wharton: "In the county of Westmoreland, at
a little fort called Fort Wallace, within some sixteen or
twenty miles from Fort Ligonier, there were nine men killed
and one man, their captain, wounded last week; the party of
Indians was very numerous, so that between Indians and the
still more savage Tories, these backward counties are in real
distress." (3.)

It is probp.ble this affair was the same which is spoken
of in a letter from Col. Lochry to President Wharton, of date
May 13th, 1778, in which is this paragraph: "On the 28th
April, the Indians came into the settlement at and about
Wallace's Fort, attacked 20 of our men which were recon-
noitering the woods, and killed 9 of our men and wounded
Gapt. Hopkins slightly, and we lost nine guns." (4.)

"From the time of the return of Brodhead from his expe-
dition against the Seneca Indians to the end of the year (1779),
a good degree of quietude existed along the northern frontier.
Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford were evacuated. The
principal points garrisoned were W^heeling. Holliday's Cove
(in what is now Hancock county, W. Va.), and Fort Mcintosh,
down the Ohio; Fort Pitt, at Pittsburgh; and Fort Hand, Fort
Wallace and Hannastown, on the northern frontier; the two
last mentioned were occupied by the ranging companies of
Captains Irwin and Campbell (Thomas), whose terms of ser-
vice expired during the ensuing winter. Meanwhile, Captain
Moorhead's independent company, which, for nearly three
years, had been doing duty on the frontiers of Westmoreland

346 THE FRONTIER FORTS

county, was removed to Fort Pitt, and made a part of the
Eighth regiment." (5.)

Wallace's Fort is connected with the controversy between
Col. Brodhead and Col. Lochry about the disposition of the
two companies of militia under Capt. Erwin and Capt.
Campbell, in the latter part of 1779. Brodhead or-
dered these companies to Fort Pitt upon the evacu-
ation of Fort Armstrong (Kittanning), and Fort Craw-
ford; but Lochry thereupon ordered them elsewhere for
the immediate protection of the settlements over which he
had command. Capt. Erwin was stationed at Haunastown
and Capt. Campbell was ordered to Fort Wallace, upon which,
he was arrested by Brodhead for disobeying his orders.
Campbell addressed a letter to the Council, of which the fol-
lowing is a copy:

"To the Honorable Members in Council, I Beeg Leav to
present a true Copy of a Letter to Col. Brodhead, Which I am
aristed for, and giv som Seasons for the Warmth Expressed
in my Leter. Being ordered by Col. Loughry to March my
Company to fort Wallis, I then applied to Col. Brodhead for
horses and provision to transport my Company to my New
post. Was Kef used Supplies of every kind; Like ways teen
of My Men being inlisted into the 6 Pennsylvania Regt., Be-
fore the terms of their inlistments are expired. Now Wher
the Discharged from My Company, the wher also Detained,
and Not Sufered to March with the Company; therefore
I submit My Celf to this Honourable bord." (6.)

It would appear that this fort, however, was maintained for
the most part by the exertions and through the care of the sur-
rounding inhabitants, and that the men who were kept there
in the capacity of a garrison were for the most part volun-
teers or rangers called out for special emergencies. There is,
therefore, not frequent mention made of this place in the
civil or military records extant; but interest in it has been
kept up by contributions of a very respectable character,
which, for the most part, are founded upon direct tradition
and which are corroborated by many authentic circumstances.
It is true that these accounts sometimes are mistaken in the
matter of dates, associating incidents of indisputable occur-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 347

rence with periods of time different from the actual fact.
Wherever we liave changed these accounts in this particular
it is where we have been warranted in doing so.

The following is on the authority of Rev. William Cunning-
ham: (7.)

''The Indians generally made their incursions in the fall of
the year. During harvest time, also, they often became very
troublesome. They lurked in the woods, and cut off the un-
suspecting settler when he least apprehended danger. They
plowed, they reaped, ritie in hand. Major Wilson used to re-
late how he stood with his rifle, in his cabin door, while his
wife brought water from the spring.

"On certain occasions, the 'signs' of Indians had been seen
in the woods, for several days, and it was supposed that Barr's
Fort would be attacked the following morning. This fort
(Barr's) stood about a mile north of New Derry. While they
expected an attack there, they were much surprised to hear
firing at Wallace's Fort, about five miles distant. Great
anxiety was felt by those at Barr's Fort for their friends at
Wallace's. Major Wilson with others volunteered to go to
their aid. Leaving therefore a barely sufficient force at Barr's
to protect the fort, and to keep the women in heart, they
started. The firing continued all the time as they approached.

''When they reached Wallace's, the little party within were
engaged in hot conflict with a large number of Indians, who
had made an early attack on the fort. The enemy no sooner
perceived Wilson and his company than they turned upon
them. There was formerly a bridge over the ravine, which is
about 500 yards above the fort. Wilson, with a few of his
party, had crossed this. Being compelled to retreat, he found
the Indians had taken possession of the bridge. Here he was
engaged hand-to-hand with them. He knocked several of
them off, and thus jirepared the way for himself and his
friends.

"He then took his position near a large oak, on the bank
beyond, and plied his rifle with deadly effect on them. But
the Indians were too numerous for the little band, and they
were compelled to retreat. They kept up a retreating fire all
the way to Barr's Fort. About a mile from Wallace's, [Alexan-

348 THE FRONTIER FORTS

der?] Barr was killed. When they had nearly reached the
fort, Robert Barr also fell. He was engaged with several
Indians, fighting manfully with the butt of his gun. Major
Wilson shot one of the Indians, who fell dead on Barr. The
next instant a tomahawk was buried in Barr's skull.

''Shortly after this an alarm was again given of the ap-
proach of Indians. All in the vicinity of Wallace's Fort fled
to it. Major Wilson happened to be among them. A man
named Reddick when seeking the fort, was attacked by a
party who had concealed themselves under the bridge afore
mentioned, but he was fortunate to make good his escape
to the fort. It was supposed that the Indians were few in
number, and Major Wilson, with characteristic bravery, pro-
posed to attack them with a small party.

"Taking some six or eight men, he pursued, and in a short
time came up with them. They were found lying in the grass,
on the top of what is known as Culbertson's Hill, about a mile
from the fort, on the farm now belonging to John Stoufler.
The Indians immediately fired. The band of Indians was
much larger than they supposed, and Wilson and his party,
with the Indians in pursuit, made for the fort.

"Loading and firing as they ran, they supposed they had
killed several, but never certainly ascertained.' These are
a few of the many instances which occurred around the old
fort, and give us some idea of the scenes through which the
settlers of the regions were called to pass."

In a biographical sketch of the Rev. James Finley, by the
Rev. Joseph Smith, D. D., published in Old Redstone, mention
is made of this fort. (8.) It would appear that in 1772 Mr.
Finley came over the mountains for his ministrations here.
This was his third trip, and he brought with him his son
Ebenezer, then a lad of fourteen years of age, whom he placed
on a farm that he had purchased in Fayette county, in the
bounds of Dunlap's creek congregation.

"This son, about three or four years after, had a perilous
adventure with the Indians at Fort Wallace. This place is
supposed to have been in or near the bounds of Salem con-
gregation, not far from the Kiskiminetas. Young Finley had
gone from Dunlap's creek on a short tour of militia duty to

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 349

this, then, frontier settlement, in place of Samuel Finley, who
then lived with him, though not a relative. While this young
man was in the fort, tidings were brought by a man on horse-
back in breathless haste, that Indians had made their appear-
ance at a little distance; that he had left two men and a
woman on foot trying to make their way to the fort; and that,
unless immediately rescued or protected they would be lost.
Some 18 or 20 men, and, along with them, young Finley,
started immediately for their rescue. About a mile and a
half from the fort, they came unexpectedly upon a consider-
able force of savages. They were, for a while, in the midst
of them. A sharp fire began immediately, and a zig-zag, run-
ning fight took place. Our people making their way back
toward the fort, numbers of them were shot down or toma-
hawked. Finley's gun would not ''go off." He stopped for
a moment to pick his flint, and fell behind. An Indian was
seen leveling his gun at him, but was fortunately shot down
at the moment. Being fleet of foo't, he soon was abreast of
one of his companions; and, in passing round the root of a
tree, by a quick motion of his elbow against his companion's
shoulder, succeeded ip. passing him, when, the next moment,
his comrade sunk under the stroke of a tomahawk. A Mr.
Moore, seeingFinley's imminent danger from a bridge on which
he stood, stopped, and by his well directed fire, again pro-
tected him, and enabled him to pass the bridge. At last,
after several doublings and turnings, the Indians being some-
times both in the rear and ahead of him, he reached the fort
in safety." (9.)

In a sketch of the life of Randall Laughlin, the particulars
of which were obtained from his immediate family, we learn
that he came to this country from Ireland when a young man,
probably about the year 1770; that he arrived in this section
prior to the Revolutionary War; purchased the improvement
right to a large tract of land lying partly in Blacklick and partly
in Centre townships (Indiana county), on which a small quan-
tity of ground had been cleared ; that he remained for a while,
built a cabin and otherwise increased his improvement; after
which he returned to Franklin county, where he had formerly
uved a short time.

350 THE FRONTIER FORTS

''Some time in the winter of 1777, he was married, and the
next spring came back to his farm, intending to remain here
permanently. But he was sadly disappointed. Some time in
the spring or summer, owing to the presence of hostile Indians
in the neighborhood who were prowling about in all direc-
tions, but more especially in the north, he with his wife went
to Wallace's Fort, a short distance south of Blairsville, where
a number of persons were congregated.

''During their stay at Wallace's, the farmers went oat occa-
sionally to the different farms in small parties, always armed
with their rifles, and prepared to meet the savage foe. His
horses having straj^ed away from the fort, and supposing that
they had returned to the farm, Laughlin, accompanied by
Charles Campbell, Dixon, John Gibson and his brother went
in search of them.

''While the party were in Laughlin's cabin preparing some
dinner, they were surrounded by a number of Indians led by
a Frenchman, and summoned to surrender, the leader telling
them if they would submit none of them should be injured,
but in case they resisted, their bodies should be burned up
with the cabin. After consultation, it was resolved to sur-
render. They were permitted to write a statement on the
cabin door, of what had happened, and assure their friends
that the}" all expected to escape death, and return home
again. (10.)

The captives were next marched off, well guarded by the In-
dians. They were taken to Detroit by way of Sandusky and
thence to Montreal, thence to Quebec. After being exchanged,
Laughlin, Charles Campbell and John Gibson returned to
their homes, but two of their companions died on the way.
Charles Campbell, who is spoken of above, was Colonel
Charles Campbell, a very prominent officer of the rangers;
he was a sub-lieutenant of the county at the time, and later,
succeeded Edward Cook as the county lieutenant. In later
life he was well known as Gen. Campbell. These men were
taken prisoners at the time when the British Gov. of Detroit,
Hamilton, was by the Tory agents and renegade whites, scat-
tering proclamations and offering inducements to all those
who should leave the service of the colonies and join that of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 351

the Kiu<^. At the time Campbell was taken, these procla-
mations were found at the cabin in which the above party were
captured. Col. Campbell kept a journal of his travels during
the period of his captivity, which was lateh^ in existence.
From it, it seems, they began their journey on Thursday, the
25th of Sept., 1777, and on the 14th of Sept., 1778, they came
in sight of Cape Ann, and got into Boston Harbor that night.
From Boston, Campbell traveled to Pennsylvania, sometimes
afoot and sometimes riding in a vehicle, being about six weeks
on the route.

Various accounts have been told of Richard ^^'allace, iden-
tified with this fort, touching his captivity among the Indians.
The most of these are traceable to verbal representations;
and while in substance, the published ones are mainly cor-
rect, yet they differ in the time in which the capture should
have occurred. It is altogether probable that it had its origin
in the following state of facts: When Colonel Lochry, Lieu-
tenant of the county, led out a company to join Gen. Clark in
the summer of 1781, in his expedition against Detroit, as con-
templated, Lochry's command were assailed, sui'prised and
surrounded when they had landed at the mouth of a small
creek on the Ohio river, to this day called Lochry's creek.
Lochry's force were all either killed or taken prisoners. Rich-
ard Wallace accompanied him as Quartermaster to his com-
mand. In a memorial directed to President Moore, endorsed
July 3d, 1782, subscribed by Isaac Anderson, Lieut, of Capt.
Shearer's company of rangers, and Richard Wallace, late
Quartermaster to Col. Lochry, it was represented that ''they
had the misfortune to be made prisoners by the Indians on
the 24th of August last and carried to Montreal, and there
kept in close confinement till the 26th of May last, when they
were so fortunate as to make their escape, and after a long
and fatiguing march through the w'ilderness, they got to the
city [Philadelphia] yesterday at .3 o'clock." They further rep-
resented that they were then destitute of money and clotlies,
without Avhich they could not get home, wherefore thev
prayed the Governor and Council to take their case into con-
sideration, and order them their ])ay from the time they were
made prist)ners to tlven; sjiying that they were under the com-

352 THE FRONTIER FORTS

mand of Col. Lochry when taken, and that they had a list of
these, both officers and privates, who were then prisoners of
that party, together with such information as was in their
power. (11.)

Col. Lochry to Col. Brodhead, April 2d, 1781: "I am just
returned from burying a man killed and scalped by the In-
dians at Col. Pomroy's house, one other man is missing and
all Pomroy's effects carried off. I have been attempting to
get some militia to cover our frontier until some other succor
arrives, which I hope will be soon. I am afraid from the dis-
position of the people you have little to expect from us."
He here refers to the prospect of raising the volunteers for a
projected expedition against the Indians. (12.)

The fort was still used when circumstances demanded.
After the peace of 1783 it was rarely resorted to. It fell
gradually into decay until the stockade walls, the monuments
of troublous times in which they were built, had finally dis-
appeared. Not a vestige now remains.

"This fort was a stockade enclosing half an acre or more.
It stood on the hill a little west of the brick house, now occu-
pied by Samuel Dixon and covered the mill and spring of water
west of the brick house. The stockade on the side next the
mill (for there was a flouring mill there then about where the
present one stands) was about GO yards distant, and on the
high ground above McGee's run, which propels the mill.
The mill and spring were both within rifle-range of the
fort." (13.)

The site of Wallace's fort with regard to present surround-
ings, was on a rising ground running northward and south-
ward, on something of an abrupt bank, the second rise above
McGee's run, about a mile south from the Conemaugh, and
on^ and a half miles from Blairsville. The spring which was
enclosed within the stockade walls is still there. There is a
mill on the old mill site of Wallace's Mill, which was within
a stone's throw of the fort. The present farm house, occu-
pied by W. T. McFarland, whose wife, the daughter of Samuel
Barr. dec'd, is the owner of the premises, is about one hundred
yards north of the old fort.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. '^53

Notea to Fort H'allaee.

(1.) St. Clair in his letter to Gov. Penn, June 12th, 1774, re
ferred to elsewhere says that "All that great country between
that Koati iForbes Eoad) and that Klver (Allegheny), being
totally abandoned, except a Icav who are associated with tin*
[leople wh() murdered the Indian (.Joseph Wipey), Jind are shut
up in a small Fort on Connymack (Conemaugh), equally afraid
of the Indians and officers of .Justice." * * » * There
can be no doubt that he means Wallace's Fort.

"It became necessary to erect defences against Indiau hos
tility, and tAvo forts, as they were called, were built; one at
IJarr's, called r>arr"s F<irt. <»n the farm occupied by Wm. (iil
son (now Calvin Gilson); the other at Wallace's, called Wnl
lace's Fort. They were stockades similar to those ordinarily
erected against the Indians, and about five miles a]>art. After t
Iheir erection, guard was kept in each, and in |)rospec( of
danger, the women and children were placed there for pro
tection." [(Jreensburg IFeviild. ( '<mf libution by IJichard Mc
Cabe. Esq.]

(2.) 8ome cabins were fitted temporarily as places of de
fence. It is said that George Findley's cabin, north of the
Coneniaugh. was so fit led. [Tlist. Indiana Co. J

(3.) Arch,, vi, 409.

(4.) Arch., vi, 495.

(5.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 40.

(6.) Arch., viii, 36. Arch., viii, I0<>.

(7.) Hist, of the Cunningham family. Mr. Cunningham drew
largely upon the contributions which were furnished to
various journals, at different times, some of these as early as
1810,— by Richard It. .McCiI.e. l':s(i.. and -lonathan Kow, Esq.
(Indiana Register, 1859) — both excellent authorities. He also
made us^e of the traditionary accounts furnished him from the
family of the Wallaces, and others with whom he was related.

Major fat a later period frequently called Colonel). .lames
Wilson, was one of the most conspicuous leaders in that sec
tion during the Indians troubles before and during the Revo
lution.

28--VoI. 2. ,

364 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(8.) Old Redstone; or, Historical Sketches of Western Pres
byteriauism, its Early Ministers, its Perilous Times, and its
First Records, by Jos. Smith, J). 1)., Phila.: 1854, p. 284.

|9.) The narrative continues: "But the most extraordinary
[sart of this matter remains to be told. Mr. Finley, the father,
then at home, east of the mountains, 300 miles otf, had, as he
thouglit, one day, a strange and unaccountable Impression that
Ills son was in imminent danger of some kind, but no distinct
conception of its nature or cause. He betook himself to in-
tense and agonizing prayer for his son; continued in this exer-
cise for some time; felt at length relieved and comforted, as
though the danger was passed. It was altogether to himself
un extraordinary thing; such as he had never before experi-
enced. He made a note of the time. A few weeks afterward,
he received from his son, upon his return to his father's, an
account of his narrow escape from death. The time precisely
corresponded with the time of Mr. Finley's strange experience.
This is the substance of the statement we have received. Its
accuracy, in its most essential features, may be fully relied
on. What shall we say of it? Mr. Finley was a man of most
scrupulous veracity. We leave the simple statement of the
case to the retlections of the reader." Id.

(10.) Note to "Randall Laughlin" — Hist. Indiana Co., p. 140.
Jonathan Row in Indiana Register. 1859. ♦ ♦ • * John
Pomroy was one of the five commissioners appointed by the
Assembly in 1785 to locate a county seat for the county of
Westmoreland, whose labors resulted in the selection of
rJreensbuig. * * * * -j^g mention of "Frenchmen" ac-
c()m|»anying these Indian parties about this period arose from
the fact that the French Canadians were largely in the service
of the British Governor of Detroit.

Query. — Did Campbell hold out any inducement to his cap-
tors that he would accept a commission? It is probable he
did, as their treat nicnt of him can be explained in no other
reasonable way. He might have done so without any ques-
tion as to liis integrity. He did good service after his return;
was County-Lieutenant after Edward Cook, as stated; and is
addressed as Colonel and General in 1791-4. 2d Arch., iv.

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 355

Lieutenant Lochry to President Wharton, on the 4th Nov.,
1777, says: "Lieut. Col. Charles Campble and four other per-
sons are made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs creek;
four other men killed and scalped near the same place; one
man kill'd near Wallace's Fort on Connomouch." » * » •
Archives, v, 741. See notes to Journal kept during the erec
tion of Fort Ligonier, or "Fort Preservation."

(11.) Rec, xiii, 325, et seq. See compensation allowed them
at that date.

(12.) Arch., ix, 51.

n8.) The Cunningham Family.

BARR'S FORT.

The tract of land upon which Barr's Fort was built, was lo
cated on April 3d, 1769 — the day upon which the land oflSce
was opened — warranted and granted to Robert Barr, for whom
it was survej'ed in 1789. At the time of the location, the par
ties adjoining were Herman Gertson, James Fulton, James
Eaton and others, among whom was James Barr, Esq. In
1796, Thomas Barr, eldest son of Robert Barr, deceased, con-
veyed to William Gilson, then late of Cumberland county, Pa.,
from whom it has descended to his great grandson, Calvin Gil-
son, the present owner and occupier. The grandfather (»f
Mr. Gilson was born in the blockhouse.

This fort, originally the house of the early Barr, but later a
stockade fort, was in the Derry settlement, where the Barrs,
tlie Wallaces. G<n>i'ge Fiiidley. Jolin PomT'oy. .Faincs Gutlitie.
and others settled very early — most of them before the open-
ing of the land office (17(59). Col. John Pomroy's (Pumroy)
wife was Isabella Barr. daughter of the elder Barr and sister
of James and Alexander. The graveyard on this place con
tains, besides the grave of Major James Wilson, one of the
most conspicuous men of the settlement, many other settlers,
and is supposed to be. and doubtless is, the oldest burylng-
place in that section.

356 THE FRONTIER FORTS

About live or six luiles towards the Couemaugli was Wal-
lace's Fort; Shields" JJlockbouse was three or four miles away
toward the southward, on the Loyalhauna. Kveuls aud iuci-
dents couuected with Fort Uarr are meutioned in the account
of Wallace's Fort. The site is about a mile from New Derry
village, aud a little over two miles from Derry Station on the
Penn'a Railroad, aud in Derry township, \\ estmoreland
county.

A stockade fort was erected here early, and was used
throughout the Revolution. The area inclosed by the stock-
ade was near oue-half an acre, and included a spring, still in
use. It is likely that within the stockade there were other
cabins and accommodations adequate for those who here, for
irregular periods, sought shelter with their families and ef
fects. The blockhouse, which is habitually designated as "the
fort"' by those Avho speak of it, was at the north(»asl angle of
the stockade, and the garden of Mv. Calvin Gilson, the present
owner, marks its location. This stockaih^ fort is in some
places called Gilson's Fort, from the name of the succeeding
owner from the Barrs; but Mr. Gilson, the elder, did not ac-
(|uire title until after the border wars were over.

The stockade at Barr's was built, as said, probably vei-y
early in the Revolution, and the original house might have been
used as a slronghoiise as early as 1708. It was not so ex
posed in its situation on the frontier as was Wallace's Fort.
but it was part of the Derry settlement, and the two forts w(M'e
so near each other as to be mostl}' the common object of moles
tation. They were about five or six miles apart; and it would
seem that dui-ing those times a series of danger signals was
adopted by whicii alarms were given from one of the posts to
the other, and t<> settlers around. The intervening land rises
and falls in bills and valleys, so that shouts or gun-shots fired
in quick succession could be recognized, and the tidings
carried very raj)idly.

During the ReAoliition the inhabitants surrounding this fort
fled to it fre(|uently. Mention is often made of these circum-
stances but not in ;i cuniK <(ed way. for ns tlie fort was purely
a settler's fort, it has little written history. It. however,
served ifs purpose wrll. On one occasion a party under Major

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 357

Wilsou had left Uarr's Fort, for Wallace's Fort theu sur
lOHuded bv savages, but were compelled to return to Barr's,
on which occasion one — at least — of the JbJarrs, Alexander,
was killed before he got back; and it has been long asserted,
and not contradicted, that two of them fell on that occasion,
as related in the mention of NN'allace's Fort.

Supplies of salt were distributed to this point for the in-
habitants thereabout, of which circumstances there are various
notices; one mentioned in the Journal of the building of Fort
Preservation, now (Ligonier), in 1777.

Col. Cook, Lieutenant of the county, August 8th, 1782, issued
I he following order to Lieutenant Richard Johnson: "You are
to proceed with the militia under your command to Myres'
Station where you will receive arms and ammunition either
there or by applying either through the field officer or in per-
son to the general. You will have to detach a few men to Ray-
burn's, Waltour's and Fort Barr. I cannot inform you of the
number necessary to each. You will be directed by the
strength of your party or the number you can spare; and in
this matter you will consult the field officer who superintends
the different stations." (^Vash.-Irvine Correspondence, 830.)

Michael Huffnagle in a letter to Gen. Irvine from Hannas-
town, July 17th, 1782, after the attack on that place, says: "I
am much afraid that the scouting parties stationed at the dif-
ferent i)osts have not done their duty. We discover where the
enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at
least about ten days; as they had killed several horses and eat
them about six miles from Brush Run and right on the way
towards Barr's Fort." (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 883.)

The i^emory of the trials and troubles of the settlers about
Barr's Fort during the pioneer i)eriod, lingered long in the
Derry settlement : and traditions of the place were carried by
the descendants of the first settlers to remote parts. Very
little, however, has been available to us of an authentic char-
acter, beyond the references here given and the corroborating
circumstances which naturally follow on the line of inquiry
which these references suggest.

358 TH'E FROM TIER FORTB i

PALMER'S FORT.

The approximate date of the erection of Fort Palmer, or
Palmer's Fort, may be learned from the record of conveyances.
Robert Xox (Knox) conveyed to John Palmer the tract of land
on which the stockade was built, by deed March 11th, 1771.
John Palmer, farmer, of Fairtield township, on the 24th of
Jan., 177G, passed over the paper title to Charles Griften, by a
deed acknowledged before Robert Hanna, Judge, etc. Charles
Griffen obtained a patent for this land from the Common
wealth, Feb. 10th, 1787, in which it is described as a "tract of
land situate in Fairfield township, Westmoreland county, Pa.,
called 'Fort Palmer.' "

This stockade was in existence early in the Revolution, and
it might have been a place of resort in the troubles of 1774.
This is altogether probable, but not at present provable. In
the Journal kept at Ligonier during the building of the Revo
lutionary stockade there. Fort Palmer was then, (Nov. 1777),
a place of defence in which settlers had gathered. It is men-
tioned frequently in sketches of the history of the families of
the early settlers, or in obituary notices of the earlier pioneers,
as a place of refuge, and is associated in the traditions of the
Conemaugh and Ligonier Valleys with nearly all the Indian
warfare and the perils of that frontier. It, however, is not to
be forgotten that events which rest for the most part on oral
tradition, are very apt to be shifted about to correspond with
periods of time which are of marked prominence or illusively
distant. All the testimony which is unimpeachable, in connec
tion with this stockade, belongs to the Revolutionary era.
There is probably no settler's fort in Westmoreland county
with so much connected with it, and so little available, as this
.stockade. It was constructed early and remained among the
last of the forts erected by the settlers as a defense against the
Indians. From its location it was the point towards which the
settlers to the north of the Conemaugh, in what is now In
diaua and Cambria counties, fled. Here they remained while
danger was imminent, and from here they went forth with
their families and eifects when it was safe to venture back to
their clearings.

In that most explicit letter in which Col. Archibald Lochry

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OF WESTERN PKNNHYL.VAi\lA. 359

tiie County Lieuieuant leporled the depredations of the isav
ages in the outbreak of the autumn of 1777, (Aich., v, 7ii.j he
says; "The destressed situation of our country is such, thai
we have no piospect but desolation and destruction; the whole
country on the north side of the road (Forbes Road) from the
Allegheny mountains to the river is all kept close in forts;
and can get no subsistence from their plantations." After
specifying the particulars of this raid, he states that ''eleven
other persons [have been] killed and scalped at Palmer's Fort,
near Ligouier, amongst which is Ensign Woods."

The Council of iSafety to the Delegates of Pennsylvania in
Congress, on the 14th of November, 1777, giving an account
of the distressed condition of this frontier, says: "This
Council is applied to by the people of the County of West-
moreland in this Commonwealth with the most alarming com-
plaints of Indian depredations. The letter of which the en
closed is a copy, will give you some idea of their present situa
tion. Me are further informed by verbal accounts, that an
extent of sixty miles has been evacuated to the savages, full
of stock, corn, hogs and poultry; that they have attacked Pal
uiers Fort about seven miles distant from Fort Ligonier with
out success; and from the inforniation of White Eyes, and
other circumstances, it is feared that Fort Ligonier has, by
this time been attacked."

In the Journal to Fort Preservation, (Ligonier), will be
found narrated some events properly belonging to the history
of Fort Palmer. The condition of affairs as they existed about
this fort during the frontier wars may be imagined from the
detail as given in that Journal covering as it does but a very
short space of time. The killing of the two children within
two hundred yards of the fort, mentioned in the Journal for
Oct. 22nd, is a fact singiilarly preserved in an unbroken tradi
tion from the time it occurred. William Reynolds, Esq., of
Bolivar, Pa., a descendant of the George Findley mentioned
above, writes under date of Nov. 15th, 1894, and repeats the
details, giving the approximate distance from the fort, and
other circumstances; and this gentleman had never heard of
the existence of the Journal, but had received his version of
the occurrence when very young and had carried it in his

;{«0 THE FRONTIER FORTS

memory as first narrated. It is seldom that such an incident
lias been so clearly preserved. On the accompanying map and
plan, which was furnished at the instance of Jeff W. Taylor,
Esq., of Greensbur<4, Pa., the grove in which these children
were killed is marked, as the place is pointed out at this day.
It is a matter of regret ihat not more authenticated data
is obtainable, and that in a community in which there were so
many intelligent persons interested in perpetuating its history,
none should have been found to do so.

SHIELDK' FORT.

Among the petitions that were presented to Governor Penn
on the occasion of the alarm from the uprising in 177-i, was
one from a large number of people "who had assembled at the
house of a certain John Shields, near to, or about five or six
miles of Mannas' Town and on the Loyalhanna, where, as a
defense for their wives and families, they had erected a small
fort, and by the direction of the gentlemen of the association
took up arms for the general defense. Your petitioners, (say
they), thought themselves extremely happy and secure, when
your honor and the Assembly were pleased to order a number
of troops to be raised for our general assistance and protec
tion; but we are now rendered very uneasy by the removal of
these troops, their arms and ammunition, on which our great-
«'St dependence hiy, and which we understand are ordered to
Kittanuing, a place at least twenty-five or thirty miles distant
from any of the settlements. Your petitioners being left thus
ex[>osed without arms, ammunition or the protection of these
removed troops, humbly conceive themselves to be in danger
of the enemy, and are sorry to observe to your honor, that it is
oiii*s, as wt'll as the general opinion, that removing the troops
to so distant and uninhabitated part of the province as Kittan
ning is, cannot answer the good purposes intended, but seems
to serve the purposes of some who regard not the public wel-
fare." iKupps', Western l*a., Appx., L'OO.) The petition was

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 361

signed by over a hundred persons, and the list includes the
iianu's of many wliose desreiidants live within that neighbor-
hood.

This structure, as stated, was erected on the farm of John
Shields, one of the early settlers on tlie Ivoyalhanna, near,
(now) New Alexandria. Westmoreland county. John Shields was
one of the five commissioners appointed in 1785 to piirchase
a piece of land for the inliabitauts of the county on which to
erect a court-house and jail, whose laboi's resulted in the selec-
tion of Greensburg.

This blockhouse was within communicating distance of Wal
lace's Fort, Barr's Fort and Hannastown. and on occasions of
alarm the inhabitants fled to the one most available. It con
tinned as a place of resort and shelter during the Revolution.
Persons living have seen somo of the remains of the so-callrrl
fort. 'T^t was built on an eminence above the present Shields*
residence now occupied by the family of the late Matthew
Shields. It was but a few rods distant from the line which
separated the Shields' farm from one which Alexander Craig
purchased from him, and which was known as the "Craig"
farm. It was thus sometimes called Craig's Blockhouse, or
Craig's Fort, but it was not known by that name to those of
this locality. There is no doubt the Craigs assisted in building
it. It was perhaps a mile from New Alexandria and eight
miles from Greensburg. [MS. Mrs. Margaret Craig. New Alex
andria. Pa.]

WALTnOIR'S FORT.

NA'althour's Fort, a.s Mr. nrack<'nridge, in the article which
we quote at length hereto, says "was one of those stockades
or blockhouses to which a few families of the neighborhood
Cf)llected in times of danger, and going to their fields in the
day returned at night to this place of security." It was lo-
cated, with regard to the present surroundings, eight miles
west of (Ireensburg on the turnpiketo Pittsburgh, twenty-three
miles rast of I*ittsburgh. four miles south of Harrison City

362 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(Byerly Station, Forbes Road), and one and one-half miles
from Irwin. It was built on the fann of Christopher Walt-
hour, (as the name is usually spelled now by the family, but
spelled then Waldhower), who owned a large body of land
there. The farm remained in the Walthour family and name
until 1868 — near one hundred years. Christopher, his brother
George, the Studebakers, Kunkles. Byerleys, Williards, Irwins,
Hibergers, Wentlings, Baughmans, Gongawares, Fritehmans,
Buzzards, Kifers, etc., belonged to that settlement.

The land is now owned by Michael Clohessey. The site of
the blockhouse and stockade, is about three hundred yards
south of the turnpike, a little to the left of the bam, between
two springs of water. The stockade enclosed the house of
Walthour, and "inside of this enclosure and blockhouse all the
jyeople of the community would gather. The dead'' — (when
NVilliard was killed, as hereafter referred to, and others not
individualized). — "were buried near the old fort. Afterwards
an apple tree grew upon the spot spontaneously, and my father
(says Joseph R. Walthour, Esq., MS.) always took the best care
of it, because it marked the gravr of the dead there buried."

It would appear that the region about this fort suffered most
during the seasons of 1781-2, and especially just before the de-
struction of Hannastown. ]\[any petitions sent to Gen. Irvine
from citizens of Washington and Westmoreland counties,
show, in a clear light, the dangers and exposures of the border
throughout this period. Of these petitions there was one from
Brush creek, dated June 22d 1782, of which Mr. Butterfield.
the erudite historian of the W^estern Department, says: "This
petition, so unexceptionably elegant in diction, as well as
powerfully strong and clear in the points stated, is signed by
nineteen borderers, mostly Germans. The document itself is
in a bold and beautiful hand. It would be hard to find in all
the Revolutionary records of the west a more forcible state-
ment of border troubles, in a few words, than this." (Wash.-
Trv. Cor.. .'iOl, note.)

Tlif names of these ])etitioners are giv^?n by Rev. Cyrus Cort
III his Co]. Henry Bouquet, etc., p. d^. They are as follows:
George, Christopher. .Toseph and Michael Waldhauer (Walt-
hour), .Abraham and Joseph Studabedker, Michael and Jacob

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 363

Byerly, Johu and Jacob Kutdoif, Frederick Williard, Wiess-
kopf (^Vhitehead), Abraham fc>chneider, Peter and Jacob Lout-
/.enheiser, Hanover Davis, Conrad Zulten, Garret Pendergi-ast
and John Kammerer. The following extracts are from the
petition: They represent: ''That since the commencement of
the present war, the nnabated fury of the savages hath been so
particularly directed against us, that we are, at last, reduced to
such a degree of despondency and distress that we are now
readly to sink under the insupportable pressure of this very
great calamity. » * * * That the season of our harvest
is now fast approaching, in which we must endeavor to gather
in our scanty crops, or otherwise subject ourselves to another
calamity equally- terrible to that of the scalping-knife — and
from fatal experience, our fears suggest to us every misery
that has usually accompanied that season. * * • ♦ •
Wherefore we humbly pray for such an augmentation of our
guard through the course of the harvest-season as will enable
them to render us some essential service. * * * * j^^^^
as we have hitherto been acciistomed to the protection of the
continental troops during the harvest-season we further pray,
that we may be favored with a guard of your soldiers, if it is
not inconsistent with other duties enjoined on you."

A small force of continentals was stationed at Turtle creek,
a post on the old Penn'a load where Turtle creek crossed.
These were intended to protect all that settlement round
about.

Of Walthour's Fort, little would be known outside of well-
preserved traditions but for an event which, on account of its
unique character and the circumstan-ces connected with it, had
attracted the notice of H. H. Brackenridge who has in his nar-
ration redeemed this fort from a fate which otherwise would
have been obscure. Mr. Brackenridge. who later was a Justice
of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, was at that time a
practicing attorney at Pittsburgh. In his leisure he directed
his vigorous intellect to literary pursuits, and wrote various
articles on such subjects as partook of an historical or legal
complexion. Thus, whatever he wrote for the public has great
value, and from his method of treatment his articles are of pe-
•^nliar interest to the antiquary. His story of the lame Indian

364 THE FRONTIER FORTS

depicts a peculiar phase of frontier life; and as its verity has
never been questioned, we are constrained to admit is as a
record which deserves to be perpetuated. The account, there-
fore, is here given, accompanied witli the letters illustrating
it. It is as follows:

"In Pittsburgh (Fenna.), about the year 1782, one evening
just in the twilight, there was found sitting in a porch, an In-
dian with a light pole in his hand. He spoke in broken English
to the person of the house who first came out. and asked for
milk. The person (a girl) ran in and returning with others of the
family they came to see what it was that had something like
the appeai-ance of a liuman skeleton. He was to the last de-
gree emaciated, with scarcely the semblance of tiesh upon his
bones. One of his limbs had been wounded; and it had been
on one foot and by the help of the pole that he had made his
way to this place. P.eing questioned, he appeared too weak
to give an account of himself, but asked for milk, which was
given him, and word sent to the commanding officer of the
garrison at that place. (General William Irvine), who sent a
guard and had him taken to the garrison. After having had
food and now being able to give some account of himself, he
was questioned by tlie interpreter (Joseph Nicholson). He
related that he had been on Beaver river trapping, and had a
difference with a Mingo Indian who had shot him in the leg,
because lie had said he wislied to come to the white people.

"Being told that this was not credible, but that he must tell
the truth, and that in so doing he would fai'e tlie better, he
gave the following account, to wit: that he was one of a party
who had stiuck the settlement in the last moon, and attacked
a fort, and killed some and took some prisoners.

"This a|)p('ared to be a fort known bythe name of Walthour's
fort by Hk' account which he gave, which is at the distance of
twenty till ('(' niiirs from the town on the Penn'a road towards
Philadelphia, and within eight miles of what is now (Jreens
burg. He stated that it was thei-e that he i'e<'eiv<^d his wound.

"The fact was that the old mian Walthour, his daughter and
two sons were at work in the field, having their guns at some
distance, and which they seized, on the appearance of the
Indians, and mad*' towards the fort. This was one of thesr

OF WESTERN PENNS VIA' A.Nl A. 865

stockades or blockhouses to which a few families of the neigh-
borhood collected in times of danger, and going to their fields
in the day returned at night to this place of security.

"These persons iu the Held were pursued by the Indians and
the young woman taken. The old man with his son kept up a
tire as they retreated and had got to the distance of about an
hundred yards from the fort when the old man fell. An In-
dian had got upon him and was about to take his sciilp, when
one in the fort directing his ritie, fired upon the Indian who
made a horrid yell and made ott", limping on one foot. This
was in fact the very Indian, as it now appeared,, that had come
lo the Lown. He confessed the fact, and said, that on the
jj.irTy with w Inch he was, being pursued, he had hid himself in
the bushes a few yards from the path, along which the people
from the fort in pursuit of them came. After the mischief was
done, a party of our people had pursued the Indians to the Al-
legheny river, tracing their course, and had found tlie body of
the young woman whom they had taken prisoner but had
tomahawked and left. The Indian, as we have said, continuing
his story to the iuterpi-eter, gave us to understand that he lay
three days without moving from the place where he first threw
himself into the bushes, until a pursuit might be over, lest he
should be tracked; that after this he had got along on his
hands and feet, until he found this pole in the marsh which he
had used to assist him, and in the meantime had lived on
berries and roots; that he had come to a post some distance,
from here, where a detachment of soldiers was stationed,
and thought of giving himself up, and lay all day on a hill
above the place thinking whether he would or not, but seeing
that they were all militia men and no regulars, he did not
venture.

"The Indians knew well the distinction between regulars
and militia, and from these last they expected no quarter.

"The post of which he spoke was about twelve miles from
Pittsburgh on the Penn'a road at the crossings of what is
called Turtle creek. It was now thirty-eight days since the
affair of Walthour's fort, and during that time this miserable
creature had subsisted on plants and roots and had made his
way on one foot by the help of a pole. According to his ac>

366 THE FRONTIER FORTS

count, he had lirst attempted a course to his own country by
crossing the Allegheny river a considerable distance above the
town, but strength failing to accomplish this he had wished to
gain the garrison where the regular troops were; having been
at this place before the war; and, in fact, he was now known to
some of the garrison by the name of Davy. 1 saw the Indian
in the garrison after his confession, some days, and was struck
with the endeavors of the creature to conciliate good-will by
smiling and affecting placability and a friendly disposition,

"The question was now what to do with him. From the
mode of war cartied on by the savages, they are not entitled to
the laws of nations. But are we not bound by the laws of
nature, to spare those that are in our power; and does not our
right to put to death cease, when an enemy ceases to have it
in his power to injure us. This diabJe boiteux. or devil on
two sticks, as they may be called — his leg and his pole — would
not seem to be likely to c6me to war again.

"In the meantime the widow [Mrs. Mary Williard] of the
man who had been killed at Walthour's fort and mother of the
young woman who had been taken prisoner and found toma
hawked, accompanied by a deputation of the p(^ople of the
settlement, came to the garrison, and addressing themselves
to the com)iianding ofticer, demanded that the Indian should
be delivered up that it might be done with him, as the widow
and mother and relations of the deceased should think proper.
After much deliberation, and the country being greatly dis-
satisfied that he was spared, and a great clamour prevailing
through the settlement, it was thought advisable to let them
take him, and he was accordingly delivered up to the militia
of the party which came to demand him. He was put on a
horse and carried off" with a view to take him to the spot where
the first mischief had been done (Walthour's fort). But, as
they were carrying him along, his leg, the fracture of which
by this time was almost healed, the surgeon of the garrison
having attended to it, was broken again by a fall from the
horse which liad happened some way in the carrying him. The
intention of the people was to summon a jury of the country
and try him. at least for the sake of form, but, as they alleged,
in ord<'r to Mscertiiin whether he wms the identical Indian that

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 367

had been of the party of Wklthour's fort; though it was uoi
very probable that he would have had an impailial trial, there
having been a eousiderable prepossession against him.

"The circumstance of being an Indian would have been suf-
ficient evidence to condemn him. The idea was, in case of a
verdict against him, which seemed morally certain, to execute
him, according to the Indian manner, by torture and burning.
For the fate of [Colonel William] Crawford and others, was
at this time in the minds of the people, and they thought re
taliation a principle of natural justice. But while the jury
were collecting, some time must elapse, that night at least;
for he was brought to the fort, or blockhouse in the evening.
Accordingly a strong guard was appointed to take care of him,
while, in the meantime, one who had been deputed sheriff,
went to summon a jury, and others to collect wood and
materials for the burning, and to fix upon the place, which was
to be the identical spot where he had received his wound,
while about to scalp the man whom he had shot in the field,
just as he was raising the scalp halloo, twisting his hand in
the hair of the head, and brandishing the scalping-knife. It is
to be presumed that the guard may be said to be off their
guard somewhat on account of the lameness of the prisoner,
and the seeming impossibility that he could escape; but so it
was, that while engaged in conversation on the burning that
was to take place, or by some other means inattentive, he hiad
climbed up at the remote corner of the blockhouse, w^here he
was, and got to the joists, and thence upon the wall-plate of
the blockhouse, and thence as was supposed got down on the
outside between the roof and the wall-plate; for the block
house is so constructed that the roof overjuts the wall of the
blockhouse, resting on the ends of the joists that protrude a
foot or two beyond the wall, for the purpose of those within
firing down upon the Indians, who may approach the house to
set fire to it, or attempt the door. But so it was that, towards
morning, the Indian was missed, and when the jury met, there
was 110 Indian to be brought before them. Search had been
made by the guard everywhere, and the jury joined in the
search, and the militia went out in all directions, in order to
track his course and regain the prisoner. But no discovery

368 THE FHONTIEK FORTS

could be made, and the guard were much blamed for the vvaut
of vigilance; though some supposed that he had been let go on
the principle of humanity that they might not be under the
ueces'sity of burning him.

The search had been abandoned, but three days, when a lad
looking for his horses, saw an Indian with a pole or
long stick, just getting on one of them by the help of a log or
trunk of a fallen tree; he had made a bridle of bark as it ap-
peared which was on the horse's head and with which and his
stick guiding the hoise he set off at a smart trot, in a direction
towards the frontier of the settlement. The boy was afraid to
disco\er himself, or reclaim his horse, but ran home and gave
the alarm, on which a party in the course ot the day was col-
lected and set out in pursuit of tlie Indian. They tracked the
horse until it was dark, and were then obliged to lie by; but
in the morning taking it again, they tracked the horse as be-
fore, but found the course varied taking into branches of
streams to prevent pursuit, and which greatly delayed them,
requiring considerable time tracing the stream and to find
where the horse had taken the bank and come out; sometimes
taking along hard ridges, though not directly in his course,
where the tracks of the horse could not be seen; in this manner
he had got on to the Allegheny river where they found the horse
with the baik bridle, where he appeared to have been left but
a short time before. The sweat was scarcely dry upon his sides;
for the weather was warm and he appeared to have been rid-
den hai'd; the dist^ance he had come was about ninety miles.
It was presumed the Indian had swam the river, into the un-
inhabited land what was then called the Indian) country,
where it was unsafe foi- the small pai'ty that were in pursuit to
follow.

'^4Lfter the war, I took some pains io inform myself whether
he had made his way g(>o<l to the Indian towns, tlie nearest of
v\ hicli was Sandusky, at the distance of about two hundred
miles; but it appeared that, after all his eJTorts, he had been
unsuccessful, and had not reached home. He had b<'en
drowned in the river or famished in the woods, or his broken
limit had <>ccasi(»ned his death."

OF WESTKRN PENNSYLVANIA. 369

The following account written by Ephraim Douglass at Fort
Pitt (see Penn. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. i, pp. 46-48), gives
particulars, also, of the escape of the "Pet Indian:"

"Pittsburgh, July 2(),- 1782.

"My Dear General: Some three months ago, or thereabouts,
a party of Indians made a stroke (as it is called in our country
phrase) at a station [Walthour's] distinguished by the name of
the owner of the place, Wolthovver's (or as near as t can come
To a CTernian uaiiiej, where they killed an old man and his sous,
and captivated [captured] one of his daughters.

"This massacre was committed so near the fort that the
people from within tired upon the Indians so successfully as
to wound several and preventing their scalping the dead. The
girl was carried to within six miles of this place, up the Alle-
gheny river, where her bonesi were afterward found with
manifest marks on her skull of having been then knocked on
the head and scalped. One of the Indians who had been
wounded in the leg, unable to make any considerable way and
in this condition deserted by his companions, after subsisting
himself upon the spontaneous productions of the woods for
more than thirty successive days, crawled into this village in
the most miserable plight conceivable. He was received by
the military and carefully guarded till about tive days ago,
when, at the reiterated request of the relations of those un-
fortunate people whom he had been employed in murdering, he
was delivered to four or live country warriors deputed to re-
ceive and conduct him to the place which had been the scene
of his crueltifis, dislaiil about twenty five miles. The wish, and
perhaps the hope of getting some of our unfortunate caittives
restored to tlieir fi-iends for the release of this wretch, and the
natural repugnance every man of spirit has to sacrificing use-
lessly the life of a fellow-creature whose hands are tied, to the
resentment of an unthinking rabble, inclined the general to
have his life spared, and to kee|> him still in close confinement.
He was not delivered without some reluctance, and a pre-
emptory forbiddance to put him to death without the concur-
rance of the magistrate and most respectable inhabitants of
the district; they carried him. with every murk of exultation.
24 -Vol. 2.

370 THE FRONTIER FORTS

away. Thus far, 1 give it to you authentic; and this evening,
one of the inhabitants returned to town, from Mr. Wolthower's
neighborhood, who finishes the history of our pet Indian (so he
was ludicrously called) in this manner: That a night or two
ago, when his guards, as they ought to be, were in a profound
sleep, our Indian stole a m'arch upon them and has not since
been seen or heard of.

"I may perhaps, give you the sequel of this history another
day; at present, I bid you good-night; my eyes refuse to light
me longer."

''Pittsburgh, 4th of August, 1782.

"Dear Sir: To continue my narrative — our pet Indian is cer-
tainly gone; he was seen a day or two after the night of his
escape very well mounted, and has not since been seen or
heard of; the heroes, however, who had him in charge, or some
of their friends or connection, ashamed of such egregious
stupidity, and desirous of being thought barbarous murderers
rather than negligent block-heads, have propagated several
very different reports concerning his supposed execution, all
of them believed to be as false as they lare ridiculous.

"EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
"To Gen'l William Irvine."

The following was the order issued by Irvine:

"You are hereby enjoined and required to take the Indian
delivered into your charge by my order, and carry him safe
into the settlement of Brush creek. You will afterwards
warn two justices of the peace, and request their attendance at
such place as they shall think proper to appoint, with several
other reputable inhabitants. Until this is done and their ad-
vice and direction had in the matter, you are, at your peril,
not to hurt him nor suffer any person to do it. Given under
my hand at Fort Pitt, July 21, 1782.

"To Joseph Studibaker. Francis Birely, -Tacob Randolph,
Jacob Birelv, Henrv Willard. and Frederick Willard."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 811

POME ROY OR POMROY'S BLOCKHOUSE.

lu the Derry settlement of Westmoreland county there were
several stronghouses which were constantly kept ready for
emergencies and to which settlers sometimes fled for protec-
tion. One of these was the house of Col. John Pomroy, a man
highly spoken of by his neighbors and commended by those in
authority for the performance of the official duties entrusted
to him. He held a colonel's commission during the Revolu-
tion in the militia service, and was engaged in many of the
short campaigns. His house stood about a mile from Barr's
Fort, and a little off the line from the point to Wallace's Fort.
The farm on which it stood is now owned by Mr. John C. Walk-
inshaw, and is about one-half a mile from Millwood Station
(on the Penn'ji railroad) towards New Derry village, on the
main road.

WILSON'S IILOCKHOUSE.

Of like character to Col. Pomroy's domicile was that of
Major James Wilson, also of the Derry settlement. This is
now in the ownership of Mr. Benjamin Ruff's estate, and the
farm is about a mile from New Derry village northeastward,
and would be a little to the right, going from Barr's to Wal
lace's.

RUGH'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Michael Rugh came into Westmoreland in 1782 from North
ampton county, Penna. He early built a large two-story log
house a little south of the present barn and a little above the
spring on the farm now owned by Mr. John Rugh, a grandson
of Jacob Rugh, third son of Mirhael. The farm is situate in
Hempfield township. Westmoreland county, in what has long
been known as the Rugh settlement, about two miles south of
Oreensburg, and near the County Home.

372 THK FRONTIER FORTS

This bouse was what was legaided as "very large and
strong, with holes to shoot through.'' What was left of the
house was torn down in 1842, and up to that time it bore marks
evident of the use to which it was in part intended.

Michael Kugh was a man of some prominence, especially in
the latter part of the Kevolution. He was elected Coroner in
1781, and was also, later in the same year, one of the Commis
sioners of I'urchases, (.ircli., iii, 170, I'd Ser.j, and a Common
Pleas Judge in 1787, (Kec, xv, L'GOj.

Rugh's Blockhouse — probably the large house referred to
specially fitted for defense — was a designated point where
supplies were delivered and kept for distribution tliroughout
the latter part of the War. Michael lluffuagle, the contractor
for supplying the post of Fort I'itt with provisions, proposed
to the Council, Dec. 20, 1781, "to supply the militia and rang-
ing company for Westmoreland county, the ration to consist
of the same article as for the continental troops, and to be
paid for at the same rate, which is eleven pence half penny for
every ration, in gold or silver, — to be delivered at Hannastown
and Ligonier; and twelve pence per ration at Hook's [Rugh's]
Blockhouse (Washington-Irvine Cor., 161, uote.) This pro
posal is made through Christopher Hayes, Esq., Member of the
Council from ^^'estmorelaud county."

What was known as the "old barn" on this farm is described
by the older members of the Rugh family as a very large build-
ing built of large logs divided into four compartments, with
holes commonly called port-holes in the walls. This building,
we take it, was the remains of the structure erected for the
storage of the supplies which were delivered here; and it
might have been intended for harborage, as well. The struc-
ture was an uncommon one; and this fact well established by
direct personal knowledge, taken in connection with other well
known facts, such as those above referred to, would allow this
circumstantial evidence to have the weight of ])ositive proof.

There is an unbroken tradition of the peojde's Ueeiug to
Rugh's Blockhouse from all the surrounding o<»un(ry after the
attack on Hannastown. The place was well known, much fre-
quented, and, beyond doubt, was a harborage on that occasion.

Rugh's name is spelled variously both in official documents

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 373

and in correspondence. It takes on such forms as Rugh, Ruch.
Rough, and Rook, (See note to Hannastown — Michael Hutf
nagle's lettei- dated Fort Reed, July, 1782.)

FORT ALLEN. (HEMPFIELD TOWNSHIP.)

Fort Allen was the name given to a structure erected in
"Hempfield township, Westmoreland county, between Wendel
Oury's and Christopher Truby's," at the same time that Fort
Shippeu at Capt. John Proctor's, Shields' Fort and others of
like character were erected, that is, in the summer of 1774.
This structure was probably a stronghouse, or a blockhouse
erected for the emergency and, never required, so far as is
known, for public use. It was named probably in honor of
Andrew Allen, Esq., of the Supreme Executive Council. From
the names of the signers, the locality was manifestly in the
German settlement of Hempfleld township to the northwest of
Greensburg. No other mention of this place by that name is
found. (See Rupp's West. Pa., Appx.) All knowledge of its
exact location has passed away.

KEPPLE'S BLOCKHOUSE.

What was known as Kepple's lilockhouse was located on the
farm of Michael Kepple in Hempfield township, Westmoreland
county, about a mile and a half from Greensburg on the road
leading to Salem (Delmont, P. O.) It was a stronghouse built
of hewn logs on a stone foundation with loopholes for rifles.
and with all th<' ex]>osures well protected by heavy planking.
ft was occupied as th(> residence of the owner, but was resorted
to by neighbors during the incursions of 17S1-2. The farm is
now owned by Mr. Samuel Ruff, whose wife, Sibilla was a
daughter of Jacob Rugh. whose wife was the daughter of
Midiael Kepple. former owner. The remains of this strong-

374 THE FRONTIER FORTS

house were still standing within living recollection. Some of
the logs with notches in them which were intended for port-
holes, may still be seen in a building on the place used for
.1 ((Hiiciib.

STOKELY'S BLOCKHOUSE.

A blockhouse erected on the farm of Nehemiah Stokeiy, and
called Stokely's Blockhouse, was well known and much fre-
quented during the Revolution. It was located on the Big
Sewickley creek within about a half mile of Waltz's mill,
earlier called Carr's mill. Tt stood on an elevated ground from
which one could see quite a distance round, excepting on the
northward on which side there was a hill. The building was
two-storied, the timber was all whip sawed, and its sides were
covered, at least in part, with heavy boards; the roof was
shingled and fastened with hammered nails made by the black-
smith.

A man by the name of Chambers was captured near this
blockhouse by the Indians; he returned after a captivity of
several years. The people about this blockhouse were much
harrassed during the summer of 1782, and an armed force was
kepi constantly during that time at this blocklionse. [David
Waltz: Esq.. Waltz's Mill, Pa. MS.]

MCDOWELL'S BLOCKHOUSE.

A blockhouse or stronghouse stood at a point in the village
of Madison, Hempfield township, near one of the angles at the
crossing of the Greensburg and West Newton road and the
Clay pike from Somerset westward, on land now owned by
Thomas Brown, called McDowell's Blockhouse, after the first
occupant of the land. The late James B. Oliver, Esq., of
West Newton, father of Mrs. Edgar ('owan, widow of the Hon.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 375

Edgar Cowan, U. S. Senate, was born here, whither his parents
had fled a few days before that event, for protection from the
Indians. Mr. Oliver was born in 1781. This land was at that
time in the nominal occupancy of Thomas Hughes and was
sometimes called Hughes'. It adjoined land of James Cavett,
(Cavet), one of the commissioners with Robert Hanna to locate
a county town at the time of the organization of the county,
and passed to him in 1786. to whom it was surveyed in the
name of Thomas Hughes. It was within the limits of the Se-
wicklev settlement.

MARCHAND'S BLOCKHOUSE.

What was called a blockhouse, but what was probably a
stronghouse which was situated on what was better known as
the Doctor David Marchand faim, on the north fork of the
Little Sewickley in Millersdale. Hempfield township, about
four miles southwest of Greensburg, has been connected with
the Revolution as a place of refuge against the Indians. Rev.
Cyrus Cort, of Wyoming. Delaware, writes: 'It is one of the
traditions of our family that my great grandfather, John Yost
Cort, had charge, in perilous times, of the women and children
in that 'fort.' " (M. B. Kifer, Esq., of Adamsburg, Pa., fur
nishes MS. authorities.)

FORT SHIPPEN. AT CAPT. JOHN PROCTOR'S.

Among the petitions sent to the Governor in 1774. incident
to the apprehension of an Indian war, was one from "Fort
Shippen, at Capt. John Proctor's." (Arch., iv, 534.) The peti-
tion sets forth, in part. "That thei-e is great reason to fear that
this part of the country will soon be involved in an Indian war.
That the consequences will most probably bo very strik-
ing; as the country is in a very defenseless state, without any
places of strength or any stock of ammunition or necessary

• 376 THE FRONTIER FORTS

stores. * * * * In these circumstances, next to the Al-
mighty, thej look to your Honour and hope you will take their
case into consideration, and afford them such relief as your
Honor will see meet."

The structure was named doubtless in honor of Edward
Shippen, Esq., one of the Council.

John l*ro<'tor was a very conspicuous man in the early
history of the county. He was commissioned to various ofl8ces
by the Penns, which he held in Cumberland and Bedford
counties, prior to the erection of Westmoreland. He was the
first sheriff of Westmoreland county; took an active part in
the affairs of 1775 at the outbreak of the Revolution; was
Colonel of the First Battalion of Associators organized in pur-
suance of the Resolutions of 16th of May, 1775, at Hannastown.
The flag of the battalion — a rattlesnake flag — is still in pos-
session of Mis. Margaret Craig of New Alexandria. Pa. He
raised a company of riflemen in the early summer of 177fi with
Van Swearingen, and joined the continental army with it
where he served with Washington for a short campaign. Ho
then returned to Westmoreland; was a strong candidate for
Colonel of the battalion authorized by Congress to bo raised in
Westmoreland and Bedford, but was unsuccessful, Col.
Mackay being selected for that office; was appointed pay
master of the militia of Westmoreland county, Sept. 13. 1770,
and, shortly after, with Tliomas Galbraith, was appointed com
missioner in pursuance of an ordinance passed by the Council
of Safety, Oct. 21st, 1777, to seize uj)on the personal effects of
those wlio liad Hosorlod (o the King of CnMit iiriiain. Conoral
William Irvine, Commander of the Western Department, ad
dressed a letter to Col. John Gibson from "Proctor's," Jan.
17S2. fWash.-Irv. Cor., 840.)

Proctor was a neighbor of Col. Archibald Lochry, Lieuton
ant of the County; his place of residence was in Unity town
ship near a stroam callod Twelve Mile Run, about threo miles
from Latrobo. and callod seven miles from Hannastown. It
was not far from tho Forbes Road. The structure called Fort
Shippen was erected probably in the early part of the summer
of 1774, as on June 3rd it is roported "many families [about
Hannastown] returning to this [eastern] sid(> of the moun

OF WESTERN PPJNNSYLV AXl A. 377

tains, others are about building of forts in order to make a
stand," (Arch., iv, 505), and "a fort is to be built at Capt. John
Proctor's'' (Arch., iv, 507). By the directions and authority of
Arthur St. Clair, during that season, twenty men were sta-
tioned here. (Arch., iv, 50i.) It is probable the place was
frequently resorted to during the Revolution in time of excite-
ment and fear, although uo public or other mention is made
of the blockhouse or stronghold after the period of its erec-
tion; but "Proctor's" is mentioned frequently.

LUGHKY'tf BLOCKHOUSE.

Keference is sometimes made in the Archives to Lochry's
Blockhouse. This structure was built on the farm occupied by
Col. Archibald Lochry, the County Lieutenant, whose farm
was situate on a small stream called the Twelve Mile run,
from which he sometimes dates his correspondence. This
stream joins another called the Fourteen Mile run which
empties into the Loyalhanna about a mile eastward of Latrobe.
The residence of Lochry would be now in Unity township, near
the turnpike from Youngstown to Greensburg on the right
hand side going in that direction and between the turnpike
and St. Vincent's Monastery.

Col. Lochry in a letter to President Reed dated April 17th,
1781, (Arch, ix, 79), recounts the circumstances which impelled
him to erect this building. He says: "The savages have begun
their hostilities; since 1 came from Phila. they have struck us
in four different places — ^have taken and killed thirteen per
sons with a number of horses and other effects of the inhabit
ants. Two of the unhappy people were killed one mile from
Hahnastowu. Our country is worse depopulated than ever it
Las been. * * * There is no ammunition in the country,
but what is public property; when the Hostilities commenced,
the people came to me from all Quarters for ammunition, and
assured me that if I did not sup])ly them out of the public
magazine, they would not attempt to stand. Under the Cir-
cumstances I gave out a large Quantity, and would be glad to
have your Excellencies approbation, as 1 am certain this

378 THK FRONTIER FORTS

County would have been evacuated had I not have supplied
them with that necessary.

"1 have built a magazine for the state stores, (in the form of
a Blockhouse) that will be defended with a very few men. 1
have never kept men to guard it as yet, and will be happy to
have your Excellencys Orders to keep a Sergeants Guard at
our small magazine, the consequence of moving to the interior
parts of the Country would discourage those people on the
Frontiers who have so long supported it."

To this communication President Reed replied, May 2d, 1781,
(Arch, ix, 115.). "With Respect to Ammunition we have had
the greatest Difficulty to procure it, there not being one thou-
sand pounds of Lead in this City (Phila.). You and the Gen-
tlemen of the County will therefore see the indispeusible Ne
cessity of using it with Frugality and preventing all Waste.
* * *. * With Respect to the Magazine built near your
House, Council do by no means approve of it, as they think the
collecting all the ammunition at one Place is exposing it to the
Enemy, and they do not wish to encourage the erecting Build
ings without being previously consulted. Instead, therefore,
of keeping the whole ammunition at one Place, we would
choose it should be kept at sundry Places. The establishing
a Serjeant's Guard therefore appears unnecessary."

Of this blockhouse we have found no further mention. At
that very time Col. Lochry was making arrangements to gather
a force of Westmorelanders to co-operate with General George
Rogers Clark in his projected expedition against the Indians
in the northwest. It was Lochry's hope that by distressing the
savages by means of an active campaign carried on against
them in their own country, some relief might be brought to
the afflicted frontiers of that county which he had served so
long and so well. That he was harassed and distressed and
worried beyond all measure in the performance of his official
dnties, there can be no doubt; as his correspondence preserved
in the Archives abundantly shows. Later in the season he left
with the forces which he had gathered together to join Clark
at Wheeling. He never returned. With him perished the
most of his men — among whom were many of the best fron-
tiersmen of the countv.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 375*

PHILIP KLlNGEJSSMiTH-S HOUSE.

Col. James Perry writes to President Keed from "VVestmore-
laud Ooautj, Saviklej [SewickleyJ, July 2d, 1781," (Arch, ix,
240): — "Tills morning a small garrison at Philip Olingensmith's
(Kliugensmitirs), about eight miles from this, and four or five
miles froui Hanuastown, consisting of between twenty and
thirty men, women and children was destroyed; only three
made their escape: The particulars 1 cannot well inform you,
as the party that was sent to bury the dead are uot yet re
turned, and 1 wait every moment to hear of or perhaps see
them strike at some other place. The party was supposed to
be about seventeen, and 1 am apt to think there are still more
of them in the settlements."

James i'erry was one of the eight delegates that \Vestmore-
land sent to the Convention which met at Philadelphia, July
15th, 177G, to frame a constitution. He was a colonel of
militia and an active citizen during all these times. In 1781
was a commissioner of supplies. He resided in the Sewickley
settlement in VVestmoreland county.

The Klingensmiths belonged to what is called the Brush
creek, and sometimes the Manor, settlement; and although
the exact location of Philip Klingensmith's house is unknown,
it is certain that his place was a favorable one for the settlers
thereabout. Philip Klingensmith with his family, of which
Peter Klingensmith was one, were early settlers; their names
being among those who signed the petition to Governor Penn
in 1774, headed at "Fort Allen, Hempfield Township, between
Wendel Oury's and Christopher Trubee's." The name is there
spelled Klingelschmit; and his neighbors were Peter Wanne-
macher, Adam Bricker, the Altmans, Baltzer Mover, Jacob
Hauser, and others whose names are familiar in that region
and who were of German lineage. The name is also associated
with the Byerleys, the Walthours, and others with whom they
were connected by marriage. The place was sometimes called
Fort Klingensmith, (see "Col. Henry Bouquet and His Times"
by Rev, Cyrus Cort, p. 92.). It is probable that the old house
stood somewhere on the farm now owned by Daniel Mull, in
Penn township, Westmoreland county, about three miles

380 THE FRONTIER FORTS

uortlieast of Manor station on the Pennsylvania railroad, about
one and a half miles northwest of Harrison City village, and
about half a mile westward from Brush creek. This
supposition is founded on the line of title to lands
which about that time were in the seizin of Thilip
Kliugensmith. This situation was on the line of the
Brush creek settlement and was an exposed one. While
the tradition is a pronounced one in all the neighborhood that
the Klingensmith house was what is usually called a block-
house, there is no positive assurance derivable from any source
as to its exact location. On this point we would not, there-
fore, assert a positive opinion, for there are some who believe
that the location of the house was on what is best known as the
Higelow farm, which is now on the northeastern margin of
the borough of Jeannette, and about a mile from the Pennsyl-
vania railroad, on the old road from Greensburg. This was
one of the Klingensmith farms, of which there were a number.
Altl'.ough diligent iu(iuiry was made, no information more
(letinite than this given, has been obtained. The traditions of
the place vary. This last point would be near two miles from
the former.

The Brush creek settlement suffered much from Indian dep-
redations from an early day. On the 2()th of Feb., 1709, ''about
twenty miles east of Pittsburgh, on the main road leading over
the mountains, eighteen persons — men, women and children —
were either killed or taken prisoners." Such marauds were
distressingly frequent — especially in 1781 and 17SL'. It had
become the custom of the Commandants at Fort Pitt to send
out small squads of soldiers to protect the inhabitants while
they gathered in the harvest. (See Walthour's Fort.) In the
letter of Col. Perry, quoted above, he speaks of a small garri
son there at the time. It may be inferred that the unusual
number of people there was incident to the gathering of the
harvest, as well as to the terror of the times. Col. Lochry
writes July 4th, 1781, (Arch. ix. 247), "We have very distress-
ing times here this summer. The enemy are almost con-
stantly in our county killing and captivating the inhabitants."

' OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 381

GASPAliD MARKLE'S HOUSE AND STATION.

Gaspard Maikle in 1770 removed from Berks couuty. J 'a., tu
Westmoreland. From a biographical sketch prepared from
data furnished by his descendants it is said that "for several
years after the settlement of the family in Westmoreland the
neighboring settlements on the Allegheny and Kishkiminetas
were harassed by the Indians, and the residence of Gaspard
Markle was the post of refuge to which the settlers fled for
succor and safety." Gaspard Markle was the ancestor of the
Markle family long identified with the financial and political
affairs of Western Pennsylvania. His house stood on the Se
wickley creek in South Huntingdon township, about two miles
from (now) ^Vest Newton. The present owner is George W.
Markle. Markle's Mills wereamong the oldest in Western I'enn
syh'ania, built as early as 1772. The forces of Col. Lochry in
his expedition of 1781 to join Clark, made this place an ob
jective point, and the last letter of Lochry to President Reed
is dated from Miracle's [Markle's] Mill, Aug. 4th, 1781 (Arch,
ix, 333) — properly called "Maracle's Mill" in the Journal of
Lieut. Isaac Anderson (Arch, xiv, 685. 2nd Ser.).

"Markle's," is spoken of late in the Revolution, and some-
times it is referred to as Markle's Station. It was a part of
the Se wick ley settlement, the people of which were to a great
extent mutually dependent on each other. At times many
families were gathered together here. Among the first settlers
hereabout were the Simralls, the Blackburns. tlie Fultons,
Isaac Robb. Somewhat later George Plumer located in that
neighborhood. Jonathan Plumer, his father, was a Commissary
in Braddock's Kxpedition. ('1755"), and in 1701 he mad<» improve
ments near Fort Pitt by permission of Col. Bouquet. His son.
(reorge Plumer, was born on this improvement in 17B2. He
is said to have been the first cliild born of British-.Vmerican
parents in the British Dominions west of the Allegheny Moun
tains — that is after this portion of the country had been ad
judged by the treaty of peace to England. This treaty of peace
was signed at Fontainebleau. Nov. 3d. 1762. and Geo. Plumer
was born Dec. 5th. of the same vear. He died June 8th, 1843.

382 THE FRONTIER FORTS

FORT BURD— REDSTONE OLD FORT.

The first occupancy of the place kuowu as Redstone Old
Fort was by Capt. Trent for the Ohio Company, who erected
here, in February, 1754, a stronjj^ storehouse for their supplies
and munitions. In the Journal of M. Coulon de Villiers, who
commanded the French at the affair at Fort Necessity, it is
thus described:

''June the 30th. — Came to the Hangard, which was a sort of
fort built with logs, one upon another, well notched in, about
thirty feet in length and twenty in breadth; and as it was late
and would not do any thing without consulting the Indians,
I encamped about two musket-shots from that place. At
night I called thi^ sachems together, and we consulted upon
what was best to be done for the safety of our periaguas
[large canoes], and of the provisions left in reserve, as also
what guard should be left to keep it.

"July the 1st. — Put our periaguas in a safe place. Our ef
fects and everything we could do without we took into the
Hangard, where we left one good sergeant with twenty men
and some sick Indians. Ammunition was afterward dis
tributed, and we began our march."

This force was sent out by the French, who had lately taken
possession at the Forks of the Ohio, to intercept Washington,
who was on his way from Wills creek with a force of Virgin
ians and Provincials to occupy the same region. Washing
ton's instructions, in the words of Gov. Dinwiddie, were as
follows: (2.)

"By the advice of my Council, I gave orders to the Com-
mander-in-Chief [Col. Fry] to collect his Forces together at
Wills creek and march over the Allegheny Mountains; if he
find it impossible to dispossess the French of the Fort, he
is to build a Fort at Redstone creek, the crossing Place
[Gist's?], or any other place proper that may be determined
by the Council of War."

Washington, however, was obliged to capitulate at Fort
Necessity, and so returned with his forces without getting
further than that point. No further attempt was made to
occupy Redstone Old Fort during the French occupancy.

SE.CTION A . B

Fort Burd or Redstone

BROWNSVILLE; Pa.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 383

In the latter part of 1759, Col. James Burd was sent out
with two hundred men, by order of Col. Bouquet, then com-
manding the King's troops at Carlisle, to open and complete
the road which had been opened by Braddock, to the Monon-
gahela river, at or near the mouth of Bedstone, and there
erect a fort. The English, under Gen. Stanwix, were, about
the same time, commencing to build Fort Pitt, at the head of
the Ohio. (3.) The great object of Col. Burd's expedition was
to facilitate communications with this important fort from
Maryland and Virginia, by using the river.

Col. Burd was instructed, when he had cut the road and
finished the fort, to leave one officer and twenty-five men, and
march with the remainder of his battalion to Pittsburgh. In
his Journal for Saturday, 22nd of September [1759], he says:
'^This morning I went to the Kiver Monongahela. reconnoitred
Redstone, &c., and concluded upon the place for the post,
being a hill in the fork of the River Monongahela and Nemo-
collin's Creek, the best situation I could find, and returned
in the evening to camp."

Fort Burd was erected on the site of ''Redstone Old Fort;"
but in common, or even official designation, could never sup
plant it, in its name. (4.) According to the science of back
woods fortification in those days, it was a regularly con
structed work of defense, with bastions, ditch and draw
bridge; built, however, wholly of earth and wood. The bas
tions and central "house" were of timbers laid horizontally;
the "curtains" were of logs set in the ground vertically, like
posts, in close contact — called a stockade or palisades.

In the twelfth volume of the Penna. Archives, page 347, are
the plan and dimensions of the fort, as found among the papers
of Jos. Shi]»pen, an «'ngin(M'r, etc. who accoin]»anied Col. Burd:
"The curuiiu. 97| foot: the flanks. 10 feet: tlie faces of the
bastions, 30 feet. A ditch, between the bastions 24 feet wide,
and opposite the faces, 12 feet. Tlie log-house for a maga-
zine, to contain the women and children, 39 feet square. A
gate 6 feet wide and 8 feet high; and a draw-bridge, — feet
wide."

From this description has been constructed the accompany-
ing diagram :

384 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The gallant colonel had rather a hard time of it, in eon-
sti'ucting this fort. "1 have," says he, "kept the people con
stautly employed on the works since my arrival; although we
have been for eight days past upon the allowance of one
pound of beef and half a pound of lloui' per man a day; and
this day we begin upon one pound of b(^ef, not having an ounce
of flour left, and only three bullocks. 1 am, therefore, obliged
to give over working until I receive some supplies." He, how-
ever, soon got some supplies, and held on. The following is
from his journal : "Oct. 2S. — Sunday.— Continue on the works;
had sermon in the fort."' The last entry is: "Nov. 4. — Sun
day. — Snowed to-day; no work. Sermon in the fort. Dr.
Allison sets out for IMiiladelphia."

"The Fort was not designed to be a place of great strength
for danger. Tol. Burd garrisoned it with one olticer and 25
men. How long the gariison held it is uuknown. l>ut it
seems to have been under some kind of military possession
in 1774, during "Dunmore's War;" and during the Revolution
and the contemporary Indian troubles, it was used as a store-
house and a rallying point for defense, suppl}-^ and observation
by the early settlers and adventurers. It was never rendered
famous by a siege or a sally. We know that the late Col.
James Taull served a month's duty in a drafted militia com-
j)any, in guarding continental stores here, in 1778. It is said
that in and prior 1o 1774, Ca])t. ^Michael Cresap (who has un-
justly acquired iin odious fame by being charged with the
mui'der of Logan's family), made this fort the center of opera-
tions for a long period. He was a man of great daring and
influence on tlie frontier. He early acquired a kind of Vir-
ginia right to (he land around the fort, which he improved,
erecting u]»on it a liewed log. shingle-roofed house — the first
(»f tliat grade in the settlement. He held his title for many
years, and sold out to John McCullongh, or to Thomas, or
Hazil Itrown, to whom a ])atent from IVnnsylvania was issued
in 1785." (5.)

The incidents related in the following extract belong to a
peinod of time shortly after the erection of the fort. It is
taken fiom Wither's Chronicles of Border AVarfare:

"Thomas Deckei' and soTiie others comuKMiced a settlement.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 385

on the Monougalielu liver, at the mouth of what is now
Decker's Creek. In the ensuing spring it was entirely broken
up by a party of Delawares and Mingoes, and the greater part
of its inhabitants muidered.

"There was at this time at Brownsville a fort, then known as
Bedstone Fort, under the command of Captain Paull. One of
Decker's party escaped from the Indians who destroyed the
settlement, and making his way to Fort Redstone, gave to its
commander the melancholy intelligence. The garrison being
too weak to admit of sending a detachment in pursuit, Capt.
Paull despatched a runner with the information to Capt.
John Gibson, then stationed at Fort Pitt. Leaving the fort
under the command of Lieut. Williamson, Capt. Gibson set
out with thirty men to intercept the Indians, on their return
to their towns.

''In consequence of the distance which the pursuers had to
go, and the haste with which the Indians had retreated, the
expedition failed in its object; they, however, accidentally
came on a party of six or seven Mingoes, on the head of Cross
Creek, in Ohio [near Steubenville] ; these had been prowling
about the river, below Fort Pitt, seeking an opportunity of
committing depredations. As Capt. Gibson passed the point
of a small knoll, just after day-break, he came unexpectedly
upon them — some of them lying down ; the others were sitting
round a fire, making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila, or
Little Eagle, a Mingo chief, licaded the party. So soon as he
discovered Capt. Gibson, he raised the war-whoop and fired
liis rifle — the ball passed through Gibson's hunting shirt and
wounded a soldier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward,
and swinging his sword with herculean force, severed the head
of the Little Eagle from his body. Two other Indians were
shot down, and the remainder escaped to their towns on Mus-
kingum."

"When the captives, who vvere restored under the treaty of
17G3, came in, those who were at the Mingo town when the
remnant of Kiskepila's party returned, stated that the In-
dians represented Gibson as having cut off Little Eagle's head
with a long knife. Several of the white persons were then
sacrificed to appease the manes of Kiskepila; and a war dance
25-Vol. 2.

386 THE FRONTIER FORTS

ensued, accompanied with terrific shouts and bitter denuncia-
tions of revenge on the Big Knife warrior. This name was
soon after applied to the Mrginia militia generally; and to
this da}' they are known among the northwestern Indians as
the "Long Knives," or "Long Knife Nation,"

These are believed to have been the only attempts to effect
a settlement of Northwestern Virginia, prior to the close of
the French war. The capture of Fort Duquesne and the
erection and garrisoning of Fort Pitt, although they gave to
the English an ascendancy in that quarter, yet they did not
so far check the hostile irruptions of the Indians as to render
a residence in that portion of Virginia by any means secure.
It w^as consequently not attempted till some years after the
restoration of peace, in 1765.

During Pontiac's war the post was abandoned for want of
men. (6.)

The following extract from Campbell's History of Virginia
refers to the outbreak of Dunmore's war, 1774:

"Apprized of impending danger, many of the inhabitants on
the frontiers of Northwestern Virginia retired into the in-
terior, before any depredations were committed in the upper
country; some took refuge in forts which had been previously
built, while others, collecting together at particular houses,,
converted them into temporary fortresses, answering well the
purposes of protection to those who sought shelter in them.
Fort Redstone, which had been erected after the successful
expedition of Gen. Forbes, and Fort Pitt, at the confluence of
the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, afforded an asylum
to many. Several private forts were likewise established in
various parts of the country; and everything which individual
exertion could effect, to insure protection to the border in-
habitants was done."

The following particulars are taken from Day's Histori-
cal Collections of Pennsylvania, into which they were
copied, by periuissiou, from a manuscript sketch by James
L. Bowman, Esq. IFe afterward sent the sketch to the Amer-
ican Pioneer, where it appeared in February, 184.3:

"Tlie name given to the fort at tbat time constructed wa»
''Fort Burd;" but so accustomed had the traders an<l hunters

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 3S7

been with that ol ''Redstone Old Fort," that they did not
abandon it. Blockhouses were also erected, but how long it
remained a stationed military post Ave cannot state; certain it
is, however, that it pre-eminently was a place of rendezvous for
the white men, who acted as spys to- watch the movements of
the numerous tribes of Indians inhabitating the head waters
of the Ohio and tributaries; and when settlements were made
on the west side of the Allegheny ridge, it was resorted to as
a place of concentration for defense in cases of alarm or ex-
pected attacks. * * * * This fort was Capt. Cresap's
rallying place for himself and those under his direction.
Thither they resorted at stated periods to interchange views
and adopt plans for future action ; or at more congenial times,
when the warlike dispositions of the red men were lulled into
inaction, and the tomahawk and scalping-knife, stained with
the blood of innocent victims, were converted into emblems
of the chase."

From the same authorit}', in speaking of the Indian war
which broke upon the frontier in 1777, we have the following:

"In the commencement of Indian depredations on north-
western Virginia, during this war, the only places or refuge
for the inhabitants, besides private forts and blockhouses,
were at Pittsburgh, Redstone, Wheeling and Point Pleasant.
Garrisons had been maintained at Fort Pitt and Redstone,
ever after their establishment, and fortresses were erected at
the two latter places in 1774. They all seemed to afford an
asylum to many when the Indians were known to be in the
country, but none of them had garrisons strong enough to
admit of detachments being sent to act offensively against the
invaders. All that they could effect was the repulsion of
assaults made on them and the expulsion from their imme-
diate neighborhoods of small marauding parties of the savage
enemy.

''The establishment, from 1770 to 1774, of several stockade
forts at different points on the Ohio, with intermediate pri-
vate ones and blockhouses, restricted the operations of the
savages pretty mnch !^o the west side of that stream, and inter-
cepted marauding parties upon the settlements upon the east
side. Securitv being thus given to the settlements on the

388 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Monongahela, iuduced others to join, and the country became
rapidly depopulated. In 1785, the town of Brownsville was
laid out the site of the old fortification.''

In January, 1778, Lieutenant-Colonel George Rogers Clark,
Avho had planned a secret expedition against the Illinois
country, then in possession of England, arrived in the Western
Department to enlist soldiers for the enterprise. By the end
of the month, he had all his recruiting parties properly dis-
posed, and at Redstone Old Fort he prepared books, light ar-
tillery and ammunition." (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 15.)
. At this point the Virginians in the civil troubles of 1774
held frequent musters (Arch., iv, 481), and the first public
meeting of the discontents during the whiskey insurrection
was held here, July 27th, 1791.

Notes to Fort Burd — Bedstone.

(1.) The Hangard — Storehouse.

(2.) Records, vi, 137.

(3.) Col. Mercer reports to Grov. Denny, from Pittsburgh,
September 15, 1759 (Arch, iii, 685), that Col. Burd was forming
a post at Redstone creek.

(4.) The Monongahela of Old, p. 30.

(5.) Id, p. 32.

(6.) Bouquet to Maj. Gladian, August 28, 1763.— In Fort
Pitt, by Darlington, p. 144.

SETTLERS' FORTS IN FAYETTE COUNTY.

In the following mention of settlers' forts and blockhouses
which were erected within the limits of what is now Fayette
county, we have followed literally the account of them given
by the late Judge James Veech in his ^loncmgahela of Old,
and the extracts are indicated in each instance by quotation
marks. This authorilr is so excellent and the book so rare

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 3S9

that the insertion of these extracts here is made without com-
ment. At the time he wrote (the title page bearing the im-
print 1858, but his material was collated earlier) he had diffi-
culty in obtaining the little information he imparted, although
his opportunities were good and his zeal apparent. The his-
torical mention of any of these forts is vague and unsatisfac-
tory. The reason is obvious. ' These structures were erected
in the earliest periods of the settlements, and were first need-
ful at the outbreak of Dunmore's War, 1774. After that war
there were few incursions of the savages in force east of the
Monongahela. These structures, such as they were, in most
instances were erected in that emergency, although some of
them were in use much later.

Fayette county was not erected until September 26th,
1783, when it was taken out of Westmoreland county; but the
name of the county is used to designate the locality of these
forts as we are now accustomed from association to speak
of them.

I am indebted to James Ross, Esq., of High House, Fayette
county. Pa., for much aid in locating these structures with
regard to their present surroundings; and also to the gentle-
men of the Fayette County Historical Society for favors and
courtesies.

"The territory of Fayette county," says James Veech, the
historian of this region, "was, after the end of the old French
War in 17G3 and during all the period of its early settlement,
remarkably exempt from all those terrific incursions of the
savages which made forting so common and necessary in the
surrounding country. Hence, we have but few Settlers' Forts,
and those few of but little note.

These forts were erected by the associated effort of settlers
in particular neighborhoods, upon the land of some one whose
name was thereupon given to the fort, as Ashcraft's, Morris',
etc. They consisted of a greater or less space of land, on-
closed on all sides by high log parapets or stockades, and
cabins adapted to the abode of families. The only external
openings were a large puncheon gate and small port-holes
among the logs, through which the unerring rifle of the set-
tler could be pointed against the assailants. Sometimes, as

390 THE FRONTIER FORTS

at Lindley's, and many of the other forts in the adjacent
country west of the Monongahela, additional cabins were
erected outside the fort, for temporary abode in times of
danger, from which the sojourners could, in case of attack,
retreat within the fort. All these erections were of rough
logs, covered with clap boards and weight poles, the roofs
sloping inwards. A regular-built fort, of the first class, had
at its angles, blockhouses, and sometimes a ditch protected
a vulnerable part. These blockhouses projected a little past
the line of the cabins, and the upper half was made to extend
some two feet further, like the over-jut of a barn, so as to
leave an overhanging space, secured again entrance by heavy
log floors, with small port-holes for repelling close attacks, or
attempts to dig down, or fire the forts. These rude defences
were very secure, were seldom attacked, and seldom, if ever,
captured. They were always located upon open, commanding
eminences, sufficiently remote from coverts and wooded
heights to prevent surprise." [Mon. of Old, p. 21.

Mi:XTER\S FORT.

"One of the earliest erected forts of the kind described by
Veech, was by John Minter, the Stevensons, Crawfords and
others, on land of the former, since Blackiston, then Ebenezer
Moore." * * • * John Minter made improvements in
1769 ; obtained his land, on Virginia warrant calling for four
hundred acres. Surveyed December 17, 17S5, found to con-
tain three hundred and ninety-seven and one-fourth acres and
allowance. Entered February 7th, 1780. Situate near the
Youghiogheny and Jacobs creek in Upper Tyrone township,
about a mile and a half westwardly of Pennsville. On land
now of the H. C. Frick Coke Co., about three-fourths of a mile
southwest of Tinsman's Station, on the Mount Pleasant and
Broadford railroad.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 391

GADDIS' FORT.

"There was one on the old Thomas Gaddis farm where
Bazil Brownfield now (1858) lives. But what was its real
name we cannot certainly learn, or bv whom or when erected;
probably, however, by Col. Gaddis, as he was an early set-
tler, and a man of large public spirit.'' (Veech.)

Col. Thomas Gaddis was third in command in Crawford's
unfortunate expedition. (Wash.-Irvine Cor., 365.)

Situate in Georges township, south of Uniontown, about two
miles, near the road leading from Uniontown to Morgantown,
W. Va., on land now owned by the Brownflelds. The site of
the old fort is on that part which is still called the Brownfield
farm, in the ownership of Isaac A. Brownfield, a son of Bazil
Brownfield. It was still standing when Daniel Boone with
his company of settlers went by it on his way to Kentucky;
as the association of his name with it came from the circum-
stance of his camping near it with his companions. (James
Ross, Esq., MS.) It is known as Gaddis's Fort, The ap-
proximate location of the fort, as preserved in the memory
of those who had seen some remains of it (probably the stock-
ade excavations), is about one hundred and fifty rods from the
residence of the present owner and occupier.

PEARSE'S FORT.

"Pearse's Fort was on the Catawba Indian trail, about
four miles from Uniontown, near the residence of William
and John Jones, in North Union township. Some old Lom-
bardy poplars, recently fallen (1858), denoted its site." It was
erected on what was called the Isaac Pearse tract, a part of
which is in the ownership of the Jones family.

CRAFT'S FORT.

'^Craft's Fort was on land of John Craft, about one mik
northwest of Merrittstown. Its name is forgotten." (Veech,

392 THE FRONTIER FORTS

1858.) This fort was sometimes called Patterson's Fort. It
was originaly the dwelling-house of the owner of the land,
was built about 1773 or '74, and stood about one and a half
miles northward of Merrittstown, Fayette county, on the farm
owned by John Graft, then Daniel Sharpnack, and latterly
by Doctor Henry Eastman. During the summer of 1774
and afterward in the early years of the Kevolution, the set-
tlers there were kept in a state of constant fear from the In-
dians, who were very troublesome, so much so that a stockade
was built around the fort, enclosing a considerable area of
ground. The women remained here while the men attended
to their usual agricultural pursuits. A number of children
were born in this fort; and the fact is well preserved that a
number of dogs owned by the frontiersmen were kept here
and utilized for guards. The last person who lived in what
originally had been the fort house (so called) was William Gr.
Sharpnack, who occupied it from 1876 to 1881. The structure
was destroyed about the year 1885." (Wm, G. Sharpnack, MS.)

LUCAS' FORT.

"One of considerable capacity was erected on the old
Richard Brown farm, now (1858) Fordice, near the Presby-
terian frame meeting-house, in Nicholson township." * * *
Now the Pierce Griffin farm. It was built on the hill a short
distance from the house. Mr. Griffin has lived here nearly all
his life; he was born September 2d, 1809. He had a sister
born in what was called the old fort. Tradition preserves the
report of a fight between the settlers and Indians near it.

SWEARINGEN'S FORT.

"Swearingen's Fort was in Springhill township, near the
cross-road from Cheat river towards Brownsville. It derived
its name from John Swearingen, who owned the land on which
it stood, or from his son Van Swearingen, afterwards sheriff

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 39S

of Washington county, a captain in the Revolution and in
the frontier wars, and whose nephew of the same name fell
at St. Clair's defeat."

The Swearingen Fort was on the Catharine Swearingen
tract of 468 acres, surveyed April 17th, 178G; not more than
one mile from Morris' Cross Roads. It stood on a knoll; the
spot can be pointed out definitely. Duke Swearingen was cap-
tured by the Indians near it while fetching the cows. He
never returned.

"The fort was built of split puncheon and dirt [stockade],
and covered a large space of ground. There are no signs of
the old fort visible, except what is indicated by the surface of
the ground being at this place a little higher than the surface
immediately around it." (Geo. H. Swearingen, MS.) The
land originally was owned by John S. Van Swearingen; it is
now owned by the heirs of Michael Crow, dec'd. This fort
was made in 1774.

McCOY'S FORT.

"McCoy's Fort, erected on land of James McCoy, stood
where now stands the barn of William C. Dixon, the present
owner (formerly Eli Bailey), in South Union township."

"James McCoy, upon locating here, built a log cabin, which
was situated at the foot of the Bailey orchard. Very soon,
however, this cabin was re-constructed and made into 'Mc-
Coy's Fort,' which was the rendezvous for all the immediate
neighbors in times of danger, the 'Col. Thomas Gaddis' Fort'
being two miles away to the southwest." (Hist, of Fayette
County, Pub. Everts & Co., Phila., 1882, p. 681.)

FORT RIFFLE.

Fort Rffile, situate in Nicholson township, was built by
Nicholas Riffle, about 1779-80. Court was held in it in
1782, Virginia jurisdiction. It was also the voting place for
25*

394 THE FRONTIER FORTS

German, Georges, and Springhill townships until after the
second election of James Monroe. A few logs of the original
structure remain. The site is owned by Mr. James Richey.
and is near the Lutheran church.

CASSELL'S (CASTLE) FORT.

Cassell's Fort or Castle Fort was on the Monongahela
river just above the mouth of Little Redstone, at or near the
site of an old Indian fort (so called), which "Indians forts"
were plentiful in the Fayette county region. "The sites of
the 'old forts' were sometimes chosen for settlers forts. This
was the case with the site on the Goe land, just above the
mouth of Little Redstone, where, as already stated, was a
settlers' fort, was Cassell's, or Castle." (Veech.) Nothing
further has been learned of this fort.

ASHCRAFT'S FORT.

"Ashcraft's Fort stood on the land of the late Jesse Evans,
Esq., where Phineas Sturgis lived, in Georges township. Tra-
diton tells of a great alarm and resort to this fort, on one occa-
sion. It appears that to this eminence the early settlers were
wont, in times of danger, daily to resort, to reconnoitre the
country, sometimes climbing trees, to see whether any In-
dians had crossed the borders, by which they judged by the
smoke of their camps. This hill commanded a view from the
mountains to the Monongahela, and from Cheat Hills far to
the northward. On this occasion, the alarm being given, the
settlers from all over the country with their wives and chil-
dren, guns and provisions, flocked to Ashcraft's Fort. Hap-
pily, the alarm proved false; and the tradition of the occui-
rences remains to this day." (Veech.)

Ashcraft's Fort, built by Ichabod Ash craft, near a spring on

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 395

a tract of land called Buffalo Pasture. Patented May 29tlu
1770. Owned now by Benjamin Goodwin. This fort was, as
were nearly all the old settlers' forts in that region, a two-
story log blockhouse with stockade.

MASON'S FORT.

Mason's Fort, at Masontown, was built by John Mason,
between 1774-78. The site belongs to S. T. Gray, and is near
a spring in his field east of the town. The structure was re-
moved into Masontown by John Debold in 1823, and utilized
as a "pot shop." It is now standing on the west side of Main
street in Masontown; is weather-boarded and used as a
dwelling-house. Owned by Mrs. Isaac N. Hague. (James
Ross, Esq., MS.)

CON WELL'S FORT.

A fort, or blockhouse, was built by Jehu and Capt.
William Conwell in 1774, on the Colman plantation, on the
west side of Dunlap's creek, near Merrittstown. (Veech.)

In the History of Fayette County, published by L. H. Everts
& Co., Philadelphia, 1882, it is said: '^Jehu Conwell and his
brother, Capt. Wm. Conwell, settled within the limits of this
(Luzerne) township in June, 1767. * * * * The country
was at that time infested by savages and wild beasts, but with
neither had the settlers then any trouble, for the former were
friendly, and the latter not so much inclined to pursue man
as afraid of themselves being pursued. By and by, however,
the Indians began to show signs of hostility, and the Conwells
thought it advisable to witlidraw for a brief season to a more
populous locality. In August, 1772, Jehu returned to his old
home in Delaware, in October was married, and in November
of the same year set out with his wife for the Luzerne clearing.
Existence was comparatively quiet and uneventful until 1774.
when Indian aggression set in in earnest. Jehu Conwell and

396 THE FRONTIER FORTS

his brother, Capt. William, then bestirred themselves and
started the project of building a fort. A site was selected
upon the Colmau plantation, on the west side of Dunlap's
creek, not much more than half a mile from Merrittstown,
on the place now (1882) occupied by Harrison Henshaw. There
a blockhouse was hastily constructed, to include within its
in closure the spring near the present Henshaw house. As-
sisted and directed by the Conwells, the settlers had the fort
completed in quick time, and iu May, ITTl, it was occupied.
There appears to be no evidence that the fort was ever at-
tacked, or that the people living in that portion of Luzerne
met with serious injury at the hands of the savages, although
they were for a time in great terror for fear of Indians. Sev-
eral children are said to have been born within the fort during
1774. One was Ruth, daughter of Capt. Wm. Conwell. She
married Abram Armstrong. Another was a daughter of
Jehu Conwell. She married Judge Wm. Ewing. After the
autumn of 1774, the clouds of alarm cleared away, the block-
house life was abandoned, and the peaceful pursuits of the
pioneer were pushed forward with renewed vigor.''

SPARK'S FORT.

Spark's Fort, on the south side of the Youghiogheny, is
mentioned as one of the places where the people of one of
the two districts into which Westmoreland county was di-
vided for the election of representatives in the convention of
1776 to form a Constitution, met to hold their election. Han-
nastown was the other voting place. The Youghiogheny was
the division line.

"Sjjark's Fort was near Burns' ford, in what is now Perry
township, Fayette county. Observe how that the residents
west of the Monongahela were disregarded, either as supposed
to be within the power of Virginia at that time, or were
treated as living south of the Youghiogheny." (Hon. Boyd
Crumrine's Hist, of Wash. Co., p. 155, n.)

The judges appointed to hold the election at Hannastown

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 35*7

were James Barr, John Moore and Clement McGeary. Those
appointed to serve at Spark's Fort were George Wilson, John
Kile and Kobert McConnel. There is nothing but the name
to indicate the character or further history of the place.

BEESON'S BLOCKHOUSE.

A blockhouse — probably but the domicile of Henry Bee-
son, and likely a strong structure, — stood within what is
now the borough limits of Uniontown, near the sheriff's resi-
dence and jail as they now stand. It was near the mill then
in ojjeration; and was erected approximately about 1774, by
Henry Beeson, the founder of the town, although Mr. Beeson
had located there and made a settlement several years before
that time.

The following is extracted from the History of Fayette
County, published by Everts & Co., 1882:

"The locality was known far and wide as 'Beeson's Mill,"
and here in 1774 was built a strong blockhouse of logs as a
place of refuge for the few inhabitants of the surrounding
country during the universal panic which, in the spring and
summer of that year, attended the opening of the hostilities
known as Dunmore's war. When this primitive defensive
work was built, there were few, if any, inhabitants other than
Henry Beeson's family within the limits of the present bor-
ough (Uniontown) to avail themselves of its protection; but
there were many other settlers located within a few miles of
it, and its site was probably chosen because of its proximity
to the mill, which was the most public place in all the region,
— the place to which the earliest intelligence of Indian incur-
sions would naturally come, and where, moreover, there was
usually to be found a (considerable supjily of grain and meal
for the subsistence of families who were suddenly driven from
their homes and obliged to seek its shelter against the sav-
ages. The site of this old blockhouse was on the brow of the
bluff, and very nearly indentical with the spot where the sher-
iff's residence now stands."

398 THE FRONTIER FORTS

JJKAYBILL\S BLOCKHOUSE.

Captain J, C. Woodward, of Brownsville, Fayette county,
states in writing- that there are the remains of an old
fort-house on the farm which he owns, situate one mile south
of Brownsville, on the edge of Bridgeport borough. He has
known of it since 1819. The tract descended from the original
patentee through intervening holders to the present owner.
This house was built of hewn white oak logs, and had loop-
holes, still discernable, for rifles. It is not known by any
other name than the "Old Blockhouse." Part of it is still
standing, being utilized as a smoke-house.

The loop-holes are an unmistakable evidence of its design.
This house was probably built at a time when it was common
and necessary to take such extra precautions; and although
it was manifestly so fitted ii]). yet there is nothing connected
with its history to justify tlic assertion tliat it was ever used
as a place of refuge or defense.

The land was patented to Joseph Graybill, August 27th,
1788; now owned by Capt. J. C. Woodward; situate in Lu-
zerne township, Fayette county.

VALENTINE CRAWFOKD'S l^LOCKHOUSE.

In a letter from Valentine Crawford to Gen. Wash-
ington, written from the Fayette county region, where Wash-
ington oAvned land, May 25th, 1774, he says : ''I have, with the
assistance of some of your carpenters and servants, built a
very strong blockhouse, and the neighbors, what few have
not run away, have joined with me and we are building a
stockade fort at my house. Mr. Simpson, also, and his neigh-
bors have begun to build a. fort at your Bottom; and we live
ill liopes we can stand our ground till we can get some assist-
ance from below."

The lands known as Washington's Bottoms are situate near
Perryopolis, on the southwestern side of the Youghiogheny
river, in the noi'th western part of Fayette county. ''These

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 399

forts were in what is now Perry township, and probably one of
them within the limits of the town of Perryopolis.'' (James
Eoss, Esq., MS.)

Valentine Crawford was the agent of Washington, and had
control of his lands in this region.

Gilbert Simpson, whom Washington sent out to manage his
mill and that part of his property about it, built his cabin near
the present residence of John Rice, in Perry township.

Note to Settlers' Forts, Fayette County.

Note. — Although Morris' Fort was not a Pennsylvania fort,
yet it was used by Pennsylvanians, being just across the line
separating the states. It attained notoriety far beyond the
ordinary settlers' fort, chiefly from the fact that it had for its
historiographer the celebrated Dr. Joseph Doddridge. Judge
Veech speaks of it as follows : ''Morris' Fort, which was one
of the first grade, was much resorted to by the early settlers
on the Monongahela and Cheat, and from Ten Mile. It stood
on Sandy creek, just beyond the Virginia line, outside our
county limits. It was to this fort that the family of the late
Dr. Joseph Doddridge resorted, in 1774, as mentioned in his
Notes. The late Col. Andrew Moore, who resided long near
its site, said that he had frequently seen the ruins of the fort
4ind its cabins, which may yet be traced (1858)."

THE CATAWBA TRAIL.

Mention has been made of the Catawba Trail. The follow-
ing is Hon. James Veech's account and description of it as
given in The Monongahela of Old:

"The most prominent, and perhaps the most ancient of these
old pathways across our county, was the old Catawba or
Cherokee Trail, leading from the Carolinas, Georgia, Florida,
&c., through Virginia and Western Pennsylvania, on to West-
ern New York and Canada. We will trace it within our limits

400 THE FRONTIER FORTS

as well as we can. A.fter crossing and uniting with numerous
other trails, the principal one entered Fayette territory, at the
Htate line, at the mouth of Grassy run. A tributary trail,
called the Warrior Branch, coming from Tennessee, through
Kentucky and Southern Ohio, came up Fish creek and down
Dunkard, crossing Cheat river at McFarland's. It run out
a junction with the chief trail, intersecting it in William Gans^
sugar camp, but it kept on by Crow's mill, James Robinson's,
and the old gun factory, and thence toward the mouth of
Redstone, intersecting the old Redstone trail from the top of
Laurel Hill, afterward Burd's road, near Jackson's, or Grace
Church, on the National Road. The main Catawba trail pur-
sued 'the even tenor of its way,' regardless of minor points,
which, like a modern grand railroad, it served by branches and
turn-outs. After receiving the Warrior Branch junction, it
kept on through land late of Charles Griffin, by Long's Mill,
Ashcraft's Fort, Phillip Rogers' (now Alfred Stewart's), the
Diamond Spring (now William James'); thence nearly on the
route of the present Morgiintown road, until it came to the
Misses Hadden's; thence across Hellen's fields, passing near
the Rev. William Brownfield's mansion, and about five rt)ds
west of the old Henry Beeson brick house; thence through
Uniontown, over the old Bank house lot, crossing the creek
where the bridge now is, back of the Sheriff's house; thence
along the northern side of the public graveyard on the hill,
through the eastern edge of John Gallagher's land, about six
rods south of John F. Foster's (formerly Samuel Clarke's)
house, it crossed Shute's Run where the fording now is, be-
tween the two meadows, keeping the high land through Col.
Evans' plantation, and passed between William and John
Jones' to the site of Pearse's Fort; thence by the Murphy
school-house, and bearing about thirty rods westward of the
Mount Braddock mansion, it passed a few rods to the east
of the old Conrad Strickler house, where it is still visible-
Keeping on through land formerly of John Hamilton (now
Freeman), it crossed the old Connellsville road immediately
on the summit of the Limestone hill, a few rods west of the
old Strickler disdlhMv; tlience througli the old LnwM'ence
Harrison land (James Blackiston's) to Robinson's falls on

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 401

Mill Kuu, jiiul thence down it to tlie Yongli river, crossing it
just below the rnn's mouth, where Braddock's armj' crossed,
at Stewart's Crossings. The trail thence kept through the
Xariows. by Kist's, near the Baptist meeting-house, beyond
Pennsville, passing b^^ the old Salt well on Green Lick run,
to the mouth of Bushy run, at Tinsman's or Welshouse's
mill. Thence it bore across Westmoreland county, up the
Allegheny, to the heads of the Susquehanna, and into Western
New York, then the empire of the Irociuois. A branch left
the main trail at Kobinson's mill, on Mill or Opossum run,
which crossed the Yough at the Broad ford, bearing down
across Jacobs creek, Sewickley and Turtle creeks, to the forks
of the Ohio, at Pittsburgh, by the highland route. This
branch, and the northern part within our county [Fayette],
of the main route, will be found to possess much interest in
connection with Braddock's line of march to his disastrous
destin}'.

''This Cherokee or Catawba Indian trail, including its War-
rior branch, is the only one of note which traversed our county
northward and south ward. (Jenerally, they passed eastward
and westward, from the river, to and across the mountains.

"Decidedly the most important of all these [trails passing
eastward and westward] is Nemacolin's Trail, afterward
adopted and improved by W^ashington and Braddock, the
latter of whom, by a not unusual freak of fame, has given to
the road its name, while its shre\\d old Indian engineer, like
him who traced for Napoleon the great road across the
Simplon, has been buried in forgetfulness."

For mention of Xeniacolin's Trail, see notes to Fort Du-
quesne and Fort Pitt.

FORTS IN WASHINGTON COUNTY.

Doddridge in his "Notes on the Early Settlements and In-
dian Wars," says the ''settlers' fort" of those days was "not
only a place of defense but the residence of a small number of
families belonging to the same neighborhood. As the Indian
20 -Vol. 2.

402 THE FRONTIER FORTS

mode of warfare was an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages
and both sexes, it was as requisite to provide for the safety
of the women and children as for that of the men. The fort
consisted of cabins, blockhouses, and stockades. A range of
cabins commonly foi^med one side at least of the fort. Divi-
sions or partitions of logs separated the cabins from each
other. The walls on the outside were ten to twelve feet high,
the slope of the roof being turned wholly inward. A very few
of these cabins had puncheon floors, the greater j)art were
earthen. The blockhouses were built at the angles of the fort.
They projected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the
cabins and stockades. Their upper stories were about eigh-
teen inches every way larger in dimension than the under one,
leaving an opening at the commencement of the second story
to prevent the enemy from making a lodgment under the walls.
In some forts the angles of the fort were furnished with bas-
tions instead of blockhouses. A large folding gate, made of
thick slabs, nearest the spring, closed the fort. The stockades,
bastions, cabins, and blockhouse walls were furnished with
port-holes at proper heights and distances. The whole of the
outside was made completely bullet-proof. It may be truly
said that necessity is the mother of invention, for the whole of
this work was made without the aid of a single nail or spike
of iron, and for the reason that such things were not to be had.
In some places less exposed a single blockhouse, with a cabin
or two, constituted the whole fort. Such places of refuge may
appear very trifling to those who have been in the habit of see-
ing the formidable military garrisons of Europe and America,
but they answered the purpose, as the Indians had no artillery.
They seldom attacked, and scarcely ever took one of them."

The foregoing description of the different kinds of forts and
blockhouses is peculiarly applicable to this region. Later and
after the Revolution there were many so-called stations along
the Ohio river and in Kentucky and the western country then
being settled. "A station was a parallelogram of cabins, un-
tied by palisades so as to present a continued wall on the outer
side, the cabin doors opening into a common square, on the
inner side. These were the strongholds of the early settlers."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 403

(Note to Border Warfare, p. 235.) Further this description
might possibly answer for some of the stations in the Pan-
handle or the western border of Washington county.

In speaking of the condition of the settlements in the
Washington county region towards the close of the Revolu-
tionary War, Mr. Butterfield in his Crawford Expedition
against Sandusky, p. 39, says:

"The people of the border were forced into forts which dot-
ted the country in every direction. These were in the highest
degree uncomfortable. They consisted of cabins, blockhouses,
and stockades. In some places, where the exposure was not
great, a single blockhouse, with a cabin outside, constituted
the whole fort. For a space around, the forest was usually
cleared away, so that an enemy could neither find a lurking
place nor conceal his approach.

"Near these forts the borderers worked their fields in parties
guarded by sentinels. Their necessary labors, therefore, were
performed with every danger and difficulty imaginable. Their
work had to be carried on with their arms and all things be-
longing to their war-dress deposited in some central place in
the field. vSentinels were stationed on the outside of the fence;
so that, on the least alarm, the whole company repaired to
their arms, and were ready for the combat in a moment.

"From Pittsburgh south, including the Valleys of the Monon-
gahela and Youghiogheny. and the territory west of these to
the Ohio, was a scope of country having, at this time, con-
siderable population; nevertheless, there were few families
who had lived therein any considerable length of time that
had not lost some of their number by the merciless Indians."

"Beyond the story of old Catfish, 'alias Tingooqua, an Indian
chief who iived betimes on what is the site of Washin^on,
Pa., and the doubtful traditions of the existence of a few In-
dian settlements within the present limit of Washington
county, there is, says the Hon. Boyd Crumrine in his History
of Washington County, "with reference to that territory, no
Indian History to be given for the years prior to the opening
of Dnnm ore's War, in 1774. From that time on through the
border warfare that raged until after the close of the Revolu-

404 THE FRONTIER FORTS

tion the annals of this region are full of stirring events — In-
dian incursions, massacres, and alarms — covering the period
from 1774 to 1783."

RICE'S FORT.

"This fort is situated on Buffalo creek, about twelve miles
from its junction with the Ohio river." It appears, says Mr.
Alfred Greigh in his History of Washington county, that Rice's
Fort furnishes the most satisfactory history of those times,
which I have been able to procure.

The Indians, being defeated at Wheeling, resolved to strike a
severe blow in the country, and hence about one hundred war-
riors marched to Rice's Fort, but the inhabitants being made
aware of their approach, each ran to his cabin for his gun, and
all took refuge in the blockhouse or fort. Although they in-
tended to take it bj^ assault, yet they failed, as the sequel will
show, and they continued their depredations, destroying barns,
fences, cattle, &c., but finally retreated. Rev. Dr. Doddridge,
in his account of this fort, says:

"This place was defended by a Spartan band of men, against
one hundred chosen warriors, exasperated to madness by their
failure at Wheeling Fort. Their names shall be inscribed in
the lists of the heroes of our early times. They were Jacob
Miller, George Leffer, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George
Felebaum, and Jacob Leffer, Jr. George Felebaum was shot
in the forehead through a port-hole at the second fire of the In-
dians, and instantly expired, so that in reality the defense of
the place was made by only five men. Four of the Indians
were killed. The next morning sixty men collected and pur-
sued the Indians, but discovered they had separated into small
parties, and the pursuit was given up."

More particulars of this attack are given below which are
taken from Crumrine's History of Washington county, and the
letters in part from the Washington-Irvine Correspondence:

On the 11th of Sept., 17S2, in the evening, an Indian force of
260 warriors under the renegade George Girty (brother of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 405

the infamous Simon), accompanied by a force of about forty
British rangers from Detroit under Capt. Pratt, of the royal
service, attacked the fort (Fort Henry) at Wheeling, but were
repulsed. Other attempts were made by them to carry the
place by ass'ault during the day and night of the 12th, but with
no better success, and in the morning of the 13th they with-
drew from Wheeling with the intention of carrying their dep-
redations to the inland settlements. Their attack on Wheel-
ing is described by Ebenezer Zane in the following letter to
Gen. Irvine. [Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 397.]

"Wheeling, 17th September, 1782.

"Sir: On the evening of the eleventh instant a body of the
enemy appeared in sight of our garrison. They immediately
formed into lines around the garrison, paraded British colors,
and demanded the Fort to be surrendered, which was refused.
About 12 o'clock of night they rushed hard on the pickets in
order to storm but was repulsed. They made two other at-
temps to stonn before day but to no purpose. About 8 o'clock
next morning there came a negro from them to us, and in-
formed us that their force consisted of a British captain and
40 reguPar soldiers and 260 Indians. The enemy kept up a con-
tinual fire the whole day. About 10 o'clock at night they made
a fourth attempt to storm to no better purpose than the
former. The enemy continued around the garrison till the
morning of the 13th instant, when they disappeared. Our loss
is none. Daniel Sullivan, who arrived here in the beginning
of the action, is wounded in the foot.

"I believe they have driven the greatest part of our stock
away, and might, I think, be soon overtaken."

When the Indian besiegers found themselves compelled to
withdraw from Fort Henry without having effected its capture
as they had expected to do, the larger part of their force, to-
gether with Capt. Pratt's British Rangers, crossed the Ohio
with what plunder they had been able to secure, and took their
wa}' through the wilderness towards the Sandusky. The re-
mainder of the Indian force, some sixty or seventy in number,
took the opposite direction, striking eastward towards the in-
terior settlements, bent on massacre and devastation in re-

406 THE FRONTIER FORTS

venge for their disappointment at Fort Henry. Their objec-
tive point was Rice's fort, on the Dutch Fork of Bulfalo creek,
in the present township of Donegal, Washington county.

Intelligence of the attack on Fort Henry was brought to Col.
James Marshel at Catfish by Capt. Boggs immediately after
the siege began, and while all the Indian and British forces
were collected round the fort. On the receipt of the informa-
tion Marshel notified Gen. Irvine by letter as follows [Wash.-
Irvine Cor., p. 312]:

"Thursday, September 12, 1782.

"Dear Sir: By an express this moment arrived from Wheel-
ing, I have received the following intelligence, namely: That
a large trail, by supposition about two hundred Indians, was
discovered yesterday about three o'clock near to that place.
Capt. Boggs, who brought the account, says that when he had
left the fort about nine miles and a half he heard the swivel
at Wheeling fired, and one rifle. He further says that Ebene-
zer McCulloch, from Van Meter's fort, on his way to Wheeling,
got within one-half a mile of the place shortly after Boggs left
it, where he was alarmed by hearing a heavy and constant fire
about the forts, and makes no doubt the fort was then at-
tacked. * * * *»

Three days later Col. Marshel communicated to Gen. Irvine
further information of the movements of the Indians in the
following letter:

"Sunday Morning, 15th September, 1782.
"Dear Sir: You may depend upon it, as a matter of fact,
that a large body of Indians are now in our country. Bast
night I saw two prisoners who made their escape from Wheel-
ing in time of the action, and say the enemy consists of 238 In-
dians and 40 Rangers, the latter commanded by a British
officer; that they attacked Wheeling Fort on Wednesday night,
and continued the attack, at which time the above deserters
left them. This Fort they say was the principal object of the
enemy; but it appears, both from their account and the
enemy's advancing into the country, that they have despaired
of taking it. The deserters say that shortly before they left
the enemy that they had determined to give up the matter at

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 407

Wheeling, and either scatter into small parties in order to dis-
tress and plunder the inhabitants, or attack the first small
fort they could come at. The latter I'm this moment informed
is actually the case; that they have attacked one Rice's Block-
house, on what is called the Dutch fork of Buffalo, and its to
be feared it will fall into their hands, as only those have been
called upon who are not going upon the expedition. I'm afraid
they will not turn out as well as they ought to do. If the
enemy continues to advance in one body the matter will be-
come serious, and perhaps require our whole strength to repel
them. But if it can possibly be avoided I could wish not to
call upon a man that's going upon the expedition against San-
dusky. Besides, the battalion rendezvous is appointed a& soon
as the men could possibly be collected. Unless the officers
have made their appointments, as you will see by Col. Mc-
Cleery's letter they have done in the first battalion, no doubt,
ammunition will be wanted on this occasion. A small quan-
tity, such as the bearer can carry, will do. Excuse haste."

The following account of the attack on Rice's Fort is from
•'Chronicles of Border Warfare, or a history of the settlement
of northwestern Virginia." By A. S. Withers, 1831.

"The place against which the savages directed their opera-
tions was situated on Buffaloe creek, twelve or fifteen miles
from its entrance into the Ohio, and was known as Rice's fort.
Until Miller's return^ there was in it only five men, the others
having gone to Hagerstown to exchange their peltries for salt,
iron and ammunition. They immediately set about m'aking
preparations to withstand an assault, and in a little while,
seeing the savages approaching from every direction, forsook
the cabins and repaired to the blockhouse. The Indians per-
ceived that they were discovered, and thinking to take the
station by storm, shouted forth the war-whoop and rushed to
the assault. They were answered by the fire of the six brave
and skillful riflemen in the house, and forced to take refuge
behind trees and fallen timber. Still they continued the firing,
occasionally calling on the whites to "Give up, give up — In-
dian too many — Indian too big — Give up, Indian no kill." The
men h.id more faitli in tlie efficacy of their guns to purchase

408 THE FRONTIER FORTS

their safety than in the proffered mercy of the savages; and
instead of complying- with their demand, called on them, "as
cowards, skulking behind logs, to leave their coverts, and show
but their yellow hides, and they would make holes in them."

"The firing was kept up by the savages from their protected
situation until night, and whenever even a remote prospect of
galling them was presented to the whites, they did not fail to
avail themselves of it. The Indian shots in the evening were
directed principally against the stock as it came up as usual to
the station, and the field was strewed with dead carcasses.
About ten o'clock of the night they fired a large barn (thirty
or forty yards from the blockhouse) filled with grain and hay,
and the flames from which seemed for a while to endanger the
fort; but being situated on higher ground, and the current of
air flowing in a contrary direction, it escaped conflagration.
Collecting on the side of the fort opposite to the fire, the In-
dians took advantage of the light it afforded them to renew
the attack, and kept it up until about two o'clock, when they
departed. Their ascertained loss was four warriors — three
of whom were Ivilled by the first firing of the whites — the other
about sundown. Greorge Felebaum was the only white who
suffered. Early in the attack he was shot in the forehead,
through a port-liole, and expired instantly, leaving Jacob Mil-
ler, George Leffier, Jr., Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice and
Jacob Leffier, sole defenders of the fort, and bravely and ef-
fectually did they preserve it from the furious assaults of one
hundred chosen savage warriors.

"Soon after the Indians left Rice's fort, they moved across
the hills in different directions and in detached parties. One
of these observing four men proceeding towards the fort which
they had lately left, waylaid the path and killed two of them
on the first fire. Tlie remaining two fled hastily, and one of
them, swift of foot, soon made his escape. The other, closely
pursued by one of the sjivages and in danger of being over-
taken, wheeled to fire. His gun snapped, and he again took to
flight. Yet more closely pressed by his pursuer, he once at-
tempted to shoot. Again his gun snapped, and the savage be-
ing now near enough, hurled a tomahawk at his head. It

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 409

missed its object and both strained every nerve for the chase.
The Indian gained rapidly upon him, and reaching forth his
arm, caught hold of his belt. It had been tied in a bow-knot,
and came loose. Sensible that the race must soon terminate
to his disadvantage unless he could kill his pursuer, the white
man once more tried his gun. It fired, and the savage fell
dead at his feet."

The fact that the Indians were advancing eastward from
AVheeling was known at Rice's fort about half an hour before
the savages made their appearance, the intelligence having
been brought by Jacob Miller, who learned the news at the
house of Dr. Moore, near Catfish, and rode with all possible
speed to notify the people at the threatened point, and to take
part in the defense. Some of the men from the fort h'ad gone
to Hagerstown for supplies, and only five were left to defend
it, viz: George Leffler, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George
Felebaum, and Jacob Leffler, Jr. This force was increase;! to
six by the arrival of Miller. The Indians soon made their ap-
pearance and surrounded the fort. The six defenders fired,
and three savages fell. The Indians returned the fire without
effect, but in their second volley they killed George Felebaum.
who was standing at a port-hole. The ball struck him in the
forehead, and he expired instantly. The firing was kept up
during the d'ay, but without any casualty to the white men.

Abraham Rice, of the fort, was absent, having set out at
once on receipt of the news brought by Miller to go tO' Lamb's
fort, some four miles away, for assistance. He had not been
gone long when he heard the firing at his own fort, and at once
determined to return 'and assist in the defense; but he failed
in his attempt, for he was discovered by the Indians, who fired
a great number of shots and wounded him badly, but he made
his escape, and was able to reach Lamb's, whence, after liis
wounds had been dressed, he set out on his return, having
with him a party of twelve men. This was late in the evening.
On approaching the besieged fort, ten of the party became
alarmed and retreated, but Rice and the other two went on.
They were soon discovered by an Indian, who thereupon gave
the usual alarm, which passed around the entire line encir-

410 THE FRONTIER FORTS

cling the fort. The savages supposed that a large party of
whites was approaching, and after one more fierce and inef-
fectual attempt to carry the fort they retreated from the place,
having lost four warriors by the rifles of the defenders. On
the following moi'ning a force of about (50 frontiersmen col-
lected and started in pursuit of the Indians, but after proceed-
ing two or three miles it was found that the savages had scat-
tered in small parties, and the pursuit was abandoned. The
Indians, however, in their retreat met another party of four
white men, two of whom they killed, losing one of their war-
riors.

The Indian attacks at Wheeling 'and at Rice's fort (showing
that the savages could make incursions in force and almost
at will in spite of the vigilance of the "ranging parties" of
militia) materially dampened the ardor of the people with re-
gard to the new Sandusky campaign, notwithstanding that
the government had ordered a considerable body of Con-
tinental troops to accompany the expedition, in accordance
with the wishes of Cols. Marshel and Cook and several of the
more prominent among the militia officers of Washington and
Westmoreland counties. [Crumrine's Hist. Washington coun-
ty, page 134.]

This fort was on the farm now owned by Charles Burrick,
in Donegal township, Washington county.

LINDLEY'S FORT.

Demas Lindley'with his family came in 1773 to settle west of
the Monongahela,iu the section of country which afterward be-
came Washington county, and with him came about twenty
other families, all from Xew Jersey, and nearly all from the
county of Morris which had been Mr. Lindley's home before his
emigration. Four of the families settled on the south fork of
Ten-Mile creek, near Jefferson, Greene county. The others
settled at different points on the north and middle forks of the
same creeks. Demas Lindlev located on 400 acres of land situ-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 411

ated on the middle fork of Ten-Mile creek adjacent to the
lands of Caleb and John Lindley, James Draper and J. Mc-
Vaugh. This property was warranted to him Feb. 5, 1785,
and surveyed Dec. Gth, of the same year, receiving the title of
"Mill Place," its location being very near the present village of
Prosperity. Mr. Lindley became the owner of another tract
called Headquarters, which was warranted to him April ISth,
1790. as containing 868 acres.

Demas Lindley and Jack Cook were two of the most promi-
nent and influential men among the earlj^ settlers along Ten-
Mile creek. Thej were very active in the frontier movements
against the Indians, and a fort was early established upon the
property of Mr. Lindley, called Lindley's Fort, and was the
rendezvous for the residents in this part of the county.

"Lindley's Fort, near the present village of Prosperity, was
one of the strongest forts in the western country, because it
was the most exposed to the hostile incursions of the savage
inhabitants." [Creigh's Hist, of Wash. Co., p. 55.]

Judge Veech thus alludes to this fort: "Sometimes, as at
Lindley's, and many of the other forts in the adjacent country
west of the Monongahela, additional cabins were erected out-
side the fort, for temporary abode in times of danger, from
which the sojourners could, in case of attack, retreat within
the fort. [Mon. of Old. 21.]

WOLF'S FORT.

Among the many forts or blockhouses which dotted the
wilderness in those uncertain times. Wolf's Fort was one of
the first built. It stood about five miles west of the present
borough of Washington, and enclosed the cabin of Jacob Wolf.
To this fort Priscilla Peak or Peck crawled upon her hands
and knees after being scalped. She was confined to her bed
with a fever when the Indians broke in upon the family, and
seeing the hopelessness of escaping, some one threw a quilt
around her and told her to fly. She only had strength suflB-
cient to reach a pig-sty, wh(}re she stopped for breath. While

412 THE FRONTIER FORTS

leaning over the fence an Indian discovered her and scalped
her. Being hotly pursued by the whites he did not tomahawk
her, and in this condition she reached Wolf's Fort. She re-
covered, her head healed, but she always wore a black cap to
conceal her loss. A Miss Christianna Clemmens and Lydia
Boggs were chased into this fort, and only escaped capture by
outrunning their pursuers. Miss Boggs was afterwards cap-
tured and carried over the Ohio river, but effected her escape
and returned to her friends, having forced her horse to swim
the river. Another incident relating to the history of this fort
was recounted, in later years, by William Darby, who, when a
child, came with his parents to this vicinity in December, 1781,
• — the elder Darby evidently intending permanent settlement
here, but being driven away by Indian alarms. Mr. Darby
in his narrative says, "We remained in Mr. Wolf's house until
February, 1782, while my father was preparing his cabin, into
which we finally entered, but not to rest. In fifteen or twenty
days after entering into our log cabin, Martin Jolly came run-
ning breathless to tell us that a savage murder had been com-
mitted but ten miles distant. In two hours we were in Wolf's
Fort. From the Fort my parents removed to Catfish, Washing-
ton, and spent the remainder of 1782, and to April, 1783, on
the farm of Alexander Reynolds, recently owned by Dr. F. J.
LeMoyne." [Hist. Wash. County, 078. See Darby's Acct. in
"Historical Acct. Expdn. Agst. Sand. Butterfield.]

The fort was said to be a stockade inclosing the house of
Jacob Wolf, in what is now Buffalo township, Washington
county. [His. Wash. County, 130, u.]

MILLER'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Meanwhile the savages in the northwest had (as had been
foreseen) grown still more fiercely hostile since the massacre
of the Moravians, and more active than ever on the war-path.
In the space of a few weeks, following the return of William-
son's expedition to the Muskingum, in Ohio, several Indian
foravs were made into Wnshin*rton rountv. A Mrs. Walker.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 413

whose home was on Buffalo creek, was taken prisoner on the
27th of March, but succeeded in escaping from her savage
captors. On the first of April, an entire family named Boice,
consisting of eight persons, were captured by the savages and
taken away to the Indian towns west of the Ohio, and on the
following day another party of marauders killed a man within
the present limits of the borough of Washington,

A few days after the capture of the Boice family, Miller's
blockhouse, situated on the Dutch Fork of Buffalo creek, in
the present county of Donegal, Washington county, was at-
tacked on a Sabbath morning by a party of about twenty
Shawanese warriors, who had arrived during the previous
night, but remained hidden nearby until early in the morning.
Two men came out of the enclosure, and started along the
path to search for a colt which had strayed. When they had
passed the ambushment, the savages fell upon and killed them,
and having torn off their scalps the entire party leaped from
their place of concealment and surrounded the block-house.
The inmates were now only one old man and several women
and children, but there were rifles and ammunition, and these
were used by the women to so good effect that the savage as-
saulters were kept at bay until there came a relieving party of
three white men, who rushed past the Indians, effected an en-
trance into the blockhouse and defended it so effectively that
the red-skinned besiegers finally withdrew and disappeared.

The men killed were John Hupp, Sr., Jacob Miller, Sr. The
persons left in the blockhouse were old Mr. Matliias Ault, Ann
Hupp, wife of the murdered John, their four cnildren, — Mar-
garet, Mary, John and Elizabeth Hupp, — the family of Edgar
Gaither, Frederick Miller, an eleven year-old son of Jacob,
who was killed outside the fort, and two or three other mem-
bers of the same family. The successful defense of the block-
house until the arrival of help was principally due to the hero-
ism and undaunted courage of the widowed Ann Hupp. The
boy, Frederick Miller, was started from the house to go to
Rice's Fort, about two miles away, for aid, but the Indians saw
him, and he was driven back, wounded, narrowly escaping
with his life. But the firing of the Indians when they killed
Hupp and Miller had been heard at Rice's, and the rescuing

414 THE FRONTIER FORTS

party referred to, consisting of Jacob Rowe, only about 16
years of age, Jacob Miller, Jr., Pliillii) Hupp (all of whom be-
longed ar the Miller blockhouse, but chanced to be absent at
Rice's at the time of the attack), came with all speed to the as-
sistance of the besieged ones, and gained an entrance as stated.
The Indians kept up the siege through the day, but disap-
peared during the following night.

A number of other attacks were made in this county and in
TNestmoreland, during the month of April and early part of
May (1782). In a letter written on the 8th of the latter month
by Dorsey Pentecost to President Moore (Pa. Arch, ix, 541), he
said, -'The Indians are murdering frequently. Last Friday
night two men were killed on the frontiers of this county, and
about a week before I got home 14 people were killed and cap-
tured in different parts, and last week some mischief was done
near Hannas' Town, but have not learned the particulars."

The blackhouse mentioned stood on the farm now owned by
Clinton Miller. [Hist, of Wash. County, 112.]

BEELOR'S FORT.

Captain Samuel Beelor and his son Samuel were settled
in 1774 upon land where the village of Candor now stands, —
in Robinson township, Washington county — as is recited in a
Virginia certificate granted in February, 1780. An additional
tract of land of 400 acres adjoining this was granted to Samuel
Beelor, July 17th, 1782. On the survey accompanying this
statement is shown a house two stories high and situated on a
road from Billow's Fort to Turner's Fort.

What was known as Beelor's Fort was his own house, two
stories high, made large and strong. The survey of 1782 shows
no other. Captain Samuel Beelor and his family, and Samuel
Beelor, Jr., and his family lived on the place till 1789, when they
sold and removed. The lands .ire now owned by J. M. Clark,
trustee John G. Smith, Mrs. Cully. Samuel Neill, of the Rac-
coon cliurcl). iiTid (Mnbrnoe llif site of the village of Candor,
(1882.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVAXIA. 415

The fort is said to have been erected about a hundred yards
southwest of the Raccoon church. It must have been some
years after Mr, Beelor's settlement, before the Baileys, the Mc-
Candless, Sherers, and others came to this section. Beelor's
house was the rendezvous for all the j)eople of the vicinity in
the time of danger.

BILLOW'S FORT.

Billow's Fort was in Hanover township, Washington county,
on the farm of Matthew Billow on Fort Billow run. The
road from there ran southeasterly to Beelor's, and from thence
east to Turner's Fort. A large yellow poplar stands near the
site of the old fort.

Michael Billow located a tract of land on Billow's creek, a
branch of Raccoon creek. He settled before 1780, and in that
year received a Virginia certificate for the land on which he
had located. It was adjoining the land of Thomas Armour
and James Crawford, and a short distance from Thomas
Bigger. A survey of Samuel Beelor, made in 1782, shows a
road from Fort Billow to Fort Beelor, and east from there to
Turner's mill. The tract of land was surveyed June 8th, 1788,
and named "Billow's Fort," containing 399 acres. A warrant
of the Board of Property, dated March 24, 1798, was returned
to Abraham Kirkpatrick. The land warranted by Matthew
Billow is now owned by Robert R. Coventry. Soon after,
in 1782, Matthew Billow and his son, John, were at work in
the clearing when Indians in ambush shot the father and took
the son a prisoner. He saw them secrete the body of his
father near a large log before starting on their march. The
boy was kept a prisoner for several years, and upon his return
was questioned as to what became of the body of his father.
He recalled and narrated the incidents of his capture. A num-
ber of friends gathered together, and after a search found the
skeleton of the elder Billow. It was brought to near the old
fort and buried. [Hist, of Wash. Co.. 804.]

Grace Fuller, a female slave, who was the prox)erty of
Thomas Armour remembered being in Billow's Fort when

416 THE FRONTIER FORTS

about 17 years of age, at the time of an attack of the Indians,
about the year 1778. She was later owned by a man by the
name of Pierce. [lb., 804.

Col. Brodhead to Ensign John Beck from Pittsburgh, Aug.
1st, 1779, (Brodhead- s Letter Book, No. 39), says: "I have re-
ceived yours of the 30th of last month, by express. Altho it
is not plainly expressed I conceive two of the boys you mention
must have fallen into the hands of the Indians, and I have just
now received information that one Anderson, who lived about
two miles from Dillar's (Billow's) Fort, was slightly wounded,
and two of his little boys carried off by the savages on the
same day the mischief was done on Wheeling."

Col. David Redick to Gov. Mifflin on the 13th of Feb., 1792,
(2d Arch, iv, 700) writes as follows:

"I have read your letter of information and instructions to
the County Lieutenants, on the subject of protection. I find
that a considerable gap is left open to the enemy on the north-
westerly part of the county, and that a place where, in former
wars the enemy perpetually made their approach on that
quarter — the settlements on Raccoon, especially about Dilloe's
constantly experienced in former times the repeated attacks of
the enemy." See the sketch accompanying this communica-
tion, and the plan suggested by Col. Redick for the protection
of that exposed frontier, where his letter may be found, as re-
ferred to above.

VANCE'S FORT.

Joseph Vance came to Smith township, Washington county,
from Winchester, Va., in 1774, and took up the land now occu-
pied in part by James L. A^ance, a great-grandson of the origi-
nal proprietor. He was prominent in all the various expedi-
tions, against the Indians, and built the stockade fort known
for many years as Vance's Fort by the early settlers. The site
of the fort is about one mile north of Cross Creek village, on
the headwaters of a branch emptying into Raccoon creek.
The exact spot is still shown.

The region of country called Cross Creek, began to be settled

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 417

about the year 1770 or "71. The first settlers were mostly
Hcotch-Irish. Some came directly from the uorth of Irelaml
and west of Scotland, some from York county, Pa., and from
Winchester, Va., and a few from Mecklenburg, N. C. Meet-
ings for worship were held as early as 177(1 and '77. Two such
societies were organized without the bounds of the Cross
Creek settlements. For several years the settlers were greatly
harassed by incursions of hostile Indians. Not a few of those
who fell under their murderous tomahawks lie in lh»' burying-
ground of this congregation. From these incursions the
people fled into Vance's and Wells' Forts; the former one
mile north, and the latter five unles west of this church. In
these forts social and afterward public worship was kept up
for about seven years, especially in summer and autumn, the
seasons when the Indians were wont to make their raids.
* * * The Rev. James Powers, from the Forks of Youghio
gheny, visited this region, and preached the first gospel sermon
ever heard in it, on the 14th of Sept., 1778. This was under
an oak tree just outside the gate of Vance's Fort.

Tradition has it that liere was planned the expedition of
1782, under Col. Williamson, against the Moravian Indians at
Gnaddenhutten, which resulted in the massacre of those In-
dians. Although the removal of the Indians from that place
was the intention of the force when it started it was entirely
changed from a circumstance which intervened. For on the
arrival of the force at the villages of the Indians, finding the
Indians possessed of some of the clothes of a Mrs. Wallace,
who had been murdered in the vicinity of Vance's Fort, by In-
dians a few months previously, the men became enraged, and
instead of moving them to Fort Pitt, or farther west, they
massacred them in cold blood. [Hist. Wash., 914-736-103-722.
Messrs. J. M. K. Reed and Jaa. Simpson MS.].

Crawford's campaign against Sandusky. [Hist. Was-ih. Co.,
p. 103, 722.]

It was at Vance's Fort that Wm. Parks, a brother-in-law of
Rev. Thomas Marquis, was killed by the Indians in 1782. •

27--V0I. 2.

418 THE FRONTIER FORTS

HOAGLAND'S FORT.

Hoagland's Fort was in'ar Leech's old mill ou the north
branch of Raccoon creek, in Smith township, Washington
county. On land now owned by Joseph Keys, are some .<tones
which ai-e said to be on the site of Henry Hoagland's Foit.
It is said the land belonged to Lund Washington and that
Henry Hoagland never had legal title to the land. In ITSd
the land was patented by James Leech as '^Litchfield." Among
others James Leech, Matthew Rankin, William Rankin and
Thomas Rankin forted here. * » * * There is a tradi-
tion that at one time the women of this fort repulsed the In-
dians who were attacking it with scalding water. QIS-Messrs.
Reed and Simpson.]

Title to this tract of land is mentioned in the History of
Washington county, by Mr. Boyd Crnmrine, page 915. It
would tlnis app«\Tr that this tract was part of the land granted
by Virginia ])atent to Lund Washington, Nov. 24, 1779, who
sold to Geo. McCormick. Jan. 20. 1792, and who Feb. 27th, of
the same year, sold to Gabriel Blakeney, who sold, on the 19th
of May, 1795, to John Wishart, from whom it descended to his
daughter who was married to -Tames Leech.

"On this tract had been an old fort, known as Hoagland's
Fort which the Rankins, Ruxtons and others used as pl'ace
of protection."

ALLEN'S FORT.

A fort known as Allen's Fort was located near the line be-
tween Smith and Robinson townships, Washington county,
in Smith township (?), which the Baileys, Shearers, and others
used as a, place of security before the Beelor Fort was erected.
It is possible that John Allen settled there prior to that time,
but his name does not appear on a Virginia certificate as hav-
ing lands under that title. He took a Pennsylvania Avarrant
November 5. 1784, which was surveyed to him by the name of
"Derry," Feb. 25, 1785. He lived to an old age and died there;
married, l)ut childless. The farm was left to a nephew, Mo^es
Allen, who was not a thrifty man, and the farm passed to
otlur hands. [Hist. Wash. Co., 916.]

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 419

DINSMORE'S FORT.

A fort or blockhouse was on (he place which latei became
known as the Dinsmoie's Fort. This fort was on the taiiii
where James Dinsmore lived and died at an advanced iv^o.
James Dinsmore emijnrraled to this country from Ireland, and
settled first in Fayette townsliip, .Vllej;heny county. Pa., and
on the 21st of July, 17!>.">. jturchased 27(» acres of land in Canton
township, Washington county, of Joshua Anderson, adjoining
lands of Francis Cunningham, ^^amuel Agnew, James Taggart,
and William Shearer, it being jjart of a tract called ^'Hunting-
ton" which was patented to Joshua Anderson, Sept. 26th,
1787. The farm was divided between his tw^o sons, John and
James. The foi-mer remained on the homestead until his
death. William his son is the ])resent owner of the homestead,
where be was born. [Hist. Wash. Co., 680.]

RONEY'S FORT.

Hercules Roney and James Roney were of Scotch-Irish
birth, and emigrated to America about 1775. They were early
settlers in this couuty, and were both chain-men with Col. Wni.
Crawford, as surveyoi- of Yohogania couuty, Va., aud assisted
in many of the surveys of land granted on Virginia certiti
cates. They settled in Findley township upon the land which
they afterward obtained on Virginia certificates. Hercules
Roney's certificate bears date Sept. 21, 1779.

Hercules Roney built upon his land a large and strong block-
house, which w as known as ^'Roney's Blockhouse," or "Roney's
Fort." To this place the neighbors repaired in times of
danger.

The Mcintosh family, who were of Scotch birth or descent,
located in this township at an early but not precisely known
date. During the harvest season of 1789 or 1790, the entire
family, with the exception of one daughter, were massacred
by Indians. They were out at some distance from their liouse
engaged in stacking hay or grain, when the Indians fired on

420 THE FRONTIER FORTS

them, killing the father on the stack. The mother and six
children fled towaid the house, but were overtaken, toma-
hawked and scalped. The daughter above mentioned had been
sent to a distant pasture with a horse, and hearing the firing,
and realizing the danger, fled to Kone^^'s Blockhouse and gave
the alarm. Hercules Koney and a party of men started at once
for the scene of the butchery. The Indians had gone, but the
eight dead and mutilated bodies told the bloody tale. Roney
and his pai-ty buried them on the farm that is now owned by
Mr. Blaney. [Hist. Wash. Co., 982.]

REYNOLDS' BLOCKHOUSE.

William Reynolds came into what is now Cross Creek town-
ship, Washington county, as early as 1755, and upon a Vir-
ginia certificate took up 399 acres of land next to lands of
James Jackson, Samuel Patterson, aud Thomas Marquis. This
tract was surveyed Dec. 4, 1785, and given the name of "Rey-
noldsville." The farm is now owned and occupied by Mr. Wm.
M. Dunbar, and is located about one and a half miles south-
west from Cross Creek village. On this place Mr. Reynolds
built a blockhouse, the site of which is indicated by the
present barn. This fort was the refuge of the families of
James Jackson, James Colwell, widow Mary Patterson,
Ephraim Hart, and all other neighbors near enough to avail
themselves of its protection against the Indians. In the
summer of 1779, the Indians attacked Reynolds' house
during his absence carried off his wife and child, and
while on their way to their towns west of the Ohio,
being hotly pursued and attacked by Reynolds and a small
party of whites, they murdered Mrs. Reynolds and the
child. * * * * rpiip whites who were in this encounter
were the Rev. Thomas Marquis, John Marquis, his brother,
and Robert McCreedy. [Hist. Wash. Co., 724. Reed and
Simpson MS.]

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 421

WELLS' FORT.

Wells' Fort was built on the land of Alexander Wells, called
"Mayfield'' (1780), on the waters of Cross Creek, near the junc-
tion of North and iSouth Forks, in Cross Creek township,
Washington county. The fort stood a little east of the stone-
house now- owned by Wm. Knox (Brenemen, P. O. Wash. Co.,
Pa.). * * * * Besides being a refuge for the families of
the settlement it was also a defense for the mill which stood a
few rods west of it and was one of the earliest mills built in
that pai't of the county, Mr. Wells having settled there in 1773.

In April and May, 1782, the inhabitants in the vicinity of
Wells' Mill petitioned Gen. Wm. Irvine, commander of the
Western Department, at Fort Pitt, to send a few men to help
garrison this fort and defend the mill, as there were eight or
ten forts and blockhouses and posts dependent on the mill for
their supplies of flour:

"Sir; The dangerous situation that our frontiers at present
seem to be in obliges us, your humble petitioners, to
beg for your assistance at such a difficult time as it now is.
Our case is such as follows, namely: We, the inhabitants neai-
Mr. Alexander Wells' mill, are very unhandy to any other mill
and daily open to the rage of a savage and merciless enemy,
notwithstanding the great cai'e that hath already been taken
for our safety by placing guards on the river. The inhabitants
that live near enough the mill to fort there look upon them-
selves not of sufficient force to guard the mill and carry on
any labor to support their families. They will, therefore, un-
doubtedly break off, unless your excellency will please to grant
them a few men to guard the mill. Unless this is done we
must also break ground, as the mill is not cmly our main sup-
port in regard to bread for our families, but likewise in furnish-
ing us with flour for every expedition that we are called to go
upon. Their going oft" will expose us to another front side
open. Therefore, we, your humble petitioners, pray that, if it
is in your power to help us at such a difficult time, you will
not be negligent in doing as much as possible. [Signed]
Samuel Teter, Henry Nelson, James Scott, Phillip Doddridge,
Charles Stuart, John Comley, Walter Hill, Benjamin Pursle,

422 THE. FR0NT1P:R FORTS

Morris West, Thomas Shannon, John Marieal, Michael Hough,
Sen., John Carpenter, James Newell, William McClimans,
Aaron Sackett."

[On the same day a like petition was sent in from the fol-
lowing persons living near Walls' fort — George Brown, John
Baxter, Matthew Fouke, Samuel Naylor, John Sappington,
George N'aylor, and, on the next day, a similar one from the
following persons of Hoagland's near Alexander Wells' Mill:
George McColloch, William Logan, John Biggs, Benj. Biggs,
Charles Hedges, James Andr.ews, Wm. Harrison, Sen,, Nicholas
Rodgers, Soloman Hedges, Joseph Hedges, Silas Hedges,
Joseph Hedges, Jr., Isaac Meek, Wm. Bonar, 1). Hoghland.]

The following exhibit also relates to this time. It belongs
to the same correspondence.

"To his excellency, Gener'al Irvine, commander-in-chief of the
western department:

"Dear Sir: We, the inhabitants, who live near Mr. Alex.
Wells' mill, being very unhandy to any other mill, and daily
open and exposed to the rage of a savage and merciless enemy,
notwithstanding the great attention paid by the gener'al to
our frontiers, and ordering men to be placed on the river — yet
those inhabitants who live near enough the mill to fort there,
tind ourselves unable to guard the mill and carry on labor for
the support of our families; and so, of consequence, cannot
continue to make a stand without some assistance. And it is
clear that if this mill is evacuated many of the adjacent forts,
at least seven or eight, that now hojje to make a stand, must
give up; as their wljole dependence is on said mill for bread
as well as every expedition from these parts. And scouting
parties that turn out on alarms are sup])lied from here. There-
fore, we, your humble petitioners, pray you would order us a
few men to guard the mill — so valuable to many in these ]»arts
in ]>iir(iculai' and tlie couutrv in general. May 2. 17S"J.
[Signed] James Edgar. Henry Graham. David Vance. Arthnr
Campbell. Joseph Vance."

Nine days after, anollK'r and similar petition was sent in
from the inhabitants of Charles Wells' and other stations
lying near Mr. Alex. Wells' mill:

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 423

"Washingtou county, Cross Creek Settlement, May 18, 178li.

"We, your petitioners, have been several weeks iu actual
service on these waters and on ihe waters of Buftalo creek and
finding the distressed situation of the frontier inhabitants by
the daily incursions of the savages which we are fully of the
opinion the river guards cannot prevent, and as there are nine
or ten forts th'at are constantly depending on Alexander Wells'
mill for grinding where they are served and their work with
speed despatched, we are entirely sensible that it is necessai*y
and requisite that your excellency send a guard of seven, eight
or nine men, to be stationed at said mill for their safety and to
the satisfaction and encouragement of the forts adjacent. We,
your peti toners, do reside in the interior parts of the country,
though at present in the service of your excellency with all
possible punctuality. [Signed] Uenjamin White, captain;
Albert Ramsey, captain; Nathan Powel, lieutenant. To his
excellency. Brig, General Irvine.''

There was another Wells' (Kichard) Fort, about six miles
northwest from this, iu West Virginia, a short distance from
the Penn'a line. Col. Marshall in a letter to Gen. Irvine of the
2d of July, 17811, informs him of the movements of Col. Wil-
liamson, then making ready for the expedition in movement
against the Indians at that time. He says: "To-morrow I in
tend marching whatever men may rendezvous in this quarter,
to Richard Wells' Foil, which is within fiTe miles of Mingo
Bottom; at which place 1 intend to stay, if circumstances will
admit until I hear from you." [Butterfield's Crawford's Ex
pedition, page 265.]

DODDRIDGE'S FORT.

This fort was built by John Doddridge on a Ir.ict of land
called "Extravagance" situated on the waters of Buffalo creek
in Independence township. Washington county, about threr
miles west of West Middletown, and two miles east of Inde
pendence town, and about three- fourths of a mile southwest
from Teeter's Fort. The farm has long been a tenant farm

424 THE FRONTIER PORTS

and is now owned by Rev. W. F. Brown. D. I). Canons
burg, Pa.

When this fort was built it probably took the place of
Teeters' Fort which had become indefensible. It stood where
the present dwelling stands, and the stockade enclosed prob-
ably about one-half an acre of land. There is an excellent
spring still in existence which was either enclosed or so close
as to be within the protection of the fort.

Soon after the attack and repulse of the Indians at Wheel-
ing an attack was made upon Rice's Fort on Buffalo creek,
about 12 miles from its junction with the Ohio rivei', and
about four miTes from Doddridge's Fort, which was also re-
pulsed. It was supposed that an attack would then be made
on Doddridge's Fort. Capt. Samuel Teeters, a relative of
Doddridge, took command and prepared the fort for defense;
but it was not attacked although the Indians passed near it.
(Reed and Simpson MS.)

TEETERS' FORT.

This fort took its name from its builder, Capt. Samuel
Teeters, who had participated in Braddock's and Grant's de-
feats, and who located on a tract of land called "Plenty" on the
waters of Cross creek, in Independence township, Washington
county. The premises are now owned and occupied by Col.
Asa Manchester, (aged about 82 years); and had been in the
Manchester family since 1797, Isaac Manchester having pur-
chased the farm in that year from Capt. Saml. Teeters and
from him it has descended to the present owner. Samuel
Teeters settled on it in 1773.

The dimensions of this fort cannot be given, but it was sup-
posed to contain within its area about the one-eighth of an
acre. Part of the site is probably covered by the owner's
present residence, which was erected in 1815. There are some
stones in the house-yard which were probably foundation
stones of the blockhouse or of some of the cabins. Some of
the logs of the fort, or stockade, are still in use in Col. Man-
chester's woodhouse. The Colonel showed where he remera-

OF WKSTKRN PENNSYLVANIA. 425

bered a long depression caused by the decaying of the stock-
ades, which were split logs standing about 16 feet high, set in
the ground with other logs set in the interstices, 'and which
had been erected around his house and buildings. * * * *
This was probably one of the first forts erected in this vicinity.
It was abandoned as indefensible on the erection of Dodd-
ridge's Port about three-fourths of a mile southwest therefrom.
[Reed and Simpson MS., Hist. Wash. Co., 825.]

BEEMAN'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Beeman's Blockhouse was situated on Beeman's run, which
empties into the north fork of Wheeling creek. In front of
this blockhouse was a long, narrow field, on which horses were
pastured. At the extremity of the field the fence was down,
and two boys passed through into the woods in search of the
horses that had strayed off. The Indians had thrown down
the fence as a ruse, and taken the horses into the woods, and
thither the boys ignorantly went. That night the boys were
tomahawked, scalped, and left for dead. In the morning, on
awakening, one of the boys found the Indians had left, and his
brother dead, went to the river and pursued its course until
evening, when he arrived at Wheeling. [Creigh's Hist, of
Wash. Co.. p. 55.]

MARSHALL'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Marshall's Blockhouse built by Col. James Marshall stood on
a tract of land called "Marshall's Delight," CrossCreek township.
Washington county. This was an important place of refuge,
but was never attacked, so far as known. It was built near a
spring still in use. The land is now owned and occupied by
Mrs. Margaret W. McCorkle.

Col. James Marshel and his sou John always spelled their
surname in this peculiar way — Marshel. The cousins of Col.
Marshel, though of the same family, spelled their name in the
usual way — IMarshall.
27*

126 THE FRONTIER, FORTS

ENLOW'S BLOCKHOUSE.

Abraham Enlow was among the first of the settlers in what
is now East Fiulej township, Washington county. There is
little doubt that he was here as early as 1775. He settled on
AVheeling creek, where he built a blockhouse for the protec-
tion of himseli' and family from the Indians. « * * * Qf
this branch of the P^nlow family, Elliott, Jr., is the only one
now living. He still owns a part of the old homestead, and
another portion is the property of William MeCleary." [Crum-
rine's Hist, ^^'ash. Co., p. 775.]

BUROETT'S FORT.

The land on which Burgettstown is situated was located by
Sebastian Burgett, a native of Germany, who emigrated to
this country with his wife and three children, and settled in
Berks county. Pa. While living there his wife died, and left
to his care tv«^o sons and a daughter. He removed to near
Robbstown (West Newton) Westmoreland county, before 1773
where he soon after married Roxana Markle. He came to this
part of the country and located upon a large tract of laud,
which later was secured to his heirs. His name is mentioned
as early as 1780 in connection with the Virginia certiticate of
George McCormick, Henry Rankin, and others whose lands he
joined.

The Burgett house stood near the Robert Scott house, and
the old fort, as it was called was near it. This last stood many
years, and Inter was partially covered with clapboards. Sev
eral years ago, when Mr. Boston Burgett built a new house, the
old log structure was removed across the street, and was used
as a cow-house. The tomalutwk and bullet-marks W(M'e visible
If wns finally struck by lightning and destroyed. [Hist. Wash.
('<»., jnn ri'umrino.]

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 427

CAMPBELL'lS BLOCKHOUSE.

The first settlement in Einley township in the western part
(if Washinj^ton county was about 1785. In this a man by
the name of Mcintosh, with his wife and eight children, settled
on what is now^ the Blockhouse Bun (from the fact that Camp-
bell's Blockhouse was erected there). See Rouey's Blockhouse.
***********

"The lands in ^^'est Finley township were chiefly owned by
Messrs. Shields and Hollinj;worth, of Phila., part of which was
taken in 1700 by Scotch Tresltyterian emigrants direct from
Scotland — hence it was often known by the name of the
"Scotch settlement." On this land they built Campbell's Block-
house in the summer of that year. It was situate about one
mile and a half west of the village of Good Intent. These
settlers had exceedingly hard times. Inuring part of the sum-
mer months th(\v were shut up in the blockhouse, and it was
with the greatest difficulty and peril they could raise corn
suflQcient for their families and their stock." [Creigh's Hist.
Wash. Co.. p. 57.]

FROMAN'S. PORT.

Froman's Fort. — Col. Aeneas Mackay and others to Jos.
Shippen, Secretary of the Governor, from Pittsburgli, July 8th.
1774, Arch., iv, 540), says: "Sin(;e our memorial to his honor
the governor, of the 25th of June, accompanied by some notes,
there has several occurances of so extraordinary a nature hap-
pened, that we hope no apology is necessary for giving you
this trouble. The traders who were coming by land are all
come in safe. Capt. Whiteyes is returned with the strongest
assurrances of friendship from the Shawanese, Delawares, Wy
andots and Cherokees, with whom he had been treating on our
behalf. Upon his return he found his house liroken open by
the Virginians, and about thirty pounds w^orth of his property
taken, which was divided and sold by the robbers at one Fro-
man's Fort, on Chartiers creek." • ♦ • * (^^1. Mackay
here reflects on the partisans of Lord Dnnmore.

428 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Froman's Fort, on Chartiers creek is classed with Vance's
Fort, Lindley's Fort and others that were erected in Wash-
ington county, bj' Mr. Crumrine in his History of that county,
page 73. On the Historical Map of the State it is set down op
posite Canonsburg.

WILLIAMSON'S STATION.

"Col. David Williamson was colonel of the third battalion of
Washington County militia, and second in command upon the
Sandusky Expedition. He was a son of John Williamson, and
was born in .1752, near Carlisle, Penna. He came to the west-
ern country when a boy; he afterwards returned home and
persuaded his parents to emigrate beyound the Allegheny.
They settled upon Buffalo creek, in what was Washington
county, about twelve miles from the Ohio. At that point,
David had a 'station' during the Revolution, which, though
often alarmed, was never attacked." [C. W. Butterfield, in
note, p. 366, Wash.-Irvine Cor.]

BAYON'S BLOCKHOUSE.

An old cabin, sometimes used as a place of refuge, was built
by Thomas Bayon. It stood on a farm now owned by J. D.
Braden, Esq., and others in Cross Creek township.

TAYLOR'S FORT.

Another fort was Taylor's Fort, near the site of Taylors-
town. It stood on a knoll on the bank of Buffalo creek, (Buf-
falo townshi])), the property being now owned by James
Hodgens.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 429.

NORRIS' FORT.

"Col. James AUisou, of Cecil county, Maryland, came in the
spring of 1774 to what is now Washington county, and settled
on Chartiers. He and his family were of the twenty families who
came to this section in that year, among whom were the Scotts,
McDowells, Parks, Morrisons, Stuthers, Norris and others.
For the first year after these families arrived in the valley they
were accustomed to rendezvous in time of danger from the
Indians at a fort that was built on the land of William Norris,
in the rear of the old quail place, Chartiers Township." [Hist.
Wash. Co., 707. Crumrine.j

CHERRY'S FORT.

"The Cherry Fort was situated on the farm commonly
known as the Cherry farm from having remained in the family
name until a recent period, in Mount Pleasant township, Wash
ington county, and stood a few yards northeast of William P.
Cherry's present (1882) residence. It consisted of three log
buildings, one twenty-five feet square, the others smaller.
They were arranged in a triangular form and enclosed with a
stockade. The fort was built in the summer and fall of 1774,
and was the residence of the Cherrys, and where in times of
danger the McCartys, Rankins, and others fled. The large
building was two stories in height, with a half-story above, and
was built to withstand a formidable attack." [Hist. Wash.
Co., Crumrine, p. 85.5.] It is on land now owned by Mr. Mar
tin Raab.

LAMB'S FORT.

Lamb's Fort is said to have been four miles from Rice's Fort
and is mentioned in the account of the attack on Fort Rice as
given in Withers' Chronicles. ''When Rice's fort was attacked
Abraham Rice was absent, having set out at once on receipt of

430 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the news brought by Jacob Miller to go to Lamb's fort for as-
sistance."' A place locally known as "the Fort" on the farm of
Mr. Luther Davis, in Hopewell township, Washington county,
is probobaly the site. On authority of Messrs. J. M. K. Reed
and James Simpson.

BECKET'S FORT.

Dr. Creigh in his History of Washington County says there
was a fort called Becket's Fort near the Monongahela river
(page 56).

"When the Court for Monongalia County, V'a. [under the
jurisdiction of Virginia], met at Fort Dunmore, (originally and
afterward Fort Pitt), on the 21st of Feb., 177.5, viewers were
appointed to report roads from and to various points. One of
these was from Fort Dunmore (IMttsburgh) to Becket's Fort
and the points were from Becket's Fort to James AVilson's,
thence to the Monongahela river; thence to the head of Saw-
mill run; thence to Fort IMtt (Pittsburgh)." Tb. 20.

Dr. Alfred Creigh makes mention of the following forts and
blockhouses in his History of Washington (Jouuty of which
norliing further can be learned. Tlie location where given is
liie onl\ further information to be added.

"Tliei'e was a blockhouse on the farm owned by William M.
Lee, Esq., called Reynolds' Fort from the owner of the laud
William Reynolds, Escj." I'age 2:^8. * * * * This farm is
now (jwned by Mr. William M. Dunbar, and is near Gross creek
village. Cross ('reek township. ^Vashington county.

"There was a blockhouse in Mount Pleasant township.
Washington county, on ^^'ilson's farm which is now (1870)
owned by Andrew Russel, Esq.'' This is on the farm now
owned by Mr. Miller.

"There was also a fort in West Bethlehem township, Wash-
ington county, at the village of Zollarsville, and directly in the
nnr of the dwelling house and store of Edward R. Smith. Esq..

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 431

on the high bluff which overlooks the fori." ZoUai'Sville is on
the North Branch of Ten Mile oreek, sixteen miles from Wash-
ington.

FOKTS MILLIKEN AND McFAKLAND.

Dr. Alfred Creigh in his history of Washington county, in
speaking of Aniwell township, which borders on Greene coun-
ty, observes that "the early settlers of this part of the county
as well as the adjoining county of Greene, were squatters who
purchased the land from the native Indians for a gun, trinket,
or gewgaw, of whom were John Eutman and Dennis Smith, the
former dying at the age of ninety-nine and the latter at one
hundred and four; these two, with William Gordon, Kussel
Reese, John Lorrison, and John James constituted the princi-
pal original settlers. From the year 1770 to 1790, they were
followed by a different kind of men, who patented their lands
and obtained them legally; these early pioneers were Na-
thaniel McGriffen, David Evans, James Milliken, Abel McFar-
land, George Cooper and John Bates, some of whom served in
the Revolutionary War with marked distinction.

*'For their protection these settlers erected two forts, one
called Fort Milliken. situated on a beautiful mound on the
farm of Mrs, Samuel Bradon, the other was named Fort Mc-
Farland. and located on the farm of Peter Garrett. * * *
The history of the North Tenmile Baptist Church runs back as
far as the year 1772. Tn their first labors they were much
troubled with the Indians, and were often compelled to hold
their meetinjjr in Fort McFarland."

WOODRUFF'S mXH KTIOT' SE.

''There was a third fort or blockhouse on the fai'iii now (1870)
owned by Nehemiah Woodruff, Esq., ^vhere many bones, ar
rows, wares, and trinkets are unearthed by the farmer's plow.
The mound that encircled the area of this third fort until re-

432 • THE FRONTIER FORTS

eontlj was covered with large trees, and iu the immediate
vidnitj are numerous burying-grounds of the Indians."
[Creigh's Hist Wash. Co., 93-94.]

COX'S FOKT OR STATION.

Mention is made of Cox's, (or Coxe's) Fort or Station fre-
quently in the latter days of the Revolution, but it was in ex-
istence much earlier. Gabriel Cox, from whom the fort was
named and on whose land the fort was built and the station
established, was a Major under authority of Virginia from
1776 to 1782; and was a participant in various expeditions that
went out from the Washington county region against the In-
dians from 1778 to 1782. [History of Washington County,
Crurarine, 961.]

In Dunlevy's declaration for a pension, as recited in a note
to Mr. Butterfleld's Crawford's Expedition, it is said: "Dun-
levy volunteered about the first of March, 1778, for one month's
service. The rendezvous was at Cox's Station, on Peter's
creek. Colonels Isaac Cox and John Canon attended to organ-
izing the men; but in eight days the militia relinquished their
arms to some recruits for the regular army, who relieved them,
and they returned home to attend to putting in their crops."

In mentioning the early settlers of Peters township (then
embracing Union township), in the History of Washington
County edited by Mr. Crumrine, it is said that "David Steele
was in service in 1776 under Captain Isaac Cox, and himself
rose to the grade of Captain. On the 1st of March, 1778, he
was with the troops who rendezvoused at Cox's Station, under
Colonel Isaac Cox and John Canon."

During the time that Virginia exercised jurisdiction over this
portion of the State this was a notable point and is frequently
mentioned in their records and in the minutes of their county
courts. ^'Commissioners appointed by Virginia for the adjust-
ment and settling titles of claimants to unpatented lands 'came
to the western watters' in the Monongahela Valley in Decem
\ti']\ 1779, and in that and the following months sat at Red-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 433

Stone and at Cox's Fort, on the Monongahela, and granted
scores of certificates to claimants under Virginia settlement
rights."

Mr. Crumrine in a note to this text says: "There has been
some doubt as to the locality of Cox's Fort. Mr. Veech calls
It "Coxe's Fort, on the west side of the Monongahela." Some
of the certificates are dated at Coxe's Fort, others at Cox's
Fort, evidently meaning the same place. There was a Cox's
Fort just above Wellsburg, on land about 1785 bought of Van
Swearingeu, but the locality called by this name in the text is
believed to be the station or fort at Capt. Gabriel Cox's, in
now Union Township."

Commissioners sat there till some time in 1780. "No event
(says Judge Veech in Centenary Memorial, 336,) in the whole
controversy so roused the ire of Pennsylvania."

The present owner of the land on which Cox's Fort stood,
'is Mr. Samuel Myers. The farm is a part of tract taken out
by Gabriel Cox, under the name of Coxburg, Number 486, en-
rolled in patent book No. 4, P. 9 to 11. The location of the
fort is in Union township, Washington county, one mile from
Gastonville, on the Washington and Wheeling division of the
Baltimore and Ohio railroad, one mile from Shire Oaks on the
Virginia and Charleston division of the Pennsylvania rail-
road; on the Monongahela river, fourteen miles from Pitts-
burgh.

Mr. Myers son plowed up a tw^elve pound cannon ball in the
spring of 1892 on the site of the fort. (Thos. Denniston, Esq.)

All verbal accounts agree that the Fort was stockaded, but
it is reasonable to suppose that latterly the chief features of
the post were those structures which were necessary for the
accommodation of the organized soldiery who on occasion
were stationed here.

MCDONALD'S STATION.

Mention is made in the correspondence of 1781-2 of McDon
aid's Station, sometimes fort. The following petition was sent
2S-Vol 2.

434 THE FRONTIER FORTS

to (ieii. iiviue April 5tli, 1782. The original is found in thii
Wasliiuglou-lrvine Correspondence, page 298.

"To the Honorable General Irvine, commandant on the west-
ern waters:

"Your humble petitioners showing forth our situation since
the year 1777, that we liavc lived in a state of anarchy. \Vc
were in great hopes that your honor would have supported us
that we could have lived at our own homes; but lately, learn
ing that the station is evacuated, we expect nothing else but
that tlie Indians will be immediately amongst us. Therefore,
we, the subscribers, have met this day at the house of John
McDonald. At the risk of our lives and fortunes, with the
assistance of the Almighty God, we are determined to make a
slop here the ensuing summer. We look upon it prudent to
use tlie means as well as prayers. Therefore, sir, we look for
aid and assistance, as we are but a few in number, not able tg
repel the enemy. Therefore, we look to you for men, ammuni
tion and arms.

"We know that provision is scarce, therefore we will find
the men that are sent to us, only allowing us rations-pay. The
number of men we request is ten. McDonald, last Tuesday,
waited on Colonel James Marshel, our county lieutenant, re
questing him for some assivstance of men, powder and lead.
His answer was he could not furnish him with either.

''Sir: — We understand that George Vallandigham is to sit
in council with you to-morrow, who was a sufferer as well as
we are, and has lately left his place of abode and took his
refuge near Colonel [John] Canon's. Pray, sir, ask of him
«)ur present situation. [Signed] Wm. Littell, Joshua Meeks,
John Robb, James Littell, James Baggs, John Hull, Thomas
Moon, John McDonald, John Reed, Wm. Anderson.

"N. B. — Tlie situation of McDonald's place is pleasant, lying
and being on a knoll or advantageous piece of ground for any
garrison. \\'e tlio subscribers observing that the states must
have receiving and issuing stores, it is our opinion that ac
cording to McDonald's promise, we think it the best place for
said stores. McDonald's promises are that the states shall
have, without cost, his still-house, hogsheads, his cellar under

OF VVKSTKltN PKNNSYI^VANIA. .436

his new house, together with the lowest stor^ of his spring
house, without price or lee to the states. We have appointed
Joshua Meeks and John McDonald to lay our petitions before
voiir liouor. April 5, 1781'.''

Among the minutes of the proceedings of the Supreme Exe-
cutive Council is the following, taken from Pa. Records, xvi,
'2i>:L Feb. 18lh, i75>U. "The Comptroller and Register Gen-
eral's Reports, upon the following accounts, [among which is
the one quoted], were read and approved, vizt: Of Josepli
Brown for one month's pay as a volunteer militia man, .while
stationed at one McDonald's, for the defense of the county of
Washington, in Aug. 1782, amounting to five pounds, five shil
lings." .

"This fort was located back of Merryman's house

some distance, on or near the site of the old school house. The
fort was built of logs, with a stockade, around it for the pro-
tection of their cattle in case of a general alai'm." [Edward
McDonald, Esq., McDonald, Pa. MS.]

Remarks. — Chartiers creek flows a northeast course of thirty
tive or forty miles and empties into the Ohio river five miles
above Pittsburgh. This creek derives its name from Peter
Chartif^rs, who A\ent among the Indians on the Ohio and tribu
tary streams to deal for peltries. He was an infiuential In
dian inler]>jeter, and joined the French Indians on the Ohio,
to the injury of Pennsylvania. Chartiers had a trading sta-
tion on or near the mouth of the creek. Gov. Thomas, in 174').
said that the jierfidious blood of the Shawaucse i»artly runs in
his veins.

Cross creek rises in Mount Pleasant township and runs
northwest to the Ohio river, a few miles above Wellsburg, West

"Mingo Rottom is a rich plateau on tlio immediate bank of
the Ohio, in the south half of section 27 of township two. range
one, of the government survey, extending south to a small af
fluent of the Ohio known as Cross creek. Opposite the upper
portion of Mingo Rotton is Mingo Island, containing about ten
acres, although much larger in 1782. It supports a scanty

436 THE FRONTIER FORTS

growtli of willow bushes onlj, but within the recollection of
many now living it was studded with trees of large size, par-
ticularly the soft maple. Cross creek, on the Virginia side,
flows into the Ohio about three-fourths of a mile below. Be-
fore the great Hood of 1832 the island contained not less than
twenty acres. The usual place of crossing was from shore to
shore, across the head of the island. At the landing on the
west bank the vagrant Mingoes had once a village, deserted,
however, as early as 1772. Their town gave name to the lo-
cality. The Ohio had been forded at this crossing in very low
water. The bluffs of the river are below the island on the
Virginia side, above on the Ohio side. Mingo Bottom contains
about two hundred and fifty acres."

GREENE COUNTY.

"On the 9th of Feb., 1796, another portion of the territory of
Washington county was erected into Greene county. By this
act the following townships, namely, Greene, Cumberland, Mor-
gan, Franklin and Rich Hill were struck off to form Greene
county." I

It is thus seen that none of the forts or blockhouses which
are properly the subject matter of our inquiries, had existence
during the civil history of Greene county; but in conformity
with the plan which we have adopted the following places are
specified as within that county. The history of these places,
indeed, is always associated with the name of Washington
county, for the apparent reason that the necessity which called
for them existed only prior to the erection of Greene.

We apprehend that it is well nigh impossible to give an
exact, and therefore a satisfactory account of these border
posts along the line where the territory of Pennsylvania
touches the territory of West Virginia. Many blockhouses
and some stockade forts were within proximity of the people
wild were doniifilfHl on what, for the most jtart of tlie iiuie,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. t37

was on our side of the imaginary line dividing Virginia an«l
Pennsylvania. These became the refuge in times of danger of
our people, while at the same time, as the occasion offered, the
blockhouses and forts on our side of the line sheltered the Vir
jiinians.

JACKSON'S FORT.

The lirst depredations of Logan after he had taken up the
hatchet against the whites occurred in the neighborhood of
this fort. Admonished by these bloody occurrences, "precau-
tions were talcen to prepare a place of safety to which the scat
tered settlers c©uld betake themselves on the intimations of
danger. Jackson's Fort was commenced in the same year,
1774, on the Jesse Hook property, then owned by a man by the
name of Jackson. His cabin, which was the nucleus of the
fort, stood near the bluff of the creek, directly south of Hook's
town. Remains of the structure are still [1888] visible. At
first it was but a single cabin, but subsequently consisted of a
regular system of cabins, arranged in the form of a hollow
square, and enclosing an acre or more of ground. Between the
cabins were palisades ten or twelve feet high, supplied with
port-holes. Each of the neighboring settlers owned one of
these cabins, to which he could flee for refuge in times of
danger, in addition to the home on his own tract of land. The
doors of these cabins opened within the enclosure, the outside
having neither windows nor doors, except some look-out in
the upper part of each. There was but one entrance, and
when once within, each family controlled its own
cabin, the enclosed square being common to all. 'Such
is a very brief description', says Evans, 'of an institution once
regarded the hope and salvation of its people. Around this
devoted spot cluster a myriad of reminiscences, which, if they
could be intelligently unraveled, and woven into narrative,
would make volumes of interesting matter. The traditions of
Jackson's Fort are exceeding numerous, but are very vague,
contradictory and unsatisfactory."

(1.) History of Greene county,, Pa., by Samuel P. Bates, 1888.

438 THE FRONTIER FORTS

* * * * The gentlemau referred to above, L. K. Evans,
Esq., during the centenuial year of independence, published in
the Waynesburg Republican, which he then edited, a series of
articles running through an entire year of weekly issue, em-
bracing investigations covering much of the early history of
the county.

Jackson's Fort was a short distance — within about half a
mile of the borough of Waynesburg, the county-town of
(Ireene county, on lands now owned by Thomas Dougal, just
south of Ten-Mile creek, opposite Hooktown. The printed ac-
counts of its history are extremely meagre, and very unsatis
factory. During its existence as a defensive post it was of
course within W'ashviigioii conuly. The inhabitants aboiil this
fort suffered in common with their neighbors and with those of
this entire region, very grievously, especially during the latter
part of the Revolution. Col. Marshel writes to Gen. Wm. Ir-
vine, at Pittsburgh from Catfish, [^Vash.. Pu.] July 4th. 1782,
[Wash.-Irvine Cor., 2J)8,], saying, "Repeated application by the
inhabitants on the south line of this county iiauu^ly: from
Jackson's Fort to Buffalo ci'oek, [Uutfalo creek rises in what
is now East Findley Township, >Vash. Co., Pa,, flowing west-
erly into the Ohio], and I am at a loss to know what to do.
The people declare they must immediately abandon their habi-
tations until a few men are sent to them during liarvest. They
also declare their willingness to submit to and su])ply the men
on the faith of government. If you approve of sending a few
men to this frontier, you will please to order the bearer such
quantity of ammunition as you think proper."

The date of the erection of Jackson's Fort is given in a note
to Withers' Chronicles as of the same time or cotempctrane-
ously with the erection of Shepard's on Wheeling creek and
those forts which were erected in Tygart's Valley, which date
was 1774, after the collision of the whites with the Indians
near the mouth of Captina creek, which led to Dunmore's
War. It would therefore appear to have been in existence
during the entire Revolution.

Lieut.-Col. Stephen Rayard writes to Col. William McCleery
one of the sublieutenants of Washington connty, under date
of Angust 4th. 1782. as follows:

OF WKSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 439

"1 have sent vou by the bearer, William Hathaway, eight
pounds powder and sixteen pounds lead for the particular use
of Jackson's Fort, which is all I could undertake to send in
the General's [Irvine's] absence, wlio marches this morning
with n party of Kegulars toward the Mingo liottom. When he
n^turns. you will no doubt me supplied with ammunition for
the rangers."

Col. McClcery had written the following letter to Irvine
which called out. in the General's absence, the letter of Col.
Bayard, above:

"Traveler's Rest„^^'ashington County, Aug. .'id, ITSJ.

"Dear Sir: — The bearer will call u])on you for powder, lead
and tlints for the use of the ranging company allotcd for the
defence of oui' frontiei's [two niontlis] tlie time pr(t[)osed for
their continuance.

"Permit me to observe that a small magazine kept at this
place for the purpose of furnishing those men that may be
called upon to repell the enemy from time to time, should they
penetrate into our settlements would rdnder essential service
both to ourselves and country. « » * ♦ Should you think
such a proceeding consistent, you will be good enough to aug
ment the quantity alloted for the rangers, so as I may be en-
abled to furnish for the above purposes. At the same time,
please to obsci've that nsen living in the woods, exposed to the
weather (as these rangers must be), will need more ammunition
than those stationed at a garrison." [Correspondence, Wash.-
Irvine. ROO 'iOl.]

GARARD'S FORT.

Garard's Foit is located in Greene township. Greene county,
and the town of (4arai'd. Garard's Fort, of the present day
occupies almost the same site as the old Indian Foit. The site
is on the left bank of Whiteley creek about seven miles west of
Cii*( fnsborough.

The fertility of the soil was such ns to attract the eye of the
early explorers, and here were their first lodgings. The town
ship is well watered by Wh)t<'lev creek. Few sections of the

440 THE FRONTIER FORTS

county present a more inviting appearance than the valley o\
this stream. In the central portion of this township on the
left bant of the creek was located Garard's Fort, a place of
great importance at that period when Indian masacres were
frequent, as a place of refuge and safety for the settlers, and
around it has grown the principal village in the township."

This fort is made memorable by the horrible butchery of the
Corbly family:

It was in the neighborhood of this fort that the first reli-
gious worship in this section was held, and here was organized
in 1776, on the 7th day of October, the first church in the
county. It was built by the Baptist denomination. Rev. Cor-
' bly and his family, and others had settled at a very early date
on Muddy creek. Of this church he "was at an early day in-
stalled pastor, and ministered to the congregation at the time
when the savages were reeking their vengeance upon the help-
less and defenceless settlers. In May, 1782, his family was at-
tacked on Sunday morning while on the way to church. In a
letter written by Mr. Gorbly dated 1785, to Rev. Wm. Rogers,
of Philadelphia, he gives the following account of the heart-
rending circumstance:

"On the second Sabbath in May, in the year 1782, being my
appointment at one of my meeting-houses, about a mile from
my dwelling-house, I set out with my dear wife and five chil-
dren for public worship. Not suspecting any danger, I walked
behind 200 yards, with my Bible in my hand, meditating; as 1
was thus employed, all on a sudden, I was greatly alarmed
with the frightful shrieks of my dear family before me. I im-
mediately ran, with all the speed I could, vainly hunting a club
as I ran, till I got within forty yards of them; my poor wife
on seeing me, cried to me to make my escape; an Indian ran
up to shoot me; I then fled, and by so doing outran hina. My
wife had a sucking child in her arms; this little infant they
killed and scalped. They then struck my wife several times,
butnotgettingher down, the Indian who aimed to shoot me, ran
to her, shot her through the body and scalped her; my littk
boy, an only son, about six years old, they sunk the hatchet
into his brain, and thus despatched him. A daughter, besides
the infant, they also killed and scalped. My eldest daughter.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 441

who is yet alive, was hid in a tree, about 20 yards away from
the place where the rest were killed, and saw the whole pro-
ceedings. t?he, seeing the Indians all go ott", as she thought, got
np, and deliberately crept from the hollow trunk; but one of
them espying her, ran hastily up, and scalped her; also her
only surviving sister, one on whose head they did not leave
more than an inch round, either of flesh or skin, besides taking
a piece of her skull. She, and the before mentioned one, are still
miraculously preserved, though, as you may think 1 have had
and still have, a great deal of tiouble and expense with them,
besides anxiety about them, insomuch that I am, as to wordly
circumstances, almost ruined. I am yet in hopes of seeing
them cured; they still, blessed be the God, retain their senses,
notwithstanding the painful operations they have already, and
must 3'et pass through,

"Muddy Creek, Washington co., July 8, 1785."

FORT SWAN AND VAN METER.

"Cumberland township was probably one of the first settled
townships in Greene county. John Swan, as early as 1767,
looked upon the stately forests that encumbered all the valley
of Pumpkin run with an eye of satisfaction, and to notice that
he had chosen this location for himself proceeded to put his
mark upon it by blazing the trees around a goodly circuit. In
1768-69 he returned and made a fixed habitation. He was ac-
companied by Thomas Hughes and Jesse Vanmeter, who
united their strength for mutual protection. These early
pioneers determined to provide for the safety of their families,
and accordingly built a strong stockade, which has ever since
been known as old Fort Swan and Vanmeter. It was situated
near the border of Cumberland township [near the present
town of Carmichaels]. on the spot where the house of Andrew
J. Young stands and was a noted rallying point in its day for
the venturesome pioneers and their families." The fort was
erected early, not later than 1774, and probably earlier.

442 THE FRONTIER FORTS

''Until the massacre by Logan and his baud, in 1774, therft
was no trouble with the Indians; though for safety it had be-
come necessary to have a place of refuge and a fort was built
on John Swan's farm, known as Swan and Vanmeter's Port."
[Hist. Greene Co., Pa.]

RYERSON'S FORT.

"Ryerson's Fort, an important rallying point in times of
danger, was located on the great Indian war path leading
across from the Ohio river to the Monongahela, at the con.
tiuence of the north and south forks of Dunkard branch of
Wheeling creek.

''It was recognized from the very first as an important
strategic point of defence for the settlers against the incur-
sion of hostile Indians from their villages across the Ohio.
Here the authorities of Virginia had 'a fort built, to the de-
fence of which Capt. James Seals was sent, having in his com-
pany the grandfather, father and uncles of Isaac Teagarden,
and Thomas Lazear, father of Hon. Isaac Lazear.*' [Hist.
Greene Co., 530-536.]

The following is given on the authority of L. K. Evans, Esq.,
and taken from his Centennial Articles, elsewhere referred to.

"About the year 1790, a family by the name of Davis resided
on the north branch of Dunkard Wheeling creek, about three
miles above Ryerson's Station, and a short distance below
Stall's or Kinkaid's Mill. The family, with the exception of
one fortunate lad wlio had been sent to drive up the horses,
were seated around the breakfast-table, part\iking of a humble
but substantial repast. Suddenly a party of warrior savages
appeared at the cabin door. The old man and his two sons
sprang up as l>y instinct to reach for their guns which hung on
convenient pegs by the cabin wall; but the design was detected
by the Indians, wlio instantly shot the three dead on the spot.
After scalping the victims, despatching the breakfast and pil-
laging the premises, they made captive the mother and only
daughter, and departed on their way up the creek. The boy

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. ^43

niauased to elude them, and escaped unharmed. It appears
that they captured a horse. One of the Indians mounted it,
and taking- the girl before liim, and the woman behind him,
was traveling gaily along. However, they had not proceeded
far \\ hen a sliot from the rilie of Jolin Henderson, who lay con-
cealed in an adjoining thicket, knocked the savage oft". But
whether the wound was fatal or not, Henderson did not remain
to find out. He had to provide himself safety from the in-
furiated savages."

Some time after the decaying body of tlic dauglitcr was
found, but no trace of the mother was ever discovered. The
mutilated bodies of the slain were buried near tlie cabin and
their graves are still marked. The skeleton remains of an In-
dian were afterward found, supposed to have been the savage
shot by Henderson. [Hist. Greene Co., 587.]

In a biograjihieal sketch of James Paull by the Hon. James
Veech in the Monongahela of Old. it is said that in 1784 or
178r> he commanded a company of scouts or rangers, on a toui'
to Kyerson's Slati(ui, on the western frontier of now Greene
county.

The site of the fort is on the farm now owned by Francis
Baldwin.

Some of the most noted of the settlers' forts near the line
of Greene county on the Virgina side were the following:

STATLER'S FORT.

A fort frequently mentioned with the history of this section
is Statler's Fort. It has sometimes been located in- Greene
county. Duukard creek, upon which it was located, flows
sinuously along the division line of the two states. The fol-
lowing is from the History of Monongahela county. West Vir-
ginia, by Samuel T. Wiley, p. 742: "Statlei's Fort— This fort
has Iteen located at different points along Dunkard creek. It
was on lands now owned by Isaac Shriever. The writer, on
visiting the place, found the fort to have stood on the bottom
below the graveyard, on a slight elevation above the Dunkard

444 THE FRONTIER PORTS

creek bottom. Mrs. Shriever was positive that this was
the location, she having heard Mrs. Brown (who was a Statler)
tell of being in the fort when twelve years old and who said
that this was the spot where it stood. It was but a short dis-
tance below Brown's mills." It wonld thus appear that it is
properly located in Monongalia county, West Virginia.

MARTIN'S FORT.

In the northern part of Monongahela county, West Virginia,
on Crooked run — very near the Greene county line. This fort
was attacked in June, 1779, when ten whites were killed and
captured. [See Border Warfare, by Withers' and Hist. Mon-
ongalia Co., by Samuel T. Wiley.]

HARRISON'S FORT.

Harrison's Fort, built by Richard Harrison, was on the
headwaters of Crooked run, and not a mile from Martin's Fort.

There was a Vanmeter's Fort a short distance above Wheel-
ing, near the Ohio river in the Panhandle, somewhat more
conspicuous than the fort called Fort Swan and Vanmeter in
frreene county. [See Crawford's Expedition by Butterfield.]

INDIANA COUNTY.

Altlioiigh there were some settlers in what is now Indiana
county (then Westmoreland) very early — shortly after the
opening of the land office, (1769), — yet the number was small,
and after the Revolutionary War began, most of these aban-
doned llieir settlements and sought protection further south-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. ,445

ward nearer the rivers Kiskiminetas and Conemaugli; some
stopped in Ligonier Valley, and some returned to the east of
the Mountains. This condition continued until near the close
of the war, at which time some of those who had been driven
off, returned, and others came with them. Such places, there-
fore, as are here mentioned belong to the latter period. After
the close of the War, this section became in its turn a frontier,
and there were various places intended for temporary refuge
constructed out of the houses of the settlers of that time; but
while the apprehensions were great at Inmes during the Indian
wars of 1790 and '93, yet no serious depredations were com-
mitted by the few detached parties of savages who marauded
through the region nearest the Allegheny.

MOORHEAD'S BLOCKHOUSE.

"In the month of May, 1772, Fergus Moorhead, his wife and
three children, his two brothers, Samuel and Joseph, James
Kelly. James Thompson, and a few others, bid farewell to their
friends in Franklin county, and set out on their journey to the
'Indian Country' west of the Alleghenies. WTiere the town of
Indiana is now built, was the spot that had been selected by
Fergus Moorhead, who had made an excursion into this
country in 1770. For reasons which to them were obvious,
the party changed their determination, and located a few miles
further west. " The land now (or lately) owned by Isaac Moor-
head was that which was selected for their future residence.

"Fergus Moorhead was taken by the Indians in 1776, and the
settlement was partly broken up. His wife returned to Frank-
lin county, where Moorhead after making his escape from
captiviry rejoined her. In 1781, with his wife and children
he returned to his border home. Among those who were his
neighbors besides those first mentioned were Moses Chambers,
Col. Sharp, S. and W. Hall, the Walkers, Dicksons, Dotys and
others.

"The first thing that was accomplished was the erection of a

446 "THE FRONTIER FORTS

fort or blockhouse near Moorhead's cabin (near the present site
of the stone house), htrge enough to contain all the families
and their effects. Here they remained at night and also dur-
ing the ensuing winter, considering it unsafe to sleep in their
cabins." [Jonathan Row, Indiuna Register, 1859.]

In 1794 Andrew Allison and his wife and child with a neigh
bor Cxawin Adams fled to "iMoorhead's P^ort'' from tiie appre
hension of danger caused by the Indians prowling around.
When Allison returned he found his cabin in ashes, it having
been burnt by them the night after he had left it. [Hist. In-
diana County, p. 157, on authority of Jonathan K. Row.]

INYARD'S BLOCKHOUSE.

The following account of a place of defense used by the set-
tlers in what is now West Wheatfield township, Indiana
county, at a distance of ratlier more than live miles from Fort
Palmer is taken from the history of Indiana county published
by J. A. Caldwell, Newark, Ohio, 1880. The authority upon
which the details rest is traditional and verbal. It is said to
have been erected by those on the Conemaugh and Tubmill
creek, who were, in part, James Clark, U'illiam ^^'oods, David
Inward, NN'illiam Bennett, Archibald McGuirc, Benjamin Sut
ton, Neil Dougherty, David Lakens, James Galbraith, near the
Conemaugh. Near tlu* Tubmill creek, thei-e were among
others the ancestors of the numerous families of Bradys now
living in tlio northeiii part of Indiana county.

"Not hmg after these pioneers had come to tlie river, Petei-
Dike, a Ponnsylvanin tJei'man, with a few associates, settled
near the foot of Chestnut Ridge. For a time they were unmo-
lested by their red neighbors, but during the Revolutionary
war, they became their inveterate enemies. The settlers, there-
fore, joined their neighbors on the river, and, together with
those on Tubhill creek,they built a most formidable blockhouse
on what was then called thi^ 'Tndian farm.'' whicli derived its
name from David Inyard, who first improved it, and his many

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 447

Indian neighbors. Fort Ligonier was too far distant to be
readied in an emergency by families of women and cliildreu,
with sufficient provisions to last a long siege, when they should
be attacked by a large body of their foes, Tlie blockhouse was
about lifty feet long, and sixteen feet wide at the foundation,
and was constructed of the straightest unhewn logs that could
be fouud of the same length. The logs averaged in thickness
about a foot at the top or smaller end. The walls were built
perpendicularly to about the height of a man's breast, 'and
were notched down tightly'. The upper log of this perpen-
dicular wall was notched its whole length, the notches be-
ing twenty inches apart. The log immediately below it was
notched too, at distances to correspond to the upper log turned
down, so that notch came to notch, forming port-holes of suf-
ticient size to ;idmit the muzzle of a I'itie with the sight cleai".
The logs on the next rouud were notched down tightly at the
coruers, and all pushed out half their thickness; and each sue
ceeding round up to the square was treated in the sam«' man
ner, so that it would have been an impossibility for au Indian,
or even a panther, to have scaled the walls and come in
through the roof. The back of either man or beast would have
been turned down, and the whole weight of the body was
forced to be supjiorted by the hands or claws, with nothing to
which to cling but the scaly bark of the logs.

'^A.11 of these with Peter Dike, his colony, and the Tubmill
settlement, on occasions of alarm, fled to the fort at Inyard's
for siafety. At certain seasons of the year when their corn
required to be tilled, for instance, the women and children re
mained in the fort or strong-house, while a poi-(ion of the men
turned out as scouts and th(» remaiudei' witli the boys con-
tinued day after day to start in the morning witli tlicir horses
and rifles, as soon as it was light enough to see an Indian, and
went to the river where they plowed and hoed tlieii' corn till
evening. They 'always left their work in time to arriA^e at the
fort before it became dark."

,448 THE FRONTIER FORTS

ROBINSON'S STRONG-HOUSE.

J 11 a soiuevviiat lengthy history of the Robiuson family, as re-
lated in the' History of Indiana county referred to, there ap
pears the following:

"Robert Robinson with his family of three sons and two
daughters, soon after 1780, moved from the Sewickley settle-
ment in Westmoreland county to the north side of the Kis-
kiminetas river near the mouth of Lick run, on lands called
"York," in Conemaugh township. In a short time they made
their way north one mile (no roads) put up a building twenty-
four by twenty-eight feet, two stories high, and used it as a
stockade. No windows or doors were there for a time. The
second log from the puncheon floor had four feet of it cut out
for an entrance. The building is still (1880) standing, having
been built nearly one hundred years. It is situated on part of
the "York" lands."

Although the location of this house was in a very dangerous
part of the country, and the time of its erection one of great
peril, there is no further account of it.

STATION AT BLACK-LEGS CREEK.

Mention of this point as a station is made in a letter from
Col. Brodhead at Pittsburgh, April 2d, 1780, to Col. Archibald
Lochry wherein the latter is directed to order out sixty able-
bodied men from the militia and a proper number of officers to
command them. This number was to be divided into three
detachments, one of which was to be stationed at the "Forks
of Black-Legs where the officer is to make choice of a house on
a commanding piece of ground convenient to water, and act
agreeable to such orders as the}^ may receive from me. They
are to be drafted for two months if not sooner discharged."
(Brodhead's Letter Book, No. 129.)

Squads or detachments of rangers would appear to have
been stjitioned ;il tin's post nt frequent intervals from now to
the end of the war.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 449

FORT ARMSTRONG— (Kittanning).

The old ludiau towu of Kittanning was settled by the Dela-
wai-es, prior to 17'-*A). (1.) Shingas, King of the Dela wares, ou
whom Washington called, in 175o, at his residence near Mc-
Kee's Rocks, in the vicinity of Pittsburgh, occasionally resided
with Capt. Jacobs, at the Kittanning, on the left bank of the
Allegheny, or, as it was then called, Ohio, which the Indians
pronounced Oh-he-hu, or Ho-he-hu, meaning beautiful or hand-
some, of which name the Senecas are said to be very tenacious.

In consequence of the failure of the expedition against Forts
Niagara and Duquesne, and more especially of Braddock's
defeat in 1755, hundreds of miles of the frontiers of Tenn-
sylvania and Virginia were exposed to the ravages of the In-
dians, instigated by the French, At a council held at Carlisle
about the middle of January, 1756, at which Gov. Morris and
others as Commissioners of the Province met Seneca. George
and other chiefs of the Delawares, Mr. George Croghan in-
formed the Council "that he had sent a Delaware Indain, called
Jo Hickman, to the Ohio for intelligence, who had returned
to his house the day before he came away; that he went to
Kittanning, an Indian Delaware town on the Ohio (otherwise
Allegheny), forty miles above Fort Duquesne, the residence
of Shingas and Capt. Jacobs, where he found 140 men, chiefly
Delawares and Shawanese, who had there with them above
100 English prisoners, big and little, taken from Virginia and
Pennsylvania. From the Kittanning, Jo Hickman went to
Loggstown, where he found about 100 Indians and 30 English
])risoners; that he returned to Kittanning, and there learned
that 10 Delawares had gone to the Susquehanna to persuade,
as he supposed, those Indians to strike the English who might
have been concerned in the mischief lately done in Northamp-
ton." Mr. Croghan said he was well assured by accounts
given by other Indians that the Delawares and Shawanese
acted in this hostile manner by "the advice and concurrence
of the Six Nations, and that such of them as lived in the Dela-
ware towns went along with them and took part in their in-
cursions."

King Shingas, who, Heckewelder says, was ''a bloody war-
21)"Vol. 2.

450 THE FRONTIER FORTS

rior, cruel his treatment, relentless his fury, small in person,
but in activity, courage and savage proAvess unexcelled,"
heading a party of warriors, fell uj^ou the settlements west
of the Susquehanna and committed the most cruel murders.
To guard against such and other depredations, a cordon of forts
and blockhouses was erected along the Kittatinny Hills, from
the Delaware river to the ^laryland line, east of the Susn.ue-
hanna river. West of that river were Fort Louther, at Car-
lisle; Fort Morris and Fort Franklin, at Shippensburg; Fort
Granville, now Lewistown; Fort Shirley, Shirleysburg, on the
Aughwick branch, a creek which enters into the Juniata;
Fort Littleton, near Bedford; Fort Loudoun, on the Conoco-
cheague creek, Franklin county.

One of the first prisoners of whom we have any definite ac-
count carried here, was Col. James Smith, the author of the
Narrative, who was taken on the 5th of July, 1755, from the
force that was then employed in opening the road from Fort
Loudoun to the three forks of the Youghiogheny. Smith was
then but a lad. He was taken to Fort Duquesne, where he was
compelled to run the gauntlet. (See Fort Duquesne.) Here
at Kittanning, he remained sv'veral weeks.

At a council, held at Philadelphia, Tuesday, September Gth,
1756, the statement of John Coxe, a son of the widow Coxe,
was made, the substance of which is: He, his brother Eicli-
ard and John Craig were taken in the beginning of February
of that year by nine Delaware Indians from a plantation two
miles from McDowell's mill, which was between the east and
west branches of the Conococheague creek, about 20 miles
west of the present site of Shippensburg. in what is now Frank-
lin county, and brought to Kittanning "on the Ohio." On his
way hither he met Shingas with a party of 30 men, and after-
M'ard C;ii)t. Jacobs and 15 men, whose design was to destroy
the settlements on Conococheague. AVhen he arrived at Kit-
tanning he saw here about 100 fighting men of the Delaware
tribe, with their families, and about 50 English prisoners,
consisting of men, women and children. During his stay here
Shingas' and Jacobs' parties returned, the one with nine scalps
and ten prisoners, the other with several scal])s and five pris-
oners. Another com7)any of 18 came from Diahogo with 17

OF WESTERN PENNSYI.VANIA. 451

scalps on a pole, which they took to Fort DiKpiesne to obtain
their reward. Tlie warriors lield a council, which, with their
war dances, continued a weelv, when Capt. Jacobs left with
48 men, intending, as Coxe was told, to fall upon the inhabit-
ants at Paxtang. He heard the Indians frequent]}^ say that
they intended to kill all the white folks, except a few, with
whom they would afterwards make peace. They made an
example of Paul Broadley, whom, with their usual cruelty,
they beat for half an hour with clubs and tomahawks, and
then, having fastened him to a post, cropped his ears close to
his head and chopped off his fingers, calling all the prisoners
to witness the horrible scene.

Among the English prisoners brought to Kit tanning, says
Mr. Smith, in his History of Armstrong County, were George
Woods, father-in-law of the eminent lawyer, James Ross (de-
ceased), and the wife and daughter of John Grey, who were
captured at Bigham's Fort, in the Tuscarora Valley, in 1750.
Mr. Grey came out here with Armstrong's expedition, hoping
to hear from his family. These three prisoners were sent
from Kittanning to Fort Duquesue, and subsequently to
Canada.

Fort Granville, situated on the Juniata, one mile above
Lewistown, was besieged by the Indians July 30, 1750. The
force then in it consisted of 24 men, under the command of
Lieut. Armstrong, who was killed during the siege. Having
assaulted the fort in vain during the afternoon and night,
the enemy took to the Juniata creek, and, protected by its
bank, attained a deep ravine, by which they were enabled
to approach, without fear of injur}', to within 30 or 40 feet of
the stockade, which they succeeded in setting on fire. Through
a hole made by the flames, they killed the lieutenant and one
private, and wounded three others, wlio were endeavoriug to
put out the fire. The enemy then offering quarter to the be-
sieged, if they would surrender, one Turner opened the gate
to them. * * * * He and the others, including three
women and several children, were taken prisoners. By order
of the French commander, the fort was burned by Capt.
Jacobs. When the Indians and prisoners reached Kittanning,
Turner was tied to a black post, tlie Indians danced around

452 THE FRONTIER FORTS

him, made a great fire, and liis body was run through with red-
hot gun barrels. Having tormented liim for three hours, the
Indians scalped him alive, and finally held up a boy, who gave
him the finishing stroke with a hatcliet. (2.) * * * Tunier
had married the widow of the elder Girty, deceased, the
mother of the Girty boys, Simon, James and George. The
savages spared her and her son John Turner, Jr., and carried
them to Fort Duquesne, where John Turner, aged two and
a half years, on the 18th of August, A. D. 1750, was bajitized
by Fr. Denys Baron, Chaplain of the K. C. mission at that post.
The record of the baptism is preserved in the Register, herein
frequently referred to. Turner, Jr., died a resident of the
township of Peebles, Allegheny county, Pennsylvania.

Mr, Smith, in his History of Armstrong County, says: "The
writer has not learned the exact locality of that "black post,"
or whether it was in the upper, central or lower one of the
three villages, as the separate clusters of the 40 houses were
called, and which were located on the bench now between
McKean street and Grant avenue — two of the villages having
been above and one below Market street.* Between these
villages and the river was an extensive corn-field. * * * »
Tradition says that 'black post' was at the mouth of Truby's
run, which was formerly several rods lower down than it is
now."

In order to break up this harboring i)lace, an ex[)edition was
authorized by the representatives of the Governor and Council
to be conducted by Lieutenant Colonel John Armstrong, of the
Second battalion of the Pennsylvania regiment. The eight
companies which composed this battalion were stationed at
the forts on the west side of the Susquehanna. Armstrong,
with three hundred and seven men of his force. Avere at Fort
Shirley, Monday, September .'5d, IToO, whence he set out for
tlu^ objective point of his cam]iaign. The events which fol-
lowed are so clearly detailed in his official re]tort, which is
conceded to be a model of its kind, that it is only necessary
to refer to it for a com])lete history of the expedition.

Ml'. Morris had informed the rjovernor and Council, Augt. 2.
1756, that he had concerted an expedition against Kittanning,

♦The streets mentioned are in the horoug-h of Kittanning.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 45S

to be couducted by Col. John Armstrong, who was to have
under his command Capt. Hamilton, Capt. Mercer, Capt. Ward,
Capt. Potter, and besides to engage what volunteers he could.
The affair was to be kept as secret as possible, and the officers
and men were ordered to march to Fort Shirley and thence
to set out on the expedition. Mr. Morris had given Col. Ami-
strong particular instructions, which were entered in the or-
derly- book. In pursuance thereof, and agreeable to the plan
concerted, Col. Armstrong had made the necessary prepara-
tions and had written to Mr. Morris a letter from Fort Shirley
in which he gave an account of the capture of Fort Granville
by the French and Indians, and stated that they intended
to attack Fort Shirley with four hundred men, and that Capt.
Jacobs said, "I can take any Fort that will catch fire, and I
will make peace with the English when they learn me to make
gunpowder."

Col. Armstrong's Account of fhe Expedition.

"May it please your honor: Agreeable to mine of the l*9th
ult., we marched from Fort Shirley the day following, and on
Beaver Dam, a few miles from Frankstown, on the North.
Wednesday, the third instant, joined our advance party at the
Branch of Juniata, we w'ere there informed that some of our
men having been out upon a scout had discovered the tracks
of two Indians, about three miles on this side of the Alle-
gheny Mountains, and but a few miles from the camp. From
the freshness of the tracks, their killing of a cub bear, and the
marks of their fires, it seemed evident that they were not
twenty-four hours before us. which might be looked upon as a
particular providence in our favoi-, that we were not discov-
ered. Next morning w^e decamped, and in two days we came
within 50 miles of Kittanning. It was then adjudged neces-
sary to send some j)ersons to reconnoitre the Town, to get the
best intelligence they could concerning the situation and posi-
tion of the enemy; whereupon an officer with one of the
pilots and two soldiers, were sent off for that purpose. The
day following we met them on their return, and they informed
us that the roads w-ere entirelv clear of the enemv, and that

454 THE FRONTIER FORTS

they had the greatest reason to belioAe they were not discov-
ered, but from the rest of the intelligence they gave it ap-
peared they had not been nigh enough to the Town, either to
perceive the true situation of it, the number of the enemy,
and what way it might most advantageously be attacked.
We continued our march, in order to get as near the Town as
possible that night, so as to be able to attack it next morning
about daylight, but to our great dissatisfaction, about 9 or
10 o'clock that night, one of our guides told us that he per-
ceived a fire by the roadside, at Avhich he saw 2 or 3 Indians
a few perches distant from our front; where upon, with all
possible silence, I ordered the rear to retreat about 100
perches in order to make way for the front, that we might
consult what way we had best proceed without being discov-
ered by the enemy. Soon after the pilot returned a second
time, and assured us, from the best observations he could
make, there were not more than 3 or 4 Indians at the fire, on
which it was proposed that we should immediately surround
and cut them off, but this was thought too hazardous, for if
but one of the enemy had escaped, it would have been the
means of discovering the whole design; and the light of the
moon on which depended our advantageously posting our men,
and attacking the Town, would not admit of our staying
until the Indians fell asleep. On which it was agreed to leave
Lieutenant Hogg with 12 men, and the person who first dis-
covered the fire, with orders to watch the enemy, but not to
attack them until break of day, and then, if possible, to cut
them off. It was agreed (we believing ourselves to be about
G miles from the Town), to leave the horses, many of them
being tired, with what blankets and baggage we then had,
and to take a circuit off the road, which was very rough and
incommodious on account of the stones and fallen timber, in
order to prevent our being heard by the enemy at the fire
place. This interruption much retarded our march, but a
still greater arose from the ignorance of our pilot, he neither
knew the true situation of the Town nor the best paths that
led thereto; by which means, after crossing a number of hills
and valleys, our front reached the River Ohio, [Allegheny],
about 100 perches below the main body of the Town, a little

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. Ji>5

before the setting of the moon, to which place, rather than by
t he pilots, we were guided by the beating of the drum and the
whooping of the warriors at their dance. It then became us
to make the best use of the remaining moonlight, but ere we
were aware, an Indian whistled in a very singular manner,
about thirty yards in our front, at the foot of a cornfield;
upon Avhich we immediately sat down, and after passing
silence to the rear, I asked one Baker, a soldier who was our
best assistant, whether that was not a signal to the warriors,
of our approach. He answered no, and said it was the manner
of a young fellow's calling a squaw after he had done his
dance, who accordingly, kindled a fire, cleaned his gun, and
shot it oft', before he went to sleep. All this time we were
obliged to lay quiet and hush, till the moon was fairly set;
immediately after, a number of fires appeared in different
l)laces in the cornfield, by which Baker said the Indians lay,
the night being warm, and that these fires would immediately
be out as they were only designed to disperse the gnats. By
this time it was break of day, and the men haAing marched
thirty miles, were almost asleep. The line being long, the
three companies in the rear were not yet brought over the last
precipice. For these some proper persons were immediately
dispatched, and the weary soldiers, being roused to their feet,
a proper number, under sundry officers, were ordered to take
the end of the hill, at which we then lay, and march along the
top of said hill at least one hundred perches, and as much
further, it then being daylight, as would carry them opposite
the upper part, or at least the body of the town. For the
lower part thereof, and the cornfield, (presuming the w^arriors
were there), I kept rather the larger number of the men, prom-
ising to postpone the attack on that part for eighteen or
twenty minutes, until the detachment along the hill should
liave time to advance to the place assigned, in doing of which
they were a little unfortunate. The time being elapsed, the
attack was begun in the cornfield, and the men, with all ex-
pedition possible, dispatched to the several parts thereof, a
party being also dispatched to the houses, which were then
discovered by the light of the day. Capt. Jacobs immediately
gave the war-whoop, and with sundry other Indians, as the

456 THE FRONTIER FORTS

English prisoners afterwards told us, cried that 'the white
men were come at last, and that they would have scalps
enough;' but at the same time ordered their squaws and chil-
dren to flee to the woods. Our men with great eagerness
passed through and fired into the cornfield, where they had
several returns from the enemy, as they also had from tho
opposite side of the river. Presently after, a brisk fire began
among the houses, which from the house of Capt. Jacobs were
returned with a great deal of resolution. To that place I im-
mediately repaired, and found that, from the advantage of
the house and the port-holes, sundry of our people were
wounded and some killed, and finding that returning the firo
upon the house was ineffectual, ordered the contiguous houses
to be set on fire, which was done bj^ sundry of the officers and
soldiers with a great deal of activity, the Indians always firing
when an object presented itself, and seldom missed of wound-
ing or killing some of our people. From this house, in mov-
ing about to give the necessary orders and directions, I was
wounded by a large musket ball, in my shoulder. Sundry
persons, during the action, were ordered to tell the Indians to
surrender themselves prisoners, but one of the Indians in par-
ticular answered and said he was a man and would not be
taken a ju'isoner, upon which he was told he would be burnt;
to this he answered he did not care, for he would kill four
or five before he died; and had we desisted from exposing
ourselves, they would have killed a great many more, they
having a number of loaded guns by them. As the fire began
to appi'oach, and the smoke grew thick, one of the Indians
began to sing. A squaw, in the same house, at the same time,
was heard to cry and make a noise, but for so doing was se-
verely rebuked by the men; but by and by the fire being too
hot for them, two Indians and a squaw sjjrang out and made
for the cornfield, and were immediately shot down by our
]K^ople. Then surrounding the houses, it was thought Captain
Jacobs tumbled himself out of a garret or cock-loft, at which
time he was shot, our prisoners offering to be qualified to the
powder-horn and pouch there taken off him, which they say
lu' had lately got from a French officer in exchange for Lieu-
tenant Armstrong's boots, which he carricMl fi'om Fort Gran

OF WESTERN PENNSYI^VANIA. 457

ville, where the Lieutenant was killed. The same prisoners
say they are perfectly assured of the scalp, as no other Indians
there wore their hair in the same manner. They also say they
knew his squaw's scalp, and the scalp of a young Indian
named the King's Son. Before this time, Captain Hugh Mer-
cer, who, early in the action, was wounded in the arm, liad
been taken to the top of a hill above the town (to whom a
number of men and some officers had gathered), from whence
they had discovered some Indians cross the river and take to
the hill, with an intent, as they thought, to surround us, and
cut off our retreat, from whom I had sundry pressing mes-
sages to leave the houses and retreat to the hill, or we should
all be cut off; but to this I could by no means consent, until
all the houses were set on fire; though our spreading on the
hill appeared very necessarj^, yet it did not prevent our re-
searches of the cornfield and river side, by which means sun-
dry scalps were left behind, and doubtless some squaws, chil-
dren and English prisoners, that otherwise might have been
got. During the burning of the houses, which were near
thirty in number, we were agreeably entertained with a suc-
cession of reports of charged guns gradually firing off", as the
fire reached them, and much more so with the vast explosion
of sundry bags, and large kegs of gunpowder, wherewith al-
most every house abounded. The prisoners afterwards told
us, that the Indians had often boasted that they had powder
enough for a two years' war with the English. With the roof
of Captain Jacobs' house, when the powder blew up, was
thrown the leg and thigh of an Indian, with a child three or
four years old, to such a height, that they appeared as nothing,
and fell in the adjacent cornfield. There was also a great
quantity of goods burnt, which the Indians had received as
a present but ten days before from the French. By this time
I had proceeded to the hill to have my Avound tied up and the
blood stopped, where the prisoners, who had come to us in the
morning, informed me that that very day two batteaux of
Frenchmen, with a large part}^ of Delaware and French In-
dians, were to join Captain Jacobs at Kittanning, and to set
out early the next morning to take Fort Shirley, or, as they
called it, George Croghan's Fort, and that twenty-four war-
29*

458 THE FRONTIER FORTS

riors, who had lately come to the town, were sent out the
evening before, for what purpose they did not know, whether
to prepare meat, to spy the fort, or to make an attack on some
of our back inhabitants. Soon after, upon a little reflection,
we were convinced these warriors were all at the fire we had
discovered the night before, and began to doubt the fate of
Lieutenant Hogg and his party. From this intelligence of
the prisoners (our provisions being scaffolded some thirty
miles back, except what were in the men's haversacks, which
were left with the horses and blankets, with Lieutenant Hogg
and his party, and a number of wounded people then on hand),
and by the advice of the officers, it was thought imprudent
then to wait for the cutting down of the cornfield (which was
before designed), but immediately to collect our wounded, and
force our march back in the best manner we could, which
we did by collecting a few Indian horses to carry oft" our
wounded. From the apprehensions of being waylaid and sur-
rounded (especially by some of the woodsmen), it was difficult
to keep the men together, our march for sundry miles not ex-
ceeding two miles an hour, which apprehensions were height-
ened by the attempts of a few Indians, who, for some time
after the march, fired upon each wing and ran off immediately,
from whom we received no other damage than one of our men
being wounded through lioth legs. Captain Mercer being
wounded, he was induced, we have reason to believe, to leave
the main body with his ensign, John Scott, and ten or twelve
men (they being overheard to tell him we were in great dan-
ger and that they could take him into the road by a nigh way),
and is probably lost, there being yet no account of him. A
detachment of most of our men was sent back to bring him in,
but could not find him, and upon the return of the detachment
it was generaly reported that he was seen with the above
number of men to take a different road. Upon our return to
the place where the Indian fire had been seen the night before,
we met a sergeant of Captain Mercer's company and two or
three others of his men, who had deserted us that morning,
immediately after the action at Kittanning. These men, on
running away, had met with Lieutenant Hogg, who lay
wounded in two different parts of the body, near the road side.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 459

He then told them of the fatal mistake of the pilot, who had
assured us there were but three Indians, at the most, at the
fire-place, but when he came to attack them that morning,
according to orders, he fotind a number considerably superior
to his, and believes they killed and mortally wounded three of
them the first fire, after which a warm engagement began,
and continued for above an hour, when three of his best men
were killed, and himself wounded. The residue fleeing off, he
was obliged to squat in a thicket, where he might have laid
securely until the main body came up, if this cow^ardly ser-
geant, and others that fled with him, had not taken him away.
They had marched but a short distance, when four Indians
appeared, upon which these deserters began to flee; the Lieu-
tenant, notwithstanding his w'ounds, as a brave soldier, urging
and commanding them to stand and fight, which they all re-
fused. The Indians pursued, killing one man and wounding
the Lieutenant a third time, in the belly, of which he died in
a few hours; but having been placed on horseback some time
before, he rode some miles from the place of action. But
this attack of the Indians upon Lieutenant Hogg was repre-
sented by the cowardly sergeant in an entirely different light;
he tells us there w^as a far larger number of Indians there than
appeared to them, and that he and the men with him had
fought five rounds; that he had there seen the lieutenant and
sundry others killed and scalped, and had also discovered a
number of Indians throwing themselves before us, and insinu-
ated a great deal of such stuff as threw us into much confu-
sion, so that the officers had a great deal to do to keep the men
together, but could not prevail with them to collect the horses
and w^hat other baggage the Indians had left after their con-
quest of Lieutenant Hogg and the party under his command,
in the morning, except a few horses, which a few of the
bravest men were prevailed upon to collect; so that from the
mistake of the pilot who spied the Indians at the tire, and
the cowardice of the said sergeant and other deserters, we
have sustained a considerable loss of horses and baggage. It
is impossible to ascertain the exact number of the enemy
killed in the action, as some were destroyed by fire, and others
in different parts of the cornfield; but, upon a moderate com-

460 THE FRONTIER FORTS

putation, it is generally believed that there can be no less
than thirty or forty Ixilled and mortally wounded, as mncji
blood was found in the corntield, and Indians seen to crawl
into the weeds on their hands and feet, whom the soldiers in
pursuit of others then overlooked, expecting to find and scalp
them afterward, and also several killed and wounded in cross-
ing the river. On beginning our march back we had about a
dozen scalps of eleven English prisoners, but now find that
four or five of the scalps are missing, part of which were lost
on the road, and part in possession of those men who, with
Captain Mercer, separated from the main body, with whom,
also, went four or five prisoners, the other seven being now at
this place, where we arrived on Sunday night, not being even
separated or attacked by the enemy during our whole march.
Upon the wiiole, had our pilots understood the true situation
of the town, and the paths leading to it, so as to have posted
us at a convenient place, where the disposition of the men
and the duty assigned to them, could have been performed
with greater advantage, we had, by Divine assistance, de-
stroyed a much greater number of the enemy, recovered a
greater number of ])risoners, and sustained less damage than
we at present have; but though the advantage gained over our
common enemy is far from being satisfactory to us, yet must
we not despise the smallest degrees of success that God was
pleased to give, especially at a time of such general calamity,
when the attempts of our enemies have been so prevalent and
successful. I am sure there was the greatest inclination to
do more, had it been in our power, as the officers, and most
of the men, throughout the whole action, exerted themselves
with as much activity and resolution as could possibly be ex-
pected.

"Our })risoners infoi-m us that the Indians have for some
time talked of fortifying Kittanning and other towns; that
the number of Frencli at Fort Duquesne was about four hun-
dred; tliat the princijial ]>art of their provisions came up the
river from the Mississippi; and that in three other forts which
the Fi-encli have on the Ohio, there are not more men alto-
gether than there is at Fort Duquesne." (3.)

Nolliiug of moment irnns]>ired at this j)oint for some years.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. ■46.1

The harboiiug place of the savages Avas, for the time being,
broken n\t, but no attenijit was made to occupy tlie ])hice by
the Avhites until several years after the opening of the land
office. Early after that date (April 3d, 1769) there were some
settlers in the southern pait of the present Armstrong county,
but not many; and it was not until the era of 1774 that a
permanent occupancy of the place was commenced. It came
into prominence at that date. It was contemplated on the
part of the representatives of the Penns in this region to have
some troops who were raised in that emergency stationed
here, as a post more favorable for the protection of the fron-
tiers from the Indians. It is probable, indeed, that some
troops were stationed here, for a short time. These troops
were the militia of the county raised for short service. We
see that it was a cause of complaint on the part of the inhab-
itants about Hanuastown in 1771, in their petition to Gov^
Penn, that "^'we are now rendered very uneasy by the removal
of these troops, their arms and ammunition, on which our
greatest dependence lay, and which we understand are ordered
to Kittanning, a place at least twenty-five or thirty miles dis-
tant from any of the settlements.'' (1.)

Arthur St. Clair, the trusted representative of the I'enns,
had urgently represented the necessity of erecting a stockade
fort and of laying out a town at the Kittanning, as the basis
for the Indian trade on the part of the Province. (5.) Gov.
John Penn in response to these representations, in a letter
dated from Philadelphia, the Gtli of August, 1771, says:

"Since my last letter to you, I have considered of what you
mentioned in a former letter, and now repeat, respecting
the establishment of some ]tlace of security for carrying on
the Indian trade, as you say that Pittsburgh will be certainly
abandoned by all our people; and I am now to acquaint you
that I approve of the measure of laying out a town in the
Proprietary Manor at Kittanning, to accommodate the traders
and the other inhabitants who may chuse to reside there; and,
therefore, inclose you an Order for that purpose. But I can-
not, without the concurrence of the Assembly, give any direc-
tions for erecting a stockade or anv other work for the se-

462 THE FRONTIER FORTS

curitj of the place, which mav incur an expense to the Prov-
ince."

Nothing of the kind advised Avas done; and little is heard of
the place until the Revolution had begun.

A memorial was presented June 5th, 1776, to the Assembly
of Pennsylvania from the inhabitants of Westmoreland county,
setting forth that they feared an attack from Detroit and the
Indian country, and that Van Swearingeu, Esq., had raised a
company of effective men at a considerable expense, which the
memorialists had continued and stationed at the Kittanning,
and which they prayed might be continued.

Congress resolved, July 15th, 1776, that the battalion which
w'as to garrison the posts of Presq' Isle, Le Boeuf and Kittan-
ning be raised in the counties of Westmoreland and Bedford,
in the proportion of seven in the former to one in the latter.
July the 18th, 1776, John Hancock, then President of Congress,
informed the President of the I*enusylvania Convention that
Congress had resolved to raise a battalion in these two coun-
ties for the defense of the western part of Pennsylvania, and
requested the convention to name proper persons for field
officers; which was accordingly done, July 20th (1776).

The battalion raised in pursuance of these orders rendez-
voused at Kittanning in November. (6.) Congress directed the
Board of War of Pennsylvania, November 23d, 1776, to order
Col. Mackay and Col. Cook's battalion to march with all pos-
sible expedition to Brunswick (now New Brunswick), New
Jersey, where, at Amboy, Elizabethtown and Fort Lee, Wash-
ington, being perplexed by Howe's movements, distributed
troops, about the middle of November, "so as to be ready at
those various points to check any incursions into the Jer-
seys." (7.)

Col. Mackay's letter to Richard Peters, Secretary of the
Board of War, from Kittanning the 5th of December, 1776,
reports: *'I last night received your order from the Honour-
able the Board of War, in consequence of which I have this
day issued the necessary orders, and shall march with all
possible dispatch to the place directed.

"I beg leave to inform you at the same time, that scarcity of
provision and otlior disagreeable circumstances obliged me

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 463

to permit a number of the men to go to partic;ular stations to
be supplied, but have directed a general rendezvous on the
15th instant at a proper place, from thence shall proceed as
ordered.

"As I would not choose that the battalion should labour
under every disadvantage when at Brunswick, being now in
need of everything, I shall be obliged to make Philadelphia
my route, in order to be supplied. I therefore hope the proper
provision will be made of regimental camp kettles and arms,
as mentioned to Col. Wilson, per Capt. Boyd." (8.)

On the 2Gth of December, 177G, Wm. Lochry and John
Moore, on the part of the inhabitants of Westmoreland, sent
the following letter to the President of the Council of Safety:

''By the removal of Coll. Mackay from Kittauning, the fron-
tiers of this County is laid open and exposed to the Mercy of
a faithless, incertain Savage Enemy, and we are Inform'd by
Andrew McFarland, Esq'r, who lives at Kittanning, that he
is much afraid that the Mingoes will plunder the Country, and
that he will not think himself Safe if there is not a Company
of Men Stationed there, and if he Removes, a number more of
the Inhabitants will follow; the Kittanning is a post of Im-
portance, and we think a few men Stationed there would awe
the Indians, and perhaps prevent much mischief, and as we
are not certain there is any legal Representatives of the
People of this State now sitting but the Council of Safety, we
beg the favour of you to lay this letter before them, not
doubting but they will lake the matter into Consideration, and
take such steps as the importance of it Requires." (9.)

The Committee of Westmoreland county addressed a com-
munication to Col. George Morgan, Agent for Indian Affairs,
Pittsburgh, from Hanna's Town, April 18th, 1777, in which
they say: We received yours, dated the 12th instant, informing
us of the incursions made by the Indians on the neighboring
frontier, which we rtMurn your our most hearty thanks. Any
person appointed for victualling at the Kittanning is an ap-
pointment that is not clear to us — but we apprehend Devereux
Smith, Esq., is appointed for that post, which appointment we
approve of, and would be glad some method could be intro-

464 THE FRONTIER FORTS

duced to furnish Mr. Smith with money for the purpose of
victualling the troops at that post, &c." (10.)

The following papers relate to this period. These letters are
taken from the Historical Register for September, 1884.
Their publication connects a link in the history of the place
which has been wanting.

Devereux Smith writes to the Indian Commissioners:

"Hannastown, March 24th, 1777.

"Gentlemen: You have Long since been acquainted of An-
drew Macfarlane, Esquire, is being taken Prisoner the 14th of
February at Hatharings. From that date to the 17th or 18th
of this Instant, Captin Moorhead was under necessity of stay-
ing at that Post with a small Party of Milica to Gard the
Stors, &c.. When he Was relieved by an officer and about 25
Men of the Milica, to whom he Delivered up the Stors, &c.;
and was on his return to this Settlement to Recrut, when he
found one Simpson killed and Scalpt, a hors shot by him, &
Captin Moorhead's Brother Who was in Company with sayed
Simpson a missing. Suposed to be taken ptrisnar. Whas found
by the Dead Corps, a W^ar Bullet, a Tammoake & a beevan
Pouch containing a Written Speech, a Coppy of it you have in-
closed. You have also inclosed a Letter from Colonel Morgan
Wliich was sent to this Place Late Last Night by Express.
The above Simpson & Captin Moorhead's Brother Left Kat-
taning the 10th, whas found the ISth about 10 miles from
Thar, neer Blankit Hill. Captin Moorhead being obliged to
Stay so Long at Kattanning & Luttent Macfarline being Pris-
nar put allmost a totall stop to the Recruiting sarvis of his
Company. And the Calling of the Westmoreland Battalon &
Milica as left this county very bare of Men and arms, and you
both well no the Milica of this County are not to be Depended
on When at home; therefore from the present apparance of
things, if som speedy stei)S are not taken for ower Relief,
Eithar by the Honnorable Congree or Gentelmen in authority
in owei' Government below, This infant Contery Sartinly will
fall a victim to P»ritish tirants & mereyless Savages."

Mr. Smith, lliree days later, addresses the following —

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 466

"To Colonels Montgomery and Jaspar Yeates Commissiouei's
for Indiu affars, Midel Department.

'*2Ttli [March, 1777J. — Last night the I'arty of Milica, 30 men
who ware sent to keep Garason at Kattaning & take care of
the Stors till Captin Moorhead raised his Company, Returned
to this Place, having Avacyated that Post; and asiue no other
Resan than becaus the was aftreed. 1 hope we will Gett them
to Return, by Reinforcing them, &c. Colonel Crafford [Craw-
ford] has assured Captin [Samuel] Moorhead by Letter that he
will send him Immedat asistance from his Battalon."

On the first day of June, 1777, Brig.-Gen. Hand assumed tlie
chief command, on the part of Congress at Pittsburgh. Tliis
place, Kittanning, we have seen, was occupied by troops for
the first time in the spring of that year. There were then only
a few cabins at that point.

Capt. Samuel ^Mooihead was stationed there, when on the
14th of Sept., 1777, he received the following order from Gen.
Hand: 'T.eing convinced that, in your present situation, you
are not able to defend yourself, much less render the conti-
nent any service, you will withdraw from Kittanning, bring-
ing everything away portable, leaving the houses and bar-
racks standing."

The whole region west of the mountains, because of the
disasters which had befallen the various posts on the Ohio and
the enforced evacuation of tlie small post at Kittanning. was
now thoroughly alarmed. Many feared the Alleghenies would
again become the western frontier line of the settlements.
"We have no prospects," wrote a citizen of the Western De-
partment, "but desolation and destruction." "There are very
few days," he continued, "that there is not a murder com-
mitted on some part of our frontiers." (11.)

Col, Lochry addresses President Wharton on the 0th of Dec,
1777, saying:

"Not a man on our frontiers from Ligonier to the Allegheny
except a few at Fort Hand, on Continental pay. * * * *
I have sent four Indian scalps taken by one of our scouting
party, commanded by Col. Barr, Col. Perry, Col. Smith and
Capt. Kingston [Hinkston?] being volunteers in the action.
The action happened near Kittanning; they retook six horses
r^>0-Vol. 2.

466 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the savages had taken from tlie suffering frontiers." (12.) Dur
ing this period the frontier was protected by ranging parties,
kept up, for the most part, by tlie inhabitants.

Early in the spring of 1779, Washington contemplated the
establishment of a military post at this point. In his letter to
Col. Daniel Brodhead, in command of the Western Department,
dated at his headquarters, Middlebrook, New Jersey, Mar. 22d,
he wrote:

"I have directed Col. Kawlings with his corps, consisting of
three companies, to march from Fort Frederick in Maryland,
where he is guarding the British prisoners, to Fort Pitt, as
soon as he is relieved by a guard of militia. Upon his arrival
you are to detach him with his own corps and as many as will
make up one hundred, should his companies be short of that
number, to take post at Kittanning, and immediately throw
up a stockade fort for the security' of convo^^s. When this is
accomplished a small garrison is to be left there, and the re-
mainder are to proceed to Venango (now Franklin) and es-
tablish another post of the same kind for the same purpose.
The party is to go provided with proper tools from Fort Pitt,
and Col. Kawlings is to be directed to make choice of good
pieces of ground, and by all means to use every precaution
against a surprise at either post. * * * * Neither the In-
dians nor any other persons are to know your destination until
your movements point out the probable quarter. * * * *
You are to inform me with precision, and by a careful express,
when you will be ready to begin your movement from Fort
Pitt, when you can be at Kittanning, when at Venango, wneu
at the head of navigation, how far it is from thence to the
nearest Indian towns, and when you can reach them." (13.)

The project of Washington which was disclosed in the fore-
going letter was relinquished on account of difficulties which
were insuperable, and which are given in his letter to Col.
Brodhead of Apr. 21st, 1779. On the 3d of May, 1779, Col.
lirodhead replying to Washington, says:

"I am very happy in having permission to establish the posts
at Kittanning and Venango, and am convinced they will
answer the grand purposes mentioned in your letter. The
greatest difficulty will be to procure salt provisions to subsist

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 467

the garrison at the different advanced posts, but 1 have taken
every possible step to obtain them."

June the 3rd, 1779, he wrote to Col. Lochry: "I propose
building a small fort at Kittanning as soon as possible, and
that will be a more etlectual security to the inhabitants than
all the little posts now occupied by the garrison; these will be
considerable, and I intend to send a field piece there to com-
mand the water, etc."

Col. Brodhead on June 24th, 177D, reports to President Reed:
"About a fortnight ago, three Men which I had sent to recon-
noitre the Seneca Country, returned from Venango, being
chased by a number of Warriors who were coming down the
River in Canoes; they continued the pursuit until they came
to this side of the Kittanning, and the White Men narrowly
escaped. A few Days after they returned. Captain Brady,
with twenty white Men and a young Delaware Chief, all well
painted, set out towards the Seneca Country, and the Indian
warriors proceeded towards the Settlements. They killed a
Soldier between Forts Crawford & Hand, & proceeded to Sa-
weckly Settlement, where they killed a Woman & her four
Children, & took two Children prisoners. Captn. Brady fell in
with seven Indians of this party about 15 Miles above Kittan-
ning, where the Indians had chosen an advantageous situation
for their Camp. He however, surrounded them, and attacked
at the break of Day. The Indian Captain, a notorious Warrior
of the Muncy Nation, was killed on the spot, and several more
mortally wounded, but the woods were remarkably thick, and
the party could not pursue the villains' tracks, after they had
stopped their wounds, which they always do as soon as pos-
sible after receiving them. Captain Brady, however, retook
six horses, the two prisoners, the Scalps and all their plunder,
and took all the Indians guns. Tomahawks, Match Coats, Mock-
sins, in fine everything they had except their Breech Clouts.
Captain Brady has great Merit, but none has more distin-
guished Merit in this enterprise than the young Delaware
Chief, whose name is Nanowland (or George Wilson). Before
Capy'n Brady returned, Lieut't Hardin set out with a party of
eleven choice Men, and I am certain he will not return without
scalps or prisoners from the Seneca Country.

468 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"Lieiit't Col'l Bayard, with 121 Rank & file, is now employed
in Erecting a Stockade Fort at Kittanning, which will effectu-
ally secure the Frontiers of Westmoreland & Bedford Coun-
ties, provided Scouts are employed according to my Directions.

"The Mohickins & Shawnese have sent me a string of White
Wampum and a Speech, requesting me to take pity on them
and suffer them to enjoy the Blessings of peace. 1 believe 1
have frightened them by bringing over to our Interest their
chief allies the Hurons, lowas, Chepwas, &, Pootiotomies. By
the inclosed Letter «& Speeches your Excellency will discover
the cliange, and if 1 had but a small quantity' of Indian Goods,
I would make them Humble the ^Mingoes & capture many of
the English, but unfortunately' I am not in possession of a
single Article to pay them with.

"I have now a considerable quantity of IMovisious ^ could
make a successful Campaign up the Alleghany, but I am not at
Liberty to do it.

"It would give me pleasure to know what reward might
safely be offered for Indian Scalps.

"The wicked Waggoners & pack horse drivers have de-
stroyed at least one sixth of our Spirits, &c. In future it had
better be cased.-'

To Col Bayard, July 1st, 1779, he saj'^s:

"I think it is a compliment due to Gen. Armstrong to call
that fort after him, therefore it is my pleasure that from this
time forward it be called Fort Armstrong, and I doubt not
but we shall be in the neighborhood of a place where greater
regard is paid to saints than at Kittanning, where your saint-
hood may not be forgotten. I cannot conclude without once
more recommending the strictest economy of public stores,
and particularly ammunition."

To the same on July !)th. — "I liave said that I thought it a
compliment due to Gen. Armstrong to name the fort now erect-
ing at Kittanning aft^r him. and I should be sorry to have the
first fort erected by my directions in the department named
after me. Besides I consider it will be more proper to have
our names at a greater distance from our metropolis. I never
denied the sainthood of Stephen or John, but some regard to
priority must be neces«;ary even among the saints. [Col. Bay-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. • 469

ard had expressed a desire to name the fort after Col. Brod-
head.] * * * ^: i ^m <^lad the fort is in forwardness tuid
hope you are able to keep out the scouts I ordered for the pro-
tection of the inhabitants. * * * * Capt. Harrison is or-
dered on a tour to Fort Armstrong, and he will deliver you
this and my compliments to the officers."
Col. Brodhead to Col. Bayard, July 20th, 1779:—
"His excellency the Commander-in-Chief, has at length given
me leave to make an excursion into the Indian country, and
as my route will naturally cover the garrison at Fort Arm-
strong, a few men can maintain it till my return, therefore,
you will order two officers, two sergeants, and twenty-four
rank and file, of the worst kind, to remain at the post, and
with all the rest, march to this place by the first of next
month, and bring with you likewise all the best men from Fort
Crawford, except a sergeant, and twelve privates."

In reporting his expedition against the Seneca and Muncy
nations to Gen. Washington, Sept. 16, 1779, from Tittsburgh,
the Col. says: "I left this place the 11th of last mimtli." * *
* * * Oct. 2d, 1779, he orders Capt. Campbell to march his
company with all the stores, to Fort Crawford, and states that
Capt. Irwin will be ordered to Kittanning. The same date he
says: "I have ordered a quantity of provisions to Fort Arm-
strong, and Capt. Irwin is to garrison that post with his com-
pany. As soon as he takes the command (if the water will
permit) you will proceed to this place (Pittsburgh) with your
men, leaving the provisions with Capt. Irwin, bring down the
canoes and other stores to these magazines — But should the
water continue too low% you will march down your men by
land, and take a receipt for all the provisions, craft and stores
left with Capt. Irwin."

Capt. Irwin, as well as Capt. Campbell under the instruc-
tions and orders from Col. Archibald Lochry, the County Lieu-
tenant, disobeyed these orders. This was owang to a misun-
derstanding as to relative authority of these two officers, Brod-
head and Lochry, on the question of the right to direct the
movements of the county militia by a continental officer, when
the militia had been called out for frontier service.

To Francis Mcllwaine, Oct. 13, 17T9, he says: "I expect Cap-

470 . THE FRONTIER FORTS

tain Irwin's compan}- will be at Fort Armstrong w ithin a few
days, if he had done his duty it wonld have been there many
days ago. * * * * I cannot send regular troops to be sta-
tioned at Fort Armstrong, the new levies raised in Pennsylva-
nia are properest for that duty. * * * * I conceive the tiring
about Fort Armstrong is done by hunters and not by Indians."

To Captain Thomas Campbell, Oct. 16, 1779, "Col. Lochry
informed me that you was stationed at Fort Hand and I under-
stood your whole company was there, wherefore about the
third day after the date of my instructions to you I sent a
quantity of salt pork to Fort Crawford and ordered another
quantity to Fort Armstrong, but as you was not yet arrived at
your post, the whole of the pork was taken to Fort Armstrong.
I herewith send you a small supply of provisions, and desire
you will appoint a very careful person to issue it, and lest you
should want a supply and make application to the commissary
here — you are directed to have your flour and salt brought
from the issuing commissary at Fort Armstrong."

To. Lieut. Glass, or the commanding officer of Capt. Irwin's
company, Oct. 18, 1879, he says: ''You are to march the
company under your command to Fort Armstrong and
there relieve the present garrison under Mr. Mcllwaine.
Mr. Douglass, Assistant Commissary of issues, will furnish
you with provisions for your garrison at that post. Mr.
Mcllw^aine will consult with you and leave a proper quan-
tity of military stores for which you are to be account-
able. Capt. Campbell is instructed to send scouts to the
mouth of the Kiskiminetas where you are to order scouts
from your post to meet them, and upon discovery of the
enemy or tracks 3'ou are to give me immediate notice. It
may be likewise proper for you to keep out a sj»y or two up
the Allegheny river to give you notice of an approaching
enemy, of w^hich I must likewise be acquainted. You are to
be particularly careful to prevent any waste of public stores,
and not suffer any firing except at an enemy or by a hunter
particularly employed (if you have any in your company). You
are to transmit to me a particular return of the company and
the provisions and stores left at Fort Armstrong. You will
write to me by every opportunity and inform me of the state
of vour jrarrison."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 471

To Lieut John Jameson (Jamison), Oct. 27, 1779, he writes,
"I have received your favor of the 24th inst. I am glad to
hear you have at length got to Fort Armstrong, and 1 should be
happy if it was in my power to contribute to the relief of your
men, but the means are not yet come up the country. I have
wrote to the President of the state for blankets, and daily ex-
pect his answer, I have ordered for your garrison two keggs of
whiskey and fifteen pairs of shoes. Whiskey being an expen-
sive article, you will not issue it except in rainy weather, and
to guards and fatigues. I approve of building the sentry
boxes, as they will in some UK-asure shelter the poor soldiers
from the weather which will soon be unfavorable. Your cap-
tain returned to me forty-five men, I shall be glad to know
from you where the men are, which it appears you have not
returned."

The following orders were addressed to Lieut. John Jame-
son from headquarters Nov. 27, 1779, per Jos. L. Finley, M. B.:
"I am directed by Col. Brodhead to require you to evacuate
Fort Armstrong, and repair to this post with all convenient
dispatch, taking care to bring off all the stores in your posses-
sion, and pertaining to the garrison of what soever kinds ; for
this purpose I have sent you two canoes, which with the craft
you already have I expect you will be able to transport all the
stores by water; if not you must have recourse to pnck-liorses,
which you can receive from Capt. Carnaghan, who is now with
a party at Bull's Town or the mouth of Kiskiminetas, and I will
herewith receive an order to supply you if necessary; imme-
diately on the receipt of this you will proceed to put the above
orders into execution. P. S.— Those of your company who are
not employed in working the craft will march by land."

In the spring of 1780 arrangements were early made to re-
establish Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford. On the 2d of
April, 1780, he (Brodhead), wrote to Col. Archibald Lochry,
County Lieutenant to fix upon a proper rendezvous, and a
place where a small quantity of provisions would be laid in by
the commissary for sixty able bodied rank and file and a pro-
portioned number of commissioned and non-commissioned of-
ficers which he was to order out from the militia of the county,
and have equipped with all possible expedition. One-third of

472 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the above number was to be detached to take post at Fort
Crawford, one-third at Fort Armstrong, and the remaining
third was directed to the Forks of Black Legs, where the of-
ficer was to make choice of a house on a commanding ground
convenient to water. These were all to act agreeable to such
orders as they might receive from Brodhead. They were
drafted for two months if not sooner dischaiged. This body
of men, with a number of regulars to support those detached
to Fort Armstrong, the Colonel hoped would give sufficient
countenance to the inhabitants of the county. He writes to
the same, April 13th, 17S0, that he expected to send a detach-
ment to Fort Armstrong by the time the militia would be able
to march out.

The savages early began their depredations on the south-
western frontiers of Pennsylvania; and it was necessary that
the northern posts should be garrisoned without delay. To Col.
Lochry he writes from headquarters April 25th, 1780, "I have
been disappointed beyond all description in getting clothing
for my troops, and therefore could not until now send a detach-
ment to Fort Armstrong agreeable to my intention. I hope
that no great disappointment has happened to the militia, and
I send an express with this letter to inform you that Capt.
Thomas Beal sets out with the party and provisions to Fort
Crawford to-morrow morning, where he is to leave a part, pro-
vided any troops be there, otherwise he is to take the whole
to Fort Armstrong, and your detachment must be furnished
from thence."

Col. Brodhead, Mar. 27th, 1781, informed President Reed
that it was impossible for him to garrison Forts Annstrong
and Crawford, until the Commander-in-Chief was pleased to
direct him to evacuate Fort Mcintosh. He had been requested
by President Reed to do so at the repeated and urgent de-
mands of the people of the frontier. There does not appear to
be any documentary evidence to indicate that the barracks
liere were such as were adequate to the wants of a permanent
garrison.

Col. P>rodhead feared they were unequal to the requirements
of garrison life during winter time. In a letter to Capt.
Thomas Campbell who was stationed at Fort Crawford, he

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 473

states that he had better not build barracks at that station as
yet, it bein^- uncertain whether his continuance there would
render it necessai'V ; and in his letter to President Keed of Dec.
13th, 1771), referring to Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford,
he says, "I ordered the troops to this place because I appre-
hended no danger from the enemy during the winter season,
and if provisions had been laid in at those posts they must
have been exposed to loss; besides it would have been quite
impracticable to have sui)plied them with fresh provisions, and
the quarters at those posts were too uncomfortable for naked
men."

Such extracts as are relevant, and which follow are taken
from "Fort Armstrong and the Manor of Kittanning," by Rev.
A. A. Lambing, A. M., Prest. of the Historical Society of West-
ern Penna., a paper read before the Society, May 8th, 1884, and
printed in the Historical Register for June, 1884.

'T!rom what we are able to learn, especially from the letters
of the commander of Fort Pitt, to which Fort Armstrong was
subject, the following were the commanders of the place be-
fore, during, and after the construction of the fortification.
P.efore the building of the fort, the first officer stationed at
Kittanning, by which, I suppose, the site of the future fort is
meant, was Van Swearingen, who, with some militia raised in
Westmoreland county, arrived, most probably, some time be-
fore June 5, 1776. Soon after. July 20 of the same year, he
was succeeded by Col. Aeneas Mackay, who, with his battalion,
was posted there, and remained till December 15, when he was
ordered elsewhere. ]\Fr. Phillip Mecliling, now past ninety
years of age and residing at Kittanning, heard his father,
Michael Mechling, relate, that when young he and others
hauled provisions from about Hannastown and Greensburg
to the soldiers then stationed in the manor, but whether to
those under Col. Macka^^'s command, or to others stationed
here afterwards, he cannot say. Col. Rawlings was, as we
have seen, ordered to build the fort and leave in it a small gar-
rison while he proceeded elsewhere; but it has been shown that
he did not build the fort at all, or at least, only begun it.
Whether he left a part of his command there without a forti-
fication or not it would be difficult to determine at this dis-

474 THE FRONTIER FORTS

tant day; but if so, the name of the commanding officer has
not been transmitted to us. Col. Bayard, who completed the
fort in July, 1779, was relieved of the command about the 1st
of August. It would appear that the fort was not occupied
for some time, after this date, for on October 2, Brodhead
wrote to Oapt. Campbell: "Capt. Irwin will be ordered to Kit-
tanning." But it would appear that Capt. Irwin would not or
did not obey the order, for a sharp correspondence took place
between him and Brodhead. In one of his letters, dated
October 13, the latter writes: "You had my positive orders to
wait upon me for instructions to govern you at Fort Arm-
strong, which orders you have been hardy enough to disobey
and are to answer for." During this dispute Francis Mc-
Ilvaine was sent to occupy the fort. Oapt. Irwin appears to
have left the service about this time, or to have been deprived
of his command, for Brodhead in a letter to Lieut. Glass, or the
commanding officer of Capt. Irwin's company, of October 18,
says: "You are to march the company under your command
to Fort Armstrong, and there relieve the present garrison
under Mr. Mcllvaine." Later, there was talk of court-martial-
ing Irwin, but it would seem not to have been done. But the
officers of the fort were soon to experience another change, for
under date of October 27, Brodhead wrote to Lieut. John
Jameson : "I have received your favor of the 24th inst. I am
glad to hear you are at length got to Fort Armstrong." He
was to be the last commander of the post, for on the 27th of
November, Joseph L. Finley wrote to him : "I am directed by
Col. Brodhead to require you to evacuate Fort Armstrong, and
to repair to this post (Fort Pitt) with all convenient dispatch,
taking care to bring off all the stores in your possession and
pertaining to the garrison of whatever kinds."

We are able to form no definite idea of the number of sol-
diers that garrisoned Fort Armstrong during the vicissitudes
of its brief existence, as but one statement is found of the force
quartered there. Here and there in the correspondence re-
lating to the post an intimation is made that the garrison, as
we Mould naturally suppose, was small, ill-provided, and not
remarkable for strict discipline. I am inclined to believe that
it never exceeded one hundred in number, and seldom, if ever

OF WESTERN PFNNSYI.VANIA. 475

reached it. Col. Brodhead writing to Capt. Finley says: "You
will order two sergeants and twenty-four rank and file of ye
worst kind to remain at ye post, and witli all the rest march
to this place" (Pittsburgh). And to Lieut. Jameson he writes:
"Your captain returned me forty-five men." You may, if you
like, take a further remark of his to the same othcer as an evi-
dence that the number was not large at that time. He says:
"T have ordered for your garrison two kegs of whiskey and
fifteen pairs of shoes." The soldiers who garrisoned the fort,
it is needless to state, were not regulars but militia, as ap-
pears from the whole correspondence relating to the post.

But what ultimately became of the fort? After the with-
drawal of the garrison November 27, 1770, it was never after
regularly occupied. Col. Lochry complained of Col. Brod-
head's removal of the troops from Fort Armstrong and other
frontier posts, and in consequence there was for a time a
spirited correspondence between them, which resulted in noth-
ing, however, so far as related to Fort Armstrong other than
in keeping it without a garrison. The frontier was, however,
protected by scouting parties. On the 3d of April, 1780, Brod-
head wrote to Col. Lochry requiring him to order out from the
militia of Westmoreland county sixty able-bodied men of the
rank and file and a proportionate number of commissioned
and non-commissioned officers, one-third of whom were to be
detached to Fort Armstrong. But although on this and on
other occasions Brodhead wrote to the militia commanders
and to General Washington regarding the occupation of the
fort, it was never again, as we have said, taken possession of
permanently. Detachments of rangers and scouts may have
been stationed there temporarily at various times after the
close of the war of the Revolution, while the Indians were
troublesome; but the fort would appear to have been permitted
to fall into decay almost as soon as it was built. Such, in
brief, appears to have been the history of Fort Armstrong.

As to the character of the fort, it was everywhere called "a
stockade fort." I have not been able to learn anything definite
regarding its size: but it must have been small, as a large forti-
fication was not required either to accommodate the garrison

476 . THE FRONTIER FORTS

usually quartered there, or to defend the place against the In-
dians. The short time, too, during which it was occupied, and
the fact that it was never threatened with or called upon to
sustain a siege would lead to the conclusion that it was not of
great strength when built, and was not afterwards
strengthened.

But where precisely was Fort Armstrong situated? It is
always spoken of as "at Kittanning," and even as occupying
the site of the Indian village of that name. But the name was
used, as we shall see, not because the fort stood precisely upon
that spot, but because it being an historic name, and the best
known near the place, the fort was naturally enough said to be
there, the better to point out its location to persons living at a
distance and unacquainted with the geography of the country.
The fort stood, indeed, within the manor of Kittanning, but
not on the site of the town, for the town was two miles, as I
have said, above the northern limit of the manor of the same
name. The fort was situated exactly two miles below the
southern extremity of the present tow-n of Kittanning, on prop-
erty now ow^ned by Peter F. McClarren, and within half a mile
of the place where I was born. I distinctly remember seeing
the well of the fort filled with stumps some thirty or more
years ago; and my father, who came to tli'at part of the country
in 1830, when nearly the whole bottom was covered with a
thick growth of laurel, remembers seeing where the ground
was burnt from fires being kindled upon it, and other indica-
tions of the location of the fort. I have also heard some of the
older inhabitants, whose memories went as far back as 179.5,
speak of the ruins of the fort as they a]>peared in their early
days. In short, there is, and can be, no question as to its be-
ing situated at the place T have designated."

Notes 1o Kiftanning and Armstrong.

(1.) The word Kittanning is of Indian origin. Heckewelder
says that "Kittanning is corrupted from Kit-han-ne, in Munsi
Delaware Gicht-han-ne, signifying the main stre.am, i. e., in
its region of country. Kit-han-ne is perpetuated in Kittan-

OF WESTERN PENNS YJ.VANI A. 477

ning, corrupted from Kit-han-nink, signifying at or on the main
stream, i. e.. the town at or on tiie main stream. He also
says: A\'e indeed have the word "Kittanning' on our maps for
a particular spot on tlie Allegheny river, whereas the true
meaning of the word, which should be written Kit-han-nink,
denotes the river itself. He gives its etymology thus : Kitschi,
superior, greatest, and Han-ne, which denotes flowing water,
or a stream of tlowing water. [Hist, of Armstrong Co., Pa.,
by Kobert Walter Smith, Esq., p. lOG.]

We have not failed to consult Mr. Smith's History and to
draw upon it wherever necessary in preparing this article. He
was a careful, painstaking, and trustworthy historian of this
county.

Kittanning was a notable point in the boundary line, es-
tablished between the Northern Colonies and the Indians, at
the treaty held by Sir William Johnson at Fort Stanwix
(Rome, N. Y.), Nov, 5th, 17G8, known as the purchase line of
that treaty and year. The line between those two purchases
divides the borough of Kittanning into nearly equal portions.
Its bearing from, at or near the mouth of Trubys run to the
nearest fork of the West Branch of the Susquehanna river is
south seventy -nine degrees east.

''The Kittanning" is an expression almost invariably used in
the old records and documents, and it must have included a
much longer stretch of territory along the left bank of the
Allegheny river than was included in the extent of the site of
the old Indian town destroyed by Gen. Armstrong. This is
manifest from the etymology and meaning of the word Kittan-
ning, elsewhere given. The idea that the borough of Kittan-
ning is located on this Manor (Appleby) is erroneous for the
borough is a mile or more north of the Manor's northern limit.
[vSmith's History Armstrong Co., 312.]

From this ])oint led out eastw'ard the Kittanning Trail, the
path upon which Indians travelled and on which they went
on their marauding exjK'ditions, and upon which Indian
uaders and settlers afterward came out. An objective point
of one of the branches of this trail is preserved in the name
and proximate locality of Kittanning Point, on the Penna.
railroad neai' the summit of the Alh^oluMiies.

478 THE FRONTIER FORTS

As to the Indian word corresponding with the English word
beautiful or the French word La Belle, there is not a harmony
of opinion.

Description of Indian Town at Kittanning.

The description given by Col. Smith of the method of mak-
ing their huts and their appearance may be applicable here,
as it may give an idea of what an Indian town looked like.

"They cut logs about fifteen feet long, and laid these logs
upon each other, and droA-e posts in the ground at each end
to keep them together; the posts they tied together at the
top with bark, and by this means raised a wall fifteen feet
long, and about four feet high, and in the same manner they
raised another wall opposite to this, at about twelve feet
distance; then they drove forks into the ground in the centre
of each end, and laid a strong pole from end to end on these
forks, and from these walls to the poles, they set up
poles, instead of rafters, and on these they tied small poles
in place of lathes; and a cover was made of lynn bark, which
will run even in the winter season.

"As every tree will not run, they examine the tree first by
trying it near the ground, and when the}' find it will do, they
fell the tree and raise the bark with the tomahawk, near the
top of the tree, about five or six inches broad, then put the
tomahawk handle under this bark, and pull it along down to
the butt of the tree; so that sometimes one piece of bark will
be thirty feet long; this bark they cut in suitable lengths in
order to cover the hut.

"At the end of these walls they set up split timber, so that
they had timber all around, excepting a door at each end. At
the top, in place of a chimney, they left an open place, and
for bedding they laid down the aforesaid kind of bark, on
which they spread bear skins. From end to end of this hut
along the middle there were fires, which the squaws made of
dry split wood, and the holes or open places that appeared
(he squaws stopped with moss, which they collected from old
logs; and at the door they hung a bear skin: and, notwith-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 479

standing- the winters are hard here, our lodging was much
better than what I expected."

In the Narrative of Marie Le Roy and Barbara Leininger
(Archives, vii, 429, Sec. Ser.), there is mention made of this
place at the time of its destruction by Col. Armstrong. These
captives were taken from the neighborhood of Fort Augusta,
in October, 1755.

''After having rested for five dajs at Puncksotonay (they
say), we took our way to Kittanny. As this was to be the
place of our permanent abode, w^e here received our welcome,
according to Indian custom. It consisted of three blows each,
on the back. They were, however, administered with great
mercy. Indeed, we concluded that we were beaten merely
in order to keep up an ancient usage, and not with the inten-
tion of injuring us. The month of December was the time
of our arrival, and we remained at Kiltanny until the month
of September, 1756.

"The Indians gave us enough to do. We had to tan leather,
to make shoes (moccasins), to clear land, to plant corn, to cut
down trees and build hutts, to wash and cook. The want of
provisions, however, caused us the greatest sufferings. During
all the time that we were at Kittanny we had neither lard nor
salt; and, sometimes, we were forced to live on acorns, roots,
grass and bark. There was nothing in the world to make this
new sort of food palatable, excepting hunger itself.

''In the month of September,Col. Armstrong arrived with his
men, and attacked Kittanny Town. Both of us happened to
be in that part of it which lies on the other (right) side of
the river (Allegheny). We were immediately conveyed ten
miles farther into the interior, in order that we might have no
chance of trying, on this occasion, to escape. The savages
threatened to kill us. If the English had advanced, this
might have happened, for, at that time, the Indians were
greatly in dread of Col. Armstrong's Corps. After the Eng-
lish had withdrawn, we were again brought back to Kittanny,
which town had been burned to the ground."

It would thus appear that a village was also on the west
side of the Allegheny at that time.

4S0 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(2.) Siuilli's Hist, of Armstioug- co., p. 107, et. seq., quoting
Irom Gordon's History of Penna. See also History of the
Girtys by 0. W. Butterfleld, Ein\.

(3.) The Keport of Col. Armstrong is in Arch, ii, 7G7.

For the signal success of Col. Armstrong and his force,
achieved in the destruction of Kittanning, and thus breaking
up a formidable base of French and Indian incursions, the cor-
poration of the city of riiiladelphia, October 5th, 1756, voted
him and his command the thanks of the city and other favors.
He was also presented with a medal struck in honor of the
occasion,

"The report of this affair [the destruction of Kittanning by
Armstrong, says Mr. I'arkman] made by Dumas, Commandant
at Fort Duquesne is worth noting. He says that Attique, the
French name of Kittanning, was attacked by 'h^ CreniM'al Wach-
inton;' with three or four hundred men on horseback; that the
Indians gave way; but that Ave or six Frenchmen who were in
the town held the Phiglisli in check till the fugitives rallied;
that Washington and his men then took to flight, and would
have been pursued but for the loss of some barrels of gun-
powder which chanced to explode during the action. Dumias
adds that several large parties are now on the track of the
enemy, and he hopes will cut them to pieces. He then asks for
a supply of provisions and merchandise to replace those which
the Indians at Attique had lost by a tire. Like other officers
of the d'a}^, he would admit nothing but successes in the de-
partment under his command." [Montcalm & Wolfe, Chap,
xiii.]

The French were somewhat obscure in their geography, and
sometimes spoke of the Pennsylvania frontiers when they
really meant those of Viiginia. ^laryland or Carolina. For in-
stance, they report that their forces had made incursions, and
that "Chevalier Villiers, on the 2d of Aug., has been very suc-
cessful in burning another fort called Fort Grandville, [Gran-
ville], sixty miles from Philadelphia." [2d Arch, vi, 380.]

(4.) History Western Penna., Appx.

(5.) Arch, iv, 545. Cov. Penn's response is found in Records
X. 202.

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 481

The following- is from Mr. Smith's History:

'^E vents of historical interest in this township (Manor town-
ship in which Kittauuing- is situated) occurred chiefiY within
the limits of this Manor (Appleby, or the Kittanning Manor).
V'arious aged inhabitants of this tow^nship and other parts of
this county remembered having seen the vestiges of a military
fortification, consisting of a fosse, parapet and fort, on the left
bank of the Allegheny, between Tubmill run and Fort run.
* * * * A trench or fosse extended along the bottom
about seventy rods easterly from the river, and thence at an
obtuse angle southeasterly, twenty or thirty rods, which the
informant estimates from the quantity of earth thrown up,
must have been four or five feet deep, and as many or more
wide. The parapet around the fort, which was a considerable
distance below the trench, must have been several feet high
when it was constructed. Its shape, as he remembers it, was
somewhat like, though more circular than a horse shoe, and en-
closed about two acres, which is in accordance with the recol-
lection of John Christy, who, in 1833, owned and cleared a part
of the land on which it had been constructed. The latter's
impression is that a ditch originally four or five feet deep had
once extended all around it. Samuel Monroe {the first inform-
ant, who was born on this Manor and resided near those
vestiges until he was twenty-four years of age, or from 1809
until 1833], on the other hand, thinks that ditch-like appear-
ance was caused by excavating the earth, used in constructing
the parapet. Robert Thompson, now of Templeton Station,
who plowed there soon after the land was cleared, and John
Patterson, of Manor township, whose remembrance extends
back to 1834-5, think, it was not a regular trench. According
to the recollection of the latter and John Meckling, the shape
of the parapet was nearly semi-circular, or nearly that of a
half-moon, the distance between the extremities of its lunes, or
the horns of the half-moon, being about fifty rods, along the
bank of the river — that would have been the length of the
diameter of the entire circle, or rather oblate spheroid, if it had
been completed. Many lead bullets were found in the river
bank in front of that parapet, which must have been shot from

ai-voi. 2.

482 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the opposite side of the river. Christy found, within the para-
pet, vestiges of small buildings, and at the depth of four feet,
arrows-heads and pieces of pottery. A red-oak, says Monroe,
which had grown up on the southern or lower lune of that par-
apet, indicated 105 annual growths when it was cut down in
1823 or 4, so thlat it must have gei*minated, there prior to
171 8-19. How much longer before then had that parapet been
constructed? Heckling remembers having seen, in 1836-7, a
black-oak on the upper or northern lune fully two feet, more
likely two and a half feet, in diameter, which must have
germinated there more than two centuries since. And Christy
remembers that there was a tree in what he thinks was the
trench, th)at was between four and five feet in diameter.

"These works evinced a higher degree of skill, intelligence
and civilization than the Indians possessed. Their construc-
tion required a different kind of labor than that performed by
them. There are vestiges of similar works in other parts of
the Allegheny Valley, on the southern shore of Lake Erie in
this State, in the Ohio and JMississippi Valleys, and in western
New York. In the trench and on the partapet of those near
Lake Erie are trees three feet in diameter, indicating that they
were constructed two or more centuries or more before either
the French or the English began to erect military fortifications
in that region. The parapets in western New York were
earthen, from three to eight feet high, with trenches on their
exterior sides. On some of the parapets, many years ago, were
oak-trees whose concentric circles indicated that they were
150, 260 and 300 years old, and there were evident indications
that they had sprung up since the erection of those works.
Some of the trenches were deep and wide, and others shallow
and narrow."

"Various relics, such as white beads, and some colored ones
from half an inch to two inches in length, a silver band an inch
wide land ten inches long, knife-blade of a rather large size,
have been found. From a description of these, however, it
would appear that they might have been of modern work-
manship.

"There were indications that there had been a burying
ground on the second bench or bottom above or northerly from

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 483

the trench, in which a large number of persons had been in-
terred. Such of the bones as were exhumed, were sound.
Samuel Monroe found a skull in which there was a hole about
the size of a bullet, just above the ear, but none in any other
part. Matthias Bowzer has related to the writer that, while
he was plowing on the same tract, in 183G, then owned by John
Meckling, he struck the bones of a human skeleton and part of
a moccasin about 62 rods east of the Allegheny river, and 300
yards nortli of Tub-mill run, or about thirty feet a little west of
north from the house now occupied by A. B. Starr. About two
rods south-east from that grave he opened another, sixteen
feet square and two feet deep, in which was a large number of
human bones, so arranged as if the bodies had been piled one
upon another, when they were buried.

"In the early part of this century those old fortifications and
vicinity were frequented by various persons now living, to
gather plums. James E. Brown remembers of that fort being
then called "the old French fort." In 1835 James W. Camp-
bell, now of North Buffalo township, and his brother were re-
turning from the mill at Nicholson's Falls, and stopped near
these old works over night. George Cook, an old resident in
the Manor, accompanied them to the remains of the parapet,
and showed them how the women and children of the sur-
rounding country were protected there one night during the
Indian troubles, 1790-5, when forced to flee thither from their
homes. After the women and children had entered, the men
guarded the entrance to the interior of the parapet. He said
that James Claypole, John Guld and others with their families
used to flee thither in those times for refuge. At least some of
the bullets used in one of the occasions were made by the
women while in the blockhouse, who melted their pewter
plates and other dishes for that purpose.

"Such being the vestiges and surroundings of and the facts
connected with that ancient fosse, parapet and fort, and his-
tory being otherwise silent in relation to them, it can of course
only be conjectured when and by whom they were originally
constructed, and on this question there is ground for an honest
difference of opinion among antiquaries. It is a question
well calculated to stimulate research, and one, too, that affords

484 THE FRONTIER FORTS

ample scope for profitable discussion by historical and debat-
ing societies," [History of Armstrong County, Pa., by Robert
Walter Smith, Esq.]

"It is stated,-' says Mr. Smith in his History of Armstrong
county, "in Albach's Western Annals, page TIG, that 'a fort
was built on the site of the old village of Kittanning, known
also by the name of Appleby's Fort, by the government, in
1776.' His authority for that statement is not given. The
writer has not been able to ascertain that there was ever a
vestige of a fort on the site of that village. The Manor does
not appear to have been called Appleby until 1805 and 1807.
It seems clear, then, that Mr. Albach must have been misin-
formed respecting both the name and location of that fort."

Mr. Smith in his remarks here concerning Appleby is him-
self mistaken as to the time when the name Appleby was first
applied to this place — we do not say Manor — he saying that
it was not so applied prior to date 1805 or 7, as
above stated. ******** Arthur St. Clair
writing to Gov. Penn from Ligonier Aug. 25th, 1774 (Arch,
iv, 575), states: "This moment I have heard from Pitts-
burgh, that Mr. Speare and Mr. Butler's goods, that were
going to Appleby, are seized by Mr. Connolly's orders." * *
There is reason to suspect that these were in the initiatory
steps in the scheme to make the Kittanning a point for the
Pennsylvania traders. See Correspondence of this period in
Pa. Arch., iv, and St. Clair Papers. See also Historical Regis-
ter, Sept., 1884, p. 202; "Armstrong Co.," etc., by Isaac Craig,
Esq.

(7.) Smith's History, p. 26.

(8.) Arch., V, 93.

(9.) Arch., V, 134.

(10.) Arch., V, 314.

Cll.) Washington-Irvine Cor., 13,

(12.) Arch., vi, 69; Arch., vii, 564.

(13.) Wash.-I. Cor., 13,

(14,) The references and authorities, so far as they pertain

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 485

to Col. Brodhead's correspondence, are taken from Col. Brod-
head's Letter Book, while in command of the Western Depart-
ment. See Arch,, xii.

BEAVER COUNTY.

FORT McINTOSH.

From the barbarous warfare carried on against the western
frontier by the British under Henry Hamilton, their Governor
of Detroit, with the assistance of the Indian tribes who had
taken part with them, it was determined by the Commissioners
of Congress, who met in Pittsburgh late in 1777, that the per-
manent safety of this section could be secured only by carry-
ing on a successful war, in an aggressive manner, against the
enemy in their own country. This, for some time, had been
the plan uppermost in the mind of Washington. When Gen.
Hand was recalled at his own request from the command of
the W^estern Department, the Commander-in-Chief designated
Gen. Lachlin Mcintosh to succeed him. (1.)

On the 26th of May, 1778, Mcintosh was notified of his ap-
pointment, but, owing to delay necessarily occasioned, he did
not arrive in Pittsburgh till early in August.

The Fort Pitt Commissioners had advised that the expedi-
tion which they concluded to recommend against Detroit
should march from Pittsburgh by the first of September,
(1778); but as it was found before that time to be impossible
to do so, Congress resolved that the expedition, for the pres-
ent, should be deferred.

Mcintosh, however, was directed to assemble at Pittsburgh
one thousand five hundred continental troops and militia, and
proceed without delay to destroy such towns of the hostile
tribes as he, in his discretion, should think would most effectu-
ally tend to chastise and check the savages on the western
frontier. (2.) But notwithstanding these direct orders, McTn-

486 THE FRONTIER FORTS

tosh had his eye on Detroit, and was led to believe that he
could, as the occasion offered, penetrate successfully to that
post and capture it with the forces available. The event
showed, however, that his means were inadequate to such a
daring campaign.

When Mcintosh arrived in the Western Department — ^about
the 6th of Aug. — there were but two fixed stations, besides
Fort Pitt, west of the Alleghenies, occupied by Continental
troops. These two were Fort Randolph, (Wheeling), and Fort
Hand. The latter was a small stockaded structure on the
southern bank of the Kiskiminetas, on the frontier north of
Pittsburgh. There were, however, 30 or 40 other smaller sta-
tions, or forts, scattered throughout this region, some between
Wheeling and Pittsburgh; others upon the waters of the Mo-
nongahela, and still others along the northern frontier from
the Kiskiminetas to Fort Ligonier. These at dill'erent times
were garrisoned by militia or defended by volunteer rangers.
They were frequently altered, kept, or evacuated, according to
the humors, fears, or interests of the people of most influence.
Gen. Hand had been obliged to yield to this condition, as his
chief dependence was on militia. These forts, in view of the
fact that they were very expensive and would be of little ser-
vice now that the war was to be carried into the enemy's coun-
try, Mcintosh resolved to break up as soon as he could, with-
out giving too much offence to the people, whose assistance he
so much required.

That the frontiers might not be wholly deprived of means of
defence while the army marched into the Indian country, the
Lieutenants of Monongalia and Ohio counties, Virginia, (.3),
were authorized to raise a ranging company jointly, to scout
continuously along the Ohio river from Beaver creek down-
ward, where the savages usually crossed to annoy the settle-
ments. Archibald Lochry, Lieut, of Westmoreland co., Penna.
was empowered to organize two such companies, to scour the
frontiers on the north, as a protection from scalping parties of
the northern Indians. Independent companies had been raised
for the sole purpose of maintaining Fort Pitt, Fort Hand and
Fort Randolph, as these posts were expected soon to be evacu-
ated bv their garrisons.

OF WESTERN PENNSYL,VANIA. 487

Mcintosh had not been long in the west when he discovered
that a number of storehouses for provisions, which had been
built at public expense, were at great distances apart, diflBcult
of access, and scattered throughout the border counties. At
each of these, a number of men were required. These build-
ings were given up, as the provisions in them intended for the
expedition proved to be spoiled. In place of them, one gen-
eral store house was built by a fatigue party, "in the fork of
the Monongahela river," where all loads from over the moun-
tains could be discharged, without crossing any considerable
branch of any river.

The Commissioners at Fort Pitt proposed to Congress that a
treaty be held on the 23d of July, at Pittsburgh, with the Dela-
wares, Shawanese and other Indians. Congress approved this
suggestion, and resolved that three persons should be ap-
pointed to negotiate with the savages. Virginia was requested
to send two and Pennsylvania one commissioner for that pur-
pose. Messengers carrying presents had already been dis-
patched to the Delawares and Shawanese, with invitations to
attend the conference. 'J^\'o Virginians, representing The
United States, repaired to Fort Pitt, but Pennsylvania neg-
lected to send a representative. This caused some disappoint-
ment. From the wilderness across the Ohio, no Indians came
but Delawares, as a large majority of the Shawanese were now
openly hostile to The United States. The former tribe was
represented by their three principal chiefs. It was September
before the parties met for consultation: and a treaty was not
finally signed until the 17th of that month. By its terms, not
only were the Delawares made close allies of The United
States and "the hatchet put into their hands," — thus changing
and wisely too the neutral policy previously acted upon, — but
consent was obtained for marching the army across their
territory. They stipulated to join the troops of the general
government with such a number of their best and must expert
warriors as they could spare, consistent with their own safety.
A requisition for two captains and 60 braves was afterward
made upon the nation by the American commander.

The neutrality of the Delawares having thus, for the pres-
ent, been assured by the treaty at Fort Pitt, on the 17th of

4S8 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Sept., (1778), as above referred to, Mcintosh was thereupon
ordered to move westward. He descended the Ohio with a
force of regulars and militia, in the month of Oct., to the mouth
of the Beaver, a northern tributary of the Ohio, where, on the
present site of the town of Beaver, about 30 miles below Pitts-
burgh, he erected a fort which was called, in honor of the pro-
jector. Fort Mcintosh.

In a letter to Vice-President Bryan, written from Fort Pitt
on the 29th of Dec, 1778, (4), Gen. Mcintosh speaks of this
fort as follows:

"Notwithstanding the season was so late that we could not
get a sufficiency of supplies, and the men so tedious before
they came and joined me, with many other difficulties I had to
encounter, I erected a good, strong fort for the reception and
security of prisoners and stores upon the Indian side of the
Ohio, below Beaver creek, with barracks for a regiment; and
another upon Muskingum river, where Colonel Bouquet had
one formerly, near Tuscarawas, about 100 miles from this
place, which I expect will keep the savages in awe, and secure
the peace of the frontiers effectually in this quarter hereafter,
if they are well supplied; and will also facilitate any further
enterprises that may be attempted that way." (5.)

The fort was built under the immediate supervision of a
military engineer named Le Chevalier de Cambray. The struc-
ture was not large, but was built of strong stockades, and fur-
nished with bastions, mounting one six-pounder each. It was
the first military post of The United States established beyond
the frontier settlements, upon the Indian side of the Ohio.
The timbers were of hewn logs; its figure was an irregular
square, the face to the river being longer than the side to the
land. It was about equal to a square of 50 yards; was well
built, and strong against musketry.

As early as the 8th of October, the headquarters of the army
were removed from Fort Pitt to the new fort, (7) where a con
siderable force — the largest collected west of the Alleghenies
during the Revolution (8) — was assembled, consisting, besides
the continental troops, of militia, mostly from the western
counties and from Virginia. But the want of necessary sup-
plies prevented any immediate forward movement. On the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 489

third day of November, cattle fi'om over the mountains ar-
rived, but they were extremely poor, and could not be slaugh-
tered for want of salt.

Alarming intelligence now reached Mcintosh from the wil-
derness west. He was reproached for his tardiness by friendly
Indians, who threatened that all their nations would unite in
the Tuscarawas Valley to give him battle, and oppose his
progress to Detroit. Orders were, therefore, immediately
issued for 1200 men to get ready to march. On the 5th of
Nov., the movement of the army westward commenced, includ-
ing the whole force, except one company, which was left under
command of Lieut.-Col. Richard Campbell, of the 13th Vir-
ginia regiment, to bring on the "long looked for supplies."
For 14 days, the march was continued before the Tuscarawas
was reached, a distance of only about 70 miles from Fort Mc-
intosh. This slow progress was caused by the "horses and
cattle tiring every four or five miles."' It was upon this river,
where the army had now encamped, that the commander an
ticipated meeting the enemy; but only a few Delawares from
Coshocton and some Moravian Indians were found, and they
were friendly. The gathering of the savages to impede his
march, he was told, had been abandoned.

At this juncture, Mcintosh was informed that the necessary
supplies for the winter had not reached Fort Mcintosh, and
that very little could be expected. He was thus disappointed
in all his "flattering prospects and schemes" against Detroit.
There was now no other alternative but to return as he came,
without effecting any valuable purpose, thereby confirming
the savages in the opinion already formed of the weakness of
the Americans, and combining them all more completely with
the British, — or, to build a strong stockade fort upon the Tus
carawas, and leave as many men as provisions would justify,
to secure it till the next season, to serve as a bridle upon tho
Indians in their own country. (9.) The commander, with the
unanimous approbation of his principal oflBcers, chose the latter
alternative; and a post was commenced where there had been
one formerly, on the west bank of the river, below the mouth
of Sandy creek, — the whole army being employed upon it
while provisions lasted; not, however, without some trouble,
SI*

490 THE FRONTIER FORTS

as the militia whose homes were west of the mountains, were
in a mutinous condition. (10.)

Leaving the garrison of 150 men, with scanty supplies, under
command of Col. John Gibson, to finish and protect the work,
Mcintosh, with the rest of his army, returned, very short of
provisions, to Fort Mcintosh, where the militia under his com-
mand were discharged "precipitately."

The General then made such disposition of the continental
troops and independent companies for the winter as, in his
judgment, would protect the border, and facilitate future
operations. The Eighth Penn'a regiment was assigned to Fort
Pitt. The men left at Fort Laurens, were part of the Thir-
teenth Virginia. The residue with the independent com-
panies, were divided between Fort Mcintosh, Fort Henry, Fort
Randolph and Fort Hand, with a few at interior stations.
There was not one of the militia retained under pay at either
of these posts. (11.)

When tidings reached Gen. Mcintosh that Fort Laurens was
besieged by the savages, and the garrison in most miserable
straits, he, on the 19th of March, (1779), with about two hun-
dred militia quickly raised from the counties west of the
mountains, and over three hundred continental troops from
Fort Mcintosh and Fort Pitt, left the former post upon his
second march to the Tuscarawas; arriving there in four days,
to find the siege of Fort Laurens abandoned and the savages
gone. (12.)

When Col. Brodhead was directed to take command of the
Western Department as the successor of Gen. Mcintosh in
April, 1779, he was in command of Fort Mcintosh. He im-
mediately changed his headquarters to Fort Pitt. (13.) In a
letter from Pittsburgh, April loth, 1779, to President Reed, he
says: "My regiment is at present much scattered; above 100,
under Maj. Vernon, are posted at Fort Laurens; 25 at Wheel-
ing, and the like number at Holliday's Cove, some employed as
artificers, some as boatmen, wagoners, etc. The garrison at
Fort Mcintosh is of my regiment and some of them are here,
there is such a delinquency in the staff department that their
men are mostly supplied from the line."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 491

In a postscript to a letter to Gen. Washington, dated at Fort
Pitt, July 31st, 1779, he writes: (14)

"I have just learned that two soldiers have lately been killed
at Fort Laurens, two boys at Wheeling creek, two boys taken
on Raccoon creek, and one man slightly wounded, and a sol-
dier last evening killed at Fort Mcintosh, and a soldier slightly
wounded. The soldiers are so intent on going to Kentuck and
the Falls of the Ohio, I fear shall have few volunteers."

From Pittsburgh, Oct. 26, 1779, he writes to the Hon. John
Jay (15) that some of the inhabitants from Youghagenia (Yoho-
gania) and Ohio counties "have been hardy enough to cross the
Ohio river and make small improvements on the Indian lands
from the River Muskingum to Fort Mcintosh and thirty miles
up, some of the branches of the Ohio river."

In the early summer of 1780 Col. Brodhead in a letter to
Gen. Washington, (16) says:

'T! think it is probable the enemy are meditating an attack
on some of our posts, which for want of sufficient garrisons
and supplies cannot make much resistance. I am preparing to
receive them here but the detachments to Fort Mcintosh, Hol-
liday's Cove, Fort Henry and Fort Armstrong leave but a small
garrison to defend this post, wherefore I have armed the in-
habitants of the town and assigned them an alarm post.

In a letter to Timothy Pickering, July 21st, 1780, (17) he
gives an account of an attack upon a body of Indians who had
crossed the Ohio, a short distance above the present town of
Industry. He said:

"A few days ago T received intelligence of a party of thirty
odd Wyandot Indians having crossed the Ohio five miles below
Fort Mcintosh, and that they had hid their canoes upon the
shore. I immediately ordered out two parties of the nearest
militia to go in search of them, and cover the harvesters. At
the same time Capt. Mclntyre was detailed with a party to
form an ambuscade opposite the enemies' craft. F^ve men
who were reaping in a field discovered the Indians, and pre-
suming their number was small, went out to attack them, but
four of them were immediately killed, and the other taken
prisoner, before the militia were collected. But they were at-
tacked by Capt. Mclntyre's party on the river, and many of

492 THE FRONTIER FORTS

them were killed and wounded, two canoes were sunk, and
the prisoner retaken, but the water was so deep our men could
not find the bodies of the savages, and therefore the number
killed cannot be ascertained. The Indians left in their craft
two guns, six blankets, eleven tomahawks, eleven paint-bags,
eight earwheels, a large brass kettle, and many other articles.
The Indians informed the prisoner that fifteen Wyandots were
detached to Hannastown; upon receiving this information, an-
other party was immediately detached up the Allegheny river
with two Delaware Indians to take the tracks and make pur-
suit, but as the party has not yet returned, I cannot inform
you of its success."

In a circular to the county lieutenants requesting them to
provide volunteers for an expedition into the Indian country,
it was stated that they were to rendezvous at Fort Mcintosh
by the 12th of August, (1780), (18.)

From headquarters at Pittsburgh, October 13th, 1780, ho
gives the following orders to Capt. John Clarke — (19).

"As the intended expedition is put off for want of provisions
to subsist the troops, and provisions can not be collected but
by parties of men employed for that purpose, you will imme-
diately evacuate (unless relieved by a party of militia) Fort
Henry, bringing from thence to Fort Mcintosh all the publif
stores, likewise those from Holliday's Cove and its garrison.
When you reach Fort Mcintosh you will leave under the com-
mand of Capt. Briggs, two sergeants, two corporals and thirty
private soldiers, the most unfit for active service, and march
the residue without loss of time to this place."

To IM-esident Reed, Marcli 27th, 1781, ho says: (20.) "It
remains to inform your excellency that in my present oircum-
slancos it is impossible for me to garrison Forts Armstrong
and Crawford (Westmoreland frontier), until the Commander-
in Chief is ])loased to direct me to ovaeuato Fort Mclntosii.
respecting which I sometime ago wrote to be informed of his
pleasure."

Writing from Fort Pitt, August 2.3d, 1781, Col. Brodhead
said that an expedition against Sandusky was in contempla-
tion, and the troops would rendezvous at Fort Mcintosh on
the 4th and 5th of September. Next day he wrote to Capt.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 493

John Clarke, commanding Fort Mcintosh: "I have this mo-
ment received certain intelligence, that the enemy are coming
against us in great force, and that particularly against your
post. You will immediately put your garrison in the best
posture of defense, and lay in as large quantities of water as
you can, clear the bank from about you, and receive them
coolly. They intend to decoy your garrison, but you will guard
against their stratagem, and defend the fort to the last ex-
tremity."

It does not appear, however, that the attack was made. (21.)

In a letter from Gen. Wm. Irvine, (who now commanded this
department), to Gen. Washington, dated at Fort Pitt, Decem-
ber, 1781, he suggested the abandonment of Fort Pitt, except
a blockhouse on the north bastion, and the building of a fort
at the mouth of Ghartiers creek to supersede Fort Pitt and
Fort Mcintosh. He was fearful the enemy from Detroit
might surprise the latter and make it the means of laying
the country waste. (22.)

No fort was built at Ghartiers, and the enemy never came
from Detroit, yet the letter gives a gloomy and no doubt a
truthful account of the affairs in the Western Department at
that time.

In an expedition projected against the common enemy by
Gen. Irvine in the fall of 1782, (23) he wrote to President
Moore that he had fixed on the 20th of October as the day to
march from Fort Mcintosh, "A post thirty miles advanced of
this place (Fort Pitt)."

As the Indians were gradually pressed westward, the occu-
pation of Fort Mcintosh became less important, and in 1783 it
was allowed to go out of repair; at the same time it suffered
from the lawless trespasses of the settlers passing down the
Ohio on their way to Kentucky. Brigadier-General William
Irvine was still in command at Fort Pitt. The troops having
left, it was intended to let the fort go into the possession of
the State of Pennsylvania, the State then having a reservation
of 3,000 acres at the mouth of the Big Beaver. Accordingly
the following instructions were given by Gen'l Irvine on the
23rd of September, 1783:

"Instructions for Wm. Lee, Sergeant, and John McClure:

494 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"You are to take immediate charge of the fort, buildings
and public property now remaining at Fort Mcintosh, for and
in behalf of the State of Pennsj'lvania, (except two pieces of
iron cannon, and some water casks, the property of The United
States), and three thousand acres of land reserved for the
use of the State; when the tract is surveyed you will attend
and make yourself acquainted with the lines; in the meantime
you will consider it extending two miles up and down the
river, and two miles back; you will take care that no waste
is committed, or timber cut down or carried off the premises,
and prohibit buildings to be made or any persons making set-
tlements or to reside thereon, or from even hunting encamp-
ments; nor are any more families to be permitted than your
own to live in the barracks, or on any part of the tract. In case
of necessity for re-occupying the posts for The United States,
you are to give up the fort to the orders of the commanding
Continental officer at this place, retaining only such part of
the building as may be necessary for you to live in. But if
the troops should be so numerous as not to afford room for
you, you will, in that case, occupy the buildings without the
works, or build for yourselves in some convenient place,
but you will on no account whatever quit the place without
orders from the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, or their
agents, so to do, whose instructions you will hereafter obey
in all matters to said post, and tract of land. In case of law-
less violence or persons attempting to settle by force, or pre-
suming to destroy anything on the premises, you will apply
to Michael Hoofnagle, Esq., or some other justice of the peace,
for Westmoreland county.

"For your care and trouble in performing in the several
matters herein required, you may put in grain and labor any
quantity of ground not exceeding one hundred acres, and keep
and raise stock to the number of fifty head of horned cattle
and eight horses. You will govern yourselves by these in-
structions, until the pleasure of the Honorable Council is sig-
nified to you, and you will give up peaceable possession to
them or their order, whenever they think proper.

"Given under my hand at Fort Pitt, September 23rd,
1783." (24.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 495

Fort Mcintosh was fated to remain not long unoccupied by
United States troops. In 1784 the government concluding
to treat with the western Indians, it became necessary to re-
occupy the fort. The treaty was contemplated at first to be
held at Cuyahoga (now Cleveland), but was changed to Fort
Mcintosh. This can be told in the words of Col. Josiali
Harmar's letter to President Dickinson, (25) viz: "Camp near
Fort Pitt, on the Indian shore, the western side of the Alle-
gheny river, December 5th, 1784. Sir: — I have the honor to
inform your Excellency and the Hon. Council, of the arrival
of the first detachment of Pennsylvania troops, composed of
Capt Douglass's company of artillery and Capt. Finney's com-
l»auy of infantry at this place on the 18th of October last.

"The second detachment, composed of Capt. Zeigler and
(Japt. McCurdy's companies of infantry arrived here on the
29th, of the same month.

"We have remained in this position till this day, in hourly
expectation of the Commissioners; they are just arrived, and
upon a consultation, considering the advanced season of the
year, the difficulty of supplies, etc., they have resolved to hold
the treaty at Fort Mcintosh, thirty miles distant from Fort
Pitt, down the Ohio river. In consequence of their resolve,
the troops marched this morning from this encampment for
Fort Mcintosh, the tents, baggage, &c., are to go by water.
Mr. Alexander Lowrey, messenger to the Commissioners, was
dispatched this day to Cuyahoga, with an invitation to the
Indians to assemble at Fort Mcintosh. The fort is in very
bad order and will require considerable repairs before the
troops can have comfortable quarters." (26.)

The commissioners to this treaty, on the part of the United
States, were George Eogers ('lark, Kichard Butler and Arthur
Lee. Those on the part of Pennsylvania were Col. Samuel J.
Atlee and Col. Francis Johnston.

The treaty consummated by The United States is not im-
portant to the present subject, excepting its first article,
which provided for the surrender by the Indians of all pris-
oners, "white and black," held by them. Many of the pris-
oners were delivered at Fort Mcintosh in 1785. (27.)

The treaty by the State is thus referred to by Col. Harmar

496 THE FRONTIER FORTS

in a letter to President Dickinson, dated at Fort Mcintosh,
February Sth, 1785. "The honorable the State Commissioners
Col. Atlee and Col. Johnston, by this time I imagine must
have arrived at Philadelphia, by whom your excellency and
the honorable council will hear of the satisfactory conclusion
of the treaty with the Indians at this post.

''This garrison is at length by hard fatigue of the troops,
put into tolerable order. I beg to observe to your excellency
and the honorable council that unless some person is directed
to remain here, that upon immediately marching from hence,
it will be demolished by the emigrants to Kentucky.

"Previous to our arrival here they had destroyed the gates,
drawn all the nails from the roofs, taken oft" all the boards,
and plundered it of every article. Iwould therefore recommend
(for the benefit of the State) to your Excellency and Honor-
able Council to adopt some mode for its preservation, other-
wise immediately upon leaving it, it will again go to ruin." (28.)

On April 27th, 1785, it was ordered in Council, "That Gen.
Neville be authorized, upon his return to Washington county,
10 place some tit person in the possession of the buildings at
Fort Mcintosh, with directions to keep them, and the public
limber upon the adjoining lands, in a state of as much preser-
vation as possible."

The intention to remove from the fort soon led to a petition
from David Duncan and Jolm Finley, Indian traders, dated
February 26, 1785, to the President and Council to take
charge of the fort, with license to trade with the Indians.

Fort Mcintosh is described by Arthur Lee, one of the com-
missioners of the United States, to treat with the western
Indians, who reached the fort, in December, 1784, — as above
alluded to — the treaty being concluded there in January, 1785.
The description is contained in his Journal, from which the
following extracts connected with the fort are taken. He
says: "On the 17th of Dec, 1784, we embarked on the Monon-
gahela and soon entered the Ohio on our way to Fort Mcintosh.
* * * * The 18th, From Loggstown to the mouth of Bea-
ver creek is miles, and from thence to Fort Mcintosh one

mile. This fort is built of well-hewed logs with four bastions,
its -figure is an irregular square, the face to the river being

OHIO

R »VEa.

ST.

100

a:
<

SITE OF

FO RT MC I NTOSH
BEAVEK.

FROM A SKE.TCH BY

HON. DAMIE.L AGNEW
L. L.D.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 497

longer than the side to the land. It is about equal to a square
of fifty yards, is well built and strong against musketry, but
the opposite side of the river commands it entirely, and a
single piece of artillery would reduce it,

"This fort was built by us during the war, and is therefore
not noted on Hutchins' map. The place was formerly a large
Indian settlement, and French trading place. There are peach
trees still remaining. It is a beautiful plain extending about
two miles along the river and one back to the hills, sur-
rounded on the east by Beaver creek; and on the west by a
small run, (two Mile) which meanders through a most excel-
lent piece of meadow ground full of shell bark hickory, black
walnut and oak. About one mile and a half up the Beaver
creek, there enters a small but perennial stream (Brady run)
very fit for a mill seat." On the 28th of December is the fol-
lowing entry which may throw some light on the interior man-
agement of the fort at that period:

"Some of the officers getting merry late at night, ordered
the artillery company to draw out the cannon and fire them
in the midst of the garrison. One of them was accordingly
fired. The commanding officer immediately ordered the whole
garrison under arms, and the artillery officer to countermand
the firing; he refused, upon which the other ordered him under
jirrest. The next officer in command of the artillery walking
aside told the men to do as they thought proper; they hesi-
tated to obey the commanding officer, and he ran his sword
through one of them. This soon produced a withdrawal of
the artillery. In the meantime the troops were all under arms
and drunken officers at the head of companies giving contrary
orders, swearing at and confounding the men. Upon this
Oen. Butler and myself sent for Major T , the command-
ing officer, Col. Harmar being at Fort Pitt, and directed him
!o order the garrison immediately to their quarters; which
being done the tumult ^bsided."

Others speak of the fort as a regular stockade work, de-
fended by six pieces of cannon and having a covered way to
the river for water. The southwest bastion stood within
twenty-five feet of the termination of the present Market
street, in Beaver.
32- Vol. 2.

498 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The troops continued to occupy Fort Mcintosh, and on the
1st of June, 1785, Col. Harmar reported at present fit for duty
in the infantry 156 men, present sick, five; of the artillery pres-
ent fit for duty, forty; present sick, two.

The garrison here under Col. Harmar withdrew probably
in November, 1785, — as it would appear from a letter of Col.
Hannar, dated October 22d, — the troops then being about to
be sent down the Ohio to protect the Treaty Commissioners
at the mouths of the Muskingum, Miami and other places.
Rut it continued to be occupied later. In a letter from Col.
Jlarmar, from Fort Harmar, June 7th, 1787, (29) he says:

'■Immediately upon receipt of your letter, I began to make
the necessary preparations to execute the orders of Congress,
and have, accordingly, evacuated Fort Steuben, and have
transmitted orders to Capt. Ferguson to withdraw the com-
mand from Fort Pitt, leaving only Lieutenant Ashton and his
waiter there. To also leave an officer and sixteen men at
Mcintosh, and, with the remainder of his company, to follow
me to the Rapids of the Ohio. * * * * At Venango,
Capt. Heart is stationed; at Fort Mcintosh, Lieutenant
Ford." (30.)

The following extract is from the report of the Department
of War: "Thursday, October 2d, 1788. Fort Mcintosh is or-
dered to be demolished, and a blockhouse to be erected in lieu
thereof, a few miles up the Big Beaver creek, to protect the
communication up the same, and also to cover the coun-
try." (,-^1.)

Capt. Jonathan Heart was stationed at Fort Franklin in its
last days, being ordered there shortly after his arrival at Fort
Pitt, October 12, 1785, where he remained with his company
until the 25th of October, when he left for the mouth of the
INtuskiugiim, and assisted in building Fort Harmar there.

"Among the incidents connected with Fort Mcintosh," says
the Hon. Daniel Agnew, (32) "I have" learned that four sol-
diers were shot for desertion. I have found no record of the
execution, yet there seems to be no doubt of the fact. Though
true, 1 would prefer not to notice the incident. Desertion in
tinu' of war cannot be excused, yet, when we read the letters
of Col. Brodhead and Gen. Irvine, detailing the want, suffer-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 499

ini?, starvation, and the ragged and abject condition of the
meu in the department, sympathy for these poor creatures,
who suffered the extreme penalty of the law, will arise. The
heart yields its better feeling in spite of the necessity. I am
glad I do not know their names to perpetuate their fatal error.
It is painful to think that the prosperity we now enjoy has
bee a secured at the expense of so much suffering and dis-
tress."

Although pressed westward, the Indians did not cease
their depredations eastward. The Pittsburgh Gazette, of July,
1788, contains a notice of Richard Butler, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, warning the people that some twenty Chippe-
was and Ottawas had passed Detroit and on their way to war.

Th'.' Gazette of the same month states the capture of Col.
Joseph Michel and three others by the Indians, about twenty
miles below the Big Miami. Their boat was seized and plun-
d( red. They were ransomed by Scotch and French traders
from Detroit. Even so late as July, 1789, the Indians came
within two miles of Pittsburgh. The following is from the
Gazette of July 2d, 1789:

"Yesterday was brought to this place and buried, the bodies
of two young men named Arthur Graham and Alexander
Campbell, who had gone out the evening before to fish. They
were killed by the savages about two miles from this
place." (33.)

In speaking of the treaty of the State with the Indians made
at Fort Mcintosh in January, 1785, the Hon. Daniel Agnew
says: (34.)

"By a treaty made at Fort Stanwix (now Rome, N. Y.), on
the 5th of November, 1768, between the Penns and the Six
Nations, the Indian title was extinguished westward by lines
which became the eastern boundary of the territory included
in the next treaty with the Six Nations, made at Fort Stanwix,
on the 23d of October, 1784, by commissioners of the State of
Pennsylvania. There were certain tribes in Western Penn-
sylvania not parties to the treaty of 1784, chiefly Wyandots
and Delawares, then actually occupying the western territory.
It became necessary to obtain the relinquishment of their
title, in order to quiet the Indian claim to the lands included

500 THE FRONTIER FORTS

in the treaty of October 23d, 1784. The treatj of the Penn-
sylvania Commissioners with the Wyandots and Delawares at
Fort Mcintosh, terminated in a deed dated tTanuary 21st,
1785, conveying the Indian title by the same boundaries con-
tained in the treaty of October 23d, 1784."

'Thus," in the language of Justice Agnew in his monograph
on Fort Mcintosh, "we have seen that, almost forgotten by the
public, and its site scarcely recognizable now, Fort Mcintosh
was once a place of note, and the scene of important opera-
tions and events. Little over a century has passed, and few
now can estimate the change. Then a wilderness where red
men roamed and a tomahawk and scalping knife gleamed —
now a population of 50,000 souls fill the small county of
Beaver, crowded with mills and factories."

Notes to Fort Mcintosh.

(1.) Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 20.

Lachlan Mcintosh was born near Inverness, Scotland, 17th
March, 1725. His father's family, himself included, came
with Gen. Oglethorpe to Georgia, in 1736. He became Colonel
of the First Georgia regiment in the early part of the Kevolu-
tion; was soon made a Brigadier-General; killed Button
Gwinnett, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, in a
duel, in 1777; accepted a command in the central army, under
Washington, and while in this position was sent, in 1778, to
Fort Pitt, which he reached in August, 1778; was captured at
Charleston, South Carolina, May 12th, 1780; became a Mem-
ber of Congress in 1784; an Indian Commissioner in 1785; died
in Savannah, Georgia, 20th February, 1806.

(2). Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 23.

We have followed, where applicable, the line laid out by
Mr. Butterfield in the introduction to the Washington-Irvine
Correspondence, which he has edited so excellently.

(3.) W.-I. Cor., p. 24, n.

(4.) Arch., vii, 131. ,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. fOl

(5.) The fort on the Tuscarawas was named "Laurens," after
Henry Laurens, President of Congress. It was a regularly
laid out work, including less than an acre of ground.

(6.) W.-L Cor., p. 26. * * * * See Arthur Lee's de-
scription, supra.

(7.) ''In order to make Fort Mcintosh more easy of communi-
cation and supply, Gen. Mcintosh cut a road from Fort Pitt
to Fort Mcintosh. This was essential to his plan of supplying
the latter for future operations, and must have been opened
on the south side of the Ohio. The old route by which Col.
Bouquet marched in 1764 was utterly unsafe for supply trains.
i>uch wagon trains would have been constantly exposed to the
attacks of the savages, who were always found on the north
side and alert on the lookout. While it is not stated where
the road was opened, it is quite certain it was the same that
comes down to the Ohio through the gap directly opposite to
the fort. This road was used by Brodhead when he came
into command, and has since been known as the 'Brodhead
Koad.' " [Fort Mcintosh and its Times, p. 18. * * * By
Hon. Daniel Agnew.]

(8.) Mcintosh's entire force was about thirteen hundred.
The militia numbered at least one thousand. They were
mostly from Northwestern Virginia. [W.-I. Cor,, p. 26, n.]

(9.) Fort Laurens — referred to in his letter above.

(10.) The erection of these forts as a precautionary measure
was approved by the Commander-in-Chief.

(11.) W.-L Cor., p. 29.

(12.) "A salute, fired by the garrison upon the arrival of the
relief in sight of the post, frightened the pack-horses, causing
them to break loose, scattering the supplies in the woods and
resulting in the loss of a number of horses and of some of the
provisions. * * * "phe men in the fort were found in a
most deplorable condition. For nearly a week, they had sub-
sisted on raw hides and such roots as they could find in the
vicinity after the Indians had gone," [W.-I. Cor., p. 32.]

(I'^.l Orders from lMttsl>ni*g wei'o issued by him as early as
April 13th, 1779. [W.-L Cor., p. 35, n.]

502 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Brodhead for some reason did not favor Fort Mcintosh, al-
though it is said that later he realized its importance. To Gen.
Armstrong, April 16th, 1779 (Arch., xii, 109), he says: "Gen-
eral Mcintosh was more ambitious. * * * And it was
owing to the General's determination to take Detroit that the
very romantic building, called Fort Mcintosh, was built by
the hands of hundreds who would rather have fought than
wrought." * * * * To Gen. Washington, June 5, 1779
(Arch., xii, 125): "As your excellency has given Fort Mc-
intosh the preference, I shall order that to be the principal
rendezvous for the troops, but I beg leave to assure your ex-
cellency there is neither meadow, garden, pasture or spring
water convenient to that post. I do not think it prudent to
fence the Indian land, as it naturally excites a jealousy."
* * * To Gen. Greene, May 26th, 1779 (Arch., xii, 118):
"But Gen. Mcintosh's views were much more extensive, and
that he was determined to take Detroit, and with this view
began to build a fort at much labor and expense at Beaver
creek, and consequently kept at least 1000 militia in the field,
who might have been better employed putting in their fall
crops, and taking in their corn, which was chiefly lost for
want of their attendance." To Gen. Greene (Arch., xii, 145) :
"The Hobby Horse he (Mcintosh) built at Beaver creek."

(14.) Arch., xii, 146.

The letter above of April 15th, is Number 2 of Letters from
Col. Brodhead. * * * Arch., xii, 106.

(15.) Brodhead's Letter Book. Arch., xii, 176.

(16.) Brodhead's Letter Book, May 13th, 1780, Arch., xii, 233.

(17.) Arch., xii, 248-252.

(18.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 247.

(19.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 277.

(20.) Arch., ix, p. 39.

(21.) Fort Mcintosh and its Times, p. 24, by Daniel Agnew,
LL. D.

(22.) Fort Mcintosh, etc., p. 26.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 503

(23.) Arch., ix, 648.

(24.) Arch., x, 109.

(25.) Arch., x, 391.

(26.) Arch, x, 391. Arch., xi, 510. Fort Mcintosh, etc.,
p. 29.

(27.) Fort Mcintosh, etc., p. 30.

(28.) Arch., x, 406.

(29.) Fort Mcintosh, etc., p. 31, et. seq. Arch., x, 470. — Some
of the Penna. Line were there Sept. 12, 1785. Records, xiv,
529.

(30.) Saint Clair Papers, Vol. ii, p. 22-23.

(31.) Fort Mcintosh, etc., p. 34.

(32.) "Another interesting fact connected with Fort Mcin-
tosh was the visit, in 1785, of the Commissioners then running
the western boundary of Pennsylvania. * * * On the 25th
of August, the joint Commissioners of Virginia and Pennsyl-
vania, consisting of Andrew Ellicott and Jos. Neville, for Vir-
ginia, and David Rittenhouse and Andrew Porter for Pennsyl-
vania, reported that they had finished the meridian line from
the southwest corner of Pennsylvania to the River Ohio, and
marked it by cutting a vista over all the principal hills, fell-
ing and deadening trees through the lower grounds, and plac-
ing stones marked on the east side "P," and on the west side
'*V," accurately on the meridian line. That part of Virginia
on the west side is now known as the "Pan Handle.' '' [Ld.,
p. 32.]

Christopher Hays was employed by the State of Pennsyl-
\ ania to assist in running the temporary boundary line between
that State and Virginia from the end of Mason and Dixon's
line to the Ohio river. He was a prominent citizen of West-
moreland— a member of the Supreme Executive Council of the
State, and a judge of his county, he having been commissioned
July 24th, of that year. He writes to Gen. Irvine, from near
Cross creek, November 19th, 1782, as follows:

"We have proceeded this length in running the north line
of Pennsylvania and have enjoyed a peaceable progress

504 THE FRONTIER FORTS

hitherto, and expect to strike the Ohio river about Thursday
next between Fort Mcintosh and Raredon's Bottom.

"Sir, I am reduced to the necessity of troubling your honor
to send me by the bearer one keg of whisky, two pounds
powder, and four pounds lead, and your compliance will much
oblige [me].

"P. S. — I will replace the whisky with all convenient speed.
Please to bring it in your own boat if you come to meet us."
Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 402. * * * The editor of the
Correspondence observes: *'It will be noticed that whisky is
the article first mentioned; more to be desired than powder
and lead, notwithstanding the Indians were still hostile!"

(33.) Fort Mcintosh, p. 36.

(84.) Fort Mcintosh, p. 37.

"The history of the reservation of the three thousand acres
of the State at the mouth of the Big Beaver, including Fort
Mcintosh, referred to in Gen. Irvine's instructions to Ser-
geant Lee and John McClure, is this:

"The surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown and the provi-
sional treaty with Great Britain of November 30, 1782, left
no doubt of a final treaty of peace. With this expectation,
and that of the final extinguishment of the Indian title, the
Assembly of Pennsylvania passed the Act of 12th March, 1783.
It appropriated the territory north of the Ohio and west of
the Allegheny river and Connewango creek, to the use of sol-
diers of the Pennsylvania Revolutionary Line; the northern
part for donations for their services, and the southern for the
redemption of the certificates of depreciation from the con-
tinental currency, given for their pay. The dividing line
ran due west from Mogulbughtiton, a creek above Kittanning,
passing about six or seven miles south of New Castle, Law-
rence county. Out of the southern part, the State reserved to
herself two tracts of 3,000 acres each, one at the mouth of the
Allegheny river, west side, and the other at the mouth of the
Big Beaver, including Fort Mcintosh. The Beaver reserva-
tion was surveyed in April or May, 1785, by Alexander Mc-
Clain, Esq. This was the prospective survey referred to in
General Irvine's instructions to Lee and McClure.

OF WESTERN PENNSYL,VANIA. 505

"It was on the latter reservation the town and outlots of
Beaver were surveyed by Daniel Leet in November, 1792.
Owing to the absence of the Commissioners appointed to
superintend the survey, the survey of Leet was void, and an
act of confirmation was passed the 6th of March, 1793." [Fort
Mcintosh, by Hon. Daniel Agnew, LL.D.]

The Chevalier De Cambray was doubtless a competent en-
gineer, but he manifestly did not have the ability to express
himself in the English language in an artistic manner. The
following extract from a letter of his to Mr. Sommerville,
Conductor of the Artillery, written at Fort Mcintosh, Oct.
10th, 1778 (Arch., iii, 2d series, 244), will give an idea of the
use he made of the English language.

"The consign of centinels of the pare of the Artillery is to
hinder any body, except they were in your or in my company,
to approach, and to keep for all kinds of fire; you will please
to take care that consign are exactly followed, and if you
judge requisite to add something to it for the safety of stores,
to apply to the commanding officer, for his orders are given.
You will please to do a return of the ammunitions following
the last inspections, in such a manner that the totals may be
seen easily, moreover, a return of the consummation since your
being Conductor, at last a confrontation of all with the in-
voice of the commiss'y of Carlisle; you may have it of Mr.
Van Lierla."

It is no disparagement to his ability to point out a resem-
blance between the Chevalier's manner of giving orders and
that of Fluellen, (Henry the Fifth).

The blockhouse referred to in the report of the department
of war, above quoted, was built on the little stream emptying
into the Big Beaver, below New Brighton, still known as
''Blockhouse run.". This blockhouse was commanded by Lieut.
Nathan McDowell, in 1789. * * * * 'in 1793, a military
blockhouse stood here (New Brighton), with a garrison com-
manded by Major Toomey." [Day's Historical Collections, p.
108.]

' This blockhouse is mentioned March 16th and 17th, 1791.
Second Archives, iv, 646-648.

Major Isaac Craig to General Knox, July 5th, 1793 (Letter

506 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Book of Maj. Isaac Craig, Historical Register, Vol. ii, No. 3,
p. 170), says:

"I shall write to Col. Sproat respecting the business men-
tioned in the Secretary of the Treasury's letter, and shall send
a confidential person to transact that business at Beaver
creek; but I am astonished that Colonel Hamilton had made
choice of Fort Mcintosh for a place of deposit, as there is
not a building of any kind on that ground, nor within three
miles of it on that side of the Ohio, and the only one at that
distance is the blockhouse on Beaver creek, now garrisoned
by a sergeant and small party, who occupy the whole building,
it being only a large hut; therefore an improper place to de-
posit spirits."

As the region about the location of Fort Mcintosh is of pe-
culiar historic interest from the time of the earliest intrusion
of the whites into that region, it may be appropriate at this
place to quote from the Journal of Col. Bouquet, kept in his
expedition of 1764. The Remarks are by Hon. Daniel Agnew,
LL. D., in his Fort Mcintosh and its Times.

1. ''Things being thus settled, the army decamped from Fort
Pitt on Wednesday, October 3 [1764], and marched about one
mile and a half, over a rich level country with stately timber,
to camp No. 2, a strong piece of ground pleasantly situ-
ated with plenty of water and food for cattle."

2. "Thursday, October 4, having proceeded about two miles,
came to the Ohio at the beginning of the narrows, and from
thence followed the course of the river, along a flat gravelly
beach, about six miles and a quarter, with two islands on the
left, the lowermost about six miles long, with a rising ground
running across and gently sloping on both sides to its banks,
which are high and upright. At the lower end of this island
the army left the river, marching through good land, broken
with small hollows to camp No. 3, this day's march being nine
miles and a quarter."

3. "Friday, October 5, in this day's march the army passed
through Logstown, situated 17 miles, one half and 57 perches
from Fort Pitt. This place was noted before the last war for
the trade carried on there by the English and French, but its

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. Wl

inhabitants, the Shawanese and Delawares, abandoned it iu
the year 1750. The lower town extended about sixty perches
over a bottom to the foot of a low steep ridge, on the summit
of which stood the upper town commanding a most agreeable
prospect over the lower and quite across the Ohio, which is
about 500 yards wide here, and by its majestic current adds
much to the beauty of the place. Proceeding beyond Logs-
town through a fine country, interspersed with hills, rich val-
leys, watered by many rivulets and covered with stately tim-
ber, came to camp No. 4, on a level piece of ground, with a
thicket in the rear, a small precipice round the front with a
run of water at the foot, and good food for cattle. This day's
march was nine miles one-half and fifty-three perches."

4. ''Saturday, October 6, at about three miles distance came
again to the Ohio, pursuing its course half a mile farther, and
then turning off over a steep ridge crossed the Big Beaver
creek, which is twenty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty
deep. It runs through a rich vale, with a pretty strong cur-
rent, its banks high, the upland adjoining it very good, timber
tall and young."

5. "About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio stood
formerly a large town on the steep bank, built by the French
of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawa-
nese, Delawares and Mingoes, who abandoned it in the year
1758, when the French abandoned Fort Duquesne."

6. "Near the fording of Beaver creek also stood about seven
houses which were deserted and destroyed by the Indians
after their defeat on Bushy run, when they forsook all the re-
maining settlements in this part of the country, as has been
mentioned above."

1. "(Kemark. — Camp No. 2 must have been about a half or
three-quarters of a mile below the old Penitentiary site.)"

2. "(Remark. — The route described as by the narrows and
the islands on the left (Davis' and Neville's) and the departure
at the foot of Neville's prove conclusively that the march was
on the right bank of the Ohio.)"

3. "(Remark. — This account conclusively establishes Logs-
town as on the north side of the Ohio, a fact confirmed by
Hutchins' map, and the journals of Conrad Weiser (1748) and

508 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Frederick Post (1758). Post's second journal (1758) states that
the Indians had a large cornfield on the south side. This ex-
plains how a late impression has prevailed that Logstown was
on the south side.)"

4. "(Remark. — The crossing was evidently just below where
the Beaver toll-bridge stands.)"

5. "(Remark. — This town stood about a half or two-thirds
of a mile below Market street in Beaver on the property of
the late David Minis.)"

6. "(Remark. — This hamlet was known as Sawkunk or Saw-
kung, and must have stood on the island at the mouth of the
creek, or on the 'Stone' property, west side of the Big Beaver,
as Frederick Post in his second journal (1758) says, that on
leaving Sawkunk he crossed the Big Beaver, going up to Fort
Du Quesne.)"

Hon. Daniel Agnew, LL.D., in Fort Mcintosh, etc.

This place was noted for many years for the great trade
carried on with the Indians, by the English and French. The
Delawares and Shawanese abandoned it in 1750, and it was
taken possession of by the Mingoes. It was deserted by the
Mingoes after the battle of Brush creek. The lower town ex-
tended about sixty perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a
low steep ridge, on the summit of which, near the declivity,
stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect
over the lower town, and quite across the Ohio, which, by its
majestic, easy current, added much to the beauty of the place.

The following day, the army passing over a steep ridge,
crossed Big Beaver creek, twenty perches in depth. It runs
through a rich vale, with a strong current; its banks are high,
and the upland adjoining it very good, covered with tall young
timber.

About a mile from its confluence with the Ohio, stood for-
merly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French for
some Shawanese, Delawares and Mingoes. The houses were
constructed of square logs, with stone chimnies. It was
abandoned in 1758, when the French were driven from Fort
Du Quesne. Near the fording over Beaver creek stood also
several houses, which were deserted and destroyed by the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 509

Indians after their defeat at Brush creek. [Hist. Western
Penna., 168.]

The treaty of Logstown was concluded June 13th, 1752.
The parties represented were three commissioners on the part
of Virginia and the Indians of that section. It was held pre-
paratory to the occupancy of that portion of the country by
the Ohio Company and Virginia. * * * * Gist was ap-
pointed the company's surveyor, and instructed to lay off a
town and a fort, at Shurtees (Chartiers) creek, a little below
Pittsburgh on the east side of the Ohio. * * * [Sparks'
Washington's Writings.]

BATTLE OF BUSHY RUN.

The battle of Bushy run which ended Pontiac's War, re-
lieved the posts of Fort Pitt and Ligonier, saved the western
frontier of the Province, and brought the savages to submis-
sion, was peculiarly, one of the most remarkable engagements
ever fought between the two races. Its importance in explain-
ing the history of these frontiers is such that an account of it
could not well be omitted, where mention is made of the forts
and posts of the western pait of the Province.

The account here presented has been largely taken from
Mr. Francis Parkman's version of that campaign. Mr. Park-
man himself followed, often literally, but usually with ampli-
fication, the Historical Account of Col. Bouquet's Expedition
by Thomas Hutchins, Geographer to The United States, with
an introduction by Dr. Wm. Smith, provost of the College
of Philadelphia, as well as the letters of Col. Bouquet to Gen.
Amherst, which are attached hereto. To this source of au-
thority Mr. Parkman had access to much new material, sup-
plied especially from the correspondence of the oflScers who
served in Pontiac's war and from the Bouquet and Haldimand
Papers, belonging to the manuscript collections of the British
Museum. In addition to these, the Historical Collections of
Pennsylvania, The Olden Time and the Pennsylvania State
Archives and Records were by him consulted and drawn upon.

510 THE FRONTIER FORTS

From these sources, following Mr. Parkman and wherever
necessary, the introduction to the Historical Account, almost
literally, avoiding, as far as it is consistent, irrevelant matter,
and occasionally adding references for purposes of explana-
tion from authoritative records, has this account been made
up. Feeling justified in its insertion here as a part of the
Report which treats of such posts as Fort Pitt and Fort
Ligonier and other important posts, it is here submitted as
a part of the same.

It is proper to add that the editor and compiler has dili-
gently verified all the references available as to the statements
of fact. The topography and the observations on the condi-
tion of the expedition as it progressed westward, as they are
expressed in the language of Mr. Parkman, are so true to
nature in the first instance and so consonant with probability,
inference and reason in the other, that they could not well
be altered with advantage.

The whole text, in the opinion of the editor, is, therefore,
as near a correct account as can probably be made up from the
documents available.

There are added also the letters of Col. Bouquet to Gen.
Amherst, which indeed are his ofiicial report of the battle.
Of these Mr. Parkman says: "The dispatches written by Col.
Bouquet, immediately after the two battles near Bushy run,
contain so full and clear an account of tliose engagements,
that the collateral authorities consulted have served rather
to decorate and enliven the narrative than to add to it any
important facts. The first of these letters was written by
Bouquet under the apprehension that he should not survive
the expected conflict of the next day. Both were forwarded
to the commander-in-chief by the same express, within a few
days after the victory."

Mr. Parkman's account, referred to above, is contained in
the Conspiracy of Pontiac; the Historical Account of the Ex-
pedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764, etc., is in the Olden
Time, Vol. i, 203, but there has been a reprint and it is con-
tained in the Bibliotheca Americana, 1893, (Robert Clark &
Co., Cin., O.).

The general peace, concluded between Great Britain, France

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 511

;ind Spain, 1762, was universally considered a most happy
event in America. A danger, however, arose unexpectedly
li'oni a quarter in which our people imagined themselves in
I he most perfect security; and just at the time when it was
thought the Indians were entirely awed and almost subjected
lo our power, they suddenly fell upon the frontiers of our
mostvaluable settlements, and upon all our outlying forts,with
such unanimity in the design, and with such savage fury in
the attack, as had not been experienced in any former war.

The Shawanese, Delawares and other Ohio tribes took the
lead in this war, and seemed to have begun it rather precipi-
tately before the other tribes in confederacy with them were
ready for action.

Their scheme appears to have been projected with much de-
liberate mischief in the intention, and more than unusual skill
in the system of execution. They were to make one general
and sudden attack upon our frontier settlements in the time
of harvest, to destroy our men, corn, cattle, and soforth, as far
as they could penetrate, and to starve our outposts by cutting
off their supplies, and all communication with the inhabitants
of the provinces.

In pursuance of this bold and bloody project, they fell sud-
denJy upon our traders whom they had invited into their
country, murdered many of them, and made one general plun-
der of their effects, to an immense value.

The frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were
immediately overrun with scalping parties, making their way
with blood and devastation wherever they came, and those
examples of savnge cruelty, which never fail to accompany
an Indian war.

All our out-forts, even at the remotest distances, were at-
tacked about the same time, and the following ones soon fell
into the enemy's hands, viz: LeBoeuf, Venango, Presqu' isle,
on and near Lake Erie; La Bay, upon Lake Michigan: St.
Joseph's, upon the river of that name; Miamas, upon the
Miamas river: Ouachtanonl upon the Ouabache, (Wabash);
Sandusky, upon Lake Junundat; Michilimachinac, (Macki-
naw.)

Being but weakly garrisoned, trusting to the security of a

512 THE FRONTIER FORTS

general peace so lately established, unable to obtain the leasl
intelligence from the colonies, or from each other, and being
separately persuaded by their treacherous and savage assail-
ants that they had carried every other place before them, it
could not be expected that these small posts could hold out
long; and the fate of their garrisons is terrible to relate.

The news of the surrender, and the continued ravages of the
enemy struck all America with consternation, and depopulated
a great part of our frontiers. We now saw most of those posts
suddenly wrested from us which had been the great object of
the late war,- and one of the principal advantages acquired by
the peace. Only the forts of Niagara, Detroit, and Fort Pitt,
remained in our hands, of all that had been purchased with so
much blood and treasure. But these were places of conse-
quence, and it is remarkable that they alone continued to awe
the whole power of the Indians, and balance the fate of the
w';ir between them and us.

These forts, being larger, were better garrisoned and sup-
plied to stand a siege of some length, than the places that fell.
Niagara was not attacked, the enemy judging it too strong.

The officers who commanded the other two deserved the
highest honor for the firmness with which they defended them,
and the hardships they sustained rather than deliver up places
of such importance. Major Gladwin in particular, who com-
manded at Detroit, had to withstand the united and vigorous
attacks of all the nations living upon the lakes. The design
of this article, however, leads us more immediately to speak
of the defense and relief of Fort Pitt by that remarkable cam-
paign.

The Indians had early surrounded that place, and cut off all
communication from it, even by message. Though they had
no cannon, nor understood the methods of a regular siege yet,
with incredible boldness, they posted themselves under the
banks of both rivers by the walls of the fort, and continued as
it were buried there from day to day, with astonishing
patience; pouring in an incessant storm of musketry and fire
arrows; hoping at length, by famine, by fire, by harrassing
out the garrison, to carry their point.

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OF WESTERN PENNSYL,VANIA. 513

Captain Ecuyer, who commanded there, though he wanted
several necessaries for sustaining a siege, and though the forti-
fications had been greatly damaged by the floods, took all the
precautions which art and judgment could suggest for the re-
pair of the place, and repulsing the enemy. His garrison,
joined hy the inhabitants, and surviving traders who had taken
refuge there, seconded his efforts with resolution. Their situa-
tion was alarming, being remote from immediate assistance,
and having to deal with an enemy from whom they had no
mercy to expect.

Gen. Amherst, the Oohimander-in-Chief, not being able to
provide in time for the safety of the remote posts, bent his
chief attention to the relief of Detroit, Niagara and Fort Pitt.
The communication with the two former was chiefly by water,
from the colony of New York, and it was on that account
the more easy to throw succors into them.

When this war burst upon the country it was at a time when
the colonies were greatly exhausted, and when the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the English forces on the American es-
tablishment, was almost bereft of resources. The armies which
conquered Canada had been disbanded or sent home: nothing
remained but a few fragments or skeletons of regiments lately
arrived from the West Indies, enfeebled by disease and by hard
service. In one particular, however, he had reason to con-
gratulate himself — the character of the ofticer who commanded
under his orders in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland.
Colonel Henry Bouquet was a Swiss, of the Canton of Berne,
who had followed the trade of war from boyhood. He had
served first the king of Sardinia, and afterward the repub-
lic of Holland; and when the French war began in 1755,
he accepted the commission of lieutenant-colonel, in a regi-
ment newly organized, under the direction of the Duke of
Cumberland, expressly for American service. The commis-
sions were to be given to foreigners as well as to English
men and provincials ; and the rank were to be filled
chiefly from the German emigrants in Pennsylvania and
other provinces. The men and officers of this regiment,
known as the "Royal Americans'' had now, for more than
33- Vol. 2.

514 THE FRONTIER FORTS

six years, been engaged in the rough and lonely service of the
frontiers and forests; and when the Indian war broke out, it
was chiefly they, who, like military hermits, held the detached
outposts of the West.

Bouquet, however, who was at this time Colonel of the first
battalion, had his headquarters at Philadelphia,where he was
held in great esteem. 'His person was fine, and his bearing com-
posed and dignified; perhaps somewhat austere, for he is said
to have been more respected than loved by his officers. Never-
theless, their letters are very far from indicating any want of
cordial relations. He was fond of the society of men of
science, and wrote English better than most British officers
of the time. Here and there, however, a passage in his letters
suggest the inference, that the character of the gallant mer-
cenary was toned by his profession, and to the unideal epoch
in which he lived. Yet he was not the less an excellent sol-
dier; indefatigable, faithful, full of resource, and without those
arrogant prejudices which impaired the efficiency of many
good British officers, in the recent war, and of which Sir Jeffrey
Amherst was a conspicuous example. He had acquired a
^^^■"T.ctical knowledge of Indian warfare, and it is said that, in
the course of the hazardous partisan service in which he was
often engaged when it was necessary to penetrate dark defiles
and narrow passes, he was sometimes known to advance be-
fore his men, armed with a rifle, and acting the part of a scout.

Sir Jeffrey Amherst, from whom all orders came had flat-
tered himself that the Indian uprising was of little moment,
and that the alarm would end in nothing but a rash attempt
of what the Senecas had been threatening for some time i)ast.
He declared that while defenceless families, or small posts,
might be cut off, yet "the post of Fort Pitt, or any of the others
commanded by officers, could certainly never be in danger from
such a wretched enemy." He, however, in the same letter to
Colonel Bouquet in which he so expresses his opinion, says
that he only wanted to hear what further steps the savages
had taken, when he would put into execution the measures
which he had taken for operations against them.

But the news which came to Colonel Bouquet from Ecuyer
at Fart Pitt grew worse and worse. The letters which con-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 515

tained these reports were forwarded to Amherst who wrote
to Bouquet on receiving the latest that although it was ex-
tremely inconvenient at the time, yet that he would not defer
sending a reinforcement to keep up the communication be
tween Philadelphia and the out-posts. Accordingly he or-
dered two companies of the Forty-second and Seventy-seventh
regiments to join Bouquet it Philadelphia, and directed him,
if he thought it necessary, to himself proceed to Fort Pitt, so
that he might be better enabled to put in execution the requi-
site orders for receiving the communication and reducing the
Indians to reason.

The tidings from the out-posts becoming worse and worse,
Amherst rearranged such troops as he had for active service.
His plan was to push forward as many troops as possible to
Niagara by way of Oswego, and to Presqu' Isle by way of Fort
Pitt, and thence to send them up the lakes to take vengeance
on the offending tribes.

But Bouquet, with superior discernment, recognizing the
peril of the small outlying posts like Venango and Le Boeuf,
proposed to abandon them, and concentrate at Fort Pitt and
Presqu' Isle; a movement which, could it have been executed
in time, would have saved both blood and trouble. But Am-
herst would not consent to give these posts up.

Bouquet then began to take active steps for the relief of
the western posts, with the two companies of troops which he
had at his command. It being apparent, however, that these
were insufficient. Amherst ordered the remains of the Forty-
second and the Seventy-seventh — the first consisting of two
hundred :and fourteen men including officers, and the latter of
one hundred and thirty-three, officers included — to march
(June 23d, 1763) under the command of Major Campbell of the
Forty-second, to Bouquet. Two days after that, Amherst
writes to Bouquet: "All the troops from hence that could be
collected are sent you; so that should the whole race of Indians
take arms against us I can do no more."

Bouquet was now busy on the frontier in prepamtions for
pushing forward to Fort Pitt with the troops sent him. After
reaching the fort, with his wagon-trains of ammunition and
supplies, he was to proceed to Venango and Le Boeuf. rein-

516 THE FRONTIER FORTS

force and provision them; and then advance to Presqu' Isle to
await Amherst's orders. He was encamped near Carlisle
when, on the 3d of July, lie heard, b^' an express-rider sent out
by Captain Ourry from Bedford, of the loss of Presqu' Isle, Le-
r»oeuf, and Venango. He at once sent the news to Amherst.

Early orders had been given to prepare a convoy of provisions
on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, but such were the universal
terror and consternation of the inhabitants, that when Colonel
Bouquet arrived at Carlisle, nothing had yet been done. A
great number of the plantations had been plundered and burnt
by the savages; many of the mills destroAed, and the fall-ripe
crops stood waving in the field, ready for the sickle, but the
reapers were not to be found. The greatest part of the county
of Cumberland, through which the army had to pass, was de-
serted, and the roads were covered with distressed families
dying from their settlement, and destitute of all the neces-
saries of life.

When he arrived at Carlisle, at the end of June, he found
every building in the fort, every house, barn, and hovel, in the
little town, crowded with the families of settlers, driven from
their homes by the terror of the tomahawk. He heard one
ceaseless wail of moaning and lamentation, from widowed
wives and orphaned children.

Bouquet was full of anxieties for the safety- of Fort Bedford
and Fort Ligonier. Captain Lewis Ourry commanded at Bed-
ford and Lieutenant Archibald Blane, at Ligonier. These kept
up a precarious correspondence with him and each other, and
with Captain Ecuyer at Fort Pitt, by means of express-riders,
a service dangerous to the last degree, and which soon became
impracticable.

It was of the utmost importance to hold these posts, which
contained stores and munitions, the capture of which by the
Indians would have led to the worst consequences. Ourry
had no garrison worth the name; but at every Indian alarm the
scared inhabitants would desert their farms, and gather for
shelter around his fort, to disperse again when the alarm was
over.

On the 8d of Jnne. he writes to Bouquet: "No less than
ninety-three families are now in here for refuge, and more

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 617

hourly aiiiving. I expect ten more before night." He adds
that he had formed the men into two militia companies. "My
returns," he pursues, "amount already to one hundred and
fifty-five men. My regulars are increased by expresses, etc.,
to three corporals and nine privates; no despicable garrison!"

On the 7th, he sent another letter. * * * * "As to my-
self, I find I can bear a good deal. Since the alarm I never lie
down till about 12, and am walking about the fort between
2 and 3 in the morning, turning out the guards and sending out
patrols, before I suffer the gates to remain open. * * * *
My greatest difficulty is to keep my militia from straggling
by two and threes to their dear plantations, thereby exposing
themselves to be scalped and weakening my garrison by such
numbers absenting themselves. They are still in good spirits,
but they don't know all the bad news. I shall use all means
to prevail on them to stay till some troops come up. I long
to see my Indian scouts come in with intelligence; but I long
more to hear the Grenadier's March, and see some more red-
coats."

Ten days later, he writes. * * * * "I am now, as I
foresaw, entirely deserted by the country people. No accident
having happened here, they have gradually left me to return
to their plantations; so that my whole force is reduced to
twelve Royal Americans to guard the fort, and seven Indian
prisoners. I should be very glad to see some troops come to
my assistance. A fort with 5 bastions cannot be guarded,
much less defended, by a dozen men; but I hope God will pro-
tect us."

On the next day, he writes again: "This moment I return
from the parade. Some scalps taken up Dunning's creek yester-
day, and to-day some families murdered and houses burnt,
have destroyed me of my militia. * * * * rp^^ ^j. three
other families are missing, and the houses are seen in flames.
The people are all flocking in again."

Two days afterwards, he says that, while the countrymen
were at drill on the parade, 3 Indians attempted to sieze two
little girls close to the fort, but were driven off by a volley.
"This," he pursues, "Has added greatly to the panic of the
people, with difficulty I can restrain them from murdering the

518 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Indian prisoners." And he concludes: "I can't help think that
the enemj will collect, after cutting off the little posts one
after another, leaving Fort Pitt as too tough a morsel, and
bend their whole force upon the frontiers."

On the 2d of July, he describes an attack of about 20 In-
dians on a party of mowers, several of whom were killed.
"This accident," he says, "has thrown the people into a great
consternation, but such is their stupidity that they will do
nothing right for their own preservation."

Such was the condition of affairs at Fort Bedford. On the
next day, the 3d of July, Captain Ourry from there sent a
mounted soldier to Bouquet with news of the loss of Presqu'
Isle and its sister posts, which Lieutenant Archibald Blane,
who, having received the news from Fort Pitt contrived to
send him; though he himself in his feeble little fort of Ligonier,
buried in a sea of forests hardly dared hope to maintain
himself.

Some account is given of what Lieutenant Blane and his
little garrison had to endure, and of their fortitude and un-
daunted courage during this time, where we speak of Fort
Ligonier.

Bouquet, encamped at Carlisle, was still urging on his prep-
arations, but was met by obstacles at every step. The Province
did little, and the people, partly from the apathy and confusion
of terror, could not be brought to operate with the regulars,
la such despondency of mind it is not surprising, that though
their whole was at stake, and depended entirely upon the fate
of this little army, none of them offered to assist in the defense
of the country, by joining the expedition in which they would
have been of infinite service, being in general well acquainted
with the woods, and excellent marksmen.

While vexed and exasperated. Bouquet labored at his thank-
less task, remonstrated with provincial officials, or appealed to
refractory farmers, the terror of the country people increased
every day. When on Sunday, the 3d of July, (1763), Ourry's
express rode into Carlisle with the disastrous news from
Presqu' Isle and the other out-posts, he stopped for a moment
on the village street to water his horse. A crowd of country
men were instantly about him, besieging him with questions.
He told his ill-omened story; and added as, remounting, he

OF WESTERN I'l^MNSYLVANIA. 519

rode towards Bouquet's tent, "The Indians will be here soon."
All was now excitement and consternation. Messengers has-
tened out to spread the tidings; and every road and pathway
leading into Carlisle was beset with the flying settlers, flocking
thither for refuge. Some rumors were heai"d that the Indians
were come. Fugitives had seen the smoke of burning cabins
in the valleys. A party of the inhabitants armed themselves
and went out to warn the living, and bury the dead. Their
worst fears were realized. They saw everywhere the frightful
evidence of the presence of the savages, who were all around
them.

The surrounding country was by this time completely aban-
doned by the settlers. Many sought refuge at Carlisle; some
continued their flight to Lancaster, and some did not stop till
they reached Philadelphia. Every place about Carlisle was
full, and a multitude of the refugees, unable to find shelter in
the town, had encamped in the woods and on the adjacent
fields, erecting huts of brahches and bark, and living on such
charity as the slender means of the towns-people could supply.
Passing among them one would have witnessed every form of
human misery. In these wretched encampments were men,
women and children, bereft at one stroke of friends, of home,
and the means of supporting life. Some stood aghast and be-
wildered at the sudden and fatal blow; others were sunk in
the apathy of despair; others were weeping and moaning with
irrepressible anguish. With not a few, the craven passion of
fear drowned all other emotion, and day and night they were
haunted with visions of the bloody knife and the reeking scalp,
while in others, every faculty was absorbed by the burning
thirst for vengeance, and mortal hatred against the whole In-
dian race.

The commander found that, instead of expecting such sup-
plies from a miserable people, he himself was called by the
voice of humanity to bestow on them some share of his own
provisions. In the midst of the general confusion, the supplies
necessary for the expedition became very precarious, nor was
it less difficult to procure horses and carriages for the use of
the troops. However, in eighteen days after his arrival at
Carlisle, by the prudent and active measures which he pursued,

£,20 THE FRONTIER FORTS

joined to his knowledge of the country, and the diligence of
the persons he employed, the convoy and carriages were pro-
cured with the assistance of the interior parts of the country,
and the army proceeded.

At length the army, such as it was, being gathered around
him, and the convoy ready, Bouquet broke up his camp and
began his march. The force under his command did not ex-
ceed 500 men, of whom the most effective were the Highlanders
of the Forty-second regiment. The remnant of the Seventy-
seventh, which was also with him, was so enfeebled by the
West Indian exposures, that Amherst had at first pronounced
it fit only for garrison duty, and nothing but necessity had in-
duced him to employ it on this arduous service. As the heavy
wagons of the convoy lumbered along the streets of Carlisle,
guarded by the bare-legged Highlanders, in kilts and plaids,
the crowd gazed in anxious silence, for they knew that their
all was at stake on the issue of this dubious enterprise. There
was little to reassure them in the thin frames and haggard
looks of the worn-out veterans still less in the sight of sixty
invalid soldiers, who, unable to walk, were carried in wagons,
to furnish a feeble reinforcement to the small garrisons along
the route. The desponding rustics watched the last gleam of
the bayonets, the last flutter of the tartans, as the rear files
vanished in the woods; then returned to their hovels, prepared
for tidings of defeat, and ready, when they heard them, to
abandon the country, and fly beyond the Susquehanna.

The undertaking was enough to appal the stoutest of hearts.
Before him a distance of 200 miles over mountains and through
the gloomy wilderness, lay the point of his destination. The
tidings and reports which he had heard, the places cut off, the
uncertainty whether these places could hold out, the condi-
tion of those around him, and the lack of assistance rendered
him — these things were enough to intimidate the stoutest of
men. In that dark wilderness lay the bones of Braddock and
the hundreds that perished with him. The number of the
slain on that bloody day exceeded Bouquet's whole force;
while the strength of the assailants was inferior to that of the
swarms who now infested the forests. Bouquet's troops were,
for the most part, as little accustomed to the back-woods as

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 521

those of Braddock; but their commander had served seven
years in America, and perfectly understood his work. He had
attempted to get frontiersmen to act as scouts, but they would
not leave their families whom they remained to defend. He
had therefore to employ his Highlanders as flankers, in order
to protect his line of march and prevent surprise; but these
proved to be unfit for that service, as they invariably lost
themselves in the woods.

His immediate concern was for Fort Ligonier. He knew
that the loss of the post would be most disastrous to his army
and to the entire Province, and that nothing could possibly
save Fort Pitt. It had already been attacked, but had held
out. He determined to risk sending a small detachment to its
relief. Thirty Highlanders were chosen, who, furnished with
guides, were ordered to push forward with the utmost speed,
avoiding the road, traveling by night, on unfrequented paths,
and lying close by day. They reached Bedford in due time.
Captain Ourry from here, prior to this had sent a party of 20
backwoodsmen to reinforce Lieutenant Blane, knowing the
straits into which he had fallen. The Highlanders on coming
to Bedford, rested there several days — Ourry expecting an at-
tack during that time — and then again set out. Coming near
to Ligonier, they found the place beset by the Indians; but
they madle themselves known and under a running fire entered
into the fort.

At Shippensburg, on the eastern base of the Alleghenies,
something more than twenty miles from Carlisle, was gathered
a starving, frightened and stricken multitude. According to
report there were there on the 25th of July, 1384 of the dis-
tressed back inhabitants, namely, men 301; women 345; and
children, 738; many of whom were obliged to lie in barns,
stables, cellars, and under old leaky sheds, the dwelling-houses
being all crowded.

Two companies of light infantry had been sent forward from
the main body to succor Bedford. Captain Ourry had taken
all necessary precautions to prevent a surprise, and repel open
force, as also to render ineffectual the enemy's fire arrows.
He armed all the fighting men, who formed two companies of
volunteers, and did duty with the garrison till the arrival of
33*

522 THE FRONTIER FORTS

the two companies which had been detached from the little
army.

The army advancing reached Fort Loudoun, on the declivity
of Cove mountain, and climbed the wood-encumbered defiles
beyond. On their right stretched far off the green ridges of
the Tuscarora; in front, mountains beyond mountains were
piled up against the sky. Over rocky heights and through
deep valleys, they reached at length Fort Littleton, a provin-
cial post, in which, with incredible perversity the government
of Pennsylvania had refused to place a garrison. Not far dis
tant was the feeble post of the Juniata, empty like the other;
for the two or three men who held it had been withdrawn by
Ourry. On the 25th of July, they reached Bedford, hemmed
in by encircling mountains. It was the frontier village and
the center of a scattered border population, the whole of which
was now clustered in terror in and around the fort; for the
neighboring woods were full of prowling savages. Ourry re-
ported that for several weeks nothing had been heard from the
westward, every messenger having been killed and the com-
munication completely cut off.

At Bedford, Bouquet, fortunately secured thirty backwoods-
men to accompany him. He remained three days in his camp
here to rest his men and animals. Then, leaving his invalids,
to garrison the fort, he struck out into the wilderness of woods.
They followed the narrow road which had been made by
Forbes — a rugged track up and down steep hillsides, across
swamps, through thickets, under the gloomy boughs of the
over-arched trees where the heavy foliage shut out the sun.
He was vigilant in guarding against surprise. Riflemen from
the frontier scoured the woods in front and on the flanks. A
party of backwoodsmen led the way; these were followed
closely by the pioneers, the packhorses, the wagons drawn by
oxen, and the cattle were in the center, guarded by the regu-
lars. A rear guard of backwoodsmen closed the line of march.
Slowly and with great toil, man and beast suffering much from
the stifling heat of the pent-up forest, the train wound its
zigzag way up the Alleghenies. From these mountains the
country was less rugged, but their way was beset with dangers
constantly increasing. On the 2d of August they reached

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 523

Fort Ligonier, about 150 miles from Carlisle, and nearly mid-
way between Fort Bedford and Fort Pitt. The Indians who
were about the place vanished at their approach. Their ab-
sence and the secrecy of their movements was an ominous
thing. The garrison having been completely blockaded for
several weeks, could give no information as to the savages.
They had heard nothing from the outside world during the
trying weeks they were hemmed in. To Bouquet in this un-
certainty, it was a trying time. This want of intelligence, he
has stated ''is often a very embarrassing circumstance in the
conduct of a campaign in America." He well knew, moreover,
that the Indians were watching every movement his army
made although they themselves were not detected. He there-
fore determined to leave his oxen and wagons at Fort Ligonier,
and to proceed only with his packhorses and some cattle.

It is a circumstance not to be forgotten, that Bouquet had
opened this road from Bedford to Fort Pitt, as the leader of
the advance of Forbes' army; and that under him were con-
structed the first works at Fort Ligonier. His personal knowl-
edge was doubtless a great factor in his campaign.

On the 4th of July, the army thus relieved, resumed its
march, taking with it 350 packhorses upon which were loaded
the flour and supplies, and a few cattle. The heavy artillery,
the wagons and oxen, the knapsacks and all needless war
material were left at Fort Ligonier. The men reserved only
their blankets and light arms. The first night they encamped
at no great distance from Ligonier, for he had so timed his
march as to reach by the next day a desirable place on the
route called Bushy run. or as it was known then, Byerly's
Station. He proposed to reach this place early the next day.

On the morning of the fifth, the tents were struck at an
early hour, and the troops began their march through a
country broken with hills and deep hollows, covered with the
tall, dense forest, which spread for countless leagues around.
By one o'clock, they had advanced seventeen miles; and the
guides assured them that they were within half a mile of
Bushy run, their proposed resting place. The tired soldiers
were pressing forward with renewed alacrity, when suddenly
the report of rifles from the front sent a thrill along the ranks:

524 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and, as they listened, the firing thickened into a fierce, sharp
rattle; while shouts and whoops, deadened by the intervening
forest, sliowed that the advance guard was hotly engaged.
The two foremost companies were at once ordered forward to
support it; but, far from abating, the fire grew so rapid and
farious as to argue the presence of an enemy at once numer-
ous and resolute. At this, the convoy was halted, the troops
formed into line, and a general charge ordered. Bearing down
through the forest with fixed bayonets, they drove the yelping
assailants before them, and swept the ground clear. But at
Hie very moment of success, a fresh burst of whoops and firing
was heard from either flank; while a confused noise from the
rear showed that the convoy was attacked. It was necessary
instantly to fall back for its support. Driving off the assailants,
the troops formed in a circle around the crowded and terrified
horses. Though they were new to the work, and though the
numbers and movements of the enemy, whose yelling on every
side, were concealed by the thick forest, yet no man lost his
composure; and all displayed a steadiness which nothing but
implicit confidence in their commander could have inspired.
And now ensued a combat of a nature most harassing and dis-
couraging. Again and again, now on this side and now on
that, a crowd of Indians rushed up, pouring in a heavy fire, and
striving, with furious outcries, to break into the circle. A
well-directed volley met them, followed by a steady charge of
the bayonet. They never waited an instant to receive the at-
tack, but, leaping backwards from tree to tree, soon vanished
from sight, only to renew their attack with unabated ferocity
in another quarter. Such was their activity, that very few
of them were hurt; while the British, less expert in bush-fight-
ing suffered severely. Thus the fight went on, without inter-
mission, for seven hours, until the forest grew dark with ap-
proaching night. Upon this the Indians gradually slackened
their fire, and the exhausted soldiers found time to rest.

Tt was impossible to change their ground in the enemy's
presence, and the troops were obliged to encamp upon the hill
where the combat had taken place, though not a drop of water
was to be found there. Fearing a night attack. Bouquet sta-
tioned numerous sentinels and outposts to guard against it;

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 525

while the men lay down upon their arms, preserving the order
they had maintained during the fight. Having completed the
necessary arrangements, Bouquet, doubtful of surviving the
battle of the morrow, wrote to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, in a few-
clear, concise words, an account of the day's events. His
letter concludes as follows: "Whatever our fate may be, I
thought it necessary to give your Excellency this early infor-
mation, that you may at all events, take such measures as you
will think proper with the provinces, for their own safety, and
the effectual relief of Fort Pitt; as, in case of another engage-
ment, I fear insurmountable difficulties in protecting and
transporting our provisions, being already so much weakened
by the losses of this day, in men and horses, besides the addi-
tional necessity of carrying the wounded, whose situation is
truly deplorable."

The condition of these unhappy men might well awaken
sympathy. About sixty soldiers, besides several officers, had
been killed or disabled. A space in the centre of the camp
was prepared for the reception of the wounded, and sur-
rounded by a wall of flourbags from the convoy, affording
aorae protection against the bullets which flew from all sides
during the fight. Here they lay upon the ground, enduring
agonies of thirst, and waiting, passive and helpless, the issue
of the battle. Deprived of the animating thought that their lives
and safety depended on their own exertions; surrounded by a
wilderness, and by scenes to the horror of which no degree of
familiarity could render the imagination callous, they must
liave endured mental sufferings, compared to which the pain
of their wounds was slight. In the probable event of defeat,
a fate inexpressibly horrible awaited them; while even victory
would not ensure their safety, since any great increase in their
numbers would render it impossible for their comrades to
transport them. Nor was the condition of those who had
hitherto escaped an enviable one. Though they were about
equal in number to their assailants, yet the dexterity and
alertness of the Indians, joined to the nature of the country,
gave all the advantages of a great superior force. The enemy
were, moreover, exulting in the fullest confidence of success;
for it was in these very forests that, eight years before, they

526 THE FRONTIER FORTS

had nearly destroyed twice their number of the best British
troops. Throughout the earlier part of the night, they kept up
a dropping fire upon the camp; while, at short intervals, a
wild whoop from the thick surrounding gloom told with what
eagerness they waited to glut their vengeance on the morrow.
The camp remained in darkness, for it would have been danger-
ous to build fires within its precincts, to direct the aim of the
lurking marksmen. Surrounded by such terror, the men
snatched a disturbed and broken sleep, recruiting their ex-
hausted strength for the renewed struggle of the morrow.

With the earliest dawn of day, and while the damp, cool
forest was still involved in twilight, there arose around the
camp a general burst of those horrible cries which form the
ordinary prelude of an Indian battle. Instantly, from every
side at once, the enemy opened their fire, approaching under
cover of the trees and bushes, and levelling with a close and
deadily aim. Often, as on the previous day, they would rush
up with furious impetuosity, striving to break into the ring
of troops. They were repulsed at every point; but the British,
though constantly victorious, were beset with undiminished
perils, while the violence of the enemy seemed every moment
on the increase. True to their favorite tactics they would
never stand their ground when attacked, but vanish at the first
gleam of the levelled bayonet, only to appear again the moment
the danger was past. The troops, fatigued by the long march
and equally long battle of the previous day, were maddened by
the torments of thirst, "more intolerable," says their com-
mander, "than the enemy's fire." They were fully conscious of
the peril in which they stood, of wasting away by slow degrees
beneath the shot of assailants at once so daring, so cautious,
and so active, and upon whom it was impossible to inflict any
decisive injury. The Indians saw their distress and pressed
ihem closer and closer, redoubling their yells and bowlings;
while some of them, sheltered behind trees, assailed the
troops, in bad English, with abuse and derision.

Meanwhile the interior of the camp was a scene of confusion.
The horses, secured in a crowd near the wall of flour-bags
which covered the wounded, were often struck by the bullets,
and wrought to the height of terror bv the mingled din of

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 527

whoops, shrieks, and firing. They would break away by half
scores at a time, burst through the ring of troops and the outer
circle of assailants, and scour madly up and down the hill-sides;
while many of the drivers, overcome by the terrors of a scene
in which they could bear no active part, hid themselves among
the bushes and could neither hear nor obey orders.

It was now about ten o'clock. Oppressed with heat, fatigue,
and thirst, the distressed troops still maintained a weary and
wavering defence, encircling tht convoy in a yet unbroken ring.
They were fast falling in their ranks, and the strength and
spirits of the survivors had begun to flag. If the fortunes of
the day were to be retrieved, the effort must be made at once;
and happily the mind of the commander was equal to the
emergency. In the midst of the confusion he conceived a
masterly stratagem. Could the Indians be brought together
in a body, and made to stand their ground when attacked,
there could be little doubt of the result; and, to effect this ob-
ject. Bouquet determined to increase their confidence, which
Mad already mounted to an audacious pitch. The companies
of infantry, forming a part of the ring which had been exposed
to the hottest fire, were ordered to fall back into the interior
of the camp; while the troops on either hand joined their files
across the vacant space, as if to cover the retreat of their com-
rades. These orders, given at a favorable moment, were exe-
cuted with great promptness. The thin line of troops who
took possession of the deserted part of the circle were, from
their small numbers, brought closer in towards the centre.
The Indians mistook these movements for a retreat. Confident
that their time was come, they leaped up on all sides, from be-
hind the trees and bushes, and with infernal screeches, rushed
headlong towards the spot, pouring in a heavy and galling
fire. The shock was too violent to be long endured. The men
struggled to maintain their posts; but the Indians seemed on
the point of breaking into the heart of the camp, when the
aspect of affairs was suddenly reversed. The two companies,
who had apparently abandoned their position, were in fact
destined to begin the attack; and now they sallied out from
the circle at a point where a depression in the ground, joined
to the thick growth of trees, concealed them from the eves of

528 THE FRONTIER FORTS

I lie ludiaus. Making a short detour tliroug;li tlie woods, tliej
came round upon the Hank of the furious assailants, and fired
a close volley into the midst of the crowd. Numbers were seen
to fall; yet though completely surprised, and utterly at a loss
to understand the nature of the attack, the Indians faced about
with the greatest intrepidity, and returned the fire. But the
Highlanders, with yells as wild as their own, fell on them with
the bayonet. The shock was irresistible, and they tted before
the charging ranks in a tumultuous throng. Orders had been
given to two other companies, occupying a contiguous part of
the circle, to support the attack whenever a favorable moment
should occur; and they had therefore advanced a little from
their position, and lay close crouched in ambush. The fugi-
tives, pressed by the Highland bayonets, passed directly across
their front; upon which they rose, and poured among them a
second volley, no less destructive than the first. This com-
pleted the rout. The four companies, uniting, drove the flying
savages through the woods, giving them no time to rally or
reload their empty rifles, killing many, and scattering the rest
in hopeless confusion.

While this took place at one part of the circle, the troops
and the savages had still maintained their respective positions
at the other; but when the latter perceived the total route of
their comrades, and saw the troops advancing to assail them,
they also lost heart, and fled. The discordant outcries which
had so long deafened the ears of the English soon ceased alto-
gether, and not a living Indian remained near the spot. About
sixty corpses lay scattered over the ground. Among them
were found several prominent chiefs, while the blood which
stained the leaves of the bushes showed that numbers had fled
\A ounded from the field. The soldiers took but one prisoner,
wbom they shot to death like a captive wolf. , The loss of the
IJritish in the two battles surpassed that of the enemy, amount-
ing to eigbt officers and one hundred and fifteen men.

Having been for some time detained by the necessity of mak-
ing litters for the w^ounded, and destroying the stores which
the flight of most of the horses made it impossible to transport,
the army moved on, in the afternoon, to Bushy run. Here
Ibey had scarcely formed their camp, when they were again

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVi^NIA. 629

fired upon by a body of Indians, who, however, were soon re-
pulsed. On the next day they resumed their progress towards
Fort Pitt, distant about twenty-five miles; and, though fre-
quently annoyed on the niarch by petty attacks, they reached
their destination, on the tenth, without serious loss. It was
a joyful moment both to the troops and to the garrison. The
latter, it will be remembered, were left surrounded and hotly
pressed by the Indians, who had beleagured the place from
the twenty-eighth of July to the first of August, when, hearing
of Bouquet's approach, they had abandoned the siege, and
marched to attack him. From this time the garrison had seen
nothing of them until the morning of the tenth, when, shortly
before the army appeared, they had passed the fort in a body,
raising the scalp-yell, and displaying their disgusting trophies
to the view of the English.

The battle of Bushy run was one of the best contested ac-
tions ever fought between white men and Indians. If there
was any disparity of numbers, the advantage was on the side
of the troops; and the Indians had displayed throughout a
fierceness and intrepidity matched only by the steady valor
with which they met. In the Province, the victory excited
equal joy and admiration, especially among those who knew
the incalculable difficulties of an Indian campaign. The As-
sembly of Pennsylvania passed a vote expressing their sense
of the merits of Bouquet, and of the service he had rendered
to the Province. He soon after received the additional honor
of the formal thanks of the King.

In many an Indian village, the women cut away their hair.
ti:ished their limbs with knives, and uttered their dismal bowl-
ines of lamentation for the fallen. Yet, though surprised and
dispirited, the rage of the Indians was too deep to be quenched,
even by so signal a reverse; and their outrages upon the
frontier were resumed with unabated ferocity. Fort Pitt,
liowever, was effectually relieved ; while the moral effect of the
victory enabled the frontier settlers to encounter the enemy
^\'ith a spirit which would have been wanting, had Bouquet
sustained a defeat.

The two letters of Col. Bouquet following are his official

34"Vol. 2.

530 THE FRONTIER FORTS

report of the engagement, and they are justly regarded as very
remarkable and lucid documents. They are to the Comman-
der-in-Chief :

"Camp at Edge Hill,
"26 Miles From Fort Pitt, 5th Aug., 1763.

"Sir: The second instant the troops and convoy arrived at
Ligonier, where I could obtain no intelligence of the enemy.
The expresses sent since the beginning of July, having been
either killed or obliged to return, all the passes being occu-
pied by the enemy. In this uncertainty, I determined to leave
all the wagons, with the powder, and a quantity of stores and
provisions, at Ligonier, and on the 4th proceeded with the
troops and about 340 horses loaded with flour.

"I intended to have halted to-day at Bushy run, (a mile be-
yond this camp), and after having refreshed the men and
horses, to have marched in the night over Turtle creek, a
very dangerous defile of several miles, commanded by high
and rugged hills; but at one o'clock this afternoon, after a
march of seventeen miles, the savages suddenly attacked our
advance guard, which was immediately supported by the two
Light Infantry companies of the 42d regiment, who drove the
enemy from their ambuscade and pursued them a good way.
The savages returned to the attack, and the fire being obsti-
nate on our front and extending along our flanks, we made
a general charge, with the whole line to dislodge the savages
from the heights, in which attempt we succeeded, without
by it obtaining any decisive advantage, for as soon as they
were driven from one post, they appeared on another, till, by
continued reinforcements, they were at last able to surround
us and attacked the convoy left in our rear; this obliged us to
march back to protect it. The action then became general, and
though we were attacked on every side, and the savages ex-
erted themselves with uncommon resolution, they were con-
stantl}' repulsed with loss, we also suffered considerably.
Capt. Lieut. Graham and Lieut. James Mcintosh of the 42d,
are killed, and Capt. Graham wounded. Of the Royal Ameri-
can Regt., Lieut. Dow, who acted as A. D. Q. M. G., is shot
through the body. Of the 77th, Lieut. Donald Campbell and

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. ?31

Mr. Peebles, a volunteer, are wounded. Our loss in men, in-
cluding rangers and drivers, exceeds sixty killed and wounded.

"The action has lasted from one o'clock till night, and we
expect to begin at daybreak.

"Whatever our fate may be, 1 thought it necessary to give
your Excellency this early information, that j'ou may at all
events lake such measures as you think proper with the Prov-
inces, for their own safety, and the effectual relief of Fort
Pitt, as in case of another engagement, I fear insurmountable
diflQculties in protecting and transporting our provisions, being
already so much weakened by the losses of this day in men and
horses, besides the additional necessity of carrying the
wounded, whose situation is truly deplorable.

'T. cannot sufficiently acknowledge the assistance I have re-
ceived from Major Campbell during this long action, nor ex-
press ray admiration of the cool and steady behavior of the
troops, who did not fire a shot without orders, and drove the
enemy from their posts with fixed bayonets. The conduct of
the officers is much above my praises.

"I have the honor to be, with great respect,

Sir, &c.,

HENRY BOUQUET.

'To His Excellenc}^, Sir Jeffrey Amherst."

''Camp at Bushy Run, 6th Aug., 1763.

"Sir: I had the honor to infor-m your Excellency in my letter
of yesterday of our first engagement with the savages.

"AA^e took the post last night on the hill where our convoy
halted, where the front was attacked, (a commodious piece
of ground and just spacious enough for our purpose). There
we encircled the whole and covered our wounded with flour
bags.

"In the morning the savages surrounded our camp, at the
distance of 500 yards, and by shouting and yelping, quite
round that extensive circumference, thought to have terrified
us wilh their numbers. They attacked us early, and under
favor of an incessant fire, made several bold efforts to pene-
trate our camp, and though they failed in the attempt, our
situation was not tbe less perplexing, having experienced

532 THE FRONTIER FORTS

that brisk attacks bad little ettect upon an enemy, who always
^ave way when pressed, and apjjeared again immediately.
Our troops were, besides, extremely fatigued with the long
march and as long action of the preceding day, and distressed
to the last degree, by a total want of water, much more in-
tolerable than the enemy's fire.

''Tied to our convoy, we could not lose sight of it without ex-
posing it and our wounded to fall a prey to the savages, who
pressed upon us, on every side, and to move it was impracti-
cable, having lost many horses, and most of the drivers, stu-
pefied by fear, hid themselves in the bushes, or were incapable
of hearing or obeying orders. The savages growing every
moment more audacious, it was thought proper still to in-
crease their confidence by that means, if possible, to entice
them to come close upon us, or to stand their ground when
attacked. With this view, two companies of Light Infantry
were ordered within the circle, and the troops on their right
and left opened their files and filled up the space, that it might
seem they were intended to cover the retreat. The Third
Light Lifantry company and the Grenadiers of the 42d, were
ordered to support the two first companies. This manoeuvre
succeeded to our wish, for the few troops who took possession
of the ground lately occupied by the two Light Infantry com-
panies being brought in nearer to the centre of the circle, the
barbarians mistaking these motions for a retreat, hurried
headlong on, and advancing upon us, with the most daring in-
trepidity, galled us excessively with their heavy fire; but at
the very moment that they felt certain of success, and thought
themselves masters of the camp. Major Campbell, at the head
of the first companies, sallied out from a part of the hill they
riiuld not observe, and fell upon their right flank. They reso-
lutely returned the fire, but could not stand the irresistable
shock of oui' men, who, rushing in among them, killed many
of them and put the rest to flight. The orders sent to the
other two companies were delivered so timely by Captain
Jiassett, and executed with such celerity and spirit, that the
routed savages who happened that moment to run before their
front, received their full fire, when uncovered by the trees.
The four companies did not give them time to load a secon<l

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 533

nme, nor even to look behind, but pursued them till they
totally dispersed. The left of the savages, which had not
been attacked, were kept in awe by the remains of our troops,
posted on the brow of the hill for that purpose; nor durst they
attempt to support or assist their right, but being witness to
their defeat, follow^ed their example and fled. Our brave
men disdained so much as to touch the dead body of a van
quished enemy that scarce a scalp was taken except by the
rangers and pack-horse drivers.

''The woods being now cleared and the pursuit over, the
four companies took possession of a hill in our front, and as
soon as litters could be made for the wounded, and the flour
and everything destroyed, which, for want of horses, could not
be carried, we marched without molestation to this camp.
After the severe correction we had given the savages a few
hours before, it was natural to suppose we should enjoy
some rest, but we had hardly fixed our camp, when they fired
upon us again. This was very provoking; however, the Light
Infantry dispersed them before they could receive orders for
that purpose. I hope we shall be no more disturbed, for, if
we have another action, we shall be hardly able to carry our
wounded.

"The behavior of the troops on this occasion speaks for itself
so strongly, that for me to attempt their eulogium would but
detract from their merit.

"I have the honor to be, most respectfully.

Sir, &c.,

HENRY BOUQUET.

"To His Excellency, Sir Jeffrey Amherst."

Return of Killed and Wounded in the Two Actions.

Forty-second, or Royal Highlanders — One captain, one lieu
tenant, (me sergeant, one corporal, twenty-five privates killed;
one captain, one lieutenant, two sergeants, three corporals,
one drummer, twenty-seven privates, wounded.

Sixtieth, or Royal Americans — One corporal, six privates,
killed; one lieutenant, four privates, wounded.

Seventy-seventh, or Montgomery's Highlanders — One drum-

534 THE FRONTIER FORTS

mer, five privates, killed; one lieutenant, one volunteer, three
sergeants, seven privates, wounded.

Volunteers, rangers and pack-horse men — One lieutenant,
seven privates, killed; eight privates, wounded; five privates,
missing.

Narnes of Officers.

Forty-second regiment — Captain-lieutenant John Graham,
Lieutenant Mcintosh and Lieutenant Joseph Randal, of the
rangers, killed.

Forty-second regiment — Captain John Graham and Lieu-
tenant Duncan Campbell, wounded.

Sixtieth regiment — Lieutenant James Dow, wounded.

Seventy-seventh regiment — Lieutenant Donald Campbell
and Volunteer Mr. Peebles, wounded.

Total — Fifty killed, sixty wounded, five missing.

Sketch of Col. Henry Bouquet.

Henry Bouquet was born at Rolle, in the Canton of Berne,
Switzerland, about 1719. At the age of seventeen he was re-
ceived as a cadet in the regiment of Constance, and thence
passed into the service of the King of Sardinia, in whose wars
he distinguished himself as a lieutenant, and afterwards as
adjutant. In 1748 he entered the Swiss Guards as lieutenant-
colonel. When the war broke out in 1754 between England
and France he was solicited by the English to serve in
America. His ability soon got him in great confidence in Vir-
ginia and Pennsylvania, and he was employed in various ser-
vices. He first distinguished himself under Forbes, and was
one of his chief advisers. He readily fell into the provincial
mode of fighting the Indians, which says more for his military
genius than his former services would express. At the time
of Pontiac's war, as we have seen at length, he was ordered by
Gen. Amherst to relieve the western garrisons, which he did
so successfully with such inefficient means. No soldier of
foreign birth was so distinguished or so successful in Indian
warfare as he was. The next year after this battle, that was
in 1764, he was placed at the head of a force of Pennsylvania
and Virginia volunteers,/ which he h«d organized at Fort
Loudoun, Pa., with which he penetrated in a "line of battle"

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 535

from Fort Pitt into the Indian country along the Muskingum.
The savages, baffled and unsuccessful in all their attempts at
surprise and ambush, sued for peace, and the "Treaty of Bou-
(luet," made then and there, is as notorious in Ohio as the
"Battle of Bouquet" is in Pennsylvania- The Assembly of
Pennsylvania and the Burgesses of Virginia adopted addresses
of gratitude, tendered him their thanks, and recommended him
for promotion in His Majesty's service. Immediately after
the peace with the Indians was concluded, the king made him
brigadier-general and commandant in the Southern colonies of
British America. He lived not long to enjoy his honors, for
de died at Pensacola, 1767, "lamented by his friends, and re-
gretted universally."

Location of the Battle-field of Bushy Run.

Great interest, laudable in them, has always been felt and
expressed by the people of Westmoreland and contiguous
parts, in the personages and the incidents connected with the
historic battle of Bushy Run. In the May number for 1846
of the Olden Time the editor, in a note, in speaking of Bou-
quet's battle at Bushy Run, says: "The editor and some of
his friends have frequently conversed about a visit to the
battlefield, and throwing up some little work to perpetuate
the memory of the precise spot. It is now, however, settled
for the 5th and 6th of August next." In the August number
of the same publication he says: "We have just received
the ^Greensburgh Intelligencer,' containing an account of the
proceedings of a preliminary meeting held at Bushy Run to
make arrangements for a military encampment there on the
0th. 10th and 11th of September, in commemoration of battles
fought there in August, 1763."

The battle of Bushy Run — or, as it was called by Bouquet,
Edge Hill — was fought on what, afterward, was one of the
manorial reservations of the Penns, called "The Manor of
Denmark." The station of Manor on the Pennsylvania rail-
road is within its bounds. The manor contained 4,861 acres.
Bushv Run is a tributary of Brush Creek, which is a branch of

536 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Turtle Creek, which flows into the Monongahela near Brad-
dock.

The one hundred and twentieth anniversary of the battle
of Bushy Run was celebrated on the grounds in a patriotic and
appropriate manner, in August, 1883, on which occasion some
interesting- and valuable documents were first produced, and
much information made popular as the result of an awakened
interest in the event.

Preparatory to this anniversary commemoration the battle-
field had been gone over and marked by a competent commit-
tee of gentlemen selected for that purpose. According to
their report, the first day's fight, where the Forty-second
Regiment, Highlanders, suffered so severely, took place on the
Lewis Gongaware farm on that part of it which they desig-
nate as 'The Hills." The fight around the convoy, where the
savages were finally deceived into an attack and routed, took
place on the Lewis Wanamaker farm, a short distance south-
east of Mr. Wanamaker's present residence. The old Forbes
road ran through the Wanamaker and Gongaware farms,
but not on the same line as the present road, sometimes desig-
nated as the "Old Road." The engagement, speaking in gen-
eral terms, took place upon the crest of a hill on a tract of
land now included partly in the Wanamaker and partly in
the Gongaware farm, and covers an area of perhaps one-half
a mile or more in length by probably from two to three hun-
dred yards in width. At the point where the battle culmi-
nated, the savages of course had surrounded the whites on all
sides. The spring from which the water was carried in the
hats of some of the more daring under cover of the night,
to quench the thirst of the wounded was still pointed out. Tlic
site of the battle-field is about one and one-fourth miles east
of Harrison City village, and about two miles north of I'enii
station, on the Pennsylvania railroad, in Penn township.
Westmoreland county.

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 027

PBESQU'ISLE.

In the preparation of that part of this report relating to
Presqu'Isle and Le Boeuf, the writer had collected a large
quantity of material from the sources available, and had
partly arranged it, when he was offered the benefit of the
History of Erie County, by Miss Laura G. Sanford. He found
in the history the subject so carefully and completely treated
that he gladly availed himself of the privilege of extracting
from it much of the matter there collated, which he has done,
following the version of the original literally wherever neces-
sary. The excellence and historic worth of Miss Sanford's
History have been much and deservedly commended. In ad-
dition to the history of these two posts, as set out in the
History, the writer is indebted to Miss Sanford for additional
original matter kindly furnished by her in manuscript, which
has been incorporated into this report. Other authorities are
referred to as they are drawn from.

In 1752 Marquis Duquesne was made Governor of Canada,
and he immediately thereupon began active measures to se-
cure possession of the territory upon which the English were
encroaching. He determined to take possession of the Ohio
Valley. With this design, early in 1753 a force of three hun-
dred men, under command of Monsieur Babier, was sent out
to establish military posts in this region.

It was the intention at first to build a fortification at the
mouth of Chautauqua creek. Before this was done, however.
Monsieur Morin arrived with a large force, and took command.
That officer determined to abandon the position selected here,
and, having done so, proceeded along the lake coast south-
westward to the peninsula where the city of Erie, Pa., now
stands. This was called by them Presqu'Isle, meaning, liter-
ally in English, "the peninsula." Here they built a fort,
which was known subsequently as Fort Presqu'Isle.

The detachment sent out from Montreal to erect these forti-
fications were to make good their claim by force of arms if
they met with opposition, and to oblige all English subjects to
evacuate. Oswego they were instructed not to molest in con
sideration of Cape Breton — any other post the English had

538 THE FRONTIER FORTS

settled near or claimed was to be reduced if not quitted im-
mediately. A narrative of this expedition from Montreal,
and the building of Forts Presqu' Isle and Le Boeuf, is to be
fouDd iu the following deposition of Stephen Coffen, which
was made to Col. Johnson, of New York, January 10th,
1754. (1.) Coffen was a New Englander who had been taken
prisoner by the French and Indians of Canada, at Menis, in
1747, He had served them in different capacities until 1752,
when, being detected in efforts to escape to his own country,
he was confined in jail in Quebec; on his release he applied
to Governor Duquesne to be sent with the forces to Ohio. In
his own words, "The deponent then applied to Major Ramsey
for liberty to go with the army to Ohio, who told him he
would ask the Lieut, de Ruoy, who agreed to it; upon which
he was equipped as a soldier and sent with a detachment of
three hundred men to Montreal under the command of Mons.
Babeer, who set off immediately with said command by land
and ice for Lake Erie. They in their way stopped to refresh
themselves a couple of days at Cadaraqui Fort, also at Ta-
ranto on the north side of Lake Ontario, then at Niagara
Fort fifteen days from thence.

"They set off by water, being April, and arrived at Chada-
koin (Chautauqua) on Lake Erie, where they were ordered to
fell timber and prepare it for building a fort there, according
tothe(jovernor's instructions; but Mr. Morang [Morin] coming
up with five hundred men and twenty Indians, put a stop to
the erecting a fort at that place, by reason of his not liking
the situation, and the River Chadakoin being too shallow
to carry out any craft with provisions, etc., to Belle Riviere.
The deponent says there arose a warm debate between
Messiers Babeer and Morang [Marin] thereon, the first insist-
ing on building a fort there, agreeable to instructions, other-
wise, on Morang giving him an instrument in writing to
satisfy the Governor on that point, which Morang did, and
then ordered Mons. Mercie, who was both commissary and
engineer, to go along said lake and look for a situation, which
he found, and returned in three days, it being fifteen leagues
southwest of Chadokoin. They were then ordered to repair
thither; when they arrived, there were about twenty Indians

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 539

fishing in the lake, who immediately quit on seeing the French.
They fell to work and built a square fort of chestnut logs,
squared and lapped over each other to the height of fifteen
feet. It is about one hundred and twenty feet square, a log-
house in each square, a gate to the southward, another to the
northward, not one port-hole cut in any part of it. When fin-
ished, they called it Fort Presqu'Isle. (2.) The Indians who
came back from Canada with them returned very much out of
temper, owing, it was said among the army, to Morang's
dogged behavior and ill usage of them; but they (the Indians)
said at Oswego it was owing to the French misleading them,
by telling them falsehoods, which they said they now found
out, and left them. As soon as the fort was finished, they
marched southward, cutting a wagon road through a fine,
level country twenty-one miles to the river (leaving Captain
Derpontency with one hundred men to garrison the Fort
Presqu'Isle). They fell to work cutting timber, boards, etc.,
for another fort, while Mr. Morang ordered Mons. Bite with
fifty men to a place called by the Indians Ganagarahare, on
the banks of Belle Riviere, where the River Aux Boeufs
[French creek] empties into it. In the meantime, Morang had
ninety large boats made to carry down the baggage, provi-
sions, etc., to said place. Mons. Bite, on coming to said In-
dian place, was asked what he wanted or intended. He, upon
answering, said 'it was their father, the Governor of Canada's
intention to build a trading house for them and all their breth-
ren's convenience; he was told by the Indians that the lands
were theirs, and that they would not have them build upon it.
They said Bite reported to Morang the situation was good,
but the water in the River Aux Boeufs too low at that time to
carry any craft with provisions, etc.

"A few days after, the deponent says, that about one hun-
dred Indians, called by the French the Loos, came to the Fort
La Riviere Aux Boeufs to see what the French were doing;
that Morang treated them very kindly, and then asked them
to carry down some stone, etc., to the Belle Riviere, on horse-
back, for payment, which he immediately advanced them on
their undertaking to do it. They set off with full loads, but
never delivered them to the French, which incensed them

540 THE FRONTIER FORTS

very much, being not only a loss, but a great disappointment.
Morang, a man of very peevish, choleric disposition, meeting
with those and other crosses, and finding the season of the
year too far advanced to build the third fort, called all his
officers together, and told them that, as he had engaged and
firmly promised the Governor to finish these forts that season,
and not being able to fulfill the same, he was both afraid and
ashamed to return to Canada, being sensible he had now for-
feited the Governor's favor forever. Wherefore, rather than
live in disgrace, he begged they would take him (as he then
sat in a carriage made for him, being very sick sometimes)
and seat him in the middle of the fort, and then set fire to it
and let him perish in the flames, which was rejected by the
officers, who had not the least regard for him, as he had
behaved very ill to them all in general. The deponent further
saith, that about eight days before he left the Fort Presqu'Isle
Chevalier Le Crake arrived express from Canada in a birch
canoe worked by ten men, with orders (as the deponent after-
ward heard) from the Governor Le Cain (Duquesne) to Morang
to make all the preparation possible against the spring of the
year to build them two forts at Chadakoin, one of them by
Lake Erie, the other at the end of the carrying place at Lake
Chadakoin, which carrying place is fifteen miles from one
place to the other. The said Chevalier brought for M. Morang
a cross of St. Louis, which the rest of the officers would not
allow him to take until the Governor was acquainted with his
conduct and behavior. The Chevalier returned immediately
to Canada.

"After which, the deponent saith, when the Fort La Riviere
Aux Boeufs was finished (which is built of wood stockaded
triangularwise, and has two log-houses on the inside), M.
Morang ordered all the party to return to Canada in the winter
season, except three hundred men, which he kept to garrison
both forts and prepare materials against the spring for the
building of other forts. He also sent Jean Coeur, an officer
and interpreter, to stay the winter among the Indians on the
Ohio, in order to prevail with them not only to allow the
building of forts over there, but also to persuade them, if pos-
sible, to join the French interests against the English. The

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 541

deponent further says that on the 28th of October last, he set
off for Canada under the command of Capt. Deman, who had
the command of twenty-two batteaux with twenty men in each
batteau, the remainder being seven hundred; and sixty men
followed in a few days. The thirtieth arrived at Chadakoin,
where they stayed four days, during which time M. Peon, with
two hundred men, cut a wagon road [portage] over the carry-
ing place from Lake Erie to Lake Chadakoin, being fifteen miles,
viewed the situation, which proved to their liking, and so set
off November the third for Niagara,where we arrived the sixth.
Ts is a ver}^ poor, rotten, old w^ooden fort with twenty-five men
in it. They talk of rebuilding it next summer. We left fifty
men there to build batteaux against the spring, also a store-
house for provisions, stores, etc. Stayed here two days, then
set off for Canada. All hands, being fatigued with rowing all
night, ordered to put ashore to breakfast within a mile of
Oswego garrison; at which the deponent saith that he, with a
Frenchman, slipped off and got to the fort, where they were
concealed until the enemy passed. From thence he came
here. The deponent further saith, that beside the three
hundred men with which he went up first under the command
of M. Babeer, and the five hundred Morang brought up after-
ward, there came at different times, with stores, etc., one
hundred men, which made in all fifteen hundred men, three
hundred of which remained to garrison the two forts, fifty
at Niagara; the rest all returned to Canada, and talked of
going up again this winter, so as to be there the beginning
of April. They had two six-pounders, which they intended
to have planted in the fort at Ganagarahare (Franklin), which
was to have been called the Governor's Fort; but as that
was not built, they left the guns in the fort La Eiviere Aux
Boeufs, where Morang commands. Further the deponent
saith not." (3.)

Duquesne reporting to M. De Rauille, August 20, 1753,
says, "Sieur Marin writes me on the third instant (August)
that the fort at Presqu'Isle is entirely finished, that the port-
age road, which is six leagues in length, is also ready for car-
riages; that the store which was necessary to be built half
way across the portage is in condition to receive ihe supplies,

542 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and that the second fort, which is located at the mouth of
the River au Boeuf, will be soon completed."

Among the dispatches to the Marquis de Vaudreuil about
this time are the following: "Presqu'Isle is on Lake Erie and
serves as a depot for all the others on the Ohio; the effects
are next rode to the fort on the River au Boeuf, where they
are put on board pirogues to run down. * * * The Mar-
<iuis de Vaudreuil must be informed that during the first
campaigns on the Ohio, a horrible waste and disorder pre-
vailed at the Presqu'Isle and Niagara carrying places, which
cost the King immense sums. We have remedied all the
abuses that have come to our knowledge by submitting those
portages to competition. The first is at forty sous the piece,
and the other, which is six leagues in extent, at fifty. * * *
Kay is very abundant and good at Presqu'Isle. * * * 'Xis
to be observed that the quantity of pirogues constructed at
the River au Boeuf has exhausted all the large trees in the
neighborhood of that post; it is very important to send car-
penters there soon to build some plank batteaux like those of
the English."

From a journal kept by Thomas Forbes, a private soldier
"lately in the King of France's service," we have a description
of this fort made in 1754. The journal is printed in "Christo-
pher Gist's Journals," page 148, as edited by the late William
M. Darlington, Esq., from manuscript. (4.)

"This Fort is situated on a little rising Ground at a very
small Distance from tlie water of Lake Erie, it is rather larger
than that at Niagara but has likewise no Bastions or Out
Works of any sort. It is a square Area inclosed with Logs
about twelve feet high, the Logs being square and laid on each
other and not more than sixteen or eighteen inches thick.
Captain Darpontine Commandant in this Fort and his Garri-
son was thirty private Men. We were eight days employed in
unloading our Canoes her, and carrying the Provisions to Fort
Boeuff which is built about six Leagues from Fort Presqu'Isle
at the head of Buffaloe River. This Fort was composed of
four Houses built by way of Bastions and the intermediate
Space stockaded. Lieut. St. Blein was posted here with
twenty Men. Here we found three large Batteaus and be-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 643

tween two or three hundred Canoes which we freighted with
Provisions and proceeded down the BuflfaloeKiver which flows
into the Ohio at about twent}- Leagues (as I conceived) dis-
tance from Fort au Boeuff, this river was small and at some
places very shallow so that we towed the Canoes wading and
sometimes taking ropes to the sore a great part of the way.
When we came into the Ohio we had a fine deep water and a
stream in our favor so that we rowed down that river from the
mouth of the Buffaloe to Du Quesne Fort on Monongahela
which I take to be seventy Leagues distant in four days and a
half."

M. Pouchot, Chief Engineer of the French army in America,
in his celebrated work, "Memoires sur la derniere guerre
L'Amerique Septentrionale," published in 1763, makes mention
of Presqu'Isle as follows, the description answering to the
period of its early occupancy: "The entrance of the Lake, as
far as Buffalo River (which now forms Buffalo Harbor) forms
a great bay, lined with flat rocks, where no anchorage can be
found. If they could keep open the mouth of the river, they
would find anchorage for vessels. The coast from thence to
Presqu'Isle has no shelter that is known. At Presqu'Isle
there is a good bay but only seven or eight feet of water.
This fort is sufficiently large; it is built piece upon piece with
three outbuildings for the storage of goods in transitu. It is
one hundred and twenty feet square and fifteen feet high
and built on Vauban's principle, with two doors, one to the
north and on the south. It is situated upon a plateau that
forms a peninsula which has given its name. The country
around is good and pleasant. They keep wagons for portage
to Fort Le Boeuf which is six leagues. Although it is in a
level country the road is not very good. The fort at Riviere
au Boeuf is square, smaller than the one at Presqu'Isle, but
built piece upon piece."

"In 1755 it is said three hundred and fifty-six families re-
sided near the fort, and in 1757 there were four hundred and
eighty. There were soldiers, carriers, traders, missionaries,
mechanics, Indians, &c.

"Being a central point, and Fort Duquesne, Fort Niagara
and Detroit on the borders, it was at times filled with st»i't»s,

544 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and one tliousand men (are said) have been at one time be-
tween Piesqu'Isle and Le Boeuf."

On the information of William Johnston, who had been a
prisoner among the Indians for some time and who having
made his escape in 1756, it is reported:

'Tresqu'Isle Fort, situated on Lake Erie, about thirty miles
above Buffalo Fort, is built of squared logs tilled in with
earth. The barracks within the fort and garrisoned with
about one hundred and fifty men, supported chiefly from a
French settlement begun near to it. The settlement consists,
as the prisoner was informed, of about a hundred and fifty
families. The Indian families about the settlement are pretty
numerous; they have a priest aud a schoolmaster. They have
some grist mills and stills in this settlement."

Frederick Post's journal, dated Pittsburgh, November, 1758,
says: ''Just as the council broke up, an Indian arrived from
Fort Presqu'Isle, and gave the following description of the
three upper forts. Presqu'Isle has been a strong stockaded
fort, but it is much out of repair that a strong man might
pull up any log out of the earth. There are two officers and
thirty-five men in garrison there, and not above ten Indians,
which they keep constantly hunting, for the support of the
garrison. The Fort in Le Boeuf Kiver is much in the same
condition, with an officer and thirty men, and a few hunting
Indians, who said they would leave them in a few days. The
fort at Venango is the smallest, and has but one officer and
twenty-five men, and, like the two upper forts, they are much
distressed for want of provisions." (5.)

On the 17th of March, 1759, Thomas Bull, an Indian em-
ployed as a spy at the lakes, arrived at Pittsburgh. At Presqu'-
Isle, he stated that the garrison consisted of two oflicers, two
merchants, a clerk, a priest, and one hundred and three sol-
diers. The commandant's name was Burinol, with whom
Thomas was formerly acquainted, and who did not suspect
him. He treated him with great openness, and told him
thirty towns had engaged to join the French and come to war.
He saw fifteen hundred billets ready prepared for their equip-
ment. He likewise understood that they were just ready to
set out, and were stopped by belts and speeches sent among

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PARADE. ST.
BRICK YARD

OLD FRENCH
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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 545

them by the English, but would decide when a body of over-
lake Indians would arrive at Kaskaskie. Burinol described
a conversation he had had with the Mingoes;thathe had told
them he was sorry one-half of them had broken away to the
English, They replied that they had buried the tomahawk
with the French; that they would do the same with the
English; and wished that both would fight as they had done
over the great waters, without disturbing their country; that
they wished to live in peace with both, and that the English
would return home. Burinol replied, that he would go home
as soon as the English would move off. Thomas Bull de-
scribed Fort Presqu'Isle "as square, with four bastions. They
have no platforms raised yet; so they are useless, excepting
in each bastion there is a place for a sentinel. There are no
guns upon the walks, but four four-pounders in one of the
bastions, not mounted on carriages. The wall is only of
single logs, with no bank within, a ditch without. There are
two gates, of equal size, being about ten feet wide; one fronts
the lake, about three hundred yards distant, the other the
road to Le Boeuf. The magazine is a stone house covered
with shingles, and not sunk in the ground, standing in the
right bastion, next the lake, going from Presqu'Isle to Le
Boeuf. The other houses are of square logs. They have in
«tore a considerable quantity of Indian goods, and but little
flour. Twelve batteaux they were daily expecting from Ni-
agara with provisions. No French were expected from Ni-
agara, but about five hundred from a fort on the north side
of the lake, in the Waweailunes country, which is built of
cedar stockades. The French were to come with the Indians
before mentioned. There were four batteaux at Presqu'Isle,
and no works carrying on, but one small house in the
fort. Some of the works are on the decay, but some appear
to have been lately built." The officers made Thomas a pres-
ent of a pair of stockings, and he went on to Le Boeuf, telling
them that he was going to Wyoming to see his father."

"A few months after this time (March, 1759), twelve hundred

regular troops were collected from Presqu'Isle, Detroit and

Venango, for the defense of Fort Niagara, which had been

besieged by the English under Gen. Prideaux. Four days be-

35-Vol 2.

546 THE FRONTIER FORTS

fore the conquest, the General was killed by the bursting of
a cannon, and the command devolved on Sir William Johnson^
who carried out the plan with judgment and vigor, and the
enemy were completely routed. The utmost confusion pre-
vailed at Forts Venango, Presqu'Isle, and Le Boeuf after the
victory, particularly as Sir William sent letters by some
of the Indians to the commander at Presqu'Isle, notifying him
that the other posts must be given up in a few days.

"August 13 (1759), we find that the French at Presqu'Isle
had sent away all their stores, and were waiting for the
French at Venango and Le Boeuf to join them, when they all
would set out in batteaux for Detroit; that in an Indian path
leading to Presqu'Isle from a Delaware town, a Frenchman
and some Indians had been met, with the word that the
French had left Venango six days before.

"About the same time, three Indians arrived at Fort du
Quesne from Venango, who reported that the Indians over the
lake were much displeased with the Six Nations, as they had
been the means of a number of their j^eople being killed at
Niagara; that the French had burned their forts at Venango,^
Le Boeuf, and Presqu'Isle, and gone over the lakes. At
Venango, before leaving, they had made large presents to the
Indians of laced coats, hats, etc., and had told them, with
true French bravado, that they were obliged to run away at
this time, but would certainly be in possession of the river
before the next spring. They were obliged to burn every-
thing and destroy their batteaux, as the water was so low
they could not get up the creek with them. The report was
probably unfounded, of the burning of the forts, unless they
were very soon rebuilt, of which we have no account." (G.)

A tradition has prevailed in Erie, that at this time treas-
ures were buried, either in tlie site of the fort or on the line
of the old French road. From the foregoing account, we learn
that their hasty departure was made by water, and the prob-
ability is that the company returned before winter. Spanish
silver coins were found twenty years ago, to the value of sixty
dollars, while plowing the old site for the purpose of making
brick; but, from appearances, they had been secreted there
within the present century. The wells have been re-excavated

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. E47

time and again, but with no extraordinary results. Pottery of
a singular kind has been found, and knives, bullets and human
bones confirm the statements of history.

In 1760, Major Rogers was sent out by government to take
formal possession for the English of the forts upon the lake,
though it was not until 1763 that a definite treaty of peace
was signed and ratified at Paris."

When Pontiac rose against the English, the post at Presqu'-
Isle was in command of Ensign Christie. The terrible ordeal
which the garrison went through in that time is a marked
episode of that great conspiracy, inseparably connected with
its history. The account given by Mr. Parkman in his history
of the conspiracy is so correct in its historical verities that it
may be quoted from here, and referred to for details. (7.) The
garrison, it will be remembered, was of the Royal American
Regiment.

Fort Presqu'Isle stood on the southern shore of Lake Erie,
at the site of the present town of Erie. It was an important
post to be commanded by an Ensign, for it controlled the
communication between the lake and Fort Pitt; but the block-
house to which Christie alludes, was supposed to make it im-
pregnable against the Indians. This blockhouse, a very large
and strong one, stood at an angle of the fort, and was built
of massive logs, with the projecting upper story usual in such
structures, by means of which a vertical fire could be had
upon the heads of assailants, through openings in the pro-
jecting part of the floor, like the machicoulis of a mediaeval
castle. It had also a kind of bastion, from which one or more
of its walls could be covered by a flank fire. The roof w^as
of shingles, and might easily be set on fire; but at the top
was a sentry-box or look-out, from which water could be
thrown. On one side was the lake, and on the other a small
stream which entered it. Unfortunately, the bank of this
stream rose in a high steep ridge within forty yards of the
blockhouse, thus affording a cover to assailants, while the
bank of the lake offered them similar advantages on another
side.

"After his visit from Cuyler, Christie, whose garrison now
consisted of twenty-seven men, prepared for a stubborn de-

548 THE FRONTIER FORTS

fense. The doors of the blockhouse, and the sentry-box at
the top, were lined to make them bullet-proof; the angles of
the roof were covered with green turf as a protection against
fire-arrows, and gutters of bark were laid in such a manner
that streams of water could be sent to every part. His expec-
tation of a 'visit from the hell-hounds' proved to be perfectly
well-founded. About two hundred of them had left Detroit ex-
pressly for this object. At early dawn on the fifteenth of June,
they were first discovered stealthily crossing the mouth of the
little stream, where the batteaux were drawn up, and crawl-
ing under cover of the banks of the lake and of the adjacent
sawpits. When the sun rose, they showed themselves, and
began their customary yelling. Christie, with a very unneces-
sary reluctance to begin the f ray,ordered his men not to fire till
the Indians had set the example. The consequence was, that
they were close to the blockhouse before they received the
fire of the garrison; and many of them sprang into the ditch,
whence, being well sheltered, they fired at the loop-holes,
and amused themselves by throwing stones and handfuls of
gravel, or, what was more to the purpose, fire-balls of pitch.
Some got into the fort, and sheltered themselves behind the
bakery and other buildings, whence they kept up a brisk fire;
while others pulled down a small out-house of plank, of which
they made a movable breastwork, and approached under
cover of it by pushing it before them. At the same time,
great numbers of them lay close behind the ridges by the
stream, keeping up a rattling fire into every loop-hole, and
shooting burning arrows against the roof and sides of the
blockhouse. Some were extinguished with water, while many
dropped out harmless after burning a small hole. The In-
dians now rolled logs to the top of the ridges, where they
made tliree strong breast-works, from behind which they
could discharge their shot and throw their fire works with
greater effect. Sometimes they would try to dart across the
intervening space and shelter themselves with the compan-
ions in the ditch, but all who attempted it wei'e killed or
wounded. And now the hard-beset little garrison could see
them throwing up earth and stones behind the nearest breast-
work. Their implacable foes were undermining the block-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 549

Louse. There was little time to reflect on this new danger;
for another, more imminent, soon threatened them. The bar-
rels of water, always kept in the building, were nearly
emptied in extinguishing the frequent fires; and though there
was a well close at hand, in the parade ground, it was death
to approach it. The only resource was to dig a subterranean
passage to it. The floor was torn up; and while some of the
men fired their heated muskets from the loop-holes, the rest
labored stoutly at this cheerless task. Before it was half
finished, the roof was on fire again, and all the water that re-
mained was poured down to extinguish it. In a few moments,
the cry of fire was again raised, when a soldier, at imminent
risk of his life, tore off the burning shingles and averted the
danger.

''By this time it was evening. The garrison had had not a
moment's rest since the sun rose. Darkness brought little
relief, for guns flashed all night from the Indian intrench-
ments. In the morning, however, there was a respite. The
Indians were ominously quiet, being employed, it seems, in
pushing their subterranean approaches, and preparing fresh
means for firing the blockhouse. In the afternoon the attack
began again. They set fire to the house of the commanding
officer, which stood close at hand, and which they had reached
by means of their trenches. The pine logs blazed fiercely, and
the wind blew the flame against the bastion of the blockhouse,
which scorched, blackened, and at last took fire; but the gar-
rison had by this time dug a passage to the well, and, half
stifled as they were, they plied their water-buckets with such
good will that the fire was subdued, while the blazing house
soon sank to a glowing pile of embers. The men, who had be-
haved throughout with great spirit, were now, in the words
of their officer, "exhausted to the greatest extremity;'' yet
they still kept up their forlorn defense, toiling and fighting
without pause within the wooden walls of their dim prison,
where the close and heated air was thick with the smoke of
gunpowder. The firing on both sides lasted through the rest
of the day, and did not cease till midnight, at which hour a
voice was heard to call out, in French, from the enemy's
intrenchments, warning the garrison that farther resistanc;'

550 THE FRONTIER FORTS

would be useless, since preparations were made for setting
the blockhouse on fire, above and below at once. Christie
demanded if there were any among them who spoke English;
upon which, a man in the Indian dress came out from behind
the breastwork. He was a soldier, who, having been
made prisoner early in the French war, had since lived
among the savages, and now espoused their cause,
fighting with them against his own countrymen. He said
that if they yielded, their lives should be spared; but if
they fought longer, they must all be burned alive. Christie
told them to wait till morning for his answer. They as-
sented, and suspended their fire. Christie now asked his men,
if we may believe the testimony of two of them, 'whether they
chose to give up the blockhouse, or remain in it and be burnt
alive?' They replied that they would stay as long as they
could bear the heat, and then fight their way through. A
third witness, Edward Smyth, apparently a corporal, testifies
that all but two of them were for holding out. He says
that when his opinion was asked, he replied that, having but
one life to lose, he would be governed by the rest; but at the
same time he reminded them of the treachery at Detroit, and
of the butchery at Fort William Henry, adding that, in his
belief, they themselves could expect no better usage.

When morning came, Christie sent out two soldiers as if
to treat with the enemy, but, in reality, as he says, to learn the
truth of what they had told him respecting their preparations
to bum the blockhouse. On reaching the breastwork, the sol-
diers made a signal, by which their officer saw that his worst
fears were well founded. In pursuance of their orders, they
then demanded that two of the principal chiefs should meet
with Christie midway between the breastwork and the block-
house. The chiefs appeared accordingly; and Christie, going
out, yielded up the blockhouse; having first stipulated that
the lives of all the garrison should be spared, and that they
might retire unmolested to the nearest post. The soldiers,
pale and haggard, like men who had passed through a fiery
ordeal, now issued from their scorched and bullet-pierced
{Stronghold. A scene of plunder instantly began. Benjamin
Gray, a Scotch soldier, who had just been employed, on

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 551

Christie's order, in carrying presents to the Indians, seeing the
confusion, and hearing a scream from a sergeant's wife, the
only woman in the garrison, sprang off into the woods and
succeeded in making his way to Fort Pitt with news of the
disaster. It is needless to say that no faith was kept with the
rest, and they had good cause to be thankful that they were
not butchered on the spot. After being detained for some
time in the neighborhood, they were carried prisoners to De-
troit, where Christie soon after made his escape, and gained
the fort in safety.

"After Presqu'Isle was taken, the neighboring posts of Le
Boeuf and Venango, shared its fate; while farther southward,
at the forks of the Ohio, a host of Delaware and Shawanoe
warriors were gathering around Fort Pitt, and blood and
havoc reigned along the whole frontier."

On the 12th of August, 1764, Col. Bradstreet and his army
landed at Presqu'Isle, and there met a band of Shawanese
and Delawares, who feigned to have come to treat for peace.
Col. Bradstreet was deceived by them (although his officers
were not), and marched to Detroit to relieve that garrison.
He found Pontiac gone, but made peace with the Northwest-
ern Indians, in which they pledged themselves to give up their
prisoners; to relinquish their title to the English posts and
the territory around for the distance of a cannon shot; to give
up all the murderers of white men, to be tried by English law;
and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the British government.
Soon he discovered, as the war still raged, that he had been
duped. He received orders to attack their towns; but, morti-
fied and exasperated, his troops destitute of provisions and
every way dissatisfied, he broke up his camp and returned to
Niagara. Col. Bouquet afterward met the same deceptive
Shawnese, Delawares, and Senecas, and succeeded in bringing
them to terms; so that in twelve days they brought in two
hundred and six prisoners, and promised all that could be
found — leaving six hostages as security. The next year one
hundred more prisoners were brought in, between whom and
the Indians, in many cases, a strong attachment had sprung
op, they accompanying the captives, with presents, even to the
villages.

552 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The region west of the Ohio aud Allegheny rivers, prior ta
the year 1795, was only known as the Indian country. On the
Canada side of Lake Erie there were a few white settlements.
On the American side Cherry Valley, New York, was the most
western settlement, and Pittsburgh the nearest settlement on
the south.

In the year 1782, a detachment, consisting of three hundred
British soldiers and five hundred Indians, was sent from
Canada to Fort Pitt. They had embarked in canoes at Chau-
tauqua Lake, when information, through their spies, caused
their project to be abandoned. Parties of Indians harrassed
the settlements on the borders, and under Guyasutha, a Sen-
eca chief, attacked and burned the seat of justice for West-
moreland county, Hannastown, and murdered several of the
inhabitants.

In 1785, Mr. Adams, Minister at London, writes to Lord
Carmarthan, English Secretary of State: "Although a period
of three years had elapsed since the signature of the prelimi-
nary treaty, and more than two years since the definitive
treaty, the posts of Oswegatchy, Oswego, Niagara, Presqu'-
Isle, Sandusky, Detroit, Mackinaw, with others not neces-
sary particularly to enumerate, and a considerable territory
around each of them, all within the incontestable limits of the
United States, are still held by British garrisons to the
loss and injury of the United States," etc. As we do not hear
from any other source of the rebuilding of the fort at Presqu'-
Isle or of a garrison there, the probability is that Mr, Adams
only had reference to Presqu'Isle as an important strategic
point. (8.)

The Indians being recognized as owners of the soil, the
whole was purchased from them by different treaties; one at
Fort Stanwix, now Rome, extinguished their title to the lands
of Western Pennsylvania and New York, excepting the Tri-
angle or Presqu'Isle lands, which were accidentally left out
of Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and
Virginia, and were supposed at different times to belong to
each. Gen. Irvine discovered, while surveying the donation
lands, that Pennsylvania had but a few miles of lake coast,
and not any harbor, and in consequence of his representa-

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 553

tions, the State of Pennsylvania made propositions for its
purchase to the United States government, which sent out
Surveyor-General Andrew Ellicott, for the purpose of running
and establishing lines.

As the line was to commence at the west end of Lake On-
tario, there was some hesitation whether the western ex-
tremity of Burlington Bay or the peninsula separating the
bay from the lake was intended. It was finally fixed at the
peninsula, and by first running south, and then offsetting
around the east end of Lake Erie, the line was found to pass
twenty miles east of Presqu'Isle. This line, as it was found
to comply with the New York charter, being twenty miles
west of the most westerly bend of the Niagara river, became
the western boundary of the State of New York between Lake
Erie and the old north line of Pennsylvania, and the east line
of the tract known as the Presqu'Isle Triangle, which was
afterward purchased by Pennsylvania of The United States.
Massachusetts charter, in 1785, comprehended the same re-
lease that New York had given, and that of Connecticut which
retained a reservation of one hundred and twenty miles lying
west of Pennsylvania's western boundary. On the 6th of
June, 1788, the board of treasury was induced to make a
contract for the sale of this tract described as bounded 'on
the east by New York, on the south by Pennsylvania, and on
the north and west by Lake Erie.' On the 4th of September,
it was resolved by Congress 'that The United States do re-
linquish and transfer to Pennsylvania all their right, title
and claim to the government and jurisdiction of said land
forever, and it is declared and made known that the laws
and public acts of Pennsylvania shall extend over every part
of said tract, as if the said tract had originally been within
the charter bounds of said State.' By an act of the 2d of
October, 1788, the sum of twelve hundred pounds was appro-
priated to purchase the Indian title to the tract, in fulfillment
of the contract to sell it to Pennsylvania. At the treaty of
Fort Harmar, on the 9th of January, 1789, Cornplanter and
other chiefs of the Six Nations signed a deed, in consideration
of the sum of twelve hundred pounds, ceding the Presqu'Isle
lands of the United States to be vested in the State of Penn-
35»

g54 THE FRONTIER FORTS

sylvania, and on the 13th of April, 1791, the Governor was
authorized to complete the purchase from the United States^
which, according to a communication from him to the Leg-
islature, was accomplished in March, 1792; and the considera-
tion— amounting to |151,640.25 — paid in continental certifi-
cates of various descriptions. A draft annexed to the deed
of the Triangle shows it to contain two hundred and two
thousand one hundred and eighty-seven acres.

An amusing anecdote, relating to the period of these sur-
veys, is mentioned in Pennsylvania Historical Collections:
"When Mr. William Miles set off with a corps of surveyors for
laying out the donation lands, the baggage, instruments, etc.^
"were placed in two canoes. Fifteen miles above Pittsburgh^
at the last white man's cabin on the river, the party stopped
to refresh themselves, leaving the canoes in the care of the
Indians. On returning to the river, all was gone — canoes and
Indians had all disappeared. Mr. Miles asked if any one
had a map of the river. One was fortunately found, and by it
they discovered the river had a great bend just where they
were. Their compass was gone, but, by means of Indian signs,
mosses on trees, etc., they found their way out above the bend,
secreted themselves in the bushes, and waited for the canoes
to come up, which happened very soon. When the old chief
found he had been detected, he cooly feigned ignorance and
innocence, and, stepping out of the canoe with a smile, greeted
the surveyors with *How do?' 'How do?' "

The treaty of peace with Great Britain, in 1783, was fol-
lowed by a treaty with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, in
October, 1784. At the latter, the Commissioners of Pennsyl-
vania secured from the Six Nations the relinquishment of alt
the territory within the State northwest of the boundary
of 1768. This purchase was confirmed by the Delawares and
Wyandots, in January, 1785, at Fort Mcintosh. The boun-
dary between Pennsylvania and New York was run out in
1785, '86 and '87, partly by David Rittenhouse, and afterwards
by Andrew Ellicott and other commissioners on the part of
New York.

On Ihe 3d of March, 1792, Pennsylvania purchased the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 555

tract from The United States, and a deed of that date con-
firmed it to the State. (10.)

On the 8th of March, 1793, the Pennsylvania Population
Company was formed for the purpose of encouraging settle-
ments on the lands which they had purchased, lying in this
part of the State.

A month after (April, 1793) the formation of this company,
an act passed the Legislature for laying out a town at Presqu'-
Isle, "in order to facilitate and promote the progress of settle-
ment within the Commonwealth, and to afford additional
security to the frontiers thereof."

Gov. Mififlin transmitted to the President of the United
States a copy of this act, apprehending the difficulties which
soon manifested themselves. Prior to this he had sent to
Capt. Denny a commission, appointing him captain of the
Allegheny company, and instructing him to engage four ser-
geants, four corporals, one drummer and fifer, two buglers,
and sixty-five rank and file, or privates, and to stipulate with
the men to remain longer than the appointed eight months,
should the state of the war require it. Early in the mouth
of May, Messrs. Irvine, Ellicott and Gallatin were to engage
in laying out the town, with Capt. Denny's company to protect
and defend them. For the same object, a post had been
established at Le Boeuf, two miles below the site of the old
fort, and all persons employed by government were particu-
larly cautioned against giving offense to the English or British
garrisons in that quarter. A letter from Gen. Wilkins, at
Fort Franklin, to Clement Biddle, quartermaster-general of
Pennsylvania, informs us of his arrival, with forty of Capt.
Denny's men and thirty volunteers from the county of Alle-
gheny, and that the news was not favorable toward an estab-
lishment at Presqu'Isle. Those most conversant with the
Indians were of opinon that they were irritated by the British,
and meditated an opposition to the government, and that
the question of peace or war depended upon a council then
convened at Buffalo creek. To this council Cornplanter and
other Indians on the Allegheny river had been invited; and
as the English had summoned it, the prospect was not favor-
able for peace.

556 THE FRONTIER FORTS

The disturbed conditions of the country owing to the fron-
tier war then going on, were not favorable to this project.
In the meantime Presqu'Isle was put on a war footing, and a
garrison stationed there. The papers relating to the Presqu'-
Isle establishment are found in the Sixth Volume of the Sec-
ond Series of Penna. Archives.

All difficulties being removed, April 18th, 1795, an act
passed the Legislature to lay out a town at Presqu'Isle, at the
mouth of French creek, at the mouth of Conewango creek, and
at Le Boeuf — being the towns of Erie, Franklin, Warren and
Waterford.

Two commissioners were appointed by the Governor to
survey at Presqu'Isle sixteen hundred acres for town lots,
and thirty-four hundred adjoining for out lots (the three sec-
tions of about a mile each, only one-half of which is now occu-
pied), to be laid out into town lots and out lots; the streets
not less than sixty feet in width, nor more than one hundred;
no town lots to contain more than one-third of an acre; no
out lots more than five acres; and the reservation for public
uses not to exceed in the whole twenty acres. After the com-
missioners had returned the surveys into the office of the sec-
retary, the Governor was to offer at auction one-third of the
town lots and one-third of the out lots, upon the following
conditions; that within two years one house be built at least
sixteen feet square, with at least one stone or brick chimney.
Patents were not to be issued till the same was performed,
and all payments to be forfeited to the Commonwealth in case
of failure. (This condition was afterward repealed.) Exclu-
sive of the survey of lots and out lots, sixty acres were re-
served on the southern side of the harbor of Presqu'Isle for
the accommodation of the United States, in the erection of
necessary forts, magazines, dock-yards, etc.; thirty acres to
be on the bank, and the remainder below, comprehending the
point at the entrance of the harbor; and upon the peninsula
thirty acres at the entrance of the harbor, and one other lot
of one hundred acres. The situation and forms of these lots
were to be fixed by the commissioners and an engineer em-
ployed by the United States. Andrew Ellicott had previously
surveyed and laid out Waterford, and an act was now passed

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA- 557

to survey these five hundred acres, and to give actual settlers
the right of pre-emption.

Deacon Hinds Chamberlain, of LeRoy, New York, in com-
pany with Jesse Beach and Reuben Heath, journeyed to
Presqu'Isle in 1795. Deacon Chamberlain describes the tour
as follows: ''We saw one white man, named Poudery, at
Tonawanda village. At the mouth of Buffalo creek there was
but one white man named Winne, an Indian trader. His
building stood just beyond as you descend from the high
ground (near where the Mansion House now stands, corner
of Main and Exchange streets). He had rum, whisky, In-
dian knives, trinkets, etc. His house was full of Indians, and
they looked at us with a good deal of curiosity. We had but
a poor night's rest — the Indians were in and out all night
getting liquor. The next day we went up to the beach of the
lake to the mouth of Cattaraugus creek, where we encamped;
a wolf came down near our camp, and deer were quite abund-
ant. In the morning went up to the Indian village; found
'Black Joe's' house, but he was absent. He had, however,
seen our tracks upon the beach of the lake, and hurried home
to see what white people were traversing the wilderness.
The Indians stared at us; Joe gave us a room where we should
not be annoyed by Indian curiosity, and we stayed with him
over night. All he had to spare us in the way of food was
some dried venison; he had liquor, Indian goods, and bought
furs. Joe treated us with so much civility that we remained
until near noon. There were at least one hundred Indians
and squaws gathered to see us. Among the rest were some
sitting in Joe's house, an old squaw and a young, delicate-
looking white girl dressed like a squaw. I endeavored to find
out something about her history, but could not. She seemed
inclined not to be noticed, and had apparently lost the use of
our language. With an Indian guide provided by Joe we
started upon the Indian trail for Presqu'Isle.

"Wayne was then fighting the Indians, and our guide often
pointed to the West, saying, 'bad Indians there.' Between
Cattaraugus and Erie I shot a black snake, a racer, with a
white ring around his neck. He was in a tree twelve feet

558 THE FRONTIER FORTS

from the ground, his body wound around it, and measured
seven feet and three inches.

"At Presqu'Isle (Erie) we found neither whites nor Indians
— all was solitary. There were some old French brick build-
ings, (why did they make bricks, surrounded as they were by
stone and timber?) wells, blockhouses, etc., going to decay,
and eight or ten acres of cleared land. On the peninsula
there was an old brick house forty or fifty feet square. The
peninsula was covered with cranberries.

"After staying there one night we went over to Le Boeuf,
about sixteen miles distant, pursuing an old French road.
Trees had grown up in it, but the track was distinct. Near
Le Boeuf we came upon a company of men who were cutting
out the road to Presqu'Isle — a part of them were soldiers
and a part Pennsylvanians. At Le Boeuf there was a garrison
of soldiers — about one hundred. There were several white
families there, and a store of goods. Myself and companions
were in pursuit of land. By a law of Pennsylvania, such as
built a log-house and cleared a few acres acquired a pre-
sumptive right — the right to purchase at five dollars per
hundred acres. We each of us made a location near Presqu'-
Isle. On our return to Presqu'Isle from Le Boeuf, we found
there Col. Seth Reed and his family. They had just arrived.
We stopped and helped him to build some huts; set up
crotches, laid poles across, and covered them with the bark of
the cucumber tree. At first the Col. had no floors; afterward
he indulged in the luxury of floors by laying down strips of
bark. James Baggs and Giles Sisson came on with Col. Reed.
I remained for a considerable time in his employ. It was not
long before eight or ten other families came in.

"On our return we again stayed at Buffalo over night with
AVinne. There was at the time a great gathering of hunting
parties of Indians there. Winne took from them all their
knives and tomahawks, and then selling them liquor, they had
a great carousal."

Capt. Martin Strong, in a letter to William Nicholson, Esq.,
dated Waterford, January 8th, 1855, says: "I came to Presqu'-
Isle the last of July, 1795. A few days previous to this a
company of United States troops had commenced felling the

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 65»

timber on Garrison Hill, for the purpose of erecting a stockade
garrison; also a corps of engineers had arrived, headed by
Gen. Ellicott, escorted by a company of Pennsylvania militia,
commanded by Capt. John Grubb, to lay out the town of Erie.

*'We all were in some degree under martial law, the two
Rutledges having been shot a few days before (as was
reported by the Indians) near the site of the present Lake
Shore railroad depot. Thomas Rees, Esq., and Col. Seth Reed
and family (the only family in the Triangle) were living in
tents and booths of bark, with plenty of good refreshments
for all itinerants that chose to call, many of whom were
drawn here from motives of curiosity and speculation. Most
of the land along the lake was sold this summer at one dollar
per acre, subject to actual settlement. We were then in Alle-
gheny county. * * * Le Boeuf had a small stockade
garrison of forty men, located on the site of the old French
fort; a few remains of the old entrenchment were then vis-
ible. In 1795 there were but four families residing in what is
now Erie county. These were of the names of Reed, Talmage,
Miles and Baird. The first mill built in the Triangle was at the
mouth of Walnut creek; there were two others built about the
same time in what is now Erie county; one by William Miles,
on the north branch of French creek, now Union; the other by
William Culbertson, at the inlet of Conneautee Lake, neap
Edinboro."

"The next year (1796) Gen. Wayne received an appointment
from the Government to conclude a treaty with the North-
western Indians, and having accomplished this arduous task,
embarked at Detroit, in the sloop Detroit, for the purpose of
returning to his home in Chester county. Soon after leaving
port he was violently attacked by his old malady, the gout,
and the usual remedy, brandy, through an oversight of the
steward, not being at hand, he became very much prostrated,
and in this condition was landed at Erie. As there was no
resident physician of any repute, Dr. J. C. Wallace, a skillful
surgeon of the army, then at Pittsburgh, was sent for with the
greatest despatch, but on arriving at Franklin, met a mes-
senger with the news of his death.

''When Gen. Wayne was brought into the garrison, he ex-

560 THE FRONTIER FORTS

pressed a Avish to be placed in the northwest blockhouse, the
attics of the blockhouses being comfortably fitted up and occu-
pied by the families connected with the garrison. Capt. Rus-
sei Bissell probablj^ had command at the time, and it is said
the illustrious sufferer met with every possible kindness.

'^A fit death-bed and silent resting-place for a brave oflflcer
and patriot was the old military post of Presqu'Isle and its
picturesque bay. He named the spot for his grave at the foot
of the flagstaff. 'A. W.' on a single stone was placed at the
head, and a neat railing inclosed it.''

The remains were removed in 1809 by a son. Col. Isaac
Wayne, of Chester county, and deposited in Radnor church
yard (St. David's Episcopal church), which is fourteen miles
west of Philadelphia. Dr. J. C. Wallace superintended the
disinterment of the body, which was found in a remarkable
state of preservation.

On a monument erected by the Pennsylvania Society of the
Cincinnati is found the following:

"Major-General Anthony Wayne was born at Waynesboro,,
in Chester county, Pennsylvania, in 1745. After a life of
honor and usefulness, he died in December, 1796, at Erie,.
Pennsylvania, then a military post on Lake Erie, Commander-
in-Chief of the Army of the United States. His military
achievements are consecrated in the history of his country-
men. His remains are here deposited."

For the better defense of Erie, in the winter of 1813 and
1814, a blockhouse was built on Garrison Hill, and another
on the point of the peninsula. (The one on the shore was
burned in 1853, an occurrence much regretted by the inhabit-
ants.)

"Fort Presqu'Isle was on the table land where now standi
the city of Erie. It was at the intersection of the south shore
of the harbor with the west bank of Mill creek, about fifty-five
feet above the level of the lake, and commanded the mouth of
Mill creek, which is supposed to have been the point of de-
barkntion from arriving vessels. The site has been effec-
tually scraped and carted away in the course of improvements,,
and could be best described as bounded north by Erie harbor,
cast by Mill creek, south by Second street, and west by Parade

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 561

street." Thus far we have the words of Col. John H. Bliss,
one of Erie's citizens, the grandson of Major Andrew EUicott.

"It may be remarked that Mill creek at an early day was
a much larger stream than at present, and in 1819, when our
map was drawn, a brick yard and a carding machine were
occupying much the same ground. At this time [1895] Messrs.
Paradine and McCarty own and occupy the site as a brick
yard, having lowered the ground about thirty feet, and their
intention is to lower still further. The precise site of the
fort in excavating was marked by remnants of knives, mus-
kets, «&c., much decomposed."

"The Northeast corner-stone of the city stood a little north-
west of it — say, half a block distant." (11.)

"After the site was found in 1876 the State erected a block-
house on the exact site to mark the grave of General Wayne.
That blockhouse is still there, and is comprehended in the
grounds of the Pennsylvania Sailors' and Soldiers' Home. It
is a short distance north of the Soldiers' Home buildings,
across the tracks of the Pennsylvania and Erie railway,
which are spanned by a bridge. The Soldiers' Home occu-
pies the grounds marked on the map as 'Garrison Ground*
or Tark.' " (12.)

Notes to Presqu' Isle.

(1.) The deposition of Stephen Coffen is in the Pennsylvania
Archives, Vol. vi, Second series.

(2.) From "The Examination of J. B. Pidon, a French De-
serter," Arch., ii, 125, taken March 7th, 1754, it would seem
that the original name of this fort was Duquesne. He states
that in the spring of 1753, "The}' went in batteaux through the
Lake Ontario and the straights of Niagara, and sailed six or
seven days in Lake Erie, after which they landed and began to
build a fort on an eminence, about one hundred yards from
the bank of the lake, which they called Duquisne, the name
of their general, the Marquis Duquisne."

(3.) These papers are collected in the Sixth volume of Penna.
Archives, Second series.
3G -Vol. 2.

562 THE FRONTIER FORTS

(4.) Printed at Pittsburgh, 1893.

(5.) These authorities are given in Third Archives, and
quoted in the History of Erie County.

(6.) The forts were set on fire, and from all accounts were
burnt, but it is probable that when the sites were taken
by the English subsequently, they utilized some of the ma-
terial, such as the stone, for instance, in the construction of
their forts or blockhouses.

(7.) Conspiracy of Pontiac, Vol. i, p. 280.

Of this event a version which seems to be looked upon fayor*
ably by local historians, and which is frequently quoted, is
here given. There appears to be some substantial details
preserved, which might furnish a clew for further inquiries;
but where the article conflicts with the version of Mr. Park-
man, it must be remembered that the version of Mr. Parkman
was founded upon the statements of those who participated in
the affair, or from contemporaneous historical papers; among
other sources, for instance, were the Keport of Ensign
Christie, The Testimony of Edward Smyth, MS., taken by
order of Col. Bouquet, and the statements of the soldiers,
Gray and Smart, who escaped.

With this explanation, the account of Mr. Harvey is here
inserted. It is taken from Miss Sanford's History of Erie
County:

"Mr. PI. L. Harvey, formerly editor of the Erie Observer,
a gentleman of research and integrity, in a lecture delivered
in Erie, introduced the following account of the same event,
differing, as will be seen, from the above-named accredited
historian as also from Bancroft, He says: 'The troops re-
tired to their quarters to procure their morning repast; some
had already finished, and were sauntering about the fortress
or upon the shore of the lake. All were joyous in holiday at-
tire, and dreaming of naught but the pleasure of the occasion.
A knock was heard at the gate, and three Indians were an-
nounced in hunting garb, desiring an interview with the
commander. Their tale was soon told. They said they be-
longed to a hunting party, who had started for Niagara with a
lot of furs; that their canoes were bad, and they would prefer

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 563

disposing of them here, if they could do so to advantage, and
return, rather than go farther; that their party were en-
camped by a small stream west of the fort about a mile, where
they had landed the previous night, and where they wished
the commander to go and examine their peltries, as it was
diflQcult to bring them, and they wished to embark where
they were, if they did not trade. The commander, accom-
panied by a clerk, left the fort with the Indians, charging his
Lieutenant that none should leave the fort, and none be ad-
mitted, until his return. Well would it probably have been
had his order been obeyed. After the lapse of sufficient time
for the captain to visit the encampment of the Indians and
return, a party of the latter, variously estimated — probably
one hundred and fifty — advanced toward the fort, bearing
upon their backs what appeared to be large packs of furs,
which they informed the lieutenant the captain had purchased
and ordered deposited in the fort. The stratagem succeeded;
M^hen the party were all within the fort, it was the work of an
instant to throw off their packs and the short cloaks which
covered their weapons, the whole being fastened by one loop
and button at the neck. Eesistance at this time was useless,
and the work of death was as rapid as savage strength and
weapons could make it. The shortened rifles, which had been
sawed off for the purpose of concealing them under their
cloaks and in the packs of furs, were at once discharged, and
the tomahawk and knife completed their work. The history
of savage warfare presents not a scene of more heartless and
bloodthirsty vengeance than was exhibited on this oc-
casion. The few who were taken prisoners in the fort
were doomed to the various tortures devised by sav-
age ingenuity, and all but two who awoke to celebrate
that day, had passed to the eternal world. Of these, one
was a soldier who had gone into the woods near the fort,
and on his return observing a party of Indians dragging
away some prisoners, escaped, and immediately proceeded
to Niagara; the other was a soldier's wife, who had taken shel-
ter in a small stone house, at the mouth of the creek, used
as a wash-house. Here she remained unobserved until near
night of the fatal day, when she was made their prisoner,

564 THE FRONTIER FORTS

but was ultimately ransomed and restored to civilized life.
She was afterward married, and settled in Canada, where she
was living at the commencement of the present century.
Capt. D. Dobbins, of the revenue service, has frequently talked
with the woman, who was redeemed by a Mr. Douglass, living
opposite Black Eock, in Canada. From what she witnessed,
and heard from the Indians during her captivity, as well as
from information derived from other sources, this statement
is made.' "

(8.) History of Erie Co., supra, p. 54.

(9.) History of Erie Co., p. 60.

(10.) Day's Historical Collections of Penna., p. 315.
The extracts cited here following are from the History of
Erie Co., supra.

(11.) Miss Laura G. Sanford, MS.

(12.) George Piatt, Esq., City Engineer, Erie, MS.

To Mr. Piatt we are indebted for the map above referred to.

For the official reports and papers relating to the establish-
ment of Presqu'Isle, see the Sixth volume of Penna. Ar-
chives, see. ser.

"East of this early settlement in New France, excavations
show that brick made there was of French measure. The
old inhabitants of this region speak of a 'French stone chim-
ney,' as it was called, opposite Big Bend on the Peninsula —
that it was made of brick and used as a watch house. Fisher-
men have made a thorough distribution of these bricks long
ago. The 'Sixteen Chimneys,' one of the forts was said to
have, also refers to their manufacture of brick." [Miss Laura
G. Sanford, MS.]

The chain of title to the site of the blockhouse property
is as follows:

Chain of title to all that certain piece of land situate in the
city of Erie, County of Erie, and State of Pennsylvania,
bounded and described as follows, to wit: Beginning on
the northeast corner of Parade street and Second street;
thence northwardly along said Parade street 3.30 feet to Front
street; thence by the south line of the said Front street pro-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 565

duced eastwardly six hundred and thirty (630) feet to a point
where the west line of Wallace street produced would inter-
sect; thence along the channel of Mill creek south one degree
and thirty minutes (1° 30'), west three hundred and eighty
(380) feet to second street; thence westwardly along said Sec-
ond street four hundred and fifty (450) feet to Parade street,
at the place of beginning, containing about four and one-tenth
(4 1-10) acres.

The records of Erie county were destroyed by fire on March
23d, 1823.

William G. Snyder ] Deed dated June 10th, 1803, and re-
to L corded June 10th, 1824, in deed book

James O'Hara. j B, page 85.

For a valuable consideration, assign and set over all my
right, title, interest and claim in and to a tract of land ad-
joining the city of Erie, containing fifty acres.

Robert McKnight and Wm.

Partition deed dated Decem-
ber 18th, 1879, and recorded
December 30th, 1879, in
deed book No. 65, page 283.

M. Paxton, executors of
Elizabeth F. Denny, dec'd,
and heirs of decedent,
to
Mary O'Hara Spring.
* * * * rpQ Mary O'Hara Spring is allotted the prem-
ises described in the caption hereto (with other property)
acknowledged December 18th, 1879.

] Warranty deed dated May

5th, 1888, and recorded No-

!- vember 3d, 1888, in deed

Mary O' Hara Spring

Thomas J. Paradine and

James McCartv.

book No. 92, page 199; con-
sideration, 15,000.

Grants bargains, sells, etc., the premises described in the
caption hereto, acknowledged May 5th, 1888.

rj., -r T. J- J 1 Warranty deed dated Janu-

Thomas J. Paradme and „/ ^„^„ , , ,

T,r ,. .n ary 3d, 1893, and recorded

Mary, his wife, ^, ' ^, ^^^„ .

•^' ' }- November 3d, 1893, in deed

, Z r^ 4. I book No. 109, page 364;

James McCarty. .-, .. \u^^^

^ J consideration, $8,000.

566 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Grants, bargains, sells, etc., the undivided one-half of the
premises described in the caption hereto, acknowledged Janu-
ary 3d, 1893.

FORT LE BOEUF.— Erie County.

Fort Le Boeuf was erected by the French in 1753, (1.) and
an account of its building is given in the Deposition of Stephen
Coffen, referred to and quoted from at length under the head
of Presqu'Isle. The particulars of the erection of these posts
are blended together in the one narration, so that in part it
applies to both these forts. He states in his Deposition that
''when Fort La Riviere Aux Boeufs (2) was finished (which is
built of wood stockaded triangularwise, and has two log-
houses on the inside) M. Morang (the Commander) ordered all
the party to return to Canada for the winter season, except
three hundred men, which he kept to garrison both forts and
prepare materials against the spring for the building of other
forts."

As the occupancy of these points by the French led to the
sending out of George Washington by the Governor of Vir-
ginia, it is pertinent here to relate the particulars of his em-
bassy:

"The news of the encroachments of the French having ob-
tained, and the Ohio Company feeling aggrieved, applied for
aid to Governor Dinwiddle, who claimed the country as a
part of Virginia, and was also interested as a stockholder of
the company. In George Washington, then but a youth. Gov-
ernor Dinwiddle saw one fitted to lead in this difficult expedi-
tion. On the 30th of October, 1753, accompanied by Gist, the
pioneer, Van Braam, a retired soldier, who had a knowledge of
French, and John Davison, Indian interpreter, he set out for
the wilderness.

"The instructions given Washington were to communicate
at Logstown with the friendly Indians, and to request of them
an escort to the headquarters of the French, to deliver his
letter and credentials to the commander, and demand of him
an answer in the namp of the British sovoroign, and an escort

THE. FRENCH

SKETCH OF THE SITE'
OF
FORT LE BOEUF

WATERFORD

ERIE CO. PA.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 567

to protect him on his return. He was to acquaint himself
with the strength of the French forces, the number of their
forts, and their object in advancing to those parts, and also to
make such other observations as his opportunities would
allow.

''The Indians were not well satisfied as to the rights of
either the French or English. An old Delaware sachem ex-
claimed, "The French claim all the lands on one side of the
Ohio, and the English on the other; now where does the In-
dian's land lie? "Poor savages! between their father the
French, and their brothers the English^ they were in a fair
way of being lovingly shared out of the whole country,"
Three of the sachems, Tannacharison, or Half-King, from his
being subject to another tribe, Jeskakake, and White Thunder,
accompanied Major Washington from Logstown, as they had
been directed by Governor Dinwiddle, as well as for the pur-
pose of returning to the French commander the war belts
they had received from them. This implied that they wished
to dissolve all friendly relations with their government. These
Ohio tribes had been offended at the encroachments of the
French, and had a short time previously sent deputations to
the commander at Lake Erie, to remonstrate. Half-King, as
chief of the Western tribes, had made his complaints in per-
son, and been answered with contempt. "The Indians," said
the commander, "are like flies and mosquitos, and the num-
bers of the French as the sands of the seashore. Here is your
wampum, I fling it at you." As no reconciliation had been
offered for this offense, aid was readily granted by them to
the English in their mission.

"From Washington's Journal we get the following particu-
lars: On their arrival at Venango (Franklin) ihey found the
French colors hoisted at a house from which they had driven
John Frasier [or Frazer], an English subject. There they in-
quired for the residence of the commander. Three officers
were present, and one Capt. Jean Coeur [Joncaire] informed
them that he had the command of the Ohio, but advised them
to apply for an answer at the near fort, where there was a
general officer. He then invited them to sup with them, and
treated the company with the greatest complaisance. At the

568 THE FRONTIER FORTS

same time ihey dosed themselves plentifully with, wine, and
soon forgot the restraint which at first appeared in their con-
versation. In their half-intoxicated state they confessed that
their design was to take possession of the Ohio, although the
English could command for that service two men to their
one. Still their motions were slow and dilatory. They main-
tained that the right of the French was undoubted from La
Salle's discovery sixty years before, and that their object now
was to prevent the settlement of the English upon the river
or its waters, notwithstanding several families they had heard
were moving out for that purpose.

"Fifteen hundred men had been engaged in the expedition
west of Lake Ontario, but upon the death of the general,
which had occurred but a short time before, all were recalled
excepting six or seven hundred, who now garrisoned four
forts, being one hundred and fifty men to a fort. The first of
the forts was on French Creek (Waterford), near a small lake,
about sixty miles from Venango, northwest; the next on Lake
Erie (Presqu'isle), where the greater part of their stores were
kept, about fifteen miles from the other; from this, one hun-
dred and twenty miles to the carrying place, at the Falls of
Niagara (probably Schlosser) is a small fort, where they lodge
their goods in bringing them from Montreal, from whence all
their stores are brought; the next fort lay about twenty miles
farther, on Lake Ontario (Fort Niagara).

"The second day at Franklin it rained excessively, and the
party were prevented from prosecuting their journey. In the
meantime, Capt. Jean Coeur sent for Half-King, and professed
great joy at seeing him and his companions, and affected much
concern that they had not made free to bring them in before.
To this Washington replied that he had heard him say a great
deal in dispraise of Indians generally. His real motive was to
keep them from Jean Coeur, he being an interpreter and per-
son of great influence among the Indians, and having used all
possible means to draw them over to the French interests.
When the Indians came in, the intriguer expressed the great-
est pleasure at seeing them, was surprised that they could be
so near without coming to see him, and after making them
trifling presents, urged upon them intoxicating drinks until

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. "69

they were unfitted for business. The third day Washington's
party were equally unsuccessful in their efforts to keep the In-
dians apart from Jean Coeur, or to prosecute their journey.
On the fourth day they set out, but not without an escort
planned to annoy them, in Monsieur La Force and three In-
dians. Finally, after four days of travel through mire and
swamps, with the most unpropitious weather, they succeeded
in reaching Le Boeuf.

"Washington immediately presented himself, and offered
his commission and letters to the commanding ofiQcer, but was
requested to retain both until Mons. Keparti should arrive,
who was the commander at the next fort, and who was ex-
pected every hour. The commander at Le Boeuf, Legardeur
de St. Pierre, was an elderly gentleman with the air of a sol-
dier, and a knight of the military order of St. Louis. He had
been in command but a week at Le Boeuf, having been sent
over on the death of the late general.

"In a few hours Capt. Reparti arrived from Presqu' Isle, the
letter was again offered, and after a satisfactory translation
a council of war was held, which gave Major Washington and
his men an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort,
and making other observations. According to their estimate,
the fort had one hundred men, exclusive of a large number of
officers, fifty birch canoes and seventy pine ones, and many in
an unfinished state.

"The instructions he had received from Governor Dinwiddle
allowed him to remain but seven days for an answer; and as
the horses were daily becoming weaker, and the snow fast in-
creasing, they were sent back to Venango, and still further to
Shannopin's town, provided the river was open and in a
navigable condition. In the meantime Commissary La Force
was full of flatteries and fair promises to the sachems, still
hoping to retain them as friends. From day to day the party
were detained at Venango, sometimes by the power of liquor,
the promise of presents, and various other pretexts, and the
acceptance of the wampum had been thus far successfully
evaded.

"To the question of ]\rnjor Washington, 'by what authoritv
several English subjects had been made prisoners?' Captain

570 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Reparti replied, 'that they had orders to make prisoners of
any who attempted to trade upon those waters." The two
who had been taken, and of whom they inquired particularly,
John Trotter and James McClochlan, they were informed had
been sent to Canada, but were now returned home. They con-
fessed, too, that a boy had been carried past by the Indians,
who had besides two or three white men's scalps.

"On the 15th, the commandant ordered a plentiful store of
liquors and provisions to be put on board the canoes, and ap-
peared extremely complaisant, while he was really studying to
annoy them, and to keep the Indians until after their de-
parture.

"Washington, in his Journal, remarks: *I cannot say that
ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in this
affair. I saw that every stratagem which the most fruitful
brain could invent was practiced to win the Half-King to their
interests, and that leaving him there was giving them the op-
portunity they aimed at. I went to the Half -King and pressed
him in the strongest terms. He told me that the commandant
would not discharge him until the morning. I then went to
the commandant, and desired him to do their business, and
complained of ill-treatment; for keeping them, as they were
part of my company, was detaining me. This he promised not
to do, but to forward my journey as much as possible. He
protested that he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the
cause of their stay; though I soon found it out; he promised
them a present of guns, etc., if they would wait until morn-
ing." Their journey to Franklin was tedious and very fatigu-
ing. At one place the ice had lodged so their canoes could not
pass, and they were obliged to carry them a quarter of a mile.
One of the chiefs. White Thunder, became disabled, and they
were compelled to leave him with Half-King, who promised
that no fine speeches or scheming of Jean Coeur should win
him back to the French. In this he was sincere, as his con-
duct afterward proved. As their horses were now weak and
feeble, and there was no probability of the journey being ac-
complished in reasonable time, Washington gave them, with
the baggage, in charge of Mr. Van Braam, his faithful com-
panion, tied himself up in his watchcoat. with a pack on his

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 571

back containing his papers, some provisions and his gun, and,
with Mr. Gist fitted out in the same manner, tooli the shortest
route across the country for Shannopin's town.

"On the day following they fell in with a party of French
Indians, who lay in wait for them at a place called Murdering
town, now in Butler county. One of the party fired upon
them; but, by constant travel, they escaped their company,
and arrived within two miles of Shannopin's town, where
trials in another form awaited them. They were obliged to
construct a raft, in order to cross the river ; and when this was
accomplished, by the use of but one poor hatchet, and they
were launched, by some accident Washington was precipitated
into the river, and narrowly escaped being drowned. Besides
this, the cold was so intense that Mr. Gist had his fingers and
toes frozen. At Mr. Frasier's, (Turtle Creek) they met twenty
warriors going southward to battle, and on the Ohio Com-
pany's trail, seventeen horses, loaded with materials and stores
for a fort at the forks of the Ohio, and a few families going
out to settle. On the 16th of February, Washington arrived
at Williamsburg, and waited upon Governor Dinwiddle with
the letter he had brought from the French commandant, and
offered him a narrative of the most remarkable occurrences of
his journey.

"The reply of Chevalier de St. Pierre was found to be
courteous and well guarded, 'He should transmit,' he said,
'the letter of Governor Dinwiddle to his general, the Marquis
Du Quesne, to whom it better belongs than to me to set forth
the evidence and reality of the rights of the king, my master,
upon the lands situated along the Ohio, and to contest the
pretensions of the king of Great Britain thereto. His answer
shall be a law to me. * * * * As to the summons to re-
tire you send me, I do not think myself obliged to obey it.
Whatever may be your instructions, I am here by virtue of the
orders of my general, and I entreat you, sir, not to doubt one
moment but that I am determined to conform myself to them
with all the exactness and resolution which can be expected
from the best officer, * * • * i made it my particular care
to receive Mr. Washington with a distinction suitable to your
dignity, as well as his own quality and merit. I flatter myself

572 THE FRONTIER FORTS

he will do me this justice before you, sir, and that he will
signify to you, in the manner I do myself, the profound re-
spect with which I am, sir, etc."

"Governor Dinwiddle and his council understood this eva-
sive answer as a ruse to gain time, in order that they might
in the spring descend the Ohio and take military possession of
the whole country."

This expedition may be considered the foundation of Wash-
ington's fortunes. "From that moment he was the rising hope
of the country. His tact with the Indians and crafty whites,
his endurance of cold and fatigue, his prudence, firmness, and
self-devotion, all were indications of the future man."

The fort is thus described by Washington: "It is situated
on the south or west fork of French creek, near the water;
and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch
of it, which form a kind of island. Four houses compose the
sides. The bastions are made of piles driven into the ground,
standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at the top,
with port holes cut for the cannon, and loop-holes for the
small arms to fire through. There are eight six-pound pieces
mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pounds before
the gate. In the bastions are a guard-house, chapel, doctor's
lodging, and the commander's private stores, round which are
laid platforms for the cannon and the men to stand on. There
are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwell-
ings, covered, some with bark, and some with boards, made
chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, such as
stables, smith's shop, &c."

In 1756, a prisoner among the Indians, who had made his
escape, gave the following particulars: "Buffaloes Fort, or
Le Boeuf, is garrisoned with one hundred and fifty men and
a few straggling Indians. Presqu' ile is built of square logs
filled up with earth; the barracks are within the fort, and gar-
risoned with one hundred and fifty men, supported chiefly
from a French settlement begun near it. The settlement con-
sists, as the prisoner was informed, of about one hundred
families." [This French settlement is not spoken of by any
other person. M. Chauvignerie, as will be seen, states that
there wore no settlements or im]>i'ovements near the forts

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 573

i'resqu' ile or Le Boeul'.] "The Indian families about the set-
tlement are pretty numerous; they have a priest and school-
master, and some grist-mills and stills in the settlement." (3.)

In 1757, M. Chauvignerie, Jr., aged seventeen, a French
prisoner, testified before a justice of the peace to this effect:
"His father was a lieutenant of marines and commandant of
Fort Machault, built lately at Venango." "At the fort they
have fifty regulars and forty laborers, and soon expect a rein-
forcement from Montreal, and they drop almost daily some of
the detachments, as they pass . from Montreal to Fort Du
Quesne. Fort Le Boeuf is commanded by my uncle, Monsieur
de Verge, an ensign of foot. There is no captain or other
officer there, above an ensign; and the reason of this is, that
the commandants of those forts purchase a commission for it,
and have the benefit of transporting the provisions and other
necessaries. The provisions are chiefly sent from Niagara to
Presqu' ile, and so from thence down the Ohio to Fort Du
Quesne. Sometimes, however, they are brought in large quan-
tities from southward of Fort Du Quesne. There are from
eight hundred to nine hundred, and sometimes one thousand
men between Forts Presqu' ile to Le Boeuf. One hundred and
fifty of these are regulars, and the rest Canadian laborers, who
work at the forts and build boats. There are no settlements
or improvements near the forts. The French plant corn about
them for the Indians, whose wives and children come to the
fort for it, and get furnished also with clothes at the King's
expense. Traders reside in the forts, that purchase of them
peltries. Several houses are outside the forts, but people do
not care to occupy them, for fear of being scalped. One of
their batteaux usually carries sixty bags of fiour and three
or four men. When unloaded, it will carry twelve men."

In Post's Journal for November, 1758, he says that the fort
at Presqu'Isle was out of repair, and "the fort in Le Boeuf river
is much in the same condition, with an officer and thirty men,
and a few hunting Indians, who said they would leave them
in a few days."

Thomas Bull, an Indian employed as a spy at the Lakes, ar-
rived at Fort Pitt, in March, 1759, from a visit to the posts in
that region. Le Boeuf he describes "as of the same plan with

574 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Presqu' ile, but very small; the logs mostly rotten. Platforms
are erected in the bastion, and loopholes properly cut; one gun
is mounted on a bastion and looks down the river. It has only
one gate, and that faces the side opposite the creek. The maga-
zine is on the right of the gate, going in, partly sunk in the
ground, and above are some casks of powder, to serve the In-
dians. Here are two officers, a storekeeper, clerk, priest and one
hundred and fifty soldiers, and as at Presqu' ile, the men are
not employed. They have twenty-four batteaux, and a larger
stock of provisions than at Presqu' ile. One Le Sambrow is
the commandant. The Ohio is clear of ice at Venango, and
French creek at Le Boeuf. The road from Venango to Le
Boeuf is well trodden; and from thence to Presqu' ile is one
half day's journey, being very low and swampy, and bridged
most of the way."

Old Fort Le Boeuf being inland, was not ranked or fortified
as a first-class station; yet, being situated on the ''headwaters"
of the Allegheny river, and at the nearest point of water com-
munication between Lake Erie and the river, it was considered
of much importance as a trading fort. It afforded protection
to traders, hunters, and to many adventurers who passed be-
tween Canada and Fort Duquesne and the French possessions
farther south. The portage between Presqu' lie and Le Boeuf
being only a little more than four leagues, the necessary goods,
munitions of war, implements of agriculture, etc., were con-
veyed overland from the lake, and at Fort Le Boeuf embarked
upon radeaux or rafts, to be transported to forts to the south
and west along the river.

As the French were driven to the greatest straights at the
siege of Fort Niagara, "the utmost confusion prevailed at forts
Venango, Presqu' Isle, and I^e Boeuf after the victory, par-
ticularly as Sir William Johnson sent letters by some of the
Indians to the commander at Presqu' Isle, notifying him that
the other posts must be given up in a few days.

"August 13 (1759), we find the French at Presqu' Isle had
sent away all their stores, and were waiting for the French
at Venango and Le Boeuf to join them, when they all would
set out in batteanx for Detroit; that in an Indian path leading
to Presqu' Isle from a Delaware town, a Frenchman and some

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 575

Indians had been met, with the word that the French had left
Venango six days before.

"About the same time, three Indians arrived at Fort Du-
quesne from Venango, who reported that the Indians over the
lake were much displeased with the Six Nations, as they had
been the means of a number of their people being killed at
Niagara; that the French had burned their forts at Venango,
Le Boeuf, and Presqu' Isle, and gone over the lakes." The
author of the History of Erie county says that "the report was
probably unfounded (of the burning of the forts), unless they
were very soon rebuilt, of which we have no account," The
posts, however, were shortly thereafter taken possession of
by the English, and garrisoned by them. (4.)

Le Boeuf was one of the forts against which the savages, at
the time of the uprising under Pontiac, directed their atten-
tion. The attack upon it has been told by Mr. Parkham, from
original sources, and it is here in part reproduced:

"The available defences of Fort Le Boeuf consisted, at the
time, of a single ill-constructed blockhouse, occupied by the
ensign [Price], with two corporals and eleven privates. They
had only about twenty rounds of ammunition each; and the
powder, moreover, was in a damaged condition. At nine or
ten o'clock, on the morning of the 18th of June, [1763], a sol-
dier told that he saw Indians approaching from the direction
of Presqu' Isle. Price ran to the door, and, looking out, saw
one of his men, apparently much frightened, shaking hands
with five Indians. He held open the door till the man had
entered, the five Indians following close, after having, in
obedience to a sign from Price, left their weapons behind.
They declared that they were going to fight the Cherokees, and
begged for powder and ball. This being refused, they asked
leave to sleep on the ground before the blockhouse. Price
assented, on which one of them went off, but very soon re-
turned with thirty more, who crowded before the window of
the blockhouse, and begged for a kettle to cook their food.
Price tried to give them one through the window, but the
aperture proved too narrow, and they grew clamorous that he
should open the door again. This he refused. They then
went to a neighboring storehouse, pulled out some of the

576 THE FRONTIER FORTS

foundation stones, and got into the cellar; whence, by knock-
ing away one or two planks immediately above the sill of the
building, they could fire on the garrison in perfect safety, be-
ing below the range of shot from the loopholes of the block-
house, which was not ten yards distant. Here they remained
some hours, making their preparations, while the garrison
waited in suspense, cooped np in their w^ooden citadel. To-
wards evening, they opened fire, and shot such a number of
burning arrows against the side of the blockhouse, that three
times it was in flames. But the men worked desperately, and
each time the fire was extinguished. A fourth time the alarm
was given; and now the men on the roof came down in despair,
crying out that they could not extinguish it, and calling on
their ofiflcer for God's sake to let them leave the building, or
they should all be burnt alive. Price behaved with great
spirit. "We must fight as long as we can, and then die to-
gether," was his answer to the entreaties of his disheartened
men. But he could not revive their drooping courage, and
meanwhile the fire spread beyond all hope of mastering it.
They implored him to let them go, and at length the brave
young officer told them to save themselves if they could. It
was time, for they were suffocating in their burning prison.
There was a narrow window in the back of the blockhouse,
through which, with the help of axes, they all got out; and,
favored by the darkness — for night had closed in — escaped to
the neighboring pine-swamp, while the Indians, to make as-
surance doubly sure, were still showering fire-arrows against
the front of the blazing building. As the fugitives groped
their way in pitchy darkness, through the tangled intricacies
of the swamp, they saw the sky behind them lurid with flames,
and heard the reports of the Indians' guns, as these painted
demons were leaping and jelling in front of the flaming block-
house, firing into the loopholes, and exulting in the thought
that their enemies were suffering the agonies of death within.
"Presqu' Isle was but fifteen miles distant, but, from the di-
rection in which his assailants had come. Price rightly judged
that it had been captured, and therefore resolved to make his
way, if possible, to Venango, and reinforce Lieutenant Gordon,
who commanded there. A soldier named John Dortinger, who

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had been sixteen months at Le Boeuf, thought that he could
guide tlie party, but lo«t the way in the darkness; so that,
after struggling all night through swamps and forests, they
found themselves at daybreak only two miles from their point
of departure. Just before dawn several of the men became
separated from the rest. Trice and those w'ith him waited for
some time, w^histling, coughing, and making such other signals
as they dared, to attract their attention, but without success,
and they were forced to proceed without them. Their only
provisions were three biscuits to a man. They pushed on all
day, and reached Venango at one o'clock on the following
night. Nothing remained but piles of smoldering embers,
among which lay the half-burned bodies of its hapless garrison.
They continued their journey down the Allegheny. On the
third night their last biscuit was consumed, and they were half
dead with hunger and exhaustion before their eyes were glad-
dened at length by the friendly walls of Fort Pitt. Of those
who had straggled from the party, all eventually appeared but
two, who, spent with starvation, had been left behind, and no
doubt perished."

Notwithstanding the treaty of Fort Stanwix and that of
Fort Harmar, the cession of the Presqu' Isle lands was a sore
subject to many of the Chiefs of the vSix Nations, and es-
pecially to their master-spirit, Brant, the Mohawk chieftain.
It was claimed that the treaty was invalid, Cornplanter having
sold their lands without authority. Brant's favorite design
was to restrict the Americans to the country east of the Alle-
gheny and Ohio; and he not only strenuously opposed and de-
nounced every treaty that interfered with his plan, but was
active in his endeavors to unite all the northern and western
nations in one great confederacy, and, if necessary to protect
his favorite boundary by a general war. (5.)

From this cause with the abetting of England and the dis-
position of the Senecas and other Indian tribes within the
borders of Pennsylvania, it was necessary to create a military
establishment, by the general government with the co-opera-
tion of the State, to facilitate settlements and protect the

37-- Vol. 2.

578 THE FRONTIER FORTS

settlers in this region. From the papers relating to this es-
tablishment we extract the following (6):

On the 2yth of June, 1794, Andrew Ellicott writes to Gov-
ernor Mifflin from Fort Le Boeuf, as follows:

"After repairing Fort Franklin (Venango), we proceeded to
this place, and are now beginning to strengthen the works
here, so as to render it a safe deposit for military and other
stores; and in doing which, agreeable to instructions economy
shall be strictly attended to."

Prior to this time the place had been occupied by the State
as appears from the report of Colonel John Wilkins to Sec-
retary Dallas. Writing from Pittsburgh, May 23, 1794, he says:
"The troops of the State took possession of the Forks of
French creek, about two miles below the old post of Le Boeuf,
and had a small blockhouse built to which place I accom-
panied them.''

He states that they would remain there until they had pro-
cured materials for erecting blockhouses at Le Boeuf.

On June 2Gth, 1794, a council was held by Mr. Ellicott and
Capt. Denn^' with representatives of the Six Nations at Le
Boeuf (Waterford). The Six Nations demanded a removal of
the whites from the Lake region and objected to the settle-
ment of Presqu' Isle, On the 27th June, Mr. Andrew Ellicott
made a report of the conference with the Indians, and advised
the erection of three blockhouses "on the Venango Path." —
One of which should be at Mead's settlement (Meadville), and
the other two at Le Boeuf and Venango.

From Le Boeuf, Andrew Ellicott reports to Governor Mifflin,
June 29th, 1794:

"After repairing Fort Franklin, we proceeded to this place,
and are now beginning to strengthen the works here, so as to
render it a safe deposit for military and other stores."

On July the 4th, 1794, he reports:

"The detachment of State troops commanded by Capt.
Denny yesterday moved into the new fort at this place, which
is now defensible not only against the Six Nations, but all the
Indians at variance with the XL S. In the execution of the
plan, Capt. Denny merits the highest commendation for liis
steady exertions and activity, and I can with truth assure vou,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 579

in all my experience I never saw a work of equal magnitude
progress with equal rapidity. The new fort has yet no name.''

Major E. Denny reported to Governor Mifflin, from Le Boeuf,
August 1st, 1794: "As it has been the prevailing opinion, that
this post will not be continued, unless a sufficient force comes
forward, and we advance to Presqu' Isle, I have done no more
than what appeared necessary for a temporary accommoda-
tion, and for our own security. Mr. Ellicott has favored us
with a draft of the place. It is sent to you by this conveyance,
and will give an idea how we are situated. The riflemen oc-
cupy the whole of the two front blockhouses, and the lower
part of the other two. The detachment of the artillery, and
all the officers, remain in their tents, on the ground marked
officers' quarters, soldiers' barracks, magazine and guard
house. The two houses in front were built by the party that
came on first, and are not calculated for taking in cannon.
On each of the others second floor, we have a six-pounder,
and over each gate is a swivel. The situation is unequaled by
any in this country, Presqu' Isle excepted. One disadvantage
only, that is a hollow way parallel with our rear, and within
gun shot, that will cover any number of Indians; but, with a
few more men, and extending the work, that may be perfectly
secured. We have it examined every morning, before the
gates are thrown open. The Indians, early in the spring, came
frequently to this post; but since the declaration of the Six
Nations, we have not had one to come in. 'Tis a few days
since we saw two or three viewing the plan. We hoisted a
white flag, but they disappeared."

In a report to Gov. Mifflin by John Adlum, August 31st, 1794,
it is said: "Capt. Denny has endeavored to keep up military
discipline at Le Boeuf, and has got the illwill of his men gen
erally; they say he is too severe, but from inquiry I cannot
find he has punished any of them, although some of them de
serve death, having been found asleep at their posts."

Cornplanter with his chiefs was there at the time, being fed
and supported by the State and federal authorities. He gave
the agent, Mr. Adlura, notice that it was unnecessary to send
any more provisions to Le Boeuf, as they would soon have to
leave it."

580 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Mr. Adlum adds that after writing Ms report ''all is quiet at
Le Boeuf. The mutiny — at which he had liinted — arose from
some of the soldiers, who stole the Commaudant's brandy, and
got drunk." One of the soldiers had snapped a gun at Captain
[Major] Denny, and it was with ditficulty they could take him
to Fort Franklin. "Others were punished, and now all is in
order."

Shortly after this, all the surveyors, and persons employed
in pursuance of the act, were drawn off, and only a small gar-
rison left at Le Boeuf. On January 16, 1795, Major Denny re-
ports to the Governor that the detachment left at Le Boeuf
were relieved the last of December. In a letter to the Secre-
tary of War, March 11th, 1795, he says: "Le Boeuf is built upon
a handsome eminence, at the head of the navigation, imme-
diately upon the ground foi-merly occupied by the French and
English. It will accommodate a company of men well ; but as
it was onl}' intended as an intermediate post to Presqu' Isle,
a small command of twenty-five men will answer every pur-
pose, and there will be jdenty of store room for depository
whatever may be sent forward."

From the History of Erie county, by Miss Laura G. Sanford,
we have the following information relating to this period.
Si^eaking of the act of A]>ril 18th, 1795. "to lay out a town at
Presqu' Isle, etc.," she says: "

It was provided in section thirteenth, ''that it shall be lawful
for the Governor, with the consent of the individuals, respec-
tively,- to protract the enlistments of such part of the detach-
ment of State troops, or such ])art as may be in garrison at
Fort Le Boeuf, or to enlist as many men as he shall deem
necessary, not exceeding one hundred and thirty, to protect
and assist the commissioners, surveyors, and other attendants
intrusted with the execution of the several objiMtts of this act:
Provided, always, nevertheless. That as soon as a fort shall be
established at Presqu' Isle, and the United States shall have
furnished adequate gai-risons for the same, and for Fort Le
Boeuf, the Governor shall discharge the said detachments of
State troops, except ihe pai'ty thereof employed in protecting
and assisting the commissioners, surveyors, and other attend-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 581

ants as aforesaid, which shall be continued until the objects
of this act are accomplished, and no longer."

"And section fifteenth, "that in order t© defray the expenses
of making the survey, at Fort Le Boeuf, and the various sur-
veys and sales herein directed, and to maintain the garrison
at Fort Le Boeuf, there shall be, and hereby is, appropriated
the sum of |17,00U, to be paid by the Treasurer on the war-
rants of the Governor."

"When Judge Vincent settled in Waterford in 1797, he says:
"There were no remains of the old French fort excepting the
traces on the ground, and these traces were very distinct and
visible." Fifteen years after, a cellar and a deep well were the
only visible remains. Cannon, bullets, etc., have been found
occasionally below the surface, and fragments of human skele-
tons pervade the soil. From the first settlement to the present
time men have, at intervals, been searching for treasures on
the sites of Le Boeuf and Presqu' Isle, with all the helps af-.
forded by the magnet and mineral rod. At Le Boeuf, in 1800,
a man, digging under the direction of the "spirits," discovered
below the surface a stone wall laid up with mortar, which
would probably have a radius of one hundred feet. Within
this was the foundation of a blacksmith's forge, or indications
of one — as burnt stone, cinders, pieces of iron of all shapes,
and of no conceivable use, guns, gun-locks, bayonets, and parts
of many implements of war.

Judge Vincent says further: "On the same ground, in 1797,
stood a stockade fort built by Maj. Denny in 1794; it was com-
manded by an officer of the army, Lieut. Marten, with twelve
or fifteen soldiers. The same year (1797) a new fort was built,
which is still occupied by a family, though very much dilapi-
dated, and some parts apparently ready to fall. This block-
house was at one time a storehouse; in 1813 (after the battle
of Lake Erie) a body of prisoners and wounded men were there
quartered; it was next connected with other buildings, the
whole being weatherboarded, and a respectable hotel con-
stituted. The main street of the borough running from north
to south passes in front of the "Blockhouse Hotel," and over
the same ground which was occupied by the French and first
American forts."

582 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"In the neighborhood of the depot, two miles northeast of
the blockhouse, spikes, bullets, cannon balls, etc., have beei^
found. In another part of the town, a quarter of a mile from
the fort, a hillock is called "Washington's Mound" from the
fact (as tradition has it) that Washington, when on his mis-
sion in 1753, spent a night there."

The extract following is taken from a manuscript paper fur-
nished the writer by Mrs. Mary Judson Snowden, of Water-
ford, Pa., a lady specially conversant with the history of Le
Boeuf, and one who has had the benefit of the personal recol-
lections of those who were a part of what they related.

"State troops reached Waterford in May, of that year [1794],
and built the second fort or blockhouse, which in turn was
covered with clapboards, furnished with the conveniences of
the time, a large addition made in the rear, and a large porch
extending over the sidewalk in front and supported by colonial
pillars. It was used as a hotel and residence up to 1868, when
it caught fire in some unknown way and burned to the gi'ound
— the old logs, and ancient port-holes showing as the modern
surface covering burned away. * * * The exact site of the
original French Fort is not positively known, but was near the
centre of High street, a little below First alley, and, of course,
now belongs to the street, which, however, is one hundred feet
wide. The site of the second fort or blockhouse, which stood
till 1868, is just above First alley, fronting on High street.
The spot is fenced in, and used as a yard. The old cellar with
all the debris of crumbling walls, old chimneys, &c., is just as
the fire left it over a quai'ler of a century ago. It belongs now
to the heirs of John W. Mauross."

Notes to Fort Le Boeuf.

(1.) I desire to acknowledge the advantages I have had from
extracting from the History of Erie county, by Miss Laura G.
Sanford, much material used in this article. As in the article
on Presqu' Isle. I have likewise in this on Le Boenf been ns-
sist^'d bv her ninnu'<(MM'>l contributions, verv materiallv.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. &83

The papers belonging to the post-revolutionary period, which
have been quoted from, will be found for the most part in the
Sixth Volume of Penn'a Archives, second series — among the
"Papers Relating to the Establishment of Presqu' Isle."

(2.) "The ancient name of the river now called Allegheny,
was Ohio, or, as the French called it, "La Belle Riviere,"
Beautiful river. — French creek, in Coffen's statement, is called
Aux Boeufs." On the leaden plate buried by Celoron, it is
called Toradakin. The French invariably called it the River
Aux Boeufs [River of Beeves or Buffaloes — Beef River]. In one
of the French despatches it is said that it was called by the
English, "Venango" river. At the time of Washington's visit
here, he rechristened it French creek, by which name it has
been known ever since.

The road from Venango to Le Boeuf was described in 1759
as being "trod and good;" thence to Presqu' Isle, about half a
day's journey, as "very low and swampy and bridged almost
all the way."

The portage or causeway is frequently alluded to. It re-
quired great labor to keep it open, and it was often in a
miserable condition. In 1782 the causeway from Presqu' Isle
to Le Boeuf is said to have been "rotten and impassable."

"In 1813 all the naval stores needed for the construction of
Perry's fleet were brought from Pittsburgh to Franklin, and
then up the creek to Waterford, and then by land to -Erie. It
is probable that French creek was navigable all the year in
Washington's time" — that is about the time he was there —
1753. [Hist. Venango County, supra., p. 21.]

For condition of these roads see report of Major Denny to
Timothy Pickering, Secretary of War, Archives vi, 815, sec.
ser.

"One of the first appropriations for the northwestern part
of the State, in 1791, was four hundred pounds for the im-
provement of French creek (besides four hundred pounds for
the road from Le Boeuf to Presqu' Isle), and in 1807 we find
five hundred dollars were to be set apart from the sale of town
and out-lots of the Commonwealth, adjoining Erie, for clearing
and improving the navigation of Le Boeuf and French creeks
from Waterford to the south line of the countv.

584 THE FRONTIER FORTS

"Here it may not be out of place to give a short description
of Freucli creek. It was formerly called Venango creek, or
rather In-nan-ga-eh, and it is a beautiful, transparent, and
j*apid stream. For many miles from its confluence with the
Allegheny it is less than one hundred feet in width. At some
seasons its waters are navigable to Waterford for boats carry-
ing twenty tons, yet for a few weeks of summer it cannot
usually be navigated by any craft larger than a canoe.

"Washington, in his Journal, calls Le Boeuf creek the
Western Fork, Avhich is correct; but besides this there are
three others, and these are now particularly designated."

(3.) These statements are in Third Volume of Archives.
And herein see further about the settlements there, which
were only "military settlements."

(4.) After the defeat of the French before Fort Niagara,
nearly all the French officers being killed or captured, their
followers, ''after heavy loss, fled to their canoes and boats
above the cataract, hastened back to Lake Erie, burned
Presqu' Isle, Le Boeuf, and Venango, and, joined by the gar-
risons of those forts, retreated to Detroit, leaving the whole
region of Ihe upper Ohicj in undisputed possession of the
English." [Parkman, Montcalm & Wolfe. Vol. ii, p. 247.]

"At the beginning of 17G1, of the whole number of troops
raised by the IMoA'inee for the late war, there yet remained
near one hundred and flfty men undischarged, of which, about
one-half wei'e employed in transporting provisions from
Niagara, and in garrisoning the forts at Presqu' Isle and Le
Boeuf. till they could ])e relieved by detachments from the
Royal Aiiiciicans, which from the thinness of that regiment
and from tlie large extent of the territory over which their
duty cxtciuh'd having not been done so soon as had been ex-
l)ected, these still remaining could not march down at the
same time with the rest of tiie Provincinls." (Gov. Hamilton
to the Assembly, Jan. 8th, 17(51. Col. Rec. viii, 51:1)

(5.) Day's Historical Collections, p. 310.

(0.) See Pa. Arch.. \'ol. vi, second series.

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OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. r)85

FORT MACHAULT.— Veuango County.

When the Frencli took possession of the Ohio river rej^ion
and began to erect forts, thej did not come in the ronte of the
expedition of 1749, but came by way of Presqu' Isle, thence
across the country to French creek, and so down to the Alle-
gheny. The first and second forts, called Presqu' Isle and Le
Boeuf, were constructed in 1753. Some time late in the sum-
mer, while yet the fort at Aux Boeuf was building, Mons.
Morin, the commander of the exxjedition, sent Monsieur Bite
with fifty men to erect a third fort at a place which the
Indians called Ganagarah'hare, at the mouth of French
creek. (1.) The Indians, however, opposing his intentions, he
was obliged to return; and the season being now too far ad-
vanced to think of completing the structure here, nothing
more was done to that end.

I'ossession. however, was taken of the point by Captain
Chabert de Joncaire, who, with several others, occupied a
deserted house, which had been built and used by John Frazer,
a Pennsylvania Indian trader. (2.) When Washington came
to Venango in December, 1753, he found the French flag flying
over this house. (3.)

In the meantime the workmen who had been left at Le
Boeuf on the return of the main part of the forces to Canada,
were engaged in preparing lumber and making boats for oper-
ation when the winter should break up. (4.) When spring
arrived, and the French were ready to resume operations, the
Indians did not offer any opposition, and work was begun.
A saw mill had been erected on a little stream just above the
site of the fort. The machinery for this mill had been brought
from Canada. The oak and chestnut trees adjoining were
cut down and sawn into timber to erect quarters for the sol-
diers. It seems to have been completed in April. 1754. under
the superintendence of Joncaire. It was not an elaborate work,
but suited to the circumstances. It was called Machault (5),
after a celebrated French financier and politician. The name
is not a familiar one here, but in every instance in which the
Fort is spoken of by the French authorities, either here or
in Canada, it is called Machault. By the English it was usu-
ally called the French Fort at Venango. (6.)
37*

586 THE FRONTIER FORTS

No accurate description or plan of Fort Machault was avail-
able until recently, and there was no positive certainty as to
its exact location. The plan and map of the fort and of the re-
gion immediately surrounding it was made public as late as
1875. It is here produced. (7.)

The fort is thus described: ''Venango Fort is situated on a
rising piece of ground, on a rich bottom, abounding with
clover, sixty yards west of the Ohio. The north and south
polygon is forty-five yards, and the east and west polygon
thirty-seven yards. The bastions are built of saplings, eight
inches thick, and thirteen feet in length, set stockade fashion.
Part of the curtains are hewed timber, laid lengthwise upon
one another, which also make one side of the barracks."

The body of the work was in the form of a parallelogram,
in size about seventy-five by one hundred and five feet, with
bastions in the form of polygons at the four angles. The gate
fronted the river. In the interior were the magazine, fifteen
feet by eighteen feet, protected by a thickness of three feet of
earth, and several buildings for officers' barracks. Two of
these were eighteen by fifty feet, with three others that were
smaller. The barracks were two stories high and furnished
with stone chimneys. A door in the northeastern bastion led
to. a large cellar. The soldiers' barracks consisted of forty-
four separate buildings, disposed around the fort, chiefiy on
the north and east sides.

At the saw mill, before spoken of, was prepared the lumber
used for barracks, and perhaps for boats and barges to be used
in conveying supplies for the camp and transportation down
the river. Along the northern flank of the fort, and within
fifty feet of it, there was a small stream that flowed from the
neighboring hills and supplied the camp with water. On the
present plan of the city of Franklin, Elk street passes through
the site of the fort, whilst its southern side reaches nearly
to Sixth street. (8.)

This fort from the first was not intended to be more than
a stronghold for a garrison and supplies on the line of the
French occupancy from Lake Erie to tlie Forks of the Ohio. (9.)
They, however, contemplated strengthening it as the occasion
offered; and according to the statement of one John Adam

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 587

Long, an escaped prisunei- from the French (10), they were
occupied during the winter of 1755 and summer of 1756 in
collecting materials and making preparations to build stronger
works.

Long said he was taken from Fort Duquesne about the last
of April, 1750, to Venango, "where resided an officer in a
small stockade fort with a command of forty men," and that
a number of square logs had been "got together at that place
sufficient to build a large fort on a pretty, rising ground in
the Forks of Ohio and French creek."

In the account of an escaped prisoner from the Indians,
William Johnson, late in 1750, it is said that there was "at
Venango a Captain's command of about fifty men; the Fort
of Stockades, very weak, and scarce of provisions; a few In-
dian families about the place; and that the new fort intended
for that place not built." (11.)

From another statement (12) made somewhat later in the
same year, it would appear the "small fort made of logs and
stockades was mounted with nine cannon of a pretty large
bore, and was generally garrisoned with a company of sixty
soldiers, besides Indians, who to the number of about two
hundred are lodged in cabins that have been built for them
near the fort."

He further adds that the garrison had been "for some time
employed in collecting and preparing materials for building a
strong fort there next spring, and being apprehensive, having
been informed by two deserters from Shamokin (Fort Au-
gusta, Sunbury), that the Pennsylvanians had come to a reso-
lution to march against them as soon as a body of men could
be raised for that purpose."

From the examination of Michael Chauvignerie (13), taken
down the 16th of October, 1757, the fort was said to be of wood,
filled up with earth. It had bastions and six wall-pieces, or
swivel guns; and the whole works took up about two acres
of ground. There were at the fort fifty regulars and forty
Canadians. No Indians were there, but they passed and re-
passed to and from a little town they have about seven leagues
west from Fort Machault, called "Ticastoroga." (14.)

He said further that his father was a lieutenant of marines

588 THE FRONTIER FORTS

and commandant at Fort Machault, lately built and then fin-
ishing; that at the fort they expected soon a considerable re-
inforcement from Montreal; and that almost daily there
dropped there some of the detachments passing from Montreal
to Fort Duquesne. (15.)

He said the French planted "considerable pieces" of Indian
corn about the forts for the Indians, whose wives and children
do come to the forts for it, and there are they furnished with
clothes at the King's expense, but that there are traders in
the forts who purchase the peltry from the Indians. That
there are several houses, but the people don't care to inhabit
them at present, as they would be more liable to be scalped,
and keep chiefly in the forts."

Post, in his journal for 7th of August, 1758, says: "By
what I could learn of Pisquetumen, and the Indians who
went into the fort, the garrison consisted of only six men, and
an oflScer blind of one eye;" (16), and under date of November
30th, 1758. "The Fort at N'enango is the smallest, and has but
one officer and twenty-five men in it, and is much distressed
for want of provisions, as is the. two upper forts." (17.) An
Indian spy found, about this time, at Machault, two officers
and foity men, with De Lignerie in command.

Colonel Mercer, in a report from Fort Pitt, as of the 10th
of May, 1758, (18), says: "(^'utfingered I'eter is gone to Sha-
moldn, (Fort Augusta, now Sunbury), two scalping parties
were sent from Venango to infest the communication, and
juiotlicr, consisting of twenty over Lakes Indians were to go
off about that time.

"There are about one hundred soldiers at Venango, and sev-
eral offic<'rs, besides Avhai are gone up(m party with Indians.
They arc lifting up j»la( forms and lining their stockade; have
but a small (puuitity of tloui-, and give out that (hey are four
hundred strong on this side of the ].ak<>. Thai two hundred
battoes are on their wiiy. with five hundred soldiers besides
Indians to reinforce them. They expect we will proceed up
the river, and Le Narie is determined, as he says, to fight us
in the woods. They have eleven battoes at Venango, and one
great gun of the size of a quart pot which they fire off by a
tiaiu of powder."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 589

Colonel Mercer further reports, early in 1759, on the author-
ity of Bull, an Indian spy, that there had been found at Ven-
ango two officers and forty men. La Marie was given as the
name of the commander. The road was trod and good from
Venango to Le Boeuf, and from thence to Presqu' Isle for
about half a day's journey Avas very low and swampy, and
bridged almost all the way. (19.)

After the loss of Fort Duquesue, and its occupancy by the
English, Fort Machault became a place of much greater im-
portance to the French than was originally contemplated.
It served as a rallying place for the savages w^ho were yet
under their domination; and as they still entertained hopes
of recovering Fort Duquesne, the armament and garrison at
Machault, from all accounts, were greatly strengthened.
At length it was determined to venture on the attempt to cap-
ture Fort Pitt. (20.) Fort Machault became the base of opera-
tions for this expedition, and all the men who could be spared
were called here from the upper forts, and even from the far
western posts of Kaskaskia and the Mississippi. (21.) Boats
were built on French creek to transport the material and men.
With great labor and difficulty they carried their provisions
from most remote points, and by the middle of July, 1759,
there were, at Venaago, as has been estimated, nearly one
thousand Frenchmen and the same number of Indians, with
a sufficient number of boats to convey the whole force down
the river. We may form some opinion, as it has been ob-
served, of the number of boats from the statement that at Le
Boeuf (\Vaterford) all the trees of sufficient size to make
boats had been cut down, and the project advanced of making
pirogues of sawed timber, such as they had seen the English
use. These boats were probably ''dug-outs," run either singly
or bound together after the style of the catamaran. (22.)

But wiien all the arrangements had been made, and the ex-
pedition was about ready to start, orders suddenly came to
abandon the project. The English were advancing against
the French strongholds from different points of attack. Fort
Niagara was one of the objective points, and it being a post of
the greatest importance, (as its capture would cut. off the
French from the whole interior country), every effort was
made to raise the siege. It therefore became necessary to

590 THE FRONTIER FORTS

draw tlio forces, both French and Indians, from the distant
garrisons of Detroit, Presqu' Isle, Le Boeuf and Venango, and
hasten them to Niagara. (23.)

This was in July, 1759. The order was given to evacuate
the fort and destroy all the supplies there which they could
not carry with them, and to dismantle and utterly destroy
the fort. To the Indians were given much military apparel
and provisions. Dusk}- warriors were tricked out in laced
coats and cocked hats; swarthy maidens were made happy
with presents of French calico and red blankets; strings of
beads were throw'n lavishly around the necks of papooses,
all guileless of them before; flour which had been carried on
the shoulders of men over those tiresome portages from Kas-
kaskia w^ere distributed in lavish rations, and other stores
were passed freely around among their red allies. All the
perishable property was collected together within the fort,
and the whole set on fire. The boats and batteaux were also
consigned to the flames. The barracks, without as well as
within the walls, were involved in one common ruin. The
swivel guns, or wall pieces as they were called, were first
disabled, then buried in the earth, and everything of value
removed from sight. This destruction was in accordance with
instructions from the French government. Vaudreuil, Gov-
ernor of Canada, in anticipation of an assault from the Eng-
lish, had instructed De Lignerie to ''fall back successively
upon Forts Le Boeuf and Presqu' Isle, and so completely de
stroy the w^orks as to leave nothing behind that would be
available to the enemy." The entire party took leave of their
Indian allies, telling them that although they found it neces-
sary to leave them now, they would return in a year and
stay with them perjnanently. (24.) Then they took their way up
the creek, and left the place forever. The French Creek Val
ley was left to silence and to savages. (25.)

There is no tangible evidence of the former existence of the
French work. "VVTien Franklin was settled, there were some
little mounds covered with briar bushes that were a vi-sible
token of the site, but all have now disappeared and we have
but the points of the compass and the peaks of the hills to
point out the location. (26.) This fort was succeeded by the
Flnglish-.\merican fort, Venango.

60 Ft.
^

ElOHTH

60 rr.

ENOLISH fORT VCNANOO

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 591

FOET VENANGO.

In. August, 1759, about the time of the departure of the
French from Venango, General Stanwix, the Commander-in-
Chief of the British army in the middle colonies, arrived at
Fort Duquesne. With the loss of Niagara and the abandon-
ment of the three forts of Presqu' Isle, Le Boeuf and Machault,
the direct contest between the English and the French in
Western Pennsylvania came to an end. With the defeat of
the French, the hostility of the Indians abated. On this point
very little is heard for several years. In 17G0 General Monk-
ton visited the fort, and there held a treaty with the Indians,
in which their nominal consent was obtained by the English
to build forts and establish posts in the wild lands. The
English now carried the war against the French into Canada;
and in July of 1760, all the garrison that could be spared
from Fort Pitt under General Monkton and Colonel Mercer
was taken to Presqu' Isle as the base of operations, from
thence destined against Montreal, the last stronghold of the
French.

After the departure of the French from these posts they
were soon occupied by the English. The fort at Venango
having been destroyed utterly, a new one had to be built.
This was done during the summer of 1760. The fort here
built was garrisoned, and is the one properly known as Fort
Venango.

"At this place an entirely new site was selected, and a new
fort erected. Fort Machault was so thoroughly dismantled
that there was nothing valuable left. The site for the new
work was about forty rods higher up the river, and nearer
the mouth of French creek. In the present plan of the town
(of Franklin), Elk street runs through the center of it, and the
northern bastion extends out into Eighth street. It was a
much more permament and substantial work than that of the
French. The original plan has been lost, but from the earth-
works, yet in good condition at the early settlement of the
country, a very good idea can be formed of its general features.
The general outline was a square, with bastions projecting
from the curtains. The enclosed area was eighty-eight feet
square, with a blockhouse in the renter. This was surrounded

592 THE FRONTIER FORTS

by a ditch twenty-four feet in width. Outside of this was the
embankment, about eight feet in width, with bastions of earth
on each side, and completely commanding all the angles of the
fort." (27.)

Only a small garrison was stationed at Fort Venango by the
English, under the command of Lieutenant Gordon, and from
the time of their occupation until the treaty of j)eace between
Oreat Britain and France, which was definitely ratified on the
3 0th of February, 1763, nothing of any great importance seems
t<« have occurred on the Pennsylvania frontier. During this
time the principal centre of importance for all the English
posts in the' west was Fort Pitt, and Venango was a subordi-
nate garrison in the department.

Nothing unusual attaches to its history until the uprising
of the tribes under Pontiac, when Venango being on the line
of the English frontier, was made one of the objective points
of the attack. This was in the spring of 1763, and Lieutenant
Gordon, the senior officer on the line from Fort Duquesne to
Presqu' Isle, (or Erie), was stationed here. In June the three
posts were attacked, almost at the same time, and all fell.
The garrison at Presqu' Isle, for the most part, were taken by
tlieir captors to Detroit. A few at Le Boeuf escaped; but all
those who were at Venango were lost. While its destruction
was complete, the details of the occurrence are meagre.

Eictui the account of P^nsign Price, who commanded at Le
l^oeuf, and who when it was in flames, made his escape with
some of his garrison to Fort Pitt, was had the first knowledge
of its terrible fate.

The terrible experience of Price and his companions is
spoken of in the account of Le Boeuf, but we again refer
to it here. After theii- flight from Le Boeuf, they
]»ushed on all day, and reached Venango at one o'clock
of the following night. Nothing remained but piles of smoul-
dering embers, among wliich lay the half burned bodies of its
liaploss garrison. They now continued tlieir journey down the
AlI(\glK-ny. On the third night their last biscuit was con-
sumed, and they were half dead with hunger and exhaustion
l.efoi'e thcii' eyes were gladdened at lengtli by the friendly
\\;i1!s of Fort Pitt. Of those who had straggled from the

UF WKSTERN PENNSYLVANIA. o93

party, all eveutiiall.v appeared but two, who, spent
with starvation, had been left behind, and no doubt per-
ished." (28.)

"Not a man remained alive to tell the fate of Venango.
An Indian, who was present at its destruction, long after-
>\urdis described the scene to Hii- William Johnson. A large
body of Senecas gained entrance under pretense of friendship,
tlien closed the gates, fell upon the garrison, and butchered
them all except the commanding officer, Lieutenant Gordon,
whcm they forced to write, from their dictation, a statement
(jf the grievances which had driven them to arms, and then
tortured over a slow fire for several nights till he expired.
This done, they burned the place to the ground, and de-
parted." (29.)

The ruins of Fort Venango were within the recollection
(lately) of a number of the older citizens of Franklin, and
many relics were found by the early settlers, including gun-
barrels, locks, musket balls, knives, pieces of burnt iron and
stone, melted glass, &c. (.'50.) But in referring to the same
subject, it is said by a later authority, that ''in the old days of
militia musters, it was the custom to march down there and
then march around the toj) of the earthwork. The earthwork
presented a broad esplanade, suitable for the purpose, and a
common resort at such times. But it has all passed away to
nuike the approach to the Allegheny bridge, and gradually
the other works were removed to fill up the ravines and form
a smooth and even course for the street. The remains of the
earthworks were visible until within the last twenty years,
when the last vestige was swept away." (31.)

Mention of the place in connection with the ujtjx'r forts
from Pittsburgh, or in connection with the Indian incursions,
is found in the Archives and Eecords, and in the correspond-
ence or journals of individuals, down to the end of the Revolu-
tion. Nothing of unusual impoitance would appear to have
been connected with the location during all this time. Colonel
Brodhead, commanding the Western Department, had permis-
sion from General Washington to establish a post at Venango
in the early part of 1770 (.32); but nothing noteworthy seems to

n.^ -Vcl. 2.

594 THE FRONTIER FORTS

have been done. (33.) The Revolution had long been ovei'
when the occasion arose for another fort near the site of Fort
Venango.

FORT FRANKLIN.

The close of the Revolution did not bring lasting peace with
the Indians of the Northwest. At the end of the war settle-
ments were attempted along the upper Allegheny and the
contiguous territory; but on many occasions the settlers were
obliged from the turbulent disposition of the Indians and the
unsettled state of affairs to return to Fort Pitt or gather
close to the other forts. Owing to this state of affairs, and the
apprehension of another general Indian war, the Government
of the United States decided to erect a military post at Ve-
nango. In the spring of 1787 a company of regular troops,
under the command of Captain (afterward Major) Jonathan
Heart, (who had received his orders on the 10th of April), at^
rived here from Fort Pitt for that purpose. The company,
including officers and men, numbered eighty-seven; and in ad-
dition to this number there were perhaps a dozen of other
persons not immediately connected with the corps. Imme-
diately on their arrival they commenced the erection of the
fort, which they called Fort Franklin. The following extracts
are from the Military Journal of Major Ebenezer Denny for the
8d May, 1788.

About eight o'clock this morning, after passing one island,
we entered the mouth of French creek. The fort stands half
a mile up. Several miles below we were discovered by some
Indians, who cut across and gave notice to Captain Heart ot
our approach. The arrival of General Harmar was announced
with seven rounds of a six-pounder from the fort. Very kindly
received by the captain and Lieutenant Frothingham, at the
head of their command. The company reviewed and dis-
missed. Spent the day in examining Captain Heart's work,
viewing the adjacent country and the old fortifications of the
French and British. There 'S a fine flat of good land here,
altogether on the lowei- side of Frencli creek, but sufficient for

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 595

several farms, the only flat land from Mahoning or Mogul-
bughtiton up * * * Captain Heart's fort, or Fort Frank-
lin, as it is called, is built precisely after the plan of the one
which had been erected by the British, called Venango. It is
a square redoubt, with a blockhouse three stories high in the
center; stands better than half a mile up French creek, upon
very good ground, but the situation, in my opinion, is by no
means so eligible as that of old Fort Venango, built by the
English. The last work stood upon a commanding ground
pretty close to the bank of the Allegheny, half a mile below
French creek and a mile from Fort Franklin. The cellar
wall and hugh stack of chimneys of the blockhouse are of
stone and yet quite entire. The parapet and some other parts
remain perfect, and the whole work might have been built
with half the labor and expense of that built by Heart. The
only reason the captain could offer for taking new ground was
the convenience of timber. (34.)

On the occasion of the Indian troubles of 1794, when there
was very general apprehension that Cornplanter would break
with the whites, and fall on the settlers of northern Penn-
sylvania, the fort, then found to be in a rather unsatisfactory
condition, was again repaired. On June 29th, 1794, Andrew
Ellicott writes in regard to Fort Franklin:

"On my arrival, the place appeared to be in such a defence-
less condition, that, with the concurrence of Captain Denny,
and the oflScer (Captain Heart) commanding at the fort, we re-
mained there some time, and employed the troops in rendering
it more tenable. It may now be considered as defensible, pro-
vided the number of men is increased. The garrison, at pres-
ent, consists of twenty-five men, one-half of whom are unfit for
duty, and it is my opinion that double that number would not
be more than sufficient, considering the importance of the
safety of the settlement on French creek."

The location of Fort Franklin has been criticised, with what
justice we do not pretend to have an opinion. On this sub-
ject the following quotation partly refers:

"In place of locating it at the mouth of French creek, so
as to command that stream, as well as the Allegheny river,
they made their location about one hundred and eighty rods

596 THE FRONTIER FORTS

above the mouth of the former, uud at a point that would
not at all command the latter. The road from Fort Pitt to
Le Boeuf crossed the creek within a few rods of the site se-
lected for the fort, and, bad as the reason may appear, it
was, perhaps, the only one that superinduced the selection of
a spot on which to erect a fort so far from the mouth of the
creek. It was a mere path then, but the fording was good,
and the ascent of tlie opposite hill was the most practicable
from it.

"The existence of this path, and the erection of the fort near
it, induced those who settled here, at an early period, to make
their location also as near as possible to both these supposed
advantages. The town was established, the hotel built, and
near this tract the merchant erected his stall and the mechanic
his shop. Thus was the town, in time, built upon its present
site, far from where strangers think it ought to be located.

"The fort was located immediately above and west of the
south end of the French creek bridge, and consequently on
the south bank of French creek. Like Fort Venango, it was a
parallelogram, the outworks including about one hundred feet
square. The works consisted of high embankments, outside
of which arose tall, pine pickets, deeply and firmly sunk into
the ground, securely fastened together and fastened at the
top. These were sixteen feet high.

''There were four bastions on this work, surmounted by
small cannon, the size not now known. Within the area
formed by the ditches was a huge stack of chimneys in the
center. In tliis building were the magazine and munitions
generally. The huts of the soldiers were in the ditch around
the blockliousc. and within the pickets.

"This fori was situated on a blutf bank of the creek, twenty-
five or thirty feet high, and nearly perpendicular. To this
day is distinctly to be seen a deep ditch running along the top,
and near the edge of the bank, some one hundred and twenty
(120) feet in length, up the creek. This was intended for a
covered way leading from the fort to a small redoubt at the
very margin of llie ci'eek, which was surmounted by two guns
— four-pounders, 1 think.

"The (lari'lson had wliat they called a green-house, oi- cave,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 697

in which they kept vegetables and meat, within a few feet of
the excavation now being made at the end of the bridge, for
the site of tlie new toll-lionse. A garrison of near one hun-
dred, including officers and men, was kept in Fort Franklin
until 1T9G. when what is familiarh- known as the 'Old Garri-
son,' at the mouth of the creek, was erected.

"This was accomplished by the troops at the fort, and was
erected at a point more convenient for receiving provisions
and munitions brought up by the boats on the river from Pitts-
burgh. The Garrison was a strong wooden building, a story
and a half high, and perhaps thirty or forty feet in length. It
was picketed in, but not calculated to be mounted with
cannon. Indeed, the necessity for this had ceased, as the
treat}' of Gen. Wayne with the Indians at Fort Greenville had
been made in August. 1795, and which was then believed, as it
proved to be, a lasting peace."

The troops removed from tlie fort, which was from that
time suffered to dilapidate, and occupied the Garrison. This
they continued to do until 1803, when they were withdrawn
from Franklin altogether. Fort Franklin soon went entirely
to ruin. The stone in the chimneys, like those in Fort Ve-
nango, were hauled away by the citizens of the place, and
used in building foundations and chimneys for private dwell-
ings.

THE OLD GARRISON.

This fort (Franklin) was occupied for nine years, or until
1790, when a new and more sensible selection was made
and a new fortification erected at the mouth of the creek.
This was called subsequently the ''Old Garrison." There
was no longer any danger to be apprehended only from preda-
tory squads of Indians; and the possibility of these incursions
was daily growing less. (.'>,j.l The old fort was dismantled as
the new one was occupied, and in time its pickets fell, its ditch
filled up, and the citiz.ens of the new town took the stone of
the large chimneys to assist in the construction of their dwell-
ings. Time and the spirit of improvement have now swept

598 THE FRONTIER FORTS

away the last vestige of old Fort Franklin. Its position
can only be learned from the map and the recorded history of
the times.

"The 'Old Garrison' was the fourth fortress that was erected
for defense. The site was changed again, and to a more sensi-
ble locality. This was just at the mouth of French creek,
where there would be a view of both creek and river. It was
built in 1796. The location was down in the bottom near the
foot of Tenth street, near the creek. The site is now covered
with water, with no landmarks to locate it, and will soon be
referred to only by tradition. The building had no high-
sounding name, but was always known as the 'Old Garrison.'
It was a strong wooden building, without ditch or bastions or
embrasure. In plain language, it was a log house, strongly
built, and well fortified. It was a story and a half high, and
thirty by thirty-six feet square. Outside it had the invariable
line of pickets to avoid being surprised by the Indians. These
pickets were simply small, round logs set in the ground close
together and from ten to fifteen feet in length. In this the
government kept troops stationed from the time of its erection
until 1799, M^hen all apprehension of trouble with the In-
dians having subsided, they were withdrawn, and the infant
town was left to its own resources for defense against the
savages who were now on friendly terms and desirous only of
trade and traffic."

The "Old Garrison" was not dismantled or left to fall into
decay for many years after there ceased to be any use which
its construction originally contemplated. Upon the organi-
zation of Venango county in 1805, the building was utilized
for the purposes of a jail, and continued in use for that pur-
pose until 1819, when the jail was built on the South Park.
After this the work of dilapidation commenced. It remained
standing, though in ruins. The storms beat against it; the
walls fell and decayed; the high waters of the creek en-
croached on its foundations, and in time it disappeared en-
tirely, m.)

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 599

Notes to Fort MachauU.

(1.) The following is from the Deposition of Stephen Coffen,
who was for a timea prisoner umong the French in Canada. The
deposition was made on the 10th of January, 1754, to Colonel,
afterwards Sir William Johnson, at New York. This paper,
one of the greatest historic value, is preserved among the
State Archives of New York, and has been copied into our
State Archives from thence. Regarding this place and its
first occupancy, the deposition says:

"As soon as the Fort [at Lake Erie] was finished, they
marched Southward, cutting a Waggon Road through a fine
level Country twenty-one Miles to the River Aux Boeufs
(leaving Captain Derponteney with an hundred Men to garri-
son the Fort La Briske Isle); they fell to work cutting Timber,
Boards, &c., for another Fort, while Mr. Morang ordered
Monsieur Bite with Fifty Men to a Place called by the Indians
Ganagarahhare, — [This is the original name of the ancient
Indian village of Venango, now Franklin] on the Banks of
Belle Riviere, where the River aux Boeufs empties into it; in
the meantime Morang had Ninety large Boats or Battoes made
to carry down the Baggage and Provisions, &c., to said Place.
Monsieur Bite on coming to said Indian Place was asked what
he wanted or intended. He, upon answering it was their
Father the Governor of Canada's Intention to build a Trading
House for their and all their Brethren's Convenience, was
told by the Indians that the Lands were their's, and that they
would not have them build upon it. The said Monsieur Bite
returning, met two Englishmen, Traders, with their Horses
and Goods, whom they Bound and brought Prisoners to
Morang, who ordered them to Canada in Irons [These are the
two men spoken of in Washington's journal, named by him
John Trotter and James McCloclanj. The said Bite reported
to Morang the Situation was good, but the Water in the
River aux Boeuf too low at that time to carry down any
Craft with Provisions, &c. ; a few Days after the deponent
says that about one hundred Indians, called by the French the
Loos, [spelled by the French, Loups], came to the fort La
Riviere aux Boeuf to see what the French were doing; that

600 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Monsieur Morang treated tliem very kindly, and then asked
them to carry down some Stores, &c., to the Belle Riviere on
Horseback for Payment, which he immediately advanced them
on their undertaking to do it. They set ott" with full loads,
but never delivered them to the French, which incensed. them
very much, being" not only a loss but a Disappointment.
Morang, a man of a very peevish, choleric Disposition, meeting
with those and other crosses, and finding the Season of
the Year too far advanced to build the Third Fort, called all
his Officers together and told them that as he had engaged
and firmly promised the Governor to finish the Three Forts
that Season, and not being able to fulfill the same, was both
afraid and ashamed to return to Canada, being sensible he had
now forfeited the Governor's Favour forever; wherefore,
rather than live in Disgrace, he begged they would take him
(as he then sat in a carriage made for him, being very Sick
some time) and seat him in the middle of the Fort and then
set Fire to it and let him perish in the flames, which was
rejected by the Officers, who (the Deponent says) had not the
least regard for him, as he had behaved very ill to them all
in general."

(2.) John Frazer, by birth a Scotchman, had been licensed
by the State authorities of Pennsylvania as an Indian trader
in 1748. He removed from Venango when the French came
there and located on the Monongahela river at the mouth
of Turtle creek, near the present location of the Edgar Thomp-
son Company's works, at Braddock.

(^.) "We found the French colors hoisted at a house from
which they had driven Mr. John Frazer, an English subject.
1 immediately repaired to it, to know where the couimander
resided. There were three officers, one of whom, (-aptaiu
Joncaire, iTiformed me that he had tlie command of the Ohio;
hut there was a general officer at the near fort, where he ad-
vised me to apply for an answer. He invited us to sup with
them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance." [Wash-
ington's Journal, Dec. 4th, 1753.]

This Joncaire was the yoimger, a son of tlie moie celebrated
Joncaire, who, according to Charlevoix, "spolco th(> Indian

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 601

language with the sublime eloquence of an Iroquois." [From
Smith's Histor}' of 2s'ew York.]

(4.) "Three hundred of which [the French-Canadians] re-
mained to Garrison the Two Forts, Fifty at Niagara, the Rest
all returned to Canada, and talked of going up again this
winter, so as to be there the beginning of April. They had
Two Six-Pounders and Seven Four Pounders which they in-
tended to have planted in thr- fort at Ganagarah'hare, which
was to have been called the Governor's Fort, but as that was
not built, they left the Guns in the Fort La Riviere aux Boeufs,
where Morang commands." [Deposition of Stephen Cofifen,
Pa, Archives, vi, 2d series, 184,]

(o.) Jean Baptiste Machault was born at Amonville, France,
December 10, 1701; in 1745 was the controller of finance; in
1750 keeper of the seals; succeeded to the home department
in 1750; in 1794 was imprisoned by the Revolutionary govern-
ment; and died the same year at the age of ninety -three, [His-
tory of Penna., by Wm. H. Egle, M. D,, p, 112,3.

(6.) Monsieur Pouchot, in his memoirs, speaks of it rather
contemptuously: "At its mouth (River aux Roeufj, called in
English, Venango, the French had a very poor, mean fort
called Fort Machault, which is also an entrepot for that which
is going down to Fort Duquesne," (1754-5?) [History of
Penna,, by Dr, Egle, p, 1124,]

(7,) This map was found among the papers of the late Judge
Shippen, who was appointed judge of the judicial district to
which Venango county belonged, in 1825, and who after his
appointment took up his residence at INIeadville, Crawford
county. He came from Philadelphia, bringing with him a
great number of papers, which were plac(Hl in the attic of his
house and not opened until after his death. Some time after
tliis event they were opened by the late J, C. C, Kennedy,
when the map was brought to light after its long oblivion.
Judge Shippen was the grandson of Edward Shippen. fre-
quently mentioned in Pennsylvania Provincial affairs. The plan
and dimensions of Fort Burd or Redstone Old Foil, as given
in the Pa, Arch,, xii. 347, were found cimong the papers of

602 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Joseph Hhippen, who was an engineei' who accompanied
Colonel Kurd, and who is supposed to have planned that fort.

The circumstances that the annotations to this plan are in
the English language; that the name Machault does not occur
on it; that the road leading westward is marked "Road to
Pittsburgh," and that the creek is named French creek, a
name it never bore among the French, have given rise to vari-
ous conjectures. If it is traceable through the Shippen family
to the Joseph Shippen who was the engineer with Col. Burd,
the explanation would appear to be that it was a copy of
an authentic document, made by a professional man in the
line of his profession, from a French original. It is called
"Venango Fort," the common name by which it was known
to the English; Pittsburgh was so called on the day after the
occupancy of the point by the English, November 25th, 1758,
and in early correspondence that place was called Pittsburgh
more frequently than Fort Pitt ; and the stream was generally
known to the English as French creek from the time Washing-
ton mentions it in his journal, 1753.

The Allegheny here is called the Ohio, while the annotation,
"Road to Le Boeuf" would indicate its approximate date,
1758-60.

(8.) History of Venango County, Edition 1890, p. 49.

(9.) In a memoir by Duquesne to the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
6th July, 1755, we have an early account of the advantages
already resulting from the erection of this fort. Touching
this subject, he has the following, which is reproduced as part
of the documentary history of this fort.

"I must explain to the Marquis de Vaudreuil that much
difficulty is experienced in conveying all sorts of effects as far
as Fort Duquesne; for, independent of the Niagara carrying
place, there is still that of Presqu' Isle, six leagues in length.
The latter fort, which is on Lake Erie, serves as a depot for
all the others on the Ohio; the effects are next rode to the fort
on the River aux Boeuf, where they are put on board pirouges
to run down to Fort Machault, one-half of which is on the
River au Boeuf, and serves as depot for Fort Duquesne. (a.)
This new post has been in existence only since this year, be-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 603

cause it has been remarked that too much time was consumed
\n going in one trip from the fort on River au Boeuf to Fort
Duquesne, to the loss of a great quantity of provisions which
have been spoiled by bad weather. 'Tis to be hoped that, by
dispatching the convoys opportunely from Fort Machault,
everything will arrive safe and sound in twice twenty-four
hours; besides, it will be much more convenient at Fort Du-
quesne to send only to Fort Machault for supplies. [Pa. Arch.,
vi. 2d ser.. 253. Dated, Quebec, 6th July, 1755.]

(a.) As to this dispatch wherein Machault is said to be built
"one-half on the Ohio and half on the Les Boeufs," Dr. Eaton,
whose account of Fort Machault, as contained in his History of
Venango County, has served as the basis of all the subsequent
narrations, and is in substance the foundation of the authori-
ties cited in other histories of that county, says "there is a
mistake in this m'atter. No French writer even speaks of
more than one fort. Nor do the English. The earliest set-
tlers came here less than thirty years after the abandonment
of the country by the French, and they found not a trace of
any military works on the Point. The expression, half on the
Ohio and half on the Les Boeufs, probably means that the fort
was designed to cover both streams."

(10.) History of Venango County, Ed. 1890.

(11.) "An account of the Information of William Johnston,
who has been prisoner among the Indians about 14 months,
&c." [Endorsed Oct. 16, 1756. Arch., iii, 13.]

(12.) History of Venango County, 53.

(13.) "Examination of Michael Chauvignerie, Jr., a French
officer, who surrendered himself near Fort Henry." [Arch., iii,
294.]

(14.) Custaloga?

(15.) Further examination of Michael La Chauvignerie, Jr.
[26th Oct., 1757, Arch., iii, 305.]

(16.) From Post's Journal. [Arch., iii, 522.]

Aug. 7th. — "We arrived at Fort Venango, situated between
two mountains in a Fork of the Ohio River. I prayed the

e04 THE FRONTIER FORTS

Lord to blind them as he did the enemies of Lot and Elisha,
that I might pass unknown; when we arrived, tlie Fort being
on the other side of the River, we haled, and desired them
to fetch us over, which they were afraid to do, but showed
us a place where we might ford; we slept that night within
half gun shot of the fort.

8th. — ^'This morning I hunted for my horse round the fort,
within 10 yards of it; the Lord heard my prayer, and I passed
unknown, till we had mounted our horses to go off; when
two came to take leave, who were much surprised at seeing
me, but said nothing. By what I could learn of Pesquecum
and other Indians who were in the Fort, the whole Garrison
consisted of only six men, and one officer 'blind' of one eye."

Concerning this officer, there is mention in a report from
Col. Mercer to Gov. Denny, dated at Pittsburgh, August 4th,
1759, whereby it appears he met his death in an attempt of
the French to drive the English out of the trenches at Niagara,
then invested by them. In these attempts "great numbers
were killed on both sides, but most of the French officers
that were on this river [the Allegheny] were killed or taken,
particularly the blind Captain (called so b}' the Indians by
his being blind in one eye), who commanded at Venango,
killed, one Neverville, a great partisan, who used to go fre-
quently with the Indians from this place against the frontier
settlements of I'ennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, killed."

(17.) Penna. Archives, iii, 501, et seq.

(18.) Pa, Arch., iii, 625.

(19.) Colonial Records, viii, 313.

(20.) In his report to Governor Denny, of July 17th, 1759,
he says: "The first intelligence of the enemy's design we
Iiad from Presqu' Isle the 11th; the next from the Delawares,
above Venango, the I'Uh; both which communicated to the
General. The L5th we had the following accounts from two
Six Nation Indians sent to spy at Venango, who left this place
tlie 7th. They found at Venango seven hundred French and
four hundred Indians. The commanding officer told them he
expected six hundred more Indians; that as soon as they ar-
livcd. lie would come and drive us from this plnco. Next day

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 605

two hundred Indians came to Venango, and the same number
the next day, and the third. They were all fitted off for the
expedition by the 11th, at night; and three pieces of cannon
brought from Le Boeuf, the others expected every hour, with
a great many battoes loaded with provisions. In the morning
of the 12th a grand council was held, in which the commander
thanked the Indians for attending them, threw down the war
belt and told themhe set off the next day. The Indians consent-
ed, but were somewhat disconcerted by one of the Six Nations
who gave them wampum, telling them to consider what they
did, and not be in too great a hurry. Soon after, messengers
arrived with a packet for the ofticer who held the council,
at which he and the other oflScers appeared much concerned,
and at length he told the Indians: 'Children, I have received
bad news; the English are gone against Niagara; we must
give over thoughts of going down the river till we have cleared
that place of the enemy.' * * '' Orders were immediately
given to proceed with the artillery, provisions, &c., up French
creek, which the spies saw set off, and the Indians making up
their bundles to follow. They reckon there were upwards of
one thousand Indians, collected from twelve different nations,
at Venango.'- [Arch., iii, 674.]

(21.) From Western Annals. Albach, p. 157.

"And to that all the French in the Valley liad contributed.
M. de Aubrey, commandant at the Illinois, brought to join the
enterprise four hundred men, two hundred thousand ])Ounds
of flour, from Kaskaskia to Venango. Cut off by the nbandon-
ment of Fort Duquesne, fi-om the route of the Ohio, he pro-
ceeded with his force down the Mississippi, and up the Ohio
to the Wabash, thence up that river to the portage at Fort
Miami, or Fort Wayne, and carried his stores over to the
Maumee, passed down that river, and along the shore of Lake
Erie to Presqu' Isle, and carried again his stores over Jie
portage to Le Boeuf; thence descended French creek to Ve-
nango."

(22.) History of Venango County, Edition 1890, p. 54.

(28.) Sir William Johnson succeeded General Prideaux, who

606 THE FRONTIER FORTS

was killed by the bursting of a cohoni. [The Conspiracy of
Pontiac, Francis Parkman, i, 125.]

(24.) On the 12th of August, 1759, Colonel Mercer writes to
Governor Denny: "We have at last got rid of our neighbors
at Venango, who to render their memory grateful among the
Indians, made a virtue of necessity, and what they could not
carry off, very liberally distributed to their friends. * * *
Like true Frenchmen, they went off with a gasconade, telling
the Indians, tho' they must run away at present, yet this
river would be in their possession before the end of the year,"
[Pa. Records, viii, 394.]

(25.) History of Venango County, p. 55, et seq.

(26.) "There were found here by the first settlers several
gi-ape vines, of varieties not indigenous to this region. There
was a black grape, very sweet and of a powerful aroma, that
was propagated for many years; also a white variety that was
lair to the eye and pleasant to the taste, and at that time a
very desirable grape. But the transplanting and want of care
as well as the crowding in of new varieties of native origin
have taken their place, and both these species are now extinct.
No doubt they were brought here by the French, and origin-
ally from France, as they could not be indigenous to Canada."
[Id., 55.]

(27.) History of Venango County. Infra. On authority of
Dr. Eaton.

(28.) The Conspiracy of Pontiac, Parkman, ii, 20.

Notes to Fort Venango.

(29.) Id., (a) quoting from Johnson Papers MS., Historical
Collections of Pennsylvania.

(b.) After the fate of Venango was known to General Am-
herst, he wrote to Colonel Bouquet on the 16th of July, as
follows:

"My former orders for putting such of the Indians as are or
have been in arms against us, and that fall in our power.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 607

to death, remain in force; as the barbarities they have com-
mitted on the late commanding officer at Venango (Grordon,
wliom they roasted alive during several nights) and his unfor-
tunate garrison fully prove that no punishment we can inflict
is adequate to the crimes of those inhuman villains."

(c.) From a letter written to Rev. S. J. M. Eaton, by Mrs.
M. A. Irvine, of Erie, Pa., under date of January 20, 1876,
when the venerable lady was over ninety-two years of age,
is taken the following extract: "I must now tell you all I
know about the old forts. The French fort was nearly oblit-
erated, and where the pickets stood was grown up with
blackberry bushes and grape vines. Both forts were near the
bank of the Allegheny river; the British fort, a little far-
ther up. There was a little stream running between them,
which supplied the British garrison with water. They
had an underground passage to it in order to be protected
against the Indians, in the same way. The Indians in playing
football, w'ould roll their ball inside the enclosure, as if by
accident, and were allowed to go in and get it. Having done
so several times, at last, when the garrison was off its guard,
they rushed in in a body and killed every soul except one
woman, w'hom they carried to Canada. A sister of mine saw
this woman afterwards at Fort Erie, and she then told her
of the massacre." [Quoted In History of Venango County.]

The reader will recall the like stratagem of the Indians
under Pontiac at the siege of Detroit. We have not seen this
circumstance narrated as to the capture of Venango elsewhere,
but it is partly corroborated in the account given to Sir Wil-
liam Johnson above.

Guyasutha was chief of the Senecas, and he had control
of the operations, under Pontiac, in all this region during this
uprising.

(30.) History of Venango County, Edition 1879, p. 65.

The location of Fort Franklin with respect to the land-
marks made at that time, namely, the date of publication of
the History of Venango County, edition 1890, is thus given
(p. 58): "This fort was situated about forty rods above the
site of Fort Machault. Elk street runs through the middle

608 THE FRONTIER FORTS

of its site, while its northern bastion just touched Eighth
street. M. W. Sage's house is in the eastern ditch, and B. W
Bredih's is on the opposite side.''

(31.) History of \^enango County, Edition 1890, p. GO.

(32.) Archives, xii, 113.

(33.) "AV'hether this fort was rebuilt and garrisoned by the
English after this time is extremely doubtful. There is a
gap in the history that we have not the means of filling up.
The probabilities are that the country was abandoned until
after the Revolutionary war, and the possession of the United
States authorities." [History of Pennsylvania, by Dr. W. H.
Egle, p. 1126.]

(34.) Military Journal of INiajor EbcMiezer Denny, for 3d May,

1788.

Notes to the Old Garrison.

(35.) Arrangements in tlie meantime were being made for
the settlement of the country in a systematic and less pre-
carious way. In the summer of 1T!)5, General ^Yilliam Irvine
and Andrew Ellicott, with an (^scort of fifty men, were sent up
from Pittsbui'gh to protect surveyors, and at the same time
lay out a town at the Junction of French creek and Allegheny
river. They arrived here duly, accompanied by a corps of
surveyors and escorted by a company of State troops under
the command of Captain John Grubb. They laid out Franklin.

(30.) History of Venango County, Edition 1890. Quoting
from "Democratic Arch.,'' Aug. 11th, 1842, et seq.

The last vestige of it, it is said, disappeared about 1S24.

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 609

BLOCKHOUSES, STATIONS AND PLACES
OF DEFENSE ERECTED OR USED AF-
TER 1783 ON THE WESTERN FRONTIER
OF PENNSYLVANIA.

The first extract folloAving is from "Tlie History of the
Backwoods, or, The Register of the Ohio," by A. W. Patterson,
published at Pittsburgh, by the author, 1843, — a reputable
work, now not in circulation.

"During the year 1790 and tlio year following, settlements
along the Allegheny began to be vigorously commenced. In
1784, the lands on the northwestern side of the river had been
surveyed; but as the channel of the stream, was still looked
upon as the line between the settlements and the Indian
country, but few were willing to hazard a residence beyond it
for several years. And at a time when the settlements were
strewed along it on either shore for more than forty miles
from its mouth, scarcely a single improvement was to be found
any distance from it to the northwest.

"The stream at some distance above being occupied by
hostile Indians, the Senecas and Munsies, who not unfre
quently came down upon the unsuspecting settlers, spreading
alarm and consternation among them, rendering a residence
in this part of the country precarious, and perhaps retarded
the settlement much. Had it not been for the early protection
given by Brodhead, and the startling victories achieved by his
daring "Captain of the spies," [Brady] thus early, aweing the
savages into comparative silence, there is reason to believe
there would often have been just cause for alarm, which the
appearance of a single savage in his canoe descending the
river, long afterwards, in time of peace, was accustomed to
create.

"During the Revolutionary War, Crawford's Fort and one
at Kittanning, were the only ones on the stream. About 1790
a number betwixt the latter place and Fort Pitt were erected.
Coe's "station," as these posts were called, stood on the op-
posite side of the river from Crawford's Fort, and nearly a
39-- Vol. 2.

610 THE FRONTIER FORTS

mile below. This latter fort, bearing the name of the
lamented person who erected it some time prior to 1778, had,
by this time, from a disoccupancy of it for several years, fallen
into disrepair. Reed's station was the next above, which had
been built about the same time with Coe's, but on being acci-
dentally burned shortly after St. Clair's defeat, was removed
a mile and a half higher up the river, to the present site of the
borough of Freeport, where it continued to be commanded for
some time, by Captain John Craig, still a resident of that
vicinity. Nicholson's and Green's were two others inter-
mediate to Kittanning. The former at the mouth of what is
called Nicholson's run, about seven miles above Freeport, and
the latter six miles below Kittanning.

"It was early in the summer of 1792, the capture of Massy
Harbison, the most memorable of any on the frontier, oc-
curred.

"Upon the close of Wayne's war in 1794, that portion of
Western Pennsylvania, between the Allegheny and Lake Erie.
began to be settled.

"In 1796, the village of Freeport was laid off, and known for
a time as Todd's town, being named after the proprietor.''
(Hist'y of The Back Woods, p. 297.)

These stations named, with others on the Allegheny river
were garrisoned in part by the militia called out by the State,
and partly by detachments of regular United States troops
from the post at Pittsburgh. — (See Knox to Gov. Mifflin, Dec.
26, 1791, Arch, iv, 676, sec. ser.) The State militia were pri-
marily intended for scouting and patrol duty. This co-opera-
tion between the State and the Federal government was
deemed necessary on account of the urgency of the situation.

REED'S STATION— (Westmoreland County).

On May 22d, 1792, "a party of Indians, said to be about
forty in number attacked Kcn^d's Station, on the Allegheny
river, about four miles below Kiskiminetas. They killed one
man and a child, and wounded a soldier of McCully's corps,

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 611

and took a woman and some children prisoners." (Arch, iv,
720, sec. ser.)

Hon. Wm, Findley reports to Secretary Dallas, June 1st,
1792, (Arch, iv, 725, sec. ser.), the same occurrence as follows:
The Indians broke into the settlement at Keed's Station. It
was garrisoned by rangers under Cooper. They had never
scouted any. The}' had been frolicking and were surprised,
in want of ammunition, and the ofiQcers were absent from the
station. However, the Indians fired only a few rounds upon
the blockhouse, with which they killed one man and wounded
another, and went away without any exertions made bj^ the
rangers. They then killed and took Harbison's family, in site
of the station. Harbison was one of the spies.

Mrs. Harbison, known as Massy Harbison, made her escape
from her captors after having been carried some distance into
the wilderness, and her Narrative, set down circumstantially
and supported by her affidavit, is one of the most remarkable
in frontier annals. The unaffected simplicity of the style, the
maternal devotion of the mother carrying her babe with her
through the storm in her flight from the savages, the anguish
and hunger and suffering which she endured, her providential
rescue, the collapse of her physicial nature and mental facul-
ties, and her gradual restoration to health, form the subject
matter of one of the most attractive chapters in the history
of the border.

The site of the first blockhouse which was the nucleus of
the station is located by Mr. David Reed, Sr.. a descendant of
John Reed on whose land the station was originally, on land
now owned by Capt. Wm. F. Aull. The last of the blockhouse
was washed into the river Allegheny in 1840. A run which
flows into the river at a point where the blockhouse stood is
now known as Dimit run. After the burning of the block-
house, as narrated above by Patterson, the one erected at
(now) Freeport took its place. Its name is associated with
Reed's station, being in close proximity. The location of the
later structure is given thus in Mr. Walter Smith's History of
Armstrong county. It is in Freeport township.

B12 THE FRONTIER FORTS

BLOCKHOUSE AT FREEPORT OR BUFFALO CREEK—

(Armstrong County).

Sometime prior to the establishment of permanent peace
by Wayne's victory over and treaty with the Indians, a block-
house was erected on the Allegheny, about a hundred and
twenty rods above the mouth of the Buffalo, which is now on
Water, below Fifth street, Freeport. Its commandant was
Captain John Craig, whose command consisted of forty or
fifty men, most of whom were inexperienced soldiers.

During 1791-92 blockhouses and stations were erected near
the Ohio, covering that river, at various points in the Pan
Handle, for the protection of the Washington county region.

Col. Charles Campbell, from Black Lick Feb. 27th (1793),
wrote to Gov. Mifflin that although there had not been any
damage done for some lime, the people on the frontiers of his
county were apprehensive that they would receive a stroke
from the Indians in the spring, as the winter had been very
clear and open of snow. In the same letter he stated that
there were then about thirty of the continental [State] sol-
diers stationed **at the Cattannian" and at Coe's station. The
latter was on the west side of the Allegheny river, about a
mile below a point opposite Fort Crawford, or the mouth of
Pocotas. The former must have been Green's, as it was called
"the Kittanning" for several miles along the river above
Crooked creek. Kittanning was pronounced and spelled
variously in those times by those who knew not its correct
orthography and orthoepy. That station became and was
called a fort — Fort Green — on being occupied by the State
troops." (Smith's His. Armstrong Co., p. 332.)

FORT GREEN— (Armstrong County).

''Among the first, if not the very first, white settlers on the
southern part of the Manor [Armstrong county] were Wm.
Green and his sons James, John and Samuel, who emigrated
from Fayette county, in the spring of 1787, and took up their

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 613

abode above the mouth of Crooked creek on what is now the
site of Rosston.

"The Indians were numerous and had camps on both sides
of the Alleghenj^ river, (now Manor township near Kittanning).
From 1787, until 1791, they were not troublesome. They had
their war-dances where Rosston now is, and occasionally vied
with the white settlers in running foot-races.

"Soon after the Indians became troublesome and dangerous,
Col. Charles Campbell wrote to William Green to remain there
ten days longer, and assured him that he would send thither
some soldiers. Mrs. Green and the children for safety oc-
cupied the fodder house at night, which consisted of a ridge-
pole, placed upon two forked stakes which were sunk into the
ground, with poles about four feet apart, slanting therefrom
in opposite direction to the ground, on which smaller ones
were fastened transversely. Bundles' of topped corn were
placed on the outside, and calves, husks and pumpkins were
deposited within. In ten or twelve days thereafter, a body of
soldiers arrived and built a log fort about the size of a com-
mon blockhouse, and a number of huts around it for soldiers'
dormitories, about thirty-five rods above the mouth of Crooked
creek, or what is now (1883) the Highley lot, or lot No, 22,
eight or ten rods below the street extending from the railroad
past Christy's store to the river. It was called Fort Green, at
least it is so named on the Historical Map of this State. There
were different commandants, one of whom was Capt. Sparks,
who is the only one whose name the writer's informant,
Samuel Green, of North Buffalo township, a grandson of Wil-
liam Green, remembers to have heard mentioned in connec-
tion with the foregoing and following facts respecting these
pioneer settlers, and that fort. Both drafted and enlisted
men were stationed there. The number of scouts usually sent
out together was twelve or fourteen, and the number of spys
two. Among the events that occurred, while that fort was
thus occupied, and which Samuel Green remembers to have
heard related, is this: Capt. Sparks and William Green dis-
covered, one day, an Indian under a large sugar tree on the op-
posite side of the river. Having crossed to Bushy island,

614 THE FRONTIER FORTS

afterward called "Cast-off," they shot at him. But the scouts
who were sent over to ascertain whether he had been killed
could not discover any trace of him. They supposed, from
the appearance of the trail that there were about thirty In-
dians on the top of the hills further back from the river."
(Smith's His. Armstrong Co., p. 328.)

The circular letter of Gov. Mifflin, Jan. 20tb, 1792, to the
lieutenants of Allegheny, Fayette, Washington and West-
moreland counties, advised them, among other things, that
three companies which had been authorized by him, pursuant
to an act of the Assembly, when filled, should be stationed
thus: The first one at the southwest corner of Washington,
now Greene county, and range thence to the Ohio; the second
at the mouth of Great Beaver, and range thence by the heads
of Pine creek to Fort Crawford; the third one at the Kittan-
ning, and range thence up and down the Allegheny river,

Such was the exposure of the white settlers to hostile at-
tacks from the Indians along the Allegheny and Ohio river,
from above Kittanning to Yellow creek, when the site of Fort
Green was selected as one of those "fixed posts," whither it is
probable "Ensign Murphy marched, on Thursday, 29th March
(1792), with twenty-eight men of Capt. Guthrie's company,
completely armed, to join some who had been sent out before
to cover the frontiers of Westmoreland county," as Major
McCulley wrote from Greensburgh on the 31st, adding that he
was then on his way to those frontiers, and that he should
order Capt. Guthrie out with the rest of his company with all
possible haste. * * * The latter probably remained at Fort
Green several weeks, and then the principal portion of it was
stationed several miles below; for Col. Charles Campbell, from
Black Lick, his residence in what is now Indiana county, May
28th, [1792] wrote to Gov. Mifflin, that on the 22d the Indians
attacked Lieut. William Cooper's Station, near the mouth of
the Kiskiminetas [Reed's], and killed one man and wounded
another, and that Maj. McCulley had taken all his men away
from Green's and Reed's stations except a few to keep up
Green's, He suggested that as Smith's and Guthrie's com-
panies were to be stationed at the mouth of the Puckety —

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. t)15

Fort Crawford — he would have to give up the settlements
near these stations, or, as requested by McCulley send the
militia thither. He insisted that both of these stations should
be supplied or manned by continental troops, as it was distres-
sing to call on the militia of the one county to guard so ex-
tensive a frontier, to stand as a barrier to the interior, but
that, if a suflficient number of men were not kept out, those
settlements would break up, as they could not support them-
selves without raising some crops. In a postscript he stated
that he had just received a dispatch by an express, that one
hundred Indians had crossed the Allegheny river, and lifty
others had been seen the daj' before in the inhabited parts,
and one man had been killed. William Findley, June 1st,
1792, to Secretary Dallas, after relating the attack at Reed's
Station (see Reed's Station) stated that the alarm caused by
it spread rapidly. The Indians heralded their approach by
burning some of the houses which they first reached. There
were only about forty of them, but they created so great a
panic that the people fled before them. They went out in
squads of from five to seven, keeping nearly the course of the
Kiskiminetas. They did not seem to be so anxious to kill as
to plunder. Their eager desire to capture horses seemed to
divert their attention from shedding blood."

"William Green and his sons removed, prior to 1804 to the
west side of the river, and Judge Ross became thereafter the
first permanent white settler in this southwestern portion of
the Manor, probably in 1807. In the course of a few years he
built the stone house now (1883) owned and occupied by his
son, Washington Ross, which was the first one of that
material erected in this region, and probably one of the first
within the present limits of that part of this county which is
on the east side of the Allegheny river, except the one in Kit-
tanning borough."

Lot No. 22 in the village of Rosston, Manor township "a
town or village on the Ross tract, extending from the mouth
of Crooked creek up along the left bank of the Allegheny
river, on its west side, and the Allegheny Valley railroad on
its east side — is said to be the site of Fort Green. It was

616 THE FRONTIER FORTS

surveyed and laid out into thirty lots for Washington Ross^
hence its name — Sept. 18, 1854. Lot No. 22 was conveyed to
Emanuel Heighley. [Smith's Hist. Armstrong Co., p. 340,
et seq.]

CLARK'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Armstrong County).

The Historical Map of Pennsylvania indicates that there was
an Indian town about a mile and thirty rods above Crooked
creek, on or very near the Indiana county line, in the south-
eastern part of the township, (Plum Creek township, Arm-
strong county.)

Permanent settlements by the whites were made in the
eastern and southeastern portions of Plum Creek township,
as originally formed, before and when it was a part of Arm-
strong township — earlier than in any other part of this county.
The reason why it was not first settled is not stated. The
streams, the water-power, and the considerable scope of pro-
ductive and comparatively level land in that section may have
been more attractive to pioneers than the more broken and
rugged land in other sections.

"The early settlers were subject to the attacks of the In-
dians. A blockhouse was built on the land then owned by Wil-
liam Clark, but which is now (1883) owned by S. E. Jones.
There was another house with port holes — not built, perhaps,
expressly for a blockhouse, but used as a place of refuge and
defense from those attacks — on the road now leading from
Elderton to the old Crooked creek salt-works, on the farm
heretofore known as the Down's farm. It was attacked one
morning by the Indians. George Miller and James Kirk-
patrick were then in charge of it, the Indians fired upon them,
killed a child in the cradle and wounded an adult person in
the building. The women made bullets while the men were
defending them and their children. One Indian, while put-
ting a charge of powder in his gun, was shot through the hand
and body and was killed, and some of the other Indians were
wounded. George Miller escaped from the rear of the build-

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 617

ing, mounted a horse and started for Clark's blockhouse. In
his absence the Indians fled, carrying with them the dead and
wounded. Two children, John Sloan and his sister Nanc^v,
were captured about the time of that affair on the farm near
the present Lutheran and Reformed church, formerly in Plum
Creek, but now in South Bend township and about sixty rods
northwest from the present residence of William Heintzelmah.
They were working in the cornfield at the time. Having been
retained by the Indians several years, they were exchanged
near Cincinnati or Sandusky, Ohio. They returned home the
same year that Samuel Sloan, still living [1883], was born.
Their relatives and some other settlers soon after their cap-
ture followed the trail of the Indians to the point where they
crossed the Allegheny river above Kittanning. The writer's
informant, Ex-Sheriflf Joseph Clark, also said he had seen bul-
let holes in the door of the above mentioned house on the
Down's farm, and that his aunt, Mrs. Joseph Clark, had told
him that she used to stand with rifle in hand, and guard her
husband while at work on the farm now occupied by William
T. Clark in Plum Creek township. * * * * George Miller
was the earliest white settler in this township. He located
where the Kittanning and Indiana; turnpike crosses Plum
Creek, in 17G6." [Smith's History, p. 201.]

For mention of the attack on the house of James Kirk-
patrick, see Archives iv, G60, sec. ser., and page GGl same
volume.

CLAYPOOLE'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Armstrong County).

"A blockhouse called the Claypoole blockhouse was built by
James Claypoole about eighty rods below Fort run, near the
river bank. It is not known jusr when it was built. It must
have been between 1790 and 179G. His wife, Lavinia Clay-
poole, died in the last-mentioned year, and was buried but a
few rods from the grave of the three men killed by the In-
dians as hereinafter stated. Peter Ehringer, with the ax-end of
his mattock, cut her name and the year of her death on the
89*

618 THE FRONTIER FORTS

headstone of her grave, which some persons still living re-
member to have seen. That blockhouse was one of the places
of refuge for the settlers and their families from the attacks
of the Indians. ""' * * As soon as it was safe to live out of
the blockhouse, his son George built a log-house between it
and the hill where D. S. Herrold now resides (1883).
■ "George Cook, who was born about 1764:, was a soldier, a
scout, and resided in the Manor (Manor township) from either
his boyhood or his early manhood until he was nearly four
score, used to narrate to his neighbors, among whom was Wil-
liam McKellog, of "Glentworth Park," from whom the writer
obtained a statement of these tragical facts: While Cook was
a member of a scouting party who occupied a fort or block-
house near Fort Run, so called from Fort Armstrong, some In-
dians made a small cord from the inner bark of a linden tree,
with which they anchored a duck in a hole or pool in that
run, formed by the action of the water about the roots of a
sugar maple tree on its brink. Three of the scouting party,
while out on a tour of duty, noticed the duck which must have
appeared to them to be floating on the water. They set their
guns up against a button wood tree, which, with the sugar
maple tree, was cut down after that land came into the pos-
session of Richard Bailey. While they were stooping to catch
the duck, as it was presumed they did, they were shot by In-
dians, probably three, because three reports of gun shots were
heard. They fell dead into the run, whose water was colored
with their blood. Hence that stream also bears the name
of Bloody run. The bodies of those three men were buried
on a knoll opposite where they were shot, eight or ten rods
higher up the river. The Indians were probably concealed
among the weeds, which were then quite rank and abundant.
Several of the men who were in the fort or blockhouse, on
hearing the gun shots, came out, saw what had occurred, and
discovered the Indians' trail, which, on that or the next day,
they followed to the mouth of Pine creek, and were about to
give up the pursuit, when, looking up the hill, they saw a
smoke on its face. After dark, they crossed the mouth of the
creek, and ascertained the exact position in which the Indians
were. The next morning they crawled as carefully and

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. <il9

quickly as possible through the weeds and willows, until they
thought they were within sure gunshot of the murderers of
their comrades. They saw one of them mending his moc-
casin. The other two were, they thought, cooking meat for
breakfast. The}^ shot and killed two of the Indians, and
captured the other. Having brought him past the mouth of
that creek, on their return, and having reached "an open
grove," they told him that they would give him a start of some
distance ahead of them, and if he would beat them in running
a race he should be released. He accepted the offer, started,
but was overtaken, fatally shot, and his body was left where
he fell." (Smith's His. Armstrong Co., p. 325.)

BLOCKHOUSE AT BULL CREEK— (Allegheny County).

In the biographical sketch of Captain Robert Orr, of Arm-
strong county, which was published in the Kittanning Gazette
for Sept., 1833, it is stated that Captain Orr, on returning from
his captivity at Montreal whither he had been sent for ex-
change after his capture, with others taken at the massacre
of Lochry's party in 1781 (he), in the summer of 1783, raised
another company for the defense of the frontier, to serve two
months; and that "he marched them to the mouth of Bull
creek, northwest of the Allegheny river, built a blockhouse
there, and served out the necessary term."— (Quoted in Day's
Historical Coll., page 98.)

This point is now Tarentum, Allegheny county. * * *
There is some evidence to indicate that this was a place of
some importance sometime earlier, although there is nothing
to indicate that there was a blockhouse here for a rendezvous.
It is probable that this was the place meant in the order which
Col. Brodhead gave to Lieut. John Jamison, Nov. 27, 1779,
directing him to evacuate Fort Armstrong (Kittanning), in
which he says, after considering that he might not be able to
transport all the store by water, "if not you must have recourse
to pack horses, which you can receive from Capt. Carnahan,
who is now with a party at Bulls town or the mouth of Kis-
kiminetas." (Brodhead's Letter Book No. 101, Arch xii, 193.)

620 THE FRONTIER FORTS

INDIANA COUNTY.

The data for the blockhouses here mentioned within the
limits of what is now Indiana county are to be found in the
History of Indiana county, published by J. A. Caldwell, New-
ark, Ohio, 1880. The compilers of this work incorporated into
it a great deal of material prepared and previously published
by gentlemen of information and accurate knowledge. Of
these were Richard B. McCabe, Esq., and Jonathan Row, Esq.,
both long since deceased. Much of the matter, however, is of
a biographical character. This part has been discriminated
carefully for the extracts here given, and nothing has been
here inserted without having been inquired into and as far as
possible corroborated by additional circumstances or plausible
considerations.

McCONAUGHY'S FORT— (Indiana County).

In a biographical sketch of James Simpson of Centre town-
ship, Indiana county, published in the History of Indiana
County referred to, it is said that he "came to this country
from Scotland, locating first at what was called the 'Old
Scotch Fort/ or Ligonier, near Laurel Hill in Westmoreland
county. He suffered all the trials of frontier life in the Indian
war and the Revolutionary war, and with his brother Andrew
and the brothers White, served for several years as scouts.
His wife was Hannah White, and he and the Whites removed
at an early date to the vicinity of Blairsville (now), and built
a blockhouse and stockade. They remained there several
years. Andrew was killed by the Indians near the mouth of
Black Lick creek while going to warn a settlement below of
danger. John White was with him, but escaped with a
broken arm. Shortly after this they removed to Cherry run,
on Two Lick creek, just below the mouth of the run. They
erected a blockhouse on a bluff on the bank of Two Lick creek,
which was called the "Old McConaughy Fort."

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. C21

ALLISON'S FORT— (Indiana County).

"James Mitchell located in 1788 on Black Lick, on the tract
of land at present (1880) owned by his two sons William and
James Mitchell, where he died in September, 1832. He began,
a clearing and put up a cabin house and barn, and after living
alone two years got married and subsequently erected the
buildings which are still standing. He often served as a
scout during the border troubles, and in the spring of 1791,
went with his family to "Allison's Fort," at [now] Homer.
After the alarm had subsided, he returned to his farm, and
was not afterward molested by the Indians." [History of In-
diana Co., p. 452.]

The Allison Fort above referred to was probably the cabin
of Andrew Allison, who, after serving in the Revolution, came
into the Derry region in Westmoreland county, in 1785, where
he made a settlement; but in 1788 he sold out his improve-
ment, crossed the Conemaugh, and settled on the bank of the
Two Lick, opposite the present village of Homer. Here he
built a cabin and cleared some ground. In 1790, his father
came from Cumberland county, and took charge of his im-
provements and Andrew penetrated farther into the forest and
opened up to the farm now owned by Archibald Nichol, three
miles east of the borough of Indiana. Here he remained until
1792, in which year owing to Indian depredations, he was ob-
liged to flee with his family to Moorhead's Fort [house], on the
farm now owned by Isaac Moorhead. He then returned to
his father's on TSv^o Lick, where another fort was being
erected; there he remained till sometime in 1793, when he re-
moved to the Forks of Two Lick and Yellow creek on an im-
provement already made by another person. [From sketch
of the Allisons, in Hist, of Indiana Co., p. 455.]

PEELOR'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Indiana County).

"David Peelor. from Berks county, Pa., located on what is
now (1880) the Joseph McCoy property. Armstrong township,
Indiana county, in 1790. He was killed by the Indians while

622 THE FRONTIER FORTS

working a short distance from the blockhouse on the McElhose
farm, Armstrong township. The families were in the block-
house, owing to the troublesome times of the Indian war then
in progress. The blockhouse was situated eighty rods north-
east of the house. This is on Curry [Cherry ?] run, and the
residence referred to is the residence of John B. Peelor.''
[Hist, of Indiana County, page 430.]

ELDER'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Indiana County).

"Robert Elder who came with his family — his children hav-
ing reached maturity — made his flrst settlement on what is
called Elder's ridge, in Young township (Indiana county), in
1786. They lived in a simple manner in a temporarily con-
structed shelter until they were able to erect a house of hewn
logs, which was built in a very short time on the ground now
(1880) used as a garden, beside Prof. S. J. Craighead's house.
This building was used as a blockhouse." [Hist. Ind. Co.]

THOMPSON'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Indiana County).

"The blockhouse on the John Thompson (now David K.
Thompson) farm in Rayne township, Indiana county, [about
six miles northeast of Indiana borough] was erected in 1790,
and torn away in 1807. The names as far as known, of those
engaged in its construction were, Jacob Hess, Henry and
Jacob Shallenberger, Ezekiel and Elisha Chambers, James
McKee, John Stuchell, Timothy O'Neil, Shoenberger, and a
few others. The building was originally about eighty feet
long, thirty feet wide, and two stories in height, and small
round logs were used in its construction. It had two ranges
of port-holes; the brush and lumber were cut off, and it was
surrounded by a stockade made of sharpened poles driven in
the ground, and about ten feet in height. The building was

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 623

nearly a ruin when John Thompson came to it in 1801. He
removed the stockade, and used a part of the house to repair
the remaining portion. We cannot learn that this blockhouse
was ever attacked." From notes furnished by Joseph Thomp-
son, a descendant of John Thompson. [Hist. Indiana Co..
p. 524.]

MCCARTNEY'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Indiana County).

"Joseph McCartney, a surveyor and school teacher, a native
of Ireland, settled on the tract of which the Benson Hill farm
in Buffin*:jton township, is a part, sometime previous to the
Revolution, and was driven away by the Indians. He did not
return until about the closing year of that struggle. He and
his neighbors erected a blockhouse on this place, its situation
being near the site of the old residence." [Hist. Indiana
County, page 540.]

MEAD'S BLOCKHOUSE— (Meadville, Crawford County)

By act of Legislature April 18, 1793, the Governor was di-
rected to cause 1,000 acres of land to be surveyed and laid out
into town lots at Presqu' Isle (Erie), In March, 1794, Capt.
Denny was directed by Gov. Mifflin to provide and command
troops to aid in carrying into effect the act. At the same time
Mr, Andrew Ellicott and General William Irvine were ap-
pointed Commissioners to lay out a road from Reading, Pa,,
to the lake shore and lay out the town of Presqu' Isle. On
June 29, 1794, Mr. Andrew Ellicott made a report of a confer-
ence which he had held on the 2€th — with Captain Denny as
his colleague — with the representatives of the Six Nations, at
Le Boeuf ; and in this report he advised the erection of three
blockhouses "on the Venango path." one of which should be at
Mead's settlement (MeadA'ille), and the other two at Le Boeuf
and Presqu' Isle. In a letter from Mr. Ellicott from Le Boeuf
to Gov. Mifflin, July 4th. 1704, lie says: "The detachment of

624 THE FRONTIER FORTS

State troops yesterday moved into tlie new fort at this place/'
(Le Boeuf).

The blockhouse at Meadville was one of the three advised
by Andrew Ellicott, and was built in the summer of 1794, on
what is now the northeast corner of Water street and Steer's
alley. It was built of hewn timber, square in form with the
upper story projecting over the lower some three or four feet as
was common in the blockhouse construction of that period. It
was never garrisoned by troops, as the victory of General
Wayne over the Indians in August of that year freed this part
of the border from danger of Indian attack, and the rapid in-
crease of settlement gave full protection to this portion of the
State. This Mead settlement took its name from the family of
Meads who were among the first whites to occupy that por-
tion of the country.

The quotation which follows is from the Hon. William Rey-
nold's contribution to the Centennial History of Crawford
county:

"In the twilight of the evening of May 12, 1788, a party of
ten men built their camp fire beneath a wild cherry on the
bank of French creek, near the present site of the Mercer
street bridge, in the town of Meadville. They were the first
settlers in Crawford county — Cornelius Van Home and
Christopher Snyder, from New Jersey; David Mead and his
brothers — Darius, John and Joseph — John Watson, Thomas
Martin, James F. Randolph and Thomas Grant, from Sunbury,
Northumberland county. On the next day these pioneers built
a cabin on the deserted corn fields of the Indians on the bot-
tom, between the Cussewago and French creek, and com-
menced their first planting. Grant selected the present site of
Meadville, but abandoned the settlement the same summer,
when David Mead took possession and built a double log house
on the bluff banks of French creek, where is now the residence
of James F. McFarland, Esq. This house was built with a
view of defense against Indian attacks, and was surrounded
with a stockade and protected by a small, square log block-
house on the northwest corner.

During 1789 the little colony known as "Mead's settlement"
was reinforced by the arrival of the family of Darius Mead,

OP WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 025

Frederick Baum, and Robert Fitz Randolph with their
families, Fredericlv Haj'malcer, William Gregg, Samuel Lord
and John Wentworth. On April 1st, 1791, the settlers were
warned by Flying Cloud — a son of the Chief Connedaughta —
of threatened danger from the hostile western tribes, and on
the same day eleven strange Indians were seen a few miles
northwest of the settlement. The women and children of the
colony were gathered within the Mead house and cellar and
on the next day sent in canoes to Fort Franklin. The Indian
chief, Half Town — who was a half-brother to Cornplanter —
was encamped here at the time with twenty-seven of his
"braves." Twelve of these he sent to guard the canoes, six on
each side of the creek, and with his remaining warriors he
joined the settlers in a fruitless search for the hostiles seen
by Gregg. On the following day all the men departed for
Franklin with their horses, cattle and moveable effects.

On May 3d, Corhelius Van Home, William Gregg and
Thomas Ray returned to plant the spring crops. Stopping for
the night at Gregg's cabin, they shelled a bag of corn, part of
which they ground the next morning at the Mead house. Ar-
riving at the corn field. Van Home laid his gun on the bag of
seed corn and ploughed while Gregg and Ray planted. At
noon Gregg and Ray returned to the Mead house for dinner
and fresh horses. AVhile ploughing, Van Home saw two In-
dians emerge from the woods. The one dropping his bow and
the other his gun, they rushed to the attack with their toma-
hawks. Van Home grasped the uplifted arm of the first sav-
age and entered on a struggle for life. By his superior
strength and agility he shielded himself from the attack of
his more formidable foe with the body of his weaker antago-
nist, calling loudly for help. After a time the Indians
promised his life on condition of surrender. Mounting the
horses, Van Home between them, they crossed the Cusse-
wago, and entering a ravine on the hillside they met two other
Indians. They tied the arms of their prisoner and three re-
turned to the corn field. Van Home and the Indian rode the
horses to Conneaut Lake and crossed the outlet. Here they
dismounted and Van Horne was tied by the ends of the rope

40-Vol. 2.

626 THE FRONTIER FORTS

which secured his arms to a tree while his captors left in
search of game. With a knife he had secreted he succeeded
in cutting the rope and made his escape to the settlement
where by good fortune he found thirty soldiers under Ensign
Jeifers, on their return from Erie to Fort Franklin.

"Gregg and Ray returning with the horses discovered the
three Indians and fled, crossing the Cussewago near its mouth.
Gregg, after reaching the opposite bank, was wounded, and
seating himself on a log he was shot by his pursuers through
the head with his own gun. Ray was captured and carried to
Detroit, then occupied by a British garrison. Here he was
recognized by an old school-fellow of his boyhood in Scotland,
Captain White, who purchased him from his captors for two
gallons of whiskey, furnished him money and sent him on a
vessel to Buffalo, from whence he was piloted to Franklin by
Stripe Neck — an old Mohawk chief, who lived after the early
settlement on the west side of French creek near the site of
the present tannery in Kerrtown. Ray made his settlement
and ended his days in the northwest corner of Mead township.

"In the summer of the same year Darius Mead, the father of
David and John, was captured near Franklin, His body was
found side by side with that of one of his captors. Captain
Bull, a Delaware chief. The duel had been to the death and
they were buried side by side where found, near the Shenango
creek in Mercer county.

"The exposure of the frontiers by the defeats of General
Harmar (October, 1790) and General St. Clair (November, 1791)
necessitated the abandonment of the settlements on French
creek during the greater part of 1791 and 1792. During the
winter of these years Mead's house was garrisoned by a de-
tachment of fifteen men from Fort Franklin. The command
of the army in 1793 by General Wayne encouraged the return
of the settlers, who were for a time protected by a garrison of
twenty-four soldiers under Ensign Lewis Bond. This com-
pany having been withdrawn by General Wayne, and the
settlers being again warned by Flying Cloud, the greater
number returned to Franklin.
• "Restored confidence in 1794 added many new colonists, and

OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 627

substantial improvements commenced. Law was in some de-
gree enforced and a small company of militia was enrolled
under the command of Mr, Van Home as Ensign. Alarms,
were, however, not infrequent, and many times the Mead
house and cellar gave refuge to women and children from ap-
prehended danger. On August 10, 1794, James Dickson was
wounded from an ambush of three Indians, near the intersec-
tion of Spring street and the Terrace (Meadville). For the
better protection of the increasing settlement a blockhouse
was built in the autumn of 1794."

The blockhouse alluded to was the one first referred to in
the beginning of this article. An interesting fact is treasured
in that locality connected with the old blockhouse. The first
school in that section was opened by Jennette Finney (after-
wards wife of David Mead) in 1795, in a log house on North
Market street. The blockhouse, no longer needed for defense,
was soon by David Mead made suitable for school purposes,
and in it was opened a school in the winter of 1798-99. This,
according to the Hon. William Reynolds of Meadville, was the
first school house in that part of the State north of Franklin.

Note. — I am indebted to the Hon. William Reynolds for the
above extracts on the early history of this settlement, and also
for other statements made in connection with the Presqu' Isle
settlement, on which subjects he is a judicious and a recognized
anthoritv.

' A% h^jk < a»^

r.v- ■■'.'• "■•'.'••

GENERAL INDEX.

(It is not proposed to make a more extended index than to serve as a
reference solely to the Fons, Blockliouses and Stations mentioned in the
text.)

Page.

Albert, George Dallas, report by, ii 1-627

Antes, Col. Henry, notice of, 1404

Appleby Manor, Smith's reference to ii 481

Armstrong, Col. John, account of his capture of the Kittanning, . . ii 453

Barnett and Mackey, capture of, i 41

Beaver county, forts in, ii 485

Bedford county, forts in, i 476

Blair county, forts in, 1492

Blockhouses erected after 1783 —

Allisons, ii 621

Bull Creek, ii 619

Clark's ii 616

Claypoole's, ii 617

Elder s ii 622

Freeport, on Buffalo creek ii 612

Green ii 612

McCartney's, ii 623

McConaughy's, ii 620

Meads, ii 623

Peelors ii 621

Reed's Station ii 610

Thompson's, ii 622

Bloody Spring, the, i 362

Blue Mountains, Indian forts under i 3

Bouquet, Col. Henry, sketch of 11534

Brady, Capt. John, murder of i 388

Braddock, defeat of ii ^

French account of ii 82

English account of, ii 63

Gen. Edward, sketch of iil72

Brodhead, Col. Daniel, sketch of ii 190

Buckalew, John M., report by i 349-418

Burd, Col. James, extracts from journal of, 156,87,147.221,325

the hero of the Loyalhanna ii 200.264

Bushy Run. the battle of, ....11509-534

location of 11535

630 GENERAL INDEX.

Page.

Catawba Trail, the, ii 399

Carnahan, Capt. James, notes relating to, ii 336

Centre county, forts in, 1505

Chartiers' Creek ii 435

Chilloway, Job i 399

Clark's e. pedition in 1781 11141

Corbly Family, Massacre of ii 440

Covenhoven, Robert, the scout i 401,414

Craig. Isaac, sketch of 11193

Craig, Samuel, Sen., notes relating to, ii 287

Crawford, Fort, notes to, ii 343

Cross Creek, 11 435

Cumberland county, forts in, i 508

Dauphin county, forts in i 522

Duquesne, Fort, registry of 11 66,178

notes to, Ii 161

Fayette county, settlers' forts in, ii 388

notes to 11 399

Flndley, George, notes relating to ii 283

Forts and Blockhouses-
Allen (Northampton) 1 184

Allen (Westmoreland) ii 373

Allen (Washington), ii 418

Anderson, 1 559

Antes 1 394

Armstrong at Kittanning, il 449

A shcralt's, il 394

Augusta i 354

1 567

Barr's ii 356

Bayon's 11 428

Be. kefs, ii 430

Bedford, 1476

Beelor's ii 414

Beeman's ii 425

Beeson's, ii 397

Bingham i 586

Black Legs Creek Station ii 448

Boone's Mills i 385

bosley's, 1 374

Brady i 387

Brown's (Dauphin) 137

Brown's (Northampton) i 179

Burd ii :]S2

Burgett's, ii 426

Busse's i 70

Campbells, ii 427

Carnahan's, il 332

Cassells ii 394

Chambers' 1 527

GKNERAIi INDEX. 6S1

Page.
Forts and Blockhouses-
Cherry's ii 429

Christian's Spring-, i 267

Conwell's ii 3.5

Coxs Station ii 432

Craft's ii 391

Crawford, ii 337

Crawford, Valentine ii 398

Croghan i 520

Crum's i 564

Damascus i 455

Davis i 533

Deshler's, i 174

Dickey i 521

Dillow's ii 415

Dinsmore's, ii 419

Doddridge's ii 423

Doll s i 24b

Dupui's i 322

Duquesne, ii 39

Durkee i 425

Enlow's ii 426

Everett i 141

Fayette ii 159

Ferguson i 521

Fetter i 492

Forty Fort, i 438

Franklin (Cumberland) 1518

Franklin (Northampton) i 134

Franklin (Venango), ii 594

Freeland i 331

Friedensthal i 258

Froman's ii 427

Gaddis' ii 391

Garard's, ii 439

Garrison, The Old, ii 597

Gloninger i 62

Gnadenthal, i 265

Granville, i 605

Graybill ii 398

Halifax i 522

Hamilton i 277

Hand, ii 325

Harris, 15

Harrison's, ii 444

Hartzog i 561

Hendricks', i 618

Henry i 70

Hoagland's ii 418

HoUiday i 495

632 GENERAL INDEX.

Page.
Forts and Blockhouses —

Horn i 405

Hunter 19

Hyndshaw i 300

Inyard's ii 446

Jackson's ii 437

Jenkins (Northumberland), 1363

Jenkins (Wyoming), 1445

Kepple's Ii 373

Klingensmith's 11 373

Lamb s, 11 429

Le Boeuf, 11 566

Lebanon 1 120

Lehigh Gap i 156

Letort 1 520

Ligonler il 194

Lindley's ii 410

Lochrys 11 377

Loudoun 1 534

Lowrey, 1 497

Lowther, 1 508

Lucas 11 392

Lytle i 562

Ly ttleton 1 555

McAlevy's, 1 565

McAlister 1 521

McClure s i 372

McComb's i 521

McConnell s , 1 555

McCord i 5 12

McCormick's, 1 562

McCoy's 11 393

McDonald's ii 433

McDowell (Cumberland), 1545

McDowell's (Westmoreland) 11 374

McFarla nd, il 431

Mcintosh il 485

McKee's i 621

Machault ii 585

Manada, i 26

Marchand's, ii 375

Markles Station il 381

Marshall's 11 425

Martin (Bedford) 1 489

Martin's (West Virginia) 11*444

Mason's ii 395

Menninger 1 392

Mill Creek 1427

Millers Station 11323

Miller's (Washington) Ii 412

GENERAL INDEX. 633

Page.

Forts and Blockhouses —

Milliken ii 431

Minter s, ii 390

Moorhead's ii 415

Morris, i 513

Muncy i 390

Nazareth i 250

Necessity ii 28

Norris (Northampton) i 224

Norris (Washington), ii 429

Northkill i 99

Palmer's, ii 358

Patterson's, i 593,602

Pea £6 8, , ii 391

Penn i 328

Piper i 490

Pitt, ii 99

Pittston 1 446

Presqu' Isle, ii 637

Pomeroy's, ii 371

Potter's i 505

Ralston i 179

Redoubt, The, i 425

Redstone ii 382

Reed's (Adams) i 37

Reed ii 310,317

Reid 1416

Reynolds' ii 420

Rice (Northumberland) i 375

Rice's (Washington), ii 404

Riffle ii 393

Roberdeau i 499

Hobinson's (Dauphin), i 33

Robinson (Perry) 1611

Robinson's Stronghouse, ii 448

Roller, i 503

Roney's ii 419

Rose Inn i 269

Rugh's ii 371

Ryerson's ii 442

Shawnee, 1449

Shields' "360

Shippen "375

Shirley i 567

Smith 158

Snyder's i H^

Sparks, ii 396

Standing Stone 1 579

Statler's ii 443

Steel, i 550

634 GENERAL INDEX.

Forts and Blockhouses-
Stewart s i 450

Stokeley's ii 374

Sullivan i 456

Swan, ii 441

Swartz i 386

Swatara i 47

Swearingen's, ii 392

Taylor's ii 428

Teeter's ii 424

Trucker's Mill, i 160

Ulrich's i 62

Vance's, ii 416

Van Meter, ii 441,444

Venango ii 591

Wallace's, ii 344

Walthour's ii 361

Wallenpaupack, i 454

Wells' ii 421

Wheeler, i 369

William i 120

Wilson's ii 371

Wilkes-Barre, i 448

Williamson's Station, ii 428

Wind Gap 1236

Wingawn, i 491

Wintermoot's f 443

Wolf's, ii 411

Woodruff's ii 431

Wyoming, i 427,457

Zeller's, i 63

Franklin county, forts in, i 527

French Forts —

Duquesne ii 39

Le Boeuf, ii 566

Machault ii 585

Presqu' Isle ii 537

Galbraith, Thomas, notes relating to, ii 234,282

Gnadenhutten, destruction of, i 186

Grants defeat ii 80

his account of ii 83

Capt. James, sketch of, ii 262

Granville, Fort, destruction of i 607

Greene county, forts in 11437

Guyasutha, notes relating to ii 321

Hand, Fort, notes to 11331

Hannastown, destruction of 11290

notes relating to 11316

Hoeth Family, murder of, 1284

Huntingdon county, forts in i 559

GENERAL INDEX. 636

Indian outbreak of 1763, i 164

The Lame, Brackenridge's story of ii 363

Indiana county, forts in, ii 444

Irisli settlement, the i ISO

"Jack, Captain," a mythical character i 574

Jumonville, defeat of ii H

camp ii 23

Juniata county, forts in, i 593

Kittanning, the capture of, ii 453

description of Indian town of ii 478

Kittanning and Armstrong, notes to account of ii 476

Rev. Mr. Lambing's account of, ii 473

Lead mines near Fort Roberdeau i 499

Leaden plates buried by the French in the Ohio, ii 4,166

Le Boeuf, Fort, Washington's visit to ii 566

capture of in 1763, ii 575

notes to, ii 582

Ligonier, Fort, journal kept at, ii 236

notes to ii 253

Sir John, notes concerning, ii 250

Little Meadows, notice of, ii 20

Lochry's expedition, ii 351

Machault, Fort, notes to account of ii 599

Mcintosh, Fort, Indian treaty held at ii 495

Judge Agnew's account of ii 506

Col. Lachlan, notes relating to, ii 500

MifHin county, forts in, i 605

Mingo Bottom, ii 435

Morgan, Captain Jacob, sketch of i 121

journal of i 129

Northkill, a journal of i 107

Necessity, Fort, surrender of, ii 26

notes relating to, ii 35

Ohio Company, notice of, ii 162

Old Garrison, notes to account of ii 608

Old Town, ii 335

Patterson, Captain James, notes concerning, i 599

Captain William, notes concerning i 602

Perry county, forts in, i 611

Pitt, Fort, Indian siege of, in 1763 ii 115

Pittsburgh, Manor of ii 122

number of houses at in 1760 ii 109

Preservation, Fort ii 236

Presqu' Isle, capture of in 1763 ii 547

notes to ii 561

settlement at ii 556

Redstone, Old Fort, notes to, ii 388

Reichelsdorfer, Frederick, the story of, i 98

Reynolds, Sheldon, report by 1419-466

memorial sketch of, i 421

636 GENERAL INDEX.

*" Page.

Richards, Henry M. M., report by, i 1-347

Robinson, Robert, captivity of i 613

"Runaway, The Big," i 412

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, chronological events in career of, ii 288

Shannon, Capt." Samuel, notes relating to ii 283

Snyder county, forts in, i 618

Standing Stone, Tories at i 583

Steel, Rev. John, notes concerning i 551

Stenton Massacre, i 168

Stephen, Col. Adam, sketch of ii 272

Stobo, Robert, notes relating to ii 43,169

Sugar Loaf Massacre 1 377

Van Campen, Lieut. Moses, services of i 369

Van Etten, journal kept by, i 305

Venango, Fort, notes to account of, ii 606

Virginia controversy of 1774 ii 124,188

Wallace's Fort, notes to ii 353

Washington, George, defeats Jumonville ii 23

surrenders Fort Necessity ii 26

narrow escape near Ligonier, ii 205

conduct of at Braddock's defeat ii 56

Washington county, forts in ii 401

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, death and burial at Presqu' Isle, ii 559

Weiser, Jay Gilfillan, report by 1467-627

Westmoreland county, resolves of May 16, 1775, ., ii 294

Westmoreland town (Wyoming), resolves of in 1775, i 433

Wetterholts, the i 142

Williamson's expedition, ii 417

Wipey , an Indian, killing of, ii 229,278

Woods, George, capture nf 1588

Wyoming, capture of forts at i 439

Young, Major James, extracts from journal of, ..1101,156.238,244,281,303,323

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Tius DOOK IS jju±i on tne last aate stampea oeiow

f§ JAN 2 9 1932
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LIBRARY

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