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Senator- 2l8t Di«t, of Pa. 



The Map is a reduced copy of a part of Father Bonnecamp's Manascript 
Map of the route of Celeron's Expedition, now deposited in the Archives of 
the Department de la Marine in Paris. 

<> Indicates the places where leaden plates were buried. 

* Points where latitudes and longitudes were observed. 

^ Sites of Indian villages. 

The degrees of longitude are west of the meridian of Paris, and are indi- 
cated by the figures in the outer division of the scales on the eastern and 
western extremities of the map. Those on the inner divisions are leagues, 
in the proportion of twenty to a degree. 


R. Aux Pommes. 
Lac Tjadikoin. 
R, Kananougon. 
La Paille Coupfie. 

Village de Loups. 

R. Aux Boeufs. 

R. an Vermillion. 

R. Au Fiel. 


R. Kanououara. 

Ancien Village de Chaouanons. 

R. de Sin h iota. 

Village de Loups (a) 

Village de Chiningue. 

Fort des Miamis. 

Apple River. Chautauqua Creek. 
Lake Chautauqua, 
Conewango Creek. 
Broken Straw Creek. 

S Village of Loup Indians, called by the 
English, Munceys. 
French Creek ( Beef or Buffalo River. ) 
Mahoning Creek. 
Gall River. Clarion River. 
Wheeling Creek. 
Ancient Village of Shawanese. 
Scioto River. 
Site of Pittsburgh. 
Site of F ort Wayne. 

Map of a Voyage made on the Beautiful River, in New France, 1749, by 
Rev. Father Bonnecamp, Jesuit Mathematician. 

The English translation of Toute cette part de lac ciest inconue is "All 
this part of the lake is unknown." 











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MAP. 17^3, 













By George Dallas Albert. 



Tlie coutentiou between Great Britain and France for the 
possession of the territory which is now Western Pennsyl- 
vania, began about the middle of the last century. The 
treaty' of Aix la Chapelle, signed October 1st, 1748, while it 
nominally closed the war between those two countries, failed 
to establish the boundaries between their respective col- 
onies in America; and this failure, together with the hostile 
and conflicting attitude of the colonists in America, were the 
causes of another long and bloody war. 

The Ohio Company was an association formed in Virginia 
about the year 1748, under a royal grant. The nominal ob- 
ject of the charter association was to trade with the Indians, 
to divert it southward along the Potomac route, and to 
settle the region about the Ohio with English colonists from 
Virginia and Maryland. That it was intended to be a 
great barrier against the encroachments of the French, is 
manifest. Its privileges and concessions were large and 
ample. (1.) 

All the vast extent of this country from the Mississippi 
to the Allegheny mountains, bordered by the great lakes 
on the north, had been explored, and to a certain degree 


occupied by the French. They had their forts, trading post)^ 
and missions at various points, and they tried by every pos- 
sible means to conciliate the Indians. It was apparent that 
they would shortly extend their occupancy to the most ex- 
treme tributaries of the Ohio, which they claimed by virtue 
of prior discovery. (2.) And while the English by their fur- 
traders and agents and now by the active co-operation 
of their Virginia colonists under the auspices of this com- 
pany, sought to gain a permanent occupancy of the Ohio 
Valley, the French began actively to assert their claims 
to the same region. Thus the formation of the Ohio Com- 
pany, the intrusion of Indian traders, and the occupancy of 
some colonial families at the favorite trading posts on the 
Ohio and its tributaries, hastened the action of the French 
in taking possession of this region under their persistently 
asserted claims. 

Thereupon to counteract the designs of the English, the 
Governor-General of Canada, the Marquis de la Galissoniere, 
(S) sent Celoron (4) in 1749 down the Allegheny and Ohio 
rivers, to take possession of the country in the name of the 
King of France. His command consisted of 215 French and 
Canadian soldiers and 55 Indians of various tribes. The prin- 
cipal officers under him were Contrecoeur, (5) who afterwards 
built Fort Duquesne, Coulon de Villiers, (6) and Joncaire-Cha- 
bert. (7.) 

Provided with a number of leaden plates, they left La 
Chine, above Montreal, on the 15th of June, 1749, and as- 
cending the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, they coasted 
along its shore till they reached Fort Niagara on the 6th of 
July. Pursuing their course they arrived at a point on 
the southern shore of Lake Erie, where they disembarked. 
(8.) By means of Chautauqua creek, a portage, Chautau- 
qua Lake and Conewango creek, they came, on the 29th, 
to the Allegheny river, near the point now occupied by the 
town of Warren, in Warren county. Pa. The first of the 
leaden plates was buried at this point. (9.) By these per- 
sisting inscriptions and proclamations made with much 
oermony. they asserted their nominal possession of the 


Ohio, regarding ihe Alleglieuy as but a continuation of that 
river. Notwithstanding their endeavors to strengthen the at- 
tachment of the Indians to their cause, they found that all 
along the Allegheny there was a strong bias in their feelings 
in favor of the English. Continuing their descent of the Alle- 
gheny and the Ohio^ and entering some of the tributaries of 
the latter, they deposited at various points these plates, each 
differing in some minor particulars from the others. When 
they came to the mouth of the Miami river, they ascended that 
stream, and thence crossed by a portage to the head waters of 
the Maumee, descending which they reached Lake Erie and 
returned to Montreal, arriving there on the 10th of Novem 
ber, 1749. 

The way thus opened, the French visited the Allegheny 
river region, but did not establish permanent posts there. 
They, however, made constant etfort to conciliate the Indians 
and to arouse them in an antagonism against the English. 
Their affairs were committed to Joncaire-Chabert, who was 
vigilant in his labors with the natives. He occupied mostly 
the house at the mouth of French creek, or Venango, which 
had been built by John Frazer, a Pennsylvania trader, whom 
Celoron found there, and whom he drove off. (10.) 

The Governor-General of Canada, (Marquis de la Jonquiere), 
having died in 1752, he was succeeded by the Marquis du 
Quesne. This energetic official was hindered by difficulties in 
his anxious desire to occupy this region by force, but at length 
the movements of the English hastened his action. Early in 
January, 175.S, an expedition consisting of three hundred men 
undei' command of Mons. Babeer (Babier) set out from Quebec, 
and journeying by land and ice, arrived at Fort Niagara in 
April. After resting there fifteen days, they continued their 
course by water to the south-eastern shore of Lake Erie. Dis- 
embarking at Chadakoin [Chautauqua], at the mouth of Chau- 
tauqua creek, where Celoron had disembarked four years be- 
fore, they prepared to build a fort. The command of the ex- 
pedition was here assumed by Monsieur Morin, who about the 
end of May, arrived with an additional force of five hundred 
whites and twenty Indians. (11.) The Chautauqua creek had 
been adopted as the route by Celoron, but now finding it too 


shallow to float cauoes or batteaux, he passed further to the 
west and came to a place which, from the peculiar formation 
of the lake shore, they named Presqu' Isle, or the Peninsula. 
This is now the site of the City of Erie. Here the first fort, 
which was named Fort la Presqu' Isle, was built. (12.) It was 
constructed of square logs, was about one hundred and 
twenty feet square, and fifteen feet high, but had no port- 
holes, and was probably finished in June, 1753. 

When the fort was finished it was garrisoned by about one 
hundred men, under command of Captain Depontency. The 
remainder of the forces commenced cutting a road southward 
to the headquarters of Le Boeuf river, or French creek. This 
was a distance of about fifteen miles, and is the site of the 
present village of Waterford, Erie county. Pa. Here they 
built a second fort, similar to the first, but smaller. (13.) 

The season was too late to build the third fort, which they 
had been ordered to do; and thereupon, after leaving a large 
force of their men to garrison these two forts, the rest re- 
turned for the winter to Canada. (14.) 

The tidings of these things startled the middle colonies, and 
especially alarmed the Governor of Virginia, who late in the 
year 1753, despatched a messenger to demand of the French 
an explanation of their designs. George Washington, then a 
youth who had but shortly attained his majority, was the per- 
son selected for the mission by Governor Dinwiddie. He per- 
formed his duty with the greatest tact and to the satisfaction 
of his government. With seven of a party besides himself, 
among whom was Christopher Gist (15) a person admirably 
adapted for such a service, he started out on the 15th of No- 
vember from Wills creek — the site of Fort Cumberland, in 
Maryland — which was the limit of the road that had been 
opened by the Ohio Company. Traversing the country by 
way of Logstown on the Ohio, below the forks of the river, he 
with some friendly Indians whom he had engaged to accom 
pany him, pursued the Indian path to Venango. This place, 
an old Indian town, was the advance post of the French. Here 
he saw the French flag flying over the log house which had 
been built by Frazer, but from which he had been ejected. It 
was now occupied by Joncaire. He was hospitably enter- 


tained, and was referred to the commauding officer whose 
headquarters were at Le Boeuf, the fort lately built, a short 
distance above on French creek. Thither Washington went, 
and was received with courtesy by the officer, Legardeur de 
Saint-Pierre, To the message of Dinwiddle, Saint-Pierre re- 
plied that he would forward it to the Governor-General of 
Canada; but that, in the meantime, his orders were to hold 
possession of the country, and this he should do to the best of 
his ability. With this answer, Washington retraced his steps 
with Gist, enduring many hardships and passing through many 
perils, until he presented his report to the Governor at Wil- 
liamsburg, the 16th of January, 1754. 

Washington on his way back, early in January, 1754, at 
Gist's settlement, (16) met seventeen horses, loaded with 
materials and stores for a fort at the Forks of the Ohio, and 
the day after, some families going out to settle. These parties 
were under the auspices of the Ohio Company, which having 
imported from London large quantities of goods for the Indian 
trade, and engaged settlers, had established trading posts at 
Wills creek, (the New Store), the mouth of Turtle creek, 
(Frazer's), and elsewhere; had planned their fort at the Forks 
of the Ohio, and were proceeding energetically to the con- 
summation of their designs. 

A company of militia was authorized by Virginia early in 
January, 1754, to co-operate with the Ohio Company in their 
occupancy. William Trent was commissioned, by Governor 
Dinwiddle, Captain; John Frazer, who had his trading house 
at Turtle creek on the Monongahela, after being driven from 
Venango, was appointed Lieutenant, and Edward W^ard was 
appointed Ensign. (17.) 

Trent was then engaged in building a strong log store- 
house, loop-holed, at Redst one. He was ordered to raise one 
hundred men. Returning he left Virginia with about forty 
men, intending to have his force recruited by the way. His 
objective point was the Forks; and he was instructed to aid in 
finishing the fort, already supposed to have been begun by the 
Ohio Company. He proceeded to Gist's and thence by the 
Redstone trail to the mouth of Redstone creek; where after 
having built the store-house called the Hangard, (18) he pro- 


eeeded to the Forks of the Ohio, where he arrived on the 17th 
of February. Here he, with Gist, George Croghan, and others, 
proceeded shortly to lay out the ground and to have some logs 
squared and laid. Their tenure, however, was of short dura- 
tion. The Captain having been obliged to go back to Wills 
creek, across the mountains for provisions. Lieutenant Frazer 
being absent at Turtle creek at the time, and Ensign Edward 
Ward in command, the French, under Contrecoeur, April 16th, 
1754, suddenly appearing in great force demanded the sur 
render of the post. (19.) Resistance was out of the question; 
and on the day following, having surrendered the post. Ward, 
with his party ascended the Monongahela to Redstone, now 
Brownsville, where the store-house had been previously 

The French, as soon as the season allowed them to begin 
operations, had come down from Canada in force, and early 
in the spring had erected a fort at where French creek unites 
with the Allegheny. This was the third in their series begin- 
ning at Lake Erie — Presqu' Isle and Le Boeuf being the other 
two. This fort was called by the French, Fort Machault, (20) 
but the English usually referred to it as the French fort a1 
Venango. It was completed in April, 1754, under the imme 
diate superintendence of Captain Joncaire. It was not so 
large a work as either of the other two, but was suited to the 
circumstances and for the practical purposes for which it was 
erected. The object of these forts was not so much to form 
centres of defensive or aggressive warfare, as to be depots for 
the stores landed from the lake for transportation to Fort 
Duquesne which, it was early seen, was to be the real centre 
of operations. They were not remarkable either for strength 
or engineering skill; they had no earth- works of imxjortance, 
and were all of the same plan. The occupants, with the ex- 
ception of a small garrison, were generally workmen; and this 
was specially true of Le Boeuf, where canoes aud batteaux 
were prepared for the transportation of troops, munitions and 
provisions to Fort Duquesne. 

This part of tlie opei-ations of the French was, properly 
speaking, only the preparation for what they had in view; the 


real work was to be doue aL tlie couduence of tin? Allegheny' 
and Monongahela rivers. (21.) 

The French having duly obtained possession of the Forks of 
the Ohio, immediatelj' began the erection of a fortification 
which was strengthened from time to time as danger of an at- 
tack increased. It was called Fort Duquesne, in honor of the 
Governor-General of Canada. (22.) 

Orders were despatched from the British cabinet, about 
this time to the Governors of the Provinces, directing them to 
resort to force in defense of their rights, and to drive the 
French from their station on the Ohio. 

The King in council, decided that the valley- of the Ohio was 
in the western part of the Colony of Virginia; and that the 
march of certain Europeans to erect a fort in parts of his 
dominions was to be resisted; but the cabinet took no effective 
measures to support the decree. It only instructed Virginia, 
hy the whole or a part of its militia, at the cost of the Colony 
itself, to build forts on the Ohio; to keep the Indians in sub 
jection; and to repel and drive out the French by force. A 
general but less explicit circular was also sent to each one 
of the colonies, vaguely requiring them io aid each other in 
repelling all encroachments of France on *'the undoubted" 
territory of England. (23.) 

The active operations against the French were thus carried 
on by the Virginians. The Province of Pennsylvania did not 
co-operate or in any way assist the Colony of Virginia, al 
though the representatives of the Proprietors always asserted 
that this region was within the limits of their charter grant. 

After Washington returned from his embassy to the French, 
and had made his report, the utmost activity prevailed in Vir- 
ginia, and the House of Burgesses, relying on the King to pro- 
tect the boundary of his dominions, voted means to assist their 
(rovernor in carrying on an aggressive campaign. 

Washington received from Dinwiddle a commission, first as 
Major, and shortly after as Lieutenant-Colonel, and was or- 
dered with one hundred and fifty men to take command at 
the Forks of the Ohio, to finish the fort already begun there by 
the Ohio Company, and to make prisoners, kill or destroy all 
who interrupted the English settlements. (24.) 


While his specific orders were such as we have stated, they 
had been given prior to the surrender of the post by Ward, 
and were not applicable to the changed condition of affairs 
caused by that event. 

To more effectively prosecute their campaign, the Virginia 
Assembly voted an additional sum of money from the public 
treasury, and the Governor was induced to increase the mil- 
itary force to three hundred men, divided into six companies. 
Colonel Joshua Fry was appointed to command the whole. 
With this appointment Washington's commission had been 
raised to a lieutenant-colonelcy, as stated. 

Washington, with his raw recruits raised for this purpose, 
as soon as the relaxing winter allowed him to move, started 
from Alexandria, Virginia, April 2d, 1754, with two companies 
of troops, and arrived at Wills creek, (Cumberland), 17th of 
Ai>ril, having been joined on his route by a detachment under 
(/aptain Stephen. While remaining here for additions to his 
forces, he learned of the surrender of the fort under Ward to 
the French. Agreeing at a council of w^ar that it would be 
unadvisable for them to advance with the prospect of taking 
the fort without reenforcements, it was resolved to advance to 
the mouth of Bedstone creek on the Monongahela, make a 
road passable thus far, and there raise a fortification. This 
point was only 37 miles from the Forks of the Ohio; but the 
undertaking, with the forces at his command, was one of peril, 
and its results uncertain and not possible to be foreseen. 
However, on the 25th of April, 1754, he sent a detachment of 
00 men to open a road. The main body of his forces joined 
this detachment on the 1st of May. The road had to be cut 
as they proceeded, trees felled, rocks removed. Fording deep 
streams, cutting an opening through the mountains, dragging 
the few cannon, and while the season was cold and wet, 
without tents, without a supply of clothes, often in want of 
provisions, their progress was thus very slow and toilsome. 
On the 0th of May, he reached a place called the Little 
Meadows, (25) which was about one-third the distance to the 
mouth of Redstone creek, and about half the distance to the 
place called the Great Meadows. ITis intention was to reach 
Redstone, there to take up a strong position, await the arrival 


of Colonel Fry with reenforcements, and from thence descend 
the Monongahela to the Forks. Here more than two days 
were spent in bridging the Little Yough. Having effected a 
passage through the mountains, he reached, May 18th, the 
Youghiogheny. This place is called the Great Crossings. 
They remained here several days, while Washington, with 
five men in a canoe, descended the river to see if it was navi- 
gable. (26.) 

His hopes and his voyage ended at the Ohio-Pyle Falls. 
They crossed this river without bridging, and on May 24th. 
they arrived at the Great Meadows. (27.) On the morning of 
that day Washington had received word from Tanacharison, 
(Half King), the Seneca, his friend, to be on his guard, as the 
French intended to strike the first English whom they should 
see. He thereupon hastened to this position. (28.) 

That same evening the Half-King's warning was confirmed 
by a trader, who told him the French were at the crossings of 
the Youghiogheny. (29.) Washington immediately began to 

On the 27th, Christopher Gist came in from his place, and 
reported that a detachment of 50 men had been seen at noon 
the day before, and that he afterwards saw their tracks within 
five miles of the camp. 

Seventy-five men were immediately despatched in pursuit of 
this party, but they returned without having discovered it, 
but between 8 and 9 o'clock that night, a messenger came in 
from Half-King, (Tanacharison), who was then camped with 
his followers, six miles off, with the report that he had fol- 
lowed the tracks of some Frenchmen to ah obscure retreat; 
and he believed all the party were concealed within a short 
distance. Fearing a stratagem, Washington put his ammuni- 
tion in a place of safety; and leaving it under the protection 
of a strong guard, he set out in the darkness and rain with 40 
men, and reached the camp of his friendly Indians late in the 
night. A council washeld. Itwas agreed thatthey should march 
together and attack the enemy in concert; and that to do 
this they should proceed in single file after the manner of the 
Indians. Early in the morning they discovered the position of 
the enemy. A plan of attack was agreed upon: the English 


occupied what might be called the right wing; the Indians the 
left. He thus advancing came so near the French without be- 
ing discovered, that the surprise was a success. The French 
flew to their arms. The firing continued on both sides about 
fifteen minutes. The French were defeated, with the loss of 
their whole party. Ten men were killed, including Jumon- 
ville, their commander, one was wounded; La Force, Drouillon, 
two cadets, and seventeen others were made prisoners. The 
Indians scalped the dead. Washington's loss was one killed 
and two or three wounded. The wing where Washington 
fought received all the enemy's fire, and it was that part of the 
line where the one was killed and the others wounded. He 
was not harmed. This engagement, fought in the darkness of 
the morning of May 28th, 1754, was the first engagement of 
w'ar in which Washington took a part. (30.) 

The prisoners were marched to the Great Meadows, and 
from thence conducted over the mountains. Two days after 
this affair Colonel Fry died at Wills creek. The chief com- 
mand then devolved on Washington. As soon as the news of 
the capture of the party under Jumonville reached Fort Du 
(juesne, a strong party was organized to advance against the 
English. Washington lost no time in enlarging the intrench- 
ment and erecting palisades. This fortification he called Fort 
Necessity. (31.) With the arrival of Major Muse with the 
residue of the Virginia regiment, and of Captain Mackay of 
the Royal army, with his company of 100 men from South 
Carolina, the force then numbered about 400 men. Leaving 
Captain INIackay with one company to guard the fort. Wash- 
ington with the rest pushed over Laurel Hill, cutting the road 
with extreme labor through the wilderness, to Gist's planta- 
tion. (32.) This was about 13 miles distant, and two weeks 
were consumed in the work. (33.) On June 27th, 70 men under 
r'aptain Lewis were detached, and sent forward, to clear the 
road from Gist's. Ahead of these was another party under 
Captain Poison, who were to reconnoitre. 

During this time there was the greatest activity at Fort 
Duquesne. On the 28th a force of about 600 French, and some 
Indians whose numbers were later increased, left that post 
to confront the English. AVashington had knowledge of these 


things, and on this day a couiRil of wai- was held at Gist's. 
It was resolved to have all the forces concentrate at this point, 
where already some labor had been expended in throwing up 
intrenchments. But later news confirming the superiority in 
number of the enemy, made it apparent that a stand here was 
inexpedient. The forces all fell back to Fort Necessity. 
Their private baggage was left behind, and the horses of the 
officers were laden with ammunition and public stores — the 
soldiers of the Virginia regiment dragging their nine swivels 
by hand over the rough stony road. The men belonging to 
the Independent Company looked on, offering no aid, as it was 
not incumbent on them as King's soldiers to perform such 

It was not Washington's intention at first to halt but to 
withdraw to a stronger point and await a reenforcement. But 
the men were so exhausted by their labor and from lack 
of sustaining nourishment, that they could not draw th,e 
swivels or carry the baggage on their backs further. They 
had been eight days without bread. Nor were the supplies 
of food at Fort Necessity adequate to sustain the march. It 
was thought best, therefore, to await both supplies and re- 
enforcements. (34.) Hearing of the arrival at Alexandria of 
two Independent Companies from New York, some days be- 
fore, it was supposed that they might by this time have 
reached Wills creek, and an express was despatched to urge 
them up. 

Washington with his party reached the Great Meadows on 
the 1st of July. The royal troops had done nothing in his ab- 
sence to make the stockade tenable. He immediately set his 
men to work to strengthen the fortification. The little in- 
trenchment was a glade between two eminences covered with 
trees, except within sixty yards of it. On the 3d of July, 
about noon, seven hundred French, (35) with probably more 
than one hundred Indians came in sight, and took possession 
of one of the eminences. The rising ground was covered with 
large trees. These ofi'ered shelter to the assailants, and from 
behind them they could fire in security on the troops beneath. 
A heavy rain set in. The pngagement continued till night- 
fall, when De Mlliers, fearing his ammunition would give out, 


proposed a parley. The terms of capitulation that were of- 
fered were interpreted to Washington, who did not under- 
stand French; and as interpreted were accepted. The next 
day being the fourth of July, a date which afterward became 
the most famous in the annals of American history, the Eng- 
lish surrendered. By the articles agreed to, they were allowed 
to retire without insult or outrage from the French or In- 
dians; and to take with them their baggage or stores, except 

At day-break the garrison filed out of the fort, with colors 
flying, and drums beating, and one swivel gun. The English 
flag on the fort was struck, and the French flag took its place ; 
and when the little army of Washington had passed over thfe 
mountains homeward, the lilies of France floated over every 
fort, military post and mission from the Alleghenies westward 
to the Mississippi. 

Notes to Introduction. 

(1.) In the year 1748, Thomas Lee, one of his Majesty's 
Council in Virginia, formed the design of effecting settlements 
on the wild lands west of the Allegheny mountains, through 
the agency of an association of gentlemen. Before this date 
there were no English residents in those regions. A few 
traders wandered from tribe to tribe, and dwelt among the 
Indians, but they neither cultivated nor occupied the lands. 
With the view of carrying his plan into operation, Mr. Lee 
associated himself with twelve other persons in Virginia and 
Maryland, and with Mr. Hanbury, a merchant in London, who 
formed what they called ''The Ohio Company." Lawrence 
Washington, and his brother Augustine Washington, (two 
brothers of George Washington), were among the first who 
engaged in this scheme. A petition was presented to the 
King in behalf of the Company, which was approved, and five 
hundred thousand acres of land were granted almost on the 
terms requested by the Company. 

The object of the Company was to settle the lands and to 


carry on the Indian trade on a large scale. Hitherto the trade 
with the Western Indians had been mostly in the hands of 
the Pennsylvanians. The Company conceived that they might 
derive an important advantage over their competitors in this 
trade from the water communications of the Potomac and the 
eastern branches of the Ohio, whose head-waters approxi- 
mated each other. The lands were to be chiefly taken on the 
south side of the Ohio, between the Monongahela and Kena- 
wha and west of the Alleghenies. The privilege was reserved, 
however, by the Company of embracing a portion of the lands 
on the north side of the river, if it should be deemed expedient. 
Two hundred thousand acres were to be selected immediately, 
and to be held for ten years free from quit-rent or any tax to 
the King, on condition that the Company should at their own 
expense seat one hundred families on the lands within seven 
years, and build a fort and maintain a garrison sufficient to 
protect the settlement. [Spark's Washington. — Appendix. 

The interests of this Company were subsequently merged 
in other companies. All persons concerned were losers to a 
considerable amount. 

(2.) "As early as the winter of 1669-70 or in the spring of the 
latter year, Robert Chevalier de la Salle, penetrated to the 
upper waters of the Allegheny, and descending that stream 
and the Ohio as far as the falls, where the City of Louisville, 
Kentucky, now stands, returned. But he has left only the 
merest reference to this expedition in his writings, so that for 
a time many denied it altogether, though later investigations 
have placed it beyond reasonable doubt. But an impassable 
barrier yet existed to the safe travel and explorations of these 
parts, in the fierce and treacherous Iroquois or "Five Nations," 
who were the terror of both the French and Indians from the 
mouth of the St. Lawrence to the banks of the Mississippi." 

So well known an explorer as La Salle needs but a short 
notice. Robert Chevalier de la Salle was born in Rouen, 
France, in November, 1643. He was a short time with the 
Jesuits, but withdrew, and came to Canada iu 1666, from 
which time his life was given to exploring the Great Lakes 
and the Mississippi with its tributaries, till lie was killed in 
Texas, March 19, 1687. For an estii/iate of his r-haraeter and 


qualities see Parkman's La Salle pp. 406, 407; also Charlevoix 
Vol. iv, pp. 94-95. [Register of Fort Duquesne; translated 
from the French, with an Introductory Essay and Notes by 
Rev, A. A. Lambing, A. M. 

Throughout this Introduction wherever it has been neces- 
sary to make reference to authorities or quote relevant matter, 
use has been made of the Register. Rev. Lambing in his In- 
troductory Essay and Notes quotes numerous authorities, and 
as he has greatly abridged the biographical notices therein, 
they have been of much use to us here. 

(3.) Poland Michael Barrin, Marquis de la Galissoniere, was 
born at Rochfort, France, Nov. 11, 1693; rose through different 
grades to that of admiral; was appointed Governor-General 
of Canada in 1747 — that province being under the manage- 
ment of the Marine Department, — was energetic in maintain- 
ing the interests of France; returned to his native land late in 
1749; and died at Nemour, Oct. 26th, 1756. 

(4.) Celoron de Bienville. — This officer must not be con- 
founded, as is sometimes done, with another oflflcer, Captain 
Celoron de Blainville. From 1739 to 1741 he had charge of 
various expeditions and missions in the extreme northwesi 
about Michilimackinac (Mackinack.) Soon after, he was in com 
mand at Detroit; he was sent in October, 1744, to command at 
Fort Niagara. In June, 1747, he is spoken of as commander 
at Fort St. Frederic on Lake Champlain, but was relieved in 
November, and was despatched to Detroit with a convoy, in 
May, 1748, from which he returned in September. He was 
then trusted with the expedition down the Ohio. In the sum- 
mer of 1750 he was commander at Detroit, and five years 
later was again at Fort St. Frederic. His chaplain. Father 
lionnecamp, speaks of him as fearless, energetic and full of re- 
sources; but the Governor calls him haughty and insubordi- 

(5.) "In the present Register, the officer here mentioned is 
called 'Monsieur Pierre Claude de Contrecoeur, Esquire, Sieur 
^\^' \'jni(li\\ ('aplaiii of Infantry, Commander-in-Chief of the 
f^'oils of l)M(Hiesii<*, Pi(^squ' I^le and the Jieviere Au Boeufs.' 
lie was ill coiiiiiiand of Fort Niagara at the tinic^ of which we 
ail' now speakinti; hiil lie al'leiwaiMl succeeded lo the c(^nn- 


mand of the detachment which had before belonged to M. 
Saint Pierre. Whether he was in command of the fort at the 
time of the battle of the Monongahela (Braddock's Defeat), 
July 9th, 1755, is disputed. See also registry of the interment 
of Sieur de Beaujeur further on. The last day on which the 
name of Contracoeur is found in the Register is March 2, 1755', 
and the first appearance of that of M. Dumas is, Sept. 18th, of 
the same year. The number of entries in the Register is so 
few, indeed, that they cannot be taken as an authority in fix- 
ing dates with precision; but where a name is mentioned it is 
always a high authority. What became of M. Contrecoeur 
after his retiring from Fort Duquesne, I have not been able to 
learn." [Register, p. 15 n. 

Note by Rev, A. A. Lambing, to the Register. — "I have re- 
tained the title 'Sieur,' not finding its exact equivalent in our 
language. It is sometimes translated 'Sire,' but whatever may 
have been the derivation or the original meaning of that 
term, its present signification forbids such a use of it." 

(6.) There were seven brothers of his family, six of whom 
lost their lives in the American wars. This one commanded 
an expedition against Fort Necessity in June, 1754. He was 
afterwards taken prisoner by the English at the capture of 
Fort Niagara. 

(7.) Of the elder Joncaire, the father of the one referred to 
in this place, see interesting particulars in Mr. Parkman's 
Frontenac. He died in 1740, leaving two sons, Chabert Jon- 
caire, and Philip Clauzonne Joncaire, both of whom were in 
the French service and were in Celoron's expedition. The one 
who took the most prominent part was Chabert de Joncaire, 
or Joncaire-Chabert. He was on the Allegheny for the next 
two years at least, and was at Logstown on May 18th, 1751. 
Both were taken prisoners at the capture of Fort Niagara. 
The name is variously spelled b}' early writers as John Coeur, 
Jean Coeur, Joncoeur, Joncaire, etc. 

He acted officially as interpreter between the French and 
Indians. He was adopted by the Senecas, and had great in- 
fluence and power over them. 

(8.) Near the village of Barcelona, New York. 

(0.) These |)hites were about eleven inehes long, seven and 
2--V0I. 2. 


one-half inclies wide, and one-eighth of an inch thick. For the 
inscription of the one which was buried at the Forks of the 
Ohio, see notes to Fort Duquesne. 

Both Celoron and his Chaplain, Father Bonnecamp, a Jesuit, 
kept journals of the expedition, and the latter also drew a 
map, which is remarkably accurate considering the circum- 
stances. He also took the latitudes and longitudes of the 
principal points. This map is frequently referred to, as it 
marks the location of the various tribes and as it gives the 
Indian names of the streams and of their villages. Father 
Bonnecamp's map is here reproduced. 

(10.) Joucaire in May, 1751, held a council with the Indians 
at Logstown, but could not induce them to let the French have 
possession of their lands. 

In August, 1749, Governor Hamilton, who had arrived at 
Philadelphia in November, 1748, sent George Croghan to the 
Ohio with a message to the Indians, to notify them of the ces- 
sation of hostilities between Great Britain and France and to 
inquire of them the reason of the march of Celoron through 
their country. In the report of his transactions (Second 
Arch, vi, 51G) it is related that the Indian tribes on the Ohio 
and its branches, on this side of Lake Erie, "were in strict 
friendship with the English and with the several provinces, 
and took the greatest care to preserve the friendship then sub- 
sisting between them and the English. At that time, he says 
"We carried on a considerable branch of trade with those In- 
dians for skins and furs, no less advantageous to them than 
to us." 

In April, 1751, the Governor again sent Croghan to the Ohio 
with a present of goods. In one of the speeches made on the 
part of the Indians the wish was warmly expressed that the 
Governor of Pennsylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to 
protect the Indians as well as the English traders, from the in- 
sults of the French. On the 12th of June, 1752, the Virginia 
Commissioners who met the Indians at Logstown were re- 
quested, even insisted upon, to have their government build 
a fort at the forks at the same place where they had requested 
the Pennsylvanians to build one. 

(11.) History of Erie Countv, bv Laura G. Sanford * * * 


Many of these details aie given in ilie InUodiiciion to tlie Reg- 
ister, by Eev. Father Lambing. 

(12.) See Fort Presqu' Isle. 

(13.) See Fort LeBoeuf. 

(14.) Deposition of Stephen Coffen. (Second Arch., vi, 184.) 

(15.) Gist was the Ohio Company's agent to select the lands 
and conciliate the Indians. In 1750^ Gist, as the Company's 
surveyor, carried chain and compass down the Ohio as far as 
the falls at Louisville. 

(16.) Washington calls this "at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela.'* 
To this Mr. Veech remarks: "The reader must understand, 
that at this early day, Monongahela was a locality which 
covered an ample scope of territory. Gist's Plantation, was 
about sixteen miles from the river, which, when Washington 
wrote this he had never seen." — The Monongahela of Old, 
p. 340. n. 

(17.) This Company was one of two authorized by Virginia, 
Washington was Major of the two, and remained behind or- 
ganizing his force. Trent was Captain of one of these com- 

(18.) Hangard, literally, "storehouse." 

(19.) "With the opening of spring, they were in the field, 
and, having completed Fort Machault, they descended the 
Allegheny in a fleet of canoes and batteaux, to the number, 
variously estimated, but perhaps little less than one thousand 
French, Canadians and Indians, with eighteen cannon in com- 
mand of Contrecoeur." — Rev. A. A. Lambing, in Register, 
p. 24. 

"The French flotilla of 300 canoes and 60 batteaux, with 
1,400 soldiers and Indians, and 18 cannon." — Wm, M. Darling- 
ton, Esq., in Centenary Memorial. 

Washington's account agrees with this, only he says "up- 
wards of 1,000 men." Col. Washington to the Governors of 
Virginia and Penna., 25th April, 1754. Authorities vary as 
to the number of men in Ward's command. It is mostly put 
at forty. Bancroft's Hist. U. S., iii, 75, says the force was 
"only 33 in number." Wm. M. Darlington, in Centenary Me- 
morial, p. 240, says, "Ward having but 41 men, of whom 
only 33 were soldiers, Ward surrendered the fort." Sparks' 


Washington, Vol. ii, p. 4, says. "The whole number of Ins 
men was forty-one." 

On the 25th of August, 1753, Trent had viewed the ground 
in the forks on which to build a fort, it being considered 
preferable to the location at the mouth of Chartiers creek, as 
originally intended by the Ohio Company. 

Ward hearing of the French descending the river on the 
I3th of April, (1754), he hastened to complete the stockading 
of the building, and had the last gate finished when the French 
were seen approaching on the river. — Wm, M. Darlington, 
Centenary Memorial, 259. See Fort Duquesne. 

(20.) See Fort Machault. 

(21.) Register of Fort Duquesne, p. 23, and citations there. 

(22.) See Fort Duquesne. 

(23.) Bancroft Hist. U. S., iii, 73. (Cent. Edition.) 

(24.) These are the words of his commission. Officers and 
men were encouraged by the promise of a royal grant of two 
hundred thousand acres on the Ohio to be divided amongst 
them * * * Of the two companies to be raised by Vir- 
ginia, Capt. Trent was to raise one and Washington, the other. 
Washington was Major and ranking officer. The force was 
to consist of two hundred men. 

(25.) Mention of the Little Meadows is frequently made in 
connection with the affairs in this region down to the defeat 
of Braddock. Its location with respect to the other posts on 
the line of the route was such as to make it an objective and 
noticeable point. It was about twenty miles west of Fort 
Cumberland. When Braddock came out on this route, he dis- 
patched Sir John Sinclair and Major Chapman (on the 27th of 
May, 1755), ahead of the main body of the army to build a fori 
here. The army was seven days in reaching this place from 
Cumberland. "> 

At the Little Meadows a division of the army was made; the 
General and Col. Halket, with select portions of the two regi- 
ments, and the other forces, lightly encumbered, going on in 
advance, being in all about 1,400. Col. Dunbar, with the resi- 
due, about 850, and the heavy baggage, artillery and stores, 
were left to move up by slow and easy marches. Here Wash 
ingTon, stricken down by a fever, was left by Braddock, 


under the care of his friend Dr. Craik and a guard, two days 
in advance of Dunbar, to come on with him if able; the gallant 
aid requiring from the General a solemn pledge not to arrive 
at the French fort until he should join him. Washington did 
not report himself until the day before the battle. [The 
Monongahela of Old, p. 58, et. seq. 

(26.) "On the 18th they arrived at the Great Crossings, and 
remained there several days, while Washington, with five men 
in a canoe, descended the river to ascertain if it was navigable. 
His hopes and his voyage ended at the Ohio-Pyle Falls. They 
crossed the river without bridging." [The Mon. of Old, p. 43. 

(27.) The location subsequently of Fort Necessity. 

(28.) The French had it reported that this force was sent out 
to hunt deserters. During this march, Washington had re- 
ports almost daily from scouts, traders, Indians and deserters 
as to the movements of the enemy. 

(29.) The Crossings of the Youghiogheny were afterward 
known as Stewart's Crossings from the circumstance of one 
William Stewart's living near the place in the year 1753 and 
part of 1754, he having been obliged finally to leave the 
counti'v on account of the French taking possession of it. It 
was the place where Braddock's army crossed. 

(30.) See Jumonville's Camp. 

(31.) See Fort Necessity. 
. (32.) Near the town of Connellsville, Fayette county, Pa. 
Christopher Gist's house was thirteen miles from the Great 
Meadows, not far from Stewart's Crossings on the Yough- 
iogheny river; five or six miles from Dunbar's camp. 

(.33.) As Capt. Mackay bore a king's commission, he would 
not receive orders from the provincial colonel. He encamped 
apart from the Virginia troops. Neither would his men do 
work on the road. To prevent mutiny and a conflict of au- 
thority, Washington concluded to leave the royal captain and 
his company to guard the fort and stores, while he, on the 
16th, set out with his Virginia troops, the swivels, some 
wagons, etc., for Redstone, making the road as he went. [The 
Monongahela of Old, 848. 

(34.) They had milch cows for beef, but no salt to season it. 
Besides the "chopped flour" which they found at the fort, 


there were some provisions from the "settlements," but only 
enough for four or five days. When the French came up they 
killed all the horses and cattle. 

In the sketch of Wendel Brown and his sons, given by Mr. 
Veech, he says that they were the first white settlers within 
the limits of Fayette county, having come there as early as 
1750 and '51, when the country was an unbroken wilderness. 
They came from Virginia. "When Washington's little army 
was at the Great Meadows, or Fort Necessity, the Browns 
packed provisions to him — corn and beef. And when he sur- 
rendered on the 4th of July, 1754, they retired, with the re- 
treating colonial troops across the mountains. [Mon. of Old, 
p. 209. 

The Indians friendly to Washington, such as Half-King, 
(Tanacharison), and Queen Alliquippa and her son, and their 
people who took part with the English, crowded into the fort 
bringing with them their squaws and children. These became 
consumers of the scanty supplies without being of any relative 
advantage, thus adding to the complexities of the occasion. 
The}^ were afraid to return to their homes after the success of 
the French. Some went back later, but others never returned 
to their lodges about the Ohio. 

(35.) The number here, as in all like engagements, varies in 
different authorities. Bancroft: Hist. U. S., iii, p. 78, says 600 
French with 100 Indians * * * * Sparks's Washington : 
"the whole body of the enemy by report amounted to 900 
men." ♦ » * » r^y^^ number given above is from the 
French account. 

Washington's loss in this action out of the Virginia regi- 
ment, was twelve killed and forty-three wounded. Capt. 
Mackay's losses were never reported. 

The following extracts are taken from the "Papers relating 
to the French Occupation," and the events are reported from 
their point of view. "The English having, in 1754, built Fort 
Necessity, twenty-five leagues [?] from Fort Duquesne, M. dc 
Jumonville was detached with 40 men to go and summon the 
garrison to retire. He was killed with seven Canadians, and 
the remainder of his detachment made prisoners of war. On 
this intelligence, Captain de Villiers, of the troops of the 


Marine, was ordered to conduct 700 men and avenge his 
brother's death; he reduced said fort on the 3d of July by 
capitulation, and made the garrison prisoners of war." [Sec- 
ond Arch., vi, 439. 

M, Varin to M. Bigot, from Montreal, the 24th of July, 1754, 
''M. de Villiers had 700 men with him, 600 of whom are French, 
and 100 Indians, who attacked Fort Necessity in broad day." 
[Second Arch., vi, 168. 

Extract from M. de Villiers' Journal annexed to M. Varin's 
letter. "The enemy's fire increased toward six o'clock in the 
evening with more vigor than ever, and lasted until eight. 
* * * The English had seventy to eighty [?j men killed or 
mortally wounded, and many others slightly. The Canadians 
have had two men killed, Desprez, Junior and the Panis, be- 
longing to M. Pean, and seventy wounded, two whereof are 
Indians." — This report, as is usual with the French reports 
from this quarter, is greatly exaggerated in their own behalf. 


Washington reached Wills creek with three companies, on 
the 20th of April, 1754, and two days after Ensign Ward ar 
rived with the Intelligence of the surrender of the works at 
the Forks of the Ohio. Washington immediately sent expresses 
to the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, ask- 
ing for reenforcements, and then, after a consultation with his 
brother ofiflcers, resolved to advance, and, if possible, to reach 
the Monongahela, near where Brownsville now stands, and 
there erect a fortification. On the 9th of May, he was at Little 
Meadows, and there received information that Contrecoeur 
had been reenforced with eight hundred men. On the 18th, 
he was encamped on the Youghiogheny, near where Smith- 
field, in Fayette county, now stands. From that point, he, 
with Lieutenant West, three soldiers, and an Indian, de- 
scended the river about thirty miles, hoping to find it navi- 
gable, so that he could transport his cannon in canoes, but 


was disappointed. He had scaicely returned to his troops, 
when a messenger from his old friend Tanacharisou arrived, 
with information that the French were marching toward him, 
with a determination to attaclv him. The same day he re- 
ceived further information that the enemy were at the cross- 
ings of the Youghiogheny, near where Connellsville now 
stands, about eighteen miles from his own encampment. He 
then hurried to the Great Meadows, where he made an in- 
Irenchment, and by clearing away the bushes prepared a tine 
tield for an encounter. Next day Gist, his old pilot, who resided 
near the crossings, arrived with the news that a French de- 
(achment of Miy men had been at his place the day before. 

That same night (May 27th), about nine o'clock, an express 
arrived from Tanacharison, who was then encamped with 
some of his warriors about six miles off, with information that 
the French were near his encampment. Col. Washington, says 
Sparks, immediately started with forty men to join the Half- 
King. The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the woods 
were intricate, the soldiers often lost their way groping in the 
bushes and clambering over rocks and logs, but at length they 
arrived at the Indian camp just before sunrise (May 28th). 
A council with Tanacharison was immediately held, and joint 
operations against the French were determined on. Two In- 
dian spies discovered the enemy's position in an obscure place, 
surrounded by rocks, and a half mile from the road. Wash- 
ington was to advance on the right, Tanacharison on the left. 
Thus they approached in single tile, until they were discovered 
by the French who immediately seized their arms and pre 
pared for action, which was commenced by a brisk firing on 
both sides, and which was kept up for a quarter of an hour, 
when the French ceased to resist. Monsieur Jumonville, the 
comnuiudant, and ten of his men were killed, and twenty-two 
were taken prisoners, one of whom was wounded. A Cana- 
dian escaped during the action. Washington had one man 
killed and two wounded. No harm happened the Indians. 
The prisoners were sent to Governor Dinwiddle. 

The affair was misrepresented greatly to the injury of 
NVashinglou. War liad not yet been declan^d. and it was the 
policy of caoli nation lo exaggerate tlie proceedings of the 


other. Hence it was officially stated by the French Govern- 
ment that Jumonville was waylaid and assassinated, while 
bearing a peaceful message to Washington. 

"Jumonville's camp," says Mr. Veech in Monongahela of 
Old, "is a place well known in our Mountains. It is near half 
a mile southward of Dunbar's Camp, and about five hundred 
yards eastward of Braddock's Koad — the same which Wash- 
ington was then making. The Half -King's Camp was about 
two miles further south near a fine spring, since called Wash- 
ington's Spring, about fifty rods northward of the Great Rock. 

"The Half-King discovered Jumonville's, or La Force's 
Camp by the smoke which rose from it, and by the tracks of 
two of the party who were out on a scouting excursion. 
Crawling stealthily through the laurel thicket which sur 
mounts the wall of rock twenty feet high, he looked down 
upon their bark huts or "lean-tos;" and, retreating with like 
Indian quietness, he immediately gave Washington the alarm. 
There is not above ground, in Fayette county, a place so well 
calculated for concealment, and for secretly watching and 
counting Washington's little army as it would pass along the 
road, as this same Jumonville's Camp." 

"It may not be possible to ascertain at this time the precise 
object for which the party under Jumonville was sent out. 
The tenor of his instructions, and the manner in which he ap- 
proached Colonel Washington's camp, make it evident that he 
deviated widely from the mode usually adopted in conveying 
a summons; and his conduct was unquestionably such as to 
create just suspicions, if not to afford a demonstration of his 
hostile designs. His appearance on the route at the head of 
an armed force, his subsequent concealment at a distance from 
the road, his remaining there for nearly three days, his send- 
ing off messengers to M. de Contrecoeur, were all circum- 
stances unfavorable to pacific purposes. If he came really as 
a peaceful messenger, and if any fault was committed by the 
attack upon him, it must be ascribed to his own imprudence 
and injudicious mode of conducting his enterprise, and not to 
any deviation from strict military rules on the part of Colonel 
Washington, who did no more than execute the duty of a 


vigilant officer, for which he received the unqualified appro- 
bation of his superiors and of the public." 

The following from Evert's History of Fayette County de- 
scribes the location about 1881: 

"Jumonville's Camp is nearly half a mile south of Dunbar's 
Camp, and 500 yards east of the old Braddock Road. One 
quarter of a mile south of Dunbar's Camp is Dunbar's Spring, 
and nearly one-quarter of a mile down the run from the spring, 
about ten feet from the right bank, is the spot supposed to be 
Jumonville's grave; then west about 20 yards in a straight line 
is the camp, half-way along and directly under a ledge of 
rocks 20 feet high and covered with laurel, extending in the 
shape of a half-moon half a mile in length in the hill and sink- 
ing as it approaches, and dipping into the earth just before 
it reaches Dunbar's Spring. Thus situated in the head of a 
deep hollow, the camp was almost entirely concealed from ob- 
servation. * * * The location is in Wharton township, 
Fayette county." [History of Fayette County, p. 829.] 


The discomfiture of La Force's party, and the death of Ju- 
monville, were immediately heralded to Contrecoeur at Fort 
Duquesne by a frightened, barefooted fugitive Canadian. 
Vengeance was vowed at once, but it was not yet quite ready 
to be executed. Washington, however, knowing the impres- 
sions which this, his first encounter, would make upon the 
enemy, at once set about strengthening his defences. He sent 
back for reenforcements, and had his fort at the Meadows 
palisaded and otherwise improved. And, to increase his 
anxieties, the friendly Indians, with their families, and several 
deserters from the French, flocked round his camp, to hasten 
the reduction of his little store of provisions. Further em- 
barrassments awaited him. 

On the 9th of June, Major Muse came up with the residue of 
the Virginia regiment, the swivels and some ammunition; but 


it was now ascertained that the two Independent Companies 
from New York, and the one from North Carolina, that were 
promised, would fail to arrive until too late. The latter only 
reached Cumberland after the surrender; while the fixed 
antipathies to war and the proprietary prerogative, of the 
Pennsylvania Assembly, had rendered all Governor Hamil- 
ton's entreaties for aid from that Province ineffectual. In his 
extremity, Colonel Washington displayed the same energy and 
prudence that carried him so successfully through the dangers 
and disappointments of the Revolution. He hired horses to 
go back to Wills creek for more balls and provisions, and in- 
duced Mr. Gist to endeavor to have the artillery, &c., hauled 
out by Pennsylvania teams — the reliance upon Southern prom- 
ises of transport having failed, as it did with Braddock. But 
no artillery came in time; ten onl}-, of the thirty-four pound 
cannon and carriages, which had been sent from England, 
having been forwarded to Wills creek, but too late. Wash- 
ington also took active measures to have a rendezvous at 
Redstone, of friendly Indians from Logstown and elsewhere 
below Duquesne; but in this he failed. 

On the next day (the 10th), Captain Mackay came up with 
the South Carolina company; but as he bore a king's commis- 
sion, he would not receive orders from the provincial colonel, 
and encamped separate from the Virginia troops; neither 
would his men do work on the road. To prevent mutiny, and 
a conflict of authority. Colonel Washington concluded to leave 
the royal captain and his company to guard the fort and stores, 
while he, on the 16th, set out with his Virginia troops, the 
swivels, some wagons, &c., for Redstone, making the road as 
he went. So diflScult was this labor over Laurel Hill, that 
two weeks were spent in reaching Gist's, a distance of thirteen 

On the 27th of June, Washington detached a party of some 
seventy men under Captain Lewis, to endeavor to clear a road 
from Gist's to the mouth of Redstone; and another party 
under Captain Poison, was sent ahead to reconnoitre. Mean- 
while Washington completed his movements to Gist's. 

The French, in the meantime, were active, and on the 28th 
a strong force left Fort Duquesne to attack Washington. 


It consisted of five liuudred French, and some Indians^ after- 
wards augmented to about four hundred. The commander 
was M. Coulon de Villiers, half brother of Jumonville, who 
sought the command from Contrecoeur as a special favor, to 
enable him to avenge his kinsman's "assassination," They 
went up the Monongahela in periaguas (big canoes), and on 
the 30th came to the Hangard at the mouth of Bedstone, 
and encamped on rising ground "about two musket shot from 
it." This Hangard (built the last winter, as our readers will 
recollect, by Captain Trent, as a store house for the Ohio 
Company), is described by M. de Villiers as a "sort of fort 
built with logs, one upon another, well notched in, about 
thirty feet long and twenty feet wide." Veech says (1858), 
"It stood near where Baily's mill now is." 

Hearing that the object of his pursuit were intrenching 
themselves at Gist's, M. de Villiers disencumbered himself of 
all his heavy stores at the Hangard; and, leaving a sergeant 
and a few men to guard them and the periaguas, rushed on 
in the night, cheered by the hope that he was about to achieve 
a brilliant coup de main upon the young "buckskin Colonel." 
Coming to the "plantation" on the morning of July 2d, the 
gray dawn revealed the rude half-finished fort, which Wash- 
ington had there begun to erect. This, the French at once 
invested, and gave a general fire. There was no response; the 
prey had escaped. Foiled and chagrined, Villiers was about 
to retrace his steps, when a half-starved deserter from the 
Great Meadows came in, and disclosed to him the whereabouts 
and destitute condition of Washington's forces. Having made 
a prisoner of the messenger, with a promise to reward, or to 
hang him, according as his tale should prove true or false, 
I he French commander resolved to continue the pursuit. Upon 
this we leave him, while we post up Colonel Washington's 

Hearing the French approach, Washington, being at Gist's 
on the 29tli, began thi owing up intrenchments, with a view 
to make a stand there. He called in the detachments under 
Captains Lewis and Poison, and sent back for Captain Mackay 
and his company. These all came, and upon council held it 
was determined to retreat. The inipcrfecl intrent-hment was 


abandoned, and sundry tools and other articles concealed, or 
left as useless. The lines of this old fortification have been 
long obliterated, but its position is known bv the numerous 
relics which have been ploughed up. It was, according to 
Veech, near Gist's Indian hut and spring, about thirty rods 
east of Jacob Murphy's barn, and within fifty rods of the 
centre of Fayette county. 

The retreat was begun with a purpose to continue it to 
Wills creek, but it ended at the Meadows. Thither the 
swivels were brought back, and under the additional advice 
and supervision of Capt. Stobo, a ditch and additional dimen 
sions and strength were given to the fort, now named ''Fort 
Necessity." So toilsome was this hasty retreat, there being 
but two poor teams, and a few equally poor pack horses — that 
Washington and other oflScers had to lend their horses to bear 
burdens, and to hire the men to carry and drag the heavy 
guns. Captain Mackay's company was too royal to labor in 
this service, and the Virginians had to do it all. When they 
reached the Meadows on the 1st of July, their fatigue was 
excessive. The had had no bread for eight days; they had 
milch cows for beef, but no salt to season it. Arrived at the 
fort, they found some relief in a few bags of chopped flour and 
other provisions from the 'settlements," but only enough for 
four or five days. Thus fortified and provisioned, they hoped 
to hold out until reenforcements arrived, but they came not. 

After a rainy night, early on the morning of July 3d, the 
enemy approached, strong in numbers and confidence, but 
fortunately without artillery. A wounded scout announced 
their approach. The French delivered the first fire of mus 
ketry from the woods, at a distance of some four or five hun 
dred yards, doing no harm. Washington formed his men in 
the Meadow outside the fort, wishing to draw the enemy 
into an open encounter. Failing in this, he retired behind 
his lines, and, after irregular ineffective firing during the day, 
and until after dark, the French commander asked a parley, 
which Washington at first declined, but when asked again, 
granted. In this he behaved with singular caution and cool- 
ness: anxious lest his almost total destitution of ammunition 
and provisions should be discovered, yet betraying no fear 


or precipitation. The French and Indians had killed or stolen 
all his horses and cattle, and thus his means of retreat were 
rendered as meagre as his means of defence. Yet with all 
these disadvantages, in numbers and resources, he obtained 
terms of surrender, highly honorable and liberal. Indeed, 
the French commander seems to have been a very fair sort of 
man. The articles of capitulation were drawn and presented 
by him in the French language; and after sundry modifications 
in Washington's favor, were signed in duplicate, amid torrents 
of rain, by the dim light of a candle, by Captain Mackay, 
Colonel Washington, and M. de Villiers. 

The French commander professed to have no other purpose 
than to avenge Jumonville's "assassination" and to prevent 
any "establishment" by the English upon the French do- 
minions. Hence, the articles of capitulation agreed on al- 
lowed the English forces to retire without insult or outrage 
from the French or Indians, to take with them all their bag- 
gage and stores, except artillery, the English colors to be 
struck at once; and at day-break next morning (July 4th), the 
garrison was to file out of the fort and march with colors 
flying, drums beating, and one swivel gun. They were also 
allowed to conceal such of their effects, as by reason of the 
loss of their oxen and horses they could not take with them, 
and to return for them thereafter, upon condition that they 
should not again attempt any establishment there, or else- 
where west of the mountains. The English were to return 
to Fort Duquesne the officers and cadets taken at the "assas- 
sination" of Jumonville, as hostages, for which stipulation 
Captains Van Braam and Stobo were given up to the French, 
as we have before related. 

Such were, in substance, the terms of the surrender of 
"Fort Necessity." But so powerless in all the physicale of 
military movements had Washington become, that nothing 
rould be carried off but the arms of the men, and what little 
of other articles was indispensable for their march to Wills 
creek. Even the wounded and sick had to be carried by their 
fellows. All the swivels were left. These were the "artillery," 
which the French required to be given up. It is said that 
Washington got the French commander to agree to destroy 


them. This was not done as to some of them — perhaps the}' 
were only spiked; for in long after years, emigrants found and 
used several of them there. Eventually they were carried off 
to Kentucky to aid in protecting the settlers of the '^bloody 

The French took possession of the fort, and demolished it 
on the morning of the 4th of July, a day afterwards to become 
as gloriously memorable in the recollection of Washington, as 
now it was gloomy. 

Washington's loss in the action, out of the Virginia regi- 
ment, was twelve killed and forty-three wounded. Capt. 
Mackay's losses were never reported. The French say they 
lost three killed and seventeen wounded. 

The French, apprehensive that the long expected reenforce 
ments to Washington might come upon them hastily, retired 
from the scene on the same day, marching ''two leagues," or 
about six miles. On the 5th they passed Washington's aban 
doned intrenchment at fiist's, after demolishing it and burning 
all the contiguous houses. At 10 a. m. next day, the}' reached 
tlip mouth of Redstone, and after burning the Hangard, re- 
embarked on the placid Monongahela. On the 7th they accom- 
plished their triumphant return to Fort Duquesne, "having 
burnt down," says M. de A'illiers, in his Journal, "all the sol 
tlements they found." 

Washington returned, sadly and slowly, to Wills creek, and 
thence to Alexandria. 

The site of Fort Necessity was the Great Meadows, .lames 
N'eech, in The Monongahela of Old, gives in detail, as the re- 
sult of his personal investigation, the following: 

"The engraving and description of 'Fort Necessity' given in 
Sparks' Washington are inaccurate. It may have presented 
that diamond shape, in 1830. But in 1816, the senior author 
of these sketches made a regular survey of it, with compass 
and chain. The accompanying sketch exhibits its form and 
proportions. (1.) As thereby shown, it was in the form of an 
obtuse angled triangle of 105 degrees, having its base or 
hypothenuse upon the run. The line of the base was. about 
midway, sected or broken, and about two ])erches of it thrown 
across the run, connecting ^Aitli the base by lines of the tri- 


angle. One line of the angle was six, the other seven perches; 
the base line eleven perches long, including the section thrown 
across the run. The lines embraced in all about fifty square 
perches of land, on nearly one-third of an acre. The embank- 
ment then (1816), was nearly three feet above the level of the 
Meadow. The outside "trenches," in which Captain Mackay's 
men w^ere stationed when the fight began, (but from which 
they were flooded out), were filled up. But inside the lines 
were ditches or excavations, about two feet deep, formed by 
throwing the earth up against the palisades. There were 
no traces of "bastions," at the angles or entrances. The 
junctions of the Meadow, or glade, with the wooded upland, 
were distant from the fort on the southeast about eighty 
yards, on the north about two hundred yards, and on the 
south about two hundred and fifty. Northwestward in the di- 
rection of the Turnpike road, the slope was a very regular 
and gradual rise to the high ground, which is about four 
hundred yards distant. From this eminence the enemy began 
the attack, but afterward took position on the east and south- 
east nearer the fort. One or two field pieces skillfully aimed 
and fired would have made short work of it. 

"A more inexplicable, and much more inexcusable error 
than that in Mr. Sparks' great work, is the statement of Colonel 
Burd, in the Journal of his expedition to Redstone, in 1759. 
He says the fort was round, with a house in it. That Wash- 
ington may have had some sort of a log, bark-covered cabin 
erected within his lines, is not improbable; but how the good 
Lancaster Colonel could metamorphose the lines into a circu- 
lar form is a mystery which we cannot solve. 

"The site of this renowned fort is well known. Its ruins 
are yet, (1858), visible. It stands on Great Meadow run, 
which empties into the Youghiogheny. The "Great Meadows," 
with which its name assoeiates in history, was a large natural 
meadow or glade, now highly cultivated and improved. The 
place is now better known by the name of "Mount Washing- 
ton,"on the National Road, ten miles east of Uniontown, Fay- 
ette county, the old fort being about three hundred years 
southwai'd of the brick mansion or tavern house. In by-gone 
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without a thought of its being or history; while a few have 
thrown a reverential glance upon the classic spot. Washing- 
ton in all his after life, seems to have loved the place. As 
early as 1769 he acquired from Virginia a pre-emption right 
to the tract of land (234) acres, which includes the fort; the 
title to which was afterwards confirmed to him by Pennsyl- 
vania. It is referred to in his last will, and he owned it at his 
death. His executors sold it to Andrew Parks of Baltimore, 
whose wife, Harriet, was a relative and legatee of the Gen- 
oral. She sold it to the late General Thomas Mason, who 
sold it to Joseph Huston, as whose property it was bought at 
sheriff's sale by Judge Ewing, who sold it to the late James 
Sampey, Esq., whose heirs have recently sold it to a Mr. 
Facenbaker. An ineffectual effort was made some years ago 
to erect a monument upon the site. The first battle ground 
of Washington surely deserves a worthier mark of com- 
memoration than mouldering embankments surmounted by a 
few^ decaying bushes." 

In reference to the project of erecting a monument spoken 
of by Mr. Veech above, there is this further information: 
"On July the 3d, 1854, the corner-stone for a monument was 
laid with appropriate ceremonies and speeches, by citizens 
from different places. A handsome view of the surrounding 
neighborhood, painted by Paul Weber, taken in July, 1854, 
ornaments the w^all of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
at Philadelphia. The following extract of a letter from Town- 
tj^end Ward, who with others, was a visitor at the same time 
with ^A'eber, and printed in the North American of July 3rd, 
1854, furnishes a description of the present (then) condition of 
the fort and country around: 

"Fort Necessity is four miles east of Laurel Hill, and about 
three hundred yards south of the National Road. As we ap- 
proached the spot, the star-spangled banner floated from its 
staff, as if in honor of our pilgrimage. The meadow or glade 
is entirely level — the rising ground approaching the site of the 
fort one hundred yards on one side, and about one hundred 
and fifty on the other. Braddock's Road skirts the rising 
ground to the south. A faint out-line of the breast-work. ;ind 
n trace of the ditch are yet visible, and now will remain so, 
3 -Vol. 2. 


for the rude hand which held the plow that aided during manj 
years to level them, was stayed at the intercession of a lover 
of the memories of these old places. The creek was dry, and 
this is all that remains. The artillery which Washington was 
unable to remove, remained a number of years, and it is said 
to have been the custom of emigrants who encamped at the 
fort to use it in firing salutes. At length the pieces, one by 
one, were carried to Kentucky b}^ some of the emigrants who 
crossed the mountains." 

Sparks' description of the place follows: 

"The space of the ground called the Great Meadows, is a 
le\el bottom, through which passes a small creek, and is sur- 
rounded by hills ()f a moderate and gradual ascent. This bot- 
tom, or glade is entirely level, covered with long grass and 
small bushes, and varies in width. At a point where the fort 
stood, it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the 
base of the one hill to that of the opposite. The position of 
the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred yards from 
the upland, or wooded ground, on the one side, and one hun- 
dred and fifty on the other, and so situated on the margin of 
the creek, as to afford easy access to water. At one point, 
the high ground comes within sixty yards of the fort, and 
this was the nearest distance to which an enemy could ap 
proach under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fori 
were still visible, when the spot was visited by the writer in 
ISHO, occupying an irregular square, the dimensions of which 
were about one hundred fe(4 on each side. One of these was 
pi'olonged ftirther than the other, for the purpose of reaching 
th<' water in the ci'oek. On the west side, next to the nearest 
wood, wei-e three entrances, protected by short breast-works, 
or bastions. The remains of a ditch, stretched round the south 
and west sides, were also distinctly seen. The site c»f this foi't 
is three or four hundred yards south of what is called the 
National lioad, fonr miles fi-oni the foot of Laurel Hill, and 
tifty miles from ( kimberland or Wills Creek." 


Notes to Fort Necessity. 

{I.) The exhibits refeiied to have never been printed. Mr. 
Veech compiled his Monougahela of Old prior to 1858. A part 
of it had been published by him in newspapers, but the work 
itself was printed in sheets which were not bound or put in 
book form until 1802 — then after Mr. Veech's death, and with- 
out any alteration. A part of the work — pages 241 and 259— 
was included in a pamphlet issued in 1857, entitled "Mason 
and Dixon's line." The edition of 1892 was "for private dis- 
tribution only." As Mr. Veech was a skilled surveyor and 
draughtsman, it is much to be regretted that the exhibits are 
not available. 

(2.) "AVhen Washington tirst camped at the Great Mea- 
dows, he had about one hundred and fifty men, soon after 
increased to three hundred, in six different companies, com- 
uianded by Captain Stephen, (to whom Washington there 
gave a Major's commission), Stobo, Van Braam, Hogg, Lewis, 
George Mercer and Poison; and by Major Muse who joined 
Washington with reenforcements of men and with nine 
swivels, powder and ball, on the ninth of June. He had 
been Washington's military instructor, three years before, 
and now acted as quartermaster. Captain Mackay, with the 
Independent Ko^al Company, from South Carolina, of about 
one hundred men, came up on the tenth of June, bringing 
witli him sixty beeves, five days' allowance of flour, and some 
ammunition, but no cannon, as expected. Among the subor- 
dinate officers, were Ensign Peyronie, and Lieutenants Wag- 
goner and John Mercer. 

"Uesides the illustrious commander, who became a hero, not 
for one age, but for all time, several of these officers became 
afterwards, earlier or later, men of note. Stephen was a 
captain in the Virginia regiment, at Braddock's defeat, and 
there wounded. He rose to be a colonel in the Virginia troops, 
and to be a general in the War of the Revolution. Stobo was 
the engineer of Fort Necessity, and he with Van Braam, were 
at the surrender, given up as hostages to the French, until the 
return of the French officers taken in the fight with Jumon- 
ville; but the Governor of Virginia refusing to return them, 


the hostages were sent to Canada. Stobo, after many hair- 
breadth escapes finally returned to Virginia in 1759, whence 
he went to England. Van Braam was a Dutchman, who knew 
a little French, and having served Washington as French in- 
terpreter the year previous, was called upon to interpret the 
articles of capitulation, at the surrender of Fort Necessity, 
and has been generally, but unjustly, blamed with having wil- 
fully entrapped Washington to admit that the killing of Ju- 
monville was an assassination. He had been Washington's 
instructor in sword exercise. He returned to Virginia in 
1760, having been released after the conquest of Canada by 
t he English ; but the capitulation blunder sunk him. Captain 
Lewis was the General Andrew Lewis, of Botetourt, in the 
great battle with the Indians at Point Pleasant, in Dunmore's 
War of 1774, and was a distinguished general officer in the 
Revolution, whom Washington is said to have recommended 
for Commander-in-Chief. He was a Captain in Braddock's 
campaign, but had no command in the fatal action; and was 
with Major Grant at his defeat, at Grant's Hill, (Pittsburg), in 
September, 1758. Poison was a Captain at Braddock's defeat, 
jind was killed. Of Captain Hogg we know but little. Cap- 
tain Mackay was a royal officer, and behaved in this campaign 
witli discretion, yet with some hateur. He afterwards aided 
Colonel Innes, of North Carolina, in building Fort Cumber- 
land, (Wills creek). Peyronie was a French Chevalier, settled 
in Virginia; was badly wounded at Fort Necessity; was a 
Virginia Captain in Braddock's campaign, and killed. Wag- 
goner was wounded in the Jumonville skirmish, became a 
Captain in Braddock's campaign, and behaved in the fatal 
action with signal good sense and gallantry. Besides these 
there were Christopher Gist, already named, and D. Thomas 
Craik, the friend and family physician of Washington, until 
his death. 

Of the Indians whose names are familiar from their con- 
nection with our history, there were Tanacharison, the Half- 
King of the Seneca tribe of the Iroquois, a fast friend of 
Washington and the English ; Monacatootha, alias Scarayoody, 
also a Six Nation chief; Queen Alliquippa and her son, and 


Shingass, a Delaware chief." [The Munongahela of Old. By 
James Veech.] 

The Captain Mackay above meDtioned was ^neas Mackay 
W'ho after the services referred to became iu 1773, one of His 
Majesty's justices for Westmoreland County, Penna. At the 
breaking out of the Revolutionary War he was appointed 
Colonel of the Eighth Penn'a Regiment in the Continental 
Line, but died early in the war in New Jersey. 

"It was a subject of mortification to Colonel Washington 
that Governor Dinwiddle refused to ratify the capitulation, 
in regard to the French prisoners. The Governor thus ex- 
plained his conduct in a letter to the board of trade: 'The 
French, after the capitulation entered into with Colonel Wash- 
ington, took eight of our people and exposed them to sale, and, 
missing thereof, sent them prisoners to Canada. On hearing 
of this, I detained the seventeen prisoners, the officer, and 
two cadets, as I am of opinion, as they were in my custody, 
Washington could not engage for their being returned. 1 
have ordered a flag of truce to be sent to the French, offering 
the return of their officer and two cadets for the two hostages 
they have of ours.' This course of proceeding was not suit- 
able to the principles of honor and sense of equity entertained 
by Colonel Washington, but he had no further control of the 

"The hostages were not returned, as was requested by the 
Governor's flag of truce, and the French prisoners were de- 
tained in Virginia, and supported and clothed at the public 
charge, having a weekly allowance for that purpose. The 
private men were kept in confinement, but Drouillon and the 
two cadets were allowed to go at large, first in Williamsburg, 
then in Winchester, and last at Alexandria, where they re- 
sided when General Braddock arrived. It was then deemed 
improper for them to go at large, observing the motions of the 
general's army, and the governor applied to Commodore Kep- 
pel to take them on board his ships; but he declined, on the 
ground that he had no instructions about prisoners. By the 
advice of General Braddock, the privates were put on board 
the transports and sent to England. Mr. Drouillon and the 
cadets were passengers in another ship at the charge of the 



colouy. La Force liaviug beeu only a volunteer in the skir- 
mish, and not in a military capacity, and having previously 
committed acts of depredation on the frontiers, was kept in 
prison in Williamsburg. Being a person of ready resources, 
and an enterprising spirit, he broke from prison and made his 
way several miles into the country, when his foreign language 
betrayed him, and he was taken up and remanded to close con 

*'Van Braam and Stobo were conveyed to Quebec, and re- 
tained there as prisoners till they were sent to England by the 
<iovernor of Canada." 

The following is from Evert's History of Fayette county, 
and refers to the locality as it was about 1881: 

"Mr. Facenbaker, the present occupant, came to the prop- 
erly in 1856, and cut a ditch, straightening the windings of the 
run, and consequently destroying the outline. The ditch is 
outside the base-line, through the out-thrown two perches. 
A lane runs through the southeast angle. The ruins of the 
fort or embanked stockade, which it really was, is three 
hundred yards south of Facenbaker's residence, or the Mount 
Washington stand, in a meadow, on waters of Great Meadow 
Kun, a tributary of the Youghiogheny. On the north, two 
hundred yards distant from the works, was wooded upland; 
on the northwest a regular slope to high ground about four 
hundred yards away, now cleared, then woods; on the south, 
about two hundred and fifty yards to the top of a hill, now 
cleared, then woods, divided by a small spring run breaking 
from a hill on the southeast, eighty yards away, then heavily, 
and still partially, wooded. A cherry tree stands on one line 
and two crab apples on the other. The base is scarcely visible, 
with all trace gone of line across the run. Mr. Geoffrey 
Facenbakei' says he cleaied up a locust thicket there and lefl 
a, few trees standing, and tliat it was the richest spot on tlie 
farm. About four hundred yards below, in a thicket close to 
his lower barn, several ridges of st(me were thrown up, and 
here he thinks the Indians buried tlieii' dead. He found iu 
the lane in ditching, logs five feet tinder groniid in good pre- 

*'Th«' sit<' of the fort has not been desetrated by the plow 


ifN3 For THi 

I'KU at any cost. 

- ■ii<iiriiiilil 





sim-e it came into the possesssiou of the Facenbaker family. 
Mr. Lewis Facenbaker is the present owner." 

The location is in Wharton township, Fayette county. 


(/apt. William Trent, holding his commission from Governor 
Dinwiddle of Virginia, began the erection of a fort at the Forks 
of the Ohio river, (1) under the auspices of the Ohio Company, 
on Sunday, Fe4). 17th, 17:")4. (2.) The fort was not yet com- 
pleted, when the French under Contrecoeur, (3) April 10th, 1754, 
appeared in sight, coming down the Allegheny river, in large 
numbers. They landed from their boats, drew up on the 
shore, and Le Mercier, commander of the artillery, with two 
drummers, one of them as an interpreter for the French, and 
a Mingo Indian, called The Owl, as an interpreter for the In- 
dians, was sent by his superior to denumd the surrender of J 
the post. (4.) Capt. Trent and Lieut. Frazer being absent, 
Edward Ward, Ensign, in command, the fort was by him given 
over to the French. Their object in descending the rivers 
from Canada was to secure this post and to erect thereat a 
foi'titication, regarding it within Ihe limil^s of tlieii- territory 
of Jjouisiana. (G.) 

They immediately eroded a fortification which was strength- 
ened as time went on and the danger of attack increased. It 
was called Fort Duquesne, in honor of the Governor-General 
of GaiuKla. (7.) It was probably completed early in the sum- 
mer, (8) but in the papers submitted herewith its condition at 
Narious times will l»e noted. It was located in the Point, at 
I lu' extreme end of the neck of land between the rivers, upon 
[dans made by M. de Chevalier de Mercier, captain of artillery 
who had been the designer and engineer of a number of such 
like fortifications foi- the French in their Canadian posses-, 
sions. He is represented as an officer of considerable ability, 
but a leech on the public purse; one of the large class who 
came to the New World with the determination of getting 
rich at any cost. 


It was understood that this overt act of war would be fol- 
lowed by prompt action on the part of England and the colo- 
nies, especially that of Virginia. Already a force of volunteer 
militia had been called out by the Governor of Virginia for 
the special purpose of aiding the Ohio Company to retain this 
post. Some of these were on the way and were west of Wills 
creek when Trent was forced to surrender. It was learned by 
the French through the active agency of their Indian allies 
and the vigilant efforts of their own soldiers that the Vir- 
ginians, notwithstanding this backset, were advancing toward 
this point with the evident intention of fighting for it. Small 
detachments were thereupon sent out from the fort to harrass 
and impede the little army which, under young Washington, 
was proceeding on the trail made by the Ohio Company the 
year previous, and on the Indian path which led from the ter- 
mination of that trail westward. (9.) 

Captain Trent had been directed by the Governor of Vir- 
ginia to occupy this point directly after he was assured of the 
intentions of the French from the report of Washington. 
Trent's small detachment was therefore merely the advance of 
a stronger force which was authorized by the Virginia au- 
thorities to proceed westward as soon as organized and 
equipped, to occupy this and other posts which were expected 
to be established. This force, however, could not be raised 
and equipped immediately, but the work of doing so pro- 
gressed as circumstances permitted. The Virginia Assembly 
voted a thousand pounds towards supporting the expedition 
and authorized more men to be raised. Colonel Joshua Fry, 
an English gentleman, was to be in chief command; Wash- 
ington, whose commission had been advanced to that of lieu- 
tenant-colonel, was second in command. Ten cannon and 
other military equipments which had arrived recently from 
England, were sent to Alexandria for the use of the expe- 
dition. (10.) 

Washington, with two companies which he had raised by 
Ills individual exertions, marched from Alexandria on the 2nd 
of April, 1754, and arrived at Wills creek (Cumberland, Md.), 
April 17th. He had been joined on his way by Captain 
Stephen. His forces amounted to one hundred and fifty men. 


Here he learned of the surrender of Trent. At a council of 
war it was concluded that it would be impossible to attack 
successfully the fort occupied by the French, without reen- 
forcements; but it was determined, pursuant to the instruc- 
tions which had been given by Governor Dinwiddle in con- 
templation of this event, to proceed to the store-house which 
had been erected for the Ohio Company the year previous at 
the mouth of Redstone creek on the Monongahela (Browns 
ville). This point was regarded a favorable one for operations 
against the fort at the Forks. With this object he proceeded 
forward, opening the road where necessary and taking such 
precautions as the occasion required. Having effected the 
crossing of the mountain ranges with difficulty, he reached the 
Youghiogheny where he was delayed until he constructed a 
bridge for its passage. Learning that the French had sent 
out a force to oppose him — which force was largely in excess 
of his own — he hastened forward to the Great Meadows, at 
which place he erected Fort Necessity. The events which 
have been narrated elsewhere more in detail, then followed. 
The first collision between the French and Virginians oc- 
curred when Washington, guided and aided by the friendly 
fndian, Tanacharison, called otherwise, Half-King, on the 
morning of the 281 h of May, 1754, surprised and attacked 
Jumonville with his party who had been sent out to spy his 
movements and to intercept his progress. It is a circum 
stance to be noted that while the dispossession of the Vir 
ginians from the Forks of the Ohio has been generally recog 
nized as the beginning of that colossal and eventful war which 
was so fatal to the power and glory of France throughout 
the world, and especially in America, yet no less noteworthy 
is the fact that the first gun fired in the first collision of arms 
was by the order of Washington and under his immediate com 

Thence followed the affair of Fort Necessity itself, tlio ro 
suit of which left the French in undisputed possession of Fort 
Duquesne and of the region of country which it controlled. 

It was with truth related at the time, that the events which 
then transpired in the vicinity of Fort Duquesne were talked 


of in Paris, and that the name of \\ a.shin^ton was then heard 
first in Europe. 

The French did not underestimate the importance of this 
post, or the necessity of holding it at all hazards. Its garrison 
from the first was large; and it became immediately upon its 
occupancy the chief post on their line of frontier from Lake 
Erie southward. This importance it maintained as long as it 
was under their domination. 

To make themselves more secure the French worked on the 
Indians of this region by every device. They were eminently 
successful in their dealings with them, and they had little 
trouble to make them their allies and dependants. There had 
grown a feeling of distrust on the part of the Indians of the 
\"irgiuians, and an antagonism against them by the tribes 
along the rivers; they were losing their ancient regard for the 
Pennsylvanians on account of the manner in which they had 
been duped out of their hunting-grounds, and they were thus 
the uu)re easily prevailed upon by plausible ai'gument and by 
substantial evidence of friendship, to become the allies of the 
French. — IMauy tribes were sustained by bountiful donations; 
the post was frequented by chiefs and warriors who came 
fr<uu distant tribes, and quite a settlement of natives was 
gathered in huts around the Fort, to whom were served 
rations from the public stores. To this point the representa- 
tives of the tribes came and were here fed in time of need. 
Here traders and governmental agents carried on the exchange 
of furs and peltry; and from here went forth those predatory 
bands, sometimes led by Frenchmen or Canadians, which car- 
ried terror, destruction and death to the border settlements 
of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland. To here were car- 
ried the captives taken in these ventures, whence they were 
from time to time sent to other posts, or to Canada. And this 
continued as long as the place remained in their possession; 
that is to sa}', from the time of its occupancy in the spring of 
1754 until its abandonment on the approach of the army under 
Forbes, in the fall of 1758. (11.) 

The history of this post under the French is to be learnt 
largely from the documents which relate to the military affairs 
of French-Canada, from the accounts which frcuii time to time, 


were detailed by escaped captives, or from statements made 
bv captured prisoners. As these documents are brought to 
light, more information is being obtained; and doubtless the 
time will come when a most satisfactory account cau be given 
of its history in detail. 

The first description we have of the fort is that by Captain 
Robert Stobo, one of the two hostages given by Washington 
at the surrender of Fort Necessity, who was taken by the 
Fiench to Fort Du(iuesue, from where, after being detained 
for some time, he was sent into Canada, but ultimately re- 
turned to Virginia. (12.) 

Stobo, shortly after his capture, wrote two letters to the 
(jrovernor of Virginia, which were entrusted to two friendly 
Tndians, and each was safely delivered. He enclosed (he })lan 
of the fort; and this plan and the description of it furuislMMl 
by him Avere regarded, from a military point of view, as of 
great value. They were carefully kept and were given to G<'n. 
Braddock when he took command of the expedition against 
Fort Duquesne, and they were found among his effects on the 
field of battle, and with other papers were forwarded by the 
French authorities to the proper depository of such official 
documents in Canada. (13.) In the. letter of July 28th, 1754, 
after speaking of the affairs of the neighboring Indians, he 
says : "On the other side, you have a draft of the Fort, such 
as time and opportunity would admit of at this time. The 
garrison consists of two hundred workmen, and all the rest 
went in several detachments to the number of one thousand, 
two days hence. Mercier, a fine soldier, goes; so that Con- 
trecoeur, with a few young officers and cadets, remain hero. 
A lieutenant went off some days ago, with two hundred men, 
for provisions. He is daily expected. When he arrives, the 
garrison will. La Force is greatly wanted here — (14) no scout- 
ing now. He certainly must have been an extraordinary man 
amongst them — he is so much regretted and wished for." 

In the letter of July 29th, he says: "There are about two 
hundred men at this time, two hundred more expected in a 
few days; the rest went off in several detachments to the 
amount of one thousand, besides Indians. The Indians have 
great liberty here; they go out and in when they please with- 


out notice. If one hundred trusty iShawanese, Mingoes and 
Delawares were picked out, they might surprise the fort, lodg- 
ing themselves under the platform behind the palisades by 
day, and at night secure the guard with the tomahawks. The 
guard consists of forty men only, and five officers. None lodge 
in the fort but the guard, except Contrecoeur, the rest in bark 
cabins around the fort." 

A description of the fort as it was in the summer of 1754 is 
given by Thomas Forbes, a French soldier who was at the fort 
at that time, and is as follows: 

"At our arrival at Fort DuQuesne (from Le Boeuf) we found 
the Garrison busily engaged in compleating that Fort and 
Stockadoing it round at some distance for the security of the 
Soldiers Barracks (against any Surprise) which are built be- 
tween the Stockadoes and the Glacis of the Fort. 

"Fort Du Quesne is built of square Logs transversely placed 
as is frequent in Mill Dams, and the Interstices filled up with 
Earth ; the length of these Logs is about sixteen Feet which is 
the thickness of the Rampart. There is a Parapet raised on 
the Rampart of Logs, and the length of the Curtains is about 
^0 feet, and the Demigorge of the Bastions about eighty. The 
Fort is surrounded on the two sides that do not front the 
Water with a Ditch about 12 feet wide and very deep, because 
(here being no covert way the Musquetteers fire from thence 
having a Glacis before them. When the News of Ensign 
Jumonville's Defeat reached us our company consisted of 
about 1,400. Seven hundred of whom were ordered out under 
the command of Captain Mercier to attack Mr. Washington, 
after our return from the Meadows, a great number of the 
Soldiers who bad been labouring at the Fort all the Spring 
were sent off in Divisions to the several Forts between that 
and Canada, and some of those who came down last were sent 
away to build a Fort some where on the head of the Ohio, so 
that in October the Garrison at Du Quesne was reduced to 400 
Men, who had Provisions enough at the Fort to last them two 
years, notwithstanding a good deal of the Flour we brought 
down in the spring proved to be damaged, arid some of it 
spoiled by the rains that fell at the Time. In October last T 
had an oportunity of relieving myself and retiring, there 


were not then any Indians with the French but a considerable 
number were expected and said to be on their march 
thither." (15.) 

When the advance of the Virginians was repelled after the 
capture and occupancy of the place by Contrecoeur, the forces 
were moved about; some were sent to Niagara and others to 
l)oints along the Allegheny and Ohio. The force here was 
ample, although it differed at times. Francis Charles Bou- 
viere, a deserter from the French fort at Niagara, in a deposi- 
t-ion made the 28th of December, 1754, stated that he had 
served with other soldiers in the garrison at Quebec until the 
beginning of the last winter, when he embarked along with six 
hundred men, Canadians and soldiers, on the expedition 
against the English at Ohio, and then after attacking and 
taking the fort which the English had begun, their com- 
mander, Contrecoeur, ordered four hundred men, of which 
he was one, to return to Niagara, detaining two hundred 
men with him in the fort. (16.) 

Another deserter stated that he was one of a very large 
number of soldiers who had been brought over from France, 
the most of whom were sent to the French fort commanded 
by Contrecoeur, on the Ohio; that the soldiers after their ar- 
rival were employed in digging mines in order to blow up the 
English on their approach to attack them, and that they 
talked of making mines all about the fort at a great distance; 
that the French had heard the English were making great 
preparations against them; that there were numbers of French 
Indians in the camp with the French who spoke French, and 
were extremely attached to them; that the French said they 
would by force compel the English to join with them; that 
they offered the lands about the fort to the Canadians and 
soldiers, and gave seed for their encouragement to settle there, 
and that there were about forty families who had accepted the 
terms and were settling the lands. (17.) 

During the summer and fall of 1754, the frontiers were kept 
in constant alarm at the prospects of attack from that quar- 
ter. (18.) The French would seem to have been very desirous 
that the reports of what they contemplated doing should be 
carried out from the fort, and care was taken not to allow the 


effect of these reports to suffer from want of exaggeration. 
The accounts on the part of the French coming from various 
sources differ; and it will readily be admitted that many of 
them are not plausible. 

George Croghan, Indian agent, reporting to Governor Ham- 
ilton, Sept. 27th, 1754, the result of his inquiries at that time, 
says: "I have had many accounts from Ohio all which agree 
that the French have received a reenforcement of men and 
provisions from Canada, to the fort in particular. Yesterday 
an Indian returned here, whom I had sent to the fort for in- 
telligence; he confirms the above accounts and further says 
there was about sixty French Indians came there while he 
was there, and they expected better than two hundred more 
every day. He says that the French designed to send those 
Indians with some French in several parties to annoy the back 
settlements, which the French say will put a stop to any Eng- 
lish forces marching out this fall to attack them. This In- 
dian, I Ihink, is to be believed, if there can be any credit given 
lo what an Indian says.'' (19.) 

In anticipation of an early campaign of the English and 
colonists, the force at Duquesne was very largely increased 
during the late fall of 1754. At one time it is probable there 
were at least one thousand regular soldiers there and several 
hundred Indians of various tribes. At the same time there 
were many other soldiers stationed at the forts up the Alle- 
gheny and on Lake Erie, ready for moving promptly when the 
occasion arrived. 

Governor Sharp reports to Governor Morris from Ann- 
apolis, December 10th, 1754, as follows — ''I acquaint you that 
I have just now received intelligence from Wills Creek, of the 
arrival of 1,100 French, and 70 Arondacks at the French on 
Monongahela, and that there are 400 French, and 200 Cana- 
wagcs and Gttaways more at the head of Ohio ready to come 
down thither. As soon as the Arondacks came to the Fort 
the Commandant divided them into three detachments, and 
sent them against the luick settlements <»f Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land or Virginia. (20.) 

Croghan reports to Governor Moriis, Xovembei- 28rd, 1754, 
that "Four days ago an Indian man called Caughenstain, of 


the Delaware nation, who had been gone six weeks to the 
French fort as a spy, returned and brings an account that 
there was 1,100 French came to the fort on Ohio and 70 French 
Indians called Orundox, and that there was more French at 
tlie head of Ohio and 300 Indians of the Coniwagas and Out- 
aways, which was expected every day when he left the Fort. 
They have brouglit eight more canoes with them. He says 
(hat the French sent out thiee small i)arties of Indians against 
the English settlements before he left that, but where they aie 
destined he could not tind out.'' (21.) 

(governor Morris, speaking to the Assembly, December '^, 
1754, refers to the condition of the I'rovince as follows: 
"From the letters and intelligence 1 have ordered to be laid 
before you it will appear that the French have now at their 
Fort at Mohongialo above a thousand regular troops besides 
Indians; that they are well supplied with provisions, and that 
they have lately received an additional number of cannon; 
that their upper forts are also well garrisoned and pro- 
vided." (22.) 

This information was based probably on reports made some 
time prior thereto. When it became evident that no opera- 
tions would be carried on that winter, most of the regular 
force WHS returned to Canada, leaving what was necessary for 
garrison duty. (23.) In April of 1755 there were said to be not 
two hundred French and Indians, and that their great de- 
pendence for the next summer seemed to be on the numerous 
tribes of Indians who had engaged to join them. (24.) 

The aggressive campaigns on the part of the British which 
opened in 1755 against Niagara and Crown Point as well as 
Fort Duquesne, necessitated the retention in Canada of most 
of those forces which otherwise would have been sent to Du 
([uesne. And therefore at no time after the fall or early 
winter of 1754 until after Braddock's defeat were the French 
forces so large there as they were shortly after its acquisi 
tion. They were then in expectation of a formidable move- 
ment on the part of the English. The number, however, was 
far in excess of that which was actually required; and upon 
the withdrawal of Washington and his Virginians after the 
surrender at Fort Necessity, there being then no imme<liat(' 


occasion for such a strong garrison, the men were temporarily 
withdrawn to other posts. But the invasion of territory 
which the British Government and its colonists asserted be- 
longed to them, was a matter which the government of France 
knew would be the cause of war. And the event justified 
these anticipations. 

From the State Papers pertaining to the government of 
Canada as a French province we get some information about 
affairs here at the time preceding the defeat of Braddock. 
The Marquis Duquesne to Vaudreuil, writing on the 6th of 
July, 1755, from Quebec, says: "By sieur de Contrecoeur's 
letter of the 24th of May last, the works of Fort Duquesne 
are completed. It is at present mounted with six pieces of 
cannon of six, and nine of two @ three pound ball; it was in 
want of neither arms nor ammunition, and since Sieur de 
Beaujeu's arrival, it must be well supplied, as he had carried 
with his brigade succors of every description. 

"I must explain to the Marquis de Vaudreuil that much dif- 
ticiilty is experienced in conveying all sorts of effects as far as 
Fort Duquesne; for, independent of the Niagara carrying 
place, there is still that of Presqu'isle, six leagues in length. 
The latter fort, which is on Lake Erie, serves as a depot for all 
the others on the Ohio; the effects are next rode to the fort on 
the River an Boeuf, where they are put on board pirogues to 
run down to Fort Machault, one-half of which is on the River 
Ohio, and the other half in the River au Boeuf, and serves as a 
<lepol for Fort Duquesne. This new post has been in exist- 
ence only since this year, because it has been remarked that 
(00 much time was consumed in going in one trip from the fort 
on the River au Boeuf to Fort Duquesne, to the loss of a great 
quantity of provisions which have been spoiled by bad 
weather. 'Tis to be lioped that, by dispatching the convoys 
opportunity [? opportunely] from Fort Machaults, everything 
will arrive safe and sound in twice twenty-four hours; besides 
it will be much more convenient at Fort Duquesne to send 
finly to Foi't Machaults for supplies. 

"Tlu' .M;ii'(|iiis (If \'aii<li'eiii] imisi 1)p iiifoiiiHMJ that, during 
tlif fii'st ('am|)aigns on th(' Oliio, a lioi'ribh^ wastf and disorder 
jii-evailcd at the frescjirisle and Niagara carrying plac»^s, 





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which cost the King immeuse sums. We have remedied all 
the abuses that have come to our knowledge, by submitting 
these portages to competition. The first is at forty sous the 
piece, and the other, which is six leagues in extent, at fifty. 
But we do not think the contractors can realize anything in 
consequence of the mortality among the horses and other ex- 
penses to which they are subject. 

*'Had we been favored with any tranquility, nothing would 
have been easier than to supply Fort Duquesne, by having the 
stores at Fort Presqu'isle filled during the summer, the horses 
could have rode the supplies during the winter to that of the 
River au Boeuf, whence they might be sent down the Ohio 
[Allegheny] on the first melting of the ice; but continual and 
urgent movements up to the present time have not afforded 
leisure to ride the effects in winter, and the horses are dying, 
which has determined us to give orders to draw from the Ohio 
as many of them as possible. 

*'Fort Duquesne could in less than two years support itself, 
since, in the very first year, 700 minots [a minot is a measure 
containing about three bnshelsj of Indian corn have been 
gathered there, and, from the clearings that have been made 
there since, it is calculated that if the harvest were good, at 
least 2,000 minots could be saved. Peas are now planted, and 
they have two cows, one bull, some horses and twenty-three 
sows with young." (25.) 

On the 25th of November, 1754, Major-General Edward 
Braddock was commissioned General-in-Chief of His Majesty's 
forces in North America and received his instructions touch 
ing his duties with relation to the encroachments of the 
French. In this year also was held the Council at Albany. 
Early the next year, 1755, both governments sent reenforce- 
ments of men and large quantities of war munitions, to Amer- 
ica; each force under convoy of a lleet. 

Before the declaration of war, and before the breaking off 
of negotiations between the courts of France and England, the 
English ministry had formed a plan of assailing the French in 
America on all sides at once, nnd repelling them, by one bold 
{uisli, from all their encroachments. 

The original plan was not followed out in detail as contem- 
4 -Vol. 2. 


plated but was somewhat altered as to the points of attack 
when operations were begun. A provincial army was to ad- 
vance upon Acadia, a second was to attack Crown Point, and 
a third Niagara; while General Braddock with two regiments 
which had lately arrived in Virginia, aided by a strong body 
of provincials, was to dislodge the French from Fort Du- 
el uesne. 

Gen. Braddock sailed, Jan. 14, 1755, from Cork for America, 
with the F'orty-fourth and Forty-eighth Regiments of royal 
Iroops, each consisting of five hundred men, one of them com- 
manded by Col. Dunbar and the other by Sir Peter Halket. 
He arrived at Alexandria, in Virginia, on the 20th of Feb- 
ruary. (2G.) 

In a (council held at the camp there on the 14th of Apinl, 
1755, at which, besides himself and Hon. Augustus Keppel, 
Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's ships and vessels in 
North America, thei'e were present the (Tovernors of Massa- 
chusetts, Virginia, New York, Maryland and Pennsylvania, 
three expeditions were then resolved on, the first of which 
was against Fort Duquesne, under the command of Gen. 
Braddock in person, with the British troops, with such aid as 
he could derive from Maryland and Virginia. There were 
afterwards added two independent companies from New York. 

Gen. Braddock, at length, amply furnished with every thing- 
necessary for the expedition, and confident of success, wrote 
to his friend (Jov. Morris of Pennsylvania, from Fort (Jum- 
l>erland, on the 24th of May, that he should soon begin his 
march for Fort Duquesne, and that if he took the fort in the 
condition it then was, he should make what additions to 
it he deenunl necessary, and leave the guns, ammunition and 
stores belonging to it with a garrison of Virginia and Mary- 
land forces. But in case, as he apprehended, the French 
should abandon and destroy the fortifications, with the guns, 
stores and ammunitions of war, lie would repair or construct 
some place of defence for th<^ garrison whi<'h he should leave: 
but that Pennsylvania, Mrginia and Maryland must imme- 
diately supply the artillery, ammunition, stores and provisions 
for (he use and defence of the garrison left in the fort, as he 
should take all that he now had, and all that he should find 


in the fort along with him, foi- the iurthei' execution of his 

Having completed his aiiangements, he sent forward on the 
27th of May, Sir John Sinclair and Major Chapman, with a 
detachment of five hundred men to open the roads, and ad- 
vance to the Little Meadows, erect a small fort, and collect 
provisions. On the Sth of June, the first brigade under Sir 
I'eter Halket followed, and on the 9th the main body of the 
army, with the Commander-in-Chief, left Fort Cumberland, 
and commenced its march towards Fort Duquesue. He 
crossed the Allegheny Mountains at the head of two tliousand 
I wo hundred men, well armed and supplied, with a tine train 
of artillery. In addition to these, Scarooyada, who had suc- 
ceeded Half-King, a sachem of the Delawares, joined him with 
between forty and fifty friendly Indians; and the heroic Cap- 
lain Jack, with George Croghan, the English Indian inter- 
preter, who visited his camp, accompanied by a party, in- 
creasing the number of Indian warriors to one hun<lred and 
fifty, proposed to accompany the army as scouts and guides. 
These might have been of great use to him, in this capacity, 
and might have saved the army from ambuscade and defeat. 
But he slighted and rejected them; and as the offer of their 
services was rather despised than appreciated, they left him 
in disgust; and retired to their fastnesses among the moun- 
tains of the Juniata. 

On the seventh day after he left Fort Cumberland, he 
reached the Little Meadows, at the western base of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains, where the advance detachment under Sir 
John Sinclair, Quarter-Master General of the army, had be- 
fore arrived. Here a council of war was called to determine 
upon a plan of future operations. Col. Washington who had 
entered the army as volunteer Aid-de camp, and who possessed 
a knowledge of the country and the service to be performed, 
had at a previous council urged the substitution of pack- 
horses for wagons, in the transportation of the baggage. 
This advice was not taken at that time; but before I he army 
reached the Little Meadows it was found that, besides the 
diflficulty of getting the wagons along at all, they often formed 
a line of three or four miles in length; and the soldiers guard- 


iug them were so dispersed, that if an attack had been made 
either in front, center, or rear, the part attacked must have 
been cut off, or totally routed, before it could be sustained by 
any other part of the army. Washington again renewed his 
advice. He earnestly recommended that the heavy artillery 
and baggage should remain with a portion of the army, and 
follow by eas}^ marches; while a chosen body of troops, with 
a few pieces of light cannon and such stores as were abso- 
lutely necessary, should press forward to Fort Duquesne. He 
enforced his counsel by referring to the information received 
of the march of five hundred men to reenforce the French, 
whose delay was caused by the low state of the waters, which 
cause would be removed by the rains, which in ordinary 
course, might be immediate. 

This advice prevailed. Twelve hundred men with twelve 
pieces of cannon were selected from the different corps. These 
were to be commanded by Gen. Braddock, in person, assisted 
by Sir Peter Halket, acting as Brigadier General, Lieut. Col. 
Gage, Lieut. Col. Bur I on and Maj. Sparks. It was determined 
to take their thirty carriages including those that transported 
the ammunition, and that the baggage and provisions should 
be carried upon horses. The General left the Little Meadows 
on the 19th of June, with his select body of troops, leaving 
Col. Dunbar and Maj. Chapman to follow by easy marches, 
with the residue of the two regiments, some independent com- 
panies, the heavy baggage and the artillery. 

The benefit of these prudent measures was not lost on the 
fastidiousness and presumption of the Commander-in-Chief. 
"Instead of pushing on with vigor, regardless of a little rough 
road, he halted to level every mole hill, and to throw bridges 
over every rivulet," occupying four days in reaching the Great 
Crossings of the Youghiogheny, only nineteen miles from the 
Little Meadows. Mr. Peters, Secretary of the Colony of 
Penna., and one of the Commissioners to open the road from 
Fort Loudon to the forks of the Youghiogheny, strongly ad 
vised him that rangers sliould precede the army for its de- 
fence. But this advice was treated with contempt, and when 
on his march. Sir Peter Plalket proposed that the Indians 
which were in tlie army should be employed in reconnoitering 

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the woods and passages on the front and tlanks, he rejected 
this prudent suggestion with a sneer. When Dr. Franklin, in 
his interview at Frederick, ventured to say, that the only dan- 
ger he apprehended to his march, was from the ambuscades 
of the Indians — he contemptuously replied: "These savages 
may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American 
militia; but upon the King's regular and disciplined troops, 
Sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." 

At the Little Meadows, Col. Washington was taken seri- 
ously ill with a fever, and rendered unable to proceed any 
farther. He was thereupon left at the camp of Col. Dunbar. 

On the 8th of July, the General arrived with his division, all 
in excellent health and spirits, at the junction of the Yough- 
iogheny and Monongahela rivers. At this place Col. Wash- 
ington rejoined the advanced division, being but partially re- 
covered from the attack of fever, which had been the cause of 
his remaining behind. The officers and soldiers were now in 
the highest spirits, and firm in the conviction that they should 
within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Du- 

The steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the 
Monongahela prevented the army from marching in that direc- 
tion, and it was necessary in approaching the fort, now about 
fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and to march part 
of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of the 
9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train passed 
over the river a little below the mouth of the Youghiogheny, 
and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of 
the Monongahela. Washington was often heard to say during 
his life time, that the most beautiful sight he had ever be- 
held, was the display of the British troops on this eventful 
morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform, the 
soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact order, 
the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed 
tranquilly on their right and the .deep forest overshadowed 
them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men 
were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident 

In this manner thev marched forward till about noon, when 


they arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort 
Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to 
ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they 
had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated but a few 
feet above the surface of Ihe river, and extending northward 
nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a grad- 
ual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which termi- 
nated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance 
beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Duquesne 
led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded 
through an uneven country, at that time covered with 
wood. (27.) 

By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under 
Col. Clage, made the advance party, which was immediately 
followed by another of two hundred. Next came the General 
with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and 
the baggage. At one o'clock the whole had crossed the river, 
and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the 
advance parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had 
got forward about a hundred yards from the termination of 
the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon 
(heir front, which was the first intelligence they had of the 
})roxiniity of an enemy; and this was suddenly followed by 
another on their right flank. They were filled with the 
greatest consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the 
tiring seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in 
ivturu, however, but quite at random, and obviously without 
effect, as the enemy kej)t up a discharge in quick and con- 
(inucd succession. 

The General advanciMl speedily to the relief of these detach- 
ments; but before he could reach the ground wliicli they oc<'U- 
pied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and (he 
other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and 
striking the whole mass with such a panic that no order could 
afterwards be restored. The General and the officers be- 
haved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally 
the men, and bring them to order; but all in vain. In this 
state they continued neaily three hours, huddling together in 
('onfiised bodies, finng iri'egularlv, shooting down (heir own 


oflBcers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy. 
The Virginia Provincials were the only troops- who seemed to 
retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and reso- 
lution never excelled. They adopted the Indian mode of war- 
fare, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This 
was prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his 
men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manoeu- 
veriug on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and 
Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a 
deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out 
their objects, taking deliberate aini, and producing a carnage 
almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More 
than half of the whole anny which had crossed the river in 
so proud an array only three hours before were killed or 
wounded; the General himself had received a mortal wound, 
and many of his best officers had fallen by his side. 

The rear was thrown into confusion, but the main body, 
forming three deep, instantly advanced. The commanding 
officer of the enemy having fallen, it was supposed from the 
suspension of the attack, that the assailants had dispersed. 
The delusion was momentary. The fire was renewed with 
great spirit and unerring aim, and the regular troops behold- 
ing their comrades drop round them, and, unable to see the 
foe, or tell from whence the fire came, which caused their 
death, broke and fled in utter dismay. Gen. Braddock, as- 
tounded at this sudden and unexpected attack, lost for the time 
liis self-possession, and gave orders neither for a regular re- 
treat, nor for his cannon to advance and scour the woods. He 
remained on the spot where he first halted, directing the 
troops to form into regular platoons, against a foe dis])ersed 
through the forest, behind trees and brushes, whose every sliot 
did fatal execution upon his men. The colonial troops, whom 
he had contemptuously placed in the rear, instead of yielding 
to the panic which disordered the regulars, offered to advance 
against the enemy, until the British regiments could fonn, 
and bring up the artillery. But the regulars could not again 
be brought to the charge. They would obey no orders, but 
gathered themselves into a body, ten or twelve deep, and 
loaded, fired, and shot down the officers and men before them. 


Two-thirds of the killed aud wouuded iu Ihis fatal action re- 
ceived their shot from the cowardly and panic-stricken regu- 
lars. The officers were absolutely sacrificed by their good 
behavior; advancing in bodies, sometimes separately, hoping 
by such exami)le, to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to 
no purpose. 

The conduct of the Virginia troops was worthy of a better 
fate. They boldly formed and marched up the hill, but only 
to be fired at by the frightened royal troops. Captain Wag- 
goner, of the Virginia forces, brought eighty men up to take 
possession of a hill, on the top of which a large fallen tree was 
lying of three or four feet in diameter, which he intended to 
use as a bulwark. He marched up and took possession, with 
shouldered arms, and with the loss of only three men killed 
by the enemy. As soon as his men discharged their pieces 
upon the Indians in the ambuscade, which was exposed to him 
from their position, and when this movement might have 
driven the enemy from their coverts, the smoke of the dis- 
charge was seen by the British soldiery, and they fired upon 
the gallant little band, so that they were obliged to leave their 
position and retreat down the hill, with the loss of fifty killed 
out of eighty. The Provincial troops then insisted upon being 
allowed to adopt the Indian mode of warfare, and to shelter 
themselves behind trees; but General Braddock denied this 
request, and raged and stormed with great vehemence, calling 
them cowards and dastards. He even went so far as to strike 
I hem with his drawn sword for attempting to adopt this mode 
of warfare. He had four horses killed under him, and at last, 
on the fifth, received a mortal wound through the arm and 
lungs, and was carried from the field of battle. 

A large portion of the regular troops had now fired away 
their ammunition, in an irregular manner, at their own 
friends, and had run off, leaving to the enemy the artillery, 
ammunition and stores. Some of them did not stop until they 
reached Dunbar's camp, thirty-six miles distant. Sixty-four 
(tut of eighty-five officers, and one-half of the privates were 
killed or wounded. Every field officer, and every one on horse 
back, except Col. Washington, — who had two horses killed 
under him. and four bullets through his coat, — was either 


slain or carried froui tiie tield disabled by wounds, and no 
hope remained of saving anything except by retreat. Wash- 
ington then at the head of the Provincial troops, formed and 
covered the retreat with great coolness and courage. 

The defeat was complete; the carnage great. Seven hun- 
dred and fourteen men were killed. The wagoners each took 
a horse from the teams and rode off in great haste; the ex 
ample was followed by the soldiers; the rout became general; 
all order was disregarded, and it was with difficulty that Gen. 
Braddock and the wounded officers were brought off. All the 
artillery, ammunition, baggage and stores, together with the 
dead and dying, were left upon this fatal field, a prey to 
savage spoilers and the beasts of the forest. All the Secre- 
tary's papers, with all the Commanding General's orders, in- 
structions, and correspondence, together with twenty-five thou- 
sand pounds in money, fell into the hands of the French. 

The fugitives not being pursued, arrived at Dunbar's camp, 
and the panic they brought with them instantly seized him 
and all his troops. And although he had now about one 
thousand men, and the enemy which had surprised and de- 
feated the detachment under Gen. Braddock, did not much ex- 
ceed seven hundred Indians and French together, instead of 
proceeding and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honor, 
he ordered all the stores, ammunition, artillery and baggage, 
except what he reserved for immediate use, to be destroyed. 
Some of the heavy cannon he buried, and these have never 
been found. This he did in order that he might have more 
horses to assist his flight towards the settlements. More than 
half of the small arms were lost. 

Arriving at Fort Cumberland, he was met with requests 
from the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, 
that he would post his troops on the frontier, so as to afford 
some protection to the inhabitants: but he continued his hasty 
march through the country, not thinking himself safe until he 
arrived at Philadelphia. In their first march, from their land- 
ing, till they got beyond the settlements, the British troops 
had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining 
some poor families, besides insulting abusing, and confining 
the people, if they remonstrated. 


Gen. Braddock having died in the night of the 13th of July, 
the day after Col. Dunbar had commenced his retreat, he was 
buried in the road, for the purpose of concealing his body 
from the Indians. He was wrapped in his cloak. The spot is 
still pointed out within a few yards of thie National Road, and 
about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity at the (Ireat 
Meadows. The French sent out a party as far as Dunbar's 
camp, and destroyed everything that was left. Col. Wash- 
ington being in very feeble health, retired to Mount Vernon. 

The loss of the French was slight, but fell chiefly on the 
officers, three of whom were killed, and four wounded.. Of 
the regular soldiers, all but four escaped untouched. The 
( 'auadians suffered still less, in j)roportion to their numbers, 
only five of them being hurt. The Indians, who won the 
victory, bore the principal loss. Of those from Canada, 
twenty-seven were killed and wounded, while casualties 
among the western tribes are not reported. All of these last 
went off the next morning with their plunder and scalps, 
leaving Contrecoeur in great anxiety lest the remnant of Brad- 
dock's troops, reenforced by the division under Dunbar, should 
attack him again. His doubts would have vanished had he 
known the condition of his defeated enemy. 

Pitiable, indeed, was the condition of the defeated General 
and of those who remained near him. In the pain and languor 
of a mortal wound, Braddock showed unflinching resolution. 
His bearersr stopped with him at a favorable spot near the 
Monongahela; and here he hoped to maintain his position till 
the arrival of Dunbar. By the efforts of the officers about a 
hundred men were collected around him; but to keep them 
was impossible. Within half an hour they abandoned him, 
and fled like the rest. Gage, however, succeeded in lal lying 
ulioiit eighty beyond the other fording place; and Washington, 
on an order from Braddo('k, sj)urred his jaded horse lowards 
the camp of Dunbar to demand wagons, provisions, aiul hos- 
pital stores. 

Fright overcame fatigue. The fugitives toiled on all nighl, 
pursued by spectres of horror and despair; hearing still the 
war-whoops and the shrieks; possessed with the one thought 
of escape from this wilderness of death. In the morning some 































































fS^o c, L 



order was restored, liraddock was placed ou a horse; then, 
the pain being insutt'erable, he was carried on a litter, Captain 
Orme having bribed the carriers by the promise of a guinea 
and a bottle of rum apiece. Early in the succeeding night, 
such as had not fainted on the way reached the deserted farm 
of Gist. Here they met wagons and provisions, with a de- 
tachment of soldiers sent by Dunbar, whose camp was six 
miles farther on; and Braddock ordered them to go to the re- 
lief of the stragglers left behind. 

At noon of that day a number of wagoners and packhorse- 
drivers had come to Dunbar's camp with wild tidings of rout 
and ruin. More fugitives followed; and soon after a wounded 
officer was brought in upon a sheet. The drums beat to arms. 
The camp was in commotion; and many soldiers and teamsters 
took to flight, in spite of the sentinels, who tried in vain to 
stop them. There was a still more disgraceful scene on the 
next day, after Braddock, with the wreck of his force, had 
arrived. Orders were given to destroy such of the wagons, 
stores and ammunition as could not be carried bacli at once to 
Fort Cumberland. Whether Dunbar or the dying General 
gave these orders is not clear; but it is certain that they were 
executed with shameful alacrity. More than a hundred 
wagons were burned; cannon, coehorns and shells were burst 
or buried; barrels of gunpowder were staved, and the con- 
tents thrown into a brook, provisions were scattered through 
the woods and swamps. Then the whole command began its 
retreat over the mountains to Fort Cumberland, sixty miles 
distant. This proceeding, for which, in view of the condition 
of Braddock, Dunbar must be held answerable, excited the 
utmost indignation among the colonists. If he could not have 
advanced, they thought, he might at least have fortified him- 
self ;ind held his ground till the provinces could send him 
help; thus coveriug the frontier, and holding French war- 
parties in check. 

Braddock's last moment was near. Orme, who though him- 
self severely wounded, and who was with him till his death, 
told F'ranklin that he was totally silent all the first day, and 
at night said only: *'Who would have thought it?" — that all 
the next day he was silent again, till at last he muttered, 


"^Ve shall better know how to deal with them another time," 
and died a few minutes after. He had nevertheless found 
breath to give orders at Gist's for the succor of the men who 
had dropped on the road. It is said, too, that in his last hours 
"he could not bear the sight of a red coat," but murmured 
praises of *'the blues," or Virginians, and said that he hoped 
he should live to reward them. He died at about eight o'clock 
in the evening of Sunday, the thirteenth of July. Dunbar had 
begun his retreat that morning, and was then encamped near 
the Great Meadows. On Monday the dead Commander was 
buried in the road; and men, horses, and wagons, as we have 
seen, passed over his grave, effacing every sign of it, lest the 
fndians should find and mutilate the body. 

We have in the Narrative of Captain James Smith an ac- 
count of what occurred in the fort on the morning of the 9th 
of July, when the French sallied forth to battle, and what he 
witnessed when he returned. His account is as follows: 

"Some time after I was there [Fort Duquesne], I was visited 
by the Delaware Indian already mentioned, who was at the 
taking of me, and could speak some English. I asked what 
news from Braddock's army? He said, the Indians spied 
thera every day, and he showed me by making marks on the 
ground with a stick, that Braddock's army was advancing in 
very close order, and that the Indians would surround them, 
take trees, and (as he expressed it,) shot um down all one 

"Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July, 1755, in the 
morning, I heard a great stir in the fort. As I could then 
walk with a staff in my hand, I went out of the door, which 
was just by the wall of the fort, and stood upon the wall and 
viewed the Indians in a huddle before the gate; where were 
barrels of powder, bullets, flints, &c., and every one taking 
what suited; I saw the Indians also march off in rank entire — 
likewise the French Canadians, and some regulars. After 
viewing the Indians and French in different positions, I com- 
puted them to be about four hundred, and wondered that 
they attempted to go out against Braddock with so small a 
party. -I was then in high hopes that I would soon see them 


fly before the British troops, and that Generad Braddock 
would take the fort and rescue me. 

"I remained anxious to know the event of this day; and, in 
the afternoon, I again observed a great noise and commotion 
in the fort, and though at that time I could not understand 
French, yet I found that it was the voice of joy and triumph, 
and feared that they had received what I called bad news. 

"I had observed some of the old country soldiers speak 
Dutch ;*as I spoke Dutch, I went to one of them and asked him, 
what was the news? He told me that a runner had just ar- 
rived, who said that Braddock would certainly be defeated; 
(hat the Indians and French had surrounded him, and were 
concealed behind trees and in gullies, and kept a constant fire 
upon the English, and that they saw the English falling in 
heaps, and if they did not take the river, which was the only 
gap, and make their escape, there w^ould not be one man left 
alive before sun-down. Some time after this I heard a number 
of scalp haloos, and saw a number of Indians and French com- 
ing in. I observed they had a great many bloody scalps, gren- 
adiers' caps, British canteens, bayonets, &c., with them. They 
brought the news that Braddock was defeated. After that, 
another company came in, which appeared to be about one 
hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it seemed to me that almost 
every one of this company was carrying scalps; after this 
came another company with a number of wagon horses, and 
also a great many scalps. Those that were coming in, and 
those that had arrived, kept a constant firing of small arms, 
and also the great guns in the fort, which were accompanied 
with the most hideous shouts and yells from all' quarters; so 
that it appeared to me as if the infernal regions had broken 

"About sundown I beheld a small party coming in with 
about a dozen prisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied 
behind their backs, with their faces and part of their bodies 
blackened. These prisoners they burned to death on the bank 
of Allegheny river opposite to the fort. I stood on the fort 
wall until I beheld them begin to burn one of these men ; they 
had him tied to a stake, and kept touching him with fire 
brands, red-hot irons, &c., and ho screamed in a most doleful 


manner, — the Indians in the meantime yelling like infernal 
spirits. As this scene appeared too shocking for me to be- 
hold, I retired to my lodgings both sore and sorry. In the 
morning after the battle, I saw Braddock's artillery brought 
into the fort; the same day I also saw several Indians in 
British officers' dress, with a sash, half moons, laced hats, 
&Q., which the British then wore. 

"A few days after this the Indians demanded me, and I was 
obliged to go with them." 

As pertinent to this narration, the papers following are 
<ak"n from the French reports of this campaign and they arc 
inserted here for the purpose of showing it from their ijoint 
of view. 

From a "Journal of the Operations of the Army from 22d of 
July to aOth of September, 1755:" 

"July 16th. — The enemy had three armies, one destined for 
the Beautiful river, where they were defeated. The corps was 
three thousand strong, under the command of General Bran- 
dolk [Braddock], whose intention was to besiege Fort Du- 
quesne; they had considerable artillery, much more than was 
necessary to besiege forts in this country, most of Avhich are 
good for nothing, though they have cost the King consider- 
able. M. de Beaujeu, who was in command of that fort, noti 
tied of their marcli, and much embarrassed to prevent the 
siege with his handful of men, determined to go and meet the 
enemy. He proposed it to the Indians who were with him, 
who at first rejected his advice and said to him: No, Father, 
you want to die and sacrifice yourself; the English are more 
lli;in four th(»usaiid, and we are only eight hundred, and you 
want to go and attack them. You see clearly that you have 
no sense. W^e ask until to-morrow to make up our minds. 
Tlicy consulted together; they never march without doing so. 
Next morning JM. de I'.eaujeu left liis fort with the few troo])S 
he had, and asked the Indians the result of their deliberations. 
They answered him: They could not march. M. de Beaujeu, 
who was kind and affable, and possessed sense, said to them: 
I am determined to go and meet the enemy. What! will yon 
allow us to go alone? I am sure of conqueiing them. Th(! 
Indians, thereupon, decided (o follow liiui. 'JMiis detachment 


was composed of 72 Regulais, 14G Cauadiaii.s and (iHT Indians. 
The engagement took place within four leagues of the foi"t on 
the 9th day of July, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and con- 
tinued until five. M. de Beaujeu was killed at the first fire. 
The Indians, who greatly loved him, avenged his death with 
all the bravery imaginable. They forced the enemy to fly with 
a considerable loss, which is not at all extraordinary. The 
Indian mode of fighting is entirely dift'erent from that of us 
Europeans, which is good for nothing in this country. The 
enemy formed themselves into battle array, presented a front 
to men concealed behind trees, who at each shot brought down 
one or two, and thus defeated almost the whole of the Eng- 
lish, who were for the most part veteran troops that had come 
over the last winter. The loss of the enemy is computed at 
1,500 men. M. de Brandoik, their General, and a number of 
officers have been killed. 13 pieces of artillery, a great quan 
tity of balls and shells, cartridge boxes, powder and flour have 
been taken; 100 beeves, 400 horses, killed or captured, all 
their wagons taken or broken. Had not our Indians amused 
themselves plundering, not a num would have escaped. It is 
very probable that the English will not make any further 
attempt in that direction, inasmuch as, in retiring, they have 
burnt a fort they had erected for their retreat. We have lost 
three officers, whereof M. de Beaujeu is one, 25 soldiers, Cana- 
dians or Indians; about as many wounded." 

An account of tlie battle of the Monongahela, i>th of July, 

"j\r. do Contrecoeur, Captain of Infantry, Commandant of 
Fort Duquesne, on the Ohio, having been informed that llw 
English were taking up arms in Virginia for the puri)ose of 
coming to attack him, was advised, shortly afterwards, that 
they were on the march. He despatched scouts, who reported 
to him faithfully their progress. On the 17th instant he was 
advised that their army, consisting of 3,000 regulars from Old 
England, were within six leagues of this fort. That officer 
employed the next day in making his arrangements; and on 
the 9th detached M. de Beaujeu, seconded by Messr's. Dnnuis 
and de Lignery, all three Captains, together with four Lieuten 
ants, 6 Ensigns, 20 Cadets, 100 Soldiers, 100 Canadians and 


600 Indians, with orders to lie in ambush at a favorable spot, 
which he had reconnoitred the previous evening. The detach- 
ment, before it could reach its place of destination, found it- 
self in presence of the enemy within three leagues of that fort. 
M. de Beaujeu, finding his ambush had failed, decided on an 
attack. This he made with so much vigor as to astonish the 
enemy, who were waiting for us in the best possible order; 
but their artillery, loaded with grape (a cartouche), having 
opened its fire, our men gave way in turn. The Indians, also, 
frightened by the report of the cannon rather than by any 
damage it could inflict, began to yield, when M. de Beaujeu 
was killed. M. Dumas began to encourage his detachment. 
He ordered the officer in command of the Indians to spread 
themselves along' the wings so as to take the enemy in flank, 
whilst he, M. de Lignery and the other officers who led the 
French, were attacking them in front. This order was exe- 
cuted so promptly that the enemy, who were already shouting 
their "Long live the King" thought now only of defending 
themselves. The fight was obstinate on both sides and the 
success long doubtful; but the enemy at last gave way. Ef- 
forts were made, in vain, to introduce some sort of order in 
their retreat. The whoop of the Indians, which echoed 
through the forest, struck terror into the hearts of the entire 
enemy. The rout was complete. We remained in possession 
of the field with six brass twelves and sixes, four howitz-car- 
riages of fifty, eleven small royal grenade mortars, all their 
ammunition, and, generally, their entire baggage. Some de- 
serters, who have come in since, have told us that we had 
been engaged with only 2,000 men, the remainder of the ai'my 
being four leagues further ott". These same deserters have in 
formed us that the enemy were retreating to Virginia, and 
some scouts, sent as far as the height of land, have confirmed 
this by reporting that the thousand men who were not en- 
gaged, had been equally panic-striken and abandoned both 
provisions and ammunition on the way. On this intelligence, 
a detachment was despatched after them, which destroyed 
and burnt everything that could be found. The enemy have 
left more than one thousand men on the field of battle. They 
have lost a great portion of the artillery and ammunition. 



yTHOWmS JJT£-l Of rn^ rfiinClPAi.0i.O FORTS. BLOCK-HO(Ji£S 

Scale .■ 6 < 

TAH y aoAos A/ic trails . 


By G.D.Albert and^^. 

/ C AMB R I A 



provisions, as also their Goueral, whose name was Mr. Brad- 
dock, and almost all their oflScers. We have had three officers 
killed; two oflScers and two cadets wounded. Such a victory 
so entirely unexpected, seeing the inequality of the forces, 
is the first of M. Dumas' experience, and of the activity and 
valor of the officers under his command." 

After making- allowance for the exaggeration which is mani- 
fest in the French official reports, the battle, tlie victory, and 
the results were wonderful things for them. No one can help 
hut feel a sort of admiration at the intrepid bravery of those 
officers who led their forces against such odds, and the devo- 
tion of those followers who went out as to a certain death. 
Of this motley force Mr. Parkman says: 

"The garrison consisted of a few companies of the regular 
1 roops stationed permanently in the colony, and to these were 
added a considerable number of Canadians. Contrecoeur still 
lield the command. Under him were three other captains, 
Beaujeu, Dumas, and Ligneris. Besides the troops and Cana- 
dians, eight hundred Indian warriors, mustered from far and 
near, had built their wigwams and camp-sheds on the open 
ground, or under the edge of the neighboring woods, — very 
little to the advantage of the young corn. Some were bap- 
tised savages settled in Canada, — Caughnawages from Saut 
St. Louis, Abenakis from St. Francis, and Hurons from 
Lorette, whose cliief bore the name of Anastase, in honor of 
tliat Father of the Church. The rest were unmitigated 
heathens, — Pottawattamies and Ojibwas from the northern 
lakes under Charles Langlade, the same bold partisan who 
had led them, three years before, to attack the Miamis at 
Pickawillany; Shawanoes and Mingoes from the Ohio; and 
Ottawas from Detroit, commanded, it is said, by that most 
redoubtable of savages, Pontiac. The law of the survival of 
the fittest had wrought on this heterogenous crew through 
countless generations; and with the primitive Indian, the 
fittest was the hardiest, fiercest, most adroit, and most wily. 
Baptised and heathen alike, they had just enjoyed a diversion 
greatly to their taste." 

That Fort Duquesne was built by Contrecoeur as the Com- 
mander of the expedition and the chief officer in this region, 
5 -Vol. 2. 


and that it was under liis command for a time, has never been 
called in question. But since the discovery of the Register 
(28) and other documents of a later period, a. dispute has 
arisen as to who the actual commander of the fort was at the 
time of the battle of Braddock's Field. 

On this subject the Rev. Father Lambing, in his translation 
of the Register says: 

"It was formerly generally asserted that he [Contrecoeur] 
was in command at the time of the battle of the Monongahela, 
more commonly known as Braddock's Defeat; and that he was 
succeeded earl}^ in the spring of 1756 by M. John Daniel, Es 
quire, Sieur Dumas, Captain of Infantry. It was further 
stated that he was by no means disposed to favor Beaujeu's 
proposed attack upon Braddock's army. But the discovery 
of the Register, now published, would appear to prove this 
long entertained opinion erroneous; for in the entry of the 
latter's death, he is said to be "commander of Fort Duquesne 
and of the army." But on the other hand, there is not want- 
ing evidence which would go to show that Contrecoeur was in 
command. He was commander of the fort from the date of 
its construction, but in the winter of 1754-5, he asked to be 
relieved, and the Marquis Duquesne, the Governor-General, 
dispatched Captain Beaujeu to relieve him, ordering him at 
the same time to remain at the fort until after the engage- 
ment with the English." 

Mr. Francis Parkman, after giving the matter special at- 
tention in view of the statements made on the basis of the 
baptismal register and elsewhere, has added a lengthy note 
as an appendix to the latest edition of his Montcalm and 
Wolfe, in whicli he says: 

"It has been said that Beaujeu, and not Contrecoeur, com- 
manded at Fort Duquesne at the time of Braddock's Expedi- 
tion. Some contemporaries, and notably the chaplain of the 
f<u't. do, in fact, speak of him as in this position; but their 
evidence is overborne by more numerous and conclusive au- 
thorities, among them Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, and 
Conlrecoeur himself, in an oflScial report." 

In I lie reports referred to by Mr. Parkman, the Governor of 
(";iii:ul;i s(;il(>s that Contrecoeur \\jis llie Commandant at tlie 


Fort on the 8th of -July, aud that he sent out a party which 
was commanded by Beaujeu, to meet the English. In the 
autumn of 1756, the Governor in asking the Colonial Minister 
to procure pensions for Coutrecoeur aud Ligneris, stated that 
the former gentleman had commanded for a long time at Fort 
Duquesne — from the first establishment of the English and 
their retirement from Fort Necessity to the defeat of the army 
under Gen. Braddock. 

For his conduct on the 9th of July, Dumas was early pro- 
moted to succeed Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Du 
(luesne. Here he proved himself an active and vigilant officer, 
his parties ravaging Penna., and penetrating far into the in 
terior. A letter of instructions signed by him, on 28d of 
March, 1756, was found in the pocket of the Sieur Donville, 
who, being sent to surprise the English at Fort Cumberland, 
got the worst of it and lost his own scalp. This letter con- 
cludes in a spirit of humanity honorable to its writer. 

M. de Ligneris relieved Dumas of the command some time 
hite in 1756, as he is named as the commander on the 27th of 
December of that year. De Ligneris retained command until 
the French Mere expelled from the soil of Penna. He was 
one of the last to leave with his men from the burning Fort 
Duquesne, whence he retired to Fort Machault, (Venango), 
where we hear of him later. 

We have the following description of the fort froiri one John 
McKinney, who, having been taken prisoner by the Indians 
was carried first to Fort Duquesne and thence to Canada, 
from whence he made his escape and came to Philadelphia, 
where he made Ihis statement in February, 1756: 

"Fort Duquesne is situated on the east side of the Monon- 
gahela, in the fork between that and the Ohio. It is four 
square, has bastions at each corner; it is about fifty yards 
wide — has a well in the middle of the Fort, but the water bad 
— about half the Fort is made of square logs, and the other 
half next the water of stockadoes; there are intrenchments 
cast up all round the Fort about 7 feet high, which consists of 
stockadoes drove into the ground near to each other, and 
waltlcs wilh poles like basket work, against which earth is 
till own up, in a gradual ascent; the steep part is next the 


Fort, and has tliree steps all along the intrenchment for the 
men to go up and down, to fire at the enemj — These intrench- 
ments are about four rods from the Fort, and go all around, 
as well on the side next the water as the land; the outside of 
the intrenchment next the water joins to the water. The Fort 
has two gates, one of which opens to the land side, and the 
other to the water side, where the magazine is built; that to 
the land side is, in fact, a draw-bridge, which in day-timo 
serves as a bridge for the people, and in the night is drawn 
np by iron chains and levers. 

"TTiider the draw-bridge is a pit or well, the width of the 
gate, dug down deep to water; the pit is about eight or len_ 
feet broad; the gate is made of square logs; the back gate is 
made of logs also, and goes upon hinges, and has a wiclvet in 
it for the people to pass through in common; there is no ditch 
<ir pit at tliis gale. It is through this gnte they go to the^ 
magazine and bake-house, which are built a little below the 
gate within the intrenchments; the magazine is made almost 
under ground, and of large logs and covered four feet thick 
with clay over it. It is about 10 feet wide, and about thirty- 
five feet long; the bake-house is opposite the magazine; the 
waters sometimes rise so high as that the whole Fort is sur- 
rounded with it, so tliat canoes may go around it; he imagines 
lie saw it rise at one time near thirty feet. The stockadoes 
are round logs better than a foot over, and about eleven or 
twelve feel high; the joints are secured by split logs; in the 
stockadoes are loop holes made so as to fire slanting to tin; 
ground. The bastions are filled with earth solid about eight 
feet high; each bastion has four carriage guns about four 
|)ouiid; no swivels, nor any mortars tlmt he knoAVS of; they 
have no cannon but at the bastion. The back of the bar- 
I'acks and buildings in the Fort are of logs placed about thi*eo 
feet distant from the logs of the Fort; between the buildings 
and the logs of the Fort, it is filled with earth about eight 
feet high, and the logs of the Fort extend about four feet 
higher, so that the whole height of the Fort is about 12 feet. 

''There are no pickets or palisadoes on the top of the Fort 
lo defend il against scaling; the eaves of the houses in the 
Foit are about even witli the toj) of the logs or wall of the 


Fort; tbe houses uie all co\eied vvilli boards, as well the rool 
as the side thai looks iuside the Fort, which they saw there by 
hand; there are no bogs nor morasses near the Fort, but good 
dry ground; a little without musket shot of the Fort, in the 
fork, is a thick wood of some bigness, full of large timber, 

"About thirtj^ yards from the Fort, without the intrench - 
meuts and picketing, is a house, which contains a great 
quantity of tools, such as broad and narrow axes, planes, 
chisels, hoes, mattocks, pick-axes, spades, shovels, &c., i'.nd 
a great quantity of wagon-wheels and tire. Opposite the Fort, 
on the west side of the Monongahela, is a long, high mountain, 
about a quarter of a mile from the Fort, from which the Fort 
might very easily be bombarded, and the bombarder be quite 
safe; from them the distance would not exceed a quarter of a 
mile; the mountain is said to extend six miles up the Monon- 
-gahela, from the Fort; Monongahela, opposite the Fort, is not 
quite a musket shot wide; neither the Ohio nor the Monon- 
gahela can be forded, opposite the Fort. The Fort has no do- 
fence against bombs. There are about 250 Frenchmen in this 
Fort; besides Indians, which at one time amounted to 500; but 
the Indians were very uncertain; sometimes hardly any there; 
that there were about 20 or 30 ordinary Indian cabins about 
the Fort. 

''While he was at Fort Duquesne, there came up the Ohio 
from the Mississippi, about thirty batteaux, and about 150 
men, loadened with pork, tlour, brandy, tobacco, peas, and In- 
dian corn; they were three months in coming to Fort Du- 
quesne, and came all the way up the falls without unloading." 

The descriplion of Fort Duquesne by Farkman, contrasting 
the period of the French occupancy with our own time, may 
aptly be reproduced. (29.) 

"Fort Duquesne stood on the point of land where the Alle- 
gheny and Monongahela join to form the Ohio, and where now 
stands Pittsburgh, with its swarming population, its restless 
industries, the clang of its forges, and its chimnej^s vomiting- 
foul smoke into the face of heaven. At that early day a white 
tiag fluttering over a cluster of palisades and embankments 
betokened the first intrusion of civilized man upon a scene 
which, a few months before, breathed the repose of a virgin 


wilderness, voiceless but foi- llie lapping of waves upon the 
pebbles, or the note of some lonely bird. But now the sleep 
of ages was broken, the bugle and drum told the astonished 
forest that its doom was pronounced and its days numbered. 
The fort was a compact little work, solidly built and strong, 
compared with others on the continent. It was a square of 
four bastions, with the water close on two sides, and the other 
two protected by ravelins, ditch, glacis, and covered way. 
The ramparts on these sides were of squared logs, filled in 
with earth, and ten feet or more thick. The two water sides 
were enclosed by a massive stockade of upright logs, twelve 
feet high, mortised together and loopholed. The armament 
consisted of a number of small cannon mounted on the bas- 
tions. A gate and drawbridge on the east side gave access to 
I he area within, which was surrounded by barracks for the 
soldiers, officers' quarters, the lodgings of the commandant, 
u guard-house, and a store-house, all built partly of logs and 
partly of boards. There were no casements, and the place 
was commanded by a high woody hill beyond the Monon- 
gahela. The forest had been cleared away to the distance of 
more than a musket shot from the ramparts, and the stumps 
were hacked level with the ground. Here, just outside the 
ditch, bark cabins had been built for such of the troops and 
Canadians as could not find room within; and the rest of the 
open space was covered with Indian corn and other crops." 

It is now known that the French had little hope of preserv- 
ing this fort from its threatened attack. Vaudreuil writes to 
Machault from Montreal, 24th of July, 1755 — before he had 
news of the defeat of Braddock: 

'Tort Duquesne is really threatened. On the 7th of this 
month the English were within 6 or 8 leagues of it; I am in- 
formed by letter that they number '{,000, being provided with 
artillery and other munitions for a siege. 

"1 would not be uneasy about this fort, if the officer in com 
mand there bad all these forces; they consist of about 1,600 
men, including regulars, militia and Indians, — with which he 
would be in a condition to form parties sufficient and con- 
siderable to annoy the march of the English from the first 
moment he had any knowledge thereof; these parties would 


have liai-i*assed and assuredly lepulsed tliem. Everything was 
in oui' iavor in this regard, and aftordiug us a very consider- 
able advantage. 

"But, unfortunately, no foresight had been employed to sup- 
ply that fort with provisions and munitions of war, so that the 
(Jommandant, being in want of the one and the other, is 
obliged to employ the major portion of his men in making 
journeys to and fro for the purpose of transporting those pro 
visions and munitions, which cannot even reach him in abund- 
ance, in consequence of the delay at the Presq'isle portage and 
the lowness of the water in the Kiver Au Boeuf. 

''I must also observe that Fort Duquesne has never been com- 
pleted; on the contrary, 'tis open to many capital defects, as is 
proved by the annexed plan. 

"' 'Tis true that the Commandant, urged by the officers of the 
garrison, who perceived all the defects, took upon himself 
early in the spring, to demand sub-engineer de Lignery of the 
Commandant at Detroit, which officer had put the fort in the 
best condition he was able, without, however, daring to make 
any alterations in it. 

"I dread with reason, my Lord, the first intelligence from 
that fort, I shall be agreeably surprised if the English have 
been forced to abandon their expedition." (30.) 

The defeat of Braddock left the frontiers of Pennsylvania, 
Maryland and Virginia in unutterable gloom. With one ac- 
cord the Indian tribes rose against the English. From now on 
until late in 1758, when the French departed, there was one 
continuous series of surprises, attacks, of killings, and of 
captivity. There was one episode, however, which for a time 
brought relief to the northwestern frontier of Pennsylvania; 
and was partially effective in staying the maurauding of the 
savages. This was the attack on the Indian town of Kittan- 
ning, on the Allegheny, by Colonel John Armstrong in Sep- 
tember of 1756. The substantial advantage which he gained 
by this adventure was timely and of the greatest consequence 
to those settlements which were nearest to this harborage; 
but its advantages were not so noticeable on the more south- 
ern frontiers which were open to the savages who harbored 
about Fort Duquesne. 


Governor Morris, in liis message to the Assembly, July 24tb, 
1755, in anticipation of this condition of affairs, says: ''This 
unfortunate and unexpected change in our affairs [he alludes 
to Braddock's Defeat] deeply affects every one of his Majesty's 
colonies, but none of them in so sensible a manner as this 
province; while having no militia it is hereby left exposed lo 
the cruel incursions of the French and barbarous Indians, who 
delight in shedding human blood, and who made no distinc- 
tion as to age or sex; to those that are armed against them, or 
such as they can surprise in their peaceful habitations, all are 
alike the objects of their cruelty — slaughtering the tender in- 
fant and frightened mother, with equal joy and fierceness. To 
such enemies, spurred by the native cruelty of their tempers, 
encouraged by their late success, and having now no army to 
fear, are the inhabitants of this province exposed; and by 
such may we now expect to be overrun, if we do not imme- 
diately prepare for our own defense." (31.) 

Later in the fall in a letter to Governor Dinwiddle, Governor 
Morris says that the mischiefs done by these merciless Indians 
in this province since my last letter are inconceivable. All 
our settlements contiguous to Maryland, westward of the end- 
ing of the temporary line, are broken up, and many of their 
houses burned. The same ravages have been committed in 
the Big and Little Cove; and then these savages finding the 
people there armed and on the march against them, quitted 
their depredations on the west side of Susquehanna, crossed 
that river and fell on the rich vale of Tulpyhoccon, murdering 
and burning plantations, as low as within six miles of Mr. 
Weiser's house. (32.) 

The following is from the Abstract of Dispatches re- 
ceived from Canada, officially, from Vaudreuil, Governor-Gen 
eral of the Colony, and they set forth the methods of the 
French during the winter and early spring of 1756. (33.) 

"The Governor remained at Montreal, in order to be in a 
more convenient position lo harass the English during the 
winter, and to make preparations for the next campaign 
With this double object he directed his etlorts principally to 
gaining the Indians, and flatters himself that he has generally 


"All the Nations of the Beautiful Kiver have taken up the 
hatcliet against the English. The iirst party that was foimed 
in that quarter, since the last report Vaudreuil had sent in the 
month of October (1755), was composed of two hundred and 
fifty Indians, to wliom the Commandant at Fort Duquesne had 
joined some Frenchmen at tlie request of those Indians. 

"This party divided themselves into small squads, at the 
height of land, and fell on the settlements beyond Fort Cum- 
berland; defeated a detachment of twenty regulars under the 
command of two oflScers. After these different squads had 
destroyed or carried away several families, pillaged and burnt 
several houses, they came again together with the design of 
surprising Fort (,'umberland, and accordingly la}' in ambush 
during some time; but the Commandant of the fort, who no 
doubt was on his guard, dared not show himself. This party 
returned to Fort Duquesne with sixty prisoners and a great 
number of scalps. 

"The second detachment, which consisted of a military 
< 'adet, a Canadian and Ohaouauous, (Shawanese) took two 
prisoners under the guns of Fort Cumberland, whither the 
party had been sent by the Commandant of Fort Duquesne, 
to find out what was going on there. 

"The third, made up of a Canadian and several Chaouanous, 
destroyed eleven families, burned sixteen houses and one mill, 
and killed a prodigious number of cattle. The Indians re 
turned on -horseback. 

"The fourth party was cojnposed of one hundred and twelve 
Delawares (Loups). They struck in separate divisions. Thir- 
teen returned, first, with twenty-one scalps and six prisoners. 
The remainder of the party took such a considerable number 
of scalps and prisonei's that these Indians sent some to all ilic 
nations to replace their dead. 

"Vaudreuil reported only what these four parties did. A 
number of others had marched with equal success. Some had 
aetually been on the war path as far even as Virgii^a. 

"The Commandant of Fort Duquesne had informed \'aud 
reuil that«the Delawares settled beyond the mountains which 
separated them from the English, had. on his invitation, just 
i*emov(^d their villages so as to unite with their brelhren. our 


allies; that the old men, the women and children, had already 
gone with the baggage, and that the warriors were to form 
the rear guard and, on quitting, to attack the English." 

The following extracts, taken from the same sources, give 
the French version of the affairs as they transpired on our 
frontiers and about Fort Duquesne while it continued in their 
occupancy : 

"The latest news from Fort Duquesne is to the 9th of May, 
1756. (34.) No English movements of any importance yet in 
that quarter. Our Indians, together with some of our detach- 
ments, made many successful forays. Thirty scalps have been 
sent us, and the commissions of 3 officers of the English regi- 
ment raised in the country, who have been killed. The Upper 
country Indians carried off entire families, which obliges the 
English to construct several pretended forts; that is to say, 
to enclose a number of dwellings with stockades. Our Upper 
Indians appear well disposed towards us, notwithstanding the 
presents and solicitations of the English. M. Dumas, an 
officer of great distinction in the Colony, commands at Fort 
Duquesne and on the River Ohio. We have lost, in one de- 
tachment. Ensign Douville, of the Colonial troops. 

Fort Duquesne is not worth a straw. A freshet nearly 

carried it off a short time ago. 

* * * ■ « * * 

"Letters of the 23d of March assure us that the Indians 
have, since Admiral Braddock's defeat, disposed of more than 
700 people in the Province of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Caro- 
lina, including those killed and those taken prisners. 

"The Delawares and Chouanons, Indian Nations of the Beau- 
tiful River, some of whose chiefs have been put to a cruel 
death by the English, to whom they had gone on an embassy, 
are enraged to an extraordinary degree, and would not make 
any prisoners were it not for the continual recommendations 
of the Commandants to commit as few murders as possible. 

"In April, there had been in those parts twenty detach- 
ments of Delawares and Chouanons; these were-joined by 
iiioic iIkiii sixty Indiiuis of the Five Iroquois Nations who 
have coiiimiHcd trighlfnl ravages. The only resource remain- 


ing to the inhabitants was to abandon their houses, and to 
remove to the sea coast. Three forts have been burnt, among 
the rest one containing a garrison of forty-seven men, which 
was besieged by a party of forty Indians under the command 
of M. Douville, a Colonial Cadet. The garrison was sum- 
moned to surrender, but having refused, the fort was set on 
fire in the night; the garrison then attempted to escape, and 
the Indians gave no quarter. M. Uouville lost his life on that 

''Detachments have been continually in the held. (35.) 

"Quite an untoward revolution has been experienced in the 
direction of the Beautiful River. The winter there is always 
very mild; this year it has been exceedingly cold; and as the 
[ndians of that quarter are not in the habit of walking on 
snow shoes, and still less of going to the enemy when the 
latter can track them in the snow, Captain Dumas, Command- 
ant at Fort Duquesne, has not been able to have them out, as 
frequently as he desired. Nevertheless, he has continually 
kept parties in the field, both in Virginia and Pennsylvania, 
and has placed oflicers and cadets at the head of some of them. 

^'M. de Vaudreuil does not innumerate the scalps they have 
brought in, nor the prisoners they have taken, but it appears 
that the number of the one and the other has been consider- 
able; that they have destroyed whole families; that several 
villages on the frontiers of the two Colonies have been aban 
doned by their inhabitants, who have removed into the towns ; 
that a great many houses and a number of barns filled with 
grain have been burnt in the country; that a considerable 
amount of cattle has been killed; that some of the little forts 
whereof the English have formed, as it were, a chain along the 
frontiers, have been attacked and burnt, and that a great 
many people had perished in the flames, and that we have not, 
so to speak, experienced any losses in all those forays. En- 
sign Douville is the only oflBcer killed." 


Vaudreuil reporting to Machault on the 8th of August, 1756, 
what had occurred at Fort Duquesne since his dispatch of the 
10th of June, says; (36.) 


"A detachment under the command of Sieur de Ceh)ioD de 
Blainville, fell in with some of the early scouts at this side of 
Fort Cumberland. These two parties met unexpectedly and 
tired point blank; the enemy immediately fell back; we killed 
three of them whose scalps have been carried oft" by the In- 
dians, but we lost Sieur de Blainville, one Hur<»n, one Dela- 
ware and one Onondaga. 

"Five Chaouanons had a similar adventure a little nearer 
Fort Cumberland. They scalped three English. One of their 
men was killed. 

"A party from different tribes having divided, returned in 
squads with a number of scalps. 

"Sieur de Rocheblave with another Cadet, a corporal, a mil- 
itiaman, and twenty Chaouanons, knocked at the gate of a 
small fort, three leagues from Foii; Cumberland, where there 
remained some families and thirty militia. He killed four 
Englishmen, whom the Indians scalped, wounded three, who 
dragged themselves into the fort, and took three prisoners. 

"In Pennsylvania, Indian parties have destroyed a great 
many cattle and burnt many settlements. 

"A detachment under the command of M. de Celoron had a 
fight near Cresaps Fort, in the rear of Cumberland; killed 
eight Englishmen whose scalps the Indians were not able to 
secure, finding themselves in the dusk of the evening under 
the musketry of the fort. We have had two Indians killed 
and one wounded. 

"Finally, M. Dumas writes me that he has been occupied for 
more than eight days nearly in receiving scalfts; that there is 
not an English party bn( loses some men, and that it was out 
of his power to render me an exact report of all the attacks 
oiir Indians made." 

* * * * -X- * 

"Our conlinual incui-sions have placed it out of the power 
of Virginia not only to undertake anything without, but even 
to construct any fort to protect herself. On the 8th of June, 
the grass was growing in the roads communicating with Cum- 
berland. Expresses no longer came any fartluM* than Win- 
clK^sler, on account of our Indians. \\l)o ai-o always in the 
field. Not a grain of Indian corn lias been ]»lant('d l)otw<'(Mi 


iliai p. St aiidKiiiieging k.[C»)noc cieai^uej, iweuty-tive leagues 
distant from it toward the sea. The entire frontier of the 
three Provinces is in the like condition. Although the great- 
est portion of the Upper Nations have returned, M. Dumas' 

force consists, nevertheless, of eight hundred and ten men." 


"M. de la Chauvignerie has formed a party of twenty-nine 
Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas, among whom are some be- 
longing to the Grand Village. He has sent them to M. Dumas 

who will not fail to make them strike." (;>7.) 

Particulars of the campaign of 17511 in New France, trans 
mitted on the 28th of August of the same year: 

"The news from Fort Duquesue and Beautiful River are 

very favorable. M. Dumas has laid waste, with his Indians, 

a good part of Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland. In vain 

did these Provinces which have no Indians to aid them, levy 

and pay a thousand men, at the opening of this campaign, who 

dressed and painted themselves in the Indian fashion; in vain 

did they send them to scour the woods; they have not been the 

less constrained to abandon more than 60 leagues of country 

together with the crops and cattle." (38.) 


On the 8th of June, 1757, Lieutenant Baker, with live sol 
diers and fifteen Cherokee Indians, returned from an expedi- 
tion to Fort Duquesne. They had fallen in with a party of 
three French officers and seven men on the headwaters of 
Turtle Creek, about twenty miles from that fort. They killed 
five of the Frenchmen and took one officer prisoner. This offi- 
cer gave the information that Captain Lignery then com- 
manded at the fort, and that there were at that place, six 
hundred troops and two hundred Indians. (39.) 

The garrison during the winter of 1756 and 1757 — from the 
report of a Delaware prisoner — was said to consist of two 
hundred, the greater part French. In the front part of the 
fort, along the Monongahela, was a large mine of powder laid, 
as the last resource of the garrison. Two sides of the Fort, 
the one in front and the otliei' along the Monongahela, were 
buill strong. Tt was well sup])li('(l from up and down the 


liver; they had a large stock ot provisions, and had planted 
a large field of corn. The armament was thirteen guns, 
heavy artillery, and six swivels. Four sentries kept watch 
on the bastions, and two sentries were planted a mile from the 

From the Examination of Michel La Chauvignerie, Junior, 
made on the 26th of October, 1757, it would seem that in the 
June preceding, there were about one thousand five hundred 
men there, of whom five hundred were regulars; and the rest 
were employed in carrying provisions and in going to and fro 
from one post to another, which required great numbers; 
that there were about twenty cannon, some mortars, four bas- 
tions and a dry ditch; that there were then a great number of 
English prisoners at Fort Duquesne, although the prisoners 
were constantly being sent away to Montreal; that these pris 
oners were used as prisoners of war when they arrived there, 
and were fed as the soldiers were; but that the Indians kept 
many of the prisoners amongst them, chiefly young people 
whom they adopted and brought up in their own way, and that 
those prisoners whom the Indians kept with them became so 
well satisfied and pleased with the way of living that they did 
not care to leave them, and were often more brutish, boister- 
ous in their behaviour, and loose in their manners than the 
Indians. It was thought they affected that kind of behaviour 
through fear and to recommend themselves to the Indians; 
the French who were mixed with the Indians seemed also to 
behave in the like manner. (40.) 

It would readily be concluded, if one's attention were con- 
fined to the reports from the French side alone, that the situa- 
tion of the colonies at this lime was miserable in the extreme. 
From 1755 to the close of the campaign of 1758, defeat fol- 
lowed defeat, and the French were everywhere in the ascend- 
ant. Deep gloom and despondancy hung over the people; 
but new life and energy, however, came to all of the English- 
speaking workl when, in June, 1757, William Pitt was created 
Premier of England. Round him all parties drew together; 
for his patriotism, his talonts, and his ability were well known, 
and lie had the genius to subdue men to his will. His letters 
lo the colonies, it has been said, were well ada])1e(l to prodnce 


union, energy and ueLion in Ihe piovinees, especially of Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and the Caroliuas, for he told 
them that England would soon send to their assistance a 
powerful army to act in concert with the provincial troops 
against the common enemy. The Assemblies responded, and 
voted large sums for that purpose; and the respective Gov- 
tn-nors were authorized to issue commissions for officers as 
high as colonel in the colonial army to be formed and reor- 
ganized. Pennsylvania resolved to place two thousand seven 
liundred men at the disposition of the English commanders. 

Early in the spring of 1758, Admiral Boscawen arrived at 
Halifax with about twelve thousand British troops. There 
was now the most formidable army enlisted in the defense of 
I he colonies that had even been seen in America. Fifty thou- 
sand men were in arms, of whom twenty thousand were Pro- 
vincials. (41.) 

The plan of campaign of 1758 embraced three expeditions. 
The first against Louisburgh, in the island of Cape Breton; the 
second against Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and the third 
against Fort Duquesne. 

The command of the expedition against Duquesne was given 
(o Brig.-Gen. John Forbes. His force amounted to about 
seven thousand men, consisting of twelve hundred High- 
landers, three hundred and fifty Koyal Americans, two thou 
sand seven hundred Provincials from Pennsylvania, one hun 
dred from Delaware (then called the Lower Counties), one 
thousand six hundred from Virginia, two hundred and fifty 
from Maryland, one hundred and fifty from North Carolina, 
and about one thousand wagoners and laborers. The twelve 
liundred Highlanders were divided into four companies, and 
the three hundred and fifty Royal Americans into four com- 
panies also. 

It had been determined, after some dissent among the offi- 
cers and against the protestations of the Virginians, that the 
route of the expedition from Philadelphia should be through 
Pennsylvania; but the final decision as to this route was not 
reached until the advance of the army had arrived at Rays- 
town, (Bedford); and it was finally so determined on the ear- 
nest representations and requests of Colonel Bouquet, who 


was satisfied, from a military point of view, of the expediency 
of this route; in which view he was encoaraged by the Penn- 
sylvanians. The Virginians wanted the expedition to go out 
by way of the Braddock road. 

Forbes could not keep up with the army on account of his 
illness. The advance under Bouquet was making its way over 
the Laurel Hill when Forbes was between Carlisle and Ship- 
peusburg. When the Loyalhanna, at the western base of the 
Laurel Hill, was reached, a fortified camp was formed and a 
fort was erected called Fort Ligonier. The position was se 
cured by strong works of ample extent. 

Instead of marching like Braddock, at one stretch to Fort 
Duquesne, burdened with a long and cumbrous baggage-train, 
it was the plan of Forbes to push on by slow stages, establish 
ing fortified magazines as he went, and at last, when within 
easy distance of the fort, to advance upon it with all his force. 
It was, therefore, his purpose to gather all the army about this 
point at the Loyalhanna preparatory to making another step 

During this time notable things were occurring about the 
stockade at the Loyalhanna, or in connection with tlie opcia 
lions of detachments of the army, to which reference is made 
in the mention of Fort Ligonier, whereat will also be found 
some particulars of the expedition itself. 

Before the arrival of Forbes at the Loyalhanna, Bouquet 
had sen! out Major Grant, of the Highland regiment, with 
thirty-seven officers, and eight hundred and live privates, to 
i-econnoitre the fort and adjacent country. His instructions 
were to approach not too near the Fort, and in no event to take 
the risk of an attack. 

Grant camped the first day on the banks of the Nine Mile 
Run, len miles west of the camp on the Loyalhanna; the sec 
ond day he proceeded further, and on the third, to within 
twelve or Ihirteen miles of the Fort. Although the French 
and Indians were constantly watching the movements of the 
army, yet Grant succeeded in coming within sight of the Foi-t. 
after Tiiarching near fifty miles without being discovered. 

Tlie (leiaclinieiil hailed here until three o'clock in the after 
noon. 'IMic ii-oo|is (lien (luielly niaiclied lo a poini about two 


( ' r 



- Iff 






J, rOM/flSAIIV. 

i: S 


I '^^ 

< rff 
^ Of 




FT. CU/^BeKt*MI> V 

(^KCAT CXO}SfftG\l(ffT/f£ viHGIMIA ROAD. 
SOUTH BKhttCH ohsyOHItGMN. ''''''" 

copito mom the ohiginal iMr»e pumc fiecotto office, lomoom, 

FOF W.M.DAKLIMOTO/H ESQ. , , „„„^ ^„„,, ,.,, 

From Mr.Darlingi 


m 3 

GINIA. 1755. 


miles from the Fort, vvliere they left iheir baggage under 
charge of Captain Bullitt, two subalterns, and fifty men. It 
was already dark, and late in the night, Major Grant appeared 
with his troops at the brow of the fatal hill which still bears 
his name, between the two rivers, about a quarter of a mile 
from the fort. 

From the apparent stillness of the enemy's quarters, and 
from not having met with either French or Indians on the 
march. Major Grant supposed that the forces in the fort must 
be comparatively small, and at once detennined to make an 
attack. Two officers and fifty men were accordingly directed 
to approach the fort and fall upon the French and Indians 
that might be lying out, if not in too great number. They saw 
none, nor were they challenged by the sentinels. As they re- 
turned they set fire to a large storehouse, but the fire was dis 
covered and extinguished. 

At break of day Major Lewis was sent with two hundred 
men, principally American regulars and Virginian volunteers, 
to take post about half a mile back, and lie in ambush iu the 
road on which they had left their baggage, under the preten 
tion of fears that the enemy would make a bold attempt to 
capture it. But the secret was — that Major Grant who was 
jealous of ^lajor Lewis, wished to have the glory of capturing 
an enemy who had so sigually repulsed General Braddock, 
with his thousands. 

Four hundred men weie posted along the hill facing llie 
fort, to cover the retreat of Captain McDonald's company, who 
marched with drums beating toward the enemy, in order to 
draw a party out of the fort; as Major Grant believed that 
there were not two hundred men including Indians in the 

As soon as the garrison w^ere aroused from their slumbers 
by the music of the invaders, both French and Indians sallied 
out in great numbers to the attack. Their whole force was 
immediately separated into three divisions. The first two 
were sent dii'ectly under cover of the banks of the river to 
surround the main body undei- Majoi- Grant; the third was 
delayed awhile to give llie others time, and then displayed 

(•.Vol. 2. 


themselves before tJie lori, as it (-xliihiiiug their whole 

The attack then commenced, and Captain McDonald was 
immediately obliged to fall back upon the main body, and 
Major Grant received and returned a most destructive fire. 
At this moment he suddenly found himself flanked on all sides 
by the detachments from the banks of the river. The struggle 
became desperate. The Provincial troops concealing them- 
selves behind trees made a good defense, but the Highlanders 
who stood exposed to the enemy's fire without cover, fell in 
great numbers, and at last gave way and fled. The Provin 
cials, not being supported and being overpowered by numbers 
were compelled to follow. 

Major Grant retreating to the baggage where Captain Bul- 
litt was posted with his forty Virginians, again endeavored to 
rally the flying soldiers. He entreated them in the most 
pathetic manner to stand by him, but in vain, as the enemy 
were close at their heels. As soon as the enemy came up. 
Captain Bullitt attacked them with great fury for awhile, but 
not being supported and most of his men killed, he was 
obliged to give way. The resistance shown by this little com- 
pany served to check the pursuers, and gave an opportunity 
to many retreating to make their escape. Major Grant and 
Captain Bullitt, were the last to desert the field. They sepa- 
rated, and Major Grant was taken prisoner. 

In this conflict, which took place on the 14th of September, 
1758, two hundred and seventy were killed, forly-two wounded 
and several taken prisoners. It was, saj^s Washinglon, in a 
letter to the Governor of Virginia, "A very ill-concerted, or a 
very ill-executed plan, perhaps both; but it seems to be gen- 
erally acknowledged, that Major Grant exceeded his orders 
and that no disposition was made for engaging." 

The following letter, but recently made public, written by 
Major Grant immediately after this affair, to General Forbes, 
gives his version of it. As the account is from a new point of 
view and goes into details, it is but fair to allow the ofticer 
who has been the object of much animadversion, to be heard 
in his own behalf. This letter, vvliidi is merely Grant's Re- 
port of tlie Alfair of September 14, 175S, is to (reneral Forbes, 


and is found in tlie woi'k of Mi*. Dariijigton, culled "Foil 
ritt," I be same being eliiefiy a collection of historical docu- 
ments : 

"Sir: — If it had been in my power to write sooner, you will 
do me justice to believe that I should have troubled you 
long before this time with an account of the detachment 
which marched the 9th of September from the Camp of Loyal 

We were lucky enough not lo be discovered in our march, 
though several scouting parties passed very near us. We got 
to an advantageous post on the 12th, about three in the after 
noon, which, according to the information of all our guides, 
was ten to twelve miles from the French Fort. 1 thought it 
was a. proper place to encamp in, as I did not think it advis 
able to go nearer, for fear of being discovered; but 1 after- 
ward found that our guides were much mistaken about the 
distance, for, as near as I can judge, the camp is about sixteen 
miles from the top of the Hill, where we were to take post. 
The i;ith, at break of day, T sent Major Lewis, witli 200 men, 
and our Indians, with orders to post men in ambuscade, about 
five miles from the fort, which was all the precaution I could 
lake to prevent our being discovered in the camp. I flattered 
myself that, if a reconnoitering party was sent out, it might 
possibly fall into the ambuscade, and, in that case, in all 
probability they must have been killed or taken; and, if they 
had sent, in the event our plans succeeding, a second party 
from the fort, would have found the whole party ready to re- 
ceive them. I ordered Mr. Chew to march with a party of fif- 
teen or twenty men to reconnoitre the ground and to try, with- 
out exposing himself or the men, to draw a party of the enemy 
into the ambuscade. 

He only went with three Indians, who soon left him, and, 
by that means, in place of returning to Major Lewis' about 
ten o'clock as I expected, he was obliged to conceal himself 
till night came on, and he joined me upon the march about 
eleven o'clock at night. But T would not be understood to re- 
flect upon him; he is a good, brisk young lad. About three 
in the afternoon I marched forward to the rest of the detach- 
ment, and I found Major Lewis advantageously posted about 


lour miles from our camp. The post, 1 was assured, was not 
seven miles from the fort, though I found it was about twelve. 
A-fter giving orders to the troops, and particular instructions 
to the captains, I proceeded about six in the evening towards 
the fort, expecting to get to the top of the Hill about eleven 
at night; but, as the distance was so much greater than 1 
imagined, it was after two in the morning before we got there. 
The Instructions, when I left Loyal Hanna, were that a par- 
ticular party should be sent to attack each Indian fire, but, as 
these fires had not been made, or were burnt out before we got 
to the ground, it was impossible to make any disposition of 
that kind. Major Lewis was informed of every particular of 
mir project before we marched from Loyal Hanna, and was 
told there that he was to command the troops that were to be 
sent upon the attack. As 1 w^as to continue upon the height 
to make a disposition for covering his retreat (which we did 
not desire to be made in good order) and for forming the rear 
guard in our march from the fort, you will easily believe that 
he and I had frequent conversations upon the march about our 
plan of operations. I sent for him the moment the troops ar 
rived upon the hill opposite the fort, and told him that as we 
had been misinformed by the guides in regard to the distance, 
and had got there much later than we expected, it was impos- 
sible to make the projected disposition of a party of men for 
tlie attack on each fire; but that it w^as possible to continue 
another day without being discovered, and that as the night 
was far advanced there was no time to be lost. 1 therefore 
ordered him to march directly, with 100 Americans, [Royal 
Americans, (JOth Kegiment] 200 Highlanders and 100 Vir- 
ginians, and to attack anything that was found about the fort. 
J gave orders that no attention should be paid to the sentries, 
who probably would challenge, and, in case they were fired 
upon they were not to return it upon any account — but to 
march on as fast as possible — and were not to fire a shot 
until they were close to the enemy; and that after they dis 
charged their i)ieces they were to use their bayonets without 
loading n second time. T told the Major that I would order 
;ill our di'ums nnd pipes to bent tlie retreat when it was time 
lor I lie troops to relieve, that 1 was indifferent what ordei- 


they came back in, that it was the same thing to me if there 
was not three of them together, provided they did the busi- 
ness they were sent upon. The Major had not half a mile to 
march into the open plain where the fort stands, the 400 men 
under his command had a white shirt over his clothes to pre- 
vent mistakes and that they might even at a distance distin- 
guish one another. I saw the Americans and Highlanders 
march off and gave directions that the Virginians should fall 
in the rear. Sending a greater number of men might possibly, 
I thought, occasion confusion, and I was of opinion that 400 
men were quite sufificient .to carry the service into execution. 
I was absolutely certain we were not discovered when the 
troops marched from the hill. I thought our loss must be in- 
considerable, and never doubted but that everything would 
succeed beyond our most sanguine expectations. 

"After posting the remaining part of the troops in the best 
manner T could, I placed myself and the drums and pipes at 
the head of the Highlanders who were in the centre and ex- 
actly opposite the fort. During the operation the time passed. 
The day advanced fast upon us. I was turning uneasy at not 
hearing the attack begin, when to my great astonishment 
^fajor Lewis came up and told me 'that it was impossible to 
do anything, that the night was dark, that the road was bad, 
worse than anything I had ever seen, that there were logs of 
wood across it, that there were fences to pass, that the troops 
had fallen into confusion and that it was a mercy they had not 
tired upon one another, that they had made so much noise he 
was sure they must be discovered and that it was impossible 
for tlu^ men to find their way back through those woods.' 
These were really the words he made use of; this behavior in 
an officer was new to me; his conduct in overturning a long 
])rojected scheme and in disobeying such positive orders was 
so unaccountable that I could not speak to him with common 
patience, so that I just made answ^er to his last words, that 
the men according to the orders that had been given would 
have found their way back to the drums when the retreat 
beat. So T left him and went as fast as I could to Major Mc 
Kenzie and Mr. Fisher to see what the matter was and to give 
directions for the attack if tlie thing was practicable. T found 


the troops in the greatest confiKsiou 1 ever saw men in, which 
in truth was not surprising, for the Major had brought them 
back from the plain when he returned himself and everybody 
took a road of their own. I found it was impossible to think 
of forming them for an attack, and the morning was too far 
advanced to send for the other troops from the other places 
where they were posted; thus I was reduced, after all my 
hopes of success, to this melancholy situation. That some- 
thing at least might be attempted, I sent Lieutenants Rob- 
inson and McDonald with fifty men, to make an attack at a 
place w^here two or three fires had been seen burning the night 
before. I desired them to kill a dozen of Indians if possible, 
and I would be satisfied. They went directly to the place 
they were ordered, and finding none of the Indians they set fire 
to the house, but it was daylight before they could return. I 
mention this last circumstance that it might appear clearly to 
you, it was not in my power to send a greater number. The 
surprise was complete, the governor knew nothing of us or our 
march, and in all probability the enterprise must have suc- 
ceeded against the camp as well as against the Indians if the 
attempt had been made. So favorable an opportunity, I dare 
say never was lost. 

"The difficulties which Major Lewis had represented to me 
to be insurmountable appeared to me, as they certainly were, 
absolutely imaginary. I marched about twelve miles thai 
night, with an advance guard and flanking parties before it 
without the least confusion. The Major had not a mile to 
march to the fort, and above two-thirds of that was in an open 
plain, and I can safely declare that there is no part of the road 
in getting into the plain worse than what I had passed without 
any great difficulty in coming up the hill. I made no secret to 
the people who were then about me that I was so much dis- 
satisfied with the Major's conduct that I was determined to 
carry him back to the camp in arrest, that he might answer to 
you for his behavior. Several officers heard me say so. Mr. 
Hentinck, if he escaped, has no doubt informed you that such 
was my intention. However, I did not think it advisable to 
take any step of that kind till we were out of reach of the 
enemy. I therefore sent Major Lewis the 14th, at break of 


day, with the American and Virginians to reenforce Captain 
Bullet, whom I had left with about fifty men as a guard upon 
our horses and provisions within two miles of the fort, directly 
upon the road by which we were to return to our camp. I 
was afraid the enemy might possibly send a detachment that 
way to take possession of some passes to harass us in our 
march or perhaps to endeavor to cut us off in case we were 
forced to make a retreat, and I directed the Major to place 
these troops in ambuscade that he might have all the advan 
tage possible of any party that could be sent out. About 7 in 
the morning, after the fog was gone and the day cleared up, it 
was found impossible to make a plan of the fort from the 
height where the troops were posted, and as Col. Bouquet and 
I had settled that a plan should be taken "a la barke de la 
Garrise" in case an attempt did not succeed in the night. 

"I sent Mr. Rhor with Captain McDonald and a hundred men 
to take the place, with directions not to expose himself or the 
troops. About the same time, being informed that some of 
the enemy's Indians had discovered Captain McKenzie, who 
was posted upon the left, almost facing the Monongahela, in 
order to put on a good countenance and to convince our men 
they had no reason to be afraid, I gave directions to our drums 
to beat the Reveille. The troops were in an advantageous 
post, and I must own I thought we had nothing to fear. In 
about half an hour after, the enemy came from the fort in dif 
ferent parties without much order, and getting behind trees, 
they advanced briskly and attacked our left, where there were 
250 men. Captain McDonald and Lieutenant Campbell were 
soon killed, Lieutenant McDonald was wounded at the same 
time, and our people being overpowered gave way where those 
officers had been killed. I did all in my power to keep things 
in order, but to no purpose; the 100 Pennsylvanians who were 
posted upon the right at the greatest distance from the enemy, 
were off without orders, without firing a shot; in short, in less 
than half an hour all was in confusion, and as soon as that 
happened we w^ere fired upon from every quarter. 

"I endeavored to rally the troops upon every rising ground, 
and I did all in my power in that melancholy situation to make 
the best retreat I could. I sent an officer to Major Lewis to 


make the best disposition he could with the Americans and 
Virginians till I could come up, and I was in hopes to be able 
to make a stand there, and at least make a tolerable retreat. 
IJnfortuimtely, upon hearing the firing the Major thought the 
best thing that could be done was to march to our assistance, 
unluckily, they did not take the same road by which I marched 
the night before and by which they had passed that morning, 
and as I retired the same way I had advanced, I never saw 
them when I found Captain Bullet and his fifty men alone. I 
could not help saying to him that I was undone. However, 
though there was a little or rather no hopes left, I was re- 
solved to do the best I could, and whenever I could get any- 
body to stay with me made a stand, sometimes with 100 and 
sometimes with 50, just as the men thought proper, for orders 
were to no purpose. Fear had then got the better of every 
other passion, and I hope I shall never see again such a panic 
among troops — till then I had no conception of it. 

"At last, inclining to the left with about fifty men, where 1 
was told a number of the Americans and Highlanders had 
gone, my party diminished insensibly, every soldier taking the 
road he liked best, and I found myself with not above a dozen 
men and an officer of the Pennsylvanians who had been left 
with Captain Bullet. Surrounded on all sides by the Indians, 
and when I expected every instant to be cut to pieces, without 
a possibility of escaping, a body of the French with a number 
of their officers came up and offered me quarters, which I ac- 
cepted of. T was then within a short league of the fort; it 
was then about 11 o'clo(;k, and, as far as I can judge, about 
that time the French troops were called back and the ])ursuil 
ended. What our loss is, you best know, but it musi be cou- 
sideiable. Captains McDonald and Moni-oe, Lieulenanis 
Alex. McKenzie, Collin Campbell and Wm. McKenzie, Lieu 
teuanis TJider and Ensign Jenkins and Wollar are prisonei-s. 
Knsign J. McDonald is prisoner with the Indians; from what 
[ hear they have got two other officers, whose names or corps 
I know not. Mr. Ehor and the officer who conducted the In- 
dians were killed. Major Lewis and Captain McKenzie are 
prisoners. I nin not certain that Lieutenant McKenzie was 
Killed, ttnt T have seen his commission. >\lii(li makes i( veiv 


probable. 1 spoke to Lieutenant McDonald, senior, after he 
was wounded, and I think he could hardly make his escape. 
I wish I may be mistaken. This is the best account I can give 
you of our unlucky affair. I endeavored to execute the orders 
which I had received to the best of my power; as I have been 
unfortunate, the world may possibly find fault in my conduct. 
I flatter myself that you will not. I may have committed mis- 
takes without knowing them, but if I was sensible of them T 
most certainly should tell you in what I thought I had done 
wrong. I am willing to flatter myself that my being a pris- 
oner will be no detriment to my promotion in case vacancies 
should happen in the army, and it is to be hoped that the 
proper steps will be taken to get me exchanged as soon as 

"P. S. — As Major Lewis is prisoner, I thought it was right 
to read to him that part of this letter w^hich particularly con 
cerns him. He says when he came back to speak to me, that he 
gave no orders for the troops to retire from the plain. That 
Captain Saunder, who was the next officer to him, can best 
account for that step; for they did retire, and I took it for 
granted that it was by the Major's orders, till he assured me 
of the contrary. Mr. Jenkins, of the Americans, is a pretty 
young lad, and has spirit. He is the oldest ensign, and is 
much afraid that being a prisoner will be a detriment to his 
promotion. He begs that 1 may mention him to you, and I 
could not think of refusing him." 

The following extracts bearing on this affair are taken from 
the French Archives. M. Daine to Marshal De Belle Isle, 
from Quebec, on the third of November, 1758, says : 

''We learn by a courier sent from the Beautiful River to the 
Marquis de Yaudreuil that the vanguard of the English, con 
sisting of one thousand of their best troops, destined for the 
attack on Fort Duquesne, would have surprised M. de Lignery, 
Commandant of that fort, that the detachment having taken 
an unexpected route, bad not some Englishmen in advance 
made a noise and set fire to a barn at a distance. The sentries 
having heard that noise and seen the fire, awoke our men, who 
were asleep, crying out "Aux Armes!" In a moment they pro 
ceeded against the enemy and pressed them so vigorously that 


the action lasted scarcely half an lioui. The English having 
taken to their heels, were pursued during two hours; the Eng- 
lish lost at least six hundred to seven hundred men; four hun- 
dred have remained on the field of battle; the remainder have 
been massacred by our Indians, who have brought off a great 
many scalps, which makes it to be presumed that very few 

"We have taken prisoners, the Commandant, four officers 
and one hundred soldiers, and liave lost only eight men and 
eight wounded, who fortunately, have not fallen into their 
hands." (42.) 

From another dispatch it is reported: 

"A detachment of eight hundred English, partly Regulars, 
partly Militia, had marched very secretly from Pennsylvania 
to within a quarter of a league of Fort Du Quesne, by a very 
different road from General Braddock's. Their object was to 
attack, in the night, the Indians encamped around the fort, 
guiding themselves by the fires the latter are accustomed to 
have in front of their huts. But these fires being extin 
guished, and the night already advanced when the English 
arrived, they could not execute that attack; they posted them- 
selves at day-break on a mountain near Fort Duquesne, and 
made arrangements to facilitate its reconnoisance by an en- 
gineer whom they had brought along. 

''But the troops of the Marine and the Canadians, to the 
number of seven to eight hundred men, did not give them time. 
They pounced suddenly and from all sides on the English, and 
immediately threw them into disorder. Our Indians, who at 
first had crossed the river, fearing to be surprised, then re 
Uirned and also charged right vigorously. It was nothing but 
a rout on the part of the enemy. Five hundred of them have 
been killed or taken, and almost all the officers. On our side, 
only 8 men have been killed or wounded." (43.) 

Montcalm says (44): 

"We have just received news from Fort Duquesne of the 
23d of October. Captain Aubry, of the Louisiana troops, has 
gained a somewhat considerable advantage there on the fif- 
(eentli. Tli<' enemy lost on the occasion one hundred and fifty 
men, killed, wounded and missing; they were pursued as far 


as a new fort called Royal Hannon, which they built at the 
head of the River d'Attique. We had only two men killed and 
seven wounded." 

Exulting over their unlooked for success, the French be- 
lieved that a successful attack could be made on the camp 
of the army at the Loj'alhanna, and that by venturing out 
with all their forces, they could, in the discomfiture of the 
English, end all hostilities as they had done in the time of 
Rraddock. The entire force, therefore, of the French and 
their Indian allies sallied through the woods and with some 
light cannon vigorously assailed the forces there. The en- 
gagement was long sustained, but the attack availed nothing; 
and at last the assailants suddenly withdrew back to Fort Du- 

This battle at the Loyalhanna is a noteworthy affair, and 
important in its consequences. It is now apparent, since ac- 
cess is had to the secret papers of the French-Canadian Gov- 
ernment, that the vaunted stronghold of Fort Duquesne was 
never able really to withstand an investment or an attack. 
The French had beaten Rraddock with their Indians; and 
they hoped to defeat the English under Forbes in the same 
way. In this light it is interesting to note the actual condi- 
tion of this famous fortress at the time immediately preceding 
its demolition and abandonment. 

M. Daine to M. de Cremille in July, 1758, speaks as fol- 
lows (45): "I had the honor to communicate to you, in my 
short dispatch of the 22d of June, the intelligence that the 
Marquis de Montcalm had just then put me in possession of 
as to the proposed projects of the enemy to march in force to 
the Oyo River and to attack Fort Duquesne. In fact, every- 
thing was to be apprehended and little to be hoped. We were 
too bare in that quarter, and the Fort is not capable of a good 
defense. Ry the avowal of M. Dumas, who has been in com- 
mand there, it is fit only to dishonor the officer who would be 
intrusted with its defense." 

Among the particulars contained in the dispatches from 
Vaudreuil, Governor-General of the Colony, and from other 
sources appear the following: 

"Respecting the Reautiful river: the Commandant of Fort 


Duquesne has advised M. de Vaudieuil that that fort will not 
be in a condition to resist an attack with artillery. That Com- 
mandant is Captain Dumas; the same that happened to be 
in command at the affair against General Braddock after Sieur 
de Beaujeu's death. 

"He has observed to M. de Vaudreuil, that to go out to meet 
the enemy and give him battle appeared inevitable. M. de 
Vaudreuil had not yet given any positive orders on that point ; 
they were to be transmitted after mature reflection. He was 
to send him, also, very early in the season, all the assistance 
he had demanded, both in men, provisions, &c. 

''In order that M. Dumas may not be straitened in any of 
his operations, M. de Vaudreuil has issued his commands to 
all the posts convenient to the Beautiful river, to forwa\*d 
some Indians and Frenchmen to Fort Duquesne." (46.) 

"M. Dumas proposes to harass the enemy by trying to oblige 
them to keep on the defensive. But whenever advised of their 
marching against him, he is to call his forces together again 
in order to proceed to meet them, as, in the present state of 
the fort, it would be impossible to make any resistance for any 
length of time, were he to allow himself to be besieged in 
it." (47.) 

"I do not think the English will attack M. de Lingeris [then 
Commandant of Fort Duquesne]; but though they make some 
movements this year, I have neglected nothing to place him 
in a condition to resist them, for, indejjendent of his garrison, 
of the Militia and Nations inhabiting the Beautiful river, and 
of the Militia I have sent him from the Colony, he has actually, 
at his disposal, some Militia and some Indian Nations of 
Illinois; and, for greater security, I [Vaudreuil] issued orders 
in the month of April to the Commandants of Niagara and of 
all the posts on the Beautiful river, to send their forces in 
rotation, from one post to the other, and to keep themselves 
always in readiness to afford each other mutual assistance. 
This gives me reason to hope that, should the English organize 
any expedition they will fail." (48.) 

"Fort Duquesne, in its present condition, could not offer any 
resistance to the enemy; 'tis too small to lodge the garrison 
necessary on such an occasion. A single shell would be sufii 


cient to get it so on fire, too, that 'twould be impossible to ex- 
tinguish it because the houses are close. The garrison would 
then find itself under the painful necessity of abandoning that 
fort. Besides, 'tis so near the confluence of the Beautiful 
river with the Malangaillee, [Monongahela], that it is always 
exposed to be entirely submerged by the overflowing of the 
rivers. JM. de Ligneris is having such repairs done to that fort 
as it is susceptible of, regard being had to its bad situation; 
but that will not enable us to dispense with the erection of a 
new fort, I have incontrovertibly established thereof, in my 
letters of 1755 and 1756." (49.) 

No accurate number of the French soldiers and Indians at 
Fort Duquesne at this conjuncture can be had. The number 
was constantly changing. Bouquet in a letter to Forbes dated 
17th of September, says that the number of French, (in which 
he probably includes French and Indians), varies from three 
thousand to twelve thousand. Bigot (the Intendant or Com- 
missary General) says that three thousand five hundred daily 
rations were delivered at Fort Duquesne throughout the sum- 
mer. (50.) The only satisfactory way the French had of keep- 
ing tale of the Indians was by the number of rations furnished, 
rations being given to them as to their regular soldiers. 

In October the number had fallen to one thousand one hun- 
dred and eighty, which included Indians. On September 22d 
Frederick Post reported the garrison to consist of about one 
thousand four hundred men; and he was of opinion that there 
would be full three thousand French and Indians, almost all 
Canadians, who would be ready to meet the army under 
Forbes. (51.) He would probably have been nearly right had 
not other things intervened between this time and the arrival 
of Forbes, of which he had no suspicion. 

The militia of Louisiana and the Illinois left the fort in 
November and went home. The Indians of Detroit and the 
Wabash would stay no longer and, worse yet, the supplies 
destined for Fort Duquesne had been destroyed by Bradstreet 
at Fort Frontenac. Hence, Ligneris, the Commandant, was 
compelled by prospective starvation to dismiss the greater 
part of his force, and await the approach of his enemy with 
lliose that remained. (52.) 


The French had always depended on the aid of the IndianvS 
to hold this place. But it was the custom of the Indians 
after a battle, whether successful or not, to go home. Colonel 
James Smith, at that time a prisoner who had been adopted 
into one of their tribes, in his very valuable narrative, says 
that after the defeat of Grant, the Indians held a council, but 
were divided in their opinions. Some said that General Forbes 
would now turn back, and go home the way that he came, as 
Dunbar had done when Braddock was defeated; others sup- 
posed that he would come on. The French urged the Indians 
to stay and see the event; but as it was hard for the Indians 
to be absent from their squaws and children at this season of 
the year, a great many returned home to their hunting. After 
this, the remainder of the Indians, some French regulars, and 
a great number of Canadians, marched off in quest of General 
Forbes. They met his army near Fort Ligonier, and attacked 
them, but were frustrated in their designs. They said that 
Forbes' men were beginning to learn the art of war, and that 
there were a great number of American riflemen along with 
the red coats, who scattered out, took trees, and were good 
marksmen; therefore they found they could not accomplish 
their designs, and were obliged to retreat. When they re- 
turned from the battle to Fort Duquesne, the Indians con- 
cluded they would go to their hunting. The French en- 
deavored to persuade them to stay and try another battle. 
The Indians said if it was only the red coats they had to do 
with, they could soon subdue them, but they could not with 
stand Ashalecoa, or the Great Knife, which was the name they 
gave the Virginians. 

These things, however, w^ere unknown to the English. The 
whole army of Forbes having at length arrived at the Loyal- 
hanna, went into quarters, and as the season was now ad- 
vancing rapidly it was the intention to remain there during 
t he winter. The fate of Braddock was ever before the eyes of 
P^rbes and his men; and it was distinctly within the re- 
membrance of some, chief among whom was Washington. 
The knowledge of the actual condition of affairs having 
reached Forbes, he concluded, late as \i was, lo advance. On 
I lie l.".lli of November. Tojonel Armstrong with one thousand 


men was sent forward to assist Colonel ^Vasl^ington in open- 
ing the road. On the 17th General Forbes followed. He had 
no opposition in his march, although as the weather was ex- 
tremely disagreeable, being rainy and chilly, and the road hav- 
ing to be cut as the army proceeded, his progress was neces- 
sarih' slow. The wagons and all the artillery, except a few 
light pieces, were left behind. The force consisted of two 
thousand five hundred picked men who marched without tents 
or baggage, and burdened only with knapsacks and blankets. 
In addition to these were the force of Pioneers, and the wagon- 
ers and provincials engaged on the roads. Friendly Indians 
were kept out as scouts, and the greatest vigilance was ex- 
ercised to avoid surprise. Washington and Colonel Arrn- 
strong had opened a way by cutting a road to within a day's 
march of the fort. On the evening of the 24th, the detach- 
ment encamped among the hills of Turtle Creek. That night 
they were informed by one of the Indian scouts, that he had 
discovered a cloud of smoke above the fort, and soon after 
another came with certain intelligence that it was burnt and 
abandoned by the enemy. A troop of horse was sent forward 
immediately to extinguish the burning. At midnight the men 
on guard heard a dull and heavy sound booming over the 
western woods. In the morning the march was resumed, the 
strong advance guard leading the way. Forbes came next, 
carried in his litter and the troops followed in three parallel 
columns, the Highlanders in the center under Montgomery, 
their Colonel, and the Royal Americans and Provincials on the 
right and left, under Bouquet and Washington. Thus, guided 
by the tap of the drum, at the head of each column, they 
moAed slowly through the forest, over damp, fallen leaves, 
crisp with frost, beneath an endless entanglement of bare 
gray twigs, that sighed and moaned in the bleak November 
wind. It was dusk when they emerged upon the open plain 
and saw Fort Duquesne before them, with the background of 
wintry hills beyond the Monongahela and Allegheny. (53.) 

Out of the papers that are available bearing upon this par- 
ticular occasion we have selected tlie one from Capt. John 
Haslet to the Rev. Dr. Allison, as best answering our present 


purpose. It is dated Fort Dinpiesne, No. 26th, 1758, and 
reads as follows (54): 

"I have now the pleasure to write jou from the ruins of the 
fort. On the 24th, at night, we were informed by one of our 
Indian scouts, that he had discovered a cloud of smoke above 
the place, and soon after another came in with certain intelli- 
gence, that it was burnt and abandoned by the enemy. We 
were then about fifteen miles from it; a troop of horse was 
sent forward immediately to extinguish the burning, and the 
whole army followed. We arrived at 6 o'clock last night, and 
found it in a great measure destroyed. There are two forts, 
about two hundred yards distant, the one built with immense 
labor, small, but a great deal of very strong works collected 
into very little room, and stands on the point of a narrow neck 
of land at the confluence of the two rivers. 'Tis square, and 
has two ravelins, gabions on each corner, &c. The other fort 
stands on the bank of the Allegheny, in form of a parallelo- 
gram, but nothing so strong as the other; several of the out- 
works are lately begun and still unfinished. There are, I 
think, thirty stacks of chimneys standing, the houses all burnt, 
down. They sprung one mine, which ruined one of their 
magazines. In the other we found sixteen barrels of ammu- 
nition, a prodigious quantity of old carriage iron, barrels of 
guns, about a cart load of scalping knives, &c. They went 
oti" in such haste, that they could not make quite the havoc 
of their works they intended. Vs'e are told, by the Indians, 
that they lay the night before last at Beaver Creek, forty 
miles down the Ohio from here. Whether they buried their 
cannon in the river, or carried them down in their batteaux, 
we ha^■e not yet learned. A boy twelve years old, who has 
been their prisoner two years, who escaped on the 2d inst., 
tells us they carried a prodigious quantity of wood into the 
fort, that they had burned five of the prisoners they took at 
Major Grant's defeat, on the parade, and delivered others to 
the Indians, who were tomahawked on the spot. We have 
found numbers of dead bodies within a quarter of a mile of 
the fort, unburied, as so many monuments of French human- 
ily. A great many Indians, mostly Delawares, are gathered 
on the island last uiulil and this inoiiiing, lo treat with the 


General, and we are making rafts to bring them over. 
Whether the General will think of repairing the ruins, or leav- 
ing any of the troops here, I have not heard. Mr. Beatty is 
appointed to preach a thanksgiving sermon for the remark- 
able superiority of his Majesty's arms. We left all our tents 
at Loyal Hannan, and every conveniency except a blanket and 

Of this event Mr. Bancroft says: "Armstrong's own hand 
raised the British flag on the ruined bastions of the fortress. 
As the banner of England floated over the waters, the place, 
at the suggestion of Forbes, was with one voice called Pitts- 
burgh. It is the most enduring monument to William Pitt. 
America raised to his name statues that have been wrong- 
fully broken, and granite piles of which not one stone remains 
upon another; but, long as the Monongahela and the Alle- 
gheny shall flow to form the Ohio, long as the English tongue 
shall be the language of freedom in the boundless valley 
which their waters traverse, his name shall stand inscribed 
on the gateway of the west." 

"The twenty-sixth," Mr. Bancroft continues, "was observed 
as a day of public thanksgiving for success. The connection 
between the seaside and the world beyond the mountains was 
established forever; a vast territory was secured; the civiliza- 
tion of liberty and commerce and religion was henceforth to 
maintain the undisputed possession of the Ohio." 

The French had made preparations for destroying and 
abandoning the place, and when the English were within fif- 
teen miles of the fort, the French had uncovered their houses, 
and laid the roofs around the fort to set it on fire, and made 
ready to go off upon the approach of the enemy. (55.) 

There had been fortifications as Captain Haslet says above, 
about two hundred yards distant from each other. One con- 
structed with immense labor, at great expense, — small but 
strong, and calculated to concentrate great powers of re- 
sistance within a small space, stood on the point of land at the 
confluence of the two rivers. The other stood on the bank of 
the Allegheny, and was built in the form of a parallelogram, 

7- Vol. 2. 


not so strong as the first, and its outworks having the appear- 
ance of being unfinished. 

There were two magazines, one of which was blown up and 
ruined by the springing of a mine of powder. The report of 
this explosion had been heard by those on duty at the camp- 
ing-place of the army. The other magazine contained the ma- 
terial enumerated in the letter of Captain Haslet, quoted 
above. Their cannon was removed. (56.) 

The following incident, among others which occurred on the 
day of the taking possession of this place by General Forbes, 
was related on the authority of a Captain commanding a com- 
pany- of provincials on that day : (57.) 

"Upon their arrival at Fort Duquesne, they entered upon 
an Indian race path, (58) upon each side of which a number 
of stakes, with the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth, 
and upon each stake was fixed the head and kilt of a High- 
lander who had been killed or taken prisoner, at Grant's de- 

"The Provincials, being front, obtained the first view of 
these horrible spectacles, which it may readily be believed, 
excited no very khidly feelings in their breasts. They passed 
along, however, without any manifestation of their violent 
wrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of the 
remains of their countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their 
ranks, which rapidly swelled and grew louder and louder. 
Exasperated not only with the barbarous outrages upon the 
persons of their unfortunate fellow-soldiers who had fallen 
only a few days before, but maddened by the insult which 
was conveyed by the exhibition of their kilts, and which they 
well understood, as they had long been nicknamed the "petti- 
coat warriors'' by the Indians, their wrath knew no bounds. 

"Directly a rapid and violent tramping was heard, and im- 
mediately the whole corps of the Highlanders, with their 
muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed by th<^ 
Provincials, foaming with rage, swearing vengeance and ex- 
termination upon the French troops who had permitted such 
outrages. But the French had fled, and the wrath of the ex- 
asperated Highlanders at the escape of the French subsided 
into a sullen and n rdontless desire for vengoance." 

The flnst I 










I Kit.irss. 





10 4ft ao 


I I 1. 

IS 20 






After the taking of Fort Duquesne, General Forbes sent out 
a detachment to search for the relics of Braddock's army, and 
oury the remains of the dead. This service was performed — 
a service pathetic and mournful in the highest degree. Some 
times the detachment found skeletons lying across the trunks 
of trees, sometimes sculls and bones scattered on the ground, 
and in other places they saw the blackness of ashes amidst the 
relics — the av f ul evidence of torture of the unfortunate 
wounded. (59.) 

On abandoning the fort, the Indians were scattered to their 
several places of abode: Of the French, about one thousand 
went down the Ohio to the Illinois country, another one hun- 
dred passed by land to Presqu' Isle, and the remaining two 
hundred with Ligneris the Commandant went up the Alle- 
gheny to Venango. Fort Machault (Venango) was strength- 
ened, and it was proposed to remain there until spring, and 
defend the place, if attacked. With the opening of the river, 
an attempt was made, as we shall see, to retake the site of 
Fort Duquesne, which failed. (60.) 


Thus at last this point of land which had been the cause of 
the loss of many lives and of much treasure, fell into the 
hands of the English; and again the cross of St. George flew 
over the spot where the fleur-de-lis of St. Louis had floated 
for four tempestuous years. 

General Forbes in reporting to Governor Denny immedi- 
ately after his taking possession, says: 

J "As the conquest of this country is of the greatest conse- 
quence to the adjacent provinces, by securing the Indians our 
real friends for their own advantage. I have therefore sent for 
their head people to come to me, when I think, in few words 
and in few days to make everything easy. 

*'I shall be obliged to leave about two hundred men of your 
provincial troops to join a proportion of Virginians and Mary- 


landers, in order to protect this country during winter, by 
which time I hope the provinces will be sensible of the great 
benefit of this new acquisition, as to enable me to fix this 
noble, fine country to all perpetuity under the dominion of 
Great Britain. 

"I beg the barracks may be put in good repair and proper 
lodging for the officers, and that you will send me with the 
greatest despatch, your opinion how I am to dispose of the 
rest of your provincial troops; for the ease and convenience 
of the provinces and inhabitants. You must also remember 
that Col. Montgomery's battalion of one thousand three hun- 
dred men and four companies of Royal Americans, are, after 
so long and tedious campaign, to be taken care of in some 
winter quarters." (61.) 

The name for the fortification which it was intended to 
build after the place was secured, had been determined upon 
before that event occurred. With one accord the name of 
Fort Pitt was applied to the intended fort. Pittsburgh, as 
the name of the place, appeared the next day after its occu- 
pancy. On November the 26th, Forbes in reporting the cap- 
ture of the place to Lieutenant-Go v. Denny, in the letter which 
we have already quoted, dated it from Fort Duquesne, "or 
now Pitts-Bourgh." (62.) 

It is a noticeable circumstance that in the correspondence 
which appears in the Penna. Gazette, and in official communi- 
cations bearing date at this place, not only during its occu- 
pancy as an English outpost and later as the most important 
place in Western Pennsylvania during colonial times, and 
then as headquarters of the Western Department during the 
Revolution, the name of the place, "Pittsburgh," was used 
more frequently than that of Fort Pitt. (63.) 

Gen. Forbes immediately began the erection of a new fort 
near the site of the old one. The work was proceeded in with 
all possible activity. It was getting late in the season. The 
enemy had withdrawn, it is true, but their whereabouts were 
not definitely known. Most of them had gone up the river to 
Fort Machault; some of them had gathered at the strong-hold 
at Loggstown, down the Ohio. The post was watched by spies 

Fort P'tt and if5 environs. 

January q59, 


9 Logs Town. 

10 BtAVER Creek. 

11 KusKusKi6.« Chief Town ofthesijc 


12 Jhinooes Town. 

13 AuuooiPPA - 



2 Fort Du Quesne or Phtsbuugh 
J The Smacv Fort. 

4 ALLt&HfeNY RivtR 

5 ALLE&HfrMY Indian Town. 
b Shanapins 


8 Ohio oftALttGHEMY River. 


and Indians, and thus the situation was not one of absolute 
confidence or security. 

The character of the structure and the location of the new 
fort were probably determined upon before Forbes left on his 
return for Philadelphia, which he did on the 3d of December, 
The work was located on the bank of the Monongahela at the 
south end of what, later, was West street in the city of Pitts- 
burgh, and between West street and Liberty, within two hun- 
dred yards of Fort Duquesne. It has been described as "a 
small square stockade, with bastions." (64.) It was intended 
only for temporary use, and for the present accommodation of 
a garrison of two hundred men. With this number, when it 
was completed. Col. Hugh Mercer, was placed in command; 
and the army marched back to the settlements. 

The fort, so called, was completed probably about the first 
of January, 1759. Col. Mercer, under date of January 8, 1759, 
reported the garrison to consist then of about two hundred 
and eighty men, and that the "works" were capable of some 
defense, though huddled up in a very hasty manner, the 
weather being extremely severe. (65.) 

On March the 17th, 1759, the garrison is reported as follows: 
There were ten commissioned officers, eighteen non-com- 
missioned officers, three drummers, three hundred and forty- 
six rank and file, fit for duty, seventy-nine sick, three (unac- 
counted) making a total of four hundred and twenty-eight. 
Twelve had died since the 1st of January. In respect of their 
commands, they were divided as follows: Royal artillery, 
eight; Royal Americans, twenty; Highlanders, eighty; Vir- 
ginia regiment, ninety-nine; First Batt'n Penna., one hundred 
and thirty-six; Second Batt'n Penna., eighty-five. 

Between the one-fifth and one-sixth of the force, were sick. 

On July the 9th, 1759, the officers at the place were the fol- 

Colonel Hugh Mercer; Captains Waggoner, Woodward, 
Prentice, Morgan, Smallman, Ward and Clayton; Lieutenants 
Mathews, Hydler, Biddle, Conrod, Kennedy, Sumner, Ander- 
son, Hutching, Dangerfield and W^right of the train; Ensigns 
Crawford, Crawford and Morgan. 


This structure, as stated, was intended for temporary use 
finly. The one to succeed it was intended to be an imposin« 
fortress and such as would last for all time. Work was ex- 
pected to be began upon it within the coming year. General 
Forbes having died, March 13th, 1759, shortly after his return 
to Philadelphia, was succeeded by General John Stanwix as 
commander of His Majesty's regular troops, and those to be 
raised by the Provinces, for the Southern Department, The 
announcement of the appointment of Stanwix and of the 
death of Forbes, was made by Gen. Amherst, Commander-in- 
Chief, on the 15th of March, 1759. 

The importance of this post as it appeared to the great Wil- 
liam Pitt, after whom the fort and the succeeding city, were 
called, is manifest from an expression of his opinion in 
a letter dated at Whitehall, Jan. 23d, 1759, just 60 days after 
the taking of Fort Duquesne. The letter shows also the in- 
tention of the Ministry. (67.) 

"I am now to acquaint you," says he, '^that the King has 
been pleased, immediately upon receiving the news of the suc- 
cess of his arms on the river Ohio, to direct the Commander- 
in-Chief of his Majesty's forces, in North America, and Gen. 
Forbes, to lose no time in conserting the proper and speediest 
means for completely restoring if possible, the ruined Fort 
Duquesne to a defensible and respectable state, or for erecting 
another in the room of it of sufficient strength and every way 
adequate to the great importance of the several objects of 
maintaining his Majesty's subjects in the undisputed posses- 
sion of the Ohio; of effectually cutting off all trade and com- 
munication this way, between Canada and the western and 
southwestern Indians; of protecting the British colonies from 
incursion to which they have been exposed since the French 
built the fort and thereby make themselves masters of the 
navigation of the Ohio, and of fixing again the several Indian 
nations in their alliance with and dependance upon his 
Majesty's government." 

Gen. Amherst having received instructions of a like tenor 
from Secretary Pitt, acquainted the Governor of the fact, and 
requested the co-operation of the Province with Stanwix c<v 
that end. (68.) 


During the early summer of 1759, the greatest apprehen- 
sion was felt on account of the project which the French had 
in view, of descending from Fort Machault for an attack on 
Fort Pitt. A large force was collected there, which, if cir- 
cumstances had not intervened to divert their operations, 
would probably have been adequate to capture the place. But 
the urgent necessity of the French at Niagara, which place 
was invested by the English, compelled them to abandon their 
project (69.) 

General Stanwix, soon after his appointment as the Com- 
mander of this department, arranged to go to Fort Pitt, and 
there begin the construction of a permanent fortification, and 
such a one as would be a credit to his government, and insure 
a permanent defense of the province in those parts. He had, 
however, much trouble with the Pennsylvania authorities to 
get what he regarded as the necessary supplies and a suffi- 
cient number of men and artificers. The season was going 
by, and he was becoming impatient. From his camp at Fort 
Bedford, the 13th of August, 1759, he wrote to Governor 
Denny. (70.) 

"It is with reluctance that I must trouble you again upon 
this subject, but being stopped in my march, for want of a 
sufficient and certain succession of carriages, I am obliged to 
have recourse to you to extricate me out of this difficulty." 

At the same time he addressed a circular letter to the man- 
agers for wagons in each county, saying, in part (71) : 

"The season advances fast upon us, and our magazines are 
not half full. All our delays are owing to want of carriages. 
The troops are impatient to dislodge and drive the enemy from 
Iheir posts on this side the Lake, and by building a respectable 
fort upon the Ohio, secure to his Majesty the just possession 
of that rich country." 

Around the garrison at this time many Indians had collected 
who were now the dependants of the English, being brought 
thither upon invitations to attend conferences and councils, 
of which there had been several since the English occupancy 
of the place. The treaty of July, 1759, was attended by great 
numbers. These had to be fed, nor did they show indication 
of departing so long as there was a sufficiency of provisions. 


Col. Mercer complains, on the 6th of August, 1759, (72) that on 
account of this drain upon their supplies, the garrison had 
been brought to great straits, and he had been obliged to re- 
duce the garrison to three hundred and fifty, and even with 
that number, could scarcely save an ounce between the con- 
voys. On the same date Mercer reports that Captain Gorden, 
chief engineer, had arrived, with most of the artificers, but 
that he would not fix on a spot for constructing the fort until 
the arrival of the General, but that they were preparing the 
materials for building with what expedition so relatively few 
men were capable of. 

General Stanwix arrived at Pittsburgh, late in August, 1759, 
with materials, skilled workmen and laborers, for the purpose, 
and on the 3d day of September, the work of building a 
formidable fortification commenced, in obedience to the orders 
of William Pitt, Secretary of State. 

Colonel Mercer reports September 15th, 1759, "A perfect 
tranquility reigns here since General Stanwix arrived, the 
works of the new fort go on briskly, and no enemy appears 
near the camp or upon the communication. The difficulty of 
supplying the army here, obliges the General to keep more of 
the troops at Ligonier and Bedford than he would choose; the 
remainder of the Virginia regiment joins us next week. 
Colonel Burd is forming a post at Redstone Creek, Col. Arm- 
strong remains some weeks at Ligonier, and the greater part 
of my battalion will be divided along the communication to 
Carlisle." (73.) 

Gen. Stanwix to Governor Hamilton in a letter dated "Camp 
at Pittsburgh, 8th Deer., 1759," (74) reports that "the works 
here are now carried on to that degree of defence which was 
at first prepared for this year, so that I am now forming a 
winter garrison which is to consist of 300 provincials, one-half 
Pennsylvanians the other Virginians, and 400 of the first bat- 
talion, of the Royal American regiment, the whole to be under 
the command of Major Tulikens when I leave it. These I hope 
I shall be able to cover well under good barracks and feed like- 
wise, for 6 months from the first of January; besides artillery 
oflBcers and batteaux men, Indians too must be fed, and they 
are not a few that come and go and trade here and will expect 


provisions from us, in which, at least at present they must not 
be disappointed." 

Gen. Stanwix remained at Fort Pitt until the spring of 1760. 
In the fall of 1759 was held a conference with the Indians 
which was most satisfactory in its results. It was the policy 
of the English government, in which it was seconded bv the 
Provinces of Pennsylvania and Virginia, that the oflQcers of 
the army as well as the authorities of the Provinces should 
use every effort to conciliate the Indians and keep them on 
good terms. Accordingly, Colonel Bouquet, representing 
Forbes, with Col. Armstrong and several officers, George 
Croghan, Deputy agent to Sir Wm. Johnson, with Henry Mon- 
tour, as interpreter met with the chiefs of the Delaware In- 
dians, at Pittsburgh, on December 4th, 1758, after their occu- 
pancy of the post. At this meeting the Indians were assured 
of the peaceful intentions of the King of England and his 
people toward them. (75.) 

Col. Mercer in January (3d-7th), 1759, held a conference with 
nine chiefs of the Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares, from 
the upper Allegheny, (76) and a very important conference was 
held here in July, beginning on the 4th, (1759), by George 
Croghan, Esq., Deputy Agent to Gen. Sir. Wm. Johnson, Bart., 
his Majesty's Agent and Superintendent for Indian Affairs in 
the Northern District of North America, with the Chiefs and 
Warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, and Wy- 
andottes, who represent eight nations, Ottawas, Chipawas, 
Potowatimes, Twightwees, Cuscuskees, Keckepos, Schockeys, 
and Musquakes. (77.) 

Here, General Stanwix met the representatives of the Six 
Nations, Shawanese, Delawares and other Indian tribes, on the 
25th of October, 1759. There were present on the part of the 
English, Brig.-Gen. Stanwix, with sundry gentlemen of the 
army; George Croghan, Esq., Deputy Agent to Sir William 
Johnson; Captain William Trent and Captain Thomas McKee, 
Assistants to George Croghan; Captain Henry Mountour was 
interpreter. At these various conferences the Indians were 
represented by their prominent chieftains, of whom may be 
mentioned, Guyasuta, The Beaver, King of the Delawares, 
Shingas, the Pipe, Gustalogo, and Killbuck. (78.) 


Many private conferences were held to which the Indians 
came in and promised to be eternal friends with the whites. 
The Indians, indeed, never hesitated to come when they 
wanted something to eat and drink, and a supply of ammuni- 
tion and blankets. 

General Stanwix to Governor Hamilton from Fort Pitt, 
March 17th, 1760, says (79) : "As soon as the waters are down 
I propose to leave this post for Philadelphia, which I can do 
now with great satisfaction, having finished the works all 
round in a very defenceable manner, leave the garrison in good 
health, in excellent barracks, and seven months wholesome, 
good provisions from the 1st of April next; the rest of the 
works may be now finished under cover, and [the men] be only 
obliged to work in proper weather, which has been very far 
from our case this hard winter and dirty spring — so far as it 
is advanced — but we have carried the works as far into exe- 
cution as I could possibly propose to myself in the time, and 
don't doubt but it will be finished as soon as such work can 
be done, so as to give a strong security to all the Southern Pro- 
vinces, and answer every end proposed for his Majesty's ser- 

Although Fort Pitt was occupied in 1760, it was not finished 
until the summer of 1761 under Col. Bouquet. It occupied all 
the ground between the rivers, Marbury (now Third street), 
West street, and x>art of Liberty. Its stone bomb-proof maga- 
zine was removed when the Penna. Railway Company built its 
freight depot in 1852. (80.) 

"The work," says Neville B. Craig, (81) "was five sided, 
though not all equal, as Washington erroneously stated in his 
journal in 1770. The earth around the proposed work was 
dug and thrown up so as to enclose the selected position with 
a rampart of earth. On the two sides facing the country, this 
rampart was supported by what military men call a revet- 
ment — a brick work, nearly ]K*rpeudicuIar supporting the 
rampart on the outside, and thus presenting an obstacle to the 
enemy not easily overcome. On the other three sides, the 
earth in the rampart had no support, and, of course, it pre- 
sented a more inclined surface to the enemy — one which could 
be readily ascended. To remedy, in some degree, this defect 

The drawing of the Redoubt is from Day's Historical Collections of 
Pennsylvania. It is there said that it is a " view as it now (1843) appears. 
In looking at the drawing, the reader should understand that the Redoubt 
is merely the square building in front. It is situated north of Penn Street, 
about forty-six feet west of Point Street, a few bacli from Brewery Alley." 

The Redoubt in the above drawing is shown from another point of view 
than tlie drawing of current date. The windows, the steps, and at least the 
door to tlie left, are to be talcen as modern innovations. 


in the work, a line of pickets was fixed on the outside of the 
foot of the slope of the rampart. Around the whole work was 
a wide ditch which would, of course, be filled with water when 
the river was at a moderate stage. 

"In summer, however, when the river was low the ditch was 
dry and perfectly smooth, so that the officers and men had a 
ball-alley in the ditch, and against the revetments. 

"This ditch extended from the salient angle of the north 
bastion — that is the point of the fort which approached nearest 
to Marbury street, back of the south end of Hoke's row — down 
to the Allegheny where Marbury street strikes it. 

"This part of the ditch was, during our boyhood, and ever 
since, called Butler's Gut, from the circumstance of Gen. 
Richard Butler and Col. Wm. Butler residing nearest to it — 
their houses being the same which now [1848] stand at the 
corner on the south side of Penn and east side of Marbury. 
Another part of the ditch extended to the Monongahela, a little 
west of West street, and a third debouche into the river was 
made just about the end of Penn street. 

"The redoubt, which still remains near the point, the last 
relic of British labor at this place, was not erected till IICA. 
The other redoubt, which stood at the mouth of Redoubt Alley, 
was erected by Col. Wm. Grant; and our recollection is, that 
the year mentioned on the stone tablet was 1765, but we are 
not positive on that point." 

Gen. Stanwix remained at Pittsburgh until March 21st, 17G0. 
From a communication dated from the fort at Pittsburgh, on 
that date, and printed in the Penna. Gazette as a part of the 
current news, the following information is obtained: 

'^This day Major-Gen. Stanwix set out for Philadelphia, es- 
corted by thirt} -five chiefs of the Ohio Indians and fifty of the 
Royal Americans. The presence of the General has been of the 
utmost consequence at this post during the winter, as well for 
cultivating the friendship and alliance of the Indians, and for 
continuing the fortifications and supplying the troops here and 
on the communications. The works are now quite perfected, 
according to the plan, from the Ohio to the Monongahela, and 
eighteen pieces of artillery mounted on the bastions that cover 
the isthmus; and case-mates, barracks and store-houses are 


also completed for a garrison of one thousand men and ofQcers, 
so that it may now be asserted with very great truth, that the 
British dominion is established on the Ohio. The Indians are 
carrying on a vast trade with the merchants of Pittsburgh, 
and instead of desolating the frontiers of these colonies, are 
entirely employed in increasing the trade and wealth thereof. 
The happy effects of our military operations are also felt by 
[many] of our poor inhabitants, who are now in quiet posses- 
sion of the lands they were driven from on the frontiers of 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. 

"When Gen. Stanwix left Fort Pitt there were present as a 
garrison seven hundred, namely, one hundred and fifty Vir- 
ginians, one hundred and fifty Pennsylvanians and four hun- 
dred of the First Battalion of Royal Americans." (82.) 

The war between England and France having terminated to 
the advantage of the English by the surrender of Montreal, the 
last post held by the French, on 8th of September, 1759, the 
English in the fall of 1759 and in 1760 took possession of the 
surrendered posts. 

General Monckton, as the chief officer of this department, 
arrived at Fort Pitt on the 29th of June, 1760. Immediately 
on his arrival he gave orders for the march of a large detach- 
ment of the army to Presqu' Isle, (now Erie). This movement 
was made for the purpose of taking possession of the upper 
posts as well as those along the frontier to Detroit and Macki- 
naw. On the 7th of July, 1760, four companies of the Royal 
Americans, under command of Colonel Bouquet, and Captain 
^IcNeil's company of the Virginia Regiment, marched for 
Presqu' Isle. These were followed in a few days after by Col. 
Hugh Mercer, with three companies of the Penna. Regiment, 
under Captains Biddle, Clapham and Anderson, and later two 
other companies of the same regiment, under Captains Atlee, 
and Miles, followed. 

A news item dated from Philadelphia the 31st of July, 1760, 
gave information that Maj. Gladwin had arrived at Presqu' Isle 
vvilh four hundred men from the northward, and that our 
troops from Pittsburgh would be at the same place by the 15th 
July, 1760. (83.) 

The town of Pittsburgh began, in all probability, with the 


occupancy of the place by the English in the fall of 1758. That 
is to say that from the first there was, near the fort, a collec- 
tion of rude cabins occupied by traders, purveyors of the army 
and settlers. The name of the town, we have seen, was co- 
temporary with the name of the fort. The mention made of 
the town by Col. James Burd in his Journal is probably the 
first authentic mention with regard to its inhabitants, avail- 
able. Col. Burd in command of the Augusta Regiment — as 
the Penna. Regiment under his command was then called — 
arrived at Pittsburgh on Sunday, 6th July, 1760, and remained 
there on duty until November following. In his Journal Is 
the following (84): 

"21st, Monday. [July, 1760.] 

To-day numbered the Houses at Pittsburg, and made a Re- 
turn of the number of People — men, women & children — that 
do not belong to the army: 

Number of houses, 146 

Number of unfinished houses, 19 

Number of Hutts, 36 

Total, 201 

Number of Men, 88 

Number of Women, 29 

Number of Male Children, 14 

Number of Female Children, 18 

Total 149 

"N. B. — The above houses Exclusive of those in the Fort; in 
the fort five long barricks and a long casimitt [casement].'' 

During the winter of 1760 and 1761, Col. Vaughan, with the 
regiment, known as his Majesty's regiment of Royal Welsh 
Volunteers, were garrisoning the several posts within the com- 
munication to Pittsburgli. (85.) These troops being wanted by 
Gen. Amherst for other service, he requested the Governor to 
make a requisition of provincial troops to take their place. 


This request met with the usual result. Geu. Monckton in a 
letter to Governor Hamilton, from Fort Pitt, September 26th, 
1760, expressed his sorrow to find that there was a likelihood 
of the requisition meeting with so much difficulty, and again 
represented the necessity of keeping up a body, of at least 
four hundred of the Penna. troops, to assist in garrisoning the 
forts in that department for the ensuing winter. (86.) 

This matter was laid before the Council but the House being 
then on the point of dissolution, declined to agree to this meas- 
ure at once, and deferred its consideration to the next As- 
sembly. (87.) On the 17th of October, the Assembly's Answer 
to the Governor's message was delivered. The reason which 
they gave for acceding to this request was that since the re- 
duction of Canada and the withdrawal of the French home, 
there remained nothing for the regular troops in the pay of 
the ''Nation" to do but garrison these posts, from which cir- 
cumstances they concluded that it was not necessary to en- 
gage additional men. (88.) 

The Assembly thus not doing anything. Gen. Monckton ap- 
pealed to Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, who ad- 
dressed the Governor, Feb, 27th, 1761, saying that as it was in- 
dispensably necessary that Vaughan's regiment should be re- 
moved from their present quarters to Philadelphia, it was 
requisite to send in their stead for the security and protection 
of the country, to the several forts and posts within the com- 
munication to Pittsburgh, a sufficient number of men properly 
officered. He requested that three hundred, so officered, 
should be raised by the Assembly for that purpose. (89.) The 
Governor laid the matter before the Assembly. On March the 
18th, 1761, the bill being passed, was handed to the Governor, 
who concurred. (90.) 

Gen. Monckton had left Pittsburgh, Monday, the 27th of 
October, 1760. (91.) He, however, had charge of this depart- 
ment for some time thereafter. Amherst, under date of 22d 
of March, 1761, acquainted the Governor that Gen, Monckton 
would set out from New York on the day following, on his way 
to Phila., in order to station the three hundred men voted by ' 
the Assembly, and to put Vaughan's regiment in motion. (^2.) 

Little of interest occurred here from this time until Pontiac'r? 


war, in 1763. Treaties were held, as we have seen, from time 
to time with the Indians. Gen. Monckton had held a confer- 
ence of great moment at the camp on the 12th of August, 1760. 
Many representatives were present. The tribes were well 
treated. A great store or trading-house, was set up by the 
Governor,, at Pittsburgh, and one at Shamokin (Sunbury, 
where the Indians were furnished with all sorts of goods, at a 
"cheap rate." (93.) 

Through almost the entire year of 1762 — until late in the 
fall of that year — there was nothing to indicate anything but 
a lasting friendship from the Indians about the region of the 
Ohio. Beaver and Shingas, had sent word by Frederic Post, 
whose message was delivered to the Governor, Feb. 11th, 1762, 
that it was their desire to cultivate the friendship of their 
brethren, the English. (94.) Later in the year, Beaver, and the 
other Indians with him, entered into solemn engagement to 
deliver up all the whites whom they held as prisoners, at Fort 
Pitt. Col. Burd and Josiah Davenport were commissioned to 
receive them. (95.) 

The preliminaries of a treaty of peace between France and 
Great Britain, (as well as other powers), were interchanged on 
the 3d of November, 1762, and the definite treaty was signed 
on the 10th of February, 1763. Under this, the whole of the 
territory between the Allegheny and the Mississippi, together 
with Canada, passed from the French to the English. In the 
meantime the greatest Indian uprising in history was being 
planned by one of the most remarkable savages of whom there 
is account. This was Pontiac, Chief of the Ottawas. He had 
been, both from interest and inclination, a firm friend of the 
French, During the war he had fought on the side of France. 
It is said that he commanded some of his tribe, when he was 
yet a young man, at the defeat of Braddock, (96.) 

It was a momentous crisis for the Indian race. The English 
were masters; the French were conquered. This, to one of a 
laind of the vigor and strength of Pontiac's, meant the loss 
of all their hunting grounds and the extinguishment of their 
race. To the Indians were reserved the great privilege of 
annihilating the English race. His vivid imagination con- 
<>eived things impossible to be realized. The idea came to him 


of uniting all the tribes into a confederation of war; to at- 
tack all at once the English posts on the frontier from Macki- 
naw to Fort Pitt, and thus by wresting all their conquests 
from them, regain for the French as their friends the places 
from whence they had been displaced, and to restore to the 
native tribes their rightful heritage. 

Toward the close of 1762 he thereupon sent ambassadors to 
the different nations of savages. These visited the country of 
the Ohio and its tributaries, passed northward to the region of 
the Upper Lakes, and the borders of the River Ottawa and 
far southwards towards the mouth of the Mississippi. Bear- 
ing with him the war belt of wampum, broad, and long, as the 
importance of the message demanded, and the tomahawk 
stained red in token of war, they went from camp to camp, and 
village to village. Everywhere the message was approved. 
The blow was to be struck at a certain time in the month of 
May following, to be indicated by the changes of the moon. 
The tribes were to rise together, each destroying the English 
garrison in its neighborhood, and then, with a general rush^ 
the whole were to turn against the settlements of the frontier. 

The tribes, then banded together against the English, com- 
prised, with a few unimportant exceptions the whole Algon- 
quin stock, to whom were united the Wyandotts, the Senecas, 
and several tribes of the lower Mississippi. The Senecas were 
the only members of the Iroquois confederacy who joined in 
the league, the rest being kept quiet by the influence of Sir 
Wm. Johnson, whose utmost exertions, however, were barely 
sufficient to allay their irritation. (97.) 

Preparations having been thus made all the outposts which 
were garrisoned by English blood, were assailed about the 
same time. Within a short period, of the twelve garrisoned 
forts which were severally attacked, nine fell. Among those 
taken were Venango, Le Boeuf, Presqu' Isle; — Detroit, Niag- 
ara and Fort Pitt alone remained. 

In Pennsylvania at this time, F>edford might be regarded the 
frontier. Between that point and Fort Pitt about midway 
was Fort Ligonier on the Loyalhanna. Between Bedford and 
Ligonierat the western side of the Alleghenies was a stockaded 
station called Stony Creek. About midway between Ligonier 


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and Fort Pitt, near Bushy Run was Byerly's station. These 
were all on the line of the Forbes road. From Presqu' Isle 
(Erie), there was a short over land passage, called a portage, of 
about fifteen miles to Fort Le Boeuf, on French creek, a 
branch of the Allegheny; thence the communication was by 
French creek to Fort Venango (Old Machault), and thence by 
the Allegheny to Fort Pitt. 

Fort Pitt stood far aloof in the forest, and one might journey 
eastward full two hundred miles, before the English settle- 
ments began to thicken. Behind it lay a broken and woody 
track; then succeeded the great barrier of the Allegheny s. 
traversing the country in successive ridges; and beyond these 
lay vast woods, extending to the Susquehanna. Eastward of 
this river, cabins of settlers became more numerous, until in 
the neighborhood of Lancaster, the country assumed an ap- 
pearance of prosperity and cultivation. Two roads led from 
Fort Pitt to the settlements; one of which was cut by Gen. 
Braddock from Cumberland in 1755 ; the other, which was the 
more frequented, passed by Carlisle and Bedford, and was the 
one made by Gen. Forbes, in 1758. Fort Ligonier and Fort Bed- 
ford were nestled among the mountains in the midst of endless 
forests. Small clearings and log cabins were around each 
post From Bedford toward the east, at the distance of nearly 
one hundred miles, was Carlisle, a place resembling Bedford 
in its general aspect although of greater extent. After leav- 
ing Fort Bedford, numerous houses of settlers were scattered 
here and there among the valleys, on each side of the road 
from Fort Pitt, so that the number of families beyond the 
Susquehanna amounted to several hundreds, thinly distributed 
over a great space. From Carlisle to Harris' Ferry, now Har- 
risburg, on the Susquehanna, was but a short distance; and 
from thence, the road led directly into the heart of the settle- 
ments. (98.) 

At this time Capt. Simeon Ecuj-er, a brave Swiss officer, of 
the same nationality and blood ns ]?ouquet, commanded at Fort 
Pitt, He early received warnings of danger. On the 4th of 
May, (1763), he wrote to Col. Bouquet at Philadelphia: "Major 
Gladwyn writes to tell me that I am surrounded by rascals. 
He complains a great deal of the Delaware and Shawanos. 
8- Vol. 2. 


It is this canille who stir up the rest to mischief." At length, 
on the 27th, at about dusk in the evening, a party of Indians 
was seen descending the banks of the Allegheny, with laden- 
pack-horses. They built fires, and encamped on the shore 
until da^^-break, when they all crossed over to the fort, bring- 
ing with them a great quantity of valuable furs. These they 
sold to the traders, demanding, in exchange, bullets, hatchets, 
and gunpowder; but their conduct was so peculiar as to ex- 
cite the just suspicion that they came either as spies or with 
some other insidious design. Hardly were they gone, when 
tidings came in that Col. Clapham, with several persons, both 
men and women, had been murdered and scalped near the 
fort; and it was soon after discovered that the inhabitants of 
an Indian town, a few miles up the Allegheny, had totally 
abandoned their cabins, as if bent on some plan of mischief. 
On the next day, two soldiers were shot within a mile of the 
fort. An express was hastily sent to Venango, to warn the 
little garrison of danger; but he returned almost immediately, 
having been twice fired at, and severely wounded. (99.) A 
trader named Calhoun now came in from an Indian village of 
Tuscaroras, with intelligence of a yet more startling kind. 
At eleven o'clock on the night of the 27th, a chief named 
Shingas, with several of the principal warriors in the place, 
had come to Calhoun's cabin, and earnestly begged him to de- 
part, declaring that they did not wish to see him killed before 
their eyes. The Ottawas and Ojibwas, they said, had taken up 
the hatchet, and captured Detroit, Sandusky and all the forts 
of the interior. The Delawares and Shawanese of the Ohio 
were following their example, and were murdering all the 
traders among them. Calhoun and the thirteen men in his 
employ lost no time in taking their departure. The Indians 
forced them to leave their guns behind, promising them that 
they would give them three warriors to guide them in safety 
to Fort Pitt; but the whole proved a piece of characteristic 
dissimulation and treachery. The three led them into an 
ambuscade at the mouth of Beaver creek. A volley of balls 
showered upon them ; eleven were killed on the spot, and Cal- 
houn and two others alone made their escape. "T see," writes 
Ecuyer to his Colonel, "that the affair is general. I tremWe 


lor our out-posts. I believe, from what I hear, that I am sur- 
rounded by Indians. I neglect nothing to give them a good 
reception; and 1 expect to be attacked to-morrow morning. 
Please God I may be. I am passably well prepared. Every 
body is at work, and I do not sleep; but I tremble lest my mes- 
sengers should be cut off." 

At Fort Pitt every preparation was made for an attack. 
The houses and cabins outside the rampart were levelled to 
the ground, and every morning, at an hour before dawn, the 
drum beat, and the troops were ordered to their alarm posts. 
The garrison consisted of three hundred and thirty soldiers, 
traders and backwoodsmen; and there were also in the fort 
about one hundred women, and a still greater number of chil- 
dren, most of them belonging to the families of settlers who 
were preparing to build their cabins in the neighborhood. 
"We are so crowded in the fort," writes Ecuyer to Col. Bou- 
quet, "that I fear disease; for, in spite of every care, I cannot 
keep the place as clean as I should like. Besides, the small-pox 
is among us; and I have therefore caused a hospital to be built 
under the drawbridge, out of range of musket shot. * * * 
I am determined to hold my post, spare my men, and never ex- 
pose them without necessity. This, I think, is what you re- 
quire of me." 

The desultory outrages with which the war began, and 
which only served to put the garrison on their guard, far from 
abating, continued for many successive days, and kept the gar- 
rison in a state of restless alarm. It was dangerous to venture 
outside the walls, and a few who attempted it were shot and 
scalped by lurking Indians. "They have the impudence," 
writes an ofBcer, "to fire all night at our sentinels;" nor were 
these attacks confined to the night, for even during the day no 
man willingly exposed his head above the rampart. The sur- 
rounding woods were known to be full of prowling Indians, 
whose number seemed daily increasing, though as yet they had 
made no attempt at a general attack. At length, on the after- 
noon of the 22nd of June, a party appeared at the farthest ex- 
tremity of the cleared lands behind the fort, driving off the 
horses which were grazing there, and killing the cattle. No 
sooner was this accomplished than a general fire was opened 


upon the fort from every side at once, though at so great a dis- 
tance that only two men were killed. The garrison replied 
by a discharge of howitzers, the shells of which, bursting in 
the midst of the Indians, greatly amazed and disconcerted 
them. As it grew dark, their fire slackened, though, through- 
out the night, the flash of guns was seen at frequent intervals, 
followed by the whooping of the invisible assailants. 

At nine o'clock on the following morning, several Indians ap- 
proached the fort with the utmost confidence, and took their 
stand at the outer edge of the ditch, where one of them, a 
Delaware, named the Turtle's Heart, addressed the garrison 
as follows: 

'*My brothers, we that stand here are your friends; but we 
have bad news to tell you. Six great nations of Indians have 
taken up the hatchet, and cut off all the English garrisons, ex- 
cepting yours. They are now on their way to destroy yoa also, 

"My Brothers, we are your friends, and we wish to save your 
lives. What we desire you to do is this: You must leave this 
fort, with all your women and children, and go down to the 
English settlements, where you will be safe. There are many 
bad Indians already here; but we will protect you from them. 
You must go at once, because if you wait till the six great na- 
tions arrive here, you will all be killed, and we can do nothing 
to protect you." 

To this proposal, by which the Indians hoped to gain a safe 
and easy possession of the fort, Captain Ecuyer made the fol- 
lowing reply. The vein of humor perceptible in it may serve 
to indicate that he was under no great apprehension for the 
safety of his garrison : 

"My Brothers, we are very grateful for your kindness, though 
we are convinced that you must be mistaken in what you have 
told us about the forts being captured. As for ourselves we 
have plenty of provisions, and are able to keep the fort against 
all the nations of Indians that may dare to attack it. We are 
very well off in this place, and we mean to stay here. 

"My Brothers, as you have shown yourselves such true 
friends, we feel bound in gratitude to inform you that an army 
of six thousand English will shortly arrive here, and that an- 
other army of three thousand is gone up the lakes, to punish 


the Ottawas and O jib was. A third has gone to the frontiers 
of Virginia, where they will be joined by your enemies, the 
Cherokees and Catawbas, who are coming here to destroy you. 
Therefore take pity on your women and children and get out 
of the way as soon as possible. We have told you this in con- 
fidence, out of our great solicitude lest any of you should be 
hurt; and we hope that you will not tell any of the other In- 
dians, lest they escape from our vengeance. (100.)" 

This politic invention of the three armies had an excellent 
effect, and so startled the Indians, that, on the next day most 
of them withdrew from the neighborhood, and went to meet 
a great body of warriors, who were advancing from the west- 
ward to attack the fort. 

At Fort Pitt, every preparation was made to repel the attack 
which was hourly expected. A part of the rampart, under- 
mined by the spring floods, had fallen into the ditch; but, by 
dint of great labor, this injury was repaired. A line of pali- 
sades was erected along the ramparts ; the barracks were made 
shot-proof, to protect the women and children; and as the in- 
terior buildings were all of wood, a rude fire engine was con- 
structed, to extinguish any flames which might be kindled by 
the burning arrows of the Indians. Several weeks, however, 
elapsed without any determined attack from the enemy, who 
were engaged in their bloody work among the settlements and 
smaller posts. From the beginning of July until towards its 
close, nothing occurred except a series of petty and futile at- 
tacks, by which the Indians abundantly exhibited their 
malicious intentions, without doing harm to the garrison. 
During the whole of this time, the communication with the 
settlements was completely cut oif, so that no letters were 
written from the fort, or, at all events, none reached their des- 
tination; and we are therefore left to depend upon a few 
meagre official reports, as our only sources of information. 

On the 26th of July, a small party of Indians were seen ap- 
proaching the gate, displaying a flag, which one of them had 
some time before received as a present from the English com- 
mander. On the strength of this token, they Avere admitted, 
and proved to be chiefs of distinction; among whom were 
Shingas, Turtle's Heart, and others, who had hitherto main- 


tained an appearance of friendship. Being admitted to a 
council, one of them addressed Captain Ecuyer and his officers 
to the following effect: 

"Brothers, what we are about to say comes from our hearts 
and not from our lips. 

"Brothers, we wish to hold fast the chain of friendship — 
that ancient chain which our forefathers held with their 
brethren the English. You have let your end of the chain fall 
to the ground, but ours is still fast within our hands. Why 
do you complain that our young men have fired at your sol- 
diers, and killed your cattle and your horses? You yourselves 
are the cause of this. You marched your armies into our 
country, and built forts here, though we told you, again and 
again, that we wished you to remove. My Brothers, this land 
is ours and not yours. 

"My Brothers, two days ago we received a great belt of wam- 
pum from the Ottawas of Detroit, and the message they sent 
us was in these words: 

" 'Grandfathers the Delawares, by this belt we inform you 
that in a short time we intend to pass, in a very great body, 
through your country, on our way to strike the English at the 
forks of the Ohio. Grandfathers, you know us to be a head- 
strong people. We are determined, to stop at nothing; and as 
we expect to be very hungry, we will seize and eat everything 
that comes in our way.' 

"Brothers, you have heard the words of the Ottawas. If 
you leave this place immediately, and go home to your wives 
and children, no harm will come of it; but if you stay, you 
must blame yourselves alone for what may happen. Therefore 
we desire you to remove." 

To the wholly unreasonable statement of wrongs contained 
in this speech. Captain Ecuyer replied, by urging the shallow 
pretence that the forts were built for the purpose of supply- 
ing the Indians with clothes and qmraunition. He then ab- 
solutely refused to leave the place. "I have," he said, "war- 
riors, provisions, and ammunition, to defend it three years 
atrainst all the Indians in the woods; and we shall never 
abandon it as long as a white man lives in America. I de- 
spise the Ottawas. and am very much surprised at our brothers 


the Delawares, for proposing to us to leave this place and go 
home. This is our home. You have attacked us without 
reason or provocation; you have murdered and plundered our 
warriors and traders; you have taken our horses and cattle; 
and at the same time you tell us that your hearts are good 
towards your brethren, the English. How can I have faith 
in you? Therefore, now, Brothers, I will advise you to go 
home to your towns, and take care of your wives and children. 
Moreover, I tell you that if any of you appear again about 
this fort, I will throw bombshells, which will burst and blow 
you to atoms, and fire cannon among you, loaded with a whole 
bag full of bullets. Therefore take care, for I don't want to 
hurt you." 
-?^ Tfie chiefs departed, much displeased with their reception. 
Though nobody in his senses could blame the course pursued 
by Captain Ecuyer, and though the building of forts in the In- 
dian country could not be charged as a crime, except by the 
most overstrained casuistry, yet we cannot refrain from sym- 
pathizing with the intolerable hardship to which the progress 
of civilization subjected the unfortunate tenants of the wilder- 
ness, and which goes far to extenuate the perfidy and cruelty 
that marked their conduct throughout the whole course of the 

Disappointed of gaining a bloodless possession of the fort, 
the Indians, now, for the first time, began a general attack. 
On the night succeeding the conference, they approached in 
great numbers, under cover of the darkness, and completely 
surrounded it; many of them crawling under the banks of the 
two rivers, and, with incredible perseverance, digging, with 
their knives, holes in which they were completely sheltered 
from the fire of the fort. On one side, the whole bank was 
lined with these burrows, from each of which a bullet or an 
arrow was shot out whenever a soldier chanced to expose his 
head. At daybreak, a general fire was opened from every side, 
and continued without intermission until night, and through 
several succeeding days. No great harm was done, however. 
The soldiers lay close behind their parapet of logs, watching 
the movements of their subtle enemies, and paying back their 
shot with interest. The red uniforms of the Royal Americans 


mingled with the gray homespun of the border riflemen, or 
the fringed hunting-frocks of the old Indian fighters, wary and 
adroit as the red-skinned warriors themselves. They liked the 
sport, and were eager to sally from behind their defences, and 
bring their assailants to close quarters; but Ecuyer was too 
wise to consent. He was among them, and as well pleased as 
they, directing, encouraging, and applauding them in his 
broken English. An arrow flew OA'er the rampart and 
wounded him in the leg; but, it seems, with no other result 
than to extort a passing execration. The Indians shot fire- 
arrows, too, from their burrows, but not one of them took 
effect. The yelling at times was terrific, and the women and 
children in the crowded barracks clung to each other in terror; 
but there was more noise than execution, and the assailants 
suffered more than the assailed. Three or four days after, 
' Ecuyer wrote to his colonel, "They were all well under cover, 
and so were we. They did us no harm; nobody killed, seven 
wounded, and I myself slightly. Their attack lasted five days 
and five nights. We are certain of having killed and wounded 
twenty of them, without reckoning those we could not see. 
I left nobody fire till he had marked his man; and not an In- 
dian could show his nose without being pricked with a bullet, 
for I have some good shots here. * * * Quj. jq^jj a^e 
doing admirably, regulars and the rest. All that they ask is 
to go out and fight. I am fortunate to have the honor of com- 
manding such brave men. I only wish the Indians had 
ventured an assault. They would have remembered it to the 
thousandth generation! » * * j forgot to tell you that 
they threw fire-arrows to burn our works, but they could not 
reach the buildings, nor even the rampart. Only two arrows 
came into the fort, one of which had the insolence to make 
free with my left leg." 

This letter was written on the 2d of August. On the day 
before the Indians had all decamped. An event, described 
elsewhere had put (101) an end to the attacks, and relieved the 
tired garrison of their presence. Upon Col. Bouquet's ap- 
proach to the relief of the post, the Indians gathered from all 
directions to meet him, and on the 5th and 6th of August was 
fought the decisive battle at Bushv Run. 

^f l|Wii:t 


The Old Block House— more correctly Redoubt— was built by CoL Bou- 
quet in 1764, although it is probable that its construction was begun in the 
fall of 1763 after Bouquet had relieved Fort Pitt. 

It is situated about three hundred yards from the Point, on what is now 
known as Fourth Street, and midway between the junction oi the Monon- 
gahela and Allegheny Rivers, where they meet and form the Ohio River. 

The structure is built of brick, covered with old fashioned clapboards, 
with a layer of double logs, through which are cut portholes, thirty-sLx in 
number, in two rows, one over the other, for etfective work in case of 

The building is 16x15 feet, twenty-two feet in heigh th; twenty-feet high 
from the floor to the eaves of the roof. 

When the Proprietaries, John Penn and John Penn, Jr., determined to 
sell the land embraced in the Manor of Pittsburgh, Stephen Bayard and 
Isaac Oraig purchased, in January, 1784, all the ground between Fort Pitt 
and the Allegheny River, supposed to contain about three acres. This is 
what is now known as the "Schenley property," at the Point. 

Col. William A. Herron, the agent of Mrs. Mary K. Schenley, of London, 
England, the owner of the Block House, presented to the Pittsburgh 
Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, at a regular meeting 
of the Chapter, April 2d, 1894, a deed for the Block House with a plot of 
ground 90x100 feet. Miss Denny in behalf of the Daughters received the 
gift in a beautiful and well chosen address. 

Since then the work of restoring the Block House and beautifying the 
grounds has been completed. A stockade fence has been placed around it 
for protection and it is now open to visitors. It will serve as a n)useum for 
•Colonial and Revolutionary Relics. 

When the new City Hall was built, the stone tablet which had been in- 
serted in the wall ot the Redoubt, was taken out and placed in the wall of 
the head of the first landing of the stairway of the Hall. On December 15th, 
1894, it was taken out of its resting place that it might pass into the custody 
and possession of the Daughters. 

The stone appears to be as sound and perfect as ever. The inscription cut 
into the tablet consists of the figures "1764 " and lielow them the letters 
•'Coll. Bouquett." 


The Indians being thus foiled in their attempt on Fort Pitt 
dispersed. Col. Bouquet not having sufficient force to pursue 
them beyond the Ohio, was compelled to delay further action 
that year. His troops were therefore dispersed and stationed 
along the line of posts for the coming winter, and provisions 
were laid in for their support. The next spring preparations 
were early begun for the prosecution of his projected cam- 
paign, but it was not until August, 1764, that the new forces 
assembled at Carlisle, and not until Sept. ITth, that they ar- 
rived at Fort Pitt. 

In this summer of 1764, was erected the redoubt, still stand- 
ing, now "the sole existing monument of British dominion," at 
this point. A tablet was inserted in the wall, with the words: 
"A, D. 1764, Coll. Bouquet." The structure stands near the 
point, the "Forks of the Ohio," between Penn Avenue and Du- 
quesne Way. 

"In this same year, 1764, Col. John Campbell laid out that 
part of the City of Pittsburgh which lies between Water and 
Second streets, and between Ferry and Market streets, being 
four squares. We have never been able to learn (says Mr. 
Craig) what authority Campbell had to act in this case. But 
when the Penns afterward authorized the laying out of the 
town of Pittsburgh, their agent recognized Campbell's act, at 
least, so far as not to change his plan of lots. We know not 
precisely at what time of the year Col. Bouquet's redoubt was 
built, nor when Campbell's lots were laid out; but certainly 
the last step in perfecting this place as a military post and the 
first step in building up a town here were taken in the same 
year." (102.) 

In a notice of a visit made to the place in the summer of 
1766, by Kev. Charles Beatty and Rev. Mr. DufSeld, it is said 
that "On Sabbath, 7th of Sept., Mr, McLagan, the chaplain of 
the Forty-second regiment, invited Rev. Mr. Beatty to preach 
to the garrison, which he did ; while Rev. Mr. Duffield preached 
to the people who lived in some kind of a town, without the 
fort." (103.) 

From this time until the regular opening of the land office 
(1769) trouble was apprehended by reason of settlers occupying 
territory in various parts of the country, particularly on the 


Monongahela and the Youghiogheny, in violation of the treatj 
rights of the Indians. Complaint being made, the Governor 
of Pennsylvania, and the Governor of Virginia, as well as Gen. 
Gage, the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in America, 
used every reasonable exertion to have the settlers peaceably 
removed. Various conferences and treaties were held during 
this period between the agents of these officials and the In- 
dians, at and about Fort Pitt. It was provided that the penal- 
ties that were attached to the violation of these laws, or treaty 
obligations, did not extend to those who had settled on the 
main communications leading to Fort Pitt, under the per- 
mission of the Commander-in-Chief, nor to settlement made 
by George Croghan, Esq., Deputy Superintendent under Sir 
William Johnson, upon the Ohio above said fort. 

On the 5th day of January, 17G9, a warrant issued for the 
survey of the "Manor of Pittsburgh." On the 27th of March, 
the survey was completed and returned the 19th of May, 1769. 
It embraced within its bounds five thousand seven hundred 
and sixty-six acres and allowance of six per cent, for roads, &o. 

In October, 1770, George Washington arrived here on his 
way to the Kenawha. In his Journal for Oct, 17, he says: 

"Dr. Craik and myself, with Capt. Crawford and others, ar- 
rived at Fort Pitt, distant from the crossing forty-three and a 
half measured miles. (Tlie crossings were at Connellsville.) 
We lodged in what is called the town, distant about three hun- 
dred yards from the fort, at one Semple's, who keeps a very 
good house of public entertainment. The houses, which are 
built of logs, and ranged in streets, are on the Monongahela, 
and I suppose may be about twenty in number, and inhabited 
by Indian traders. The fort is built on the point between the 
rivers but was not so near the "pitch of it" as Fort Duquesne 
stood. Two of the sides which were on the land side were of 
brick; and the other stockade. A moat encompassed it. The 
garrison consisted of two companies of Royal Irish, com- 
manded by Capt. Edmondstone." (104.) 

The Indians now manifesting a peaceable disposition on the 
frontier the government was induced to abandon the fort. Ac- 
cordingly in October, 1772, orders were received by Major 
Charles Edmondstone from G -n. Gage, the Oommander-in-Chief 


of The British forces, to abandon Fort Pitt In carrying out 
this order Major Edmondstone sold the pickets, stones, bricJis, 
timber and iron, in the walls and buildings of the Fort and 
redoubts, for the sum of fifty pounds, New York currency. 
Fort Pitt was then abandoned, although the fort buildings 
were not torn down. A corporal and three men were left, to 
take care of the boats and batteaux intended to keep up the 
communication with the Illinois country. 

This determination created a fear among the inhabitants 
that they would be exposed to unusual danger by the with- 
drawal of the garrison, and they petitioned the Governor to 
prevail if possible with Gen. Gage to have the garrison con- 
tinued, or to have the fort occupied by soldiers of the province. 
To Governor Penn, the General replied Nov. 2d, 1772, as fol- 
lows (105): 

"I have received your letter of the 27th ultimo., by Mr. St. 
Clair, tho' I apprehend too late for me to send any Counter- 
order to Fort Pitt, for by my letters from thence of the be- 
ginning of last month, the garrison only awaited the arrival 
of Carriages to move away. I am of opinion, however, that the 
Troops abandoning the Fort, can be of very little consequence 
to the Public, tho' the Fort might be partially useful. It is no 
Asylum to Settlers at any Distance from it, nor can it cover or 
protect the Frontiers, tho' people who are near it, might, upon 
Intelligence of an Enemy's Approach, take refuge therein. 
All this was fully evinced in the last Indian War, and I know 
of no use of forts of the kind, but that of being Military De- 

*1t is natural for the people near Fort Pitt, to solicit the 
continuance of the Garrison, as well for their personal se- 
curity, as obtaining many other advantages; but no govern- 
ment can undertake to erect Forts for the advantage of Forty 
of Fifty People; every Body of people of the same numbers, 
would think themselves entitled to the same Favor, and there 
would be no end to Forts. The People have settled gradually 
from the Sea into the Interior Country, without the aid of 
Fortresses, and it's to be hoped they will be able to proceed in 
the way they began, without meeting more obstructions now 
than thev did formerlv. 


"The List of Ordnance and Stores inclosed in your Letter, 
whicli you inform me were lent by the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania in 1758, to the late Brigadier General Forbes, shall be 
examined into, and orders given to return the same to such 
Person as you shall appoint to receive them." 

Fort Pitt upon its abandonment as a military post by the 
British, was partly but not altogether destroyed. The pro- 
prietary government for some time kept a few men here, but 
only for the purpose of protecting its property. During 1773, 
a citizen of Pittsburgh, Edward Ward, took possession of what 
was left and occupied the same until it was taken possession 
of by Capt. John Connolly, in 1774, with the Virginia militia. 
The year 1774 was a time of excitement and movement here. 
In that year Lord Dunmore passed through this place on his 
way down the Ohio, to co-operate with Gen. Lewis, of Virginia 
in an attack upon the Ohio Indians. About the same time the 
controversy between Pennsylvania and Virginia, about their 
boundary line, which commenced as early as 1752, seemed to 
have come to maturity and was on the very verge of gliding 
into a civil war. 

Early in 1774, Dr. John Connolly, who had been commis- 
sioned "Captain Commandant of the Militia of Pittsburgh and 
its Dependencies" by Lord Dunmore, came here from Virginia 
with authority from that nobleman; took possession of the 
fort, calling at Fort Dunmore; and on the first day of the year 
issued his proclamation calling the militia together on the 
25th of January (1774), at which time he should "communicate 
matters for the promotion of public utility." (106.) 

Col. Mackay informs Gov. Penn, Apr. 4th, 1774, that Con- 
nolly was then in actual possession of the fort, with a body 
guard of militia, invested with both civil and military power, 
to put the Virginia laws in force in those parts. To induce the 
people to join and uphold him, very specious means were used 
by the agents of Dunmore; some were promoted to civil or 
military employments, and others were encouraged with prom- 
ises of grants of lands on easy terms. 

It was contemplated by the friends and adherents of the 
Penns, about July. 1774, to abandon Pittsburgh and to erect a 
small stockade somewhere lower down the Forbes road, sup- 


posedly near Turtle creek, to secure their cattle and ef- 
fects. (107.) 

The stockade built or refurnished by Connolly appears to 
have been used by him as a kind of jail or lockup in which he 
put persons who did not agree with him politically, and as a 
guard-house in which to confine his drunken or insubordinate 
militia. It is spoken of in the correspondence preserved in the 
fourth volume of the State Archives, in various places as such 
a structure specially used for the purposes mentioned. (108.) 

The Pennsylvanians did not under the circumstances have 
much veneration for Fort Dunmore, and St. Clair, in anticipa- 
tion of the withdrawal of Connolly and his men from Pitts- 
burgh, inquiries of Gov. Penn, May 25, 1775,— "If the fort 
should be evacuated next month. Pray, Sir, would it be proper 
to endeavor to get possession of it, or to raze it? — that (how- 
ever) may possibly be done by themselves." (109.) 

These troublous times, which we cannot dwell upon here, 
continued until the beginning of 1775. But the power of Lord 
Dunmore and his agent, Connolly, was, however, fast drawing 
to a close. On the 8th of June, the former abandoned his 
palace in Williamsburg, and took refuge on board the Fowey 
man-of-war, where soon after he was joined yy Connolly, who 
was then busily engaged in planning an attack upon the west- 
ern frontier. (110.) 

The continued collisions and disorder at Pittsburgh could not 
fail to attract the attention of all the patriotic citizens of the 
two States, and on the 25th of July, 1775, the Delegates in Con- 
gress, including among others, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick 
Henry, and Benjamin Franklin, united in a circular, urging 
the people in the disputed region, to mutual forbearance. In 
that circular was the following language: "We recommend it 
to you, that all bodies of armed men, kept up by either party, 
be dismissed; and that all those on either side, who are in 
confinement, or on bail, for taking part in the contest be dis- 

There were no armed men maintained by the Pennsyl- 
vanians; so that the expression about "either party," was 
probably only used to avoid the appearance of invidiousness; 


and Connolly and his men had taken effectual measures for 
the release of Virginians from confinement. 

On the 7th of August, the following resolution was adopted 
by the Virginia Provincial Convention, which had assembled 
at Williamsburg, on the first of the month : 

"Resolved, That Captain John Neville be directed to march 
with his company of one hundred men, and take possession of 
Fort Pitt, and that said company be in the pay of the Colony 
from the time of their march." 

The arrival of Captain Neville at Fort Pitt (111) seems to 
have been entirely unexpected to the Pennsylvanians, and to 
have created considerable excitement. Commissioners ap- 
pointed by Congress, were tlien there to hold a treaty with the 
Indians and St. Clair in a letter to John Penn, dated 15th 
of September, has the following remarks: "The treaty is not 
yet opened, as the Indians are not come in; but there are 
accounts of their being on the way, and well disposed. We 
have, however, been surprised by a manoeuvre of the people 
of Virginia, that may have a tendency to alter their favorable 

"About one hundred armed men marched from Winchester, 
and took possession of the fort on the 11th instant, which has 
so much disturbed the Delegates from the Congress, that 
they have thoughts of moving some place else to hold the 

"This step has already, as might be expected, served to ex- 
asperate the dispute between the inhabitants of the country, 
and entirely destroyed the prospect of a cessation of our 
grievances, from the salutary and conciliating advice of the 
Delegates in their circular letter." 

There is perhajjs, some difficulty in reconciling the conduct 
of the Virginia Convention, in ordering Captain Neville to 
Fort Pitt, with the recommendation of the Virginia and Penn- 
sylvania Delegates in Congress, that 'all bodies of armed men 
in pay, of either party,' should be discharged. No doubt, how- 
ever, this only referred to the bodies of armed men, kept up by 
the Virginians or Pennsylvanians in the disputed region. St. 
Clair seems always to have been very watchful of the interests 
of Pcnnsylvnnia during the controversy; and no doubt, the 
surjiriso expressed by him was unaffected; find yet there were 


strong reasons why Fort Pitt should be promptly occupied 
by troops in the confidence of the Whigs of the Revolution. 
The war for independence had commenced by the actions at 
Lexington and Bunker Hill; and Connolly, a bold, able and 
enterprising men, was busy arranging some scheme of opera- 
tions, in which Fort Pitt would be an important and controlling 
position. It would seem, therefore, to have been nothing more 
than an act of ordinary prudence and foresight to send here 
some officers, in whose firmness, fidelity and discretion, im- 
plicit confidence could be placed. 

The year 1775 is the year of Lexington and Concord. At the 
very time when the United Colonies commenced their great 
struggle against the arbitrary schemes of Great Britain, the 
inhabitants of this section of country, were not only involved 
in hostilities with the Indian tribes, but were almost on the 
verge of civil war among themselves. Under such circum- 
stances, it would scarcely be expected that they would be at 
leisure and disposed to enter into the contest against the 
mother country, upon a mere abstract question, unaccom- 
panied by any immediate, palpable acts of oppression. Yet we 
find that on the 16th of May, 1775, only four weeks after the 
battle of Lexington, meetings were held at this place, and at 
Hannastown, and resolutions unanimously passed in entire con- 
sonance with the feeling of tlie other portions of the country. 
The meeting here was composed of Virginians and Pennsyl- 
vanians. The resolution adopted on that occasion at Pitts- 
burgh, then styled Augusta County (Virginia), may be found in 
Craig's History of Pittsburgh, page 128. Those adopted the 
same day at Hannastown are reproduced in this report, where 
account is given of that place. 

In April, 1776, Col. George Morgan was appointed by Con- 
gress, Indian Agent for the Middle Department in The United 
States, and his headquarters fixed at Pittsburgh. From his 
journals and letters, we get occasional notices of transactions 
here. Through his mediation largely the Indian nations were 
kept from any general uprising. 

The winter of 1776-7 was spent in comparative quiet, in Fort 
Pitt. Maj. Neville was still in command there with his com- 
pany of one hundred men. 


Under the instigation of Hamilton, the British Governor and 
superintendent at Detroit, the Indians were now in small 
bands marauding upon the border settlements. On the 22d 
of February, 1777, fourteen boat carpenters and sawyers ar- 
rived at Fort Pitt from Philadelphia, and were set to work on 
the Monongahela, fourteen miles above the fort, near a saw- 
mill. They built thirty large batteaux, forty feet long, nine 
feet wide, and thirty-two inches deep. They were intended to 
transport troops in case it became necessary to invade the In- 
dian country. (112.) 

On Sunday, the first day of June, 1777, Brigadier-General 
Edward Hand of the Continental army arrived at Fort Pitt, 
and assumed the chief command at Pittsburgh. His garrison 
was of a fixed nature — regular, independents, and militia. 
Not long after his arrival. Hand resolved upon an expedition 
against the savages, — seemingly a timely movement, for up to 
the last of July there had been sent out from Detroit to de- 
vastate the western settlements, fifteen parties of Indians, 
consisting of tworhundred and eighty-nine braves, with thirty 
white officers and rangers. The extreme frontier line needing 
protection on the north, reached from the Allegheny moun- 
tains to Kittanning on the Allegheny river forty-five miles 
above Pittsburgh, thence on the west, down that stream and the 
Ohio to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. The only posts of 
importance below Fort Pitt, at this date, were Fort Henry at 
Wheeling, and Fort Randolph at Point Pleasant; the former 
was built at the commencement of Lord Dunmore's war in 
1774 ; the latter was erected by Virginia in 1775. Rude stock- 
ades and block-houses were multiplied in the intervening dis- 
tances and in the most exposed settlements. They were de- 
fended by small detachments from the Thirteenth Virginia 
regiment, usually called, at that time, the West Augusta regi- 
ment; also by at least one independent company, (Capt. Samuel 
Moorhead's Independent Company of Pennsylvania troops), 
and by squads of militia on short tours of duty. Scouts like- 
wise patrolled the country where danger seemed most immi- 

Expeditions against the Indians were attempted about this 
time from the Western Department with varying results. In 


.Fhuiihi-v, 177S, Lioiifeimnt-Colonel George Rogers Clark lefl 
Redstone Old Fort (Brownsville), and succeeded in the re 
duction of the British posts between tlie Ohio and the Missis- 
sippi rivers — Kaskaskia, St. Pliillips, Cahokia and Vincennes. 

On the 28th of March, 1778, Alexander McKee, Matthew 
Elliott and Simon Girty, fled from the vicinity of Fort Pitt 
to the enemy. These three renegades afterward proved them- 
selves active servants of the British government, bringing un- 
told misery to the frontiers, not only while the Revolution con- 
tinued, but throughout the Indian war which followed that 
struggle. Their influence was immediately exerted to awaken 
the war spirit of the savages. Going directly to the Dela 
wares, they came very near changing the neutrality of that 
nation to open hostility against The United States— frustrated, 
however, by the prompt action of Gen. Hand, and of Morgan, 
who was still Indian Agent at Fort Pitt, and by the timely ex- 
ertions of the Moravian missionaries upon the Tuscarawas. 
After leaving the Delaware, these traitors proceeded wes( 
ward, inflaming the Shawanese and other tribes to a white 
heat of rapacity against the border settlements. Thence they 
made their way to Detroit. (113.) 

Gen. Hand requesting to be recalled from Pittsburgh in or- 
der to join actively in the operations in the army under Wash- 
ington, he was relieved of the command of the Western Depart 
ment, and Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcintosh, on Washing- 
ton's nomination, was sent to succeed him. On the 26th of 
May, he was notified of his appointment. 

On the 2d of May, 1778, Congress had resolved to raise two 
legiments in Virginia and Pennsylvania, to serve for one year 
unless sooner discharged, for protection of the western 
frontier, and for operation thereon; — twelve companies in the 
former and four in the latter State. 

For reasons which were apparent to them. Congress deter 
mined that an expedition should be immediately undertaken 
to reduce if practicable, the fort at Detroit, and compel the 
hostile Indians inhabiting the country contiguous to the route 
between Pittsburgh and that post, to cease their aggressions. 

Before Congress determined to begin active measures 
against Detroit and llic hostile savages, Wasliingloii. npnii re- 
n Vol. 2. 


ceipt of information concerning Indian ravages upon the west- 
ern frontier, had ordered the Eighth Penn'a regiment, a choice 
body of men, who had been raised west of the mountains — 
one hundred of them having been constantly in Morgan's rifle 
corps — to prepare to march to Tittsbui'gh, a detachment liav- 
ing been already sent to that department At the head of 
these troops was Colonel Daniel Brodhead. Previous to this, 
the men of the Thirteenth Vii'ginia remaining at Valley Forge, 
had been placed under marching orders for the same destina 
tion, as tliey, (oo, were enlisted in I he \\'est. The otiiers, num 
l)ering upwards of one hundred were already at or near Fort 
Pitt, The command of this regiment was given temporarily 
to Col. John (xibson. (114.) Brodhead arrived at Pittsburgh 
(.n the 10th of September, (1778). 

Mcintosh had not been long in the West when Iw discovered 
that a number of store-houses for provisions, which had been 
built at public expense, were at great distances apart, difti- 
cult of access, and scattered tliroughont the border counties. 
At each of these, a number of men was required. These build- 
ings were given up, as the provisions in them intended for the 
expedition which was projected against Detroit, proved to be 
spoiled. In place of them, one general store-house was built 
by a fatigue party, "in the fork of the Monongahela river," 
where all loads from over the mountains could be discharged, 
without crossing any considerable branch of any river. (1 1 .^.'i 

On the 17th of September, a treaty was signed between com 
missioners, appointed at the suggestion of Congress, and rep 
resenlatives of the Dela\Aai'es. Although th<' Indians had been 
itivited, none of the Shawanese came, jhey being now openly 
hostile to the United States. The Delawares were repre- 
sented by their three principal chiefs. White Eyes. Ca]>tain 
Pipe, and John Kilbuck, Jr. By its terms, not only wei'c the 
Delawares made close allies of The Fnited States and "The 
hatchet put into their hands," — thus changing, and wisely too, 
the neutral policy previously acted upon. — but consent was 
obtained for marching an army across their territory. Thev 
stipulated to join the troops of the general government with 
such a number of their best and most expert warriors as they 
c<uild s])are, consistent with their own safety. A requisition 


for two captains and sixty-braves was afterward made upon 
(he nation by the American commander. (IIG.) 

The territory of the Delawares, as claimed by them at that 
date, Avas bounded on the east by French creelv, the AUej^heny, 
and the Ohio — as far down the last mentioned stream as Hock- 
hockinf?, at least; on the west, by the Hockhocking and the 
Sandusky. They even advanced claims to the whole of the 
Shawanese country. 

(xen. Mcintosh then built Fort Mchitosh. on th<' right bank 
of the Ohio at Beaver, and opened the I'oad to that point. By 
the 8th of October, 1778, the headqnartei's of the army were re- 
moved from Fort Pitt to the new fort, where the largest body 
of troops collected west of the Alleghenios during the Revolu 
tion was assembled, preparatory to beginning thf march 
against Detroit. This forcp consisted, besides the continental 
troops, of militia, mostly from the western counties of Vir 
ginia. But the want of the necessary supplies prevented any 
immediate forward movement. 

On the .^)th of November the movement of the army west- 
ward commenced. The Tnscarawas was reached, a distance of 
about seventy miles from Fort Mcintosh, at the end of four 
teen days. He expected to meet the hostile Indians here, but 
none appeared. Being informed that the necessary supplies 
for the winter had not reached Fort McTnto«h, and that very 
little could be expected, there was now no other alternative 
but to return as he came, or to build a strong fort upon the 
Tuscarawas, and leave as many men as provisions would 
justify, to secure it until the next season. He chose the latter 
alternative, and built Fort Laurens, the first military post of 
the government erected upon any portion of the territory now 
constituting the State of Ohio. Leaving a garrison of on<^ 
hundred and fifty men, with scanty supplies, under command 
of Colonel Jolm Gibson, to finish and protect the work, Mc- 
intosh, with the rest of his army, returned, very short of pro- 
visions, to Fort Mcintosh, where the militia under his com- 
mand were discharged. 

Durinc: this winter the Ficrhth Pennsylvania recriment was 
assigned to Fort Pitt. The men left in Fort Laurens were a 
part of the Thirteenth Virginia. The residue, with the inde- 


pendent companies, were divided between Fort Mcintosh, Fort 
Henrjj Fort Randolph and Fort Hand; with a few at inferior 
stations. There was not one of the militia retained under pay 
at either of these posts. 

In April, 1779, Mcintosh dispirited and with health im- 
paired, retired from the command of the Western Department. 
Under his direction of the department, the attention of the 
savages had, to some extent, been diverted from the border, 
and the anxiety at Detroit considerably increased. In the 
management of affairs in the Western Department not im- 
mediately connected with aggressive movements beyond the 
Ohio, Mcintosh had exercised good judgment. He had care- 
fully avoided interfering with the troublesome boundary ques- 
tion, although often applied to by both sides; as it was wholly 
out of his power to remedy the evil. He had preserved cordial 
relations with the several county lieutenants and had been 
active and vigilant in protecting the exposed settlements. The 
erection of Forts Mcintosh and Laurens as a precautionary 
measure was approved by the Commander-in-Chief. (117.) 

Congress having directed the appointment of a successor lo 
General Mcintosh, ^Vashington, on the 5th of ^larch, (1779), 
made choice of Major Daniel Brodhead, of the Eighth Penna. 
leginient, who was then first in rank in the Western Depart- 
ment under Gen. Mcintosh. 

The Letter Book and the Correspondence of Col. Daniel 
Brodhead during the time he was in command of the Western 
Department gives a satisfactory account of the affairs about 
this point, and from this authority without specially indicating 
the references, the following extracts are taken. The letters 
date from April, 1779, to the latter part of 1780. (118.) 

On April I5th, (1779), he represents to the Hon. Timothy 
Pickering the necessity for clothing for his regiment, the 
supply being inadequate, and that a number of recruits and 
drafts were expected to join in the course of a few weeks; and 
on the 17th, to Colonel Thomas Smyth, Deputy Quarter-Master 
General, that "the troops here are in great distress in want of 
provisions and I am unable to strike a single stroke until a 
siipj)ly arriv(>s. I am informed that a considerable quantity 


is arrived at liedtord, and 1 must entreat you if possible to 
send it on immediately." 

To Gen. Washington, May 22d, 1779, he says, "1 am very 
happy, in having permission to establish the posts at Kittau 
ning and Venango, and am convinced they will answer the 
grand purposes mentioned in your letter. The greatest diffi 
culty will be to procure salt provisions to subsist the garri- 
sons at the different advanced posts; but I have taken every 
promising step to obtain them. * * * You can scarcely 
conceive how difficult it has been for some time past to procure 
meat for the troops at this post. I think we have been without 
the article upwards of twenty days, since General Mcintosh 
went down the country; and yet I have the satisfaction to in- 
form you that the troops have not at any time complained. 

To Ool. George Morgan May 22d, 1779: he writes that he had 
written to Col. Steel to purchase a net, such as is used in the 
Delaware, and he believed it w^ould answer a valuable purpose 

June 27th, (1779), he complains in a letter to Timothy Picker 
ing that "The inhabitants of this place are continually en 
croaching on what I conceive to be the rights of the garrison 
and which was always considered as such when the fort was 
occupied by the King of Britain's troops. They have now the 
assurance to erect their fences within a few yards of the bas 
(ion. I have mentioned the impropriety of their conduct but 
without effect, and T am not acquainted with any regulations 
of Congress respecting it, but hope they will, if they have not 
already done it, declare their pleasure with regard to the ex 
tent of clear ground to be reserved at this and other posts for 
parades, etc., which in my opinion ought at least to be the range 
of a musket, and I entreat you will be so obliging as to men- 
tion it to some of the members of that honorable body. Gen. 
Armstrong is well acquainted at this place, and will be a very 
proper person to inform Congress satisfactorily of the extent 
of ground occupied by the British troops. The block-houses 
likewise which are part of the strength of the place are oc- 
cupied and claimed by private persons to the injury of \ho ser- 

To Tol. Stephen Biiyni'd -Tuly 0th, 1779, he conveys the in- 


loi'iiialion that " Whilst 1 am writiug, i am tormented by at 
least a dozen drunken Indians, and I shall be obliged to re- 
move my quarters from hence on account of a cursed villiaii- 
ous set of inhabitants, who, in spite of every exertion continue 
to rob the soldiers, or cheat them and the Indians out of every 
thing they are possessed of." 

Jn a circular letter addressed to the lieutenants of the coun 
ties within his department, from headquarters July 17th, 1779, 
he informs them that: 

"His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, has at length given 
me a little latitude, and I am determined to strike a blow 
against one of the most hostile nations, that in all probability 
will eifectually secure the tranquility of the frontiers for years 
to come. But I have not troops sufficient at once to carry on 
the expedition and to support the. ditfereut posts which are 
necessary to be maintained. Therefore beg, you will engage 
as many volunteers for two or three weeks as you possibly can. 
They shall be well treated, and if they please, paid and entitled 
to an equal share of the plunder that may be taken, which I 
apprehend will be very considerable. Some of the friendly 
Indians will assist us on this enterprise." 

The route of this intended expedition was intended to be by 
the Allegheny river to near its headwaters, and he expected to 
start about the 5th of August, but in this he was disappointed 
as he did not get off until sometime later. 

To Gen. Greene, from Fort Pitt, Aug. 2d, 1779, he complains, 
that "The destruction of public stores for this department was 
not confined to Fort Pitt. I rather incline to believe the 
greater destruction happened before they reached it. * * * 
The delay in transporting the boat carpenters' tools is not the 
only misfortune, the want of pitch, nails, and boards, has ob- 
liged me to send all of them, (except fifteen) down the countiy, 
for further employment. I have, however, sixty boats nearly 
finished; two of the barrels of pitch were opened on the road, 
the pitch stolen, and some gravel and straw put into them." 

Sept. 16th, 1779, he reports to Gen. Washington the results 
of the expedition against the Seneca and Muncy nations. He 
had left li»';id(|iiartei-s on tlic lltli of .August witli six Imndred 
and five I'ank and 111*' and one month's provisitms, and afhr 


successfully accomplishing his object lie letuined on the 14tli 
of September, (lilt.) 

On October the 9tli, 1779, he had the pleasure to inform Gen. 
Washington that he was then in possession of a sufficient 
quantity of ]»rovisions to subsist a thousand men for three 
months. This must have been agreeable tidings, for little else 
reached the ears of the (^'ommander-in-('hief but complaints, 
as the correspondence shows. 

To (Icn. (rrcene. on Feb. 11th, 17S0, he says: "1 have the 
mortification to assure you that T have not a single tent to 
cover my men (except some worn out tents) as you will see by 
the returns when he (the quartermaster) makes them; and I 
shall be exceedingly obliged to you for ordering me a large 
Marque with lining, which may occasionally serve for a coun- 
cil room when the Indian chiefs come to visit me, my old one 
is entirely worn out. Two hundred new tents will be neces- 
sary and they ought to be of the best (juality. On the 27th, 
he complains of the sufferings which the troops had to with- 
stand for the want of clothing, the great depth of snow upon 
the mountains having prevented the ari'ival of some supplies 
which were on the way. 

To the Hon. Richard Peters, on the 18th of March, 1780, he 
writes: "As it is probable that the enemy will make some at- 
temi)t on our small posts or principal ones in the course of this 
spring oi' summer, T entreat you to order the cannon and other 
military stores forward as soon as possible, without which we 
cannot uuike any considerable resistance. This fort alon( 
ought to have sixteen pieces of ordnance and at present it has 
but five. T have wrote to the Quarter-master General and his 
^leputies frequently to forward some tents to this district; 
but cannot learn tliat any are upon the communication, al- 
though I have not a tent to cover my men, and the season is 
fast approaching in which we ought to take the field. If a 
reinforcement from the main army is not sent, and I am ob- 
liged to call out the militia, three hundred tents of tlie best 
kind will be necessary: if they are made of thin linen the mi- 
litia will cut them up for hunting shirts as usual. 

On the L' of Ajiril, 1780, he states to Col. Lochry that lie 
had been disap])ointed Iteyond all description in getting cloth 


iiig for his troops, and tkerefoie could uot until then send a 
detachment to Fort Armstrong (Kittanning) agreeable to his 

To Gen. Washington, on the 13th of May, 1780, he says: "I 
think it is probable the enemy are meditating an attack on 
some of our posts, which for want of sufficient garrisons and 
supplies cannot make much resistance. I am preparing to 
leceive them here, but the detachments to Fort Mcintosh, and 
HoUiday's ('ove, Fort Henry and Fort Armstrong leave but a 
small garrison to defend this post, wherefore I have warned 
I he inhabitants of the town and assigned them an alarm post." 

On July the 21st, 1780, to Gen. Washington, he says: It is 
with great concern that I inform your Excellency that there 
does not remain in our magazines provisions to subsist the 
troops more than eight days at full rations, nor can I conceive 
how supplies can be procured in time to prevent their ex 
periencing great want." 

Later he complains in the same spirit: 

"For a long time past I have had two parties commanded 
by field officers in the country, to impress cattle, but their 
success has been so small, that the troops have frequently been 
without meat for several days together, and as those com- 
mands are very expensive, I have now ordered them in. 

"Indeed I am so well convinced that the inhabitants on this 
side the mountains cannot furnish half enough meat to supply 
the troops, that I have risked sending a party of hunters to 
kill buffalo at Little Kanawha, and to lay in the meat until I 
can detach a party to bring it in, which cannot be done before 

"I am exceedingly distressed on account of the want of 
blankets, shirts, and many other articles of clothing, being 
very sensible that the soldiers must suffer much for want of 
them and will follow the example of those who have already 
deserted to a warm climate on that account. I shall not again 
send an officer for clothing, and I hope the clothier general 
will not forget to send them when they come to hand. 

Extracts from his letters subsequent to this show the con- 
dition of the post, December 16th, 1780: 

"The troops have not tasted meat at this post for six dnys 


past, and I hear of none that we can purchase, or procure, by 
our compulsory means; indeed there is very little meat to be 
had on this side the mountain at any rate. I hope some 
means are devised for supplying this department, if not, I 
shall be under the disagreeable necessity of risking my men in 
most dangerous situations to kill wild meat, or march to the 
interior of the country, for it will scarcely be expected that 
they will be content to live on bread and water only," (120.) 

January 23d, 1781: "The whole of my present force very 
little exceeds 300 men, and many of these are unfit for such 
active service as is necessary here, I hope your Excellency will 
be pleased to enable me to take Detroit the ensuing campaign, 
for, until that and Niagara fall into our hands, there will be no 
rest for the innocent inhabitants, whatever sums may be ex- 
pended on a defensive plan." 

March 10th, 1781: "I have likewise received instructions 
from his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to order the 
Maryland Corps to Richmond, in Virginia, and to detach witli 
the artillery and field pieces under Brig.-Gen. Clark, a Major, 
or Captain's command from my small remaining number of 
troops. I mention these things to show you how necessary 
it is to have a reinforcement sent hither." 

In August, 1781, Col. Brodhead became involved in a very 
angry controversy with some of his otticers, Col. Gibson at 
their head. His situation was really unpleasant. In a letter 
to Washington, dated 19th of August, he says: "Thus by thv 
ilamor of some disaffected persons and others, I find myself iu 
the most disagreeable situation I ever experienced." 

"The conflict of authority at Fort Pitt, together with the 
threatened Indian invasion of the Wyandot s under the lead 
of the traitor Elliot, caused a postponement of the expedition 
against Sandusky which had been partly arranged. Finally, 
the contest between the commanders continuing, the enter- 
prise was wholly abandoned. Washington put an end to the 
dispute by ordering Brodhead to resign his command during 
the dependence of his trial, to Col. Gibson, the latter to "as 
sume the like command at the post of Fort Pitt and its de- 
pendencies, as had been coniniitted to Col. Brodhead." On 
the 17th of Sept.. 17S1. tlie latter quietly tni*ned over his 


charjie as directed by the Coniiuaiidei'-in-Chief, and was re 
lieved of his command in the West. (121.) 

At this juncture, Fort Pitt was littk^ better than a heap of 
ruins. The rejji,ular force stationed there was wholly incom- 
})etent to the exigencies of the service. The controversy about 
the command of the i»ost had greatly increased the disorder. 
The garrison was in want of ])ay, of clothing, of even sub- 
sistence itself, and, as a consequence, was in a mutinous con- 
dition. The militia of the department was without proper 
organization; and when called into service, destitute, to a 
great extent of military knowledge and discipline. 

The civil government of the country was even in a wors*.* 
state than the military, on account of the excitement regarding 
the boundary between PiMmsylvania and Virginia. Both 
States liefore tlie wai', had asserted their claims to, and exer- 
cised an organized jurisdiction over the disputed territory. 
As between the two commonwealths, the quarrel was brought 
to an end, virtually, in 1779; but bitter feeling still existed 
among the people — the line was not yet run. As a eon- 
sequence of having long condemned the authority of a neigh- 
boring State, many had come into open disrespect of their own. 
Hence, there was a restlessness prevailing in the country, and 
a desire, on the part of some, to emigrate into the wilderness 
beyond the Ohio to form a neAV State. 

Such was the disorder — ^the confusion — which beset tlie 
Western Department at the moment of tlie threatened inva- 
sion. Washington fully ai)preciated the difficulties. Some 
thing must be done and done quickly. Above all things, a 
commander was needed at Fort Pitt, possessed not only of 
courage and firmness, but of i»rudence and judgment. The 
('(uumander-in riiiof, with great care and concern, looked 
about him for sucli a ])ei*son. His choice for the position, 
after due deliberation, hA\ upcui a resident of Carlisle, l*enii 
sylvania, an oflficer at the head of the second brigade of that 
State — Brigadier-Creneral William Irvine. 

Irvine assumed command in the West early in November. 
1781. His first efforts were directed to the reformation of the 
continental forces stationed at Pittsburgh. ('122.) 

\<)t ver\ loiii; afl(M' his arrival, he received insi ructions (o 


employ his garrison iu repairing the fort. He immediately 
began the task, so as to meet, if possible, any emergency which 
might arise in case of an attack by the enemy. New pickets 
were prepared; and, to encourage the soldiers, Irvine labored 
with his own hands. This had a happy effect. Every officer 
followed his example. The greatest activity prevailed. In a 
short time the fort was |»ul in tolerable condition for a sue 
cessful defence. Kut the work did not stop here. 11 was con 
(inued for many months. In January, 1782, Irvine left his post 
for a short visit to his home in Carlisle, and to confer with 
Congress and the Commander-in-Chief concerning affairs in 
the western department; having, however, previous to his 
departure, put the frontiers in as good state of defense as was 
practicable. Colonel John Gibson was in command during his 

The garrisons at Forts Pitt and Mcintosh were, upon the 
commanders return, in a mutinous condition. Great firmness 
had to be exercised by Irvine. The result was, before the end 
of May, besides the frequent application of "one hundred 
lashes Avell laid on," two of the soldiers' suffered the death 
penalty. Meanwhile, owing to the increased boldness of the 
savages in penetrating into the exposed settlements, the 
country people became clamorous to be led against the 
Wyandot towns upon the Sandusky river, in what is now 
northwestern Ohio, whence came the greatest portion of the 
warriors depredating upon the western border of Pennsyl- 
vania and of so much of Virginia as lay upon the upper Ohio 
river. Irvine finally gave his consent to an expedition against 
these Indians, and exerted himself to the best of his ability to 
forward the enterprise; issuing instructions to the one to be 
elected to command for his guidance. The campaign proved 
unsuccessful, the borderers suffering a loss of about fifty men. 
Colonel William Crawford, who led them into the wilderness, 
Avas captured by the savages and burned at the stake. 

Notwithstanding the departure of the volunteers against 
Sandusky, Irvine did not relax his watchful care over the in- 
habitants upon the border. A large portion of his time, after 
the retuiu of the expedition until fall, was taken up in prepar- 
ing for another enterprise against the same Indian settlements. 


This expedition he was to commaud in person. However, 
upon the assurance of the Comuiandei'-in-Ohief of the British 
forces in America that the savages had all been, required to 
desist from further hostilities, it was, by order of General 
Washington, laid aside. The ensuing winter brought with it, 
occurrences of but little moment in the Western Department. 
Irvine again visited his home in the spring, arriving there in 
March, 1783. He left Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Bayard in 
command at Fort Pitt. 

The first letter of Irvine to Washington gives such a fair 
idea of the condition of affairs here upon his assuming com- 
mand that it is given at length. It is dated from Fort Pitt, 
December 2d, 1781: 

"At the time Congress requested me to repair to this place, 
I took for granted your excellency would have information 
thereof, through different channels; and knowing how very 
particularly you were at that moment engaged, I did not think 
proper to give unnecessary trouble. This I flatter myself, 
will excuse me to your excellency for not writing sooner. 
Previous to my arrival. Colonel Gibson had received your letter 
directing him to take command, which was acquiesced in by 
Colonel Brodhead; and things went on in the usual channel, 
except that the dispute occasioned Colonel Gibson's intended 
expedition against Sandusky being laid aside, and perhaps it 
also prevented many other necessary arrangements. The ex 
aminations of evidences on the charges against Colonel Brod 
head, is still taking, and I am informed will take some weeks. 

''Agreeable lo my orders from Congress, to retain no more 
<trti(;ers here than suflit-ient for the men, I have made the fol- 
lowing arrangemenls; icformed the remains of I lie Eighth 
Pennsylvania Regiment into two (•()m[)juii('S, and call them a 
de<achment from llie J*ennsy]\ania line, to be commanded by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Bayard. Baron Steuben had some time 
ago directed Colonel Gibson to reform liis regiment also into 
two comj)anies, retaining witli him the staff of the regiment; 
and to send all the supernumerary officers down into Virginia. 
The reformation was made; but the officers were so distress<'(l 
for want of clothing and other necessaiies, that tliey were not 
able to proceed. However, they are now making exertions, 


and I hope will soon set out. 1 have oidered the supei- 
niimerary ofiicers of the Pennsylvania line to repair forthwith 
to their proper regiments in the line. The whole of the troops, 
here, are thrown into four companies. I have been trying to 
economize; but everything is in so wretched a state, that there 
is very little in my power, I never saw troops cut so truly a 
deplorable, and at the same time despicable, a figure. Indeed, 
when I arrived, no man would believe from their appearance 
that they were soldiers; nay, it would be difficult to determine 
whether they were white men. Though they do not yet come 
up to my wishes, yet they are some better. 

"As it does not rest with me to decide ou the propriety or 
impropriety of any person's conduct, 1 shall only make a few 
general observations. The consumption of public stores has, 
in my opinion, been enormous, particularly military stores; 
and I fear the reason given for it will not be justifiable, 
namely: that the militia would all fly if they had not powder 
and lead given them, not only when in service, but also to keep 
in their houses. It is true the county lieutenants, and others 
who are called responsible men, have promised to be account- 
able: but 1 am certain not an ounce can be again collected. 
I find by the returns, that near two thousand pounds of 
powder, and four thousand pounds of lead, have been issued 
to the militia since the dispute commenced between Colonels 
Brodhead and Gibson, chiefly by orders of the former, besides 
arms, accoutrements, etc., and not a man called into actual 
service. The magazine is nearly exhausted. There is not now 
as much remaining as has been issued since the first of last 

"I presume your Excellency has been informed by the Gov 
ernor of Virginia, or General Clark, of the failure of his 
[Clark'sj expedition. But lest that should not be the case, [ 
will relate all the particulars that have come to my knowledge. 
Captain Craig, with the detachment of artillery under him, re- 
lumed here the 26th instant. He got up with much difficulty 
and great fatigue to the men, being forty days on the way, 
occasioned by the lowness of the water. He was obliged to 
throw away his gun-carriages, but brought his pieces and best 
stores safe. He left General Clark at the rapids [Louisville, 


Ky.]; and says the General was uot able to prosecute his in- 
tended plan of operation for want of men, being able to cullect 
in the whole about seven hundred and fifty. The buffalo meat 
was all rotten; and, he adds, the general is apprehensive of a 
visit from Detroit, and is not without fears the settlement will 
be obliged to break up, unless re-inforcements soon arrive 
from Virginia. The Indians have been so numerous in that 
country that all the inhabitants have been obliged to keep 
close in forts, and the general could not venture out to fight 

"A Colonel Lochry, lieutenant of Westmoreland county, in 
Pennsylvania, with about one hundred men in all, composed 
of volunteers and a company raised by Pennsylvania for the 
defense of said county, followed General Clark, who, it is said, 
ordered Lochry to join him at the mouth of Miami, up which 
river it had previously been agreed on to proceed. But Gen- 
eral Clark having changed his plan, left a small party at the 
Miami, with directions to Lochry to proceed on to the falls 
after him, with the main body. Sundry accounts agree that 
this party, and all Lochry's, to a man, were waylaid by the In- 
dians and regulars (for it is asserted they had artillery) and all 
killed or taken. No man, however, escai)ed either to join 
General Clark or return home. When Captain Craig left the 
General, he could not be persuaded but that Lochry with his 
party had returned hom<\ These informations threw the 
people of this country into the greatest consternation and al- 
most despair, particularly Westmoreland county, Lochry's 
party being all the best men of theii- frontier. At present 
they talk of flying early in Ihe spring, to the eastern side of 
the mountain, and are daily flocking to me to inquire what 
support they may expect. 

"I think there is but too much reason to fear that Geneial 
Clark's and Colonel fJibson's expeditions falling through will 
greatly encourage llu* savages to fall on the country with 
double fury, and perhaps the British from Detroit to visit the 
post, which, instead of being in a tolerable state of defense, is 
in fact nothing but a heap of ruins, f need not inform your 
PiXcellency that it is, at best, a bad situation foi- defense, l 
iiave been viewing all the ground in this vicinity, and find none 


e(iual tot" a possl to the moiiili of ('hailipis creek, about font- 
miles down the river. This was pointed out to me by Captain 
[Thomas] Hutchins, [geographer], before I left Philadelphia, 
who says there is no place equal to it any where within forty 
miles of Fort Pitt. (128.) 

"I think it is best calculated, on many jiccounts. First, tlu.' 
ground is such that works may be constructed to contain any 
number of men you please, from fifty to one thousand. It is 
by nature almost inaccessible on three sides, and on the fourth 
no commanding ground within three thousand yards. 
Secondly, as it would effectually cover the settlement on 
( 'hartiers creek, the necessity for keeping a post at Fort Mc 
Intosh will of course cease. In case of making that the main 
post, Fort Pitt should be demolished, all except the north bas- 
tion, on which a strong block-house should be built. A small 
part}' in it would keep up a communication with the settle- 
tnents on Monongahelti as the whole garrison now does; for the 
necessary detachments to Fort Mcintosh, Wheeling, etc., so 
divide the troops that no one place can ever be held without a 
large body of troops. Indeed, I do not like Fort Mcintosh 
being kept a post in the present situation of things. 

"If the enemy at Detroit should take it into their heads to 
make us a visit, that would be an excellent place for them to 
take by surprise; whence they could send out Indians and 
other partisans to lay the whole country waste before we could 
dislodge them. We have (I think idly) too much of our stores 
there. I have been making efforts to bring up the greatest 
part; but though it is almost incredible, yet it is true that, 
of all the ])ublic boats built here, not a single one was to be 
found wheti T came here, except one barge and one flat. I 
expect two boats up, loaded, this day. It is, I believe, uni- 
versally agreed that the only way to keep Indians from haras- 
sing the country is to visit them. But we find, by experience, 
titat burning their empty towns has not the desired <'flfect. 
They can soon build others. Tliey must be followed up and 
beaten, or the Bi-itisli. whom they draw su]>]»oit from, totally 
driven out of their country. 

"I believe if Detroit was demolished, il would ]><■ a good step 
towards giving some, at least temj)orary, ease to this country. 


It would cost them at least a whole summer to lebuild aud 
establish themselves; for, though we should succeed iu leduc- 
ing Detroit, I do think there is the smallest probability of our 
being able to hold it. It is too lemote from supplies. 1 have 
been endeavoring to form some estimates, from such informa- 
tion as 1 can collect, and 1 really think that the reduction ol' 
Detroit would not cost much more, nor take many more men, 
than it will take to cover and protect the country by acting 
on the defensive. If 1 am well informed, it will take seven or 
eight hundred regular troops and about a thousand militia; 
which number could pretty easily be obtained for that pur 
pose, as it appears to be a favorite scheme over all this country. 
The principal difficulty would be to get provisions and stores 
transported. As to taking a heavy train of artillery, 1 fear it 
would not only be impracticable, but an incumbrance; two 
held pieces, some howitzers, and perhaps a mortar [would suf- 
tice]. 1 do not think, especially under present circumstances, 
that it would be possible to carry on an expedition in such a 
manner as to promise success by a regular siege. 1 would 
therefore propose to make every appearance of setting down 
before the place, as if to reduce it by regular approaches. As 
soon as 1 found the enemy fully impressed with Ihis idea, at 
(empt it an once by assault. 

''1 mean to write to Congress for leave to go down the 
country in January, to return in March, if they make it a point 
I hat 1 should continue here. I can scarcely think they will 
wish me to remain with four companies of men. The power 
of calling out the militia of this country is more ideal than 
real, especially till the lines between Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania are determined, and actually run. Neither civil nor 
military law will take place until then. Whether I am to be 
continued here or not, I am pretty certain it might be of use 
for me to go down, in order the better to concert measures 
proper to be taken either with your Excellency or Congress; 
for, as matters now stand, it is clear to me this country must 
l»e given n]>. The militia. Iiowever. ))i'oiiiise pretty fair, and 
1 have Iiad no gronnd r<tr ditlVM-ini: witli llieni yet. There are 
no jtrovisiojis laifi in. nor' is lliere even sufficient from day fo 
(lay. The contract made by Mr. Robert Morris, Snix'rinten 


Ueut of Fiuauce, for supplyiug lliis posl, lias uot beeu fiiliillt*(i 
oil the part of the contractor iu auy tolerable degree; nor 
would the contract answer here, even if complied with. How- 
ever, as 1 must write particularly to the board of war on this 
subject, and have exceeded the moderate bounds of a letter, I 
Tear 1 have already tired, and taken up too much of your E\ 
cellency's time." 

According to the militia laws of Pennsylvania and Vir 
giuia, frequently alluded to, each company was commanded by 
a captain, two lieutenants and an ensign; each battalion by a 
colonel, lieutenant colonel and major; and the whole iu a 
county by a county lieutenant. Besides this the latter officer 
had a general supervision of military affairs within his county 
wiih I he rank of colonel. The Western Department, at the dale 
of Irvine's arrival at Fort Pitt, included the counties of West- 
moreland and Washington in Pennsylvania, Monongahela and 
Ohio in Virginia; iu each of which there Avas a county lieu 
tenant; in the two former counties, there were, also, sub-lieu- 

To this letter Washington replied, December 18, 1781: 

"I have received your favor of the 2d instant. I am not al 
all surprised to hear that you have found matters in disorder 
lo I he westward; it is generally the case when a dispute arises 
Inspecting command, as the parties make it a point to thwart 
each other as much as possible. Perhaps what is past cau 
uot be amended, as Colonel Brodhead may say that the de- 
livery of ammunition to the county lieutenants was necessary. 
But you will judge of the propriety of the measure in future. 

"I am sorry to hear of the failure of General Clark's ex- 
pedition, of which I was always doubtful, as it was to be 
carried on with militia. But of this I am convinced, that tht 
possession or destruction of Detroit is the only means of giv- 
ing peace and security to the western frontier; and that when 
it is undertaken, it should be by such a force as should not 
risk a disappointment. When we shall have it in our power 
to accomplish so desirable an end, I do not know. It will de- 
pend upon the exertion of the States in filling up flieir regular 

"T cannot undertake to determine upon the propriety of re- 
10 -Vol. 2. 


moving our principal post from Fort IMtt to Chartiers creek. 
It is a matter in which I suppose a variety of interest is con- 
cerned, and which must therefore be decided upon by Con- 
gress. Should you obtain leave to come down this winter, 
you will have an opportunity of laying the matter fully before 

"T wish you had been particular upon the manner in which 
the contractors of Fort Pitt, etc., have been deficient, and had 
given your reasons for thinking that the contract upon its 
present establishment will not answer. I would immediately 
have laid them before Mr. Morris. If your representations 
should not have been made before this reaches you, no time 
should be lost in doing it. 

"T have directed our commissary of prisoners, who is now at 
Elizabethtown, negotiating a general exchange, to endeavor 
to include the prisoners in Canada. I cannot see what end 
would be answered by your opening a treaty with the com- 
mandant of Detroit upon that subject, as we seldom or never 
have a prisoner in our hands upon the quarter where you are. 

'*In my letter of the 1st of November, I acquainted you with 
my determination upon the cases of Hinds and Fisher." (124.) 

From Philadelphia, February 7th, 1782, Irvine reports to 

"The present strength of the garrison at Fort Pitt is two 
hundred and thirty. At least thirty of these are unfit for field 
dutj', and several, even garrison duty. From this number de- 
tachments are made to garrison Forts Mcintosh and Wheel- 
ing, the first distant thirty miles, the latter eight}'. Fort Pitt 
is in a bad state for defense; Fort Mcintosh pretty easily re- 
paired. If Fort Pitt were in the best state, the work is too 
extensive for less than a garrison of at least four hundred 
and fifty men to make a tolerable defense. Fort Mcintosh 
would take one hundred and fifty to defend it properly, and 
1»H able to send patrolling parties towards Wheeling. 

"Wheeling should have twenty-five or thirty men, and an 
(Miual niimb« r al some intermediate post. From Fort Pitt to 
I he Laurel Hill, northwards, it would take two hundred men 
in actual service fiom the first of Aj)ril to the last of October 
to guard that quarter from the incursions of the savages. V»y 


this arrangemeut, it would talie niue liundred aud fifty men to 
act on tlie defensive the whole of the summer season. The 
number of militia in Washington county is said to be two 
thousand; in Westmoreland, one thousand. The inhabitants 
are dispirited, and talk much of making their escape early in 
the spring to the east side of the mountains, unless they see 
a prospect of support." 

On the Sth of March, [1782] Washington sent instructions to 
Irvine at his home, Carlisle, whither he had gone for a short 
visit in the January preceding, to jiioceed with all convenient 
despatch to Fort IMtt, and when he should have arrived there 
to take such measures for the security of the post and for the 
defense of the western frontier, as the continental force there 
stationed, combined with the militia of the neighboring 
country, would admit. He reached that post on the 25th, 
[March, 1782] finding, upon his arrival, the country people in 
a frenzy of excitement because of Indian raids. James Mar 
shel, the Lieutenant of Washington county, Pennsylvania, had* 
ordered out some militia to march across the Ohio river to the 
valley of the Tuscarawas, there to attack some hostile savages 
believed to be occupying what for a short time previous had 
been the deserted villages of the Moravian Indians. The force 
was commanded by David Williamson. Upon his arrival, he 
found a consideiable number of men, women and children of 
".Moravians," and it is said, some warriors. In the end, all 
were killed except two boys, who made their escape. 

The summer of 1782 was one of great moment to this 
frontier. Following ui)on the disastrous result of Crawford's 
Expedition came the last inroads of the savages and British 
which resulted in the destruction of Hannastown. We cannot 
dwell on these at length, but of necessity are restricted to thft 
immediate operations at this point. 

In a letter to Washington from Fort Pitt, Oct. 20th, 1782. 
Irvine refers to the fort as follows: "This fort [Fort Pitt] has 
been much repaired in the course of the summer. A new row 
of picketing is planted on every part of the parapet where the 
brick revetment did not extend, and a row of palisading nearly 
finished in the ditch; so far, also, with sundry other improve- 
ments; but, above nil, a complete magazin(\ the whole arche,] 


with stone. 1 tiiiiik 1 may venture to assert, it is a very ele 
gant piece of woriiiuanship as well as most useful one. It has 
been executed under the direction of Major Craig. (125.) 

"I have used the most rigid economy in every instance. The 
whole expense is but a trifle. Though the troops labored hard, 
yet, from the smallness of their number and unavoidable in- 
terruptions, some necessary repairs remain yet unfinished. 
Some parts of the ramparts and parapets are much broken 
down. A new main gate and drawbridge are wanted and 
some outworks are necessary to be erected, which cannot be 
effected this winter, as it is now high time to lay in fuel and 
make some small repairs on the soldiers' barracks to make 
(hem inhabitable. 

"If I am to be continued in service and command here, I 
shall be much obliged to your Excellency for leave to visit my 
I'amily at Carlisle in the dead of winter, when I suppose there 
can be no risk in my being absent from the post. Besides, I 
shall then be directly in the line of communication to this 
place, and will not stay longer than you may judge proper. I 
should not trouble your Excellency with this request, was not 
I he necessity of paying some attention to my private affairs 
very urgent; notwithstanding, if it is, in any measure, incom 
patible with your views, or inconsistent with my duty, I will 
cheerfully submit to your Excellency's pleasure in the matter." 

Irvine left Fort Pitt to visit his family in Carlisle the last of 
February, turning the command of that post and its depen- 
dencies over to Col. Stephen Bayard, then of the Third Penn- 
sylvania regiment. He reached home, March 4th, (12G.) 

Not long subsequent to his reaching Carlisle, he wrote 
Washington congratulating him upon the glorious news of 
peace which had just arrived in America. "With great sin 
cerity," was the reply of the Commander-in-Chief, "I return you 
my congratulations." At the request of Washington, Irvine 
again reiurned to IMtlsburgh, arriving there in May where he 
remained until liis (inal d(^])artnre on tlie 1st day of October, 
1788, when he turned over his command to a small continental 
force, his <inrrison liaving previously been furloui'lied, except 
a small (idacliment. 

Ii'vinc T-eached Fort PitI on his third trip out, a lilllc i>a;-<t 


the middle of May (1783). On the first of July, because of the 
scarcity of provisions at his post, he furloughed most of the 
troops for a few days, and afterward continued the furlough- 
ing for some time, in rotation. From the fifteenth of May to 
the eighteenth of July, there was but one maraud of savages 
into the western settlements. From the last mentioned date 
to the time of Irvine's final departure from Pittsburgh, com 
parative quiet reigned throughout the Western Departmenl. 
On the twenty-sixth of September, he received a letter from 
the assistant secretary at war notifying him that as soon as 
a detachment of troops arrived which were then on their way, 
he would be relieved from command at Fort Pitt, which he so 
much desired. He was authorized to furlough as many of his 
garrison at once as consistent with safety. This he did, turn- 
ing over the remainder to one of his captains, and on the first 
day of October started for his home in Carlisle. 

Benjamin Lincoln, Secretary of War, under date of June 23, 
1783, instructs Gen. Irvine as follows: 

'^t is the pleasure of Congress that furloughs should be of- 
fered to all the men engaged for the war with a proportion of 
officers. As the men who compose the garrison at Fort Pitt 
are men under this description, it becomes necessary they 
should be relieved. The officer [Captain Joseph Marbury] who 
will have the honor of delivering this letter commands a party 
who will take possession of the fort on your withdrawing the 
present garrison. I wish the gentleman who has the care of 
the military stores would continue his charge of them until 
further orders. 

"The men who belong to the line of Pennsylvania, you will 
please to order to Carlisle. Should any of your men live be 
tween Fort Pitt and Carlisle who wish to receive their fin- 
loughs before they arrive there, you will please to give them 
written ones. On their arrival at Carlisle they will find three 
months pay in Morris' notes, payable in six months from their 

"The men belonging to Virginia you will please to order to 
Winchester unless any of them should decline to receive their 
furloughs before they arrive^ there. In that case, I wish thev 


jilso might be indulged. On their arrival, they will receive the 
same pay as those of the line of I'enusylvania." 

In July, 1783, Irvine reports to the Secretary of War: 

"I yet keep an officer and only ten men at Fort Mcintosh, 
merely to take caie of the Avorks; a small garrison, for this 
place of one hundred men cannot Avell afford any for that post. 
Pray, what is to be done in this case; is it to be demolished 
or left standing; or might it not be prudent to put a family 
or two in it, to save it from accidental or wanton destruction? 
It is on the west side of the Ohio, thirty miles down from this 
place, and the same distance advanced towards the Indian 
country. If it should hap}>en that 1 cannot keep the regular 
troops together till I receive instructions, I intend calling in 
about thirty militia only in the present tranquil state, to guard 
the stores and post. In this last case, will it be proper for me 
to leave the place in charge of a careful captain till the new 
garrison arrives? These queries are more numerous and pro- 
lix than I could wish, but hope you will not think them un- 
necessary or improper." 

And August 17th, 1783, to the same : 

"Enclosed are returns of the stores at this post. They are 
well-assorted, packed, and safely stored in such a manner as 
to give little trouble to whatever officer may have them in 
charge hereafter. I sui)pose there will be little alteration be- 
fore my departure, as the expenditures have been very tritiing 
for many months past. I intend taking receipts for the whole 
from my successor, which I will transmit to the war office." 

The following orders appear later: 

"Orders. Fort Pitt, September 28, 1783. Lieutenant John 
Mahon is a|>j»ointed agent to settle I he accounts of the troops 
of the garrison with the auditor at Philadelphia and to distri- 
bute the certificates to the individuals; each man will, previous 
<o receiving his furlough, inform Mr. Mahon where he means 
10 reside next winter, in order to know where will be most con- 
venient to advertise them to assemble, for a final adjustment 
of their accounts. The officers present will give him all nec- 
essary assistance, and before they depart render him accounts 
of clothing issued to the men. He is also to call on President 


Heed for a settlement for the time he acted as paymaster, ami 
all others concerned." 

"Orders. Fort Pitt, September 30, 1783. Captain John Fin- 
ley will remain in command at this post with the detachment 
already formed for that pnrpose until the arrival of the new 
garrison. Lieutenant [John] Mahon will also remain. All 
other officers have leave of absence as soon as they furnish Mr. 
Mahon with necessary vouchers and accounts to enable him to 
proceed to a liquidation of the a(;connts of the troops, agree- 
ably to his appointment. 

To Captain Joseph Marbury from Fort Pitt, Oct. 1st, 1783, 
he addresses the following: 

"B}^ official information respecting your appointment and 
orders for taking command of this post I am persuaded you 
must arrive in a few days. The troops have been already de- 
tained so much longer than any others that they are impatient, 
though perfect tranquility is reigning. For these reasons, and 
because of the urgent necessity for my attending imme- 
diately to private concerns, I have left Captain John Finley in 
command, with a small detachment only, till your arrival, hav- 
ing furloughed the rest. 

"This gentleman has charge of all the stores and will deliver 
them with returns to you. He is well informed of all matters 
necessary for you to know relative to the post and has my 
orders also to communicate some private ideas by way of ad- 
vice, which I hope will be taken as intended (friendship for a 
brother officer). 

"Inclosed you have a copy of an extract from a letter of the 
Secretary at War addressed to me dated the 15th Sept." 
(which refers to the orders which the Secretary of War had 

In a letter dated Pittsburgh, July 25th, 1784, Major Isaac 
('raig. says: "Immediately after my I'elnrn from Philadelphia 
to this place, I called on Major Marbury, who still continued 
(o command here and handed him the Quat-termaster General 
and Secretary of War's orders for part of the buildings and 
five hundred pounds of iron, the former part of the order he 
said he would comply with, the latter he could not; because he 
had disposed of the iron in purchase of provisions and in ])ay 


ment of wagon hire. Lieut. Lucket has, since, succeeded 
Major Marburj, and seems reluctant to give me possession of 
a building, so I have provided a house for the reception of the 
goods when they arrive, and have a party employed in the 
preparation of timber for the cisterns, pumps, &c., for the 
distillery. T am convinced that our best plan will be to erect 
a wind-mill at the junction of the rivers instead of a horse 
mill. Tt would do work for the inhabitants. At the point 
there is almost always a breeze up or down the rivers; while 
the water-mills here scarcely work more than six months in 
the year." (127.) 

The observations following were made by the gentlemen to 
whom they are credited, and were written at about the period 
of time at which we are at: 

Mr. John Wilkins (afterwards a magistrate of the city), who 
rame to Pittsburgh in the fall of 1783 gives such an account of 
the condition of the place as might be expected when we take 
into consideration all the circumstances. "When I first came 
here," he says, "I found the place filled with old officers, fol 
lowers of the army, mixed with a few families of credit. All 
sorts of wickedness was carried on to excess, and there was 
no appearance of morality or regular order." (128.) 

At the close of this year (1783) Arthur Lee visited the place, 
and gives us this impression of it. "Pittsburgh is inhabited 
almost entirely by Scots and Irish, who live in palty houses 
and are as dirty as in the north of Ireland or even in Scotland. 
There is a great deal of small trade carried on; the goods be- 
ing brought at the vast expense of 45 shillings per cwt. tioiu 
F'hila. and Baltimore. They take in the shops, money, wheat, 
flour and skins. There are in the town four attorneys, two 
doctors and not a priest of any persuasion, nor church nor 
chajtel, so they are likely to be damned, without the benefit of 
clergy. The river encroaches fast on the town. The place, I 
believe, will never be very considerable." 

Doctor Hildreth, of Marietta, Ohio, who passed through 
the town in April, 1788, says: "Pittsburgh then contained 400 
or 500 inhabitants, several retail stores, and a small garrison 
of troops was kept in old Fort Pitt. » * * T«hc houses 


were chieflj built of logs, but now and then one had assumed 
(he appearance ol" neatness and comfort." 

From one of the series of articles contributed by Judge 
Brackenridge to the Pittsburgh Gazette in 1786, he says: "At 
(lie liead of the Ohio stands the town of Pittsburgh, on ;ni 
angular piece of ground, the two rivers forming the two sides 
of the angle. * * * On this point stood the old Freneli 
fort known by the name of Fort Duquesne, which was 
evacuated and blown up by the French in the campaign of tlie 
British under General Forbes. The appearance of the ditcli 
and mound, with the salient angles and bastions still remains, 
so as to prevent that perfect smoothness of the ground which 
otherwise would exist. It has been long overgrown with the 
finest verdure, and depastured on by cattle; but since the town 
has been laid out it has been enclosed, and buildings are 

"Just above these works is the present garrison, built by 
Gen. Stanwix, and is said to have cost the crown of Britain 
sixty thousand pounds. Be that as it may, it has been a work 
of great labor and of little use — for, situated on a plain, it is 
commanded by heights and rising grounds on every side, and 
some at less than the distance of a mile. The fortification is 
regular, constructed according to the rules of art, and about 
three years ago, put into good repair by Gen. Irvine who com 
manded at this post. It has the advantage of an excellent 
magazine, built of stone; but the time is come, and it is hoped 
will not again return, when the use of this garrison is at an 
end. There is a line of posts below it on the Ohio river, to the 
distance of 300 miles. The savages come to this place for 
trade, not for war, and any future contest we may have with 
them, will be on the heads of the more northern rivers that 
fall into the Mississippi. * * * ]^^ear the garrison on the 
Allegheny bank, were formerly what was called the King's 
artillery gardens, delightful spots, cultivated highly to use- 
fulness and pleasure, the soil favoring the growth of plants 
and flowers, equal with any on the globe. * * * On the 
margin of this river once stood a row of houses, elegant and 
neat, and not unworthy of the European taste, but having been 
swept away in the course of time, some for the purpose of 


foiming an opening to the river, froui tiie garrison, tliat the 
artillery might incommode the enemy approaching and de- 
prived of shelter; some torn away by the fury of the rising- 
river. These buildings were the receptacles of the ancient 
Indian trade, which, coming from the westward, centered in 
this quarter; but of these buildings, like decayed monuments 
of grandeur no trace remains. Those who, twenty years ago, 
saw them flourish, can only say, here they stood." 

Little of interest is discoverable from any source touching 
military affairs here from this time on. On the 2J)th of April, 
1786, Messrs. Robert Galbraith, Isaac Craig, Mich. HufEnagle, 
and John Armstrong were chosen at a public meeting of the 
inhabitants of Pittsburgh to give information to the Council 
relative to the Indians, and their own situation; and pursuant 
to this they made report, among other things as follows: 

"From reports we are well assured that we have everything 
to fear from them. There are but twelve soldiers in the gar- 
rison here, the works out of order, no arms or ammunition, the 
militia law never executed, no militia otficers or companies 
formed by the Lieutenant, whoever he is. On behalf of all the 
inhabitants on this frontier, and more especially those of this 
place, who request Council to take our situation into their 
immediate consideration, and, send us some relief of arms, 
ammunition and men, and sncli other assistance as to them 
may appear right.'' 

"The Indians, stimulated probably by British traders, were 
troublesome in 1790, and (he President, believing that offen- 
sive measures were the only means of protecting the citizens 
from their incursions, planned an expedition against the 
hostile tribes on the Scioto and Wabash, to be under the com 
Uiand of General Harmar, an officer of considerable experience. 

"The army uiidei- this (ttticer w^is to proceed from Fort 
Washington (o the Scioto river. Gen. Harmar marched with 
about fourteen Imndred troops, militia and regulars, on the 
;U)th September, 1700, and after destroying several towns on 
the Scioto, and meeting a pretty severe repulse, and loosing 
several valuable officers and one hundred and fifty men, re- 
turned again to Fort Washington. The result of this expedi- 
tion of Gen. Harmar, seemed to have greatly encouraged the 






2. JAMES K0S3 








9. JN0.ORM3BY 


WA3HiNoroN Stopped in mo. 


U. /6/lAC CHAH> 



15. COL.BUTLCffd VilOO 


17. IVf C£UL rATHEROf 

16. D? riATHAniEL BBBm 



21. T. MARIE 

ZZ. ALEKAH0E1iADt>lSi>t1.i 


34-. MAJOR JOHN lltVilN 

Wf? QKANT in I76S- 
27. yVATS0M3rAV£KM 

FATHER t son rOR,1£R KEPT A 


33. ^}A6 .ROSS. 

M. J AS. ROBinsons 



lio.stile ti'ibt's of ludiaus. Their incursionn were extended even 
to the vicinity of our city. The following letter written at 
this place less than sixty years ago, exhibits a very marked 
contrast w4th the present condition of affairs here. The 
writer of this letter, Major Isaac Craig, was Deputy Quarter- 
master General and Military Store Keeper; as such lie had 
a very extensive correspondence with the Secretary of War, 
the Quartermaster General, and the commandants of the dif- 
ferent military stations, in the west. Of this cctrrespondence 
we have eight bound volumes, and a mass of loose letters, and 
will probably have frequent occasion to refer to them, in the 
prosecution of our work. The store house at that time was an 
old log building, much decayed, in the bounds of Fort Pitt, 
but entirely unguarded or otherwise protected.'' 

The letter is dated Fort Pitt, March 25, 1791, and is as 

"In consequence of a number of i)eople killed and several 
taken prisoners by the Indians, in the vicinity of this place, 
within a few days past, and frequent reports of large parties 
of savages being on our frontier, the people of this town have 
made repeated applications for arms and ammunition to me, 
which I have hitherto i-efused; but in a town meeting held 
yesterday, it was resolved that the principal men of the town 
should wait on me, and request a loan of a hundred muskets, 
with baj'onets and cartouch boxes, and they should eutei- 
into an obligation to re-deliver said arms, &c., in good order, 
to me in two months, or sooner if demanded by me, in conse- 
quence of any order of the commanding officer, or Secretary 
of War; but in case of my refusal to comply with, their requisi- 
tion, it was resolved to break open the stores and take such a 
number as they might think proper. Accordingly, ten of the 
most respectable characters of the town waited on me this day, 
and made the above demand; and they told me they were de- 
termined to take them in case of my refusal — that nothing but 
the necessity of putting th<^ town in a state of defense, and 
their desire to guard the public stores, could have induced 
them to such a determination. T repeated my instructions 
to the gentlemen, and told them I must be guilty of a breach 
of orders by issuing the smallest article without jtropei- an 


tlioritj, but that their proper step would be to send an ex- 
press to the Secretary of War, requesting an order on me 
for such articles as they thought necessary. They agreed with 
me that it was proper to send an express, but that there was 
not an hour to be lost in arming the inhabitants of the town. 
1 had then no alternative but either to see the store houses 
broken open, and perhaps part of the stores destroyed, or to 
deliver one hundred muskets, and make tliese gentlemen a<'- 
couutable, and obtain a guard for the protection of the stores. 
I have chosen the latter, and taken the obligation signed by 
ten of the most respectable characters, by which they are ac- 
countable for 100 muskets, bayonets and cartouch boxes — ■ 
obliged to re-deliver them in two months from that date, or 
sooner, if demanded — furnish such a guard for the stores as 
r may think necessary, and also to make application by express 
for the approbation of this transaction. I hope, sir, it will ap- 
pear to you, that of two evils, one of which was unavoidable, 
I had made choice of the least. I shall be very unhappy in 
your disapprobation of my conduct in this transaction.'' 

In reply to this letter the Secretary of War wrote as fol- 
lows: "The issuing of arms seems to have been justified by 
the occasion. No doubt will arise but they will be considered 
as part of the two hundred muskets, for which I gave the (ilov- 
eruor an order on the 31st of last month." 

In a letter dated March 31st, 1791, Major Craig has the fol- 
lowing remarks: "Your (Gen. Knox\s) observations on the 
murder of the Indians at Beaver Creek, are already confirmed. 
Several persons within a few miles of this place have lately 
fallen victims to the revenge of those Indians who escaped on 
Beaver Creek." 

Another letter to the Secretary of War, dated May 19tli, 
1791, says: "We have frequent accounts of murders being 
committed on our frontiers by the Indians. Several parties 
of them have penetrated ten, fifteen and twenty miles into the 

Same to same, Oct. 6th, 1791: "Messrs. Turnbull and Marmie 
continue to pull down and sell the materials of the fort. 
Siuiill ]>arties of Indians are still thought to be in our neigh- 


Extract of a letter from Gen. Knox to Major Craig, dated 
Dec. 16th, 1791. "I request you immediately to procure ma- 
terials for a block-house and picketted fort to be erected in 
such part of Pittsburgh, as shall be the best position, to cover 
the town as well as the public stores which shall be forwarded 
from time to time. As you have been an artillery officer dur- 
ing the late war, I request you to act as an engineer. I give 
you a sketch of the work generally, which you must adapt to 
the nature of the ground. It is possible that some private 
property may be interferred with by the position you take, 
but an appraisement must take place according to law and 
the result sent me." 

President Washinton through the Secretary of War, De- 
cember 26, 1791, communicated to Governor MiflQin his adop- 
tion of the following measures, which were then being put 
into execution: "On the 16th of that month, orders were issued 
to Maj. Isaac Craig to build a block-house at Fort Pitt and sur- 
round it with palisades, so as to contain about 100 men, 
where, viz: at Fort Pitt, a commissioned officer and thirty 
four non-commissioned and privates should remain, they be- 
ing taken from two companies, a part of which had been sta 
tioned there from the 20th of October to the 15th of Decern 
ber, when they were under orders to descend the Ohio. On 
the 26th of December, besides commissioned officers, a detach- 
ment of about 120 non-commissioned officers and privates were 
to march from Philadelphia, a part of whom to be stationed 
at Fort Pitt, and detachments posted at such other places on 
the Ohio and up the Allegheny as would be most conducive 
to the general safety of these parts." 

Extract of a letter from Major Craig to Gen. Knox, dated 
29th December, 1791. "I am making every possible exertion 
of a work to defend this town and the public stores. Ac- 
counts from Fort Franklin, as well as your orders, urge the 
necessity of prompt attention to the defence of this place. By 
next post, I shall enclose you a sketch of the ground and the 
work, that I have judged necessary: it will be erected on 
eight lots, Nos. 55, 56, 57, 58, 91, 92, 93 and 94; thry belong to 
John Penn. .Jr.. and John Penn: Anthony Butler, Esq., of Phila- 
deli)hia, is their agent, the prices were fixed when the town 


was laid out. It is not intended to cover the whole of the 
lots witli the work, but the portion not covered will be suitable 
for gardens, for the garrison. 

"Take the liberty of inclosing to you two letters from Fort 
Franklin, and extracts of other letters of same date, (December 
2fith) by which it appears, that that garrison is in imminent 
danger, and that the fidelity of the northern Indians is not to 
be depended upon, 

"I am mounting four six-pounders and ship carriages, for the 
l)lock-houses; but there are no round shot nor grape shot for 
that calibre here, the last being sent to Fort Washington." 

To the Secretary, he Avrites, January 12th, 1702. "As there 
is no six pound shot here, I have taken the liberty to engag<^ 
four hundred at Turn])ull and Marmie's Furnace, which is now 
in blast. Reports by the way of Fort Franklin say, that in 
the late action (St. Clair's Defeat, December 4th, 1791) the In- 
dians had three hundred killed and many wounded, that there 
were eight hundred Canadians and several British officers in 
the action. I shall take the liberty of communicating to the 
inhabitants of Pittsburgh, your assurance of such ample and 
genei'ous means of defence. I believe with you, that Corn- 
plan (cr is sincere; but would not a work at Presquile, on the 
lake, give greater confidence to him and his adherents?" (129.) 

Major Craig then writes to Gen. Knox, 11th March, 1792: 
"I have contracted for forty-tw^o boats, viz: ".32 of 50 feet 
each, 4 of 00 feet and of .55, they are to be one-fourth wider 
jlian those purchased last year, viz: fifteen feet, to be also 
stronger and better finished. Delivered here with five oars 
to each. Price per foot, 8s and 9d — fl.l7 per foot;" 

To Captain Jonathan Cass, Fort Franklin, dated Ajiril 7tli. 
1792: "The Indians crossed the river beloAv Wheeling on the 
4th instant and killed nine persons near that place;" 

To Gen. Knox, May 11th, 1792: "The fifty boats now ready, 
will transport three thousand men. they are the best that ever 
came here, and, I believe, the cheapest;" 

And to same. May ISth, 1792: "Captain Hughes, with his 
detachmont. has occupied the barracks in the new fort since 
the 1st Instant. Two of the six-pounders are very well 
mounted in the second storv of one of the block-liouses. The 


others will be mounted in a few days. Tlie worli, if you liave 
uo objections, I will name Fort La Fayette.'' The Seci'etary 
approved this name. 


The following description of this structure was given under 
date May the 19th, 1792: "The fort began last winter at this 
[dace, (Pittshurj^li), stands on llie Alleglieny river within about 
one hundred yards of the bank, on a beautiful rising ground, 
about one-quarter of a mile higher up than the old garrison of 
Fort Pitt. Tt is <(iniplctely stockaded in, and one range of 
barracks, a blockJiousc in one of the angles finished, and the 
remainder in forwardness. Captain Hughes, of the Second 
t'nited States Regiment, commands the fort, whi<"h last Satur 
day, 12th of May, was named Fort Fayette.'' (130.) 

Major Craig to Samuel Hodgdon, Q. M. (leneral, November 
9th, 1792: "This morning a detachment of the troops and the 
artiticcis. willi llic uecessary tools for building, set off for the 
winter ground l)elow Tx>gstown, on the Ohio; in a few days tht; 
whole army will follow." 

Same to Gen. Knox, ?>()\\i November, 1792: "This morning 
at an early hour, the artillery, infantry and rifle corps, except 
a small garrison left in Fort Fayette, embarked and descended 
the Ohio <o Legion ville, the cavalry crossed the Allegheny at 
the same time and will ivach the winter ground as soon as the 
boats. As soon as the troops had euibarked, the General 
(VN'ayne) went on board his barge, under a salute from a militia 
artillery corps of this place, and all have, no doubt, before this 
time, reached their winter quarters." 

The following is extracted fi*om a IMiiladcljdiia ]>aper, and 
is among the authorities furnished by Mr. Craig in his History 
of Pittsburgh: 

"Pittsburgh. May 14th. 1793. 

"Lieutenant Col. John Clark, commandant of the Ith Sub- 
Legion, is to command the different posts on this frontier — His 
hcadijuarters will be at this place." 


111 the suiniin'r of 171)4, wIkmi the people about Pittsburgh 
were teiTorized by the mob who collected together to wreak 
their vengeance on the revenue officials, and the friends of 
order, on the occasion of the Whislcey Insurrection, a request 
was made by the inhabitants of the place to the commanding 
officer at his post for his protection. "Upon this information 
being communicated to Maj. Thos. Butler, the commandant 
at Fort Fayette, one of the several gallant brothers, who distin- 
guished themselves during the Revolution, he detached eleven 
men from his feeble garrison to aid the inspector." (131.) 

Speaking of the Pittsburgh of about 1800, Mr. Craig (History 
of Pittsburgh) has the following: 

"The ramparts of Fort Pitt were still standing, and a portion 
of the officers' quarters, a substantial brict building, was used 
as a malt house. The gates were gone, and the brick wall 
called the revetment, which supported two of the ramparts 
facing toward the town, and against which the officers and 
soldiers used to play ball, were gone, so that the earth all 
around had assumed the natural slope. Outside the fort on 
the side next the Allegheny river was a large deep pond, 
the frequent resort of wild ducks. Along the south side of 
Liberty street, and extending from Diamond alley to the foot 
of Fourth street (now Fourth avenue) was another pond, from 
which a deep ditch led the water into a brick archway, leading 
from Front street (now First avenue) just below Redoubt alley 
into the Monongahela. 

"By whom this archway was built I have never learned. It 
was no trifling work. The writer when a boy (132) has often 
passed through it. The sides, which were from three to four 
feet high, and the top, were of hard burnt bricks; the bottom 
of flag stones. Before it was made, there must have been a 
deep gullj' extending up from the river below Redoubt alley; 
and I have supposed, that when Colonel Grant built the R(?- 
doubt on the bank of the river just above that gully, he prob- 
ably had the arch way or culvert constructed to facilitate the 
conininnication betwen the Redoubt and Fort Pitt." 


Notes to Fort Duquenne, including Notes to Fort Pitt. 

(1.) "In January (1754) Wm. Trent was commissioned Cap 
tain by Gov. Dinwiddie. He was then engaged in building a 
strong log storehouse, loop-holed, at Redstone. John Frazier 
[Frazer] was appointed Lieutenant and Edward Ward, F^nsign. 
Trent was ordered to raise one hundred men. He succeeded 
in getting about 70. On the 17th of Feb., 1754, he, with Cxist, 
Croghan. and others niol at tlic Forks, and in a few days he 
proceeded to lay out the ground and have the logs squared and 
laid, the Half-King. Tanacharison, assisting. Capt. Trent was 
soon after (»l»liged to go across (lie mountains to Wills creek 
for supplies of provisions. On the 18th of April, Frazier being 
absent at Turtle creek, and Ward left in conimand, he heard 
that the French were descending the river; he hastened to 
complete the stockading of the building, and had the last gate 
finished when, on the morning of the 17th, the French flotilla 
was seen approaching near Shannopin's town. Tliey moved 
down near the fort, landed their canoes, formed and marched 
their forces within a little better than gun shot of the fort. 
Contrecoeur immediately sent Le Mercier, commander of the 
artillery, with two di'ummers, one of them an interpreter, and 
a Mingo Indian, called The Owl, as interpreter for the Indians 
and (leliv(M'('(l \\''ard a written summons to surrendei* the fort 
and I'etreat. Le Mercjier looked at his watch; the time was 
about two. He gave Ward an hour to determine, telling him 
he must come to the French camp, with his answer in writing. 
The Half-King advised Ward to temporize — to tell the French 
commander he must await the arrival of his superior ofilicet. 
He went to the French camp in compau}' with the Half-King. 
Roberts, a private soldier, and John Davidson an Indian in 
terpreter, and addressed Contrecoeur as the Half-King had 
advised. It was refused, and instant answer to the summons 
demanded, or force would be used to take possession of the 
fort. Having but fort} -one men, of whom only thirty-three 
were soldiers, Ward surrendered the fort, with liberty to move 
off with everything at 12 o'clock the next day. That night he 
was obliged to encamp within 300 yards of the fort, with a 
friendly party of the Six Nations. Contrecoeur invited Ward 
11 Vol. 2. 


to Slipper and asked him many (juestions con(«M'ning tli<' Enji 
lish government to whicli he gave no satisfactory answer. 
He was also solicited to sell the French some of his carpenter 
tools, but he declined to do so, although offered "any money 
for them." The next day Ward marched with his men for 
Redstone and Wills creek. At the latter place he met Col. 
Washington, to whom he reported the affair. Thus the war 
commenced here which closed in America, with the surrender 
of Canada to (he British, in 1T«>0." [Wm. M. Darlington, Esq., 
in Centenary Memorial, j). 259.] 

"Early in 1754, Capt. Trent was sent out from Virginia, with 
about forty men — intended to be recruited on the way — to aid 
in finishing the fort at the forks of the Ohio, already supposed 
to be begun by the Ohio Company. The captain's line of 
march was along Nemacolin's trail to (list's, and then by the 
Redstone trail to the mouth of that Creek; where, after hav- 
ing built the storehouse called the Hangard, he proceeded, 
probably by land and ice, to the forks of the Ohio, where he ar- 
rived on the 17th of Feb., and went to work on the fort which 
soon proved a vain labor." [The Monongahela of Old; by Jas. 
Veech, p. 42.J 

(2.) The purpose of this company (The Ohio Company), was 
to divert the trade with the Indians north of the Ohio, and its 
headwaters, (which hitherto, the French and Pennsylvanians 
had enjoyed) soutliward, by the Potonmc route, and to settle 
the country round the head of the Ohio with P^nglish colonists 
from Virginia and Maryland. T > this end, the king granied t >the 
C'ompany five hundred thousandacresof laudwestof the moun- 
tains, "to be taken chiefly on the south side of the Oliio, be- 
tween the Monongahela and Kanawha, Ibut with privilege to 
take part of the quantity north of the Ohio. Two hundred 
thousand acres were to be taken up at once, and to be free of 
quit rents, or taxes to the king for ten years, upon condition 
that the company should, Avithin seven years, seat one hun- 
dred families on the lands, built a fort, and maintain a garri- 
son and protect the settlement" * * * * * Thus many 
settlements were made on lands which were su])posed to be in 
Virginia which were afterwards disclosed to be within the 
ciiarter limits of Pennsylvania. * * * The incipient move- 


ments of this Company (as we have seen) provoked th(^ 
French and Pennsylvania traders, to jealonsy. and to stir up 
the Indians to liostility. * * * Gen. Washington's brothers, 
Lawrence and John Anjjustine, as well as himself, were largely 
interested in it, and were anxious for its success. Christopher 
Gist was the Company's agent to select the lands and con 
ciliate the Indians. The company, having imported from 
London kirge quantities of goods for the Indian trad(\ and en 
gaged several settlers, had established trading ])osts at Wills 
creek (the New Stoie), the mouth of Redstone (The Hangai'd) 
the mouth of Turtle creek (Frazier's), and elsewhere; had 
planned tlieir fort at the forks of the Ohio, and were ])rocepd 
ing energetically to I he consummation of their designs. * * 
The Ohio Company was in action only about four years, hav- 
ing never in reality revived after its first check, at the com- 
mencement of hostilities with the French and Indians on the 
frontier. All persons concerned were losers to a considerable 
amount, though at its outset the scheme promised important 
advantages both to individuals and to the country at large. 
[The Monongahela of Old, by Jas. Veech, Sparks, Washington.]- 

The site on the Ohio, on which Fort Du'quesne, afterwards 
called Fort Pitt, was built, was by the Indians called Che-on- 
de-ro-ga, and accordingly by the French called Trois Kivieres. 
It is recorded by that name in the famous Leaden Plate, which 
was buried there as a memorial of their possession, (lov. 
Pown;ill says that until he had occasion to explain this it was 
always a matter of puzzzle to the cabinet ministers, what place 
in those quarters the French meant to design by Trois Rivieres. 
* * * * The word Che-on-de-i-o-ga denotes the fork of a 
river, or the confluence of (wo branches which go off in one 
united stream. This the French always transl.ite Trois 
Rivieres. Extracts from "An analysis of a General Map of the • 
Middle British Colonies," in appendix to Christopher Gist's 
Journals by W. M. Darlington, p. 273. 

"At the time of the first appearance of the white man upon 
this spot, there were two Indian villages within the i>resent 
liuiils of the City of Pittsburgh: Da-un-da-ga, which stood 
directly in the forks; and Shanuopin's Town, which was lo- 
cated on the east bank of the Allegheny river about two miles 


above its confluence with the Monongahehi. Little is known 
of the former except that the name is of Seneca origin, and is 
said to mean simply ''the forks;" and it is not mentioned, so 
far as I have been able to learn by any of either of the colonial 
explorers or traders, or by the French. Even Washington 
makes no mention of it in the Journal of his ex]>edition to the 
posts on French creek, in early winter of 1753 4, although he 
was on llie s]»(>( and describes the topography of it. With re- 
gard to Shannopin's Town, Celoi'on, in the Journal of his ex- 
peditions down the rivei's, remarks undei* dale of .Aug. 7tli, 
1749: "I re-enibark^d and \\ent to live village which is called 
the Written Hock (Rocher ecrite). They ai'e li'oquois that in 
habit (his place, and an old squaw of thai nation is their 
leader. She looks upon herself as (pieen. * * * "This 
place," lie continues, "is one of the prettiest I have yet seen 
on the Beautiful river." Rev. A. A. Lambing, A. M. "The 
Centenary of the lioi-ough of Pittsburgh," p. 30. * * * * 
Olden Time, \'ol. i, ]>. 327: "In this, evei-y s,yllable is short, 
except the |)enultimate, which has an accent somewhat pro- 
longed, but less so than many other aboriginal words." 

^'ashiugton was tlie tirst person to give a description of the 
jtlace, which he does in his journal to the posts on French 
creek. He arrived at Fi-azer's, at the mouth of Turtle creek, 
on the L*L*d of Nov., 1753. He says: "The waters were quite 
impassable without swimming our horses, which obliged us to 
get the loan of a canoe from Frazer, and to send Barnaby 
Curran and Henry Seward down the Monongahela, with our 
baggage, to meet us at the forks of Ohio, about ten miles be- 
low; there to cross the Allegheny. 

"As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in view- 
ing the rivers and the land in the fork, which I think ex- 
tremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute com- 
mand of both rivers. The land at the point is twenty-five feet 
above the common surface of the water; and a considerable 
bottom of flat, well-timbered land all around it very con- 
venient for building. The rivers are each a quarter of a 
mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles: 
.Allegheny, bearing northeast; and Monongahela, southeasl. 


The fofniei- ul' these two is a very rapid aud swift iimuiug 
water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall. 

"About two miles from this, on the southeast side of the 
river, at' the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect 
a fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares, We called 
upon him to invite him to a council at Logstown. 

"As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situa- 
tion at the forks, my curiosity led me to examine this more 
particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defence 
or advantages, especially the latter. For a fort at the forks 
would be equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the 
entir*' command of the Monongahela, which runs up our settle 
meut, and is extremely well designed for water carriage, as it 
is of deep, still nature. Besides, a fort at the forks might be 
built at much less expense, than at the other place." 

(3.) "In the present Register .(The Baptismal Register of 
Fort Duquesne, Translated with an Introductory Essay and 
Notes, By Rev. A. A. Lambing, A. M.), the officer here men 
tioned is called "Monsieur Pierre Claude de Contrecoeur, Es- 
quire, Sieur de Baudy, Captain of Infantry, Commander- in- 
Chief of the forts of Duquesne, Presqu' Isle and the Riviere au 
Boeufs." He was in command of Fort Niagara in 1749; but 
he afterwards succeeded to the command of the detachment 
which had before belonged to M. Saint Pierre. The last date 
on which the name of Contrecoeur is found in the Register, is 
.Mar. l\ 1755. What became of M. Contrecoeur after his retlr 
ing from Fort Duquesne, nothing has so far been learned. 

(1.) Extract from the summons commanding the English to 
retreat from the Ohio: 

"A summons, by order of M. Contrecoeur, Captain of one of 
the companies of the detachment of the French Marine, Com 
iiiandei in-Chief of his Most Christian Majesty's Troops, now 
on Beautiful river, to the Commander of those of the King of 
Credit Britiain, at the mouth of the River Monongahela. 

"Sir: Nothing can surprise me more than to see you at 
tempt a settlement upon the lands of the King, my master, 
which obliges me now, sir, to send you this gentleman. Cheva- 
lier Le Mercier, Captain of the Artillery of Canada, to know 


of \ou. sir, by virtue of what authority you are come to fortify 
yourself within the dominions of the King, my master-. This 
action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at Aix La 
Chupelle, between his Most Christian Majesty and the King of 
(Ireat Britain, that I do not know to whom to impute such an 
usurpation, as it is incontestable that the land situated along 
iliH r.eautiful river belongs to his Most Christian Majesty. 

"1 am informed, sir, that your undertaking has ))ee.n con 
certed l)y none els(^ than by a company, who have more in view 
th(? advantage of a trade, than to endeavor to keep the union 
and haruiony which subsists between the two crowns of 
France and (ireat Britain, although it is as much the interest, 
sir, of your nation as ours, to preserve it. 

"Let it be as it will sir, if you come out into this place, 
charged with orders, I summon you in the name of the King, 
my master, by virtue of orders which I got from my General, 
l<» retreat peaceably with your troops from off the lands of the 
King, and not to return, or else I will find myself obliged to 
ruHill my duty, and compel you to it. I hope, sir, you will 
not deter an instant, and that you will not force me to the last 
extremity. In that case, sir, you may be persuaded that 1 will 
give orde?*a that there shall be no damage done by my detach- 
ment. * * * * (Signed) 1H)NTREC()EITR." 

Done at camp. April Kl, 17r)4. jOlden Time, Vol. i, p. 83.| 

(6.) France claimed the country on the waters of the Ohio by 
right of prioiity of discovery and exploration, first by La Salle 
in 5660-70, when he penetrated as far west as the falls near 
the present city of Louisville. It was resolved by them t<» 
<xpel the English traders and erect a line of forts connecting 
('anada and Louisiana. In the summer of 1749, Captain 
Celoron de Bienville, with a detachment of two hundred sol- 
diers and thirty Indians, descend(Hl the Allegheny and Ohio 
rivers to the mouth of the Wabash, for the pur])0se of taking 
militaiy possession of tlie cotintry. As memorials of the 
French King's possessions, leaden plates with suitable in 
scriptions were deposited at dllTerent ])oints along the rivers. 
A number of these plates were found in after years. One de- 
[tosited at the point of land at the junction of the Ohio and 
Monongahela rivers, bore date "August ;id, 1749, at the Three 


rivfMs." Celoion encamped with his troops for some days al 
Logstown (a little below the present town of Economy), from 
which he expelled the English traders, by whom he sent lex- 
ers to Gov. Hamilton of Pennsylvania, dated at "Our Camp 
on the Beautiful river at an old Khawnee village, 6th and 10th 
Aug., 1749," and stating that he was there "by orders of the 
Marcjuis de la (lalissoniere, General-in-Chief oi New France, 
whose orders are very strict not to suffer any foreign tradei-s 
within his governmenl." [Cenlenary Meuioi-ial, j). LTjC).] 

Tl'anslation of the copy of the leaden plate buried at the forlis 
of the Monongahela and Ohio by Mons. Celoron "by way 
of taking possession and as a memorial and testimony there 

"In the year 1749, in the leign of Louis XV, King of France, 
Celoron, commandant of a detachment sent by the Marquis 
de la Galissoniere, (yoinniandant-in-Chief of New F'rance, to re- 
establish peace in certain villages of the Indians of these dis- 
tricts, have buried this plate at the Three rivers, below F^e 
Boeuf river, this third of August, near the river Oyo, other- 
wise the Fair river, as a monument of the renewal of the pos 
session that we have taken of the said river Oyo, and of all 
those which fall into it, and of all the lands on both sides to 
the sources of the said rivers, as the preceding Kings of 
Prance have enjoyed or ought to have enjoyed it, and which 
they have upheld by force of arms and by treaties, especially 
by those of Risv/ick, Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle." 

The sentence beginning with "Three rivers" and ending 
with "August" is only scratched with the point of a knife, and 
scarcely legible, in a space which was left blank to be filled up 
when buried. 

(7.) Marquis de Quesne * * * Nothing is known of his 
early life; but he was descended from Abraham Duquesne, 
the famous admiral of Louis XIV. In the latter part of 1754 
he demanded his recall to France in order to enter the naval 
service, with which he was more familiar. Little more is 
known of him except that in 1758 he was appointed to the com- 
mand of all the French forces, sea and land, in North America, 
and that soon after he sailed in a small squadron, which was 


utlcilv discomlitled hy the Eiiglisli. We must iigree with thr 
author of Braddock's Expedition, who lemaiked, that, "It is 
unjust to the past age, that the names of such men as Du- 
quesne, Dumas and Contrecoeur should be consigned to ob- 
livion. Thus we are left in ignorance of the period of Uu- 
quesne's death, and of all save a single circumstance in his 
latter career." [History of Braddock's Expedition, pp. 20-34. j 
He was a rigid disciplinarian, and his lofty bearing offended 
the Canadians; but he commanded their respect, and showed 
that he was born to rule. [Montcalm & Wolfe, Parkman, Vol. 
i, p. 85. Quoted in Register, note 35 — introduction.] 

(8.) "On the tenth of June, (1754), nine deserters from th<* 
French arrived at Washington's camp, [at Fort Necessity,] and 
confirmed intelligence previously received by a messenger sent 
from Logstown to Tanacharison. These deserters also stated 
that the fort at the forks was completed." [Olden Time, Vol. 
i, p. 39.] It has been asserted that the F'rendi merely com- 
pleted the structure which had been begun by Trent, but the 
following extract from a French official rejtort wouhl s»m in in 
refute that assertitm: "They the English under Oapt, Trent 
were summoned to depart immediately out of the lands belong 
ing to France. They obeyed and (luieMy evacuated tlieir fori; 
they also prayed M. de Contrecoeur to give them some provi 
sions, which they were in want of: he ordered them a plenti- 
ful supply, and destroyed tlieir fort." .Memoir < 'outenant le 
Precis des fails. &c. [Olden Titne, Vol. ii, p. 150.] 

(0.) Nemacolin's [>alli led from the mouth of Wills creek 
(Cumberland, Md.), to the forks of the Ohio. It doubtless ex 
isted as a purely Indian trail before Nemacolin's time. For 
when the Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania traders with the 
Indians on the Ohio, began their operations, perhaps as early as 
1740, they procured Indians to show them the best and easiest 
route, and this was the one they adopted. So says Washing 
ton. And when the Ohio Company, was formed, in 1748, and 
I)reparing to go into the Ohio Indian trade on a large scale, 
they procui'ed Col. Thomas Cresap, [of Old Town, Md.], to en 
gage sonie trusty Indians to mark and clear the pathway. 
For this |)iir]>ose he engaged Neniacolin. a well known Dehi 


ware Indian, vvlio rehiided at the mouth of iJunlap's creek, 
which, in early times, was called Nemacolin's creek. The com 
raissioner and engineer, with the aid of other Indians, executed 
the work, in 1750, bv blazing the trees, and cutting away and 
removing the bushes and fallen timber, so ar-; to make it a good 
pack-horse path. Washington says that "the Ohio Company, 
in 1753, at a considerable expense, opened the road. Tn 1754, 
the troops whom I had the honor to command, greatly re 
paired it, as far as Gist's plantation ; and, in 1755, it was 
widened and completed by General Braddock to within six 
miles (about) of Fort Uuquesne." This is a brief history of the 
celebrated Braddock Road. [M<mongahela of Old, p. 27.] 

(10.) "Washington, who for a time had been stationed at 
Alexandria to enlist recruits, received from Dinwiddie a com 
mission as lieutenant colonel and orders, with one hundred and 
fifty men, to take command at the forks of the Ohio; *to finish 
the fort already- begun there by the Ohio Company;' and 'to 
make prisoners, kill, or destroy all who interrupted the Eng- 
lish settlements.' Ofllicers and men were encouraged by the 
promise of a royal grant of two hundred thousand acres on the 
Ohio, to be divided amongst them.-' [History of the United 
States, Vol. iii, p. 72.— Bancroft.] 

(11.) "Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the 
fort [Duquesne] by himself, and counselled with tlie Gov- 
ernor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, 
shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he re- 
turned he was quite changed, and said 'See here, you fools, 
what tlie French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and 
never received a farthing;' and (directing himself to me) said, 
'The English are fools, and so are you.' " — [Post, First Journal.] 
Washington, while at Fort LeBoeuf, was much annoyed by 
the conduct of the French who did their utmost to seduce his 
Indian escort by bribes and promises. [Parkman, Pontiac, 
chap, iv, n.] 

(12.) The interest excited by the adventurous spirit of this 

man Stobo, who was the first English military prisoner in Fort 

Duquesne, and Avho gave the first plan and description of it, 

induced Neville B. Craig, FIsq.. the historian of Pittsburgh, to 



gather the jirincipal incidents of his life. Fi'om the result of 
his inquiry we learn, that Robert Stobo was the only son of 
William Stobo, a merchant of (llasgow, in which city Robert 
was born in the year 1727. His father and mother both died 
when he was young, and he was then, with his own consent, 
sent to Virginia to serve in a store owned by some Glasgow 
merchants. He became a great favorite of the Governor, Din- 
widdle, who, in 1754, when apprehensions began to be enter- 
tained of a frontier war, appointed him the oldest Captain of 
the Virginia regiment, then raised. After being detained 
some time he was sent to Quebec. Not, however, as a close 
prisoner, but having the privilege of going about the neighbor- 
ing country until some time after Braddock's defeat, when a 
great change took place in his situation. When General P>rad 
dock began his expedition, against Fort Duquesne, copies of 
the foregoing letters and the accompanying plan of that fort 
were given to him, and at the time of his defeat they fell into 
the hands of the enemy, and were published. The conse- 
quence was that Stobo was immediately ordered into close 
confinement. Subsequently he was tried and sentenced to 
be executed, the sentence, however, was defeired, though his 
confinement was rendered still more rigorous. At length, 
however, he effected his escape, and after s<)nie most extra- 
ordinary adventures indeed, arrived at Louisburgli, on the 
Island of Cape Breton shortly after General Wolfe had sailed 
for Quebec. He immediately returned to Quebec, afforded 
that General much information and pointed out th«^ place of 
landing. [History of Pittsburgh, p. 'Ad.] 

In a memorial, etc., on the side of the French, we lia\c the 
following: "These hostages named, the one Jacob Ambrane 
(V'anbraam), and the other Robert Stobo, were two very crafty 
spies, and found means to carry on a correspontlence with the 
English Generals. There were found among the ])apers an liicli 
fell into the hands of the French after the battle of tlie !>tli of 
.July, 1755, [Braddock's Defeat] the letters which Robert 
Stobo, one of the hostages had written to Major Washington. 
That of the 28th of July, to which is annexed an exact plan of 
Fort Du Quesne, which he liad himself dra\Nn, deserves above 
all a careful perusal." [Olden Time, Vol. ii. p. 152.] 


(13.) These letters along with many other valuable docu- 
ments, were secured through the fortunes of war by the 
French, and were published by the French, under the Royal 
sanction, at Paris, in 175H. These documents were the private 
instructions given to Washington and to Braddock; the 
articles of the capitulation at Fort Necessity, an account from 
the French point of view of the unfortunate Jumcuiville affair, 
the journal of ^A'ashington in that campaign, which had not 
yet been published in England, and many other papers. The 
chief object of their early publication in Europe was to 
prejudice the claims of (Ireat Britain as against those of 
France in America. 

There are, in the book, several very ludicrous mist;ikcs, as 
might well be expected in a work translated from English into 
French, and then offered to English readers through a transla 
tion back from the French. Thus Ensign Ward, is called En 
sign Wart; and the word "tomahawk'' in Stobo's letter ap 
pears thus: "they can conceal themselves so as to dispatch the 
guard without any ditiicult with their Tamkauko." [Olden 
Time, Vol. ii, p. 210.] 

The full title of this work is as follows: "A memorial con 
taining a summary view of facts, with their authorities, in 
answer to the observations sent by the English Ministiy to 
the Courts of Europe. Translated from the French. New 
York, printed and sold by H. Gaine, at the I'rinting Othce of 
the Bible and Crown, in Hanover Square, 1757." 

(14.) La Force, after his capture by Washington at the 
Jumonville affair, was sent with the other ju-isoners into \'ir- 
ginia where he yet remained unexchanged. 

(15.j "A journal descriptive of some of the French forts: 
Had from Thomas Forbes, lately a private soldier in the King 
of France's service." [Christopher Cist's Journals, by Wm. 
.M. Darlington, Esq., p. 151.] 

(ll>.) Records vi, 224. Deposition made Deer. 28, 1754. 

(17.) Records vi, 224. Deer. L'8, 1754. 

(18.) Archives ii, 17o. 

(19.j Archives ii, 17o. 


(HO.) Archives ii. 21H. 

(21.) Records vi, 181. 

(22.) Records vi, 181. 

(23.) Governor DeLuncy to Gov. Morris. (Arch, ii, 204.) 

(24.) Capt. Rutherford to Mr. Allen. (Arch, ii, 288.) 

(25.) Archives, Second Series, vi, 253. 

In regard to the statement of Fort Machault's location, re- 
ferred to in foregoing, see Fort Machault. 

(26.) In the account of Braddock's expedition we have fol 
lowed that of I. D. Rupp in the History of Western Penna., 
as his version is taken almost literally from the official papers 
and authoritive writings bearing on the subject. We have 
verified wherever possible their authenticity. The part which 
relates the flight of the array after the death of Braddock to 
Dunbar's camp is from Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe, Vol. 
ii, p. 223; and whenever necessary we have followed Winthrop 
Sargent's "History of au Expedition against Fort Duquesne 
in 1755, etc." These, with the Sparks' Washington are raade 
up for the most part from official documents. 

Major-Geueral Edward Braddock, only son of Major-General 
Braddock, was born before the close of the 17th centum He 
entered the army as Ensign in the Grenadier company of the 
Coldstream Guards, 11th of October, 1710; on the 1st August, 
1716, was appointed Lieutenant, and fought a duel, with 
sword and pistol, with Colonel Waller, 26th May, 1718; on the 
30th of October, 1734, he became Captain-Lieutenant, and on 
the 10th February, 1736, Captain, with the army rank of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel. He served in Flanders; became second Major 
of his regiment in 1743; was present at the battle of Fontenoy, 
ILth May, 1745, and was appointed 1st Major of the Cold- 
streams, and Lieutenant-Colonel, 21st November, 1745, 
lUigadier (iencial, April 23d, 1746, and in 1747 and 1748. 
served again in Flanders. In 1753 he was appointed Colonel 
of the 14th Foot; in March of the following year, Major-Gen- 
eral: and on the 24th of September, Commander-in-Chief of his 
Majesty's troops in Araeiica. He sailed from England 21st 


iJecfiiib* I, J 754^ ariived at Hampton Roads, Virginia, 2,0th of 
February, 1755, and was killed on the banks of the Monon- 
;^ahela, in W'l-sleiii Peiinsyhauia, ou tlie 9th July of the same 

The route Braddock's army pursued from Fort Cumberland 
to the Monongahela river, as given by Mr. T. G. Atkinson w\ih 
his mapsi^- [From the Olden Time, \'ol. ii, p. 53!).J 

(27.) Mi'. T. C. Atkinson's account of the march is siibslan- 
(ially as follows: 

General Braddock landed at Alexandria on, the 20th of 
February, 1755. The selection of this port for the debarcation 
of the troops, was censured at the time, though it is probabh' 
it had the approval of AVashington. The two regiments he 
brought with him were defective in numbers, having but about 
five hundred men each, and it was expected their ranks would 
be recruited in America. It is shown by the repeated requests 
on this point made by the General at Cumberland, that this 
expectation was vain. After numerous delays, and a confer- 
ence with the Royal Governors, we find Gen. Braddock en 
route on the 24th of April, when he had reached Frederick 
town in Maryland. Passing thence through Winchester, Va., 
he reached Fort Cumberland about the 9th of May. Sir John 
Sinclair, Deputy Quartermaster General, had preceded him to 
this point about two weeks. 

The army struck the Little Cacapehon, (though pronounced 
< 'acapon, I have used (says Mr. Atkinson) for the occasion the 
spelling of Washington, and various old documents) about six 
miles above its mouth, and following the stream, encamped on 
the Virginia side of the Potomac, preparatory to crossing into 
Maryland. The water is supposed to have been high at thn 
time, as Ihe spot is known as the Ferry-fields, from the army 
iiaving been ferried over. This was about the 4th or 5th of 
May, [1755]. 

The army thence pursued the banks of the river, with a 
slight deviation of route at the mouth of the South Branch, to 
the village of Old Town, known at that time as the Shawnee 
(>!d Town, modern use having dropped the most characttM-istic 
l>art of the name. This ithi(M\ distant about eight miles from 
the Ferrv-flelds, was known at that early day as the residence 


of Col. Thomas Cresap, an English settler, and the father of 
the hero of Logan's speech. The road proceeded thence par- 
allel with the river and at the foot of the hills, till it passes 
the narrows of ^^'ills mountain, when it struck out a shorter 
line coincident with the present country road, and lying bo 
fween the railroad and the mountain, to Fort Cumberland. 

From the Little Cacapehon to this point the ground was 
comparatiN'ely easy, and I he road had been generally jndic 
iously ehosen. Thence forward the character of the ground 
was altered, not so much in (he general aspect of the country, 
as that the march was about to abandon the valleys, and now 
the real difficulties of the expedition may be said to have com- 

The fort had been commenced tlie previous year, after the 
surrender at the Great Meadows, by ('ol. Innes, who had with 
him the two independent companies of New York and South 
Carolina. It mounted ten four pounders, besides swivels, and 
was favorably situated to keep the hostile Indians in check. 

The army now consisted of 1,000 regulars, ;iO soldiers, and 
l,liOO provincials, besides a train of artillery. The provincials 
wei'e from New York and Virginia; one company from the 
former colony was commanded by Captain (Jates, afterwards 
the hero of Saratoga. On the 8th of June, Braddock having, 
through the interest and exertions of Dr. Franklin, principally, 
got ir)0 wagctns and 2,0(MI horses fi-om IN^msylvania, was ready 
to nmrch. 

Scaroodaya, successor lo the Half-King of the Senecas, and 
Mcuiacatoolha. whose acquaintance Washington h;id made on 
the Ohio, on his mission to LeBoeuf, with about 150 Indians, 
Senecas and Delawares, accompanied him. George Croghan, 
the Indian Agent of Penna., and a friendly Indian of great 
value, called Susquehanna Jack, were also with him. 

The first brigade under Sir Peter Halket, led the Avay on 
the 8th, and on the 0th the main body followed. Some idea 
of the diflficulties they encountered, may be had when we per- 
ceive they sj)en( the third night only five miles from the first. 
The place of encampment. Axliicli is about nne-tliird of a mile 
from the toll-gate on the National I'oad, is marked by a copious 
spring bearing Braddock's name. 


For reasons not easy to divine, the route across Wills moun- 
tain tirst adopted for the National road was selected, instead 
of the more favorable one through the narrows of Wills 
creek, to which the road has been changed within a few years, 
for the purpose of avoiding that formidable ascent. The 
traces are very distinct on the western foot, the route com 
tinned up Braddock's run to the forks of the stream, where 
(Mary's tavern now [1848] stands, D miles from Cumberland, 
when it turned to the left, in order to reach a point on the 
ridge favorable to an easy descent into the valley of George's 
creek. It is surprising that having reached this high ground, 
the favorable spur by which the National road accomplishes 
the ascent of the Great Savage mountain, did not strike the 
attention of the engineers, as the labor requisite to surmount 
the barrier from the deep valley of (reorge's creek, must have 
contributed greatly to those bitter complaints which Brad 
dock made against the Colonial Governments for their failure 
to assist him more effectively in the transportation depart 

Passing then a mile to the south of Frostburg, the road ap 
preaches the east foot of Savage mountain, which it crosses 
about one mile south of the National road, and thence by every 
favorable ground through the dense forests of white pine 
peculiar to this region, it got to the north of the National 
road, near the gloomy tract called the Shades of Death. This 
was the 15th of June, when the dense gloom of the summei- 
woods, and the favorable shelter which these enormous pines 
should give an Indian enemy, must have made a most sensible 
impression on all minds, of the insecurity of their mode of ad- 

This doubtless had a share in causing the council of war 
held at the Little Meadows the next day. To this place, dis 
tant only about twenty miles from Cumberland, Sir John Sin- 
clair and Maj. Chapman had been dispatched on the 27th of 
May, to build a fort; the army having been seven days in reach- 
ing it, it follows as th*^ line of march was upwards of three 
miles long, the rear was just getting under way when the ad- 
vance were lighting their evening fires. 

Here it may be well enough to clear up an obscurity whirli 


enters iuto mauy nairatives of these earl} e\eiil8, froui cuii 
fusing the names of the Little Meadows and Great MeadoAvs, 
Jjittle Crossings and Great Crossings, which are all distinct 

The Little Meadows have been described as at the foot of 
Meadow mountain; it is well to note that the Great MeadoAvs 
are about thirty-one miles further west, and near the east foot 
of Laurel Hill. 

By the Little Crossings is meant the Ford of Cassehiuin's 
river, tributary of the Youghiogheuy; and by the Great Cros- 
smgs, the passage of the Youghiogheuy itself. The Little 
Crossings is two miles west of the Little Meadows, and the 
Great Crossings seventeen miles further west. 

The conclusion of the council was to push on with a picked 
force of 1,200 men, and 12 pieces of cauuon; and the line of 
march, now more compact, was resumed on the 19tb. Passiuj.-, 
over ground to the south of the Little Crossings, aud of the 
village of Grantsville, which it skirted, the army spent the 
night of the 21st at the Bear Camp, a locality I have not been 
able to identify, but suppose it to be about midway to the 
Great Crossings, which it reachv^d on the 28d, The route 
I hence to the Great Meadows or Fort Necessity, was well 
chosen, though over a mountainous tract, conforming very 
nearly to the ground now occupied by the National road, and 
keeping on the dividing ridge between the waters flowing into 
the Youghiogheuy on the one hand, and the Cheat river on the 
other. Having crossed the Youghiogheny, we are now on the 
classic gi'ouud of Washington's early career, where the skir 
mish with Jumonville, and Fort Necessity, indicate the country 
laid open for them in the previous year. About one mile west 
of the Great Meadows, and near the spot now marked as Brad 
dock's Gi'ave, the road struck off more to the northwest, iu 
ordei- to icach a pass through Laurel Hill, that would enable 
Iheui to strike tiie Youghiogheuy, at a point afterwards known 
as Stewart's Gi-ossings, and about half a mile bt^low the present 
town of ('(mncllsville. Tliis part of the route is marked by 
tlie f;iiiti kn(»\\ n as .Mount l>i*addocU. This second crossing of 
(he VcMigliioglieiiy was effected on the -SOth of June. The high 
gi'ouhds inleivening betsveen the river and its next tributaiv. 


Jacob's creek, Lhougli trivial iu comparisou wilii wIiaL Ihev 
had already passed, it may be supposed, preseuted serious ob- 
stacles to the troops, worn out with previous exertions. On 
the 3d of July a council of war was held at Jacob's creek, to 
consider the propriety of bringing forward Col. Dunbar with 
the reserve, and although urged by Sir John Sinclair with, as 
one may suppose, his characteristic vehemence, the measure 
was rejected on sufficient grounds. From the crossing of 
Jacob's creek, which was at the point where Welchhonse's mill 
now stands, about one and a half miles below Mount Pleasant 
turnpike near the village of the same name, and thence by a 
more westwardly course, passing the Great Sew^ickley near 
Painter's Salt \Yorks, thence south and west of the postoffice 
of Madison and Jacksonville, it reached the Brush Fork of 
Turtle creek. It must strike those who examine the map, that 
the route for some distance, in the rear and ahead of Mount 
Pleasant, is out of the proper direction for Fort Duquesne, and 
accordingly we tind on the Ttli of July, Gen. Praddock in doubt 
as to his proper way of proceeding. The crossing of Brush 
creek which he had now reached, appeared to be attended 
with so much hazard, that parties were sent to reconnoitre, 
some of whom advanced so far as to kill a French officer 
within half a mile of Fort Duquesne. 

Their examinations induced a great divergence (o the left, 
and availing himself of the Valley of Long run, which he 
turned into, as is supposed, at Stewartsville, passing by the 
place now known as Samson's mill, the army made one of the 
best marches of the campaign, and halted for the night at a 
favorable depression between that stream and Crooked run, 
and about two miles from the Monongahela. At this spot, 
about four miles from the battle ground, which is yet well 
known as Braddock's spring, he was rejoined by Washington 
on the morning of the Oth of July. 

The approach (o the river was now dovYU the valley of 
Crooked run, to its mouth, where the point of fording is still 
manifest, from a <iee|) notch in the west bank, though rendered 
s(unewhat obscun- t)y vhe improved navigation of the river. 
The advance, under Col. Gage, crossed about 8 o'clock, and con 

12- Vol. 2, 


linued by the foot of the hill bordering- the broad river bottom 
to the second fording, which he had effected nearby as soon as 
the rear had got through the first. 

The second and last fording at the mouth of Turtle creek, 
was in full view of the enemy's position, and about one mile 
distant. By 1 o'clock the whole army had gained the right 
bank, and was drawn up on the bottom land, near Frazier's 
house, (spoken of by Washington, as his stopping place, on his 
mission to LeBoeuf), and about three-fourths of a mile dis- 
tant from the ambuscade. 

The advance was now about to march, and while a part of 
the army was yet standing on the plain, the tiring was heard. 
Not an enemy had yet been seen." 

Braddocks Grave. — "A few yards west of the Biaddock Run 
on the National Turnpike in Wharton township,Fayette county. 
<»n the north side of the road is the grave of Braddock. When 
the road was being prepared in 1812, human bones were dug up 
a few yards from llie road on Braddock's Run, some military 
trappings found with them indicated an otticer of rank, and as 
(ieneral Braddock was known to have been buried on this run, 
the bones were supposed to be his. Some of them were sent to 
Peale's Museum in Philadelphia. Abraham Stewart gathered 
them up as well as he could secure them, and placed them 
under a tree, and a board with "Braddock's Grave'' marked on 
it was fastened to the tree. In 1872, J. King, Editor of the 
Pittsburgh Gazette, came out to Chalk Hill, cut down the old 
tree, inclosed the spot with the neat fence now standing, and 
planted the pine trees now round the grave." [Evert's History 
of Fayette ('o.] 

(28.) "The Register of Fort Duquesne," &c. This Register is 
a translation from the original Registry of baptisms and 
deaths, &c., as it was kept at Fort Duquesne during the time 
of the French occupancy, by their priest, the Rev. Charles 
Baron. It was copied from the Records in Canada, under the 
supervision of ^Iv. John Gilmary Shea. LL. I)., and edited with 
a histoiical iulrodiutiou and exhaustive notes by Rev. A. A. 
Lambiii--. A. M., and published al I'it tsbin-gh. Pa.. 1S8.^). The 
Rt'UisltM- cxlciids from .liiiic. 1 7."'t4 to DectMiibei-, 1 7.")(J. The 


most interestiug entry in the Kegister is that in which is re- 
corded the death and burial of Beaujeu. It is as follows: 

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty-five, on 
the ninth of July, was killed in the battle fought with the Eng- 
lish, and the same day as above, Mr. Lienard Daniel, Esquire, 
Sieur de Beaujeu, Captain of Infantry, Commander of Fort 
Duquesne and of the army, who was aged about forty-five 
years, having been at confession and performed his devotions 
the same day. His remains were interred on the twelfth of 
the same month, in the cemetery of Fort Duquesne under the 
title of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin at the Beautiful 
river, and that with the customary ceremonies by us, i'(^collect 
priest, the undersigned chaplain of the King at the above 
mentioned fort. In testimony whereof we have signed. 

Fr. Denys Baron, P. R., 

Chaplain " 

"The precise location of this cemetery cannot now be de 
termined, nor will it ever be, from the fact that much of the 
point has been filled from eight to twelve feet above its level 
at the time of the French." 

Father Lambing continues further, giving a reasonable ex- 
planation of these unsatisfactory averments, and says: "The 
conflicting statements may, perhaps, be reconciled in one of 
two ways: p]itlier Beaujeu had not yet assumed command, 
and tluMi lie is si>oken of in the Register as commandei- by 
anticipation, as one who held the commission but liad not yet 
begun to exercise the duties of the ottlce to which he was ap- 
pointed; or else he was actually in command, as is stated in 
the Register, l)ut being dead, Contrecoeur could, without fear 
of contradiction, take the honor of victory to himself, and 
claim recognition from the home government for his eminent 
services. We need not be surprised at this statement, for it is 
well known that veracity was not among the most eminent 
virtues of some of the representatives of France in the New 
World. Xor would the Governor General l)e likely to refuse 
his countenance to the fraud, if proper iuHuence were brought 
to benr upon him. I am at a loss which of these opinions to 
embrace, but regard tlie hitter as the more ]>robable. The 


reader can cliouse lor liimseli'. l>ul whatever may hv said ol' 
the commander at the time of the battle, Contiecoeur resumed 
command after that time. M. Dumas was a subordinate 
officer under Beaujeu at the battle, and the historian of Gen- 
eral Braddock states that for his gallant conduct on the occa- 
sion he "was early in the subsequent year promoted to succeed 
M. de Contrecoeur in the command of Fort Duquesne. This 
is a mistake. His name appears in the Register as commander 
at least as early as September 18, 1755." 

The supposition of Father Lambing would seem to be alto- 
gethei' tenable. The trickery and corruption of the Canadian 
officials exceeds all belief. It is hard to say what would have 
been represented in a petition for a pension had Beaujeu lived 
to make application for it. 

Touching this conflict of authority we may observe that in 
the Journal of Operations of the Army, &c.. Arch., vi, 2d 
Series, it is said "M. de Beaujeu, who was in command of the 
fort, notified of their march, and much embarrassed to pre 
vent the siege with his handful of men, determined to go and 
meet the enemy." 

In the paper called "An account of what has occurred this 
year [1755] in Canada." Arch., vi, 328, reference is made to 
Contrecoeur in the following words: "Sieur de Contrecoeur, 
Captain in the Canadian troo])s, who was in connnand of that 
fort [Duquesne]," etc. 

See further as to the details of this expedition and rc^lative 
subjects, Winthrop Sargent's History of an expedition against 
Fort Duquesne. * * * * Parkman's writings, especially 
Montcalm and Wolfe, Penna. Archives, second series. Vol. vi. 

As part of the instructions to Ensign Douville (or Donville) 
given by Dumas when in command of Fort Duquesne, as 
above referred to, are these: "He shall spare no pains to 
make prisoners who may be able to confirm to us what we 
already know of the enemy's designs. * * * * Sieur Dou 
ville will employ all his talents and influence to prevent the 
Indians exercising any cruelty on those who will fall into 
-their hands. Honor and humanity ought to be our guides in 
that regard." This was given from Fort Duquesne, 23d of 
.March. 175G. * ♦ * * Tliese are ditferent sentiments 


from those generally heard tlirouojiont that lime, and they 
indicate a different humanity than that wiiicli witnessed the 
naked savages, yelling like famished wolves round their pris- 
oners whom the fire was scorching on that night after the 
defeat, as the scene occurred on the opposite shore from Fort 

"Return of the artillery, munitions of war and other effects 
belonging to the English, found on the field of battle after the 
action which took place on the 9th of July, 1755, w-ithin three 
leagues of Fort Duquesne on the Oyo, between a detachment 
of 200 Canadians and 650 Indians, commanded by Captain de 
Beaujeu, and a body of 2,000 Englishmen under the command 
of General Braddock, exclusive of the considerable plunder 
that the Indians took: 4 brass pieces with the arms of Eng- 
land, of the calibre of 11 lbs; 4 brass pieces with the arms of 
England, of the calibre of 5^ lbs; 4 brass mortars or howitzers' 
of 7| in. diameter; 3 other grenade mortars, of 4;^ inch; 175 
balls of 11 lbs; 57 howitzers of 6| inch; 17 barrels powder, of 
100 lbs; 19,740 musket cartridges; the artifices for the artillery; 
the other articles necessary for a siege; a great quantity of 
muskets, fit and unfit for service; a quantity of broken car- 
riages; 4 or 500 horses, some of them killed; about 100 head 
of horned cattle; a greater number of barrels of powder and 
Hour, broken; about 600 dead, of whom a great number are 
officers, and wounded in proportion; 20 men or women taken 
prisoners by the Indians; very considerable booty in furniture, 
clothing and utensils; a lot of papers which have not been 
translated for want of time; among others, the plan of Fort 
Duciuesne with its exact proportions. 

"'Note. — The Indians have plundered a great deal of gold and 
silver coin." (Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p.) 

The jjlan of the fort above referred to is the om* wlikli ('a|» 
tain Robert Stobo drew whilst a prisoner or hostage at I'oil 

(29.) Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, Chapter vii. 

(80.) Archives, 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 262. 

(31.) History Western Tenna.. i)age 118. 

(32.) Arch., Vol. ii, p. 530. 


(83.) These extracts are taken from the Papers Kelating to 
the French Occupancy, and are selected from them with re- 
gard to their bearing on Foit Duqnesne and the Frontiers dur- 
ing that period. (Arch., 2d series. Vol. vi.) 

(84.) Montcalm to Count D' Argenson. Arch.. 2d S., Vol. 
vi, p. 852. 

(35.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 354. 

Ensign Douville was killed in an attack on a small fort on 
the north branch of the Cacapehon, in Hampshire count}', Vir- 
ginia. The name is written Donville in vi Ai'ch., BOO, and by 
Sargent in his Braddock's -Expedition, p. 224. 

(86.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 859. 

(87.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 864. 

(38.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 380. 

(39.) Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 39. 
Archives iii, 147. 

(40.) Further examination of Michael La Chauvinerie, 
Junior, 26th Oct., 1757. (Arch., Vol. iii, p. 205.) 

(41.) History Western Penna., p. 138. Montcalm and Wolfe, ♦ 
Chap, xxii, note. 

(42.) Arch., 2d S., \'ol. vi, p. 428. 

(43.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 425. 

(44.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 427. 

They regarded the Loyalhanna as the Kiskiminetas which 
they called the River d' Attique. 

(45.) Arch., 2d Series, Vol. vi, p. 418. 
(46.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 351. 
(47.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 355. 
(48.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 402. 
(49.) Arch., 2d S., Vol. vi, p. 402. 
(50.) Parkman, M. & W., Chap, xxii, n. 
(.11. 1 Arcli., \'(»1. iii, p. 54."). 


(o2.| Parkman, M. »S: \\ ., ('iiap. xxii. 

(53.) Parkmau, M. «!v; \\ .. ("hap. xxii. 

(54.) Haslet's letter in Olden Time, \'ol. i, p. IS4, er seq. 

(55.) Post's Second Jouinal, Nov. 22, 1758. 

(56.) Col. Bouquet to Wm. Allen, Esq., C. J., Olden Time, 
\^ol. i, p. 182. Gen. Forbes to Gov. Denny, Hist. Western 
Penna., Appx., p. 800. 

A letter from the Hon. Colonel Bouquet, to ^\'m. Allen, Esq., 
Chief Justice of I'ennsvlvania : 

"Fort Duquesne, 25th November, 1758. 

"Dear Sir: 1 take, with great pleasure, the tirst opportunity 
of informing you of the reduction of this important place, ijer 
suaded that the success of his Majesty's arms on this side, will 
give you a great satisfaction, and reward you for all the pains 
you have taken for the diflicult supply of this army. 

"We marched from Loyal Hannon with twenty-tive hundred 
picked men, without tents or baggage, and a light train of 
artillery, in the expectation of meeting the enemies and de- 
tei'uiining by a battle, who should possess this country. The 
distance is about fifty miles, which we marched in five days, 
a great diligence considering the season — the uncertainty of 
the roads entirely unknown, and the difficulty of making them 
I>racticable for the artillery. 

"The 23d we took jtost at twelve miles from hence, and 
halted the 24:th for intelligence. In the evening our Indians 
reported that they had discovered a veiy thick smoke from 
the fort, and in the bottom along the Ohio. A few hours after, 
they sent word tluit the enemies had abandoned theii- foit, 
after having burnt everything. 

"We marched this morning, and fouud the report (rue. 
They have blown up and destroyed all their fortifications, 
houses, ovens and magazines; all their Indian goods were 
burnt in the stores, which seems to have been very consider- 
able. "They seem to have been about four-hundred men; parr 
have gone down the Ohio; one hundred by land, supposed to 
Presque Isle, and two hundred with the Governor, M. de 
Liguer}-, to Venango, where he told the Indians, he intended 


to staj this winter, witli au iuteiition to dislodge ns in the 
spring. We would soon make him shift his quarters, had we 
(mly provisions, but we are searcelj able to maintain ourselves 
here a few days to treat with the neighboring Indians, who are 
summoned to meet us. The destruction of the fort, the want 
of victuals, and the impossibility of being supplied in time at 
this distance and season of the year, obliges us to go back and 
leave a small detachment of two hundred men only, by way of 
keeping possession of the ground. 

"This successful expedition can be of great service to the 
provinces, provided they will improve and support it. It is 
noAv the time to take vigorous measures to secure this con 
quest; and unless Virginia and Pennsylvania can agree upon 
an immediate assistance, all our pains and advantages will be 

"An immediate supply of provisions, clothing and necessa 
ries, should at any rate be sent up for the support of the 
troops; and measures taken for the formation of magazines on 
the frontiers (Raystown and Cumberland), for the supply of 
an army to act early in the spring. 

"The succors and directions from England would be too late, 
and if the colonies do not exert themselves to the utmost of 
their power, I am afraid they will have occasion to repent it." 

t57.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 181. 

(58.) Probabl}' the ground where prisoners ran the gauntlet. 
See Smith's Narr. 

(59.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 186. 

(60.) See Fort Machault. Register, p. 30, whereat authori- 
ties are given. 

(61.) Hist, Western Penna., Appx., p. 300. ' 

(62.) Records, Vol. viii, p. 232. Centennial Celebration of tlu> 
liicorpuration of Pit isburgli. Address Rev. A. A. Lanil4ng, as 
to the authority for the form of the word. 

(63.) It has been said, and apparently it seems to be correct, 
that "Fort Pitt" as applicable to the structure was first used 
by Gen. Stanwix, Dec. 24, 1751), in the body of the letter, where 
it is I'cfpii'cd to. (Arrh., Vol. iii, p. 696.) Even that letter he 


writes from "Pittsburgh. ' Other letters of his are dated at 
"Camp at Pittsburgh," tiiough not invariably so. 

et seq 










Centenary Memorial, by Wm. M. Darlington, p. iMJd, 

Col. Mercer to Gov. Denny. (Records, viii, p. l'!>J.i 

Records, viii, 314. 

Records, viii, 315. 

Records, viii, 316. 

See Fort Machault. (Arch., iii, <i71 & 674.) 

Records, viii, 376. 

Records, viii, 377. 

Records, viii, 391. 

Arch., iii, 685. 

Gen. Slanwix lo (iuv. h«Miii\ : ••|'ii»iii-j;li. Oci. IStli, 1759. 
We are proceeding here to establish a good post, by erecting 
a respectable fort. Our advancements are far unequal to my 
wishes, beginning so very late as the 10th of September, which 
was as soon as I got up working tools, and have continued as 
many troops here as I can feed for the works, to have been 
often brought to eight day's provisions. It is this that must 
bound every enterprise of every sort in this so distant a 
country, and all land carriages. The troops in the garrison, 
and on the communication, suffered greatly by death and de 
sertions, altho' they were then paid to the first of October, and 
now only to the first of August." (Records viii, 427.) 

(74.) Arch., iii, 693. 

(75.) Western Penna., Appx., 127. 

(76.) Western Penna., Appx., 129. 

(77.) Records, viii, 383. 

(78.) Western Penna., .A.ppx., 139. 

(79.) Arch., iii, 711. 

(80.) Wm. M. Darlington in Cent. Mem., p. 267. 

(81.) Hist. Pittsburgh, p. 85. 

Extract of a letter from Pittsburgh, Sept. 24, (1759). "It is 


now near a month since the army has been employed in erect- 
ing a most formidable fortification; such a one as will, to latest 
l)osterity, secure the British empire on the Ohio. There is no 
need to enumerate the abilities of the chief engineer, nor the 
spirit shown by the troops, in executing the important task; 
the fort will soon be a lasting monument of both." Ibid. 

(8li.) Craig's llisl. IMl Ishurgh. jt. ST. 

(83.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 199. 

(84.) Arch., 2d Series, vii, 422. 

(85.) Arch., iv, 39. 

(86. Records, viii, 509. 

(87.) Records, viii, 510. 

(88.) Records, viii, 511. 

(89.) Records, viii, 578. 

(90.) Records, viii, 582. 

(91.) Col. Kurd's Journal. (Arch., 2d S„ vii, 428.) 

(92.) Records, viii, 592. 

(93.) Arch., iii, 744. Records, viii, 64G. Records, viii, 739. 

(94.) Records, viii, 676. 

(95.) Records, viii, 776. 

(96.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap. vii. 

(97.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap. vii. 

(98.) Parkman, Pontiac, Chap, xviii. The account of the 
siege of Fort Pitt by the Indians, is largely taken from Park- 
man's Conspiracy of Pontiac, omitting therefrom such matters 
as is not clearly verified by authentic documents. Mr. Park- 
man has treated exhaustively the French and Indian war, hav- 
ing had access to papeis and correspondence which had not 
tlieretolor!' bern used, and chiefly the Bouquet and Haldiman 
Paper, co])ies of which lie obtained from the original manu- 
script collection of the British Museum. He has also ex- 
hausted all the cotemporary as well as the latter authorities. 

(99.) PaHcnian. Pontine xviii (Vol. ii, p. 6, n). Extract from 


a hotter, Ecnyer to Bouquet: "Just as I had tinished my letter 
1'laee men came in tiom Clapham's, with tlie Mehmcholy 
News, that Yesterday, at three O'Clock in the Afternoon, the 
Indians Murdered Clapham, and Every Body in his House: 
These three men were out at w^ork, & escaped through the 
\\'oods. I Immediately Armed them, and sent them to Assist 
our ]N'ople at Bushy Run. The Indians have told Byerly (at 
Bushy Hun) to leave his Place in Four Days, or he and bis 
Family would all be murdered: I am Uneasy for the little 
Posts — as for this, I will answer for it." 

(100.) Report of Conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt 
July IMith, 1708. Taken from MS. by Mr. Parkman. Id. 

(101.) See Bouquet's Expedition and Battle of Bushy Run, 
elsewhere, and Fort Ligonier. 

dOL'.) Craiii's History of Pit lshur<:h. p. 9:^.. 

dO;'..) Craig's Hist. IMi tsbiir<;li, p. iK"). 

(104.) The Major's name is sometimes written Edmoustoue, 
and sometimes Edmondson. He signs his name Edmondstone 
where he himself had occasion to write it. 

(105.) Arch, iv, 457. 

The following is an extract from the message of Richard 
Peun, (Governor, to the Assembly, on the 29th of Jan., 1773, 
(Records x, 09): "It cannot but be doubted but that the late 
Military Establishment at Port Pitt, did very greatly Con 
tribute to the rapid Population of the Country beyond the 
mountain, and that the withdrawing the King's Troops must 
of course not only depress the spirits of the Present Settlers, 
but retard the progress of the Settlement. 

"I persuade myself that you will view the safety and protec- 
liou of that Extensive and Flourishing district as an object of 
General importance, and worthy of the Public attention; and 
as it appears to me that the most proper, and indeed the only 
assistance which can be afforded these people, is the support- 
ing a small Garrison at that Post or Place. I find myself under 
the Necessity of applying to you to enable me to carry that 
Measure into Execution." 

On the 5th of the same month in another message he says: 


"Alt ho' there may be no pi'ospect of a speedy lenewal of Hos 
tilities on the part of the Indians, it may yet be udod policy 1o 
guard in time against the worst that can happen, especially as 
the measure proposed will be attended with no great expense 
to the public; a garrison of 25 or 30 men to keep possession of 
that important place, being perhaps sufficient for the present." 
(Records x, 71.) 

(106.) Records x, 141. 

We have not entered into the merits of the claim of Edward 
Ward on a part of the land which belonged to the fortification 
after it had been dismantled by the British government, in 
1772. The details of the contention which grew out of this 
claim may be seen in the notes to the Washington-Irvine Cor- 
respondence, the St. Clair papers, the Olden Time, Craig's 
History of Pittsburgh, and the Pennsylvania Archives and Co- 
lonial Records. We have alluded to it so far as was necessary 
in the treatment of our subject. 

(107.) Arch, iv, 457. 

(108.) Arch, iv, 561. 

(109.) Arch, iv, 629. 

(110.) ('raig's Hist<»i-y of IMnsbiirgh, 121. 

"To bring the account of this controversy, which has already 
occupied so much space to a close, we mention thai under the 
kinder feelings produced by united resistance to Great Britain, 
movements were made early in 1779, to bring the question to 
an amicable settlement. For this purpose George Bryan, John 
Ewing and David Rittenhouse, on the part of Pennsylvania, 
and Dr. James Madison, late Bishop of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church, and Robert Andrews, on the part of V'^irginia, 
were appointed! Commissioners to agree u]>on a boundary. 
These gentlemen met at Baltimore on the 31st of August, 1779, 
and entered into the following agreement: 

"'We (naming the Commissioners'! do hereby mutually, in 
behalf of oui* respective states, ratify and confirm the following 
agreement, viz: To extend Mason and Dixon's line due west 
five degrees of longitude, to be computed from the Delaware 


river, for the southern boundary of Pennsvlvjinia, and that a 
meridian, drawn from the western extremity thereof, to the 
northern limit of said state, be the western boundary of said 
State forever.' " 

This agreement was confirmed and ratified by the Legisla 
ture of Virginia, u})on certain conditions, on the 23d of June, 
1780, and by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, on the 23d 
of September, 1780. 

[t now only i-emained to mark the lines upon the ground, so 
fhat the citizens should know to what authorities they owed 
allegiance and obedience, and to whom to look for protection." 
[Craig, Hist. Pittsburgh, p. 124, et seq.] 

(111.) Captain Neville was then about forty-three or forty 
four, about the same age as Washington, of whom he was an 
early acquaintenance, and with whom he had served twenty 
years previous, in Braddock's expedition and defeat. He had. 
in the preceding year been elected a delegate to the Provincial 
('onvention, which appointed Peyton Randolph, Ceorge Wash- 
ington and others, delegates to the first Continenfal Congress, 
but was prevented from attending by sickness. 

(11 2.) Craig's Hist, of Pittsburgh, j). 141. 

In Nov. of 1777, Congress requested (ien. Washington to 
send to Col. William Crawford to Pittsburgh to take command 
under General Hand of the Continental troops and militia in 
the W estern Department. In May, 1778, Crawford took com 
mand of the Virginia regiment here. In the meantime Gen. 
Hand had been succeeded by Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcin- 
tosh. [Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 19, n.] 

(113.) Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 17. 

Col. John Proctor in a letter to President Wharton from 
"Westmoreland county, Apr. ye 26th, 1778. 

"Sir, I am able to inform you that Capt. Alexander McKee 
with sevin other Vilons is gon to the Indians, and since there 
is a Serj't and twenty od men gon from Pittsburgh of the 
Soldiers. What may be the fate of this Country God only 
knowcs. but at Prisent it wears a most Dismal aspect.'' [Arch, 
vi, 445.] 


(114.) Wash. Irvine Cor., p. 22. 

(115.) Wash. Irvine Cor., 24. 

(11(>.) Wash. Irv. Cor., 20. 

(117.) Wash. Irvine Cor.. ]». 134. 

Daniel Brodhead was born at Marbletown, Twister rounty. 
New York, in 173G. His great grandfather, Daniel Brodhead. 
was a royalist and captain of grenadiers in the reign of Charles 
II. He came with the expedition nnder Colonel Nichols in 
1664, that captnred the Netherlands (now New York) 
from the Dutch, and settled in Marbletown in 16fi.5. His son 
Richard, and his son Daniel, the father of the subject of this 
sketch, also resided in Marbletown. Daniel Brodhead, Sr., in 
1736, removed to a place called Dansville on Brodhead's Creek, 
near Stroudsburgh, Monroe county, Pennsylvania, when Daniel 
Brodhead, Jr., was an infant. The latter and his brothers be- 
came famous for their courage in conflicts with the Indians on 
the border, their father's house having been attacked by the 
savages December 11th, 1755. Daniel became a resident of 
Reading in 1771, where he was deputy surveyor. In July, 
1775, he was appointed a delegate from Berks county to the 
provincial convention at Philadelphia. At the breaking out 
of the Revolution, Daniel was elected a lieutenant-colonel (com- 
missioned October 25, 1770), and subsequently became colonel 
of 1 he Kightli Pennsylvania Regiment; liis promolion was 
Mnrch 12, 1777, to rank from Septenil>er 2J), 177G. He par- 
ti ci])a led in the battle of Long Island, and in other battles in 
which Washington's army was engaged. He marched to Fort 
Pitt, as has been already stated, in the summer of 177S, his 
regiment forming a part of Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcin- 
tosh's command in the Western Department. Here, as we have 
seen, he served until the next spring, when he succeeded to the 
command in the West, headquarters at Fort Pitt. He retained 
this position until September 17, 1781, making a very efficient 
and active commander, twice leading expeditions into the In- 
dian country, in both of which he was successful; but Avas 
supiMsedcd in his command at Pittsburgh by Colonel John (iib- 
soii. Ifi (sdlicad \\;is, ;il Jliiit date, colonel of the First Peuu 
sylvania Regimcnl, t<» wliicli position he was assigned .January 


17, 1781. After the war, he was Suneyor General of Penn 
svlvania. He was aj)pointecI to that office November 3, 1789, 
and held the place ehnen years, he having previously served 
in the General Assembly. He died at Milford, Pike county. 
November 15, 1800. He was twice married. By his tirst wife 
he had two children; by his second, none. In 1873, at Mil- 
ford, an appropriate monument was erected to his memory. 

(118.) Letter Book to Oct. 20, 1780, in the Twelfth volume of 
the Archives, and the Correspondence from 1780 to Oct. 28th, 
1781, in Olden Time, Volume ii, 370. 

(119.) The report is found in the Archives xii, 155. 

(120.) This Correspondence is in Olden Time, Vol. ii. 

(121.) C. W. Butterlield, Esq. Introduction to the Washing 
ton-Irvine Correspondence, page 61, etc. Mr. Butterfield's 
statement is as condensed as is consistent with clearness. We 
have given sufficient jeferences to indicate how much indebted 
we are to this compilation. 

(122.) On the 6th of Nov., 1781, Gen. Irvine, on receipt of 
the news of the surrender of Cornwallis, issued an order to 
tire thirteen pieces of artillery in the fort, and the issue of a 
gill of whisky extraordinary to officers and privates. 

The Eighth Pennsylvania regiment, under command of 
Daniel Brodhead as Colonel, marched, as previously explained, 
to Fort Pitt in the summer of 1778 to take part in an ex]»edi 
tion under Brigadier-(reneial Lachlan Mcintosh against De 
troit. The enterjjrise, it will already be seen, jjroved abor 
five, but the regiment renuiined in the Western Department; 
when, upon the arrival of hvine, "its remains" were reformed 
into a "detachment from the Pennsylvania line," to be com- 
manded by Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Bayard, as above in- 
dicated; the whole consisted of only two companies, the first 
commanded by Capt. Clark and Lieuts. Peterson and Reed; 
tlie second by Capt. Brady and Lieuts. Ward and Morrison. 

(123.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 66 and 67. 

Tltc ( 'oniniander-in-Chief did not c<»uiitenanc(' the srlicinc 
III' building the fort. 


(124.) Hinds and Fisher had been tried bv court-martial 
when Col. Gibson was in command, and sentenced to death. 
FTpon representations made to the Commander in-Chief the 
sentence in Fisher's case was not approved. Of Hinds' case 
the General knowing nothing more than what was contained 
in the papers submitted, left the case under the circumstances 
to General Irvine. For further information see the orders and 
proceedings in the Washington Irvine Correspondence, notes 
p. S2. 

(125.) Major Isaac Craig, was Deputy Quartermaster Gen 
eral, &c. He left a verv large mass of papers and corres 
pondence which has been well taken care of by his descend 
ants. We shall have occasion to refer to him hereafter. For 
further information as to the subject connected with Major 
Craig's official duties, see the Second Series, Penna. Archives, 
Volume iv; the Letter Book of Maj. Isaac Craig running 
through several numbers of the Historical Register of 1884, 
and "Fort Pitt," n compilation by the late Wni. M. Darlington, 

(126.) Wash. Irvine Cor., 141. 

(127.) Craig's Pittsburgh, 182. 

(^128.) Centennial Celebration of the Incorporation of Pitts- 
burgh. Address by Rev. A. A. Lambing, p. 18. * * * * 
For Lee's Journal : See Olden Time. 

On the 30th of November, 17S2, preliminary articles of peace 
between the United States and Great Britain were signed at 
Paris. Commenting on the scarcity of information of affairs 
here at this period, Mr. Craig (Hist, of Pgh.) says: ''From the 
period when the news of that event was received here, mili- 
tary movements and preparation would cease, and business 
would probably stagnate for a time. In the fall of 1783, the 
proprietaries, John Penn, Jr., and John Penn, concluded to 
sell the lands within the Manor of Pittsburgh. The first sale 
was made in January, 1784, to Isaac Craig and Stephen Bay- 
ard, of all the ground between Fort Pitt and the Allegheny 
river, "supposed to contain about three acres. Subsequently, 
lH)w<M'er, lo the date of thai agreement, the proprietaries con- 
el inlcd to lay out a town at the junction of the rivers, so as 


to embrace within its limits the three acres agreed to be sold, 
as well as all the ground covered by the fort. We presume, 
the purchasers of the three acres assented to this division of 
the ground, as they afterward received a deed describing the 
ground, not by the acre, but by the metes and bounds fixed by 
the plan of the town, except that the lots on the Monongahela 
were described as extending to the river, instead of being 
limited by Water street, as the plan exhibits them. 

"The laying out of the town was complete by Thos. Vickroy, 
of Bedford county, in June, and approved by Tench Francis, 
the attorney of the proprietors, on the 30th Sept., 1784. Sales 
immediately commenced, many applications for lots were made 
as soon as the survey was completed and before it had been 
traced on paper." 

(129.) Craig's Pittsburgh, 210-213. 

The foregoing extracts in the text are mostly from the same 

(130.) Arch, xii, 437. Quoting Penna. Gazette, xi, 39. 

(131.) Craig, 248. 

(132.) The date of the publication of the History from which 
this extract is taken is 1851. 

"Isaac Craig was born at Ballykeel-Ednagonnel, County 
Down, Ireland, of Presbyterian parents, about the year 1742, 
emigrating to America at the close of the year 1765 or begin- 
ning of 1766, and settled in Philadelphia, working as a journey- 
man house carpenter, which trade he had previously learned, 
becoming finally a master builder, and laboring with success 
until the breaking out of the Revolution. In November, 1775, 
he received an appointment as the oldest lieutenant of marines 
in the navy, and, in that capacity, served ten months, being 
promoted, after some active service, to a captaincy of marines. 
Having joined the army with his company as infantry, he was 
present at the crossing of the Delaware, the capture of the 
Hessians at Trenton, and at the battle of Princeton. On the 3d 
of March, 1777, he was appointed a captain of artillery in the 
regiment of Pennsylvania troops under the command of 
Colonel Thomas Proctor, in which regiment he continued to 

13-Vol. 2. 


serve until it was disbanded at the close of the war. He was 
engaged with his company in the battles of Brandywine and 
Germantown. Early in the spring of 1778, he was ordered to 
Carlisle. Here he remained until August, 1778. On the 29th 
of March, 1779, he was ordered to the command of the fort at 
Eillingsport, on the Delaware, below Philadelphia, being re- 
lieved May 2d following. He was ordered with his regiment 
to Easton, May 20, 1779, and marched with Sullivan in his ex- 
pedition against the Six Nations, returning to Easton, October 
18, following. In January, 1780, he was with the army at Mor- 
ristown, New Jersey. On the 20th of April, he was ordered to 
Fort Pitt with artillery and military stores, reaching that post 
on the 25th of June. He continued in command of the artil- 
lery there until the 20th of July, 1781, when he left with his 
detachment for the Falls (Louisville) in aid of Clark, as before 
narrated; getting back to Fort Pitt on the 26th of November. 
On the 12th of March, 1782, Captain Craig was promoted to 
be major, his commission bearing date March 13, 1782, to rank 
from October 7, 1781. His duties at Fort Pitt and the con- 
fidence reposed in him by General Irvine have already been in- 
dicated in previous pages. Major Craig continued at that post 
until the close of the war, when he became a citizen of Pitts- 


Within three years after the defeat of Braddock, (1755), an- 
other army was organized under orders of the British govern- 
ment, with the assistance of the middle colonies, for an offensive 
campaign particularly directed against Fort Duquesne. Briga- 
dier John Forbes was entrusted with the command. He waited 
at Philadelphia until his army was ready, and it was the end 
of June, (1758), before they were on the march. His forces 
consisted of provincials from Pennsylvania, Virginia, Mary- 
land, and North Carolina, with 1200 Higlilanders of Montgom- 
ery's regiment and a detachment of Royal Americans, amount- 
ing in all, with wagons and camp followers, to between six and 
seven thousand men. 


The Koyal American regiment was a new corps raised in the 

colonies, largely among- the Gennaus of Pennsylvania. Its 
oflflcers were from Europe; and of the most conspicuous among 
them was Lieut.-Col. Bouquet, a brave and accomplished 
Swiss, who commanded one of the four battalions of which the 
regiment was composed. (1.) 

The troops from Virginia, Xorth Carolina and Maryland 
were ordered to assemble at Winchester, in Virginia, under 
Colonel Washington; and the Pennsylvania forces at Kays- 
town, now Bedford. Bouquet preceded Forbes, who was at- 
tacked by a painful and dangerous malady which disabled him 
from leaving Philadelphia for some time, and from which he 
suffered direfully throughout the whole campaign. 

Bouquet with the advance division was at Raystown early in 
July, (1758). Here in an opening of the forest, by a small 
stream, were his tents pitched; and Virginians in hunting 
shirts, Highlanders in kilt and plaid, and Royal Americans in 
regulation scailet, labored at throwing up intrenchments and 

And here, before the army set out on its way through the 
wilderness, from this the verge of civilization, a question rose 
as to the route to be pursued; whether the army should hew a 
road through the forest, or march 34 miles to Fort Cumberland, 
(Md.), and thence follow the road which had been made by 
Braddock. The Pennsylvanians urged the former; the Virgin- 
ians, with Washington as their most active and zealous 
speaker, insisted on the latter route. It was finally deter- 
mined, upon the opinion of Sir John Sinclair, quarter master- 
general, who had accompanied Braddock, and of Col. Arm- 
strong, to whose opinion Forbes and Bouquet paid great defer- 
ence, as well as from reasons which appeared to be convincing 
to Bouquet and himself, that the course should be direct 
through Pennsylvania, from which conclusion it was neces- 
sary that a new road should be made from that point (2), and 
by the 1st of August, ('58). a large force was employed opening 
out and making the new road for the passage of the army 
between Bedford and tlie Lnnrel Hill. (3.) 

Meanwhile Bouquet's men pushed on the heavy work of roarl 
making up the main range of the Alleghenies,and, what proved 


far worse, the parallel mountain ridge of Laurel Hill, hewing, 
digging, blasting, laying fascines and gabions to support the 
track along the sides of steep declivities, or worming their way 
like moles through the jungle of swamp and forest. Forbes 
described the country to Pitt as an "immense uninhabited wil- 
derness, overgrown everywhere with trees and brushwood, so 
that nowhere can one see twenty yards." In truth, as far as 
eye or mind could reach, a prodigious forest vegetation spread 
its impervious canopy over hill, valley and plain, and wrapped 
the stern and awful waste in the shadows of the tomb. (4.) 

Forbes, still very ill, was obliged to rest on his way at every 
stop of his progress, as the nature of his disease — being an in- 
flammation of the stomach and bowels — was such as required 
rest of body. He was carried on a kind of litter, swung be- 
tween two horses. It was a little before September when he 
reached Bedford, where he was joined by Washington. 

The advance of Bouquet's force before this time had reached 
the Loyalhanna, and under Col. Burd of the Pennsylvania 
regiment, (5), had begun the erection of a stockade and forti- 
fied camp. (6.) 

The plan adopted by those who were in command, and 
carried out by Forbes, was, instead of marching like Braddock, 
at one stretch for Fort Duquesne, burdened with a long and 
cumbrous baggage-train, to push on by slow stages, establish- 
ing fortified magazines as they went, and at last, when within 
easy distance of the fort, to advance upon it with all his force, 
as little impeded as possible with wagons and pack-horses. 

The western base of Laurel Hill along which flows the Loyal- 
hanna had been fixed upon as the point at which there should 
be a general gathering of the army before any serious attempt 
was made to advance farther westward. The first camp of the 
soldiers who took up their position here was called the "Camp 
at Loyalhannon ;" the place taking its name from the creek in 
its English form, which itself is a variation of its Indian name. 
The old Indian path direct from their village and trading point 
near the Forks of the Ohio to Raystown and the east, crossed 
the creek here. It was known as the Loyalhannon, or cognate 
name, long before the time when it was occupied by the Eng- 
lish. (7.) 


About the first of September, ('58), nearly all of Bouquet's 
division consisting of about 2500 men, were encamped about the 
Loyalhanna. It is probable, moreover, that a more advanced 
position had even been taken at a point about ten miles west, on 
the old trading path, on the bank of the Nine-Mile run, a tribu- 
tary of the Loyalhanna. Gen. Forbes, in a letter dated at Fort 
Loudoun, Sept. 9th, 1758, says that the road over the moun- 
tains, and the communication was then ^'effecttially done to 
with 40 miles of the French Fort." (8.) 

While the advance of the army lay at the Loyalhanna await- 
ing the arrival of the General, occurred the unfortunate affair 
of Major Grant's Defeat — the most disastrous episode of this 

Major James Grant, of the Highlanders, had begged Bouquet 
to allow him to make a reconnoisance in force to the enemy's 
fort, and being allowed permission to do so, had received 
special orders not to approach too near the fort if there were 
any indications of resistance, and in no event to run the hazard 
of a combat, if it could be avoided. 

He left the camp on the 9th of Sept. with a force of 37 offi- 
cers and 805 privates. Without having been discovered by the 
enemy — which was a remarkable thing — he succeeded on the 
third day after, in reaching the hill which overlooked Fort Du- 
quesne. He then, very imprudently, prepared his plans to 
draw the enemy out; flattering himself that he could readily 
defeat them. He based his expectations on an utter ignorance 
of the methods of his enemy, of the qualities of most of his 
own men, and of the strength of his opponents. The French 
within a day or two before had received reenforcements from 
the Illinois. 

In the early morning of the 14th (Sept., '58), while the fog 
yet lay on the land and river, he sent a few Highlanders to 
burn a ware-house standing on the cleared ground. He did 
this to draw out the enemy, and had the bagpipes play and the 
reveille to be beaten to comfort his men ****** 
The roll of the drums was answered by a burst of war-whoops, 
and the French came swarming out, many of them in their 
shirts, having just leaped from their beds. They came to- 
gether and there was a hot fight in the forest, lasting 


about three-quarters of an hour. At length the horrors 
of such warfare, to which the Highlanders were not at all 
used, the frightful yells and hideous appearance of the bar- 
barians, their overpowering number, their own ignorance of 
such a method of fighting completely overcame them. 
They broke away in wild and disorderly retreat. * * * * 
The only hope was in those Virginians whom Grant had 
posted back so that they might not share the honor 
of victory. Lewis had pushed forward, on the sound of the 
battle, but in the woods he missed the retreating Highlander^. 
Bullitt and his Virginia company stood their ground, and they 
kept back the whole body of French and Indians till two- 
thirds of his men were killed. They would not accept quarter. 
The survivors were driven into the Allegheny, where some 
were drowned, others swam over and escaped. ***** 
Grant was surrounded and captured, (9), and Lewis, who pres- 
ently came up, was also made prisoner, along with some of his 
men. * * * * Ti^e English lost 273 killed, wounded and 
taken. The rest got back safe to the camp at Loyalhanna. 

The French did not pursue their immediate advantage with 
the zeal which their success would have justified. From all ac- 
counts they made special efforts to make prisoners rather than 
kill, and the loss of dead was suffered mostly at the hands of 
the Indians. The French who had full knowledge of the move- 
ments of the army, and who knew that only a part of it had ar- 
rived at the Loyalhanna, determined, notwithstanding the de- 
fection of their allies, after their victory over Grant, to make 
an attack on the camp without the loss of time and before the 
entire army should come up. The Indians now showed every 
sign of disaffection. They were getting tired of the French, 
and were anxious to get home to their squaws and papooses. 
But above all, the wonderful influence of that remarkable man, 
Frederick Post, in whom the savages had implicit confidence, 
and who was among thorn at tliis time as the agent of the Pro- 
vince, was successful in alienating them from their old confed- 

Accordingly, the united forces of the French and Indians, 
by a premeditated arrangement sallied forth and with great 
desperation attacked the English in their camps around the 


stockade, and even the stockade itself. After a bitter engage- 
ment they were repulsed; and from this repulse they never 
succeeded in gathering their forces together again in sufficient 
numbers to encourage them to risk the chances of another en- 
gagement. In the woods around Fort Ligonier, the French 
and their barbarian allies met in battle for the last time the 
English, in their contest for the region of the Ohio. 

But in the interim, and up to the time when they were chased 
back from the Loyalhanna, the enemy harrassed the English in 
every way conceivable, but especially by lying in wait and am- 
bushing detachments separated from the others, and by con- 
stantly destroying the horses and cattle. This warfare was 
carried on all round this post, both eastward and westward of 
the camp and all through the woods surrounding it. 

Very meagre accounts of this engagement which came off 
here at Ligonier on this occasion when the French and In- 
dians attacked the English, are available. In its results, how- 
ever, it was of great moment and consequence. In the history 
of the conflict with the barbarians, single engagements must, 
nearly always, be considered in connection with or in relation 
to events of which they are merely a part. What the result 
would have been had the English at Loyalhanna fallen to the 
mercy of their enemies, can only be conjectured. It is certain 
that the battle was one of magnitude and desperation. There 
is quite enough testimony from the best sources to fix this be- 
yond doubt; and its effect on the subsequent part of the cam- 
paign and on the history of the timew-as no less a matter for con- 
gratulation for the English than of mortification and ill omen 
to the French. The more we know of the actual condition of 
affairs at that time, the more apparent it becomes that this en- 
gagement was of the greatest moment in its results. 

The following extracts from the Pennsylvania Gazette, Oc- 
tober 26, 1758, &c., give some particulars of the action of the 

''Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated 14th: 

'*We were attacked by 1200 French and 200 Indians, com- 
manded by M. de Vetri, on Thursday, 12th current, at 11 
o'clock, A. M., with great fury until .3 P. M., when I had the 


pleasure of seeing victory attend the British arms. The enemy- 
attempted in the night to attack us a second time; but in re- 
turn for their most melodious music, we gave them a lesson of 
shells, which soon made them retreat. Our loss on this occa- 
sion is only 62 men and 5 officers, killed, wounded, and missing. 
The French were employed all night in carrying off their dead 
and wounded, and I believe carried off some of our dead in 

"Extract of a letter from Raystown, October 16, 1758: 

"Yesterday the troops fired on account of our success over 
the enemy, who attacked our advanced post at Loyal Hanning 
the 12th inst. ; their number, by the information of a prisoner 
taken, said to be about 1100. The engagement began about 11 
o'clock A. M., and lasted till 2. They renewed the attack 
thrice, but our troops stood their ground and behaved with the 
greatest bravery and firmness at their different posts, repulsing 
the 0nemy each time, notwithstanding which, they did not 
quH the investment that night, but continued firing random 
shots during that time. This has put our troops in good 
spirits. The accounts are hitherto imperfect, which obliged 
the General to send a distinct officer yesterday to Loyal Hanning 
to learn a true account of the affair. By the General's infor- 
mation, they only took one wounded soldier, and say nothing of 
the killed, though it was imagined to be very considerable, if 
they attacked in the open manner it is reported they did. 
Colonel Bouquet was at Stony Creek, with 700 men and a de- 
tachment of artillery. He could get no further on account of 
the roads, which, indeed, has impeded everything greatly. To- 
night or to-morrow a sufficient number of wagons will be up 
with provisions. Killed 12, wounded 18, missing 31. Of the 
missing 29 were on grass guards when the enemy attacked." 

It will be seen from the list of those killed, as also from the 
reports, that at this day the most of the army at Loyalhanna 
was composed of provincials. Bouquet himself was not at the 
camp at the time of the engagement. Col. James Burd was in 
commapd. and the following is his account in a letter written 
the same day. (11.) 


"Camp at Loyal Hannon, Oct. 12, 1758. 
''To Col. Bouquet at Stoney Creek on the Laurel Hill : 

I iiad the pleasure to receive your favors of this date this 
evening at 7 P. M. I shall be glad to see you. 1 send you, 
through Lieut. Col. Lloyd (who marches to you with 200 men), 
the 100 falling axes, etc., you desire. 

"This day, at 11 A. M., the euemj- tired 12 guns to the south- 
west of us, upon which I sent two partys to surround them; 
but instantly the firing increased, upon which I sent out a 
larger party of 500 men. They were forced to the camp, and 
immediately a regular attack ensued, which lasted a long time; 
I think about two hours. But we had the pleasure to do that 
honour to his Majesty's arms, to keep his camp at Loyal Han- 
non. I can't inform you of our loss, nor that of the enemy. 
But must refer to for the particulars to Lieut. Col. Lloyd. One 
of their soldiers, which we have mortally wounded, says they 
were 1200 strong and 200 Indians, but I can ascertain nothing 
of this further, I have drove them off the field; but I don't 
doubt of a second attack. If they do I am ready." In a post- 
script he adds: "Since writing we have been fired upon." (12.) 

In a letter of Henry Bouquet's dated at "Kay's Dudgeon, 
Oct. 13, 1758, 10 P. M." (13.) He says: 

"After having written to you this morning, I went to recon- 
noitre Laurel Hill, with a party of 80 men, some firing of guns 
around us made me suspect that it was the signal of an enemy's 
party. I sent to find out, and one of our party having per- 
ceived the Indians, fired on them. We continued our march 
and have found a very good road for ascending the mountain, 
although very stony in two places. The old road is absolutely 

"I have had this afternoon a second letter from Colonel Burd. 
The enemies have been all night around the entrenchments, 
and have made several false attacks. The cannon and the 
cohortes (14) have held them in awe, and until the Colonel had 
sent to reconnoitre the environs, he was not sure that they had 
retired. At this moment is heard from the mountains several 
cannon shots which makes me judge that the enemies haye not 
yet abandoned the party, and at all events I am going to at- 
tempt to reenter this post before day. The 200 men which 



Colonel Burd sent to me, have eaten nothing for two days. I 
received this moment provisions from Stoney Creek and will 
depart in two hours. 

"I have not any report of our loss, two oflScers from Mary- 
land have been killed, and one wounded. Duncannon of Vir- 
ginia mortally wounded, also one oflScer in the first battalion 
of Pennsylvania, and nearly fifty men. 

"The loss of the enemy must be considerable to judge by the 
reports of our men and the fire which they have already 
wasted. Without this cursed rain we would have arrived in 
time with the artillery and 200 men, and I believe it would have 
made a difference. 

"As soon as it is possible, I will send you word how we are. 
Be at rest about the post. I have left it in a state to defend 
itself against all attacks without cannon, and I learn that they 
have finished all that remains to be done." 

Col. Bouquet arrived at the camp at Loyalhahna on the 7th 
of Sept. He mentions this fact in a letter to Gen. Amherst 
written from that post, Sept. 17th, in which he reports the re- 
sult of the reconnoisance of Maj. Grant. In this letter he ex- 
plains at length the part he had in suggesting the expedition 
which was so disastrously carried out by Grant. In this letter 
is also given some account of the affairs about the camp, of 
interest in this place. He says: 

"The day on which I arrived at the camp, which was the 7th, 
it was reported to me that we were surrounded by parties of 
Indians, several soldiers having been scalped, or made pris- 

"Being obliged to have our cattle and our horses in the 
woods, our people could not guard or search for them, without 
being continually liable to fall into the hands of the enemy. 

"Lieut. Col. Dagworthy and our Indians having not yet ar- 
rived, I ordered two companies each of 100 men to occupy the 
pathways and try to cut off the enemies in their ambush and 
release our prisoners." (15.) 

Gen. Forbes to Col. Bouquet from Raystown, Sept. 2.3, 1758. 
where he had just heard of the report of Grant's defeat, says: 

"I have sent Mr. Bassett back the length of Fort Loudoun, in 
order to divide the troops from thence to Juniata, in small 


parties all along that road, who are to set it all to rights, and 
keep it so; and as the party s are all encamped within live oi' 
six miles one of another, they serve as escorts to the provi- 
sions and forage that is coming up, at the same time. * * * 
I understand by these officers that you have drawn the troops 
from your advanced post. * * * * i shall be glad to hear 
that all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and that Loyall 
Hannon will be soon past any insult without cannon. 1 shall 
soon be afraid to crowd you with provisions, nor would I wish 
to crowd the troops any faster up, until our magazines are 
thoroughly formed, if you have enough of troops for your own 
defense and compleating the roads; and I see the absolute ne- 
cessity there is for my stay here some days, in order to carry 
on the transport of provisions and forage, which, without my 
constant attention, would fail directly. The road forward to 
the Ohio must be reconnoitered again in order to be sure of our 
further progress." (16.) 

The great obstacle which retarded the progress of the army 
was that of a sufficient roadway. To make a passage-way 
however imperfect, was an undertaking of great difficulty. In 
many places, after it was made it answered the purpose but for 
a short time, so that forces had to be kept at work upon it con- 
stantly. New cuts were made, the angles changed, and the 
road-bed altered as necessity required. Some places along the 
side of the Laurel Hill were so steep that embankments had to 
be made for their support; at other places where the ground 
was marshy, the way became impassible with but little usage. 
"Autumnal rains, uncommonly heavy and persistent, had 
ruined the newly-cut road. On the mountains the torrents 
tore it up, and in the valleys the wheels of the wagons and 
cannon churned it into soft mud. The horses, overworked and 
underfed, were fast breaking down. The forest had little food 
for them, and they were forced to drag their own oats and 
corn, as well as supplies for the army, through two hundred 
miles of wilderness. In the wretched condition of the road 
this was no longer possible. The magazines of provisions 
formed at Eaystown and Loyalhannon to support the army on 
its forward march were emptied faster than they could be 
filled. Earlv in October the elements relented; the clouds 


broke, the sky was bright again, and the sun shone out in splen- 
dor on mountains radiant in the livery of autumn. A gleam of 
hope revisited the heart of Forbes. It was but a flattering il- 
lusion. The sullen clouds returned, and a chill, impenetrable 
veil of mist and rain hid the mountains and the trees. De- 
jected nature wept and would not be comforted. Above, be- 
low, around, all was trickling, oozing, pattering, gushing. In 
the miserable encampments the starved horses stood steaming 
in the rain, and the men crouched, disgusted, under their drip- 
ping tents, while the drenched picket-guard in the neighboring 
forest paced dolefully through black mire and spongy mosses. 
The rain turned to snow; the descending flakes clung to the 
many-colored foliage, or melted from sight in the trench of 
half-liquid clay that was called a road. The wheels of the 
wagons sank in it to the hub, and to advance or retreat was 
alike impossible." (17.) 

Sir John Sinclair was the Quartermaster-General. It is said 
of him that he was a petulant and irritable old soldier, who 
was a good type of those regular professional soldiers of his 
day, who had had their training in the wars on the continent. 
It was said that he found fault with everybody else, and would 
discharge volleys of oaths at all who met his disapproval. He, 
however, was brave and intrepid, and was with the troops in 
front whenever occasion demanded. It was his official 
duty to secure the transportation for the army; incident to 
this was the superintendence of the roads. But he must have 
had some quality of excellence that recommended him to the 
service; for he had occupied the same position under Braddock. 
By the provincials he was regarded as inefficient, and they did 
not like him, (18) for his arrogant ways. Forbes, himself, lost 
patience with him, and wrote confidentially to Bouquet that his 
only talent was for throwing everything into confusion. 
Among the orders and requisitions which he made in the line 
of his duty, when he had gone forward with the Virginians and 
other troops, to make the road over the main range of the Alle- 
ghenies, is the following memorandum: "Pickaxes, crows, and 
shovels; likewise more whiskey. Send me the newspapers, 
and tell my black to send me a candlestick and half a loaf of 
sugar." (19.) 


Gen. Forbes did not reach the camp at the Loyalhanna till 
about Nov. 1st. (20.) He had been carried most of the way in a 
litter. Fifty days elapsed frojn the time of his arrival at Bed- 
ford until he reached the Loyalhanna. It was determined at a 
council of war held after his arrival here not to advance fur- 
ther that season. The weather had become cold, and the sum- 
mits of the mountains were white with snow. This determina- 
tion, hoAvever, was suddenly changed, as the result of informa- 
tion obtained from various sources touching the actual con- 
dition of affairs at Fort Duquesne. It was learnt conclusively, 
that the French were wanting provisions, that they were weak 
in number, and that the Indians had left them. It was there- 
upon concluded to proceed. 

Col. Washington had so earnestly requested the privilege of 
leading- the army with his Virginians, that his request was 
granted; and he and his men under Col. Armstrong with the 
Pennsylvanians were intrusted with that duty. He was then 
but a young man, but already a beloved leader of his men. 
Virginia had intrusted to him her two regiments, consisting of 
about 1900. Part of this force were clothed in the hunting 
shirt and Indian blanket, which least impeded their progress 
through the forest. He himself gave as a reason why he 
should have this honor that he had "a long intimacy with these 
woods, and with all the passes and difSculties." (21.) 

He and his provincials then, as the advance of the army, set 
out to open the way. On the 12th of Nov., about three miles from 
the camp his men fell in with a number of the enemy, and in 
the attack, killed one man, and took three prisoners. Among 
the latter was one Johnson, an Englishman, who had been cap- 
tured by the Indians in Lancaster county, from whom was de- 
rived full and correct information of the state of things at Fort 

On this occasion occurred one of the most memorable of 
things that can be narrated about Fort Ligonier. (22.) 

We here allude to the engagement which occurred among 
the provincial troops by a misunderstanding of orders, in 
which Washington ran the greatest risk of death. There has 
never been made public until lately a consistent narrative of 
this affair. Owing to Washington's reluctance to speak of 


liimself and of Ms military career, all the published reports 
lacked a certain element of credibility. It was however, con- 
ceded on all sides that the occurrence was remarkable, and that 
the remembrance of it always remained fresh in the mind of 
Washington. The best known authority for the affair was that 
which was traceable to Gordon s History of Penn'a. From the 
statement there made it appeared that Col. Washington's de- 
tachment was engaged on the road several miles from the fort, 
and that the noise of arms being heard at the fort it was con- 
jectured that his detachment was attacked; and that there- 
upon Col. Mercer, with some Virginians, was sent to his as- 
sistance; thai the two parties approaching- in the dusk of the 
evening, mistook each other for enemies; and that a number of 
shots were exchanged, by which some of the Virginians were 

From the conversation between Washington and the Hon.Wm, 
Findley, Member of Congress from the Westmoreland district, 
which has been preserved, the popular version has obtained. 
Whatever allowance may be made for the literal accuracy of 
this account, owing to the lapse of time from its narration until 
its publication, it is certain that it contains substantially the 
essential and elementary germ of fact which clothes this cir- 
cumstance with so much interest. A deviation in minor par- 
ticulars from the more authentic account, here referred to, 
does not detract from its merits. The association of one com- 
mand with the other, is excusable when we remember that Mr. 
Findley put his recollections on paper near twenty years after 
Washington's death, and then only from memory. 

But we have from late sources the version given by Wash- 
ington himself of this affair. In an article published in Scrib- 
ner's Magazine for May, 189.3, there is reproduced some ac- 
count of the western frontier wars in which Washington par- 
ticipated, from the manuscript of Washington himself. In 
prefacing the extracts from this manuscript, Mr. Henry G. 
Pickering, in whose family the original manuscript is still pre- 
served, says that "it was the purpose of Col. David Humphreys, 
a member of Washington's military staff in the latter part of 
the revolutionary war, to write the life of Washington; and it 
would seem, that at his request Washington prepared the nar- 















m f F: 



rative, the connected part of which is given in the article re- 
ferred to. This narrative is in autograph, covering some ten 
pages of manuscript of folio size, and is in part responsive to 
detailed and numbered questions put by Col. Humphreys. 
• * * * There are frequent interlineations and erasures, 
and the words "I" and "me," in nearly every instance where 
they occur, are changed to the initials "G. W.," by the revision. 
It was recently read, by permission, before the Mass. Historical 
Society, but it has never been printed, [prior to the article re- 
ferred to], nor, it is believed, have any extracts from it been 
ever given to the public. Certain incidents described in it, 
such as the instance of grave peril in which Washington's life 
was placed in one of the engagements, are of original historical 
interest, but the permanent value of the narrative is in its au- 
thoritative source, and the unchanged form in which it has 
been transmitted. 

The following is a literal transcription of the article: 
"But the war by this time raging in another quarter of the 
continent, all applications were unheeded till the year 1758, 
when an expedition against Fort Duquesne was concerted and 
undertaken under the conduct of Genl. Forbes; who though a 
brave and good oflQcer, was so much debilitated by bad health, 
and so illy supplied with the means to carry on the expedition, 
that it was November before the troops got to Loyalhanning 
fifty or sixty miles from Fort Duquesne, and even then was on 
the very point of abandoning the expedition when some season- 
able supplies arriving, the army was formed into three bri- 
gades — took up its march — and moved forward; the brigade 
commanded by G. W. being the leading one. Previous to this, 
and during the time the army lay at Loyalhanning, a circum- 
stance occurred which involved the life of G. W. in as much 
jeopardy as it has ever been before or since. 

"The enemy sent out a large detachment to reconnoitre our 
camp, and to ascertain our strength; in consequence of intelli- 
gence that they were within two miles of the camp a party 
commanded by Lieut. Colo, Mercer, of the Virginia Line (a gal- 
lant and good officer) was sent to dislodge them, between 
whom, a severe conflict and hot firing ensued, which lasting 
sometime and appearing to approach the camp, it was conceived 


that our party was yielding the ground, upon which G. W. with 
permission of the Genl. called (per dispatch) for voluuteers 
and immediately marched at their head, to sustain, as was con- 
jectured, the retiring troops. Led on by the firing till he 
came within less than half a mile, and it ceasing, he detached 
scouts to investigate the cause, and to communicate his ap- 
proach to his friend Colo. Mercer, advancing slowly in the 
meantime. But it being near dusk, and the intelligence not 
havinf;- been fully disseminated among Col. Mercer's corps, 
and they taking us for the enemy who had retreated approach- 
ing in another direction, commenced a heavy fire upon the re- 
lieving party which drew fire in return in spite of all the exer- 
tions of the officers, one of whom, and several privates were 
killed and many wounded before a stop could be put to it, to ac- 
complish which G. W. never was in more imminent danger, by 
being between two fires, knocking up with his sword the pre- 
sented pieces." 

On the 13th, Col. Armstrong, who had proved his skill in 
leading troops expeditiously through the woods, was sent out 
to the assistance of Washington with 1,000 men. Armstrong 
was the senior officer of the Pennsylvania forces, and was next 
in command under Bouquet. These two bodies of provincials, 
as it would appear, co-operated together in the front; sometimes 
detachments of the one would be passed on the road by detach- 
ments of the other, and so again as the occasion required. The 
army progressed slowly; the 'weather was rainy; the road 
miserably bad. A number of friendly Indians were kept out 
as scouts; and every precaution was taken to guard against 

The force for this purpose specially consisted of 2,500 men 
picked out. That the men might be restricted as little as jios- 
sible in their movements, they went without tents or baggage, 
and with a light train of artillery expecting to meet the enemy, 
and ready to determine the result by a battle. 

On the 17th of Nov., Washington was at Bushy Run. On 
the 18th, Armstrong is reported within 17 miles of Fort Du- 
quesne, where he had thrown up intrenchments. Gen Forbes 
himself followed on the 17th from Ligonier with 4,.300 effective 



with part of (he 

D. 5io«t Houses 

E. OFfiCERS Barracks 
f. OfFictRs Houses 

C. Line Of coMMumCATiON witHiHt 




men — having left strong garrisons and supplies at Ligonier 
and Bedford. 

At every stopping place they all resorted to every precau- 
tion. On the 19th, Washington left Armstrong (who in the 
meantime had come up to him) to wait for the Highlanders, 
and, taking the lead, with vigilance proceeded towards the 
fort. On the 24th, Forbes encamped his whole army about 
Turtle Creek, 10 or 12 miles from Fort Duquesne. Here the 
word was brought by the Indian scouts who had advanced to 
within sight of the fort, that the French had abandoned the 
place and that the structures were on fire. This report was 
soon confirmed. A company of cavalry under Capt. Hazlet 
was sent forward to extinguish the fire and save as much as 
possible, but they were too late. Preparations had been made 
by the French to withdraw when it was seen that they could 
offer no resistance. They had made ready to destroy their 
works, and after setting fire to everything that would burn, 
they withdrew with the rest of their munitions and cannons, 
some going down the Ohio, and the Commandant with the 
most of his forces going up the Allegheny to Fort Machault. 
The whole of the English hurried forward and on Saturday, 
25th of Nov., 1758, took possession of the site of Fort Du- 
quesne, and thenceforth the place was held by those of Saxon 

It is true the old Fort Duquesne was but a heap of ruins 
when the army came to take possession of it; nevertheless, the 
campaign of Forbes was eminently successful. He took pos- 
session of this fortress to which the eyes of the civilized world 
were directed, without an engagement, the fruits of his labors 
falling into his hands by reason of his careful and masterful 
arrangements, his skillful assistants, and his ample prepara- 
tions which won him a bloodless victory, and the English race 
one of its greatest achievements. 

On the next day, Nov. 2r)th, Gen. Forbes, making report to 
Gov. Denny of the success of the expedition, added: "I must 
beg that you recommend to your Assembly the building of a 
block-house and saw mill upon the Kiskiminetas near the 
Loyalhanna, as a thing of the utmost consequence to the prov- 

I4--V0I. 2. 


ince, if they had any intention of profiting by this acquisi- 
tion." (23.) 

The importance of Fort Ligonier as a military position was 
apparent, even before this event. Forbes, in a letter to the 
Governor from Raystown, Oct. 22, 1758, when the immediate 
success of their expedition was uncertain, says that, whether 
their attempt on Fort Duquesne should be successful or not, 
the chain of forts from the Loyalhanna to Carlisle ought to be 
garrisoned, besides those on the other side of the Susquehanna. 
Of the number required to garrison these posts, he estimates 
that there should be 300 at Loyalhanna, and 200 at Rays- 
town. (24.) 

Forbes set out from Pittsburgh to return, on the 3rd of 
Dee. (25.) On the 8th, Frederick Post came to Ligonier where 
he found the General very sick. He expected to leave every 
day, but sj:ill continued to be too ill to be moved. On the 14th, 
he (the General) intended to go, but his horses could not be 
found. They thought the Indians had carried them off. They 
hunted all day for the horses, but could not find them. "On 
the 16th, Mr. Hays," he says, "being hunting, was so lucky as 
to find the General's horses, and brought them home; for 
which the General was very thankful to him." Here they all 
remained till the holidays. Under date, Dec. 25th, Post says, 
"The people in the camp prepared for a Christmas frolic, but 
I kept Christmas in the woods by myself." This was the first 
Christmas celebrated by the English in that region. On the 
27th, he says, "Towards noon the General set out; which 
caused great joy among the garrison, which had hitherto lain 
in tents, but now being a small company, could be comfortably 
lodged. It snowed the whole day." 

During the latter part of the year of 1758 and the early part 
of 1759, there were busy times about the fort, as it was in the 
direct line of communication to Fort Pitt from the east. Of 
necessity there was much movement on the military road dur- 
ing this time, and this post from its location was the most im- 
portant relay station west of Bedford. It is not probable that 
any particular body of troops remained here continuously for 
any length of time. Part of the time, we know, the detach- 
ments of the Pennsylvania provincials were here; sometimes 


there were Virginians, but most of the time — and, after the 
regular soldiers were withdrawn from their campaign, all the 
time — the garrison was composed of Royal Americans. It 
would further appear that for most of the time the senior ofiQ- 
cer who happened to be located here, was the one in command, 
although the commandant at Fort Pitt was superior officer in 
this department. Col. Hugh Mercer was left in charge at Fort 
Pitt, and remained there until the arrival of Gen. Stanwix, 
who came out in the spring of 1759 to superintend the erection 
of the more permanent fortress at that place. Mercer him- 
self was at Ligonier when Forbes took possession of Fort Du- 
quesne; as from here he communicated the successes of the 
army in a letter to Gov. Denny (26), Dec. 3, 1758. 

When the French abandoned Fort Duquesne, their Com- 
mandant, De Ligneris retired to Fort Machault (Venango). 
They still had some influence over some of the Indians of the 
northwest; and that vigilant officer used these to good advant- 
age. From Venango, and from Indian towns along the Alle- 
gheny and streams westward, parties of these barbarians led 
by the French Canadians, made inroads constantly on the out 
posts of the Province, and were always on the alert to waylay 
and harass the convoys on the road. Many reports are made 
of their depredations, even after the French abandoned Ve- 
ango, in Aug., 1759. 

The first camp at the Loyalhanna was doubtless made after 
the fashion of those others on the line of advance of Bouquet; 
and of necessity was made before the fort was built. Col. Jos. 
Shippen, in a letter from Raystown describing the works there, 
says: "We have a good stockade fort built here with several 
convenient and large store-houses. Our camps are all secured 
with a good breast work and a small ditch on the outside." (27.) 

In the report of Grant's defeat by Montcalm he says that the 
defeated soldiers "were pursued up to a new fort, called Royal 
haunon, which they [the English] are building." (28.) 

About the first mention made of the place by the French was 
on the occasion of the arrival there of Bouquet's advanee, at 
which time it is reported "that a fort has been built of piece 
upon piece, and one saw mill." (29.) 

From the same sources reports were made that the works at 


Loyalhanna were still in process of construction in the spring 
of 1759. (30.) 

The number of troops here during the winter of 1758 and 
throughout 1759, must have been considerable. This was nec- 
essary not only for the protection of the post but as a support 
to Fort Duquesne; for there were fears and uncertainties as to 
the plans of the enemy. Col. Mercer, in Sept. (1759), states that 
"the difficulty of supplying the army at Pittsburgh obliges the 
General to keep more of the troops at Ligonier and Bedford 
than he would choose." (31.) At that date, Col. Armstrong was 
at Ligonier, and was expected to remain some weeks longer. 
Prior to that time, however. Col. Adam Stephen of the Va, 
provincials was at least for the time being in command at Lig- 
onier. Under date, from this place, July 7th, (1759), Col. 
Stephen reports to Gen. Stanwix the particulars of an engage- 
ment that occurred the day before. He reports as follows: (32.) 

"Yesterday about one o'clock the Scouts and Hunters re- 
turned to camp & reported that they had not seen the least 
sign of the Enemy about; upon which, in Compliance with Maj. 
Tulliken's request, I sent Lt. Blane with the R, Americans to 
Bedford, and as the party was but small, ordered a Sergt. & 
Eighteen chosen Woodsmen, to conduct him through the 
Woods, to the foot of Laurel Hill on the West side, with direc- 
tions to return to Camp without touching the Road. 

"About three Quarters of an hour after the Detachmt. had 
marched, the Enemy made an attempt to Surprise this Post. I 
cannot ascertain their numbers, but am certain they are consid- 
erably superior to ours. 

"At first I imagined the Enemy only intended to amuse the 
Garrison whilst they were engaging with Lt. Blane's Party, 
but finding the place invested in an instant & the Enemy rush 
pretty briskly, I began to entertain hopes of their safety, and 
was only anxious for the Sergt. and Eighteen men. 

"The Enemy made an effort from every Quarter, but the fire 
on the first Redoubt was the hottest, in it Capt. Jones was 

"We are extremely obliged to Lt, Mitchelson, of the Artillery, 
for his Vigilence & application. After a few well placed shells 
and a brisk fire from the Works, the Enemy retired into the 


skirts of the Woods, and continued their fire at a distance, till 

"The Sergt. (Packet, of the Virginians) returned about sunset 
without seeing an Enemy until he came within sight of the 
Fort. The party behaved well, fought until they had orders 
to retreat & got in without the loss of a man. 

"The Enemy never molested us in the night. Small Parties 
of them have shown themselves in the skirts of the Woods & 
fired at a distance without doing us any hurt. 

"We were happy in saving the Bullock guard & Cattle & all 
the horses employed in the public Service were luckily returned 
to Bedford. 

"I have not heard from Pittsburgh since the first inst., where 
Capts. Woodward & Morgan then arrived with a detachment of 
230 men, having under their care Eighty horse load of flour. 

"P. S. We have only Capt. Jones killed & three men wounded 
& flatter ourselves that their loss is considerable." 

On the 17th of the same month, Col. Mercer reporting to Gov. 
Denny from Pittsburgh, says: "Half the party that attacked 
Ligonier was returned (to Venango) without prisoners or 
scalps; they had by their own account, one Indian killed and 
one wounded." (33.) Whether this has any allusion to the at- 
tack reported by Colonel Stephen, is left only to inference. 

Then for a time when the French were making ready to leave 
Venango and after they had determined to do so, there are less 
frequent reports of attacks either on the posts or convoys; but 
there was no safety for those that were on the roads alone or 
unprotected. In August, Col. Mercer writes to Gov. Denny 
from Pittsburgh : "We are likely to have little trouble from the 
enemy this way, for their ludians have dropped off to a very 
few who, in small parties, lie about Ligonier, and this place, 
serving as spies, and now and then taking a scalp or prisoner," 

Later in the same month as part of the intelligence re- 
ceived by the Council from Pittsburgh, is the following from 
Col. Mercer: 'T.n the evening 11th of Aug., 1759, a Delaware 
Indian informed me that 9 Indians of their nation from Ve- 
nango had been in the road below Ligonier, and taken an Eng- 


lishman prisoner, but that he had made his escape from them 
in the night." (35.) 

Col. Mercer in a report to Gov. Denny from Pittsburgh, Supt. 
15th, 1759, says that "the difficulty of supplying the army here 
obliges the General to keep more of the troops at Ligonier and 
Bedford than he would choose; the remainder of the Virginia 
regiment joins us next week. Col. Armstrong remains some 
weeks at Ligonier, and the greater part of my battalion 
will be divided along the communication to Carlisle." 

At the latter end of 1759, Gen. Stanwix, in command of this 
department, reported to Gov. Hamilton that, as the Assembly 
had directed the disbandment of their troops, he had ordered 
"all the Pennsylvanlans this side of the mountain, viz., at 
Pittsburgh. Wetherhold, Fort Ligonier, and Stoney Creek, to 
march immediately to Lancaster, to be paid and broke." Hav- 
ing sent the Virginians home at the request of the Virginia 
authorities for service on their frontiers, the posts here were 
garrisoned by the Koyal Americans. (36.) In the winter of 1760 
and 1761, Col. Vaughan's regiment were garrisoned on the 
communication. (37.) 

Little occurred to disturb the ordinary routine about these 
frontier posts for several years. The line of forts which had 
been established by the French along the Allegheny, and on 
the lakes, fell into the hands of the English by the terms of 
their treaty. The French being defeated, relinquished their 
possessions in America; and these posts were garrisoned by 
the British government. Venango, LeBoeuf, Presqu' Isle were 
occupied soon after the fall of Fort Duquesne. 

In 1763 occurred Pontiac's War. This war was brought 
about by the exertions of this one great chief, and from him it 
is often called Pontiac's Conspiracy. His scheme was to attack 
all the English posts, and, after massacreing the garrisons to 
destroy the works. With this war. Fort Ligonier is insep- 
arably connected. 

In 1763 the English settlements did not extend beyond the 
Alleghenies. In Pennsylvania, Bedford mightbe regarded as the 
extreme verge of the frontier. From Bedford to Fort Pitt was 
about 100 miles; Fort Ligonier lay nearly midway. Each of 
these was a mere speck in the deep, interminable forests. Tier 


after tier of mountains lay between them, and they were con- 
nected by the one narrow road winding along hills and through 
sunless valleys. Little clearings appeared around these posts; 
among the stumps and dead trees within sight of the forts, the 
garrison and a few settlers, themselves mostly soldiers, raised 
vegetables and a little grain. The houses and cabins for the 
most part were within the stockades. The garrisons were 
mainly regulars, belonging to the Royal American regiment. 
Their life was very monotonous. Along these borders there 
was, at that time, little to excite their alarm or uneasiness. 
Some Indians frequented Fort Pitt, and settlers were coming 
in; but the sight of strange faces was rare. Occasionally news 
was brought by express-riders; but the life of those who were 
obliged to perform garrison duty at these posts, was devoid of 
excitement and monotonous in the extreme. 

In the latter part of May, 1763, Capt. Ecuyer wrote to Col. 
Bouquet, from Pittsburgh, that he believed the Indian aifair, 
from the evidences around him, was general, and he trembled 
for the out-posts. (38.) At that time settlers had been killed 
near the fort, and there were unmistakable signs of the Indians 
who had been regarded friendly, having deserted their villages, 
and taken to the war path. 

Fort Ligonier being on the line of relief to Fort Pitt, it be- 
came necessary, for the successful accomplishment of their 
scheme, that it should fall; for no war had been more care- 
fully planned, no campaign more skillfully laid out, or better 
executed than that which had its origin in the brain of the 
savage Pontiac, Chief of the Ottaways. In each locality its 
execution was carried out by the principal warrior or chief of 
that particular region. All orders were executed without dis- 
sent, and with implicit obedience. 

The Indians well knew that the destruction of Fort Pitt 
would avail them nothing permanently unless Fort Ligonier 
was likewise destroyed. Besides, there were at Ligonier some 
stores and munitions which would be of use to them. These 
two posts gone, all the whites to the Allegheny Mountains 
would have been murdered. For when they took a post, its 
capture was followed by the immediate killing of its inmates, 
or by the torture of those who escaped speedy death. It was 


only when the garrison was strong enough to make terms, that 
it was otherwise. 

The Indians, therefore, at about the same time at which 
they began their operations at Fort Pitt, appeared about Fort 
Ligonier; for one morning a volley of bullets was sent among 
the garrison, with no other effect, however, than killing a few 
horses. Again an attack was made, about the middle of June, 
by a large body of Indians who fired upon it with great fury 
and pertinacity, but were beaten off after a hard day's fighting. 

The relief of these out-posts was entrusted to Col. Bouquet, 
and the particulars of his expedition are given in another 
place. He was now doing what he could to keep up the line of 
communication and to organize a force fit to penetrate to Fort 
Pitt and relieve the frontier settlements and the posts. He 
was encamped near Carlisle, on the 3d of July, 1759, when he 
heard of the loss of Presqu' Isle, Le Boeuf and Venango. (39.) 

Fort Ligonier was then commanded by Lieut. Blane, of the 
Royal American regiment. Blane had been at this post for a 
number of years, Capt. Lewis Ourry, of the same regiment, 
was in command at Bedford. These officers kept up a pre- 
carious correspondence with each other by means of express- 
riders. This service was dangerous to the last degree, and 
soon became impracticable. The substance of a letter from 
Col. George Armstrong to Gov. Hamilton, from Carlisle, June 
16th, is "That Blane, commander at Ligonier, has not had a 
scrape from Pittsburg, nor even any verbal intelligence since 
the second express which went to there from Phila.— ^the third 
express taking the route by Fort Cumberland. That circum- 
stance, with the loss of a man at Ligonier, who going out on 
the 14th instant to bring his horse was picked up (so termed) 
near that place, gives Blane, with many others, reason to con- 
jecture that Pittsburg is invested and the communication cut 

The condition of affairs about Fort Ligonier from about the 
1st of June until the post was relieved by the arrival of the 
army, is well disclosed in the correspondence of Col. Bouquet, 
which covers this period. The actors thus tell their own 
stories. This correspondence has been incorporatd into the 
body of the historical work treating of this war by Francis 


Parkman ; and from that work we have taken at length, when- 
ever necessary, for the narrative pertaining to this fort. (41.) 

The following extracts from the letters of Lieut. Blane, will 
show his position; though, when his affairs were at the worst, 
nothing was heard from him, as all his messengers were killed. 
On the 4th of June he writes: "Thursday last my garrison was 
attacked by a body of Indians, about five in the morning; but 
as they only fired upon us from the skirts of the woods, I con- 
tented myself with giving them three cheers, without spending 
a single shot upon them. But as they still continued their 
popping upon the side next the town, I sent the sergeant of the 
Koyal Americans, with a proper detachment, to fire the houses, 
which effectually disappointed them in their plans." (42.) 

On the 17th, he writes to Bouquet: "I hope soon to see your- 
self, and live in daily hopes of a reenf orcement. ***** 
Sunday last, a man straggling out was killed by the Indians, 
and Monday night three of them got under an out-house, but 
were discovered. The darkness secured them their retreat. 
* * * * I believe the communication between Fort Pitt 
and this is entirely cut off, having heard nothing from them 
since the 30th of May, though two expresses have gone from 
Bedford by this post." 

On the 28th, he explains that he has not been able to report 
for some time, the road having been completely closed by the 
enemy. "On the 21st," he continues, "the Indians made a 
second attempt in a very serious manner, for near two hours, 
but with the like success as the first. They began with at- 
tempting to cut off the retreat of a small party of fifteen men, 
who, from their impatience to come at four Indians who 
showed themselves, in a great measure forced me to let them 
out. In the evening, I think above a hundred lay in ambush 
by Ifie side of the creek, about four hundred yards from the 
fort; and just as the party was returning pretty near where 
they lay they rushed out, when they undoubtedly would have 
succeeded, had it not been for a deep morass which intervened. 
Immediately after, they began their attack: and I dare say 
they fired upwards of one thousand shot. Nobody received 
any damage. So far, my good fortune in dangers still attends 


By some means, Blane got word through to Capt. Ourry, of 
the fall of Presqu' Isle and the two other posts; for Bouquet re- 
ports to Gen. Amherst, July 3d, the news which he had re- 
ceived from Capt. Ourry, who had received it from Blane. 

Knowing the straits in which Lieut. Blane and his men were, 
and having fears that they could not hold out without relief, 
Capt. Ourry sent out from Bedford, a party of twenty volun- 
teers, all good woodsmen, who reached Ligonier safely. This 
fact is mentioned in the Account of Bouquet's Expedition, but 
the particular date is not given. It was probably towards the 
latter part of June. (43.) 

While Bouquet lay at Carlisle, and the tidings were more 
and more gloomy, his anxieties centered on Fort Ligonier. If 
that post should fall, his force would probably not be able to 
proceed, and his would be the fate of Braddock. In the 
words of the authentic narrative, — The fort was in the greatest 
danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, before the army 
could reach it, the stockade being very bad, and the garrison 
extremely weak, they had attacked it vigorously, but had been 
repulsed by the bravery and good conduct of Lieut. Blane. 
The preservation of that post was of the utmost consequence, 
on account of its situation and the military stores it contained, 
which, if the enemy could have got possession of, would have 
enabled them to continue their attack upon Fort Pitt and re- 
duce the army to the greatest straits. 

For an object of such importance, every risk was to be run. 
He therefore resolved at an attempt to throw a reenforcement 
into the fort. Thirty of the best Highlanders were chosen, 
furnished with guides, and ordered to push forward with the 
utmost speed, avoiding the road, traveling by night by unfre- 
quented paths, and lying close by day. The attempt succeeded. 
After resting several days at Bedford, where Ourry was ex- 
pecting an attack, they again set out. They were not discov- 
ered by the enemy until they came within sight of the fort, 
which was beset by the savages. They received a volley as 
they made for the gate ; but entered safely to the unspeakable 
relief of Blane and his beleagured men. (44.1 

When Bouquet reached Bedford, on the 25th of July, Ourry 
reported to him that for several weeks nothing had been heard 


from the westward, every messenger having been killed and 
the communication completely cut off. By the last intelligence 
Fort Pitt had been surrounded by Indians, and daily threat- 
ened with a general attack. 

The condition of those at Fort Ligonier during those last 
days must have been miserable in the extreme. Cooped up in 
thp fort, and blockaded for several weeks, they could neither hear 
from the outside world nor could they convey any information. 
^A'e can therefore well imagine that it was with great joy they 
caught the first glimpses of the red coats emerging out of the 
dark laurel bushes, as they first appeared coming down the 
slope from the base of the Laurel Hill. What greetings there 
must have been, when on the second of August, the little army 
with its convoy reached the stockade at Ligonier. 

Bouquet, leaving a sufficient garrison and most of his pro- 
visions and cattle at Fort Ligonier, proceeded to the relief of 
Fort Pitt. The savages vanished when he came up. He left 
the fort on the 4th of August, and on the 5th and 6th had the 
engagement with the Indians at Bushy Run, an account of 
which has been given elsewhere. 

Col. Bouquet, not having a sufficient force to penetrate into 
the Indian country, was obliged to restrain his operations and 
devote his means and attention to supplying the forts with pro- 
visions, ammunition and other necessaries, protecting them 
against surprise, and garrisoning them with his men, until the 
next year, when with new forces he advanced into the Ohio 

The troops who had garrisoned these posts during this ter- 
rible time, had, for the most part, come out with Forbes in. 
17oS. To these, life was becoming a burden. And it was no 
wonder. They were all tired of this service: and we can read 
with marked interest the series of complaints with which the 
commanding officers at these posts worried the ears of Col. 
Bouquet. Thus Lieut. Blane, after congratulating Bouquet on 
his recent victory at Bushy Run, adds: '1 have now to beg that 
I may not be left any longer in this forlorn way for I can assure 
you the fatigue I have gone through begins to get the better 
of me. I must therefore beg that you will appoint me by the 
return of the convoy a proper garrison, * * * My present 


situation is fifty times worse than ever." And again, on the 
17th of September: "I must beg leave to recommend to your 
particular attention the sick soldiers here; as there is neither 
surgeon nor medicine, it would really be charity to order them 
up. I must also beg leave to ask what you intend to do with the 
poor starved militia, who have neither shirts, shoes, nor any- 
thing else. I am sorry you can do nothing for the poor in- 
habitants. * * * * I really get heartily tired of this 
post." He endured it some two months more, and then breaks 
out again on the 24th of Nov.: "I intend going home by the first 
opportunity, being pretty much tired of the service that's so 
little worth any mans' time; and the more so, as I cannot but 
think that I have been so particularly unlucky in it." (45.) 

We often read in the accounts of those times of the diffi- 
culty the officers had in keeping their soldiers from deserting. 
There was indeed little wonder that these should do so. Their 
existence on the frontier during those perilous times was piti- 
able in the extreme. Parkman, repeating after Smith, calls 
them military hermits. As an example of the discontent which 
prevailed among officers and men who had now for well nigh 
seven years been isolated from civilization, the example of Capt. 
Ecuyer may well be taken. He writes to Bouquet from Bed- 
ford—as Mr. Parkman says— on the 13th of Nov. (1763). Like 
other officers on the frontier, he complains of the settlers, who, 
notwithstanding their fear of the enemy, always did their best 
to shelter deserters; and he gives a list of eighteen soldiers 
who had deserted within five days: "I have been twenty-two years 
in service, and I never in my life saw any thing equal to it — a 
gang of mutineers, bandits, cut-throats, especially the grena- 
diers. I have been obliged, after all the patience imaginable, 
to have two of them whipped on the spot, without court- 
martial. One wanted to kill the sergeant and the other wanted 
to kill me, * * * * por God's sake, let me go and raise 
cabbages. You can do it if you will, and I shall thank you 
eternally for it. Don't refuse, I beg you. Besides, my health 
is not very good, and I don't know if I can go up again to Fort 
Pitt with this convoy." 

An extract from a letter of Capt. Ecuyer to Col. Bouquet 
from Fort Pitt, April 23d, 1763, deserves to be given. 'TBefore 


the arrival of your letter I had sent four horses to Ligonier, 
they have returned with a vk^agon loaded with iron, harness and 
tools. I have sent an order to Mr. Blane to send to me all the 
King's horses, having great need of them here, for the boats 
and for the gardens. But he replied that he has not any, and 
that the horses which he has belong to himself, and that he had 
arranged with you on this subject when you came down. I be- 
lieve that living so long at this post has made him believe at 
last that the place belongs to him." (46.) 

The following letters of Colonel Henry Bouquet, written 
from Fort Pitt in September of 1763, were published for the 
first time in the Magazine of Western History, for October, 
1885: (47.) 

"Fort Pitt, 15th September, 1763. 

''Sir: I received the 10th instant your letters of the fifth, 
eighth and ninth, with the return of Ligonier. The King's 
company observes that you have not given credit for some bar- 
rels of flour and a strayed ox, which will of course increase 
the loss of your stores. However, considering all the circum- 
stances, it will be found very moderate. The garrisons must 
supply themselves with firewood in the best manner they 
can, as the General does not make any allowance for that 
article; you might have the trees cut now and hauled in when 
you have horses, as I find it a saving not to cut it small in the 

"Can the inhabitants of Ligonier imagine that the King 
will pay their houses destroyed for the defence of the fort? 
At that rate he must pay likewise for two or three hundred 
pulled down at this post, which would be absurd, as those 
people had only the use and not the property of them, having 
never been permitted either to sell or rent them, but obliged 
to deliver them to the King, whenever they left them. 

"As to their furniture, it is their fault if they have lost it. 
They might have brought it in or near the fort. 

"What cattle has been used for the garrison will of course 
be paid for, but what has been killed or taken by the enemy 
I see nothing left to them but to petition the General to take 
their case into consideration. I am verv sorrv for their mis- 


fortune, and would assist them if I had it in my power, but it 
is really not. 

"The orders forbidding- any importation of goods are given 
by Sir Jeffrey Amherst. However, upon sending me a list 
of what may be absolutely wanted, 1 shall take upon me to 
grant a permit. One suttler would be sufficient for that post. 
We do very Avell here since we have none at all. 

"I am sorry to have to acquaint you that Lieutenants Carre 
and Potts are included in the reduction, though all the en- 
signs remain. I shall, with great pleasure, take the first 
opportunity to recommend jou to the General for some place, 
if a staff' is established in the garrisons of this continent. 
I am, sir, your obedient and humble servant, 


"Fort Pitt, 30th September, 1763. 

"Dear Sir: I received your letter of the twentieth with re- 
turns for September. 

"Major Campbell will change your garrison and, however 
disagreeable those things are, you must be persuaded that we 
do what we can, and not what we would choose. 

"If the ship carpenters now here are not sent to the lakes 
you may retain them a couple of days to fit out barracks for 
about fifty men, for I don't think we shall have more to spare. 
Blankets are certainly very necessary, and I will send them 
down for winter service. As to the other article, I cannot 
help you at present in that. You must keep two horses going, 
and I'll send you some Indian corn. I wish Major Campbell 
could give you some assistance to cut tiees at least, but I 
know how difficult it is upon a march to do those things. 

"You will not forget to send the rice and axes yon received 
from Bedford for this post with the seeds. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 


"Lieutenant Blane." 

The original of this letter, from Colonel Henry Bouquet to 
Lieutenant Blane, who was stationed at Fort Ligonier, is 
among the papers of General Arthur St. Clair, purchased by 


the State of Ohio and preserved at Columbus. It was copied 
for The Magazine of AA estern History, by Mr. A. A. Graham, 
secretary of the Ohio State Archaeological and Historical 
Society, at Columbus. It was written from Fort Pitt after 
the battle of Bushy Run. 

Capt. Ecuyer writes to Col. Bouquet from Bedford, Novem- 
ber Sth, 1763, stating: "We arrived here on the 4th of the 
month and departed the 9th. I do not know when we will 
arrive at Ligonier, for the roads are terrible for the chariots. 
* * * * The soldiers which are here (Bedford) and at 
Ligonier in garrison complained bitterly that they are not pro- 
vided for, and I have no money to give them." (48.) 

The soldiers on the line of the communication were busy 
in keeping the way open, guarding the convoys and hasten- 
ing to relief whenever required. Fort Pitt was kept up until 
1772, after which a corporal and a few men only were kept at 
the fort. The next year Richard Penu advised that a small 
garrison should be kept there as a protection from the In- 
dians. It is not known, therefore, when Fort Ligonier ceased 
to be garrisoned by the Royal Americans, but there is pre- 
sumption of the strongest character that about 1767 to 1769 
small detachments of soldiers under the Proprietf^ry's govern- 
ment were posted here. It was, however, stated officially, 
January 30th, 1775, that, ''since the conclusion of the last wat 
[French and Indian AYar, 1754 to 1763], no forts or places of 
defense have been kept up within this government," (49) and 
thus the duties of such as were stationed at these posts, it is 
probable, were more of civil or police character than of a mili- 
tary character. 

During the summer of 1764 Bouquet was occupied in or- 
ganizing an expedition against the Ohio Indians, as it was too 
late in the season, and he had suffered too much in the cam- 
paign of the preceding year, to think of advancing farther 
until his forces were recruited. He successfully accomplished 
the object of his labors. 

In the latter part of August, 1764, the Indians made a raid 
near Bedford, and killed near thjit place one Isaac Stimble, an 
industrious inhabitant of Ligonier, took some horses loaded 


with merchants' goods and shot some cattle, after Col. Reed's 
[Reidl detachment had passed that post. (50.) 

From the close of Pontiac's War and the treaty of 1764 with 
the Ohio Indians, there was no general war waged on the part 
of the savages upon the outposts of Pennsylvania for some 
time succeeding. The land office was opened to settlers in 
Pennsylvania in the sfjring of 17G9, in pursuance of the treaty 
of 1768, From that period settlers came hither in great num- 
bers. In an incredible short period of time, lands were lo- 
cated and settlers were occupying them beyond the bounds 
of what we now regard as Westmoreland county, on the north 
extending beyond the Conemaugh. Lands could not be taken 
farther northward than the limits of the purchase, which 
was a straight line from where now the counties of Indiana, 
Clearfield and Cambria meet, at a point called Cherry Tree, 
to Kittanning on the Allegheny river. It is not probable, 
however, that more than a very few isolated settlers occupied 
any lands very far northward of the Conemaugh until several 
years after the opening of the office, (1769). 

From that time it was not long until the county of West- 
moreland was erected out of Bedford for the convenience of 
the inhabitants of this region. This event occurred February 
26th, 1773. 

During this time the interests of the Penns in this part of 
their Province were entrusted to some gentlemen of high re- 
pute and of great integrity. Of these, one of the chiefest was 
Arthur St. Clair. St. Clair, afterward a distinguished getieral 
in the War of the Revolution, and the first governor of the 
Western Territory, was at that time designated Captain, al- 
though his duties were chiefly of a civil character. By birth 
a Scot, the descendant of an ancient and distinguished family, 
he was by nature inclined to a military life. Having gotten 
an ensign's commission in the army which Britain sent out in 
1758 to join in the war against the French in America, he had 
served in the expedition against Canada under Wolfe, had 
married in Boston May 14th, 1760. had resigned his commis- 
sion April 16th, 1762. and within a few years after, had be- 
come interested as the agent of the Penns in the West. It is 
probable that he was at Fort Ligonier in some kind of service 

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some time before 1769. In a warrant granted to him for a cer- 
tain body of land in Ligonier township, it was recited that 
he was in command of the post at Ligonier in 1769 at the date 
of the opening of the land office. What the nature of the ser- 
vice of those agents at these posts was after the withdrawal 
of the regular garrisons about 1765, we have, at present, no 
accurate means of determining. When the Commander-in- 
Chief of the British army abandoned Fort Pitt as a military 
post at a later period, the Penns kept a few men there, as we 
have seen, to take care of the public property. 

St. Clair was appointed Surveyor for the District of Cum- 
berland county, April 5th, 3770, and commissioned Justice of 
the Court and a Member of the Proprietary Council for that 
count}'. At that time Western Pennsylvania was within the 
civil jurisdiction of Cumberland, and remained in it until Bed- 
ford county was established, March 9th, 1771 at which time he 
was appointed a Justice of the County Courts, Prothonotary, 
Register and Recorder of Bedford county (March 11 and 
12). When Westmoreland county was erected, February 
26th, 1773, he was appointed and commissioned to the same 
offices in that county. In 1771, St. Clair, with Moses Maclean, 
Esq., had run a meridian line west of the meridian of Pitts- 
burgh, and his familiarity with this region and his knowledge 
derived from an execution of tbis commission, made him, from 
this circumstance especial Ij', of advantage to the Penns in 
their contention with the Governor of Virginia, which was 
now about culminating. 

From these circumstances it is probable that the post of 
f Jgonier was kept up in a kind of way from 1765 until about 
1770 by the Proprietary government, and that St. Clair had 
charge of it a part of the time. He is, in the correspondence 
of 1773 and 1771, addressed as "Captain" by the Governor; 
it is known that he had not borne that title in the British 
service. (51.) 

His duties hereabouts were arduous and constant, among 
which was the very responsible obligation resting on him to 
keep the Indian tribes at peace with the Province. 

The year 1774 was an eventful one in the annals of Western 
Pennsylvania. In that year occurred the frontier war known 
15- Vol. 2. 


as Dunmore's War, the last one in which the colonists engaged 
with the mother country as her subjects. The war burst upon 
the southwestern frontiers with fury. Instantaneously, as 
it were, the whole of that region was in consternation and 
alarm. During this time Ligonier was the center of Pennsyl- 
vania influence for all that region which acknowledged the 
legitimate authority of this IM'ovince. 

The conflict of jurisdiction between the authorities of Penn- 
sylvania and of Virginia now partook of the condition of civil 
war. Lord Dunmore, the Tory Governor of Virginia, by his 
agents, some of whom were desperate and lawless characters, 
asserted his claims with arms. In Aarious sections there was 
no civil authority, no respect for law — but, instead, violence, 
terror, threats and sedition. 

The excitement which spread over the country by reason of 
these things now turned, inio a panic. Settlers fled in all direc- 
tions. In the southern portion the frontier was pushed back 
eastward of the rivers. Here and there the remaining set- 
tlers gathered into temporary structures for shelter and de- 
fense. The panic spread to the northern frontier. Alarms 
occasioned by reports that the savages were about to cross 
the Alleghen}' river and break in on the northern frontier, 
took possession of the peo])le. St. Clair and the rest of the 
magistrates and agents of the Ponns were busy night and day, 
going in all directions and urging the people to make a stand. 
Upon the individual guarantees and assurances of St. Clair, 
Col. IMackay, Devereux Smith and others, companies of ran- 
gers were formed whose pay was thus made certain. Block- 
houses and temporary stockades at various places, and sta- 
tions for defence and for harborage of the ranging companies 
and people were established. These ranging companies were 
distributed for the most part along the line of the Forbes Road 
from Ligonier by way of Hannastown to the Alleglien}' river 
and Pittsburgh. In a letter to Governor Penn from Ligonier 
June 12th, 1774, (.52) St. Clair says: 

"In my last I had the honor to inform you, that in conse- 
quence of the Ranging Company which had been raised here, 
there was reason to hope the people Avould return to thei." 
Plantaiions, and pursue their Laboui', and for some time, that 


is a few days, it liad that effect, but an idle Report of Indians 
having been seen within, the Partys has drove tliem every one 
into some little Fort or other, — and many hundreds out of the 
Country altogether. This has obliged urn to call in the Partys 
from where they were posted, and have stationed them, twenty 
men at Turtle Creek, twenty at the Bullock Peus, [seven miles 
east of Pittsburgh on the Forbes Koadj, thirty at HannasTowu,. 
twenty at Proctor's, and twenty at Ligonier, as these places, 
are now the Frontier toward the Allegheny, all that great 
Country between that Koad and that River, being totally 
abandoned, except by a few who are associated with the 
People who murdered the Indian, and are shut up in a small 
Fort on Conymack, [Coneuiangh], equally afraid of the In- 
dians and the Officers of justice. (53.) The People in this 
Valle}' still make a stand, but yesterda}' the}' all moved into 
this place, and I perceive are much in doubt what to do. Noth- 
ing in my Power to prevent their leaving the Country, shall 
be omitted, but if they will go, I suj)pose I must go with the 
stream. It is the strangest Infatuation ever seized upon men, 
and if they go off now, as Harvest will soon be on, they must 
undoubtedly perish by Famine, for Spring crops there will be 
little or none." 

The Indians in this uprising insisted from the first that their 
war was with the Virginians only. And in the end this was 
seen to be true, for their depredations were confined to the 
region in which the war broke out. St. Clair was about the 
only one who detected at an early date their attitude, and his 
sagacity has been the subject of comment at a very recent 
period. (54.) But tliere is no doubt that St. Clair's influence 
among the Indians on the north of the Ohio was very potent 
to this end. 

St. Clair, from Ligonier, June lOth, 1774, thus rejturts to 
Gov. Penn (55): 

" 'Tis some satisfaction the Indians seem to discriminate 
betwixt us and those who attacked them, and their Revenge 
has fallen hitherto on that side of the ^lonongahela, which 
they consider as Virginia, but that should not continue. 
We are taking all posible care to prevent a heavy stroke fall- 
ing on the few people who are left in this Country. Forts 


at different places so as to be more convenient, are now nearly 
completed, which gives an appearance of security for the 
Women and Children, and with the Ranging Partys, which 
have been drawn in to preserve the Communication, has in a 
great degree put a stop to the unreasonable panic that had 
seized them, but in all of them, there is a great scarcity of 
Ammunition, and several messengers have returned from be- 
Jow without being able to purchase. I am very anxious to 
3cnow whether the ranging Companys are agreeable to your 
Honour or not, because both the Expense of continuing them 
will be too heavy for the subscribers, and that I am every day 
pressed to increase them. This I have positively refused to 
do, till I receive your Honour's instructions, and I well know 
how averse our Assemblys have formerly been to engage in 
the Defense of the Frontiers, and if they are still of the same 
disposition, the Circumstance of the White People being the 
Aggressors, will afford them a topic . to ring the Charges 
(changes) on and conceal their real sentiments." 

The last sentence in the foregoing extract reflects how the 
care and watchfulness of St. Clair, and the fear of results 
which were inevitable from the aggressions of the whites 
themselves, were manifested. After this letter had been writ- 
ten he added: "The day before yesterday I had a visit from 
Major [Edward] Ward. He informs me Mr. Croghan set out 
for Williamsburg the day before, to represent the Distresses 
he says of the People of this Country, At the same time he 
informed Me that the Delawares had got notice of the Murder 
of Wipey and that Mr. Croghan had desired him to come to me 
on that occasion, that he advised that they should be spoke 
to and some small Present made to them as Condolence and 
'to cover his Bones,' as they express it." 

It will be seen that St. Clair expresses much Concern to 
the Governor ''about the Murder of Wipey." There was no 
circumstance in that terrible year that was the cause of more 
apprehension to St. Clair or Croghan or Gov, Penn than that 
of the killing of Wipey, a friendly Delaware Indian. For it 
is remarkable that while Dunmore's, or Cresaps' War, was 
traceable to the wanton killing of the friendly Indians at 
Captina and Yellow creek, that the entire Delaware tribe 


which had up to that time remained friendly to the whites, 
were on the eve of now breaking out on the northern frontier 
for a crime of the same nature — as lieartless and cruel. 

When a portion of the Delaware tribe, about the time of 
Pontiac's war, had passed from their towns on the Kittanning 
trail about Frankstown to their new hunting grounds west- 
ward of the Allegheny river, there was one of them, some- 
what advanced in years, calley Wipey who remained behind 
and built his cabin or lodge by a stream on the north of the 
Conemaugh in now Indiana county. The place was called 
by the whites Wipey's cabin. This lodging place of the old 
Indian was on or near the tract of land upon which George 
Findley, the first white man that settled north of the Cone- 
maugh, located. This was before the title to the land had 
passed from the Indians to the Penns. When the land oflQce 
was opened, Findley made application for a warrant for the 
tract which he had improved. This application is included 
among those in the list given by the Surveyor-General to J. 
Elder, Deputy-Surveyor to surA'ey, and is literally as follows: 

"Apl. 3, 17G9. Application made by George Fendler (Find- 
ley), Near Wipsey's (Wipey's) Cabin Near Conemaugh River." 

In old title papers the place is mentioned frequently, be- 
cause it was well known and was a land mark on the trail 
from Ligonier to the old Kittanning Path. Wipey was at 
peace with all men, and from repeated evidences of his friend- 
ship, he had the reputation of being an inoffensive, harmless 
hunter and fisher. He was, in short, regarded as a friend of 
the whites. 

The circumstances of his unfortunate killing are related by 
St, Clair in a report to Gov. Penn from Ligonier May 29th, 
1774. (56.) 

"An affair, says he, that has given me much trouble and 
vexation had liked to have escaped my memory. The murder 
of a Delaware Indian, Joseph Wipey, about eighteen miles 
from this place. It is the most astonishing thing in the world, 
the Disposition of the common people of this Country, actu- 
ated by the most savage cruelty, they wantonly perpetrate 
crimes that are a disgrace to humanity, and seem at the 
same time to be under a kind of religious enthusiasm whilst 


they waut the daring spirit that usually inspires. Two of 
the Persons concerned in this murder are John Hinkson and 
James Cooper. T had got information of their design some 
time before they executed it, and had wrote to Hinkson, whom 
I knew to be a leader amongst them to dissuade them, and 
threatened them with the weight of the Law if they persisted, 
but so far from preventing them, it only produced the inclosed 
Letter. The Body was discovered hid in a small run of Water 
and coATred with stones. I immediately sent for the Coroner, 
but before he had got a Jury together the Body was removed, 
so that no inquest could be taken. 1 have issued ^V^arrants 
on suspicion, but they are so much on their Guard I doubt 
they cannot be executed. Your Honor will please to consider 
whether it may be proper to Proclaim them — It is most un- 
luckey at this time: the letter may perhaps be made use of as 
Evidence." (57.) 

There is no knowledge obtainable from public documents 
as to the character of the letter referred to which St. Clair 
received from Hinkson (otherwise Hinckston) or some of the 
leaders, and which he transmitted to Gov. Penn with the sug- 
gestion that it might be used as evidence. There can be no 
doubt that the party who committed the murder had little 
regard for civil authority, and that they felt themselves strong 
enough to resist any attempt made to punish them. St. Clair 
reports to Gov. Penn from Hannastown, July 12th, 1774, 
among other things, as follows: (58.) 

''Hinkston, with about eighteen men in arms, paid us a visit 
at Court last week, and I am ver^^ sorry to say, got leave to go 
away again, tho' there Avas a force sufTicient to have secured 
two such parties. At the Sheriff's direction I had got intelli- 
gence that they were to be there and expected to be joined by 
a party of Cressaps' People for which reason the Ranging 
Partys, that were within reach, had been drawn in, but none 
of the Virginians appeared." 

Gov. Penn to punish those men who had by such an un- 
fortunate act imperiled the welfare of so many people, issued 
a proclamation offering a reward of one hundred pounds for 
the apprehension of the two ring-leaders, Hinkston and 
Cooper — fifty pounds for either of them. (59.) 



On December 4th, 1774, St. Clair announced to Gov. Peun 
from Ligonier that the war between the Indians and Vir- 
ginians was at last over, and that a treaty of peace had been 
made with the Shawanese. (60.) The dissension and discord 
and frequent collisions between the people of the two colonies, 
were kept up until late in 1775, and until the Delegates in the 
Continental Congress who Avere making the way clear for war 
with the mother country, united in a circular urging the people 
in the region of dispute to a mutual forbearance. 

St. Clair, in the niojith of December, 1775, received the com- 
mission of a colonel in the continental army, together with a 
letter from President Hancock, pressing him to repair imme- 
diately to Philadelphia. He obeyed the summons, and took 
leave of not only his wife and children, but, in effect, of his 
fortune, to embaik in the cause of liberty and the United 
Colonies. "I hold," wrote St. Clair to his intimate friend, 
James Wilson, "I hold that no man has a right to withhold 
his services when his country needs them. Be the sacrifice 
ever so great, it must be yielded upon the altar of patriot- 
ism." (61.) 

From the beginning of the year 1775 the events which cul- 
minated in the Revolutionary War followed each other rap- 
idly. In 1770 quite a number of men from the western part 
<<f the country were in active service in the continental army. 
In the latter part of 1770 an entire regiment, the Eighth 
Penna., was raised in Westmoreland and Bedford counties, 
and early in 1777 they joined Washington in New Jersey. 

This was a critical time for the people of Western Pennsyl- 
vania. During the summer of 1777 occurred the violent and 
atrocious outbreak of the savages, instigated by the British in 
order to harass the frontiers and to divert the attention of 
these people from the contest in the east to the defense of 
their own hearths. And from now on until the close of the 
war this frontier knew no peace. 

There having been no necessity for keeping up the fort from 
the termination of Pontiac's war, from the fact that the fron- 
tier was removed farther to the west, and the Indians, especi- 
ally after Dunmore's war of 1774, being at peace with the 
whites, the structure fell into decav, and when the Revolution 


came there was probably nothing remaining of the original 
fortification but the line of the intrenchments, the magazine, 
and, may be, the passage-way to the spring of water or the 
creek. But shortly after the war was upon them, the Indians, 
instigated and sometimes led by the British or the renegades, 
began their warfare which continued down until the war itself 
was over. The method of the savages was to make forays 
and marauding incursions, coming into the settlements in 
squads, and attacking the settlers in their homes and fields. 
They seldom came in great numbers, but from the celerity 
of their movements, their aptitude in passing through the 
woods, the suddenness of their attacks — their depredations 
were the more greatly felt. 

In the summer and fall of 1777, these marauding ftarties, 
crossing the Allegheny, overran the frontiers of Westmoreland 
wherever settlements had been made, especially in this direc- 
tion, killing and capturing many persons. Most sought safety 
in flight. Those who occupied Ligonier Valley from beyond 
the Conemaugh were driven into their forts, such as Fort 
Wallace and Fort Barr, and others. Archibald Lochry, the 
County Lieutenant, who kept watch over the affairs with all 
vigilance, reported to President Wharton in November, 1777 : 
"The distressed situation of our country is such, that we havt 
no prospect but desolation and destruction, the whole country 
on the north side of the road (Forbes Road), from the Alle 
gheny Mountains to the river is all kept close in forts; and 
can get no subsistence from their plantations; they have made 
application to us requesting to be put under pay and receive 
rations, and as we could see no other way to keep the people 
from flying, and letting the country be evacuated, we were 
obliged to adopt these measures (requesting your Excellency 
to give the necessary orders to enable us to put them in exe- 
cution) — if these very measures are not adopted I see no other 
method that can secure the people from giving up the country. 
These people while they support these frontier posts are cer- 
tainly serving the public, and certainly cannot continue long 
so to do unless supported by the public. 

"Lieut.-Col. Charles Campbell and four other persons are 
made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs Creek; four other 


men killed and scalped near the same place; one man killed 
near Wallace's Fort or Connomoch ; eleven other persons killed 
and scalped at Palmer's Fort, near Ligonier (amongst which is 
Ensign Woods). At the place where Col. Campbell, was made 
prisoner four rascally proclamations were left by the savages 
from the governor of Detroit, requesting all persons to come 
to him, or any other of the garrisons occupied by his majesty's 
troops and they should receive pay and lodgings as they rank 
with us, every private person for encouragement to have two 
hundred acres of land. 

* * * * '"In sort, there is very few days there is not 
some murder committed on some part of our frontiers. * * * 
I hope, with Divine assistance, we shall be able to hold the 
country till we are enabled by the more effectual measures 
(that is, carrying an expedition in their country). We have 
likewise ventured to erect two stockade forts at Ligonier and 
Hannas Town at the public expense, with a Store House in 
each to secure both public and private property in and be 
a place of retreat for the suffering frontiers in case of neces- 
sity, which I flatter myself will meet with your Excellency's 
approbation." (62.) 

The fort which Col. Lochry here speaks of, built in the fall 
of the year 1777, was the Revolutionary Fort used throughout 
the war, and the last one erected. It is probable that it was 
kept up during all that time in a defensible condition, as the 
storehouse there was the depository of the continental sup- 
plies under order of Congress, and more directly of Washing- 
ton himself, as the Commander-in-Chief of the arm}', and while 
the AVestern Department was in existence. Thereat were 
kept also the arms and ammunition furnished by the State for 
the militia. From its location it was the most eastern barrier 
of that part of the Province west of Laurel Hill, there being 
no other station between it and Bedford on the east. 

The name given by the people of that day to this stockade 
was Fort Preservation; but this name has long been unknown 
to tradition or memory, and is preserved in a few instances 
in the most obscure part of the public records. No other 
name could supplant that of Ligonier. So tenaciously has the 
original name clung to the place, that when the proprietors 


of the new town laid out the lots and streets therefor, and it 
was proposed to call it Ramseytown, (after the name of the 
proprietor), it was found to be impossible to make the word 
pass current or become acceptable to the people. 

The only instances in wliich the name of Fort Preservation 
is associated with the fort, so far as known to us, are the fol- 
lowing. In the minutes of the Supreme Executive Council for 
Friday, September 25th, 1789, is the following entry: 

"The Comptroller and Eegister General's report upon the 
account of Robert Laughlin, for smith's work, done at Fort 
Preservation or Ligonier, in the year 1777, by order of Thomas 
Galbraith, amounting to ten pounds, six shillings and eight 
pence, was read and approved.'' (63.) 

In the minutes of the Council, for Wednesda}^, Sept. 30th, 
1789, appears the following: 

"The Comptroller and Register General's report upon the fol- 
lowing accounts, were read and approved, vizt: Of William 
Osburne, for teams hired to transport baggage, &c., to Fort 
Preservation or Ligonier, in September and October, 1777, 
amounting to twenty-tw o pounds, and ten shillings." (64.) 

There has been preserved, through the vicissitudes of time, a 
Journal or diary kept during the building of the Revolutionary 
fort, which in a very unexpected manner has fallen into our 
hands, and which is here reproduced. This Journal is con- 
tained in a small book strongly bound in leather and still com- 
paratively well preserved. The book in size is four by six 
inches and three-fourths of an inch thick, opens lengthwise, 
and when closed is held sliut with a brass clasp. The Journal 
takes up but a very small part of the book, which itself was 
evidently used for brief memorandums of business transac- 
tionsand for items of a private character. Although there is no 
signature to the end of the Journal, nor in any part of the book 
to indicate who the writer was, yet from a careful comparison 
of the writing and the signatures with other portions of the 
contents, and from other evid( nces of an intrinsic character 
sufficient to lead us to a satisfactory conclusion, we are war- 
ranted in assuming, if not in positively asserting, that the Jour- 
nal was kept by Thomas Galbraith, Esq. 

Of the personal history of Thomas Galbraith little has been 


learned. (G5.) Of his career as a public officer, the memoran- 
dum book which he has left and the public records are the 
sources of our information. 

At the time of the building of the fort, Thomas Galbraith 
was in the service of the State, evidently for the distribution 
of the continental supplies, for which the State was respon- 
sible. He had been a property-holder and resident of Ligonier 
at least from 1773, as title papers disclose. 

The evidence of this appears in the Journal itself, and in the 
notes below to which we refer. This would also appear evi- 
dent enough in the letter from the Council of Safety to the 
Delegates in Congress of Nov. 14th, 1777, which letter follows 
this Journal. 

On Oct. 21st, 1777, Thomas Galbraith and Col. John Proctor 
were appointed for the county of AVestnioreland, Commission- 
ers for the purpose of seizing upon the personal effects of such 
as were traitorously inclined and had abandoned their families 
or habitations and joined the army of the King. (66.) He was 
continued in this appointment the next year. (67.) He was 
elected one of the representatives to the Assembly in the fall 
of 1777. (68.) Mention is frequently made of him as in the ser- 
vice or employ of the State, and his correspondence, even as a 
citizen, appears to have been regarded with respect and favor 
by the State authorities, as the minutes of the Council show. 
He died in Ligonier Valley prior to 1785, as the Records dis- 
close the fact that on the 9th of June, that year, letters of ad- 
ministration on his estate were granted by the Register of 
Westmoreland county. 

The necessity for this fort was asserted emphatically by 
Lochry, as we have seen, but in this Journal the particulars of 
that trying and emergent time are set forth in detail; and al- 
though the period embraced in this diary is but six weeks, a 
mere moment in the long years of their desolation and trials, 
yet it gives a better insight into the times, circumstances, and 
conditions of this frontier post than any other account accessi- 

There is no preface to the Journal : and the title by which we 
designate it does not belong to the original, and is no part of 
it. Words which are used for the purpose of avoiding repeated 


references, or for explanation of the text are inclosed in brack- 
ets. The star marks which appear at regular intervals are 
used to designate the paging as it appears in the manuscript, 
Thisbookissuchaone as might be readily carried in the pocket, 
and from its binding and texture was probably intended for 
this service. With the exception of the above additions to the 
text the journal as here reproduced is a literal transcription of 
the original. 

Journal Kept at Ligonier During the Building of the Stockade 
Fort of the Hevolution, CalledlFort Preservation. 

Septr 28th. [1777] 12 o'clock an Express from Palmer's Fort 
that George Findlay (69) come in wounded and some more men 
missing. In the Evening Capt Shannon (70) with 16 Men was 
ready to March, but the Night's being very dark thot it most 
advisable to wait till day break. 

[Sept.] 29. 

When Day appeared the Men Marched to Palmers Fort and 
were reinforc'd with 9 Men more then proceeded for Findlays 
about Twenty Miles distance from Ligonier. 4 Miles from Pal- 
mers we met with Capt Hinkson (71) & 12 Men returning from 
burying a Boy that the Indians had kill'd & scalp'd at Findlays 
(72.) We proceeded to Rogers within a mile of the place that 
Night & next Morning we examin'd the Woods — coul'd find 
but 4 Tracks leading into the Laurell Hill towards Bedford. 
As they had so much start judg'd it more prudent to take the 
Kit tanning Path in ordej' to meet with any partys that might 
be* coming into the Inhabitants. We cross'd over the Chest- 
nut Ridge, Brushy Valley, Blacklick Creek, Yellow Creek, & 
Twolicks Creeks to James Wilkins without discovering any 
Signs of Indians, We encamp'd before the House & kiudl'd 
Fires, The Inhabitants in all this part of the County having 
fled some Weeks before. 

[Sept,] 30. 

Before Day we left the Fires and march'd into the Woods in 
order to have an equal chance with the Enemy shou'd they be 


on Watch. After Day Broke we took a course across the 
Country to discover if any partys from the Alleghenny had 
lately come into the Inhabitants. About Nine O'clock we came 
on the Tracks of a large party of our People steering a Course 
for the River. We thot it needless to proceed any further, as 
that Party was to range the course we were steering. We then 
took a Road for Wallaces Fort & came there about 12 o'clock 
from which place the Men Went the Day before to look foi- 
*Col. Campbell who was thot to be kill'd with 5 more Men. We 
return'd that night to Ligonier. 

Octr. 1st. 

This Day we were inform'd the Men who went from Wallaces 
Fort to look for Col : Campbell (73) had return'd. The Indians, 
had taken him & the other Men Prisoners by a Memorandum 
left along with five proclamations from the Comn [Com- 
mandant] of Detroit offering a continuance to all officers in 
their Stations & Ranks in the King's Army if they wou'd repair 
to his Standard at Detroit. 

Memorand: On our return to Ligonier 4 Miles Distance we 

were inform'd of Thomas Woods being kill'd about five miles 

from the Town, which occasioned us to make a forc'd March 

after Dark into the Town to have the greater certainty. 

Octr. 3. 

Capt Shannon & myself went up to Col. Lochry (74) to know 
if he had adopted the Plan of Building a Fort & Magazine* at 
Ligonier for the Support of the Country and to keep the Com- 
munication open to Fort Pitt. He inform'd us that he approv'd 
of the same, & wrote a letter of Instructions to Col. Pollock (75) 
to appoint persons to superintend the Works & go on with 
them immediately. 

[Octr.] 4. 

Sent Col. Lochry's Letter to Col Pollock. 

[Octr.] 5. 

Col. Pollock came to Town and appointed Capt. Shannon & 
Myself to Superintend the Works. We immediately collected 


the People & inform'd them of Col: Loehry's Orders. They de- 
sir'd to know the Pay which we cou'd not exactly ascertain. 
As an unwillingness seem'd to prevail with some of working at 
an uncertainty, Col. Pollock propos'd riding up to Col. Lochry 
and having every thing done to their satisfaction. 

[Octr.] 6th. 

Col: Pollock & Capt Shannon rode up to Col: Lochry, who 
wrote to the People that he cou'd not ascertain the Pay, but* 
assur'd them of pa}' equal to those engag'd in the same Busi- 
ness in the Continental Service, 

[Octr.] 7th. 

We laid out the plan of the Fort & began with Trench: — 
Enter'd 2 Teams in the Service. 

[Octr.] 8th. 

Continu'd digging the Trench, cutting & haling Pickets — 
Enter'd three Teams. 

[Octr.] 9th. 

Continu'd digging the Trench cutting & haling pickets. — 
Began to set the Pickets. 

[Octr.] 10th. 
Employ'd as the day before. 

[Octr.] 11th. 
Employ'd as the day before. 

[Octr,] 12th. 
Being Sunday the People refus'd to Work, 

[Octr.] 13th. 

At Two O'clock, P. M., an Express from Capt Lochry at (76) 
Stoney Creek that he had three Brigades of Packhorses with 
Continental Stores under escorte; that a Man had been kill'd & 
Scalp'd the day before within half a Mile of that place; that 
he look'd upon it unsafe to stir them without a further* rein- 
forcement, as he had onlv fifteen Guns to defend one hundred 



& forty Fackhorses with their Drivers. At Day break Capt. 
Shannon with 24 Men marcli'd to Stoney Creek to liis Relief. 
The Works lay still for want of men — there being only a Guard 
for the Town left. 

[Ootr.] 14th. 

About 4 o'clock this afternoon the escorte arriv'd safe at 
Ligonier without any Accident on the Road; — The Works lay 

[Octr.] 15th. 

The Horse Masters apply 'd to the militia Capts., vis, Knox 
& McGuftey for a Guard of Twenty Men to escorte them to 
Hanna's Town, which they refus'd. Capt. Shannon with 20 
Men then st't off & convey'd them to Capt. Lochry's, when he 
was reliev'd. Nothing done in the Works this Day. 

[Octr.] 16th. 

*The Escorte returned from Capt. Lochry's. — A few Pickets 
set & some work done in the Trench. 

[Octr.] 17th. 

Carried on the digging of the Trench — cutting, haling & 
setting up Pickets. 

[Octr.] 18th. 

About sunrise James Clifford shot at an Indian near the 
Mill Creek, about a Quarter of a Mile from the Fort. (77.) A 
Party Immediately turn'd out. From the Blood it appear'd 
he was shot through the Body — a large stream spouting out on 
each side of the path, as he ran, for about 40 Rods when the 
Blood was stopp'd & the Tracks of three or four making into 
a close thicket. The Party examin'd the Thicket as narrowly 
as possibly but cou'd make no discovery, impossible to discover 
any Track. The remaining part of the day employ'd in the 
Trf^nch & setting up the Pickets. 

*[Octr.] 19th. 

A party was order'd out to reconnoitre if any sculking partys 
were near the Town or any Tracks. About 10 o'clock return'd 
without making anv discoverv. Col: Pollock came & held a 


Conference with me & Capt Shannon on the propriety of 
having a Militia Officer to Command the Garrison & regulate 
the Militia — as Capt Shannon's Company consisted altogether 
of Volunteers, the Militia look'd upon him with a Jealous Eye 
of reaping all the Honour of erecting the Fort by the Inde- 
fatigable labour of his Men, we inform'd him [that] many of 
the Militia had come to the AV'orks with a design to draw pro- 
visions & look at others working that I told them [that] unless 
they did Duty in the Works I shou'd absolutely refuse to Issue 
provisions to any such without an express order from the Lieut, 
of the County. Col. Pollock inform'd us the whole Battalion 
was order'd into pay & service. I told him when in actual 
service* I would issue, but not otherwise. To remove all 
Jealousies it was agreed upon, that a Commandant shou'd be 
appoint'd to Issue the Orders of the Superintendants to the 
Officers of the several Companys. The following is a list of the 
Companys & the Number of their Men: — 

Captn Knox & 20 privates, 

Captn Shannon — 27 privates. 

A Lieut, of Capt McGuffey & 4 privates ****** 
Captn Knox was appointed Commandant of the Garrison & of 
the Militia then in the ^Vorks. 

[Octr.] 20 th. 

Capt. Knox proceeded in the Orders of the Supr, in dividing 
the Men into proper partys. The Works went on well. 

[Octr.] 21st. 
*Tlie Works went forward briskly. 

[Octr.] 22nd.] 

The People began to grow tir'd of Work — disputed the Au- 
thority of the Superintendts — disallowed of Captn Knox & fell 
into confusion. — About five O'clock P. M., news was brot that 
about two hours before the Indians had kill'd two Children & 
scalp'd them, two more they scalp'd alive within 200 yards of 
Palmer's Fort. A party pursued them, «fc in a short time the 
People of the Fort fired off their Guns to give those persons 
notite who hnd gone to their plantations, which the party in 


pursuit hearing, imagin'd the Fort to be attaek'd, immediately 
quit the pursuit & return'd. 

[Octr.] 23rd. 

The People fell to work again — a few Loads of Pickets cut & 
liaui'd & some Men appointed to repair the outhouses for the 
reception of the Inhabitants. 

[Octr.] 24th. 

The People fell into confusion again — many of them went 
home; this morning Daniel Grafins House & Grain was burnt* 
within a mile & a half of Palmers Fort. — The People return'd 
in again. James Clifford on his Return saw an Indian on the 
opposite side of Mill Creek — he imagined him (the Indian) to 
be one of his own Company & challenged him — on which the 
Indian immediately whipped on his Horse, & it being very Dark 
got into the Woods. On receiving this news at the Town, 
Capts Shannon & Knox with 19 Men about Midnight set off to 
examine the Houses on Mill Creek between the Ford & Laurell 
Hill before Day Break, which they accomplish'd before day 
without discovering any appearances of Fire. On their return 
in the Morning being rainy, they discoverred a Track about a 
Mile from Ligonier which cou'd not be made out any further 
than a few Rods, as the Leaves had fallen much & the Weeds 
kill'd with the frost. Near to where the Indian was kill'd they 
discoverd' two more tracks, but raining hard the tracks cou'd 
not be made out with any degree of certainty. — The Artificers 
wrought at the Gates. — Clifford's Team discharg'd. 

[Octr.] 25th. 

Rain'd. McDowell & Johnston's Teams bawling Fire wood 
for the Inhabitants. 

[Octr.] 26th. 

Being Sunday the People went out in Partys to their Planta- 
tions. In the afternoon an escorte came from Bedford with 
two Brigades of Pack horses loaded with Continental Stores. 
The Horse-masters made application to the Military OflScers 
for an escorte, which was refused. 
16 -Vol. 2. 


[Octr.] 27th. 

Raiuy. — Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox set off this afternoon for 
Col. Lochry's. Before they set off Capt Shannon & myself re- 
quir'd some Men to turn a run of Water out of the Trenches 
which was washing & filling them: — He gave us for answer he 
[that is, Pollock] cou'd do it himself in Fifteen minutes. With- 
out doing it* himself or ordering Men to do it, we were obliged 
to hire two Men to turn the W^ater & dig a Trench to carry it 
oir clear of the Works. This day the Sergeant of Capt. Knox's 
Company & Lieut. Curry log'd a Complaint with Capt. Knox 
against me as Commissary — that I wou'd not Issue their Provi- 
sions & was partial in favour of Capt. Shannon. When he 
spoke to me on the Complaint, I told him the Flour was not 
come in ; that I had offer'd the Beef yesterday but they wou'd 
not take a part without the Whole. This Evening they re- 
ceived the Beef. This Day we receiv'd an Acco'nt of Jno. Cun- 
ningham being shot at & pursued by an Indian 10 miles below 
Ligonier. Cunninghnm had shot a Turkey & as he went to pick 
it up the Indian fired at him. 

*[Octr.] 28th. 

This Morning Lieut. Curry sent over his Provision return. I 
had not Flour to spare, & told his Man that I wou'd Issue 
d'uble Rations of Beef. The Fellow insulted me, when Mr. 
George Reading (78) lent me the Quantity. — Rain'd the whole 
day excessive hard. — the Loyalhanna overflowing the Banks. — 
Partys out for a considerable Distance round the Town Re- 
connoitering: — made no discovery. — 2 Springs spouted out in 
the Trenches, which keeps them full of W^ater. 

[Octr.] 29th. 

This day snow'd & Rain'd excesive hard — Nothing done ex- 
cept a few reconnoitering — Wm. Halferty made a return of the 
Grain and Forage brot into the Garrison. The Waters still 
continue high. — Capt. Ourrie (70) gave us agreeable news of the 
Enemy being pent np near Philada. and a Defeat unavoidable: 
fresh Courage & more Whiskey wou'd * make our People Fight 
the English or the D: a Scout order'd for to-morrow to Range 
the Chestnut Ridge and Lanrell Hill between Palmers Fort and 


[Oetr.] :30th. 

This day Capt. Shannon & myself rode up to Col. Lochry's. 
At Capt. Lochry's a complaint was made to me by the former 
Magistrates that Col. Proctor, while in the Assembly, had laid 
past for the use of the Magistrates the Votes and the Differ- 
ent Asemblies from 1744, together with a complete set of the 
Laws, which have not been sent to them. They desired the 
Copyes may be Furnish 'd them as their Properties, from an 
Ordinance of Convention pass'd the '^id Sept., 1770. The Scout 
turn'd out this Morning consist'g of 18 Men return'd without 
any Discovery of any Indians or Tracks.* 

*[Octr.] 31st. 

This day Lt. Col. Pomroy came to take Command of the 
Garrison. (80.) The Trenches continued full of Water. The 
teams employ'd in haling Pickets — the Men in Cutting. 

[Novr.] 1st. 

The People employ'd in Cutting, Hawling & Setting of 
Pickets & clearing the Trenches of Water. — Set up the North 
Gate 10 Feet Wide— 12 Feet High in the clear. 

[Novr.] 2nd. 

The People generally inclined to go Home. Many Familys 
did go about 2 oclock, P. M. — Mr. W^oodruft" came and inform'd 
us that Wm. Kichardson was found kill'd & scalped about 3 
miles from Ligonier — 3 Strokes of a Tomhawk in his head & 
the upper part of his Scull broke in. — About 3 miles from 
Richardsons 2 men were killd & Scalp'd & a Woman* missing. 
24 of our Men turn'd out and bury'd Richardson. There ap- 
pear'd only 4 tracks. It was Dusk before we got him bury'd. 
— Return'd to Ligonier. 

[Novr.] 3rd. 

Employ'd in setting, cutting & hawling Pickets. — The F'or- 
a ;e Guard went to Richardsons to thrash Oats and Wheat yes- 
terday. — As a party was returning to Palmers Fort from a 
Scout about a mile from that, one of the party being a small 
distance behind was call'd on to stop — first in a low voice. 


a second time louder, & a third time very loud. The Person 
made up to the Party but being dusk did not return to the 
place until the next morning. * * * found the * * * (81.) 

*[Novr.] 4th. 

Employ'd about the Pickets — digging the Trench — the For- 
age Guard continu'd at Kichardson's. — Col. Pollock came 
down from Hanna's Town & inform'd us that Gen. Hand had 
return'd to Fort Pitt — that the expedition was set aside for 
this season. (82.) — Clifford began to Hawl with his Team. * * * 
Yesterday Morning Capt. Shannon with 5 Men sett off to meet 
the Scout from Barr's Fort & Wall ace's Fort to range the Chest- 
nut Ridge for fifteen miles, which they did without any dis- 
covery of Indians except at the Places where the People were 
kill'd. * -» * * They likewise found a Mare belonging 
to Saml. Craig who had been coming to Ligonier for Salt on 
Saturday. * * * * he is * suppos'd to be taken prisoner 
as his body cou'd not be found. (88.) — These Scouts fir'd the 
Ridge in many places. * * * * Capt. Shannon return'd. 
* * * * Col. Pomroy demanded from me the Continental 
Salt to have it in his own keeping. * -f * * i refus'd de- 
livering it without an Order from a Continental Officer. * * * 
Let him have half a Bush for Palmers Fort & ^ a bushl. 
for Barrs Fort. (84.) — Sent 2 Light Horse Men up to Col. 
Lochry for an Order to detain some of the Arms & Ammuni- 
tion for this Fort. * * * * About one half a Mile from 
Ligonier, being very dark, they heard some human Voices, but 
cou'd not distinguish who they were. 

[Novr.] 5th. 

The Light Horse Men return'd with the news that Yester- 
day about 11 o'clock Wallace's Fort was attacked by a num- 
ber * of Indians on one Side while a White Man on the Other 
Side came wading up the Tail Race of his Mill with a Red 
Flag which seem'd to be intended as a deception for the at- 
tack. When the Man appear'd open to the Fort in the instant 
of the Attack 7 Balls were fir'd thro' him. * * * * 2 of 
the Balls went thro' 2 Letters he had ty'd in a Bag which was 
hung round his Neck down his Breast. * * * * prom 


what cou'd be discovei-'d by the Letters they were proclama- 
tions from Detroit to the same amount of those found with 
Col. Campbell. — The same day the People about Palmers Fort 
were flr'd on. * * * * Several Partys were discover'd 
about there & Squirrell Hill. * * * * To-morrow we ex- 
pect an Attack. * * * * This evening Capt. Shannon & 
2 Men set off for Col. Lochry's for Ammunition. * * * * 
Return'd at Night with 41 lbs. Powder, 15 lbs. Lead. * * * 
As the Light Horse return"d some of our working party being 
near the place where they heard the Voices, they went and 
examin'd the Ground. * * " * found 5 Indians Tracks. 
— At the same time the Indians fir'd on the People at Palmers 
Fort they flr'd on the Forage Guard about one and a fourth 
miles from the Fort without doing any damage. 

This day Capt. Williams brot seven Men part of 25 Order'd 
by Col. Pollock out of his Company into the Works. * * * 
immediately on receiving the news they all ran away, having 
first drawn their provisions. * * * * 25 Men more were 
order'd from Capt. McGufichs comp'y. * * * he having 
only 6 Men & those in the W^orks, the Men cou'd not be fur- 
nish'd. * * * Capt. Shannon having 27 Men constantly 
in the Works of his Volunteer Comp'}', he sent orders for 27 
Men to relieve. 

[Novr.] 6th. 

This day Gentries posted out & Guards. * * * * Some 
Pickets set & hawl'd. — I demanded an Escorte to Bedford on 
public Business from Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox, which* they 
refus'd. — I apply'd to Capt. Shannon of the Volunteer Com- 
pany who with 3 Men escorted me. We left Ligonier at 8 
o'clock P. M. — Came over the Laurell Hill to Jollys. (85.) — 
Very Dark. 

[Nov.] 7th. 

We came safe to Bedford. — The People on the Road all 
Fled for 42 Miles from Ligonier. 

[Novr.] 8th. 

I left Capt. Shannon on his Return to Ligonier. As I came 
thro' Bedford news had come that a Man was kill'd directly 
after T pass'd the Mountain (upon it). 


It will be seen from the last entries in the foregoing journal 
that on November 8th (1777), Thomas Galbraith, or Ihe writer 
thereof, was in Bedford. The information which the Council 
of Safety obtained from "verbal accounts,'' and which in a 
communication from Lancaster^ November 14th, 1777, they 
addressed to the Delegates of Pennsylvania in Congress, was 
in all probability obtained from him. They say (86): 

"This Council is applied to by the people of the County of 
Westmoreland in this Commonwealth with the most alarming 
Complaints of Indian Depredations. The Letter, of which 
the inclosed is a copy, will give you some Idea of their 
present situation. 

"We are further informed by verbal accounts, that an Ex- 
tent of 60 Miles has been evacuated to the Savages, full of 
Stock, Corn, Hoggs & Poultry, that they have attacked Pal- 
mer's Fort about 7 miles distant from Fort Ligonier without 
success; and from the information of White Eyes & other 
circumstances, it is feared Fort Ligonier has, by this time, 
been attacked. There is likewise reason to fear the ravages 
will extend to Bedford, & along the frontier. We shall order 
out the militia of Bedford County, & take such other steps as 
may be immediately necessary for the relief of those settle- 
ments, but we find they are greatly deficient in the articles of 
arms, & especially ammunition «S: Flints. In Fort Ligonier. 
when our Informants left it, there was no more than 40 lb of 
powder & 15 lb of Lead — Flints are sold at a Dollar a piece. 

"We must beg the assistance of Congress in these articles — 
arms we dare hardly ask, but ammunition & Flints we hope 
may be supplied by Congress both to Westmoreland & Bed- 
ford; and we must also intreat the attention of Congress to 
the general Defence of the Frontier. We know not the situ- 
ation of Gen. Hand, his forces or his views; but we have 
reserved the militias of Bedford & Westmoreland, for the pur- 
pose of co-operating with him in those parts of the State, & 
the neighborhood. 

"Mr. Thomas Galbraith will call on you in a few Days on his 
way to Ligonier, the supplies should be furnished to him from 
Carlisle, to be carried from thence on Pack horses. He will 
explain more at large their situation & it might not be amiss 


to communicate to him what may be expected from Gen. 
Hand, as well as what Congress shall order." 

Col. Lochry reports to Pres. Wharton, under date Gth of 
December, 1777, the following (87) : 

"I Wrote to your Excellency by Col. Shields, giving a State 
of the Ravages Committed by the Indians on the Inhabitants 
of this County; they have still Continued to Destroy and 
Burn Houses, Barns and Grain, as you will see more Particu- 
lar in a Patation from the People to the Honnorable Assembly, 
Praying Relieff. My Situation Has Been Critical; Genneral 
Hand required more Men rhan T could Possibly furnish from 
Two Batalions, which is all I can Pertend to have jurisdiction 
over, on acc't of the unsettled Boundery between this State 
and Virginia. I sent One Hundred men for the Remainder 
was Stopt by His Order, at the same time the frontears of our 
County Lay Expossed to the Marcy of the Savages ; Not a Man 
on Our fruntears from Logenear to the Alegenia River, Except 
a few at fort Hand, on Continental Pa}'. I was Oblidged, by 
the Advice of the sub-lieutenants & other Principal People 
of the County, to adopt the Measures I Before Laide Down to 
your Excellency; I Requested Genneral Hands Approbation on 
the Plan, which he Declined, as you May see His Letter of the 
18th October; if our Measures Had not been adopted, I am 
very Cartain there Would Not been Many Persons on the 
North Side the Create Roade Now, if there is Not Stors Laide 
in this Winter, In Spring they Must undoubtedly Leave the 
Countery; they Have no Salt to lay up Meat, of which there 
is a greate IMenty, their Crain is all Burn'd & Destroy'd on 
the North of Connemoch ; if there is no Store of Provision for 
Next summer, and the People Hindred from Getting Spring 
Crops the Countery is undoubtedly Broke ui^. The Plan we 
Have addopted Has Been Put in Execution at the Expence 
of a few Individuals, which Cant Be Long Continued without 
supported by the Publick. I Have sent five Indian Scalps 
taken by One of our Scouting Party, Commanded by Col'l 
Barr, Col'l Perry, Col'l Smith, & Cap't Kingston [Hinkston?], 
Being Voluentears in the Action. The Action Hapned Near 
Kittaning, they Retoock Six Horses the Savages Had Taken 
from the suffering fruntears; for Encouragement to other 


l)artys I Hoop your Excellency Will make a Retaliation [com- 
pensation or reward?] for these Scalps." 

We have an account of the affairs about Ligonier towards 
the middle of the next year, 1778, in a letter from Thomas Gal- 
braith, from Lancaster, May20th, 1778, to Col. Hambright. (88.) 

"I left Ligonier the 2d May, the people had entered into an 
association to defend the i)lace while their provisions would 
last or ammunition; their store amounted to one month's pro- 
visions & about 1 lb powder & 1 lb of lead per man. The 
Time will soon elapse that necessity will compell the Inhabit- 
ants to seek for assistance elsewhere in the more interior 
parts of the Country. There are now two Brigades of Pack- 
horses in Canicocheague, to go with loading for Fort Pitt. 
The Pennsylvania Road for some time hath been shut by the 
Enemy, & prevents the necessary supplies being left on the 
line; if two Companies of Militia would be sent to guard the 
supplies of ammunition & Provisions up to Ligonier & 
Hanna's Town, the Inhabitants will be encouraged to defend 
the Posts more stoutly. The attention of the State to the 
Frontier will revive their drooping spirits ; their situation will 
not permit those to move who can have supplies, to act on the 
Defensive, & their necessitys at present requires an immediate 

Col. George Reading addressed the following letter from 
Fort Ligonier, April 26th, 1779, to President Reed (89): 

**From our former acquaintance I am the more emboldened 
to make free with you. Your letter of the 27th ult. I rec'd 
per Col. Jno. Shields. I accordingly communicated it the 
inhabitants and used by best influence with them to stand 
their Ground, in consequence of which several staid here 
which otherwise would have gone in hopes of speedy relief, 
which is yet delayed. This day the Enemy made a breach 
upon us, killed one man, taken one prisoner, another man 
missing, two families living some distance from the Fort, 
not known what is become of them, we not having men suffi- 
cient at this post to send out, being reduced to a very few in- 
habitants, and but eight men and boys as a guard to the Fort. 
I am sorry to say that unless we have some speedy support 
and protection we shall be obliged to abandon this important 


Post, several of the families being entirely out of bread, must 
go 40 or 50 miles for what is got, and pay a most exorbitant 
price for. We dread being blocked up in a few days, the 
Enemy appearing numerous, and of course our creatures all 
destroj'ed, if that should be the case our situation will be most 
distressing, our case is not agrivated but rather mitigated." 

Col. Lochry was notified by Gen. Mcintosh in a letter from 
Fort Pitt January 29th, 1779, that he (Mcintosh) was just in- 
formed that a large party had just then set out to strike the 
inhabitants about Ligonier and Blackleg Creek. This infor- 
mation to Lochry was sent by an express so that the neigh- 
borhood might be acquainted of it and be upon their 
guard. (90.) 

By orders from the Commander-in-Chief, General Wash- 
ington, from headquarters at Morristown, April 12th, 1780, 
the supplies which were to be furnished by the State for the 
Continental service in these parts were directed to be depos- 
ited at Fort Pitt and Ligonier. To Ligonier was apportioned 
three hundred barrels of Hour, eight hundred and fifty gallons 
of rum, forty tons of hay, and two thousand bushels of 
corn. (91.) 

Owing to the difficulty of transportation, and from other 
causes, it is probable, however, that these supplies never came 
up to this quantity at any one time. (92.) 

On June the first, 1780, Col. Lochry writes to President Keed 
that "Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left this county, 
we have had three parties of the savages amongst us — they 
have killed and taken five persons two miles from Ligonier, 
and burned a mill belonging to one Laughlin." (93.) 

In speaking of the ravages of the Indians in the county 
during the summer of 1781, Col. James Perry writes to Presi- 
dent Reed July 2d, of that year, that on the last Friday two 
young women were killed in Ligonier Valley. (94.) 

After the destruction of Hannastown in 1782 there was, 
during that fall, a ranging company, consisting of about 
twenty-two privates and two officers, stationed at Ligonier for 
the defense of tliat quarter. When these disbanded there 
was probably no force kept at this point after that, as the 
war of the Revolution was now over. (95.) 


The original fort erected at the Loyalhauna was called Fort 
Ligoiiier after the name of the head of the British army at 
that time. In October, 1757, Sir John Ligonier was made 
Commander-in-Chief of tlie land forces in Great Britain, and 
I'aised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Ligonier, of 
Enniskillen. He had greatly distinguished himself as a sol- 
dier, under the Duke of Marlborough, and afterward in Ger- 
many. In 17(33 he was created an English Baron, and in 1766 
an English Earl. He died in 1770, aged ninety-one years. 
He was born in France, his father was a Huguenot of a noble 
family. He fought in the battles of Blenheim, Oudenarde, 
Ramilies, and at Malplaquet twenty-two balls passed through 
his clothes without injuring him. (96.) 

The old Fort Ligonier, as is evident from the plan here an- 
nexed, which was copied from the original in the British war 
oflSce, was a. work of strength and of some magnitude. It was 
intended to be such a place of defense as would meet all 
emergencies, and was especially constructed in conformity 
with the requirements of warfare peculiar to the time. It 
was designed and constructed to answer for more than a 
shelter against the Indians, and was made to resist the ar- 
tillery and the appliances of civilized warfaie. As it was on 
the direct line of communication with Fort Pitt, and from its 
location would necessarily be a relay station for convoys 
and a depository for wai' munitions, provisions and material, 
it was arranged with barracks and ample accommodations 
for a permanent garrison. As such a post it served its pur- 
pose throughout the French and Indian War, and the peril- 
ous time when the English held the line between the colonists 
and their enemies. In IVnitiac's War, we have seen, it was 
one of the four posts which withstood the siege of the bar- 
barians with much honor and to good purpose. 

The Fort proper was but a part of the post, which with its 
outward retrenchments, fascine batteries and redoubts, was 
really the harborage for a small army. The situation of the 
¥ovi, with its ai)purtenances, was, from a military point of 
view, excellent. It stood on an elevated ground within easy 
distance of the Loyalhauna Creek, being on the north or east- 
ern bank, the stream here flowing northward. Eastward the 


<>rouud was iieiuly level, but on all other sides it declined rap- 
idly. At its highest point it was probably more than forty 
feet above the level of the creek, but where tlu^ passage way 
was made for access to the stream, the bank was such as to 
make the approach easy. A deep ravine extended along the 
side marked by the small stream as indicated in the plan. 
There is some ti-aditional evidence, supported by circum- 
stances of a j)robable character, that on the bank opposite this 
ravine, which is now partly built upon by the town, was the 
burying-ground used by the garrison and by the first settlers 
near the Fort. On the side of this sloping laud within range of 
the guns of the Fort were the cabins of the settlers and those 
who Jmd business at the post. The buildings which are referred 
to in the accounts of the siege during Pontiac's AYar were 
likely in this quarter. Many relics have been gathered about 
the ground, such as bayonets, gun-barrels, hatchets, knives, 
pieces of wagon-tire, flints and arrow-heads. 

The fort which St. Clair speaks of in 1774, into which the 
people of the valley gathered during that Summer, was prob- 
ably the old fort rehabilitated b}' St. Clair himself; for during 
this time this was the center from which he directed opera- 
tions as the agent of the Penns. It is also probable that a 
part of the fort — the magazine and storehouse — had been kept 
up for the accommodation of the property belonging to the 
Province, down to at least 1772 or 177.'*>. These structures 
from the nature of the material used in their construction — 
logs and earth embankments — and exposed as they were to 
the inclemency of the weather, could not last long without 
constant reparation. While the material of Fort Ligonier 
was of this perishable character, yet the earth-works, the 
bastions, the store-house, and the magazine were originally 
intended, as we have said, to be more permanent and substan- 
tial than was usual in the ordinary forts of that period. 

The stockade of the Revolutionary period was an entirely 
different affair. The place M^hich it occupied cannot be 
l>ointed out, but it is altogether probable that it was built 
near the site of the old fort, some remains of which, such as 
Hie ditch, were then utilized. The new structure was prob- 
ablv nearer the creek, and lower than the site of the old fort, 


as the circumstance of the water flowing into the ditch, men- 
tioned in the "Journal," when it was building, would indicate. 
Doubtless, however, it embraced within its limits the maga- 
zine of the old fort, and was within proximity to the spring of 
the ravine. 

It is proper to observe, without any motive of adulation, 
that the people of Ligonier Valley have ever manifested a 
spirit of patriotic interest in the historic events which are 
connected inseparably with old Fort Ligonier. Nor is there 
any place within the Commonwealth more deserving of remem- 
brance or better calculated to arouse sentiments of filial grati- 
tude and patriotic reverence. 

Its history begins with the earliest appearance of civili- 
zation in these wilds. Its record antedates every other point 
west of the mountains secured by the English-Americans. 
The British historian in narrating the story of the conflicts 
of England with those nations of Europe which her valor and 
diplomacy conquered, and especially with France, with whom 
she struggled for life or death for the supremacy, must men- 
tion the campaign of Forbes and the fort on the Loyalhanna; 
the annalist of the Province which the Penns founded, cannot 
help dwelling on the names of Ligonier and St. Clair; the 
history of the Commonwealth would be incomplete without 
allusion to it. Nor could the student of history whose at- 
tention is directed to the frontier wars, avoid, if he would, 
a recurrence to this place; for it is peculiarly identified with 
the history and traditions of a long and bloody savage war- 
fare waged about her fields and round her stockade walls. 
The ground on all sides was wetted with innocent blood; 
families were torn asunder, captives were carried off, and 
widowed women and orphaned children left shelterless to the 
compassion of their neighbors. The unwritten events far out- 
number those of authentic narration. For all the region of 
the Ligonier Valley between the mountain ridges extending 
to the limits of the occupancy of the whites. Fort Ligonier was 
the citadel, the place of refuge, the harbor of safety. 

In two things particularly is the place notable. The one is 
in the interest that attaches to the circumstantial account 
of '\\'asl)ington's great peril, and the otlier is in the associa- 


tion of the career of St. Clair with its early history. Of the 
memory of St. Clair, this whole legion partakes. A character 
singular and unique, a life checkered and of many experiences, 
a career remarkably unfortunate — there is no personage more 
marked in its individuality during the Revolutionary period 
than his. He was a patriot, a soldier and a statesman, but 
unfortunate in a degree to arouse commiseration. This is 
not the place to do justice to his services or his character, and 
only a reference to him can be made. It may well be, how- 
ever, that for no thing that he did will his memory be more 
likely to endure in the gratitude and respect of his country- 
men than for the part he took in directing these people in the 
early days of the Revolution, particularly in their sentiments 
and attitude as manifested in the Resolutions passed at 
Hannastown, May 16th, 1775. (97.) 

Notes to Fort Ligonier. 

(1.) This regiment was authorized by Act of Parliament. 
It was to consist of four battalions of one thousand men each, 
and intended to be raised chiefly of the Germans and Swiss, 
who, for many years past, had come into America, where 
waste land had been assigned them on the frontiers. They 
were generally strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate. 
It was necessary to appoint some officers, especially sub- 
alterns who understood military discipline and could speak 
the German language; and as a suflQcient number could not be 
found among the English officers, it was further necessary to 
bring over and grant commissions to several German and 
Swiss officers and engineers. [Smollett's History of England, 

The Royal American regiment is now the Sixtieth Rifles. 
* * * * Its ranks at the time of Pontiac's War were filled 
bv provincials of English as well as of German descent. 
[Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. 18, n.] 

(2.) The Virginians wanted the expedition to advance on 
the road made bv Braddock. Washington had an interview 


■with Bouquet midway between Fort ruuiberland, where his 
regiment lay, and Bedford, and spared no etiort to bring him 
to his opinion. The final decision was not made until Forbes 
came to Raystown; for even then the very strongest efforts 
were put forth by those who favored the lower route. AVash- 
ington gave many reasons why it should be preferred. Col. 
John Armstrong, of the Pennsylvanians, in a letter to Richard 
Peters from "Ray's Town, October 3d, 1758," says that Col. 
AVashington was ''sanguine and obstinate" as to the opening 
of the road through Pennsylvania, and adds, "The presence of 
the General lias been of great use in this as well as other ac- 
counts." — Arch, iii, 551. 

(3.) Some reports says 1,700 men. * * * * Q^^\ j^g 
Shippen in a letter to Richard Peters from the camp at Rays' 
Town, 16th of August, 1758: "The army here consists now 
of about 2.500 men, exclusive of about 1,400 employed in cut- 
ting and clearing the road betw^een this and Loyal Hanning, 
a great part of which I suppose by this time is finished, so 
that I am in hopes we shall be able to move forward soon 
after the General comes uj>, who we hear is at Shippensburg 
on his way up. * * * * . Col. Washington and 400 of his 
regiment have not yet joined us, nor has any of Col. Byrd's 
(of Virginia) except two companies." — .\.rch. iii, 510. 

The number reported as so engaged, August 1st, in Sparks' 
Washington, Vol. ii, p. 289, is 1,700. The numbers in all occa- 
sions vary, from obvious reasons, and particularly for the rea- 
son that the position of the troops was constantly changing. 

(4.) Parkman — Montcalm and Wolfe, et seq. This authority 
is followed wherever necessary, and given literally. 

(5.) The Pennsylvania Regiment consisted of three batta- 
lions. The Hon. Wni. Denny, Esq., Lieut.-GoA'. of the Province 
of Penna., Colonel-in-Chief. 

First Battalion — Colonel Commandant, John Armstrong. 

Second Battalion — Colonel Commandant, James Burd. 

Third Battalion — Colonel Commandant, Hugh Mercer. 

{(>.) We have no present information as to the date when 
P.ouquet first came to Loynlhanna. He says, in a letter report- 
ing Gnint's defeat dated ntLoyallianna. Sept. 17th, 1758. * * * 


''The day on which I arrived at the camp, whicli was the 7th 
[of Sept.,] it was reported to me that we were surrounded by 
parties of Indians, several soldiers having been scalped or 
made prisoners." See Fort Pitt, by ^A'. M. Darlington, Esq., 
p. 75. 

From the side of the French we have some account of this 
period. Vaudreuil to Massiac, from Montreal, 28th of Sept., 
1758, says: "M. de Ligneris has written to me from Fort Du- 
quesne on the 30th of last month; he continues to have parties 
out, who brought him two prisoners on the 30th, [August] 
from whom he learned that Gen. Forbus was immediately 
expected at Royal Amnon; where there were not more than 
2,000 men, under the command of Col. Bouquet, with eight 
pieces of cannon or field carriages and several mortars; that 
a fort had been built there of piece ujjon piece, and one saw- 
mill; as for the rest, they are ignorant whether Fort Duquesne 
is to be attacked this fall; that the Provincials had orders to 
go into winter quarters; that they had been since counter- 
manded, but that people still spoke of dismissing them; that 
there are no more horned cattle at Royal Amnon. but plent,y 
of provisions of flour and salt meats.'' Arch, vi, 2d ser. p. 553. 

(7.) An early mention of the place, Loyalhanna, is in connec- 
tion with the points on the Old Trading Path. (Records v, 
747-750.) March 2, 1750, the Governor laid before the Council 
Mr. John Patten's Map of the Distance to the Ohio, together 
with the account given of the same by ^Ir. Weiser and the 
Traders in former examinations. He desired them to peruse 
the map carefully, and to examine a witness on the subject, 
who had accompanied Col. Fry to Loggs Town to a treaty held 
there in the year 1752. 

The following distances are given as computed by the Indian 
Traders from Carlisle to Shanoppin's Town: 

"From Ray's Town to the Shawonese Cabbin 8 miles * * * 
To the Top of Allegheny Mountains 8 m * * * * to Ed- 
mund's Swamp 8m**** to Cowamahony Creek 6 m 
* * * * to Kackanapaulins 5 m * * * * to Loyal 
Hannin 18 m * * * * from Loyal Hannin to Shanoppin's 
town 50 m. 


The Courses of the Road by Compass. 

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 64 W., 12 miles to Loyal 
Hannin Old Town. 

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 20 W., 10 miles to the 
Forks of the Road. 

From Kackanapaulin's House West 10 miles to . 

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 80 W., 15 miles to Shanop- 
pin's Town. 

Mention of the place in C. Gist's Journal : 

Christopher Gist, as the agent of the Ohio Company, set out 
from Col. Thomas Cresap's at the Old Town on the Potomac 
River in Maryland, Oct. 31, 1750, on a journey of exploration. 
He was required to keep full notes for an official report. The 
Journal of the tour is found in Pownall's "Topographical Des- 
cription of North America," published in London in 1776, but 
later reprinted in Christopher Gist's Journals, &c., by Wm. 
M. Darlington, Esq., Pittsburgh, 1893. 

Following is an extract: "Monday, 12th Nov., 1750, set out 
from Stoney Creek N. 45, W. 8 N crossed a great Laurel Moun- 
tain [Laurel Hillj * * * * Tuesday 13. — Rain and Snow 

* * * * Wednesday 14. — set out in 45 W. 6 M. to Loyal- 
hannan an old Town on a Creek of Ohio called Kiscominatis, 
then N. 1 M,, NW. 1 M. to an Indian's camp on the said Creek 

* * * * Thursday, 15, the Weather bad and I unwell I 
staid here all Day: the Indian to whom this Camp belonged 
spoke good English and directed Me the Way to this Town, 
which is called Shannopins Town : He said it was about 60 M. 
and a pretty good Way." Observe here the place is called an 
old town, and the creek the Kiskiminetas. 

In the map accompanying the Report of Gist, called "Fry 
and Jefferson's Map, 1755." Loyalhanna is marked as an Indian 
place, not as the name of the "stream" which is called the 
Kishkeminetaa. * * * * ggg infra. 

George Croghan, the Indian trader in a letter to R. Peters, 
March 23d, 1754, giving the distance to the points on the trad- 
ing paths westward, says: * * * * "The road we now 
travel * * * * from Laurel Hill to Shanopens [near the 
forks of the Ohio], is but 46 miles,- as the road now goes, which 


I suppose may be 30 odd miles on a straight line." Arch, ii, 
132.) Croghan, it must be remembered, was very zealous for 
action on the part of the province, and consequently did not 
magnify the distances. 

In the "Account of the Road to Loggs Town on Allegheny 
River, taken by John Harris, 1754" (Arch, ii, 135) the follow- 
ing distances are noted from the points designated * * * * 
From Ray's Town to the Shawana Cabbins 8 M. * * * * 
to Allegheny Hill 6 M * * * * to Edmond's Swamp 8 M 

* * * * to Stoney Creek 6 M * * * * to Kickener 
Paulin's House, (Indian) 6 M * * * * to the Clear Fields 
7 M. * * * * to the other side of the Lawrel Hill 5 M. 
to Loyal Haning 6 M. * * * * to the Big Bottom 8 M. 

* * * * to the Chestnut Ridge 8 M. * * * * to the 
parting of the Road 4 M. ■"-**♦ thence one Road leads 
to Shannopin's Town the other to Kisscomenettes, old Town." 

On Lewis Evans' Map, 1755, it is called "Loyalhanning," and 
it is marked as an Indian town, or camp, and is located on the 
south or western side of the creek. 

From an "Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British 
Colonies" — from which this information is derived — "The 
greatest part of Virginia is composed with Assistance of Mes- 
sieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it. * * * * The Map in 
t':^ Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the Passes through the 
]\ intains Westward, is laid down by the Information of 
T. aders and others, who have resided there, and travelled 
th 'm for many years together. Hitherto there have not been 
any Surveys made of them, except the Road which goes from 
Shippenburg which goes round Parnell's Knob and by Ray's 
Town over the Allegheny Mountains." * * * * This Map 
and Analysis were printed in Phila. by B. Franklin and D. 
Hall, 1755. The Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750- 
51-52, were copied from the original in the Public Record Office 
London, by J. A. Burt, 1882 for Wni. M. Darlington, Esq., to 
whose work "Christopher Gist's Journals, with notes, etc." 
Pittsburgh, 1893, we are indebted for this, and other relevant 

According to John Heckewelder — Names which the Lenni 

17 -Vol. 2. 


Lennape or Delaware Indians gave to Rivers, Streams and Lo- 
calities, within the State of Pennsylvania, etc., Moravian So- 
ciety's Publications,"' the word Loyalhanna is corrupted from 
Laweellhanne, signifying, the middle stream. 

Other words in which the root of these two words are found, 
are Le-la-wi, the middle * * * « Lawi-lo-wan, mid-winter 
* * * * La-wit-pi-cat, mid-night ■' * * * La-wu- 
linsch-gan, the middle finger. (From the vocables to above on 
authority of David Zeisberger.) 

Han-ne, signifies stream, and is applicable to river or creek. 
It appears in many names and in different forms. Kittanning 
from Kit-hanne, in Minsi Delaware, Gicht-hanne, signifying, 
the main stream, i. e,, in its region of country. Tobyhanna, 
corrupted from Topi-hanne, signifying alder stream, i. e. a 
stream whose banks are fringed with alders. Youghiogheny, 
corrupted from Jud-wiah-hanna, signifying a stream flowing in 
a contrary direction, or in a circuitous course. * * * * 
Cawanshannock, corrupted from Gawunsch-hanne, signifying 
green-brier stream. The stream called Stony Creek in Somer- 
set county is the English of the Indian name: Sinne-hanne, or 

A large creek on the eastern side of Laurel Hill is called by 
Frederick Post, Rekenpalin. Vide Journal. 

The designation. Middle Creek as given to the Loyalhanna 
was applicable probably from the fact that it was about mid- 
way between the Allegheny or Ohio and the Raystown Branch 
of the Juniata. It was direct on the Indian trail, as we have 
seen, between these two points. There was a Shawanese town 
on the site of Bedford, it is said. — (See Note to Juniata, in 
Heckewelder, supra.) 

Heckewelder says that Hanne means a stream of flowing 
water. Mr. Russell Errett says, however, (Magazine of West- 
ern History, May, 188.5, page 53), that the word in common use 
among the Algonkin tribes for river is sipu, and this includes 
the idea of "a stream of flowing water." But in the moun- 
tainous parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, sipu 
does not sufficiently convey the idea of a rapid stream, roaring 
down the mountain gorges, and Hanne takes its place to desig- 


nate not a mere sipu, or flowing river, but a rapid mountain 

Proper Indian names, we have seen, were written phonetic- 
ally, so that the least deviation was liable to convey a different 
impression. Thus some of Heckewelder's names, it is said, da 
not exactly give the correct pronunciations to the English, for 
the reason that he naturally gave his vowels and diphthongs 
German sound. 

We have preserved a remarkable incident of the correctness 
of this observation in this particular word * * * * The 
Hon. Wm. Findley, member of Congress for many years from 
the Westmoreland district, an intimate friend of Washington, 
in reporting a conversation which they had touching Fort 
Ligonier, says (in part): 

"The Fort, which is conversant with me, he [Washington] 
and many others called Layalhana, after the name of the creek, 
was also named Ligoniers, [Ligonier's] near which there is now 
a town of that name." Wm. Findley to editor of Niles' 
Register for May 9th, 1818, p. 180. Letter dated Youngstown, 
Pa., March 27th, 1818. 

From the examination of a Delaware Prisoner [about] May, 
1757, Arch, iii, 147 "they reported (while yet the French were 
at Duquesne), that 135 Indians had set off from Fort Duquesne, 
not designed against any Particular Place, but divide and fall 
separately in different places on the frontier: A party divided 
at Lawelpanning, &c." 

In the French oflScial report it is called Royal Hannon. The 
Indians, it is known, could not pronounce "r." The only ex- 
planation of the French form is that they made it an English 
name. The vulgar conception of the name is that which gives 
it an English derivation. * * * * «The absence of the 
consonants r, f, and v, the accumulation of the k sounds (all 
enunciated from the depths of the throat), * * ♦ * ^re 
marked peculiarities of their [the Delawares] dialect." Trans. 
Mor. His. Soc. Introduction to Names, Heckewelder. 

It is known that the Indians generally could not say rum, 
but called it lum, Heckewelder says, in one place, an Indian 
called him Quackel, taking him for a Quaker. (Indian Nations, 
p. 144.) 


Johu McCullough's narrative of his captivity, written by him- 
self is among the best productions of the kind, on account 
of its being accurate as well as entertaining. He is quoted 
frequently by Mr. Parkman — (See the Conspiracy of Pontiac, 
Chap, xviii, et seq.) * * * * rj^^^ author of the Narrative 
says, as part of his introduction, that "his endeavour through- 
out the whole is to make it intelligible to the meanest capacity ; 
wherever he had deemed it necessary to retain Indian words, 
lie has divided them into syllables, in order to give the reader 
iin idea of the pronunciation." * * * * jjg ^^s captured 
on the 25th day of July, 1756 from the Conococheague settle- 
ment, now Franklin county, near Fort Loudoun. He says: "I 
must pass over many occurrances that happened on our way 
to Pittsburgh, excepting one or two. The morning before we 
came to Kee-ak-kshee-man-nit-toos, which signifies Cut Spirit, 
an old town at the junction of La-el-han-neck, or Middle Creek, 
and Quin-nim-mough-koong, or Can-na-maugh, or Otter Creek, 
as the word signifies." 

(8.) Western Penna., page 136 — note. 

As evidence of this see Post's Journal for 9th Nov., 1758. 
On this day he left Forbes and the army at the Loyalhanna, 
and proceeded with his friendly Indians on his journey to per- 
suade the tribes about the Ohio to take part with the English. 
He says: "We waited till almost noon for the writing of the 
General. We were escorted by an hundred men, rank and file, 
•commanded by Capt. Hazlet; we passed through a tract of good 
land, about six miles on the old trading path, and came to the 
creek again, where there is a large fine bottom, well timbered ; 
from thence we came upon a hill, to an advanced breast-work, 
about ten miles from camp, well situated for strength, facing 
a small branch of the aforesaid creek; the hill is steep down, 
perpendicular about twenty feet, on the south side; which is 
a great defence on the west side the breast-work, about seven 
feet high, where we encamped that night." ***** 
Note — This was before the advance of the army under Forbes. 

This place is easily located now. It is on the Nine Mile Run, 
a stream which flows into the Loyalhanna about a mile east of 
Latrobe. The land belongs to the heirs of John Rumbach, 


dec'd., and is situated in Unity township, Westmoreland 
county, about a mile and a half from Latrobe. The hill has 
always been known as the Breast-work Hill. The breast-work 
running across the plateau, is within the memory of many per- 
sons still living. There can be no doubt that it marked the old 
Indian trail or trading path to Shannopin's Town from Loyal- 
hanna: as to which see Post's Journal, same date. 

Also Col. Bouquet's letter from Loyal Hanna, Sept. 17th, 
1758, to Gen. Amherst, (Fort Pitt by Wm. M. Darlington, p. 
75), in which he explains the part he had in Grant's Expedi- 
tion, contains the following : "I begged them to give me their 
opinion upon a project, of which I had spoken several times to 
Maj. Grant at Raystown, which was to attack during the night 
the Indians camped round the Fort in huts, and that the dis- 
position could be made thus: Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should 
march with 900 men to the post which was known to be 10 
miles distance, there construct an entrenchment and remain 
with 200 men. The Major should march with .300 Highlanders, 
etc." * * * * By this "post" he probably meant the Nine- 
Mile Run position. 

He says further: "On the 9th he departed, and I joined him 
on the 10th at the post, where Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should 
have stopped. I remained here all night, and saw him depart 
on the 11th with his detachment in good order. This post be- 
ing nearly ready for defence, I returned to the camp." Id. 

Also Gen. Forbes in a letter dated Raystown, Sept. 23, 1758, 
(referred to in the text hereafter) to Col. Bouquet at Loyal- 
hanna, says: 

"I understand by these oflQcers that you have withdrawn the 
troops from j^our advanced post, which I attribute to its being 
too small for what you intended it, or that it did not answer 
the strength that you at first described it to me. I shall be 
glad to hear all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and 
that Loyal Hannon will be soon past any insult without can- 
non." * * * * From Bouquet Papers, British Museum; 
quoted in Fort Pitt, supra, p. 71. 

Quaere. Whether Col. John Armstrong in letter to R. Peters, 
from Raystown, Oct. 3, 1758, Arch, iii, 551, does not mean this 
when he says: "The Road to be opened from our advanced 


Post is not yet fully determined, and must be further recon- 
noitred." * * * * This letter to be compared with 
Forbes' letter above, as to the order for examining the country 
for a road from this point. * * " * See also the letter of 
Forbes first quoted. * * * * At no place in the corres- 
pondence of this period have we seen the distance from the 
Loyalhanna post to Fort Duquesne fixed at 40 miles, and it is 
not likely that Forbes alluded to the Loyalhanna post in that 

(9.) James Grant was born in the Parish of Inveravon, Banff- 
shire, Highlands of Scotland, and after studying law entered 
the army m 1741, at Ensign, at the age of twenty-two, and be- 
came captain in the 1st Battalion, 1st Royal Scots, October 24, 
1744. In 1747 he was appointed aid to Gen. James St. Clair, 
ambassador to the Courts of Vienna and Turin. Captain Grant 
served in the wars in the Netherlands. 

In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new 
77th Regiment, 1st Battalion, known as Montgomery High- 
landers, commanded b}' Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Mont- 
gomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were ordered 
to America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and ariving at Hali- 
fax, America, in August. Sailed from Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, arriving there September 29th, having been ordered there 
with a portion of the Royal Americans, in apprehension of an 
attack by the French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regi- 
ment arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina, 
and became part of Genl. Forbes' army in his campaign of that 

Grant and nineteen officers were captured. He was soon 
exchanged, and became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 40th Foot in 
1760, and was appointed Governor of East Florida. In 1761 
he was despatched by General Amherst, with a force of thir- 
teen hundred Regulars, against the Indians of Carolina, 

Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his 
nephew, Major William Grant. In 1772 he became Brevet- 
Colonel; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament for Wick 
boroughs, and at the general election of the year after for 
Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he was appointed Colo- 


nel of the 55th Foot, lu 1776 Grant went as a Brigadier to 
America, with the reinforcement under General Howe. He 
commanded two British brigades at the battle of Long Island, 
was employed by Lord Howe on special services in New Jersey, 
accompanied the army to Phila., and commanded the 1st and 
lid Brigades of British at the battles of Brandy wine and Ger- 

In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off La- 
fayette, but was unsuccessful. He eommanded the force sent 
from New York to the West Indies, which captured St. Lucia 
in December, 1778, and defended the island against an attempt 
to recapture it, made by a French force under the Count d' 

Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General 
in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the 55th 
to the 11th Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in succession, of 
Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was noted for his love 
of good living and became immensely corpulent. 

He died at Ballindalloch, April 1.3, 1806, in his eighty-sixth 
year. Having no descendants his estate went to his grand- 
nephew^, George Macpherson, who assumed the surname of 
Grant. [Wm. M. Darlington in C. Gist's Journals, p. 207.] 

Maj. Grant having been severely criticized on all sides for 
his rashness and what was regarded, his imprudence, it may 
be interesting to note the comments of an Indian chief, which 
have been preserved in the Narrative of Captain James Smith. 
He says: "When Tecaughretango had heard the particulars of 
Grant's defeat, he said he could not well account for his con- 
tradictorA' and inconsistent conduct. He said, as the art of 
war consists in ambushing and surprising our enemies, and in 
preventing them from ambushing and surprising us, Grant, in 
the first place, acted like a wise and experienced officer, in art- 
fully approaching in the night without being discovered; but 
when he came to the place, and the Indians were lying asleep 
outside the fort, between him and the Allegheny river, in place 
of slipping up quietly, and falling upon them with their broad- 
swords, they beat the drums and played upon the bagpipes. 
He said he could account for this inconsistent conduct in no 
other way than by supposing that he had made too free with 


spiritous liquors during the night, and became intoxicated 
about daylight." 

Montcalm reports to Marshall De Belle Isle of an engage- 
ment as follows: "Montreal, 15th of Nov., 1758. We have just 
received news from Fort Duquesne of the 23d of Oct., Capt. 
Aubray of the Louisiana troops, has gained a tolerably con- 
siderable advantage there on the 15th. (?) The enemy lost on 
the occasion 150 men, killed, wounded and missing; they were 
pursued as far as a new fort called Royal Hannon, which they 
built at the head of the river d'Attique. We had only two men 
killed and seven wounded." (Arch, vi, 2d Series, 426.) The 
River Attique, is the name which is set down in early French 
maps for the Kiskiminetas. * * * * It is hardly enough 
exaggerated to answer for the French report of Grant's De- 
feat, but that is doubtless the one alluded to. * * * * 
Bougainville to Cremille reporting (Arch. 2d Series, vi, 425) the 
affair with Grant says: "Five hundred of them have been 
killed or taken, and almost all the officers. On our side, only 
eight men have been killed or wounded." 

(10.) Quoted in Arch, xii, 392. Also History Western 
Penna., p. 139, n. 

The following is a list of killed, wounded and missing: 
Highlanders, 1 killed; First Virginia Regt., 4 killed, and G 
wounded; Md. Companies, 2 killed, 6 wounded, 11 missing; 
First Penna. Regt., 4 killed, 5 wounded, 12 missing; Second 
Penna. Regt., 1 killed, 4 wounded; Lower Country Company, 
1 missing. Total — 12 killed, 17 wounded, 31 missing." 

(11.) See letter quoted in Fort Pitt, by Wm. M. Darlington, 
p. 81. 

(12.) This engagement is mentioned in the Journal of Col, 
Samuel Miles, who says: "When the army lay at Ligonier 
[1758], we were attacked by a body of French and Indians, 
and I was wounded in the foot by a spent ball." * * * » 
Miles was then a lieutenant in the second battalion in the 
Penna, reginnent. * * ♦ * Mile'ai Journal, Arch, ii, 2d 

ser., p. 560. 


That Col. Burd was recognized as the hero of this engage- 


ment is very evident fioui a letter of a domestic character, 
recently made public. In a biographical paper, entitled 
"Col. James Burd, of Tinian," by Mr. A. Boyd Hamilton, pub- 
lished in the Historical Kegister for September, 1884, Vol. 
ii, No. 3, the following letter is produced. The importance 
of this engagement vt'ould have been more generally recog- 
nized had it stood out alone, and had not the magnitude of 
succeeding operations somewhat obscured it. The letter is 
from Edward Shippen, Esq., the father-in-law of Col. Burd. 
It is of a private nature, and was not, of course, intended 
originally for the public. In this case, however, it serves the 
purpose of establishing the facts narrated. The preface is 
from the article. 

"Colonel Bouquet writes Burd, on the 16th of October, that 
"General Forbes had fired a feu de joie for your affair" 
[meaning the engagement and repulse at the Loyalhanna]. 
That Burd actively participated in the victorious engagement 
at Loyal Hannon there can be no question, and the following 
from his father-in-law, Shippen, never hitherto published — 
the original is among the papers of the Dauphin County His- 
torical Society — is interesting. It presents his conduct as it 
was understood by the public authorities and his fellow- 
soldiers. The neat self-glorification on the part of the writer 
gives a pleasant glimpse of the pride of a family circle over 
this "feat in arms" of a favorite son-in-law. The superscrip- 
tion bears an elaborate address [indicated by the lines of 
separation]. The bearer was Colonel George Gibson, father 
of the late Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of this State, 
John Bannister Gibson, whose mother was Fanny West, a 
niece of Hermanns Alricks; 

"To I Coll. James Burd, commander | of the Second Bat- 
talion I of the Pennsylvania Regiment | at | Loyal Hanning 
I Per Favour of | Mr. George Gibson, Q. D.: | 

"Lancaster, 6th Nov., 1758. 

"Dear Mr. Burd: About the 15th or 16th ultimo, Johnny 

Gibson, Messrs. Hans Barr, & Levi Andrew Levi, wrote us 

from Raystown, that an acc't was just arrived there from 

Loyal Hanning, of your being attackt by a very large party of 



French & Indians from Fort dii Quesne, & that jou had killed 
two or three hundred and taken as many prisoners & beat off 
the rest. This now, you may be sure, gave us great cause of 
rejoicing, as it did the people of Philada., to whom Mr. Bar- 
nabas Hughes carryed copy's of these letters. Nay, I sent 
down two or three copies of them to cousin Allen & Neddy, 
[his son, the Judge]. In two days afterwards we had the 
pleasure to see your letter to Sally [Mrs. Burd], of the 14th 
ulto., with a confirmation of the repulse you had given the 
enemy; and tho' you were quite silent as to the number killed, 
&c., yet our joy was greatly increased. I make no doubt you 
have slain a considerable number of the enemy, and I don't 
care a farthing whether I ever know the quantity, nor do I 
care whether you have killed more than half a dozen of them; 
it is enough for me to be convinced that you have driven off 
the enemy, & have bravely maintained the Post you were sent 
to sustain; & were you certain you had killed two or three 
hundred, out of 12 or fourteen hundred before their retreat, 
yet you could not be sure of success iiad you sallyed out and 
pursued them. Indeed, by taking such a greedy step, you 
might have been drawn into an ambuscade, & by that means 
been defeated, which might have put an end to the present 
expedition. You happily called to mind, that a Bird in hand 
was worth two in the Bush ; & tho you don't pretend to equal 
skill with an experienced officer, yet I think you may lay 
claim to some share of Bravery, as you have so well defended 
your post, & I make no question but y'r General will pro- 
nounce you a good & faithful servant & will entrust you 
another time. I suppose he is with you by this time, consider- 
ing the season of the year, the badness (now) of the road and 
the quantity of Provisions now at Ilaystown and Loyal Ban- 
ning, and the difficulty, or rather, (if ye winter should shut 
in immediately,) the impossibility of getting ye any more be- 
fore the spring; I say he is without doubt considering all 
things; and so am I. And I am almost ready to conclude it 
will be impracticable, not to say imprudent, to attempt to 
march a step further this fall. But let the glorious attempt 
be made now, or at any other time, I pray God to give Him 
success, & return you all home in peace and safety." 


Extract from French Archives: On the side of the French 
there is a letter reporting- their movements about this 
time. Vaudreuil to Massiac, in the letter above referred to 
(Arch, vi, 2d Ser., p. 553), adds: "The English suppose us to be 
very numerous at Fort Duquesne. I am not sure whether 
the enemy will organize an expedition this fall, or wait until 
spring; the advanced season and the two advantages we have 
gained in succession over them would lead me to hope that 
they will adopt the latter course. [Does he here allude to 
the defeat of Grant and the attack on the camp at Loyalhanna 
as the two victories?] 'Tis much to be desired, for 'twould 
not be profitable for M. de Ligneris to resist the superiority 
of the enemy's forces. Meanwhile, he will use all means in 
his power to annoy them; embarrass their communications 
and intercept their convoys. It is a great pity that he has 
been absolutely obliged, by the scarcity of provisions, to re- 
duce his garrison to 200 men." 


(13.) Fort Pitt, p. 82. 

(14.) Technically, a tenth part of a legion — about five or six 
hundred soldiers — sometimes applied to about that number 
of fort soldiers. Here used probably in a sense other than 

(15.) Letter before referred to in Fort Pitt, p. 75. 

(16.) Fort Pitt, p. 71. 

(17.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii. 

(18.) Olden Time, Vol. ii, p. 515. In a report by George 
Croghan and the rest of the gentlemen who had been ap- 
pointed by Mr. Morris, Governor of Pennsylvania, to lay out a 
road from Carlisle to Fort Cumberland, etc., they say: "He [Sir 
John Sinclair] is extremely warm and angry at our province; 
he would not look at our draughts, nor suffer any representa- 
tions to be made to him in regard to the province, but stormed 
like a lion rampant." 

To be fair with Sir John, he had no better opinion of the 
provincials or of those with whom he was associated, — In- 
dians included. He wrote at the tail of a letter to the Swiss 


colonel: "Adieu my dear Bouquet. The greatest curse that 
our Lord can pronounce against the worst of sinners is to 
give them business to do with provincial commissioners and 
friendly Indians.' Parkman — Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap, 
xxii. * * * * See mention of Sir John Sinclair at note 
to Col. Adam Stephen, below. 

(19.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii. 

(20.) All of the army had not yet come up on the 7th of 
Nov., as on that date Post sets forth in the -Journal: "We 
rose early, and made all the haste we could on our journey; 
we crossed the large creek, Rekempalin, near the Lawrel Hill. 
Upon this hill we overtook the artillery; and came, before 
sun set, to Loyal Hanning. We were gladly received in the 
camp by the general, and most of the people. We made our 
fire near the other Indian camps, which pleased our people." 

* * * * It appears by a return quoted in Provincial Let- 
ters, p. 142, of Oct. 21st, (1758), that Col. Washington, com- 
manding the Virginia regiment, was then encamped at Loyal 
Hannon with 461 rank and file. On the 25th of Oct. the com- 
panies of the Royal American regiment, under Col. Bouquet, 
Captains Ralph Harding, Francis Lander, and Thomas Jo- 
celyn, were there in want of numerous articles of clothing, 
as were also the Maryland troops under Lieut. Col. Dagworthy. 

* * * * As to Captn. Jocelyn, see quotation from Arthur 
Lee's Journal, infra. 

(21.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap, xxii, et seq. 

Washington desired to show his zeal and patriotism for a 
common cause, actuated as he invariably was, by motives 
the most noble. He was accused of being obstinate to an un- 
warranted degree in opposing this route. He had insisted 
with unusual warmth that the Braddock route was the one 
the expedition should pursue. It has been observed that the 
chances were against the success of Forbes, at least until the 
summer of the next year, but for Washington and his men 
and their ways. That these were large elements in the success 
in that campaign, is certain. See Bancroft's History U. S., 
Vol. iii, p. 204, Cent. Ed.: "Vast as were the preparations, 


Forbes would never, but for Washington, have seen the Ohio." 
See Sparks' Washington, Vol. ii, p, 315, etc. ] 

(22.) Wm. Findley to the editor of Niles' Register, for May^ 
1818, p. 180, Vol. ii, new series. — Extract : "Since I am in the 
way about writing about Washington, I will add one serious 
scene through which he passed, which is little known and with 
which he concluded this conversation. He asked me how near 
I lived to Layalhana Old Fort, and if I knew a run from the 
Laurel Hill that fell into the creek near it. I told him the 
distance of my residence, and that T knew the run. He told 
me that at a considerable distance up that run his life was in 
as great hazard as ever it had been in war. That he had been 
ordered to march some troops to reenforce a bullock-guard on 
their way to the camp — that he marched his party in single 
tile with trailed arms, and sent a runner to inform the British 
officer in what manner he would meet him. The runner ar- 
rived and delivered his message, but he did not know how it 
was that the British officer paid no attention to it, and the 
parties met in the dark and fired on each other till they killed 
thirty (30) of their own men; nor could they be stopped 
till he had to go in between the fires and threw up the muzzles 
of their guns with his sword." Letter dated at Youngstown, 
March 27th, 1818. * * * j^ charitable allowance, which 
is no apology for the integrity of Mr. Findley, may be madt; 
from the fact that this incident depended largely on his 
memory. His veracity is not to be questioned. 

By Gordon's account, a lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians 
were killed. 

The following, from the Gazette, *'is said to be the best ac- 
count that can be given at Philadelphia, November 30," [1758] : 

"On the 12, Col. Washington being out with a scouting 
party, fell in with a number of the enemy about 3 miles from 
our camp, whom he attacked, killed one, took 3 prisoners 
(an Indian man and woman, and one Johnson, an Englishman, 
who, it is said, was carried off by the Indians some time ago 
from Lancaster county), and obliged the rest to fly. On hear- 
ing the firing at Loyal Hanning, Colonel Mercer, with a party 
of Virginians, was sent to the assistance of Colonel Wash- 
ington, who arriving in sight of our people in the dusk of the 


evening', and seeing them about a fire the enemy had been 
drove from, and the two Indians with them, imagined them to 
be French; and Colonel Washington being under the same 
mistake, unhappily a few shots were exchanged, by which a 
lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians were killed. That Johnson 
being examined, was told he had forfeited his life by being 
found in arms against his king and country, and the only way 
to save it and make atonement, was to give as full an informa- 
tion of the condition of Fort Du Quesne, and of the enemy, as 
he could, which being found to be true, his life should be 
spared, and in case of success he should be well rewarded; 
hut if he should give any false intelligence, or not so full as 
he had it in his power then to do, he should certainly be put to 
death in an extraordinary manner. That upon this threaten- 
ing and promise Johnson said, that the Canadians who had 
been with Mons. Vetri at Loyal Hanning were all gone home; 
that the Ohio Indians had also returned to their several 
towns; that the attempt made by Vetri at Loyal Hanning was 
only to make us apprehend their strength at Fort Du Quesne 
to be very great, whereas they were very weak there, and 
added that our army would certainly succeed. That the In- 
dian man being likewise examined, his relation, we are told, 
agreed with that of Johnson; and they both said the French 
were very scarce of provisions, as well as weak in men, and 
that upon this information Colonel Armstrong, with 1,000 
men and part of the train, was ordered to march next day, and 
the General designed to have followed the next day after 
with the whole army, but was necessarily detained till the 
17th, Avhen he certainly marched, and we hope is now in pos- 
session of Fort du Quesne.'' 

"The General marched from Loyal Hanning 4,300 effective 
men, all well and in good spirits, besides Indians, and left a 
strong garrison there and at Ray's Town," &c. 

"It is said Vetri and his people on their return from Loyal 
Hanning, were obliged to kill and eat several of our horses, 
whose skins and bones were afterwards found by some of our 

Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated November 


"This day the General marched with the rear division of 
the army. The front division, under tlie command of Colonel 
John Armstrong, is now about IG miles from Fort Du Quesne, 
and they have made a good road to their camp from this garri- 

''The party of the enemy mentioned in last week's paper 
to be attacked by our people near Loyal Hanning, we hear 
consisted of above 200 French and Indians, and it is said 
that had before taken and sent off Lieutenant James Hayes, 
of our Provincials, and another man." 

(23.) Western Penna. Appx., p. 300. 

(24.) Records, Vol. viii, 224. 

(25.) In his Journal for December 2d, 1758, Post mentions 
Pittsburgh." On the 4th he speaks as having drawn provi- 
sions for "Fort Ligonier" on his return. From Post's Journal 
December 27th, 1758: "Towards noon the general set out. 
* * * * It snowed the whole day. We encamped by 
Beaver Dam under Laurel Hill. 28th — We came to Stoney 
Creek, where Mr. Quicksell is stationed. The general sent 
Mr. Hayes, express, to Fort Bedford and commanded him to 
see if the place for encampment, under the Allegheny Moun- 
lains, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments 
should be at hand at his coming." 

These places for the convenience of the General had to be 
prepared in advance for him. In a letter to Bouquet, from 
Raystown (Bedford), Septr. 23d, 1758, on his way out, Forbes 
writes: "Pray make a liovell or hutt for me at L. Hannon 
or any of the other posts, with a fire place if possible." 

(26.) Arch., iii, 571. 

(27.) Arch., iii, 510. Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in Gen. 
Forbes' army. Olden Time, Vol. ii, 465. 

(28.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 428. 

(29.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 553. 

(30.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 564. 

(31.) Arch., iii, 685. 

(32.) Arch., iii, 669. 


Samuel Jones, a captain who served in the Penn'a regiment, 
in 1758 and '59, is marked dead, in a list made out in 1760. 
Pa. Arch, ii, 2d Ser., 009. 

Gol. Adam Stephen, mentioned above, was one of the fore- 
most soldiers of his day, and but for a single failing would 
have been classed with the greatest of the Revolutionary- 
Generals. He was a Virginian, and was with Washington in 
his first campaign, at the Jumonville affair and at Fort Ne- 
cessity, and fought with him again on that terrible day at 
Braddock's Field. At the attack on Jumonville's camp, he 
with his own hands, made the first prisoner, capturing the 
Ensign, M. Drouillon, "a pert fellow." (Sargent's Braddock's 
Expedition.) * * * * Jq fj^e Forbes' campaign, he and 
Sir John Sinclair could not get along together; and they had 
some hot words at Ligonier, when Sir John ordered him under 
arrest. Part of his regiment went with Major Grant — 
(Grant's defeat); and, under the circumstances, Major Lewis 
had to command. It is probable that Stephen, who was of a 
fiery nature, would not brook the Quarter-master's ways. 
"From this cause or some other, Lieut.-Col. Stephen, of the 
Virginians, told him he would break his sword rather than be 
longer under his orders. 'As I had not sufficient strength,' 
says Sinclair, 'to take him by the neck from among his own 
men, I was obliged to let him have his own way, that I might 
not be the occasion of bloodshed.' He succeeded at last in 
arresting him." [Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap, xxii.] 

The following extract from a letter from Gen. Arthur St. 
Clair (not to be mistaken for Sir John Sinclair, as they were 
in no way related), refers to this circumstance. The letter 
is to Gen. Greene, who desired St. Clair's opinion upon some 
questions of military precedence; it is dated at West Point, 
August 10th, 1779, and is found among the St. Clair papers, 
Vol. i, page 482. He says: "Some time in the campaign of 
1758, the late Gen. Stephens (then, I think, a major of Provin- 
cials), commanded at Fort Ligonier, upon the Loyalhanning, 
when Sir John St. Clair [so he writes it], Quartermaster- 
General, with the rank of colonel, arrived at that fort. He 
immediately assumed the command, and ordered Major Ste- 
phens to make returns of his garrison and stores to him. The 


major insisted on his command, and refused to make the 
returns. Sir John put him in arrest. The major complained 
to General Forbes, and demanded a court-martial. Whether 
a court-martial sat upon the matter I do not recollect, but 
this is certain, the major was released, restored to his com- 
mand, and Sir John censured." 

Gen. Stephen served in the Kevolution. In 177G he was 
Colonel of a Virginia regiment, and shortly thereafter was 
made Brigadier-General and then Major-General. He fought 
at Trenton, at Princeton, and at the Battle of Brandywine, 
and won the praise of his commander. "But at Germantown, 
where he led a division, the sins of his youth lay triumphantly 
in wait for him. That which neither the red skins of the In- 
dians nor the red coats of Ihe British had accomplished, was 
wrought by *an enemy less honorable than either.' The army 
was defeated; Gen. Stephen was dismissed. * * * * jje 
was the founder of Martiusburg, Va., and called it after his 
friend Martin, a relative of Lord Fairfax." Near this place, 
in a corner of the beautiful estate of 'Boydville,' (Stephen's 
home), close by the road, is a heap of stone, some rough and 
some hewn as if in preparation for a monument, and under 
these lie all that was mortal of a pioneer, a patriot, and a 
general." [Rev. Geo. Hodges, in Pittsburgh Dispatch, Sept. 
24th, 1894.] 

(33.) Arch., iii, 074. 

(34.) Arch., iii, p. Records, viii, 379. 

(35.) Records, viii, 379. 

(36.) Gen. Stanwix to Gov. Hamilton from Pittsburgh, Dec. 
4th, 1759. 

Arch., iii, 696. * * * * 'The old battalions were last 
winter greatly distressed on the communication for want of 
pay, clothing and provisions. Numbers of them paid the debt 
of nature in the way of scalping, and many more died of the 
diseases arising from cold and hunger." * * * * Qq-[ 
John Armstrong to Gov. Denny, from Fort Ligonier, Oct. 
9th, 1759. Arch., iii, 688. 

(37.) Arch., iv, p. 39. 
18 -Vol. 2. 


A good idea of the movemeut of the troops and munitions 
from Ligonier in the summer of 1760 may be had from the 
journal of Col. James Burd, Arch, vii, 2d Ser., p. 419. 

Col. Samuel Miles says that, "In the year 1759, I was sta 
tioned at Ligonier, and had 25 men picked out of the two bat- 
talions, Penna. regt., under my command," etc. Arch, ii, 2d 
Ser., p. 560. 

In Arthur Lee's Journal there is mention of Fort Ligonier. 
Lee passed here in 1784, as one of the Commissioners ap- 
pointed by Congress to hold treaties with the Indians. Ex- 
tracts are printed in The Olden Time, p. 334. He says: "On 
the 29th Nov. we traversed a part of the Allegheny called 
Laurel Hill, from an abundance of what is called in Virginia, 
ivy, growing upon it. On this mountain St. Joselin (this is the 
first time we have seen any allusion to this person, or to this 
attack, says the editor in a note, but Capt. Thos. Jocelyn was 
in the Royal American Regt. there) was attacked and killed 
by the Indians; but his convoy was saved. On this mountain 
Capt. Bullet was attacked and put to flight by a party of In- 
dians within two miles of Ligonier, (Query: Does he here al- 
lude to the attack on Grant's Hill?) — and at another time the 
savages attacked the hospital, and that was going from the 
fort and massacred the sick. At night we reached Fort 
Ligonier, built in 1758, by Gen. Forbes, as a station, in his 
progress against Fort Pitt — Duquesne. It was frequently 
attacked by the French and Indians, and many of its troops 
killed. A very good and capacious stockade fort was raised 
there during the late war [the Revolution] as a defense against 
the Indian incursions. But they massacred the inhabitants 
as far as Bedford, having passed the fort, through the woods 
and over the mountains." 

(38.) Pontiac, Chap, xviii. — Parkman. 

(39.) Pontiac, Chap. xix. — Parkman. Express Riders. 

(40.) Archives, iv, 109. 

Mr. Parkman has told in a graphic manner of the perils 
which beset the express-riders, whose desperate duties it was 
to be the bearers of the correspondence of the oflBcers of the 
forest out-posts with their commander. "They were usually," 


he says, " soldiers, sometimes backwoodsmen, and occasionally 
a friendly Indian, who, disguising his attachment to the 
whites, could pass when others would infallibly have per- 
ished. If white men, they were always mounted; and it may 
well be supposed that their horses did not lag by the way. 
The profound solitude; the silence, broken only by the moan- 
ing of the wind, the caw of the crow, or the cry of some prowl- 
ing tenant of the waste; the mystery of the verdant labyrinth, 
which the anxious wayfarer strained his eyes in vain to pene- 
trate; the consciousness that in every thicket, behind every 
rock might lurk a foe more fierce and subtle than the cougar 
or the lynx; and the long hours of darkness, when, stretched 
on the cold ground, his excited fancy roamed in nightmare 
visions of a horror but too real and imminent, such was the 
experience of many an unfortunate who never lived to tell 
it. If the messenger was an Indian, his greatest danger was 
from those who should have been his freinds. Friendly In- 
dians were told, whenever they approached a fort, to make 
themselves known by carrying green branches thrust into the 
muzzles of their guns; and an order was issued that the token 
should be respected. This gave them tolerable security as 
regarded soldiers, but not as regarded the enraged backwoods- 
men, who would shoot without distinction at any thing with a 
red skin." 

(41.) Pontiac, Parkman, Chap. xix. 

(42.) Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, although an 
able oflScer, did not understand the Indians or Indian warfare. 
He could not see how the posts which had not fallen could 
not hold out. He was constantly finding fault with his offi- 
cers. "His correspondence," says Parkman, "breathes a cer- 
tain thick-headed, blustering arrogancy worthy the successor 
of Braddock. In his contempt for the Indians, he finds fault 
witli Capt. Ecuyer at Fort Pitt for condescending to fire can- 
non at them, and with Lieutenant Blane at Fort Ligonier for 
burning some out-houses, probably those referred to by Blane 
in the above letter, under cover of which 'so despicable an 
enemy' were firing at his garrison." 

Amherst could not speak of the savages with reason. In a 


postscript to this letter lie made the suggestion to Bouquet, 
which has been much commented upon. He says: ''Could 
it not be contrived to send the Small-Pox among those dis- 
affected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use 
every stratagem in our power to reduce them." (Signed) J. A. 

Bouquet was evidently somewhat chary about this method 
of proceeding, being afraid of catching the disease himself. 
Nevertheless in seeming to comply with the invitation to ex- 
periment in the manner suggested by his superior, he replies 
also in postscript: "I will try to inoculate them with some 
blankets, and take care not to get the disease myself. As it 
is a pity to expose good men against them, I wish we could 
use the Spanish method, to hunt them with English dogs, 
supported by rangers and some light horse, who would, I 
think, effectually extirpate or remove that vermin." * * * 
Amherst rejoined: "You will do well to try to inoculate the 
Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try every other 
method that can serve to extirpate this execrable race. I 
should be very glad your scheme for hunting them down by 
dogs to take effect, but England is at too great a distance to 
think of that at present. (Signed) J. A." 

"There is no direct evidence that Bouquet carried into effect 
the shameful plan of infecting the Indian, though a few 
months after the small-pox was known to have made havoc 
among the tribes of the Ohio. Certain it is, that he was 
perfectly capable of dealing with them (by other means, 
worthy of a man and a soldier; and it is equally certain, that 
in relations with civilized men he was in a high degree hon- 
orable, humane and kind." [Parkman — Pontiac, Chap, xix.] 

It is not impossible, indeed, that Bouquet had a special 
horror of that disease, which might have been known. Sur- 
geon J. Stevenson, in a letter preserved in Arch., iii, page 82, 
dated Phila., Dec. 13th, writes to Col. Bouquet: "The reason 
of my not paying my respects to you upon your arrival here, 
was owing to my being informed by Capt. Tullikins that you 
have never had the small-pox, and as I imagined from my 
being so often among the soldiers sick of that disease, that my 
coming near you might make you uneasy, I on purpose avoided 


(43.) Gol. Bouquet wrote to Gov. Hamilton, from Carlisle, 
July 3d, 1763: "Fort Ligonier has likewise stood a vigorous 
attack, by means of some men who reinforced that small 
garrison from the militia at Bedford. The Indians expect a 
strong reinforcement to make new attempts on these two 

(44.) An Historical Account of the Expedition, «S:c. — Park- 
man's Pontiac. 

The last reenforcemcnt reached Fort Ligonier ijrobably 
about the beginning of July. 

(45.) Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. xxvi. 

(46.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, p. 121. 

(47.) Vol. ii. No. 6, Magazine of Western History, Cleve- 
land, O. 

(48.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, 138. 

(49.) Arch., iv, 591. 

(50.) Isaac Stimble's son Isaac conveyed, Feb. 18th, 1775 
(Deed Book A, p. 06, Westmoreland County Records), the land 
which Isaac Stimble had "improved," joining the garrison 
lands at Ligonier. 

(51.) See biographical sketch in St. Clair Papers. 

(52.) Arch., iv, 514. 

(53.) It is probable that the fort he alludes to here was 
Wallace's Fort and the Indian was Wipey, an account of 
whose killing is given further on. 

(54.) Consult his correspondence in Fourth Archives, and 
the St. Clair Papers. 

(55.) Arch., iv, 519. 

(56.) Arch., iv, 503. 

"May, 1774. — A meeting was held at Colonel Croghan's house, 
Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White Mingo and 
the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of the orators." 
* * * * Christopher Gist's Journal, 212. 


(57.) He doubtless means as evidence at the trial to convict 
these offenders. 

(58.) Arch., iv, 543. 

(59.) Records, x, 198. 

The proclamation was made in pursuance of a resolution 
of the Assembly passed July 20, 1774, as follows: 

"Resolved, That this House will make Provision for Paying 
the reward of One Hundred Pounds to any Person who shall 
apprehend James Cooper and John Hinkson, who, it is said, 
have barbarously murdered an Indian on the Frontiers of this 
Province, and deliver them into the Custody of the Keeper 
of the Gaol, within either of the Counties of Lancaster, York 
or Cumberland, or the sum of Fifty Pounds for either of 
them." Arch., iv, 549. 

When the proclamation was published printed copies were 
ordered to be sent into Westmoreland. 

There is not a harmony of agreement as to the exact place, 
or the stream, at which Wlpey was killed. It is altogether 
probable that he was killed at or near the mouth of Hincks- 
ton's Run, a stream which is a confluent of Conemaugh river, 
having its source in Blacklick and Jackson townships, Cam- 
bria county, flowing in a westerly direction and emptying into 
the Conemaugh in the Fourteenth ward of the city of Johns- 
town, which stream — Hinckston's Run — takes its name from 
Hinckston, one of the men who killed Wipey. 

It is likely that Wipey hunted and fished along the Cone- 
maugh; and while the tradition is very direct of his being 
killed at the place we have mentioned, the fact would not be 
inconsistent with his having lived and abided at the place re- 
ferred to in Wheatfield township, Indiana county. 

On this subject I am privileged to quote from a letter of the 
Hon. W. Horace Rose, of Johnstown, Pa., a gentleman who 
has given the subject of the early local history of his part of 
the country some attention. He says: 

"In reference to the killing of John [Joseph] Wipey, St. 
Clair's statement is in entire accord with the fact of the Indian 
being killed as I have stated. It is not above eighteen miles, 
perhaps but fifteen by the old Mountain road, from the mouth 


of Laurel Run, which is located about a mile and a half from 
Hinckston's Run [to Ligonier]. The old road, known as the 
Fairfield road, left the Conemaugh river about midway be- 
tween the two runs. The statement I make about him having 
been shot below or near the mouth of Hinckston's Run is 
based upon the statement of the original settlers in this neigh- 
borhood made to my informants. The Adamses were well ac- 
quainted with Wipey, and from them directly those who in- 
formed me had the statement of his death, and the fact that 
he was killed while fishing, from a canoe or boat just below 
the mouth of Hinkston's Run. Their statement was that he 
was hidden in Laurel Run, to which point he floated in the 
canoe; and that the canoe was turned upside down and at- 
tracted the attention of some Indians who lived in the vicinity 
of what is now New Florence. They recognized the boat, 
which led to a search for Wipey. Hinckston and Cooper fled 
but were subsequently arrested. It was not claimed that 
Wipey made his permanent home at this point, but that he 
frequently came here and was associated with the Adamses. 
The information I have comes but second-handed from the 
Adamses who were interested in the Indian, he having at one 
time given them warning of a foray. It is hardly possible 
that the story could have been invented with such circumstan- 
tial particulars as were given in the tradition here. George 
Beam was well acquainted with the Adamses, and from them 
directly he obtained the statement. I knew Beam very well. 
He died at an advanced age, and resided in this locality from 
the close of the last century. He was thoroughly posted in 
the land-marks, and the history of the Valley. 

''Hinckston, like Cooper, was a renegade, and tramped about 
the country, subsisting principally on game. Such is the ac- 
count I have of the men who murdered the last of the Dela- 

"I wish to call your attention to the fact that if Wipey was 
killed about eighteen miles from Ligonier, Hinckston's Run 
would more nearly fill the distance than West W^heatfield." 

The statement to which Mr. Rose alludes in the first sentence 
above was one made by him in the History of Johnstown 
(The Johnstown Daily Democrat, souvenir edition, autumn, 


1894), viz: "In May, 1774, [Joseph] John Wipey, a Delaware 
Indian, the last of his race who lived in the valley, was shot 
while sitting in his canoe fishing, at the mouth of Hinckston's 
Run, by one of two renegade white men — John Hiuckston and 
James Cooper." 

Of the Adamses it is there said: "The Adamses were among 
the first to make a location in the vicinity of the Indian town 
(Conemaugh Old Town), and two of the streams, confluents of 
the Stony creek — Ben's creek and Solomon's run — take their 
names from them. They were located here before they made 
application for warrants." * * * * ^tVe shall hear of 
Capt. Hinckston later on in connection with Fort Ligonier. 

John Hinckston, about this time — 29tli of August, 1774 — 
conveyed "all his right, title and interest, &c., in a certain lo- 
cation by and for me obtained out of the Proprietary's Land 
OfSce for the Province of Penna., bearing date 3d April, 1769, 
for the quantity of 270 acres lying on the river Conemaugh, 
bounded on the E. by land of Wm. McCune and on the W. by 
land of John Wood, being the Squirrel Hill Old Town, with 
the improvements." — Deed Book A, p. 65, conveyed to Thomas 
Galbraith, Innkeeper of Ligonier. Consideration, Four hun- 
dred pounds. 

Hinckston was undoubtedly a deadly foe of the Indians. 

In the narrative of Col. James Smith, before referred to, 
we have mention of this person. Col. Smith was, during part 
of the Revolution, a resident of Westmoreland county; and 
an office-holder here. He conducted an expedition, under 
commission from Brodhead, against the Indians on the upper 
Allegheny, which has been described very entertainingly by 
him. The following extract bears on the subject of Capt. 
Hinckston : 

From Col. James Smith's Narrative: "In the year 1778, 
I received a colonel's commission, and after my return to 
Westmoreland, the Indians made an attack upon our fron- 
tiers. I then raised men and pursued them, and the second 
day we overtook and defeated them. We likewise took four 
scalps, and recovered the horses and plunder which they were 
carrying off. At the time of this attack, Capt. John Hincks- 
ton pursued an Indian, both their guns being empty, and after 


the fray was over, he was missing. While we were inquiring 
about him, he came walking up, seemingly unconcerned, with 
a bloody scalp in his hand — he had pursued the Indian about 
a quarter of a mile, and tomahawked him." 

Col. Smith had some land in this county, situated on the 
headwaters of Sewickley creek. He is identified with the 
Sewickley settlement. In the summer and fall of 1778 most 
of the Indian fighters were on the line from Ligonier or Laurel 
Hill westward to the Allegheny river, along or to the north 
of the Forbes Road; while some inroads were made on the 
Sewickley settlement towards the Allegheny. 

It might be that Smith's mention of this adventure refers 
to an account given by Col. Lochry to Thomas Wharton, 
President of the Council, December 6th, 1777, Arch., vi, 68, of 
the state of affairs here, in which he mentions that he has 
sent five Indian scalps, taken by one of the scalping parties 
which he had sent out, commanded by Col. Barr, Col. Perry, 
Col. Smith and Capt. Kingston [Hinckston], who were volun- 
teers in the action which occurred near Kittanning. 

As Col. Smith in his Narrative drew largely from his recol- 
lection, he might readily have been inaccurate in fixing the 
year 1778 as the time of his coming into Westmoreland county, 
or rather of this action, if it be the one he alludes to. 

"An order was drawn in favor of Col. A. Lochry, Lieutenant 
of the county of Westmoreland, for the sum of twelve pounds, 
ten shillings, State money, to be paid to Capt. Samuel Brady, 
as a reward for an Indian scalp, agreeable to a late procla- 
mation of this Board." In Council, Feb. 19th, 1781. Records, 
xii, 632. For rewards for scalps, see Records, xii, 328. 

(60.) St. Clair Papers. Vol. i, p. 347. 

(61.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 14. 

(62.) Arch., v, 741. 

(63.) Records, xvi, 170. 

(64.) Records, xvi, 176. 

(65.) Thomas Galbraith once had title to the land upon 
which the town of Ligonier now stands. The chain of title 
is as follows: David Espy, of Bedford, Pa., attorney-in-fact of 


Arthur St. Clair, conveyed to Thomas Galbraith, of Fairfield 
township, Westmoreland county (Book A, p. 156) — 13th of 
June, 1777, three plantations and tracts of land situate at 
Ligonier, in the county aforesaid, one of them including the 
town of Ligonier and containing 581 acres, and allowance. 

Jasper Moylan, assignee of Francis and John West, who 
were the assignees of Arthur St. Clair, Esq., " per John 
Brandon, Sheriff, sold to James Ramsey, of Franklin county, 
Pa., six hundred and sixty acres of land, more or less, known 
by the name of the Ligonier Tract; also about 10 acres, adjoin- 
ing said tract, known as the Indian Field and Mill Creek, as 
the property of Thomas Galbraith, late of Fairfield township, 
in the county aforesaid, in the hands of Wm. Jamison and 
Buchanan, his administrators. Sold on the 22d of Sept., 1793. 
Book 4, p. 297, Recorder's Office of Westmoreland county. 

From James Ramsey the title passed to his son, John Ram- 
sey, who laid out the plan and founded the town of Ligonier. 

We may remember here, as a place pertinent to recall it, 
that the only title that existed in those who had settled around 
the old fort was one of sufferance. Those who had property 
destroyed here by the Indians in Pontiac's War when the post 
was besieged and who wanted compensation therefor from the 
King, were reminded that they had no title whatever to the 
propert}^, but were permitted to occupy the premises only by 
courtesy. St. Clair appears to have secured a warrant at the 
opening of the land office for this particular tract. 

One of Thomas Galbraith's daughters is supposed to have 
been the wife of William Jamison, above mentioned, who had 
two children, Thomas Jamison and Ann Jamison, married to 
Robert McConnaughey, the father of Mr. J. C. McConnaughey, 
of Ligonier township, in whose possession the memorandum 
book referred to above was found. Mr. McConnaughey writes 
under date of Nov. 22, 1894: "In regard to the book. My 
grandfather Jamison used to keep store in Ligonier many 
years ago; when he died my father settled his estate; he had 
all his books, and among them was this memorandum book." 

(66.) Records, xi, 329. 

(67.) Second Arch., iii, 777, et. seq. 


(68.) Records, xi, 373. 

(69.) George Findley is said to Lave been the first white 
settler of Indiana county, in what then, of course, was West- 
moreland. He migrated from the settlement made by John 
Pomroy and James Wilson in what is now Derry township, 
Westmoreland county. The date of his leaving and '^toma- 
liawking" a tract and making an improvement is given as 
1764-5. He selected the tract occupied (now or lately) by his 
grandson, George Findley Matthews, in East Wheatfield town- 
ship, Indiana county, where his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Mat- 
thews, born 28th of Jan., 1784 (lately), resided. When the 
Revolution began he had a clearing of about 10 acres, and a 
rude cabin for his bride, whom he had married in Maryland, 
not far from Hagerstown, in 1776. In 1784, he again returned 
to his improvement, and continued his residence there. He 
was repeatedly forced to seek shelter at Fort Ligonier, or 
Palmer's Fort. Biographical sketch in Hist. Ind. Co., 120. 

East Wheatfield township lies on the Conemaugh adjoining 
Westmoreland county at the northern end of Ligonier Valley. 

His home is spoken of. May 29th, 1769, in an application 
for a warrant, as the "Findley 's cabbins." * * * * It is 
said that Findley's cabin was fitted for defense. * * * • 
His clearing or location was next to Whipey's — See before 
for an account of Wipey, the Delaware Indian murdered bj 
the whites. 

Robert Rodgers was a settler near George Findley's. The 
two came out together from Conococheague Valley. Findley 
then had an improvement of several years. Rodgers is said 
to have located about 1771 or 2. [Hist. Ind. Co., 422.] 

There was also an Isaac Rodgers, a neighbor of Findley's. 

(70.) Captain Samuel . Shannon is frequently mentioned in 
the public records, and he had something more than a local 
reputation. He must have been ver3- popular, as Ihe name 
"Shannon" as a Christian name is so common throughout 
the valley as to be noticeable. He had a command under Col. 
Lochry in his expedition of 1781, and was taken by the In- 
dians, and succeeded in command by Lieut. Isaac Anderson. 
(2d Arch., xiv, 685.) He, presumably, was exchanged or made 


bis escape, as letters of administration on the estate of Samuel 
Shannon were granted April 3d, 1785, to Elizabeth Shannon 
and Mary Slaughter, by the Register of Westmoreland county. 
There was a Captain Robert Shannon, who is said to have been 
a brother of Samuel. * « * * Capt. Robert Knox, Col. 
William McDowell, James and Charles Clifford, and others 
named here, were long remembered on account of being con- 
spicuous figures in the history of the fort. Families of the 
same stock and name still live in the valley. 

(71.) Capt. Hinkson (otherwise Hinkston) is spoken of be- 
fore. It is altogether probable that this is the same person 
who was connected with the murder of the friendly Delaware, 
Wipey. Some of the whites of the neighborhood condoned 
the murder in their suspicions and distrust of all red men. 
Hinkston, Hinckston or Hinkson, as the name is variously 
spelled, was from that neighborhood. To the conveyance of a 
location he had made on the Conemaugh — he spells his name 

(72.) The fact of this boy's killing is corroborated in a letter 
to Jeff W. Taylor, Esq., of Greensburg, Pa., from William 
Reynolds, Esq., of Bolivar, Pa., Nov. 15th, 1891, and given for 
reference here. Mr. Reynolds is a grandson of George Find- 
ley, spoken of, and is now seventy-six years of age. His ac- 
count is from direct report. He says that George Findley 
and his bound boy, fourteen or fifteen years of age, but large 
and strong, started back from Palmer's Fort, whither they had 
fled, in hopes of recovering a mare that had left them and 
which they supposed had returned home. They kept in the 
woods, not venturing into the clearings, but notwithstanding 
this they were fired upon by some Indians, the boy falling. 
Findley, shot through the arm and bleeding much, effected 
his escape, and returned to Fort Palmer, bringing back with 
him, however, a girl who had remained about the Rogers 
settlement. This girl subsequently became the mother of the 
Hills, of near Ninevah. "The next morning a squad of 
men Avent back and found the boy scalped, his brains knocked 
out, and stripped naked. They buried him." 

Fort Palmer was about six miles from Ligonier, on the line 


of the flight of the settlers from the Conemaugh and Upper 
Ligonier Valley. 

(73.) See Wallace's Fort. * * * * Also Arch., v, 741. 

* * * * Col. Charles Campbell was taken Sept. 25th, 
1777. A copy of the proclamation referred to is found in 
Arch., V, 402. It is as follows: 

"A Proclamation. 

"By virtue of the power and authority to me given by his 
Excellency Sir Guy Carlton, Knight of the Bath, Governor of 
the Province of Quebec, General and Commander in chief, 
&c., &c., «S:c. 

"I assure all such as are inclined to withdraw themselves 
from the Tyranny and oppression of the rebel committees 
and take refuge in this Settlement or any of the posts com- 
manded by his Majesty's Officers shall be humanely treated, 
shall be lodged and victualled, and such as are off in arms 
and shall use them in defense of his majesty against rebels and 
Traitors till the Extinction of this rebellion, shall receive pay 
adequate to their former stations in the rebel service, and all 
common men who shall serve during that period, shall receive 
his majesty's bounty of two hundred Acres of Land. Given 
under my hand and seal, Henry Hamilton (L. S.), Lieut. Gov. 
& Superintendent." 

"Eleven other persons killed and scalped at Palmer's Port, 
near Ligonier, amongst which is Ensign Woods." Col. Lochry 
to President Wharton Nov. 4th, 1777. Archives, v, 741. 

(74.) Col. Lochry, County Lieutenant, who had absolute con- 
trol of the militia and arms of the county, lived on the Twelve 
Mile Run, in LTnity township, between the turnpike and St. 
Vincent's Monastery. Lochry was a neighbor of Col. John 
Proctor. This was on the southern side of the Forbes Road. 

* * * * It will be remembered that Lochry recommended 
(lie c rection of this fort. 

(75.) Coi. James Pollock was then a sub-lieutenant of the 
county. He was superceded in his office by George Reading, 
Esq., April 1st, 1778, Rec, xi, 455, where the reason is given. 
In the light of this journal the Council might have had some 


suggestion from Thomas Galbraith. Col. Pollock lived toward 
West Fairfield, eight or nine miles from Fort Ligonier. He 
held civil offices much later; and was a candidate, unsuccess- 
fully, against William Findley, for Congress. 

(76.) This was not Archibald Locliry. Btony Creek was 
a station on the Forbes Road, where it crossed that stream, 
now Stoystown, in Somerset county. Guards and relays were 
kept here. There was a kind of stockade erected here when 
the road was cut by Bouquet and a small garrison stayed 
there. It was deserted for a time in Pontiac's War, 1763. 

(77.) Charles Clifford, brother to James Clilford, was taken 
prisoner on the 22d of April, 1770, from their jjlace on Mill 
creek, about two miles from Ligonier. It does not appear 
that he was treated with unusual severity or with any cruelty. 
He was taken to Canada, turned over to the British, and re- 
mained there somewhat above two years, then he was ex- 
changed and returned home. 

(78.) George Reading, not long after this, was appointed 
a sub-Lieutenant of the county in place of James Pollock, 

(79.) The manuscript is sufficiently distinct to make it cer- 
tain that Captain Ourrie is not the same person as Lieut. 
Curry, a reading that casually might make it appear other- 

(80.) Col. John Pomroy, of the Fort Barr and Fort Wallace 
(Derry) settlement; a prominent man in Indian affairs during 
all these times. * * * * William Richardson was a set- 
tler of some standing several years prior to this time. 

(81.) The manuscript here is illegible. The meaning prob- 
ably is, that the one who was behind the others, on being 
called upon, hurried up to the rest of the party, but it being 
dusk the party did not return to the place whence the voice 
proceeded until the next morning, and found the (tracks of 

(82.) The expedition here referred to had been planned by 
Gen. Hand, the Commandant at Fort Pitt, against the Indians 
at Sandusky, but it failed for the lack of men and supplies, 
which he expected from the western frontier of the State. 


"One reason for the failure was a want of concert between 
Gen. Hand and the lieutenants of the border counties of 
Virginia and Pennsylvania.'' Wash.-Irv. Cor,, 12. 

(83.) Samuel Craig, Sr., who came from New Jersey, set- 
tled on the Loyalhanna in Derry township, near (now) New- 
Alexandria, shortly after the opening of the land office. He 
and his sons were all actively engaged in frontier service. 
"The duties of Samuel Craig's appointments calling him to 
Fort Ligonier, he had to go there frequently; and on the last 
occasion he was taken on the road. A beautiful mare which 
he used for riding, was found on the Chestnut Ridge between 
his home and that post. The mare had eight bullets in her; 
but all efforts of the family to ascertain the fate of Capt. Craig 
were unavailing." Mrs. Margaret Craig, MS. 

(84.) The writer (Thomas Galbraith) was, as stated before, 
evidently a Commissioner for the distribution of salt and 
other supplies, and was in the service of the Continental Con- 
gress as well as of the State. 

The following entry is found in the book from which this 
journal is taken: 

1777, March 15th, provisions left at Ligonier in care of 
James McDowell, for use of the Continent: 
1625" Bacon. 
532" Pork, salted. 
300" Heads. 
400" Beef. 


Jollys — The station at Stonycreek (Stoystown). 

Arch., vi, 3. 

Arch., vi, 68. 

Arch., vi, 532. 

Archives, vii, 345. 

Archives, vii, 173. 

Archives, viii, 180. 

Arch., viii, 485. 

Arch., viii, 282. 


(94.) Arch., ix, 240. 

(95.) Washington-Irvine Correspondence, 254. 

(96.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 200. 

It was customary to name the forts erected about this time 
after some person prominent in military or civil affairs, for in- 
stance, of Loudoun, Bedford, Ligonier, Pitt. 

For services of Sir John Ligonier, see Knight's History of 
England, Chapter clix. 

At what time the name Ligonier was first applied has not 
at present been definitely ascertained. Forbes mentions "the 
fort of Loyalhannon, October 22d, 1758," (Records, viii, 224), 
and as late as November 9th, 1758, he dates his letter to the 
Indian chiefs "From my camp at Loyal Hannon." In his 
Journal for December 4th, 1758, Post says he drew provision 
(at Pittsburgh) "for our journey to Fort Ligonier." 

(97.) A Chronological Table of Events in the career of Gen. 
St. Clair. Born at Thurso, in the County of Caithness, Scotland, 
March 23, 1736; Ensign in the Sixtieth Regiment of Foot 
(the Royal Americans, he being in the second battalion com- 
manded by Lawrence), May 13th, 1757; with Amherst at Louis- 
burg, Canada, May 28th, 1758; Lieutenant, April 17th, 1759; 
capture of Quebec, Sept. 13th, 1759; married at Boston to 
Miss Phoebe Bayard, a half sister of Gov. James Bowdoin, 
of Massachusetts Bay, May 14th, 1760; resigned his commis- 
sion, April 16th, 1762; on special service in a civil capacity as 
agent of the Penns in Western Pennsylvania, having charge of 
Fort Ligonier, 1767-'69; appointed Surveyor for the District of 
Cumberland by Gov. Penn, April 5th, 1770; appointed County 
Justice and Member of the Proprietary Council for Cumber- 
land county, May 23d, 1770; appointed Justice of the court 
(by special commission), Prothonotary, Register and Recorder 
for Bedford county, March llth-12, 1771; appointed to same 
offices for Westmoreland county, February 27th, 1773; actively 
engaged as Penn's chief representative in Westmoreland 
county throughout 1774; Resolutions at Hannastown, May 
16th, 1775; Colonel under Council of Safety, 1775; Colonel 
in the Continental service, January 3d, 1776; before Quebec, 
May 11th, 1776; Brigadier-General, August 9th, 1776; Major- 







with pari of the 


£. Officers Barracks 
f officers houses 
g.line of commu«ication witbthe 



(ronenil. February lOtli. ITTT: detailed as Adjutant-Gen 
eral, March. 1777; nienil)er of Coiincil of Censors, 
1783; Auctioneer of Philadelphia, February 24th, 1784; 
Member of Tonfiress (elected), November 11th, 1785; 
took his seat, February 26th, 1786; President of Congress. 
February 2d, 1787; Governor of the Northwestern Territory, 
chosen by Gonjiress, October 5th, 1787; candidate for Governor 
for Penna., 1790; Commander-in-Chief of the army, 1791; 
Rattle of the Wabash, November 4th, 1791; resigns his General 
.ship, 1792; removed from Governorship of Northwestern Ter- 
ritory by Jefferson, November 22d, 1802; died, August 31. st. 
1818, and buried in the Presbyterian graveyard, at present 
called the St. Clair cemetery, at Greensburg, Westmoreland 
county, Pa. 


The location of old Fort Ligonier, with respect to the land- 
murks as they at present exist, is indicated with accuracy on 
the plan prepared with that object, which plan is hereto at- 
tached. It will be seen that most of the ground which was 
covered by the Fort and the garrison land adjacent is now the 
property of R. M. Graham, Esq., a gentleman who is a native 
of the valley, and who has taken much interest in all matters 
relating to the Fort. 

Mr. Graham has made a statement in which he has author- 
ized the writer to say that he will grant in perpetuity a plot of 
ground within these boundary lines, or contiguous thereto, 
for the ])urpose of erecting thereon a suitable memorial of a 
substantial character, commemorative of old Fort Ligoniei'. 
The people of Ligonier Valley may be congratulated on the 
circumstance that the ownership of such a historic and inter- 
esting spot is in a gentleman of such liberal and enlarged 

The writer is here constrained to make mention of the 
commendable eliorts of I. M. Graham, Esq., editor and pub- 
lisher of the Ligonier Echo newspaper, in perpetuating the 
memorials of the Fort and Vallej' and in encouraging an ac- 
tive interest in their early history. He has thus been instru- 
mental in bringing out fioni obscurity and making public 
19- Vol. 2. 


much information, interestinji;. and, from a local point of A'iew, 
valuable; and he has in every possible way assisted the writer 
in the duties incident to this report. 


By the treaty of November 5th, 1768, with the Six Nations, 
the right to the occupanc}^ of the lands within the limits of 
what is called the New Purchase (1) was given to the Proprie- 
tors of the Province. Prior to that time, howevei', settle 
ments had been made in the southwestern portion of the State, 
as it is now, under the patronage of Virginia, that colony 
assuming that the region so settled was within her territorial 

At the time of the opening of the laud oftice (April ;^d, 1709), 
for the application of those who desired to take up land in 
the New Purchase, the same w^as declared to be within the 
civil jurisdiction of the county of Cumberland, in which juris- 
diction it continued till Bedford county was organized, March 
9th, 1771. 

The necessity for a new county organization westward of 
Bedford was so urgent, that \A'estmoreland county was 
erected February 26th, 1778. This county was the last one 
formed under the proprietary government. It embraced all that 
part of Bedford — and of the Proviuce — lying Avest of the Lau- 
rel Hill, and was circumscribed only by the limits of the line 
nif the New' Purchase on the uortliward, oNIason and Dixon's 
line on the south, and the farthest bounds of the charter grant 
to the Penns, on the west — limited by the act to where the 
most westerly branch of the Youghiogheny crossed the boun- 
dary line of the Province. 

With the organization of the county it was provided that 
the courts should be held at the house of Kobert Hanna until 
a court-house should be built, and a place definitely fixed by 
legislation for the county seat. On the 6tli of April, 1778, 
under llie reiiin of "Our Soveieiun Lord George the Third, 


by the Grace of God. of Great Britaiu, France and Ireland, 
King, &c.." the first court was organized at Robert Hanna's 
house before William Trawford, Esq., and his associates, jus 
tices of the same court. This was the first place west of the 
mountains where justice was administered judicially and pub 
licly, under the fonns and according to the principles of th«: 
English jurisprudence. 

No sooner, however, had the legal government of the Penns 
been establislied hero, than a conflict began between Virginia 
and the Province touching the rights of the respective colonies 
in this region — each one claiming this territory. The clashing 
of authority led to a condition of civil war; the causes of it, 
its progress, and a recital of its details cannot be given here. 
These culminated the next year, 1774. At that time John 
Murray, Lord Dunmore, was the royal governor of Virginia. 
Himself a subservient tory, his chief tool and representative 
was one Dr. John Connolly, a Pennsylvanian by birth. The 
chief representative of the Penns, (2) was Arthur St. Clair, who 
had held commissions under them for a number of years, and 
Avlio had been identified with the affairs of the western portion 
of the Province in varous capacities since early in 1770. 

Hannastown, the county seat of this larger Westmoreland 
county, was about thirty-five miles east of Pittsburgh on the 
Forbes road. Here and eastward to Ligonier, Penns' interests 
were paramount. In many other settlements the inhabitants 
were largely in sjmpathy with Virginia. 

In the meantime Connolly undertook with a high hand to 
dominate affairs. He seized upon Fort Pitt, erected a stockade 
which he called Fort Dunmore, issued proclamations in the 
name of the Governor of Virginia, commanding all to obey his 
authority, and proceeded by force against the adherents of 
Penn at Fort Pitt. 

For the issuing of his proclamation and the calling of the 
militia together in pursuance of it, St. Clair had Connolly ar- 
rested on a warrant, brought before him at Ligonier, and com- 
mitted to jail at Hannastown. Giving bail to answer for his 
appearance in court, he was released from custody. On being 
r^elensod he went into Augusta county, Va., where at Staunton, 
I lie county seat, he was created a justice of the peace. It was 


alleged that Fort Pitt was in that county, in the District of 
West Augusta. This was to give a show of legality to his pro- 
ceedings, and to cover them with the official sanction of the 
authority for whom he was acting. When he returned in 
March it was with both civil and military authority, and his 
acts from thenceforth were of the most tyrannical and abusive 

W^hen the court, early in April, assembled at Hanna's, Con- 
nolly, with a force of a hundred and fifty men, armed and with 
colors, appeared before the place. He placed armed men be^ 
fore the door of the court-house, and refused admittance to the 
provincial magistrates without his consent. Connolly had had 
a sheriff appointed for this region. In the meeting between 
himself and the justices he said that in coming he had fulfilled 
his promise to the sheriff, but denied the authority of the court, 
and that the magistrates had no authority to hold a court. 
He agreed, however, so far as to let the officers act as a court in 
matters which might be submitted to them by the people, but 
only till he should receive instructions to the conT;rary. The 
magistrates were outspoken and firm. They averred that their 
authority rested on the legislative authority of Pennsylvania; 
that it had been regularly exercised ; that they would continue 
to exercise it, and to do all in their power to preserve public 
tranquility. They urged the assurance that the proprietary 
government would use every exertion to have the boundary 
line satisfactorily adjusted, and that at least by fixing upon a 
temporary boundary the differences could be accommodated 
till one should be ascertained. 

At this time, 1774, broke out the war in which the Indians 
made special head against the Virginians on the border of 
what we now call southwestern Pennsylvania and northwest- 
ern West Virginia. The effect of this uprising, added to the 
condition of the people under the tyrannizing of Connolly, cre- 
ated a panic which led almost to the depopulation of our fron 
tiers. During this time Arthur vSt. Clair, Aeneas Mackay, Dev- 
ereux Smith and other staunch friends of the Penns, by their 
personal influence alone succeeded in quieting the Indians on 
tlie northern frontier and west of the Allegheny, and in allay- 
ing the fears of the people. 


St. Clair writing to Gov. i't'uu Irom Ligoniei-, May 29th, 1774, 
s<ays : 

"The panic that has struck this Oountiy, threatening an 
entire Depopulation thereof, induced me a few days ago to 
make an Excusion to Pittsburgh to see if it could be removed 
and the Desertion prevented. 

"The only probable Kemedy that offered was to afford the 
iVople the appearance of some Protection, accordingly Mr. 
Smith, Mr. Mackay, Mr. Butler, and some other of the Inhabit- 
ants of Pittsburgh, with Collonel Croghan and myself, entered 
into an Association for the immediate raising an hundred Men, 
to be employed as a ranging Company to cover the Inhabitants 
in case of Danger, to which Association several Magistrates 
and other Inhabitants have acceded, and in a very few days 
I hey will be on foot. 

'•We have undertaken to maintain for one Month at the rate 
of one Shilling six-pen ee a Man per Diem; this we will chear- 
fnlly discharge; at the same time. We tiatter ourselves that 
your Honour will approve the Measure, and that the Govern- 
ment will not only relieve private Persons from the Burthen, 
but take effectual Measures for the safety of this Frontier, and 
this I am desired by the People in general to request of your 
Honor." (3.) 

Col. John Montgomery writes to Gov. Penn from Carlisle, 
•I line '.', 1774: 

"] am just Returned from the Back Country. I was up at the 
place where Coinis arc held in Westmoreland County; I found 
the people there in great Confusion and Distress, many 
families returning to this side the mountains, others are about 
Building of forts in order to make a Stand; But They are in 
Great w-ant of Ammunition and Arms, and Cannot get Suffi- 
cient Supply in those parts. I wish some method wou'd be 
Taken to Send a Supply from Philadelphia, and unless they 
are Speedily furnished with arms & ammunition will be obliged 
to Desert the Country. There is a fine Appearance of Crops 
over the mountains, and Could the people be protected in Save- 
ing them, it would be of Considerable Advantage in Case we 
should be involved in an Indian Warr and Obliged to raise 
Troops, to be able to Support them with provisions in that 


Country. Capt'ii Sinclair has wrote to your Honour a lull 
State of Affairs in the Bmsk Country, wliose letter 1 send by Ex- 
press from this place." (4.) 

The next year 1775, was one full of excitement ; and 
although civil affairs were unsettled in the early part of the 
year (here was a lull toward spring time of a short duration. 
Public affairs of much greater moment were attracting the 
attention of the people. The New England colonies were in 
open revolt against the mother country. For a time, civil and 
local disputes and antipathies were allowed to rest, and com- 
mon danger and a common patriotism led to a unity of ihe 

On the 16th of May, 1775, the inhabitants of Westmoreland 
count}' met at Hannastown in convention and then and there 
produced those remarkable Resolutions which, as long as our 
annals are preserved will keep the memory of this place ever 
fresh in the notice of men. 

The Minute and Resolutions are as follows: 

"Meeting of the inhabitants of Westmoreland county, Pa. 

"At a general meeting of the inhabitants of the County of 
Westmoreland, held at Hanna's town the 16th day of May, 
1775, for taking into consideration the very alarming situation 
of the country, occasioned by the dispute with Great Britain : 

"Resolved unanimously, That the Parliament of Great 
Britain, by several late acts, have declared the inhabitants of 
the Massachusetts Bay to be in rebellion, and the ministry, by 
endeavoring to enforce those acts, have attempted to reduce 
said inhabitants to a mere wretched state of slavery than ever 
before existed before in any state or country. Not content 
with violating their constitutional and chartered privileges, 
they would strip them of the rights of humanity, expos 
ing their lives to the wanton and unpunishable sport of licen 
tious soldiery, and depriving them of the very means of sub 

"Resolved unanimously. That there is no reason to doubt but 
the same system of tyranny and oppression will (should it meet 
with success in Massachusetts Bay) be extended to other parts 
of America: It is therefore become the indis]tpnsnble duty of 
every American, of every man who has any public virtue or 


love for his country, or amy bowels for posterity, by every 
means which God has put in his power, to resist and oppose 
the execution of it; that for us we will be ready to oppose it 
with our lives and fortunes. And the better to enable us to 
accomplish it, we will immediately form ourselves into a mili- 
tary bod}', to consist of companies to be made up out of the 
several townships under the following association, which is 
declared to be the Association of Westmoreland County: 

'•Possessed with the most unshaken loyalty and fidelity to 
His Majesty, King George the Third, whom we acknowledge to 
be our lawful and rightful King, and who we wish may be the 
beloved sovereign of a free and happy people throughout the 
whole British Empire; we declare to the world, that we do not 
mean by this Association to deviate from that loyalty which we 
hold it our bounden duty to observe; but, animated with the 
love of liberty, it is no less our duty to maintain and defend 
our rights (which, with sorrow, we have seen of late wan- 
tonly violated in many instances by a wicked Ministry and a 
corrupted Parliament) and transmit them to our posterity, for 
which we do agree and associate together : • 

"1st, To arm and form ourselves into a regiment or regi- 
ments, and choose officers to command us in such proportions 
as shall be thought necessary. 

"2d. We will, with alacrity, endeavor to make ourselves 
masters of the manual exercise, and such evolutions as may be 
necessary to enable us to act in a body in concert; and to that 
end we will meet at such times and places as shall be appointed 
either for the companies or the regiment, by the officers com- 
manding each when chosen. 

"3d. That should our country be invaded by a foreign enemy, 
or should troops be sent from Great Britain to enforce the late 
arbitrary- acts of its Parliament, we will cheerfully submit to 
military discipline, and to the utmost of our power resist and 
oppose them, or either of them, and will coincide with any plan 
that may be formed for the defence of America in general, or 
Pennsylvania in particular. 

''tth. That we do not wish or desire an innovation, but only 
that things may be restored to and go on in the same way as 
before the era of the Stamp Act, when Boston grew great, and 


America was happj. As a proof of this disposition, we will 
quietly submit to the laws by which we have been accustomed 
to be governed before that period, and will, in our several or 
associate capacities, be ready when called on to assist the civil 
magistrate to carry the same in execution. 

"5th. That when the British Parliament shall have repealed 
their late obnoxious statutes, and shall recede from their claim 
to tax us, and make laws for us in every instance; or some 
general plan of union or reconciliation has been formed and ac 
cepted by America, this our Association shall be dissolved; but 
till then it shall remain in full force; and to the observation of 
it, we bind ourselves by everything dear and sacred amongst 

"No licensed murder! no famine introduced by law! 

'^Resolved, That on Wednesday, the twenty-fourth instant, 
the townships meet to accede to the said Association, and 
choose their officers." 

Arthur St. Clair in a letter to Joseph Shippen, Jr., from Lig- 
onier, May 18th, 1775, says: "Yesterday, we had a county meet- 
ing and have come to resolutions to arm and discipline, and 
have formed an Association, which I suppose you will soon see 
in the papers. God grant an end may be speedily put to any 
necessity to such proceedings. I doubt their utility, and am 
almost as much afraid of success in this contest as of being 
vanquished." (5.) 

To Gov. Penn, May 25th, he says: "We have nothing but 
musters and committees all over the country, and everything 
seems to be running into the wildest confusion. If some con 
C'iliating plan is not adopted by the Congress, America has 
seen her golden days, they may return, but will be preceded by 
scenes of horror. An association is formed in this county for 
defense of American Liberty. I got a clause added, by which 
they bind themselves to assist the civil magistrates in the exe- 
cution of the laws they have been accustomed to be governed 

This clause was the fourth one. This was the first step taken 
hySt. Clair as a Revolutionary patriot. It shows a conservative 
siiii'it. and an unwillingness to do anything that might tend 
lo iiiiarchy or violation of just laws. (6.) 


When with these people the actual war of the Revolution 
began, the situation of affairs in the western part of the Pi-o 
vince was peculiar. The British government early employed 
the savaj>es as their allies in the war with the colonies; and 
although a regiment of men — (seven companies of w^hich were 
made up of Westmorelanders) — joined the Continental Army 
under Washington, yet the brunt of the war here had, for the 
time being to be borne by these people unaided and alone. 
Early in the war, a department was created called the Western 
Department, of w'hich Fort Pitt was the headquarters, which 
\\as under command of a continental officer and a force 
mostly of regular soldiers, to which in times of emergency were 
added the militia of the counties. 

The structure called a fort erected in 1774 at Hannastown 
was doubtless of a very temporary character, intended only, as 
it was, for the emergency. From early in 1776 there were 
quarters here for the accommodation of the regulars of the 
Eighth Penn'a Regiment and of the militia companies which 
from time to time were recruited. In 1776 it w^as a point 
where supplies were collected, and it so continued to be until 
the destruction of the place which w-as one of the last acts in 
the Wiw. AMiile it continued to be a recruiting and distribu- 
ting station, there was also a fort erected here in 1776 which 
with the necessary additions was kept up until the day in 
which it did good stead for those W'ho sought its shelter, as we 
shall see later. 

From the Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council for Uec. 
17th, 1790, among the reports of the Treasurer. Comptroller 
and Register-General, the following account, among others, 
was read and approved, vizt: "Of David Semple, for superin 
tending the building of the fort at Hanna's Town in the year 
177(), by order of Messieurs [Edward] Cook, [James] Pollock 
and [Archibald] Lockry, amounting to twenty-two pounds. (7.) 

Tn a letter of Col. Lochry to the President of the Council of 
date Nov. 4th, 1777, referred to elsewhere, in which he sums up 
the tale of Indian depredations, he says — "We have likewise 
ventured to erect two stockade forts, at Ligonier and Hannas 
Town at the Public Expense, with a Store House in each to 
secure both Public and private property in and be a place of re 



treat for the suffering frontiers in case of necessity, which 1 
flatter myself will meet your excellency's approbation." 

It is altogether probable that the fort here alluded to was 
but an improvement or an addition to the fort then standing. 
This, however, is only supposition; and if it was a new struc- 
ture altogether it took the place of the earlier one. 

There are many reports of the Indians being in the neigh- 
borhood and of the people fleeing to Hannastown from this 
time on. The place, however, escaped an attack from the fact, 
probably, of there being constantly kept there either soldiers 
of the regular service or squads of militia, with a supply of 
arms and ammunition. The quantity of supplies was often ex- 
tremely meagre. 

Col. Lochry to President Reed from Hannastown, May 1st, 
1779, says — "The savages are continually making depredations 
among us; not less than forty people have been killed, 
wounded or captivated this spring, and the enemy have killed 
our creatures within three hundred yards of this town." (8.) 

Gol. Lochry writes to Col. Brodhead from Hannastown, 13th 
of Dec, 1779, at a time when the people were suffering much 
and apprehending an outbreak in the spring, in which letter 
he says: "His Excellency, the president of this state, has in- 
vested me with authority to station Capt. Erwin and Capt. 
(-Campbell's companies of rangers to cover this county, where I 
may think their service will be of the most benefit to the dis 
rressed frontiers. I have received orders for that purpose. In 
consequence of which orders, I request you (sir) to send these 
troops to this place as soon as possible, where I shall assign 
them stations that I flatter myself their service will be of more 
benefit to this county than it can possibly be in Port Pitt." (9.) 

Col. Lochry frcmi his home on the Twelve Mile Run writes to 
Pres. Reed, June 1st, 1780: "I have been under the necessity 
of removing the public records of the county from Hannas- 
town to my own plantation on the Twelve Mile Run— not with 
out consulting the judge of the Court who was of opinion it 
would be no prejudice to the inhabitants. My principal reason 
for moving them, I did not think them safe as the place is but 
weak, and is now a real frontier." flO.) 

The fall of 1781 was a gloomy one indeed to tlie iieuide of 


Westmoreland county. This was the period of thf ill-fated 
Lochry expedition. Besides all this they \Apre haras^xl all 
the summer from the inroads of the savages. Co]. Lochry to 
President Reed, (11) July 4th, 1781, says: "We have very dis 
tressing times here this summer. The enemy are almost con 
stantly in our country, killing and captivating the inhabitants." 

Tn August, 1781, the detachment of the Seventh Maryland 
regiment, which had been serving under Brodhead. left Fort 
Pitt, and returned over the mountains home. 

In a letter to Washington of Dec. M, 1781, (12) Irvine said: 

"At present the people talk of flying early in the spring, to 
the eastern side of the mountain, and are daily Hocking to me 
to inquire what support they may expect." 

It was very generally believed, and Washington himself 
shared in the opinion, that the failure of Clark (witli Lochry i 
and Gibson, in their expeditions of that year, Avould greatly 
encourage the savages to fall on the frontiers with double fury 
in the coming spring. 

The month of Feb., 1782, was one of unusual mildness. War- 
parties of savages from Sandusky visited the settlements and 
committed depredations earlier than usual on that account. 
From the failure of the expeditions of the previous autumn, 
before alluded to, there had been a continued fear all along the 
border during the winter; and now that the early melting of 
the snow had brought the savages to the settlements at an un- 
wonted season, a more than usual degree of excitement and 
apprehension prevailed. (13.) 

Through the spring and sumuK'r of 1782 the settlers gathered 
together at various points of convenience, living in common 
and preserving the strictest w^atch. While the gloom from re- 
peated disasters still rested upon the people, they gathered 
into the cabins about Hannastown and nearer the blockhouses 
and stations. The militia in the service of the State had de- 
serted from the posts, because they were not paid and were in 
rags. The whole country north of the Great Road alniost to 
the rivers northwestward was, so to speak, deserted. 

Such was the condition of affairs at the time when Hannas- 
(uwii was attacked, on Saturday, July 13th, 1782, and almost 


totally destroyed, an event of the greatest historical import- 
ance in the annals of Western Pennsylvania. The first of the 
following articles is from the pen of the Hon. Richard Coulter, 
at that time a practising attorney of the Westmoreland bar, 
and later one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Pennsyl- 
vania. It was printed in the Pennsylvania Argus, published 
at Greensburg, Pa., in 1836. Judge Coulter obtained his in- 
formation from the persons who had been a part of what he 

"About three miles from Greensburg, on the old road to New 
Alexandria, there stand two modern built log tenements, to 
one of which a sign-post, and a sign is appended, giving due 
notice that at the seven yelloAV stars, the wayfarer may par- 
take of the good things of this world. Between the tavern and 
the Indian gallows hill on the west, once stood Hanna's town, 
the first place west of the Allegheny mountains where justice 
was dispensed according to the legal forms of the white man. 
The county of Westmoreland was established by the provincial 
legislature on the 26th of Feb., 1773, and the courts directed to 
be held at Hanna's town. It consisted of about thirty habita- 
tions, some of them cabins, but most of them aspiring to the 
name of houses, having two stories, of hewed logs. There were 
.1 wooden court house and a jail of the like construction. A 
fort stockaded with logs, completed the civil and military ar- 
rangements of the town. The first prothonotary and clerk of 
the courts was Arthur St. Clair, Esq., afterwards general in 
the revolutionary army. Robert Hanna, Esq., was the first 
presiding justice in the courts; and the first Court of Common 
Pleas was held in April, 1773. Thomas Smith, Esq., after- 
wards one of the judges on the supreme bench, brought (juar- 
terly, from the east, the most abstruse learning of the profes- 
sion, to puzzle the backwoods lawyers; and it was here that 
Ilugli Henry Brackenridge, afterwards also a judge on the su- 
preme bench, made his debut, in the profession which he after- 
wards illustrated and adorned by his genius and learning. The 
road first opened to Fort Pitt by Gen. Forbes and his army, 
passed through the town. The periodical return of the court 
brought together a hardy, adventurous, frank, and open- 


hearted set ol meu from the Kedstone, the George's creek, the 
Voughiogheny, the Monongahela, and the Catfish settlements, 
as well as from the region, now m its circumscribed limits, 
still called "Old Westmoreland." It may well be supposed 
that on such occasions, there was many an uproarious merry- 
making. Such men, when they occasionally met at courts, met 
joyously. -But the plough has long since gone over the place 
of merry-making; and no log or mound of earth remains to tell 
where justice held her scales. 

"On the 13th July, 1782, a party of the townsfolk went to 
O'Connor's fields, about a mile and a half north of the village, 
to cut the harvest of Michael Huffnagle. ***** xhe 
summer of '82 was a sorrowful one to the frontier inhabitants. 
The blood of many a family had sprinkled their own fields. 
The frontier northwest of the town was almost deserted; the 
inhabitants had fied for safety and repose towards the Se- 
wickley settlement. At this very time there were a number 
of families at Miller's station, about two miles south of the 
town. There was, therefore, little impediment to the Indians, 
either by way of resistance, or even of giving warning of their 
approach. When the reapers had cut down one field, one of 
the number who had crossed to the side next to the woods, re- 
turned in great alarm, and reported that he had seen a num- 
ber of Indians approaching. The whole reaping party ran for 
the town, each one intent upon his own safety. The scene 
which then presented itself may more readily be conceived 
than described. Fathers seeking for their wives and children, 
and children calling for their parents and friends, and all 
hurrying in a state of consternation to the fort. Some crim- 
inals were confined in jail, the doors of which were thrown 
open. After some time it was proposed that some person 
should reconnoitre, and relieve them from uncertainty. Four 
young men, David Shaw, James Brison, and two others, with 
their rifles, started on foot through the highlands, between 
that and Crabtree creek, pursuing a direct course towards 
O'Connor's fields; whilst Captain Matthew eTack, who happened 
to be in the town, pursued a more circuitous route on horse- 


"The captain was the first to arrive at the fields, and his eye 
was not long in doubt, for the whole force of the savages was 
there mustered. He turned his horse to fly, but was observed 
and pursued. When he had proceeded a short distance, he 
met the four on foot — told them to fly for their lives — that the 
savages were coming in great force — that he would take a cir- 
cuitous route and alarm the settlements. He went to Love's, 
where Frederick Beaver now lives, about a mile and a quarter 
east of the town, and assisted the family to fly, taking Mrs. 
Love on the horse behind him. The four made all speed for 
I he town, but the foremost Indians obtained sight of them, 
and gave them hot pursuit. By the time they had reached the 
Oabtree creek, they could hear the distinct footfalls of their 
pursuers, and see the sunbeams glistening through the foliage 
of the trees upon their naked skins. When, however, they got 
into the mouth of the ravine that led up from the creek to the 
town, they felt almost secure. The Indians, who knew nothing 
of the previous alarm given to the town, and supposed they 
would take it by surprise, did not fire, lest they might give 
ncttice of their approach; this saved the lives of David Shaw 
and his companions. When they got to the top of the hill, the 
strong instinct of nature impelled Shaw to go first into the 
I own, and see whether his kindred liad gone to the fort, before 
he entered it himself. As he reached his father's threshold 
and saw all within desolate, he turned and saw the savages, 
with their tufts of hair flying in the wind, and their brandished 
tomahawks, for they had emerged into the open space around 
the town, and commenced the war-hoop. He resolved to make 
one of them give his death halloo, and raising his rifle to his 
eye, his bullet whiz/ed true, for the stout savage at whom he 
aimed bounded into the air and fell upon his face. Then, with 
the speed of an arrow, he fled to the fort, where he entered in 
safety. The Indians were exasperated when they found the 
town deserted, and after pillaging the houses, they set them 
on fire. Although a considerable part of the town was within 
rifle range of the fort, the whites did but little execution, being 
more intent on their own safety than solicitous about de- 
stroying th«- enemy. One savage, who had put on the military 
coat of one of the inhabitants, paraded himself so ostenta- 


liuiisly that he was shot dowu. Except tliis one, and the one 
laid low by Shaw, there was no evidence of any other execu- 
tion, but some human bones found among the ashes of one of 
the houses, where they, it was supposed, burnt those who were 
killed. There was not more than fourteen or fifteen rifles in 
the fort; and a company having marched from the town some 
time before, in Lochry's ill-fated campaign, many of the most 
efficient men were absent; not more than 20 or 25 remained. 
A maiden, .Iann<4 Shaw, was killed in the fori ; a child having 
run opposite the gate, in which there were some apertures 
through which a bullet from the Indians occasionally whistled, 
she followed it, and as she stooped to pick it up, a bullet 
entered her bosom — thus she fell a victim to her kindness of 
heart. The savages, with their wild yells and hideous gesticu- 
lations, exulted as the flames spread, and looked like de- 
moniacs rejoicing over the lost hopes of mortals. 

"Soon after the arrival of the marauders, a large party of 
them was observed to break off, by what seemed concerted sig- 
nals, and march towards Miller's station. At that place there 
had been a wedding the day before. Love is a delicate plant, 
but will take root in the midst of perils in gentle bosoms. A 
young couple, fugitives from the frontier, fell in love and were 
married. Among those who visited the bridal festivity, were 
Mrs. Hanna, and her two beautiful daughters, from the town. 
John Brownlee, who then owned what is now the fine farm of 
Frederick J. Cope, and his family, were also there. This in- 
dividual was well known in frontier forage and scouting 
parties. His courage, activity, generosity, and manly form, 
won for him among his associates, as they win everywhere, 
confidence and attachment. Many of the Indians were ac- 
quainted with his character, some of them probably had seen 
his person. There were in addition to the mansion a number 
of cabins, rudely constructed, in which those families who had 
been driven from their homes resided. The station was gen- 
erally called Miller's town. The bridal party were enjoying 
themselves in the principal mansion, without the least shadow 
of approaching danger. Some men were mowing in the 
meadow — people in the cabins were variously occupied— when 
suddenly the war-whoop, like a clap of thunder from a 


cloudless sky, broke upon their astonished ears. The pegple 
in the cabins and those in the meadow, mostly made their es- 
cape. One incident always excites emotions in my bosom when 
I have heard it related. Many who fled took an east course, 
over the long steep hills which ascend towards Peter George's 
farm. One man was carrying his child, and assisting his 
mother in the flight, and when they got towards the top of the 
hill, the mother exclaimed they would be murdered, that the 
savages were gaining space upon them. The son and father 
put down and abandoned his child that he might more ef 
fectually assist his mother. Let those disposed to condemn, 
keep silence until the same struggle of nature takes place in 
their own bosoms. Perhaps he thought the savages would be 
more apt to spare the innocence of infancy than the weakness 
of age. But most likely it was the instinct of feeling, and even 
a brave man had hardly time to think under such circum 
stances. At all events, Providence seemed to smile on the act, 
for at the dawn of the next morning, when the father returned 
to the cabin, he found his little innocent curled upon his bed, 
sound asleep, the only human being left amidst the desolation. 
Let fathers appreciate his feelings; whether the Indians had 
found the child and took compassion on it, and carried it back, 
or whether the little creature had been unobserved, and when 
it became tired of its solitude, had wandered home through 
brush and over briers, will never be known. The latter sup- 
position would seem most probable from being found in its 
own cabin and on its OAvn bed. At the principal mansion, the 
party were so agitated by the cries of women and children, 
mingling with the 3'ell of the savage, and all were for a 
moment irresolute, and that moment sealed their fate. One 
young man of powerful frame grasped a child near him, which 
happened to be Brownlee's, and effected his escape. He was 
pursued hy three or four savages. Rut his strength enable<l 
him In gain slightly upon his followers, when he came to a rye- 
field, niui taking advantage of a thick copse, which lay by a 
sM(hh'ii I urn intervened between him and them, he got on the 
fence ;iii(] leaped far into tlie rye, where he lay down with the 
child. He heard llie quick tread of the savages as they passed, 
and their slower step? as they returned, muttering their gut- 

OF VVEt^TI•;Ji^" PKNNSVL\'AN'1A. ^05 

(uial disappointiueiU. That inau lived to an liouoicd old age, 
but is now no more. Brownlee made his way to the door, 
having seized a rifle; he saw, however, that it was a desperate 
game, but made a rush at some Indians who were entering the 
gate. The shrill clear voice of his wife, exclaiming, "Jack, will 
you leave me?" instantly recalled him, and he sat down beside 
her at the door, yielding himself a willing victim. The party 
were made prisoners, including the bridegroom and bride, and 
several of the family of Miller. At this point of time, Capt. 
Jack, was seen coming up the lane in full gallop. The Indians 
were certain of their prey, and the prisoners were dismayed 
at his rashness. Fortunately he noticed the peril in which 
he was placed in time to save himself. Eagerly bent upon giv- 
ing warning to the people, his mind was so engrossed with tha t 
idea, that he did not see the enemy until he was within full 
gun-shot. When he did see them, and turned to fly, several 
bullets whistled by him, one of which cut his bridle-rein, but 
he escaped. When those of the marauders who had pursued 
the fugitives returned, and when they had safely secured their 
prisoners and loaded them with plunder, they commenced 
their retreat. 

"Heavy were the hearts of the women and maidens as they 
were led into captivity. Who can tell the bitterness of their 
sorrow? They looked, as they thought, for the last time upon 
the dear fields of their country, and of civilized life. They 
thought of their fathers, their husbands, their brothers, and, 
as their eyes streamed with tears, the cruelty and uncertainty 
which hung over their fate as prisoners of savages over- 
whelmed them in despair. They had proceeded about half a 
mile, and four or five Indians near the group of prisoners 
in which was Brownlee were observed to exchange rapid 
sentences among each other, and look earnestly at him. Some 
of the prisoners had named him; and, whether it was from that 
circumstance or because some of the Indians had recognized 
his i>erson. it was evident that he was a doomed man. He 
stooped slightly to adjust his child on his l)ack, which he 
carried in addition to the luggage which they had put on him; 
and, as he did so. one of the Indians who had looked so 

20- Vol. 2. 


earnestly at liim stepped to him hastily and buried a toma- 
hawk in his head. When he fell, the child was quickly dis- 
patched by the same individual. One of the women captives 
screamed at this butchery, and the same bloody instrument 
and ferocious hand immediately ended her agony of spirit, 
(xod tempers the wind to the shorn lamb, and He enabled Mrs. 
Urownlee to bear that scene in speechless agony of woe. Their 
bodies were found the next day by the settlers and were in- 
terred where they fell. The spot is marked to this day in 
Mechling's field. As the shades of evening began to fall, the 
marauders met again on the plains of Hanna's town. They re- 
tired into the low grounds about the Crabtree creek, and there 
regaled themselves on what they had stolen. It was their 
intention to attack the fort the next morning before the dawn 
of day. 

''At nightfall thirty yeomen, good and true, had assembled 
at George's farm, not far from Miller's, determined to give, 
that night, what succor they could to the people in the fort. 
They set off for the town, each with his trusty rifle, some on 
horseback and some on foot. As soon as they came near the 
fort the greatest caution and circumspection was observed. 
Experienced woodsmen soon ascertained that the enemy was 
in the Crab-tree bottom, and that they might enter the fort. 
Accordingly, they all marched to the gate, and were most 
joyfully welcomed by those within. After some consultation, 
it was the general opinion that the Indians intended to make 
an attack the next morning; and, as there were but about 
forty-five rifles in the fort, and about fifty-flve or sixty men, the 
contest W'as considered extremely doubtful, considering the 
great superiority of numbers on the part of the savages. It 
became, therefore, a matter of the tirst importance to impress 
the enemy with a belief that large reinforcements were arriv- 
ing. For that purpose the hoi'ses were mounted by active men 
and brought full trot over the bridge of plank that was across 
the ditch which surrounded the stockading. This was fre- 
quently repeated. Two old drums were found in the fort, 
which were new braced, and music on the fife and drum was 
kept occasionally going during the night. While marching 
and counter-marching, the bridge was frequently crossed on 


foot by the whole gurrisou. These measures had the ilesii-ed 
effect. The military music from the fort, the trampling of the 
horses, and the marching over the bridge, were borne on the 
silence of night over the low lands of the Crab-tree, and the 
sounds carried terror into the bosoms of the cowardly savages. 
They feared the retribution which they deserved, and fled 
shortly after midnight in their stealthy and wolf-like habits. 
Three hundred Indians, and about sixty white savages in the 
shape of refugees, (as they were then called,) crossed the Crab- 
tree that day, with the intention of destroying Hanna's towu 
and Miller's station. 

"The next day a number of the whites pursued the trail as 
far as the Kiskiminetas without being able to overtake them. 

"The little community, which had now no homes but what 
the fort supplied, looked out on the ruins of the town with the 
deepest sorrow. It had been the scene of heartfelt joys — em- 
bracing the intensity and tenderness of all w^hich renders the 
domestic hearth and family altar sacred. By degrees they all 
sought themselves places where they might, like Noah's dove, 
find rest for the soles of their feet. The lots of the town, 
either by sale or abandonment, became merged in the adjoin 
ing farm; and the labors of the husbandman soon elTaced what 
time might have spared. Many a tall harvest have I seen 
growing upon the ground; but never did I look upou its wav- 
ing luxuriance without thinking of the severe trials, the patient 
fortitude, the high courage which characterized the early 

"The prisoners were surrendered by the Indians to the 
British in Canada. The beauty and misfortune of the Misses 
Hanna attracted attention; and an English officer — perhaps 
moved by beauty in distress to love her for the dangers she 
had passed — wooed and won the fair and gentle Marian. After 
the peace of '83 the rest of the captives were delivered up, and 
returned to their country.'' 

The papers which follow contain information relative to the 
destruction of the place. The first account is tlie following: 


Michael HuHuagle to Irvine: 

"Hannastowu, July 11, 1782. 

"Dear JSir: — At the request of Major Wilson, L am sorry to 
inform you that yesterday about two o'clock, this town was at- 
tacked by about one hundred Indians, and in a very little time 
the whole town except tuo houses were laid in ashes. The 
people retired to the fort where they withstood the attack, 
which was very severe until after dark when they left us. The 
inhabitants here are in a very distressed situation, having lost 
all their property but what clothing they had on. 

"At the same time we were attacked liere, another party at 
tacked the settlement. What mischief they may have done we 
luive not been able as yet to know; only that Mr. Hanna, here, 
had his wife and his daughter Jenny taken prisoners. Two 
were wounded — one out of the fort and one in. Lieutenant 
lirownlee and one of his children with one White's wife and 
two children were killed about two miles from this town. 

"This far 1 wrote you this morning. The express has just re- 
turned and informs that when he came near Brush Run the In 
diaus had attacked that place, and he was obliged to return, 
if you consider our situation, with only twenty of the inhabit- 
ants, seventeen guns and very little ammunition, to stand the 
attack in the manner we did, you will say that the people be- 
haved bravely. I have lost what little property I had here, 
together with my papers. The records of the county, I shall, 
as soon as I can get liorses, remove to Pittsburgh, as this place 
will in a few days be vacated. You will please to mention to 
Mr, Duncan to do all he can for the supplying of the garrison 
until I shall be able to get a horse, having lost my horse, saddle 
aud bridle." 

Michael Huffnagle to Irvine: 

"Hannastown, July 17, 1782,-4 o'clock P. M. 

"Dear (leneral: — I just this moment received yours by the 
soldier. I should have sent you an express on Saturday night, 
but could get no person to go, as the enemy did not entirely 
leave us until Sunday morning. A party of about sixty of our 
people went out last Monday and found where they were en- 


camped within a mile of this place. And fiom the appearance 
of the camp they must have staid there all day Sunday. We 
have had parties out since and find their route to be towards 
the Kiskiminetas and that they have a large number of horses 
with them. They have likewise killed about one hundred head 
of cattle and horses and have only left about half a dozen 
horses for the inhabitants here. 

"Last Sunday morning, the enemy attacked at one Freeman's 
upon Loyalhanna, killed his son and took two daughters pris 
oners. From the best account I can collect, they have killed 
and taken twenty of the inhabitants hereabouts and burn and 
destroy as they go along. I take the liberty of mentioning if 
a strong party could follow that they might still be come up 
with them; having so much plunder and so many horses with 
them, I imagine they will go slow. As for the country rousing 
and following them, I am afraid we need not put any depend 
ence on it; as several parties, some of thirty, others of fifty 
[men], would come in on Sunday and Monday last and stay 
about one hour, pity our situation and push home again. 

"I am much afi-aid tliat the scouting parties stationed at the 
different posts have not done their duty. We discovered where 
the enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at 
least about ten days; as they had killed several horses and eat 
them about six miles from Brush Run and right on the way 
towards Earr's fort. This morning about four miles from this 
place towards the Loyalhanna one of the men from this fort 
discovered four Indians whom he took to be spies. 

"I have mentioned to the inhabitants the subject of making a 
stand here. They are willing to do everything in their power 
if assistance could be given them. It will take at least fifty 
men to keep a guard in the garrison and guard the people to 
get in their little crops, which ought to be done immediately; 
otherwise, they will be entirely lost. By a small party that re 
turned last evening, I am informed from the different camps 
they saw, there must at least have been about two hundred of 
the enemy; and from the different accounts we have from all 
quarters, it seems that they had determined to make a general 
attack upon the frontiers. 

"Sheriff [Matthew] Jack has been kind enough to let m*^ have 


a horse ; to-morrow morning, 1 shall set out, and in a few days 
shall supply you with some whisky and cattle. I have just 
this moment been informed that Richard Wallace and one An 
derson who were with Lochry, made their escape from Mon 
treal and have arrived safe in this neighborhood. As soon as 
I shall be able to procure what intelligence they have, I shall 
inform you. 

"P. S.— The inhabitants of this place having lost what provi- 
sions they had, they made application to me to supply them 
with some. I had a quantity of flour and some meat. I took 
the liberty of supplying them and hope it will meet with your 
approbation; and when I shall see you [you can give] me par- 
ticular directions for that purpose." (13.) 

Michael Huffnagle to President Moore: 

''Fort Reed, July 17. 1782. 

"Sir: — I am sorry to inform your excellency, that last Satur 
day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, Hannastown was attacked 
by about one hundred whites and blacks [Indians]. We found 
several jackets, the buttons marked with the king's eighth 
regiment. At the same time this town was attacked, another 
parly attacked Fort Miller, about four miles from this place. 
Hannastown and Fort Miller, in a short time, were reduced to 
ashes, about twenty of the inhabitants killed and taken, about 
one hundred head of cattle, a number of horses and hogs 
killed. Such wanton destruction I never beheld, — burning and 
destroying as thej' went. The people of this place behaved 
bravely; retired to the fort, left their all a prey to the enemy, 
and with twenty men only, and nine guns in good order, we 
stood the attack until dark. At first, some of the enemy came 
dose to the pickets, but were soon obliged to retire farther off. 
I cannot inform you what number of the enemy may be killed, 
as we saw them from llie fui*t carrying ott" several. 

"The situation of the inhabitants is deplorable, a number of 
them not having a blanket to lie on, nor a second suit to put 
on their backs. Affairs are strangely managed here; where 
the fault lies I will not presume to say. This place being of 
the greatest eonsequenco to thp frontiers, — to be left destitute 
(»(' moil, arms, and aiuiminition, is surprising to me, although 


frequent applications have been made. Your excellency, I 
hope, will not be offended my mentioning that I think it would 
not be amiss that proper inquiry should be made about the 
management of the public affairs in this county; and also to 
recommend to the legislative body to have some provision made 
for the poor, distressed people here. Your known humanity 
convinces me that you will do everything in your power to 
assist us in our distressed situation." (14.) 

The following is an extract from a letter written by Ephraim 
Douglass at Pittsburgh, July 26, 1782 (15) : 

"My last contained some account of the destruction of Han 
nastown, but it was an imperfect one — the damage was greater 
than we knew, and attended with circumstances different from 
my representation of them. There were nine killed and twelve 
carried off prisoners, and, instead of some of the houses with- 
out the fort being defended by our people, they all retired 
within the miserable stockade, and the enemy possessed them 
selves of the forsaken houses, from whence they kept a continual 
fire upon the fort from about twelve o'clock till night, without 
doing any other damage than wounding one little girl within 
the walls. They carried away a great number of horses and 
everything of value in tht* deserted houses, destroyed all the 
cattle, hogs, and poultry within their reach, and burned all 
the houses in the village except two; these they also set fire 
to, but fortunately it did not extend itself so far as to consume 
them; several houses round the country were destroyed in the 
same manner, and a number of unhappy families either mur 
dered or carried off captives — some have since suffered a sim 
ilar fate in different parts — hardly a day but they have been 
discovered in some quarter of the country, and the poor inhab 
itants struck with terror thro' the whole extent of our frontier. 
Where this party set out from is not certainly known ; several 
circumstances induce the belief of their coming from the heads 
of the Allegheny or toward Niagara, rather than from San- 
dusky or the neighborhood of Lake Erie. The great number of 
whites known by their language to have been in the party, the 
direction of their retreat when they left the country, which was 
toward the Kittanning, and no appearance of their tracks, 
either coming or going, have been discovered by the officer and 


party which the general ordered on that service beyond the 
river, all conspire to support this belief." 

David Duncan to Mr. [Jamesj Ounniugham, member of the 
Council from Lancaster, writes: (16.j 

"Pittsburgh, July 30, 1782. 

'•Dear Sir: — I have taken the liberty of writing you the situ 
ation of our unhappy country at present. In the first place, 
1 make no doubt but you have heard of the bad success of our 
campaign against the Indian towns [Crawford's campaign 
against Sandusky], and the late stroke the savages have given 
Haunastown, which was all reduced to ashes except two 
houses, exclusive of a small fort, which happily saved 
all who were so fortunate as to get to it. There were upwards 
of twenty killed and taken, the most of whom were women and 
children. At the same time, a small fort [Miller] four miles 
from thence, was taken, supposed to be by a detachment of tht; 
same party. I assure you that the situation of the frontiers of 
our county is truly alarming at present, and worthy of our 
most serious consideration. ********** 

"I make no doubt but you will be informed of a campaign 
that is to be carried against the Indians by the middle of the 
next month. General Irvine is to command. I have my own 

The following extract from a letter written by General Ir- 
vine to Washington on the 27th of January, 1783, (17), shows 
the origin of the attack upon Hannastown, and that the enemy, 
came from the "heads of the Allegheny," as Douglass sur 
mised: "In the year 1782, a detachment composed of three hun 
dred British, and five hundred Indians, was forniedandactually 
embarked in canoes on Lake Jadaque [Chautauqua Lake], with 
twelve pieces of artillery, with an avowed intention of attack 
ing Fort Pitt. This expedition * * * * was laid aside in 
consequence of the reported repairs and strength of Fort Pitt, 
carried by a spy from the neighborhood of the fort. 

"They then contented themselves with the usual mode of 
warfare, by sending small parties on the frontier, one of which 
biinied Hannastown." 

Tlu following letter was written by General Irvine to Wil- 
liam .Moore, then President of the Supreme Executive Council. 


The letter to which he refers was probably the one written bv 
Huflnagle to him under date July 14th, 1782, heretofore given : 

"Fort Pitt, July 16, 1782. 

"Sir: — Enclosed is a copy of a letter which is the best ac- 
count I have been able to get of the unfortunate affair related 
in it, 

"The express sent by Mr. llutfnagle through timidity and 
other misconduct, did not arrive here till this moment (Tues- 
day, 10 o'clock), though he left Hannastown Sunday evening, 
which I fear will put it out of my power to come up with the 
enemy, they will have got so far if they please; however, I have 
sent reconnoitering parties to try to discover whether they 
have left the settlements and what route they have taken. 

"I fear this stroke will intimidate the inhabitants so much 
that it will not be possible to rally them or persuade them to 
make a stand; nothing in my power shall be left undone to 
countenance and encourage them. But I am sorry to acquaint 
your excellency, there is little in my power — a small garrison 
scantily supplied with provision, rarely more than from day to 
day, and even at times days without — add to this that, in all prob 
ability, I shall be in the course of a few days, left without 
settlers in my rear to draw succors from. I have not time to 
add [more], having found a Mr. Elliott who is instantly setting 
out for Lancaster, from whence he promises to forward 
this. (17.) 

It will be seen from the following extract from a letter of 
Edward Cook, lieutenant of Westmoreland county, to the gov 
ernor of Penn'a that he used every expedient to aid those wlio 
suffered by the attack upon Hannastown : 

"Westmoreland County, September 2, 1782. 

"Sir: — It may be necessary to inform your excellency that 
upon an application made to me by some of the distressed in 
habitants of Hannastown and the vicinity thereof, I have al 
lowed them to enroll themselves under the command of Captain 
Brice and draw rations for two months, upon their making 
every exertion in their power to keep up the line of the fron 
t lers. 

"The ranging company, consisting of about twenty-two pri 

314 the: frontier forts 

vaLos and two officers, is stationed at Ligonier for the defense 
of that quarter." (18.) 

In September of 1782, Oapt. Hugh Wiley, (doubtless from 
Cumberland county, sent over the mountains to Irvine), was 
stationed at Hannastow^n. On Oct. 4th, 1782, from that place 
in a letter to the General he says: "Our County Lieutenant, 
(probably meaning the lieutenant of Cumberland county. Pa.), 
informed me that our business would be scouting on the fron 
tier, which was the means of our coming out in the most lighr 
order that the season would admit of. We have been reason 
ably well supplied with provisions since a few days after our 
arrival here; and I keep out a scout of between twenty and 
thirty men on the frontier. * * * * j enclose you a re 
turn of a lieutenant and a few men who came up since as will 
appear. I have nothing of importance to communicate. Our 
scouts have made no discoveries, and they are of opinion the 
coasts are pretty clear of the enemy." (10.) 

Hannastown never recovered from its loss. From the fact 
that the place had never been definitely agreed upon as the per 
manent seat of justice, its destruction now terminated any ex 
pectation of its being favorably considered thereafter. The 
board of commissioners had never been harmonious. In the fall 
of 1778, three members of the commission signed a recommen- 
dation favoring IMUsbiiigli, Oetobei' .']d, 1774, four mem 
bers signed a recommendation of Hannastown, or as 
an ultimatum, a site on Brush Run Manor, probably near 
Harrison City. Again on Aug. 23d, 1783, after the burning of 
the place, another recommendation of Hannastown w^as sub 
mitted. It was not acted upon, and before any final report 
was considered, the Assembly had authorized a State road to 
be made from Bedford to Pittsburgh, on a route through West- 
moreland county, two or three miles south of the old Forbes 
Road; and on this road Greensburg began its existence within 
a few years after Hannastown was no more. The courts were 
still held at Hanna's — the last session in Oct., 1786. In the 
meantime the CominissioiieTs win* had been appointed bj the 
Assembly to select a new location for a county seat, had re- 
ported in favor of the place, now known as Greensburg, where 
the first court was held for the January term of 1787. 


The site ot the town can uow only be approximated, as the 
lots laid uui, became merged long ago iuLo the adjoining laud. 
The grave-yard used by the first settlers is still enclosed and 
kept from desecration, as the tenure of the land has fortunately 
beeu iu persons of liberal and humane sympathies. 

The map accompanying this report has been prepared with 
much labor and great care under the direction of John iJ. Steel, 
Esq., of Greensburg, Pa., especially to illustrate what has been 
said with respect to this historic place. It shows perhaps as 
clearly and as certainly as it is possible, (or likely ever will be 
possible), theproximate points of interest in the old town and in 
the neighborhood. The spring marked Mier's Spring, a name 
appearing frequently in old title papers, is located; and so are 
such places as the site of the fort, the burying-ground, and 6f 
(xallow's Hill, which marks the spot where capital punishment 
was tirst meted out in these parts to malefactors found guilty 
by a verdict of twelve jurymen. The route of the marauders 
as they approached Hannastown, their course to Miller's, the 
place where Brownlee was killed and where he was buried, 
their camping-ground on that terrible night and their trail 
back to the Kiskiminetas, are here laid down. 

Beyond these muniments there is nothing to indicate to the 
stranger the spots made memorable by notable deeds, thrilling 
associations and marked historical events. And not the least 
thing to be remembered is the fact that, while the war for the 
independence of the colonies was practically over, yet this was 
the last place upon which the British and their savage allies 
wreaked their vengeance in a common hate. When it is con 
sidered how that the project originated in Canada and was 
carried out in pursuance of orders from the British agents, it 
may consistently be said that the destruction of Hannastown 
was the last act of war in the Revolution. 

The site of the old town is on the farm now owned by Mr. 
William Steel, in Hempfield township, Westmoreland county, 


Notes to Hannastowii. 

{\.} From the encroachments of the whites upon the hunting 
,i;r<)unds of the Indians and on the lands not alienated by them, 
about the years 1767 and 1768, and for various other reasons 
there was at this conjuncture many indications that another In- 
dian war W'as brewing — a war which promised to be a general 
one. The Indians had been quiet as long as was usual, and 
their mutterings ail round the settlements of the whites from 
Western New York to Western Virginia were audible. To 
none was it more instinctively perceptible than to Sir William 
Johnson, the one man to whom more than to any other the 
Board of Trade and Plantations intrusted the management of 
the royal and colonial interests arising from trouble with the 
tribes. This war was thereupon averted by the intervention 
of Johnson, whose influence over the Six Nations was un- 
bounded. At his suggestion a great council was held at Fort 
Stanwix, in New York. Here all grievances were redressed, 
chains brightened, and tomahawks buried. By the terms of 
this treaty made with the Six Nations, November 5, 1768, all 
the territory extending in a boundary from the New York line 
on the Susquehanna, towards Towanda and Tyadaghton creek, 
up the West Branch, over to Kittanning on the Allegheny, and 
thence down the Ohio and along the Monongahela to the Pro 
vince line, was conveyed to the proprietaries. This was called 
the New Purchase. Of the most of this region was afterwards 
erected Bedford and then Westmoreland counties. 

The New l*urchase, or that of 1768, on our map begins at the 
Susquehanna in Bradford county; thence, following the 
courses of those local streams which then were designated by 
their Indian names, the line meanders in a south and west 
direction through the counties of Tioga, Lycoming, Clinton, to 
the northeast corner of Clearfield; passing through Clearfield 
from the northeast to the southwest corner, it reaches a point 
at Cherry Tree where Indiana, Clearfield, and Cambria meet; 
thence in a straight line across Indiana county to Kittanning, 
on the Allegheny river; thence down the Allegheny to the 
Ohio, and along the Monongahela till it strikes the boundary 
line of the State on its southern side. 


(2.) John Ponn fsoii of Richard, the jjrandson of William 
Penn, born in Phila., 1728, diod 1795) was Governor of the 
Province from 1703 to 1771. and also from 1773 to the end of 
the proprietary government in 1776. 

Richard Penn brother of John Penn, was Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor from 1771 to 1773, dnring" the absence of John Penn in 

(3.) Arch, iv, 504. 

(4.) Arch, iv, 506. 

(5.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 353, Arch. iv. 

(6.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 355, Arch. iv. 

(7.) Records xvi, 541. 

(8.) Arch, vii, 362. 

(9.) Arch, viii, p. 42. 

(10.) Arch, viii, 284. 

(11.) Arch, ix, 247. 

(12.) Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 381. 

(13.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., p. 383. 

(14.) Arch, ix, 596. 

The circumstance that ' Hutfuagle's letter to I'residiMil 
Mooreis dated at Fort Reed hasbeenthe source of annoyance to 
some narrators and the cause of some very erroneous notions. 
Fort Reed is mentioned in the Twelfth Volume of the Archives 
on the authority of this letter, and subsequent writers quoting 
from the Archives have made mention of Fort Reed as a place 
1o which the people of Hannastown fled after the burning of 
the town. Mr. Darlington in his "Fort Pitt and Letters,' etc.," 
in a list of forts given — it would seem from "Notes by General 
O'Hara" — quotes: "Fort Reed, erected 1773, near Haunas 
town." In the list of forts, etc., given with the Historical Map 
of Penn'a, it is set down with the date 1782. On the Map itself 
it is placed some distance northward of "Hannastown Stock- 
ade," doubtless from the notion that it was "four miles" from 
Hannastown, a mistake which was likel}^ to occur from a mis- 
coustruction of HufEnagle's letter above. 


This ambiguity has been rendered more uncertain from the 
fact that no other mention is elsewhere made of any Fort Reed 
in those parts, nor is there any such name held in the traditions 
of the country. 

Tt will be borne in mind that at the time the town was 
burned (except two houses) the fort was not taken. Those 
cooped up in it remained there until the enemy had left; nor 
is there any intimation that they had abandoned it at any time 
thereafter. The letter written by Huffnagle to General Irvine 
on the day following the attack, was written from "Hannas 
town." David Duncan on the 30th, (see letter above), speaks 
only of the fort at Hannastown, saying that "Hannastown 
* * * * was all reduced to ashes except two houses ex- 
clusive of a small fort [Reed?], which happily saved all who 
were so fortunate as to get to it." 

The uncertainty of the language used by Huffnagle in his 
Fort Reed letter, has, as we say, been the most apparent cause 
of these mistakes. He states that "at the time this town was 
attacked, another party attacked Fort Miller, about four miles 
from this place." We think he meant by the expression "this 
place," both Hannastown and the Fort there which he calls 
Fort Reed. 

There is no mention of a fort of any sort at Hannastown in 
1773, and there is nothing made public from which one can 
assume that the fort built there in 1774: was called Fort Reed. 
(Archives, iv, .lOH, '-U\ .juue, 1774.) The name Fori Kced could 
be applicable in a fitting sense only to the Revolutionary fort, 
the one which was erected in-the-new, or which was the old 
one rehabilitated, as we have seen, in 1777. Being a very im 
portant post it took its name, probably at the instance of Huff- 
nagle then very active in affairs, in compliment to Joseph Reed, 
President of the Supreme Executive Council from 1778 to 
1781. As Reed was not of the Council in 1782, it may be in- 
ferred that it was known locally but not generally as Fort 
Reed from 1779. 

There was a Reed's Blockhouse and Station on the Allegheny 
river which was noticeable during the Indian troubles after 
lli(^ Rcvolulion. This place was not in the vicinity of Hannas 


town, and is not to be considered in this connection. We ^ive 
some account of Reed's Station further on. 

A theory sometimes advanced was thought to be tenable, 
which was that Fort Reed was but a mistaken reading of Fort 
Rook and applicable to Rugh's Blockhouse. Huffnagle had 
spoken of "Rook's Blockhouse,'' (see Rugh's Blockhouse) in a 
letter of Dec. 20th, 1781. This point, beyond doubt, was one 
of activity in the days following the raid on Hannastown. It 
was about the same distance from Miller's. Hence an infer- 
ence was raised that Huffnagle had intended to write "Fort 
Rook" and that his writing was made to appear as "Fort Reed." 

From these considerations it is a reasonable supposition — 
and to us conclusive — that the Hannastown fort was the one 
which Huffnagle calls Fort Reed. 

(15.) Wash.-Irvine Cor. 

(16.) Arch, ix, 606. 

(17.) Wash.-Irvine Cor. 

(18.) It has been said on behalf of Genl. Irvine that he ad- 
vanced money and material aid to Huifnagle and others on ac- 
count of the condition of these people. The following voucher 
would appear to confirm this: 

"Fort Pitt, August 22, 1782. 
"Ref-eived and borrowed from Brigadier General William Ir- 
vine, one hundred and thirty-two pounds and eight shillings, 
specie (money belonging to the State of Pennsylvania), which 
we promise to pay to General Irvine the first day of October 
next or bring an order from [the supreme executive] council 
[of Pa.] on him for that sum. 


From General Irvine's papers, edited by C. W. Buttertield, 
Esq., and frequently referred to here. 

',19.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 399. 

Extracts from newspapers of 1782, relative to the at 
lack on Hannastown: 



"Philadelphia, July 30. From Westmoreland county, 16 
July. On the 13th a body of Indians came to and burnt Han- 
nastown, except two houses. The inhabitants having received 
notice of their coming, by their attacking some reapers who 
were at work near the town, fortunately (except fifteen who 
were killed and taken) got into the fort, where they were se- 
cure. [Pennsylvania Pacivet. 30 July, 1782, No. 917. 

. [n.] 

"Richmond. Aug. 17. By our last accounts from the north- 
western frontier we learn that the Indians have lately de- 
stroyed Hannastown and another small village on the Penn- 
sylvania side, and killed and captured the whole of the in- 
habitanls." [Pennsylvania Packet, 27 Aug.. 1782. [No. 929.] 


"Extract of a letter from Fort Pitt, dated Sept. 3: 'From the 
middle to the last of July, the Indians have been very trouble- 
some on the frontiers of this country — Hannastown was 
burned, several inhabitants killed and taken, and about the 
same time Fort Wheeling [Henry] was blockaded for several 
days; for two weeks the inhabitants were in such consterna- 
tion, that a total evacuation of the country was to be dreaded 
[feared] ; but since the beginning of August matters have been 
more quiet, and the people have again, in a great degree, got 
over their ])anic.' '' [Pennsylvania Packet, 1 Oct., 1782, No. 
944; Salem Gazette, Oct. 17, 1782. 

(jruyasutlui. or Kiashuta as the name is more frequently 
spelled in the old Records, and Avhich spelling probably corres 
ponds more nearly with the true pronunciation — was the lead- 
ing spirit of the Senecas in this part of the country, and was 
one of the most blood-thirsty and powerful chiefs of his time. 
The following sketch is by Neville B. Craig, Esq. It is of 
course very inadequate, but no biography of him has been at- 
tempted at any other hand. 

"That ubiquitous character (whose name is so variously spelt 
(ruya.soola, Keyasutha, (luyasotl)Ji, Kiashuta, and various 



with line ofthe forbes 

road and route of the 

Indians atthetimeofits 

Destruction July 13'-" 1782. 

-HuFFNAGLES Fields, 


BusHr Run 





other names), who long acted a conspicuous part near the 
Ohio, was at the treaty with Bradstreet, and afterwards was a 
leading actor in the conference with Bouquet. 

"He was certainly a very active leader among the warriors 
of the Six Nations. The first notice we have of him is in 
Washington's journal of his visit to Le Boeuf, in 1753. The 
name does not appear in that journal, but Washington men- 
tions in the diary of his visit to the Kenawha in 1770 that 
Kishuta called to see him while he was descending the Ohio, 
and then states that he was one of the three Indians who ac- 
companied him to Le Boeuf. He was afterwards, as we have 
before stated, one of the deputies at the treaties with Brad- 
street and Bouquet. In 1768, he attended a treaty in this 
place, of which we will give a full account. He was, we under- 
stand, the master spirit in the attack upon and burning of 

"The war of 1764 has sometimes been spoken of as Pontiac, 
and Guyasootha's war. 

"We recollect him well, have often seen him about our 
fiather's house, he being still within our memory, a stout active 
man. He died, and was buried, as we are told, on the farm 
now owned by James O'Hara, called "Guyasootha's Bottom." 
(Olden Time, Vol. i, 337.) 

In the History of Venango county, (compiled and published 
by Brown, Runk & Co., Chicago, 111., 1890) it is said: ''Guy- 
asutha was one of the most prominent of all the Indians 
saehems on the Allegheny. He was a man of great ability and 
good judgment, an implacable enemy, and a firm friend. In 
his youth he accompanied Washington in his trip to Venango, 
and is probably known in his Journal as "The Hunter." We 
find him on all occasions and in all places, in times of peace, 
and in times of war. He had been the great leader in the 
burning of Hannastown, and in other operations at that time." 

Two places dispute the honor of his burial-place. Mr. Craig, 
as we have seen, locates the place of his sepulture in Alle- 
gheny county, but some have contended that he died and was 
buried at Custaloga's town, a town of the Senecas on French 

2I--V0I. 2. 


creek, some twelve miles above its mouth and near the mouth 
of Deer creek. 

In respect to the burial of Guyasutha, at Custaloga's town, 
the late Charles H. Heydrich, a few years before his death, 
wrote as follows: 

"Early in the present century, my father, the late Dr. Hey- 
drick, made a tour of inspection of these lands and found evi- 
dences of occupation by the Indians, and other vestiges of the 
Indian village being still visible. At that time there was liv- 
ing upon an adjoining tract a settler named Martin, who had 
settled there soon after the remnant of land north and west of 
the Rivers Ohio and Allegheny and Conewango creek, not ap- 
propriated to Revolutionary soldiers, etc., had been thrown 
open to settlement — certainly as early as 1798. One of 
Martin's sons, called John, Jr., was a bright, and for the time 
and under the circumstances, an intelligent young man, and 
claimed to have been intimate with the Indians, and spoke 
their language. 

"In 1819 I first visited the place, and stopped at Martin's 
house, while there I found many vestiges of the Indian village, 
and made many inquiries of its people. In answer to my 
inquiries John Martin, Jr., told me, among other things, that 
he had assisted in the burial of three Indians on my farm, an 
idiot boy, "Chefs" squaw, and a chief whose name he pro- 
nounced "Guy-a-soo-ter." He said that he made the coffin for 
"Guyasooter," and after it was finished the Indians asked him 
to cut a hole in it in order that he ("Guya«ooter") might "see 
out." He farther said that "they buried all his wealth with 
him; his tomahawk, gun and brass-kettle." Martin pointed 
out to me the grave of the chief, and the spot was always 
recognized as such by the other pioneers of the neighborhood, 
though I do not remember that any of them except Martin pro- 
fessed to have witnessed the burial. * * * From all the 
evidence I had on the subject, much of which had doubtless 
escaped my recollection, and some of which was probably de- 
rived from other sources than Martin, I was so well satisfied 
that the chief named and others were buried at the place desig- 
nated by Martin that T have to this day ])rpsorved a grove 


about the reputed graves, and have had it in mind to mark the 
spot by some permanent memorial." 

James M. Daily, a pioneer of French Creek township, Mercer 
county, whose farm adjoined those of Heydrick and Martin and 
who was a resident of that locality from 1S04 until his death, 
made the following statement regarding the burial of Guy- 
asutha under date of June 15, 1878: 

"John Martin, Jr., who could converse in the Indian tongue, 
informed me that he made the coffin and assisted in burying 
a chief. They placed in the coffin his camp-kettle, filled with 
soup; his rifle, tomahawk, knife, trinkets, and trophies. I 
think they called him 'Guyasooter.' " (Id., p. 28.) 


Miller's Station, or Miller's Fort as it is sometimes called, 
attained celebrity at the time of the incursion of the Indians 
when Hannastown was destroyed. Captain Samuel Miller was 
a prominent settler at that place as early as 1774, his name 
appearing among petitions of that year to Governor Penn. He 
was one of the eight Captains of the Eighth Penna. Regiment 
in the Continental Line; was ordered from Valley Forge, Feb. 
10th, 1778, to Westmoreland county, on recruiting service, and 
while here w^as killed, July 7th, 1778. (Arch, vi, 673.) 

Throughout 1781-2 the Miller homestead was resorted to by 
many of the surrounding people, a fact attested by the most 
authentic account of the destruction of Hannastown, that has 
been preserved. (See Hannastown.) There does not appear, 
how^ever, to have been any blockhouse or other structure suit- 
able for warfare erected at this place. It is probable that 
there w^ere ample accommodations in cabins temporarily 
erected for those who were there at that time. On the day 
when Hannastown w^as attacked and burned, Miller's Station 
was also attacked and many prisoners were taken. In the ac- 
count which is given herewith of the destruction of Hannas- 
towm, the particulars of the attack on Miller's Station will be 
found also. 


It will be seen from the copy of a paper which we give below 
that reference is made to the character of the building at the 
time of its destruction. The paper appears to have been a 
deposition made by the Hon. William Jack in some contested 
title arising out of the ownership of the old Miller farm. It 
was used apparently in evidence, but is no part of the records. 
The writing is in Judge Jack's own hand : 

"Westmoreland county, S. S. Before me, a Justice of the 
Peace in and for said county of Westmoreland, personally ap- 
peared William Jack, Esq., who was duly sworn according to 
law, did depose and say that Captain Samuel Miller, who was 
killed by the Indians in the year 1778, at the commencement of 
the Revolutionary War, actually settled on a plantation now 
adjoining Peter Eichar, John Shoetler, John Mechling, and 
others in Hempfield township in the county aforesaid, that 
Andrew Cruikshanks (who married the Widow of the said Cap- 
tain Samuel Miller), Joseph Russell, who is married to one of 
the Daughters of the said Samuel Miller, dec'd, claims the 
benefit of an act of Assembly passed September 16, 1785, and 
that the said Andrew Cruikshanks was in the course of the 
said war actually in possession of the said plantation, and was 
drove away from his habitation on said land by the Indians on 
the 13th day of July, A. D. 1782, being the same day that Han- 
nastown was burned and destroyed by the Indians, and that 
some of the heirs of the said Captain Samuel Miller was killed 
and taken prisoners on -the said day, and that the House was 
burned and the property in the House by the Enemy, and that 
afterwards the said Plantation lay waste and vacant for some 
time for fear and dread of the Indians. 


"Sworn & subscribed before me the ninth day of March, A. D. 
1814. R.W.Williams. (J. P.)" 

The location of the Miller house was on the farm known as 
the William Russell farm, in Hempfield township, Westmore- 
land cnnnty, about two miles northeast of Greensburg, not 
far from the Pennsylvania railroad, on the northern side — 
within probably half a. mile of the railroad. 



Fort Hand was erected near the house of one John McKibben^ 
whose "large log house" had been the refuge and asylum of a 
number of people whither they had fled at times preceding that 
event, as is noted in the sketch of Caruahan's Blockhouse. From 
the extract given there from the Draper Manuscripts, now in 
possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society, it appears that 
during the summer of 1777, when the Indians infested all that 
line of frontier, McKibben's house was one of the objective 
places, at which many families remained probably during the 
entire summer while the men gathered the crops and scouted 
and fought. Carnahan's Blockhouse was the nearest point; 
and although they were only about three or four miles apart 
the communication between them was frequently cut off. 

This portion of Westmoreland — and of the frontier as well — 
would have been entirely deserted that summer, so much did 
it suffer from the savages, had not Colonel Lochry succeeded 
in raising sixty men whom he stationed in four divisions under 
command of two captains and two lieutenants, and who cov- 
ered the line of the Kiskiminetas. (1.) A part of this force 
ranged this neighborhood and assisted the inhabitants from 
these two posts — Carnahan's and McKibben's. 

McKibben's house, and subsequently Fort Hand, were from 
three to four miles south from the Kiskiminetas river at the 
ford, and the ford was about six miles above the mouth of the 
stream. The stream was northwest from Hannastown about 
fourteen miles. 

Upon the particulars mentioned in the Draper Manuscripts, 
which were founded on the statement of James Chambers who 
was personally conversant with the facts, the reapers in the 
oat field, when they had been apprised of the presence of In- 
dians, left to notify the people, taking their guns with them 
and "going to the house of John McKibben's where Fort Hand 
was made the ensuing winter, and where several families had 
collected for safety in McKibben's large log house." 

The exact date of the erection of Fort Hand is not known, 
but it was sometime in the fall of that year for it was occupied 
and had its name, (after Col. Hand), at least early in the winter. 

326 the: frontier forts 

On the 6th of December, 1777, Col. Loehry in a letter to Presi- 
dent Wharton, after reciting the privations and dangers of the 
people from their exposed situation by reason of having sent 
some of his men to General Hand for the proposed expedition 
which the General had contemplated, says that there is "not a 
man on our frontiers from Ligonier to the Allegheny river, ex- 
cept a few at Fort Hand, on continental pay." (2.) 

General (then Col.j Hand to Loehry, on the 18th of Oct., 1777, 
saj's — ^'Congress ordered a post in your county (The Kittan- 
ning); I could not support that and have ordered another to 
be erected at the expense of the Continent. This I think suffi- 
cient, and will support, if you lend me your aid; at the same 
time, beg leave to assure you that I don't mean to interfere 
with your command of Westmoreland county, or in your plan 
in erecting as many forts and magazines as you please at the 
expense of the State of Pennsylvania, and jjutting the whole 
county in its pay. * * * * i shall to-morrow proceed to 
Wheeling with what troops I have; yours will receive every 
necessary I can afford them when they arrive here, [Fort Pitt] 
and when they join me shall be put on the same footing with 
the militia of any other county." (3.) The expedition to Wheel- 
ing was abandoned when it was found that not a sufficient 
number of men could be collected that season to enter the 
Indian country. 

March 22d, 1778, Gen. Hand writes to Col. Loehry: "I am in- 
structed by the Hon., the Commissionersjappointed by Congi'ess 
to fix on a plan for the defence of these frontiers, to desire that 
you may continue a hundred and fift}^ privates of the militia of 
your county, properly officered, on constant duty on its fron- 
tiers. Thirty of them to be added to Capt. Moorhead's com- 
pany', stationed at Fort Hand, and the remaining one hundred 
and twenty placed at such stations as you will find best calcu- 
lated for the defence of the county." (4.) 

Capt. Moorhead and Col, IJarr had been in the service of the 
militia raised by Westmoreland, from the summer preceding; 
they reported to Gen. Hand for service in the project against 

Upon the arrival of Gen. Mcintosh, about the beginning of 
August, 1778, at Pittsburgh, to take cominnnd of the Western 


Department, there were but two fixed stations besides Fort 
Pitt, west of the Alleghenies, occupied by Continental troops. 
These two were Fort Eandolph (Wheeling) and Fort Hand. (5.) 
There were, however, many smaller stations, or forts at differ- 
ent times garrisoned by militia. 

From its situation on the line of the frontier at that par- 
ticular time, the post was one of importance, and although it 
was not garrisoned by continental troops for any length of 
time after the erection of Fort Crawford, yet it was used in- 
frequently throughout the Revolution, and was garrisoned 
sometimes by the militia. During the latter part of the Revolu- 
tion it was kept up mainly by the exertions of the surrounding 
inhabitants, and was rather a station than a fort. 

Thomas Scott, reporting the condition of affairs in West- 
moreland, Aug. 1st, 1778, says: "The Indians have made sev- 
eral breaches on the inhabitants of late in different parts of 
this country. Captain Miller, of the Eighth Penn'a regiment, 
with a party of nine men, chiefly Continental soldiers, were 
bringing grain from the neighborhood to a fort called Fort 
Hand, about 14 miles north of Hannas Town, on the 7th of last 
month, and on their return were surprised by a party of In- 
dians, who lay in wait for them and killed the captain and 
seven others." (6.) 

Col. Brodhead succeeded Gen. Mcintosh in the command of 
the Western Department in the spring of 1779. The whole 
force turned over to him by Mcintosh, including continental and 
independent troops, consisted of seven hundred and twenty-two 
men, stationed at Fort Laurens and Fort Mcintosh, Fort Henry 
and Fort Randolph, Fort Hand and Fort Pitt. A few other 
stations were garrisoned with small detachments. 

Pursuant to a resolution of Congress, Pennsylvania about 
this time determined to raise five companies of rangers for 
service to the westward. Militia, also, were ordered "to 
march with all possible expedition" from the eastward, "for 
the immediate protection of the counties of Bedford and 

In the Introduction to the Washington-Irvine Correspond- 
ence, there is the following: 

"Turning our eves from the wilderness bevond the Ohio, to 


the northern settlements of Westmoreland, we see that, as 
early as the 26th of Feb., 1779, Indian depredations began 
therein. On. that day, about twenty miles east of Pittsburgh, 
on the main road leading over the mountains, eighteen per- 
sons — men, women, and children — were either killed or taken 
prisoners. It is not surprising, therefore, that the first care 
of Brodhead, after assuming command in the west was to pro- 
tect the northern frontier. His first order directed a detach- 
ment from Fort Pitt to occupy the vacant Fort Crawford, lo- 
cated a few miles up the Allegheny. The soldiers were in- 
structed to scout on the waters of that river, as well as on 
Puckety Creek, and upon the Kiskiminetas as far as Fort 
Hand, thereby to protect as much as possible, from the death- 
dealing savages of the north, the exposed settlements to the 
east of Pittsburgh." 

"The Indians seem to have taken quarters in Westmore- 
land," Brodhead wrote, on the 14th of April, (1779) "but they 
lost one of their scalps yesterday." On the 26th, Fort Hand, 
was attacked by a considerable force of the enemy, — supposed 
to be not less than one hundred. (7.) It was defended by Capt. 
Samuel Moorhead, commanding his independent company, 
then numbering only 17 men inside the fortification. The post 
was assailed about one o'clock in the afternoon, and a continual 
firing kept up until near mid-day of the 27th, when the foe re- 
tired. (8.) The garrison had none killed. Three were wounded 
— one soon died. There were a few women in the fort, 
who busily employed themselves during the attack in running 
bullets for their brave defenders. A company of forty men 
marched from Pittsburgh to intercept the enemy, but the at- 
tempt proved a failure. On the same day of the appearance 
of the savages around Fort Hand, the Indians attacked the 
settlement at Ligonier, killing one man and taking two pris- 
oners." (9.) 

It is likely that the account which follows refers to this at- 
tack. It is from the manuscript collection of Dr. Lyman C. 
Draper, now in the possession of the Wisconsin Historical So- 
ciety, by whom we have been favored with this extract: 

"1779. — In April of '79, as two men were plowing adjoining 
Fort Hand thev were fired on, but both escaped unhurt to the 


Fort. The Indians killed the horses and oxen that they were 
plowing [with] and all the cows and sheep about the fort — 
fired on the fort and the fort on them. Phillip McGraw, a 
sergeant, an old Irishman, was in a sentry box in which was a 
crack, through which the Indians shot and killed him; and 
afterwards Sarjeant McCauley was slightly wounded at the 
same spot — after which that sentry box was abandoned. 
These were the only persons killed or wounded in the fort. 
The Indians stayed all that day and the ensuing night, and left 
the next morning, probably fearing the neighboring settle- 
ments would come in force to the relief of the fort. Capt. 
Samuel Moorhead (who had married a daughter of Col. Lau- 
ghery's [Lochry] commanded the company stationed at 
Fort Hand, and William Jack, afterward Judge Jack, was his 
lieutenant: Every two hours the sentry was relieved and 
the cry "all's well" would be announced. During the night the 
Indians were there they fired a deserted house near the fort — 
the old building of McKibben's — which had been for some time 
occupied by William McLaughlin, but deserted on the ap- 
proach of the Indians: There were many whites with the Indians 
who now taunted the fort people when the house was burning 
and asked if all was well now? This party of British and In- 
dians was large — was not pursued being too strong. Don't 
know who commanded them — nor their loss, if any. * ♦ ♦ 
In the fall of '79 Fort Hand was abandoned." 

Capt. Thomas Campbell who was stationed there with a 
company of militia, was, on the 2d of Oct., 1779, ordered by 
Col. Brodhead to take his command from Fort Hand to Fort 
Crawford. On the evacuation of Fort Crawford in the begin- 
ning of the winter of 1779, this company was sent back to 
Fort Hand by Col. Lochry's orders. 

"A threatened attack by rangers and savages from Canada 
induced Brodhead to keep a watchful eye in the direction of 
Venango and the Indians towns far up the Allegheny. Scouts 
were frequently sent "to reeonnoiter the Seneca country:" A 
party from Fort Pitt, (June, 1779), of twenty white men and a 
yoiing Delaware chief, "all well painted," and commanded by 
woman and four children in one of the settlements; they had 
of that nature, "fell in with seven Indians," not many miles 


above Kittanning. These savages had penetrated across the 
jiortheru border, upon a marauding expedition. They had 
killed a soldier between Fort Crawford and Fort Hand, and a 
woman and four chidren in one of the settlements; they had 
also taken two children prisoners. The Indians were attacked 
by Brady and his band, their captain killed, their plunder re- 
taken and the two prisoners rescued. It was the opinion of 
Brodhead that a garrison, respectable in size, stationed at 
Kittanning, would afford better protection against these at- 
tacks by the northern savages, than many little forts scat- 
tered through the settlements.'' (10.) 

In the fall or winter of 1779, after the return of Brodhead 
from his expedition against the Seneca Indians, the regular 
soldiers were placed in such positions as, in the opinion of the 
commander, would best protect the western country. Fort 
Armstrong and Fort Crawford were evacuated. The principal 
points garrisoned above Fort Pitt on the line of the northern 
frontier, were Fort Hand, Fort Wallace and Hannastown: the 
two last mentioned were occupied by the ranging companies 
of Captains Erwin and Campbell, whose terms of service ex- 
pired during the ensuing winter. (11.) 

After the erection of Fort Crawford, and the establishment 
of a post at Kittanning, the line of the frontier being extended 
farther westward, Fort Hand was not such an important post 
as it had been prior thereto; but it continued to be a point 
of some importance till the close of the war, and there is men- 
tion of the place as late as the troublous times between 1785 
and '91. (12.) There is, however, no reason to believe that it 
was fitted up after it had fallen into disuse by the withdrawal 
of the garrison from it. Carnahan's Blockhouse being, doubt- 
less, further adapted to the necessities of the ranging com- 
panies, and from its location on the new line of the frontie^ 
being more of an objective point, took the place of Fort Hand. 
Carnahan's Blockhouse was nearer the Kiskiminetas river 
than Fort Hand. 

Fort Hand was lorntcd on what is now the farm owned by 
Jacob M. Kearns, in Wasliington township, Westmoreland 
county. The farm is one mile north of the village of North 
Washington, and about three and n half niilt^s southwost fi'om 


the West Penn Division of the Pennsylvania Railroad and the 
Kiskiminetas river at Apollo. Francis Kearus, the father of 
Jacob M. Kearns, purchased and occupied the farm in 1835. 
At that time the signs of the ditch which marked the course of 
the palisade — the earth having been thrown up against it from 
the inside, — were to be seen distinctly. This line included 
nearly an acre, and would have enclosed the ground which is 
now occupied by the farm house, garden, and spring. Inside 
the stockade were cabins which were used for the settlers and 
as barracks. From the fact that small cannon-balls (among 
other evidence of military occupancy) have been plowed up 
around the site of the fort, it is probable that at times small 
wall-guns were mounted upon it. 

Notes to Fort Hand. 
(1.) Arch., V, 344. 

Col. Hand to Lochry on the 18th of Oct., 1777, says — "Con- 
gress ordered a post in your county (The Kittauning); I could 
not support that and have ordered another to be erected at the 
expense of the Continent. This I think sufficient, and will 
support. If you lend me your aid; and at the same time, beg 
leave to assure you that I don't mean with your command of 
Westmoreland county, or in your plan in erecting as many 
forts and magazines as you please, at the exjDense of the State 
of Pennsylvania, and putting the whole county in its pay. * * 
I shall to-morrow proceed to Wheeling with what troops I 
have; yours will receive every necessary I can afford them 
when they arrive here, (Fort Pitt) and when they join me shall 
be put on the same footing with the militia of any other 
county." * * * * Fort Pitt, page 227. The expedition to 
Wheeling was abandoned when it was found that not a suffi- 
cient number of men could be collected that season to enter 
the Indian country. 

From the dates mentioned in the correspondence cited, Fort 
Hand was built between Oct. 18 and Dec. 6, 1777. 

(2.) Arch., vi, 68. 

332 the; frontier forts ■ 

(3.) Fort Pitt, 227. 

(4.) Fort Pitt, 231. 

(5.) Washington-Irvine Gor., p. 24. 

(6.) Arch., vi, 673. 

(7.) W.-I. Cor., p. 39. 

(8.) Col. Lochry probably refers to this affair in his letter to 
President Reed, May 1st, 1779. * * * * "A few days ago 
the savages surrounded Fort Hand, and in general, they come 
against us in such bodies that it is almost in vain to make 
head against." Arch, vii, 362. 

(9.) W.-I. Cor., p. 40. 

(10.) W.-I. Cor., p. 41. Arch., xii, 131. 

(11.) W.-I. Cor., p. 46. 

(12.) Hist. Armstrong County, R. W. Smith, p. 158. 


Mention is frequently made of Carnahan's Blockhous'e, es- 
pecially during the latter part of the Revolution, although it 
was in existence much earlier. This blockhouse was erected 
on the land of Adam Carnahan, and the tract of land is now 
known as the William McCauley farm, from the name of its 
late owner, in Bell township, a short distance northeast of 
Perry ville, about two miles from the Kiskiminetas river. This 
point was near eleven miles northwest of Hannastown. Not 
far from this locality is the place known as Old Town, other- 
wise Kiskiminetas Old Town, in ancient times an Indian 

It was within the limits of what is now Westmoreland, and 
at that time on the frontier. The earliest mention of it indi- 
cates that it was a conspicuous place in the neighborhood. Dr. 
Lyman C. Draper, who collected much early history from per- 
sonal interviews with those who could give him direct and 


positive information, devoted much time with the patience 
and persistency of a confirmed antiquary to the object of se- 
curing his material at first hands. His collection of facts and 
statements on the subject of the Indian wars of this frontier 
was made about the year 184G, he intending to use this data 
in a History of the Pioneers. His manuscripts, a voluminous 
bulk not yet properly arranged or indexed, are in the posses- 
sion of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and are designated 
"The Draper MSS." From them, by the courtesy of the Hon. 
Reuben G. Thwaites, Librarian, we extract the following: 

''Adam Carnahan's Blockhouse was located about a mile 
south of the Kiskiminetas, and about six miles below the 
mouth of the Conemaugh. A party of six or seven men, my 
informant [James Chambers] one of the number, were in 
August, 1777, engaged in reaping oats six miles from Carna- 
han's, and one of the men had taken his gun and wounded a 
deer, and while hunting for it in the woods adjoining the oat 
field he discovered an Indian and signs of others. He imme- 
diately gave notice to the reapers, and they thought it prudent 
to leave and notify the people; took the guns which they had 
with them, and went to John McKibben's where- Fort Hand 
was made the ensuing winter and where several families had 
collected for safety in McKibben's large log house. The intel- 
ligence was sent to Carnahan's. Next day, which was Satur- 
day, a party went out from McKibben's to scout, and in the 
neighborhood of the oat field found the signs plenty, and the 
spot near the field where the Indians had the day before 
secreted themselves. That day the Indians plundered several 
cabins — Mr. Chambers' for one — which had been deserted by 
the occupant and property left behind. That afternoon Robt. 
Taylor and David Carnahan went from Carnahan's Blockhouse 
to McKibben's to learn what intelligence they could of the In- 
dians, and when they were returning and had nearly reached 
the blockhouse they espied several Indians some distance from 
them making for Carnahan's — and the two men dashed there 
in great haste, got there a few minutes before the Indians, and 
had the doors made fast, etc. It was now towards night. The 
Indians proved to be fourteen in number. There were but few 
men in the blockhouse, some being absent. John Carnahan 


opened the door and stepped out to get a good shot and was 
instantly shot and fell into the door. His body was dragged 
in and the door again fastened. The firing now brisktj^ com- 
menced and continued until dark, when the Indians decamped 
taking with them a couple of horses, probably to aid in carry- 
ing their wounded." 

Carnahan's,. as we have seen, became a regular station and 
a place of more importance after the garrison had been with- 
drawn from Fort Hand and placed along the line of the Alle- 
gheny river. Brodhead, Nov. 27th, 1779, (Archives xii, 193), 
ordering Lieut. John Jameson to evacuate Fort Armstrong, 
says that he can get some pack-horses to transport his stores 
if needed, from Capt. [James] Carnahan's where these horses 
were under his care to recover fiesh. James Carnahan — after- 
ward called Colonel, and John Carnahan who was killed at the 
blockhouse, were sons of Adam Carnahan. 

Col. Archibald Lochry's force, which was intended to join 
G en. Clark and take part in his expedition against the Indians 
in the northwest, rendezvoused at Carnahan's blockhouse July 
24, 1781. From here they left for Wheeling, but on arriving 
there they found that Clark had gone twelve miles down the 
river, (from Wheeling the point at which they expected to join 
him,) leaving for them some provisions and a traveling boat, 
with directions to follow him thither. There were about 120 
men of Westmoreland with Lochry. This force failing to join 
Clark, who still continued to precede them, was decoyed into 
an ambush and cut oif to a man — all being either killed or 
taken prisoners. Their terrible fate is one of the most dis- 
tressing episodes in the history of Western Pennsylvania. 

Col. Edward Cook, who had succeeded Col. Lochry as County 
Lieutenant, writes to CJen. Irvine, April 8th, 1782, (Wash.-Irv. 
Cor,, 323): "I must request you to furnish those militia with 
anns, such of them as want that article, likewise ammunition. 
It will be necessary to send those to Carnahan's blockhouse in 
order to scout toward Ligonier, etc., where I expect they will 
be joined by a. draft from the north side of the Youghiogheny." 

On the 18th of April, 1782, Cook writes to Irvine: 'a:>ast 
Thursday, the draft from the battalion in which I live (bein^ 
the second) set out for their place of rendezvous at Widow 


Myres'. They consist of about fifty men. I cannot tell whether 
the other companj^ at Carnahan's blockhouse is complete, but 
I have ordered Captain [Joseph] Beckett, who commands this 
draft, to detach from his so as to make them complete. I have 
instructed him in the mode of defense agreeable to the ar- 
rangement. I furnished them with ammunition and expect 
they will obtain arms from those they relieve sufficient to 
equip them, Capt. Beckett will take the first opportunity to 
give you a return of those under his command. I was not at 
home when the drafts from the fourth or upper battalion went 
along being at court. I left orders for them to proceed to 
Carnahan's blockhouse. Col. [John] Pumroy of the first bat- 
talion [of Westmoreland county militia] is near Hannastown." 
(Id., 324.) 

John Carnahan (said by the Camahan family to have been 
a brother of James Carnahan and both sons of Adam Car- 
nahan), "was killed just outside the blockhouse, and was 
buried not more than twenty rods from there, and the spot of 
ground has never been broken. The ground where he is 
buried is surrounded by timber." [MS. Mr. L. Carnahan, 
Salina, Pa.] 

Remarks: Old Town. This was the site of an old Indian 
town, and w^as located on the banks of the Kiskiminetas op- 
posite the present site of Saltsburg, Indiana county, some 
distance below the junction of the Loyalhanna. It was on the 
path which was a fork of the Kittanning Path. In Conrad 
Weiser's Journal for Aug. 25, 1778, is this entry — "Crossed 
Kiskeminetoes creek and came to Ohio [Allegheny] river that 
day." . Mr. Smith in his History of Armstrong county, p. 157, 
commenting on this says: "The point where they crossed the 
Kiskiminetas must have been at the ford just below the mouth 
of Carnahan's (formerly Old Town) Run, having the latter 
name on Reading Howell's Map, so called from Old Town, on 
the opposite or Westmoreland side of the river. That must have 
been the town mentioned in Post's Second Journal, for Nov. 
11th, 1758. Traveling on the path from Loyalhanna he says: 
"Pisquetomen [a friendly Indian with him], led us upoi a steep 
hill, that our horses could hardly get up; and Thomas Hick- 


man's [another Indian with him] horse tumbled, and rolled 
down the hill like a wheel ; on which he grew angry, and would 
go no further with us and said, he would go by himself. It 
happened we found a path on the top of the hill. At three 
o'clock we came to Kiskemeneco, an old Indian town, a rich 
bottom, well timbered, good fine English grass, well watered, 
and lays waste since the war began." 

Mr. Smith thus says further: "The writer infers that Kis- 
kemeneco must have been Old Town, from which the first name 
of Oarnahan's run was derived, and that Weiser and his party 
crossed the Kiskiminetas at the ford just below the mouth of 
that run. According to the recollection of Phillip Mechling, 
who was, in his boyhood, familiar with the Kiskiminetas from 
Livermore to the Alleghen}^, that was the only ford between 
Kelly's, near Livermore, and the junction of those two rivers. 
In some old deeds, land about Leechburg is mentioned as being 
a mile or so below "Old Town." 

On the meadow lands of this bottom the old and worn pack 
horses were sent to regain strength. This is sometimes men- 
tioned in connection with Oarnahan's Blockhouse and Old 
Town. (Arch, xii, 253, et seq.) 

James Carnahan went out as second lieutenant with Captain 
Joseph Erwin's Company, raised in Westmoreland county, 
joined the Penna. Rifle Regiment, Col. Samuel Miles, at Marcus 
Hook. This company was subsequently included in the Thir- 
teenth Penna. Regiment, then in the Second, and finally dis- 
charged at Valley Forge, Jan. 1, 1778, by reason of expiration 
of term of enlistment. He was made first lieutenant; was. 
missing since the battle, Aug. 27th, 1776; upon release he re- 
ported to headquarters in Dec. 1776, and served as a volunteer 
at Trenton and Princeton ; promoted first lieutenant in Eighth 
Penna., on Jan. 15th, 1777. Was in command of the company 
Mav. Isf, 1777. His services on the frontier and at the various 
posts along the Allegheny river were continued until the end 
of the War. 



In the autumn of 1777, as we have seen, the border settle- 
ments were overrun by scalping parties. Many of these parties 
coming from eastern Ohio were known to cross the Allegheny 
river at a shallow place used by them as a fording. This point 
was about sixteen miles northward from Pittsburgh; and it 
was too remote from the posts at Kittanning or Fort Pitt to 
be guarded successfully by the military. It was therefore 
deemed necessary to erect a fort to cover this pathway, and to 
serve as a rallying point for scouts, as well as to aiford pro- 
lection to troops who were intended to garrison it. In the 
spring of 1778 as the inroads of the savages seemed to increase, 
one of the first duties assigned Colonel William Crawford, who 
in May of 1778 took command of the Virginia regiment station 
in the Western Department, was ihe building of this fort. Gen- 
eral Mcintosh was then in command of the department with 
headquarters at Fort Pitt. Colonel Crawford, taking with him 
a small party of men went up the river to determine the most 
eligible site for the post, and to begin its erection. The place 
agreed upon was on the southeastern, or Fort Pitt side of the 
Allegheny river, 'a short distance above the mouth of Punkety 
creek. There a stockade was built, which, by direction of 
Brigadier General Mcintosh, was called Fort Crawford. Col- 
onel Crawford commanded here at intervals during the years 
1778, '79 and '80. (1.) 

From this time on to the close of the Revolutionary war, Fort 
Crawford was kept up as a depot and distributing place of sup- 
plies and munitions of war for the military; as a place of 
refuge for the surrounding inhabitants; of resort and as head- 
quarters for scouts, and as post garrisoned by the continental 
soldiers under the General Commanding in the department, or 
by independent companies of militia wlio Avere called our by 
the County Lieutenant for short service. It served all the jnir- 
poses of a frontier stockade fort. 

Colonel Crawford at intervals during the year 1778, and the 
two following years, commanded at that post. WTien Colonel 
Brodhead succeeding Mcintosh took command of the Western 

22 -V©!. 2. 


Department, his first order, April 13tli, 1779, was to direct 
Lieutenant Lawrence Harrison of the Thirteenth Virginia 
Kegiment to take a detachment from Fort Pitt to occupy Fort 
Crawford, then vacant. The soldiers were then instructed to 
scout on the waters of the Allegheny, as well as on Puckety 
creek and upon the Kiskiminetas as far as Fort Hand, in order 
to protect thereby, as much as possible, the exposed settle- 
ments, to the eastward of Pittsburgh. (2.) 

Captain Samuel Moorehead who was in command of a com- 
pany stationed here resigned in June, 1779, and the command 
of his company was turned over to James Carnahan, a subordi- 
nate oflScer, who had been recommended by Moorhead for the 
vacancy. The company at that time contained only seventeen 
men. (3.) 

Under date June 25th, 1779, Col. Brodhead reports that 
"Captain Brady with twenty white men and one young Dela- 
ware chief (all well painted) set out toward the Seneca country 
and some of the Indian warriors came in to the inhabitants. 
They killed a soldier between Forts Crawford and Hand, and 
proceeded towards the Sewickley settlement where they killed 
a woman and four children, and took two children 
prisoners. (4.) 

Ensign Coleman commanded at Fort Crawford, July 19th, 
1779, as on th'at date Col. Brodhead writes him a letter that he 
hoped Capt. Brady had fallen in with the party of Indians 
which Coleman's men had discovered and which the Ensign 
had reported. Brady had discovered their tracks and was 
after them. 

Oct. 2d, 1779, the following orders were issued to Capt. 
Thomas Campbell by Col. Brodhead: 

''On receipt hereof you are immediately to march your com- 
pany with all your stores from Fort Hand to Fort Crawford, 
which post you are to garrison until further orders — Captain 
Erwin will be ordered to Kittanning, and I will order you a 
sufficient quantity of provisions. You are to send me an exact 
return of your company, accounting for all absentees, and sick 
present. You will keep out scouts daily between your gar- 
rison and the Kiskamanitis creek, and between your post and 
Fort Pitt; and upon any discovery of the enemy or their tracks, 


you are immediately to send an express to me, witli proper in- 
telligence. Your officers and men must be kept strictly to 
their duty, and not suffered to straggle from the fort. I wish 
you may find your new post more agreeable than Fort Hand, 
and heartily wish you success." (5.) 

Within a few days of the order to Capt. Campbell, Col. Brod- 
head sent a quantity of salt pork to Fort Crawford, and at the 
same time ordered another quantity to Fort Armstrong, (Kit- 
tanning), and as Campbell had not yet arrived at this post, the 
whole of the pork was taken to Fort Armstrong; (6), at which 
place he was directed, Oct. 16th, 1779, to get his supplies. In 
the letter acquainting Cainpbell of this circumstance, Brod- 
head wishes that it was in his power to supply "your men with 
blankets and shoes ; I have wrote to the President and Council 
for them, which I expect will be forwarded, and if I had been 
made acquainted with the terms on which they are engaged 
perhaps I could now furnish some shoes, but neither the Coun- 
cil or Board of War have yet informed me a word about them." 
Campbell had evidently felt the need of a suitable barracks for 
his men, and had doubtless so written to the Colonel, for in 
th© same letter to Campbell from which we have quoted, it is 
added further that "when you come to headquarters I will con- 
sider the propriety of building barracks for your company." (7.) 

Nov. 4th, 1779, Colonel Brodhead in a letter to Campbell ap- 
proves of his sending scouts up and down the river in the man- 
ner mentioned by him, and he advises that the practice should 
be invariably pursued. He thinks, however, that the Captain 
had better not build any barracks at the station as yet, it being 
uncertain whether his continuance there would be so long as 
to render it necessary. In the meantime he sends him two 
kegs of whiskey, and twenty pounds of soap, which were to be 
issued sparingly to the men, and only at such times 'as they ap- 
peared to reallj^ stand in need. The Captain was also directed 
to send a small party, soon as possible, to Pittsburgh, to drive 
some live cattle for the use of the garrison. (8.) 

Nov. 20th, 1779, a request from Capt. Campbell for pa^k 
horses was thought by Col, Brodhead to be unnecessary fop the 
reason that "the season fs now in which the river never fails to 
rise sufficiently for transporting provisions, or anything be- 


tween your post and Fort Armstrong. I have sent you three 
head of cattle, and two-horse load of flour to answer your 
present necessity, and hope you will endeavor to find those 
which are lost. I expected that the two kegs of liquor which 
I sent you the 4th inst, would have lasted your men consider- 
ably longer; nor can I comply with your requisitions for a 
further supply at present, as I expect to have occasion to mal^e 
use of the stock on hand in a matter of more absolute neces- 
sity." In a post script to this letter, the Colonel adds: "Please 
send down to this place one subaltern officer, one sergeant, and 
fifteen rank and file to assist in laying in a quantity of pro- 
visions; if you have any butchers, coopers or masons, let them 
compose part of the number; and let any of your men that 
have been enlisted into the Eighth Penna. Regt. also be in- 
cluded in the number, and sent down as soon as possible." (9.) 
Shortly after this the companies of rangers which had been 
stationed at Kittanning, (Fort Armstrong), and at Puckety 
[otherwise Pucketos] (10) (Fort Crawford), were ordered by Col. 
Brodhead to Fort Pitt. He gave as his reason for doing this 
that the terms of the men were nearly expired; that the river 
was soon likely to close with ice, and because he apprehended 
no danger from the enemy in the winter season. (11.) 

November 27th, 1779, orders were issued from headquarters 
by Col. Brodhead to Capt. Campbell, which will best explain 
themselves. These were as follows: 

"The terms for which your men were engaged being nearly 
expired, renders it both inconvenient to erect barracks or lay 
in a magazine of provisions, and as I do not apprehend any 
danger will ensue to the frontier by the evacuation of your 
post, and have no reason to expect blankets or clothing for 
your men, I apprehend your company can be best accom- 
modated here where they are likewise wanted. You will there 
fore, on receipt hereof, evacuate Fort Crawford, and bringing 
off the stores of every kind march your company to head- 
quarters. (12.) 

There appears to have been some personal feeling about this 
time, or shortly after, between Col. Brodhead and Capt. Camp- 
bell. It would seem that one of these causes 'arose from the 
desire of Col. Brodhead to have the Eighth Pennsylvania Regi- 


ment in regular service, kept up by transferring those who 
had enlisted in the ranging companies into the regiment to 
serve out their time. This was resisted by the County Lieu- 
te»ant, Lochry, who evidently sided with Campbell. It was 
also the opinion of Lochry and others that it was of the utmost 
importance to have this post constantly garrisoned. Camp- 
bell was sent to the Council of Safety with letters from Lochry 
and others, to lay their complaint before that body. President 
Reed in his letter to Col. Brodhead, throws some light on the 
contention. (13.) 

Fort Crawford, as well as Fort Armstrong, was thus evacu- 
ated late in 1779, but both the posts were garrisoned in the 
spring of 1780. 

On April 2d, 1780, Col. Lochry, the Lieutenant of Westmore- 
land, was directed by Brodhead to order out from the militia 
of the county, sixty able bodied, rank and file, and a propor- 
tionate number of commissioned and non-commissioned of- 
cers. A proper rendezvous was to be fixed upon, where a 
small quantity of provisions was to be laid up by the commis- 
saries, and the men equipped with all possible expedition. One- 
third of the above number was to be detached to take post at 
Fort Crawford, one-third at Fort Armstrong, and the remain- 
ing third part was to go to the forks of Black Legs where the 
officer was to make choice of a commanding ground convenient 
to water, and act agreeable to such orders as they should re- 
ceive from the commander. They were to be drafted for two 
months if not sooner discharged.' This body of men with a 
number of regulars to support those detached to Fort Arm- 
strong, the Colonel commanding hoped would give sufiicient 
countenance and protection to the inhabitants of the county, 
(Westmoreland.) (14.) 

]\ray 6th, 1780, Brodhead, upon receiving news by express 
from Captain Thomas Beal, who was then in command at Fort 
Crawford, that a number of Indian warriors had been dis- 
covered opposite the fort, wrote him that, in order to dis- 
cover their number and where they came from, he had sent 
two Indians with Billy Brady to gather information. But 
if the alarm should prove false, or if the Westmoreland militia 
under Guthrie, whom it was reported Captain Beal had sent 


for, should arrive, then the Captain was to proceed immedi- 
ately to Fort Armstrong- (15.) 

In the latter part of the summer of 1780, various detach- 
ments and companies of rangers were at ditferent times at 
Fort Crawford. Capt. James Carnahan was probably here 
as well as at Fort Hand. Capt. Thomas Stokely having asked 
for supplies for his company, was answered by Brodhead, 
August 3rd, 1780, (16) that he had no provisions for the garri- 
son at Fort Pitt, except what he seized. He was referred 
to Col. Lochry to learn whether any State Commissary was 
employed to furnish provisions for the militia in service; 
and if he received a negative answer then he was directed im- 
mediately to march his garrison headquarters to Fort Pitt, 
bringing with him all the stores belonging to The United 
States, and assist in foraging until a sufficient supply of pro- 
visions was served, "when you can again take your station at 
Fort Crawford. When it is known whether you continue 
or not, I will upon future application afford you any necessary 
stores you may stand in need of. If you want craft for trans- 
porting the public stores, send a party for it." 

The garrisons, so far as they were under Colonel Brodhead, 
were seemingly withdrawn, but on the 19th of August, 1780, 
Brodhead in a letter to Colonel Lochry, says that the Monon- 
galiela is rising a little, and he hopes it will be speedily in 
his power to return the garrison of Armstrong and Crawford 
to their stations. (17.) 

This post and fort were, heard of from time to time until 
the close of the Revolutionary War, during which time its 
relative position was such as might be inferred from the 
foregoing account. From the Revolution nothing is heard of 
this station until the Indian troubles of 1791-'93. During this 
period it was suggested at one time that a company of State 
Militia to range from Fort Mcintosh (Beaver) to Fort Crawford 
at the head of Pine run, a distance estimated at about thirty- 
three miles, would afford protection to that part of southwest- 
ern Pennsylvania, which had been in earlier times on the route 
of the Indians in their incursions from bej'ond the Alle- 
gheny. (18.) ' ' ' , 

The structure itself was one of those stockades which re- 


quired constant care and attention to l^eep in repair, and 
which when abandoned even temporarily soon fell into decay. 
It was similar in design to Fort Armstrong (Kittanning). (19.) 
Being intended for a garrison, it was partly fitted up with tem- 
porary barracks, as the}^ probably might be called; but which 
scarcely answers the description usually given of such appur- 
tenances. It stood a little way above the mouth of Puckety 
creek within now Burrell township, Westmoreland county, 
and near the line of the Allegheny Valley railroad, on the 
eastern side of the Allegheny river, on land of the heirs of 
Mr. J, W. Logan, dec'd, now in the borough of Parnassus. 
The exact location cannot be found. 

Wm. Ross, Esq., Braeburn, Pa., an aged gentleman who has 
resided in the locality all his life, writes: "I have not found 
anyone who can tell anything as to the time when the last re- 
mains were seen." 

Notes to Fort Crawford. 

(1.) Crawford's Expedition Against Sandusky, p. 107. C. 
W. Butterfield. 

(2.) Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 38. Butterfield. 

(3.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 129. 

(4.) Arch., vii, 505. 

(5.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., sii, 160. 

(0.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 171. 

(7.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 172. 

(8.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 179. 

(9.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 187. 

(1(7.) I'uckcto, sometimes called Puckrtos, more frequently 
Puckety, a stream (emptying into the Allegheny from the 
south), corrupted from pach gita, signifying throw it away, 
abandon it. (Heckewelder.) 

(11.) Arch., viii, 38. 

(12.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 104. 


(13.) Arch., viii, 109. 

(14.) Brodliead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 215. 

(15.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 230. 

j(16.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 255. 

(17.) Brodhead's Letter Book, Arch., xii, 257. 

(18.) Letter from David Redick to Gov. Mifflin, 13th of 
Feb., 1792. Arch., iv, 2d Ser., p. 700-701. 

(19.) Brodhead to Bayard, W.-I. Cor., p. 41, n., and Brod- 
head's Letter Book. 


From the best information at present obtainable, Wallace's 
Fort was erected probably as early as 1774. It contained 
about half an acre of ground, and had a good blockhouse 
within the enclosure. In case of an actual attack by the In- 
dians, the women and children were placed in the lower 
story, while the men proceeded above, and used their rifles 
from the port-holes in the walls. 

The Fort was erected on the* farm of Richard Wallace, who 
was one of the first settlers of that part of Derry township 
in Westmoreland county, which lay between the old Forbes 
road and the Conemaugh river. John Pomroy, James Wilson, 
William Barr, Alexander Barr and William Guthrie beloliged 
to this settlement. 

This fort was the place of resort and refuge for the inhabit- 
ants of the frontier lying north of the Old Road and east of 
Hannastown and Fort Hand, all through the Revolution; and 
particularly for those who lived along the Conemaugh river 
and north of that as far as settlements were made. In that 
direction there was no otlier fort and no place of harborage 
worth speaking of; so that in the more perilous times the 
people gathered together there while it was dangerous to be 
abroad. (1.) At some periods, particularly during the open 
part of 1777 and 1778 and 1780 and '81 that frontier, for the 


most part, was deserted. Arms and ammunition were kept 
here; it was a designated place for the supply of salt; and it 
was an objective point for the rangers. It thus was an at- 
tractive spot for the savages. In their incursions they came 
in mostly from beyond the Allegheny river, crossing it either 
above or below Fort Crawford, and frequently following the 
old Kittanning Path and the path which led down the Ligonier 
Valley. (2.) 

Some idea of the condition of affairs here in 1777 may be 
had from the Journal of Fort Preservation (Ligonier). * * * 
On the 4th of May, 1778, Col. John Piper, of Bedford, writes 
to President Wharton: "In the county of Westmoreland, at 
a little fort called Fort Wallace, within some sixteen or 
twenty miles from Fort Ligonier, there were nine men killed 
and one man, their captain, wounded last week; the party of 
Indians was very numerous, so that between Indians and the 
still more savage Tories, these backward counties are in real 
distress." (3.) 

It is probp.ble this affair was the same which is spoken 
of in a letter from Col. Lochry to President Wharton, of date 
May 13th, 1778, in which is this paragraph: "On the 28th 
April, the Indians came into the settlement at and about 
Wallace's Fort, attacked 20 of our men which were recon- 
noitering the woods, and killed 9 of our men and wounded 
Gapt. Hopkins slightly, and we lost nine guns." (4.) 

"From the time of the return of Brodhead from his expe- 
dition against the Seneca Indians to the end of the year (1779), 
a good degree of quietude existed along the northern frontier. 
Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford were evacuated. The 
principal points garrisoned were W^heeling. Holliday's Cove 
(in what is now Hancock county, W. Va.), and Fort Mcintosh, 
down the Ohio; Fort Pitt, at Pittsburgh; and Fort Hand, Fort 
Wallace and Hannastown, on the northern frontier; the two 
last mentioned were occupied by the ranging companies of 
Captains Irwin and Campbell (Thomas), whose terms of ser- 
vice expired during the ensuing winter. Meanwhile, Captain 
Moorhead's independent company, which, for nearly three 
years, had been doing duty on the frontiers of Westmoreland 


county, was removed to Fort Pitt, and made a part of the 
Eighth regiment." (5.) 

Wallace's Fort is connected with the controversy between 
Col. Brodhead and Col. Lochry about the disposition of the 
two companies of militia under Capt. Erwin and Capt. 
Campbell, in the latter part of 1779. Brodhead or- 
dered these companies to Fort Pitt upon the evacu- 
ation of Fort Armstrong (Kittanning), and Fort Craw- 
ford; but Lochry thereupon ordered them elsewhere for 
the immediate protection of the settlements over which he 
had command. Capt. Erwin was stationed at Haunastown 
and Capt. Campbell was ordered to Fort Wallace, upon which, 
he was arrested by Brodhead for disobeying his orders. 
Campbell addressed a letter to the Council, of which the fol- 
lowing is a copy: 

"To the Honorable Members in Council, I Beeg Leav to 
present a true Copy of a Letter to Col. Brodhead, Which I am 
aristed for, and giv som Seasons for the Warmth Expressed 
in my Leter. Being ordered by Col. Loughry to March my 
Company to fort Wallis, I then applied to Col. Brodhead for 
horses and provision to transport my Company to my New 
post. Was Kef used Supplies of every kind; Like ways teen 
of My Men being inlisted into the 6 Pennsylvania Regt., Be- 
fore the terms of their inlistments are expired. Now Wher 
the Discharged from My Company, the wher also Detained, 
and Not Sufered to March with the Company; therefore 
I submit My Celf to this Honourable bord." (6.) 

It would appear that this fort, however, was maintained for 
the most part by the exertions and through the care of the sur- 
rounding inhabitants, and that the men who were kept there 
in the capacity of a garrison were for the most part volun- 
teers or rangers called out for special emergencies. There is, 
therefore, not frequent mention made of this place in the 
civil or military records extant; but interest in it has been 
kept up by contributions of a very respectable character, 
which, for the most part, are founded upon direct tradition 
and which are corroborated by many authentic circumstances. 
It is true that these accounts sometimes are mistaken in the 
matter of dates, associating incidents of indisputable occur- 


rence with periods of time different from the actual fact. 
Wherever we liave changed these accounts in this particular 
it is where we have been warranted in doing so. 

The following is on the authority of Rev. William Cunning- 
ham: (7.) 

''The Indians generally made their incursions in the fall of 
the year. During harvest time, also, they often became very 
troublesome. They lurked in the woods, and cut off the un- 
suspecting settler when he least apprehended danger. They 
plowed, they reaped, ritie in hand. Major Wilson used to re- 
late how he stood with his rifle, in his cabin door, while his 
wife brought water from the spring. 

"On certain occasions, the 'signs' of Indians had been seen 
in the woods, for several days, and it was supposed that Barr's 
Fort would be attacked the following morning. This fort 
(Barr's) stood about a mile north of New Derry. While they 
expected an attack there, they were much surprised to hear 
firing at Wallace's Fort, about five miles distant. Great 
anxiety was felt by those at Barr's Fort for their friends at 
Wallace's. Major Wilson with others volunteered to go to 
their aid. Leaving therefore a barely sufficient force at Barr's 
to protect the fort, and to keep the women in heart, they 
started. The firing continued all the time as they approached. 

''When they reached Wallace's, the little party within were 
engaged in hot conflict with a large number of Indians, who 
had made an early attack on the fort. The enemy no sooner 
perceived Wilson and his company than they turned upon 
them. There was formerly a bridge over the ravine, which is 
about 500 yards above the fort. Wilson, with a few of his 
party, had crossed this. Being compelled to retreat, he found 
the Indians had taken possession of the bridge. Here he was 
engaged hand-to-hand with them. He knocked several of 
them off, and thus jirepared the way for himself and his 

"He then took his position near a large oak, on the bank 
beyond, and plied his rifle with deadly effect on them. But 
the Indians were too numerous for the little band, and they 
were compelled to retreat. They kept up a retreating fire all 
the way to Barr's Fort. About a mile from Wallace's, [Alexan- 


der?] Barr was killed. When they had nearly reached the 
fort, Robert Barr also fell. He was engaged with several 
Indians, fighting manfully with the butt of his gun. Major 
Wilson shot one of the Indians, who fell dead on Barr. The 
next instant a tomahawk was buried in Barr's skull. 

''Shortly after this an alarm was again given of the ap- 
proach of Indians. All in the vicinity of Wallace's Fort fled 
to it. Major Wilson happened to be among them. A man 
named Reddick when seeking the fort, was attacked by a 
party who had concealed themselves under the bridge afore 
mentioned, but he was fortunate to make good his escape 
to the fort. It was supposed that the Indians were few in 
number, and Major Wilson, with characteristic bravery, pro- 
posed to attack them with a small party. 

"Taking some six or eight men, he pursued, and in a short 
time came up with them. They were found lying in the grass, 
on the top of what is known as Culbertson's Hill, about a mile 
from the fort, on the farm now belonging to John Stoufler. 
The Indians immediately fired. The band of Indians was 
much larger than they supposed, and Wilson and his party, 
with the Indians in pursuit, made for the fort. 

"Loading and firing as they ran, they supposed they had 
killed several, but never certainly ascertained.' These are 
a few of the many instances which occurred around the old 
fort, and give us some idea of the scenes through which the 
settlers of the regions were called to pass." 

In a biographical sketch of the Rev. James Finley, by the 
Rev. Joseph Smith, D. D., published in Old Redstone, mention 
is made of this fort. (8.) It would appear that in 1772 Mr. 
Finley came over the mountains for his ministrations here. 
This was his third trip, and he brought with him his son 
Ebenezer, then a lad of fourteen years of age, whom he placed 
on a farm that he had purchased in Fayette county, in the 
bounds of Dunlap's creek congregation. 

"This son, about three or four years after, had a perilous 
adventure with the Indians at Fort Wallace. This place is 
supposed to have been in or near the bounds of Salem con- 
gregation, not far from the Kiskiminetas. Young Finley had 
gone from Dunlap's creek on a short tour of militia duty to 


this, then, frontier settlement, in place of Samuel Finley, who 
then lived with him, though not a relative. While this young 
man was in the fort, tidings were brought by a man on horse- 
back in breathless haste, that Indians had made their appear- 
ance at a little distance; that he had left two men and a 
woman on foot trying to make their way to the fort; and that, 
unless immediately rescued or protected they would be lost. 
Some 18 or 20 men, and, along with them, young Finley, 
started immediately for their rescue. About a mile and a 
half from the fort, they came unexpectedly upon a consider- 
able force of savages. They were, for a while, in the midst 
of them. A sharp fire began immediately, and a zig-zag, run- 
ning fight took place. Our people making their way back 
toward the fort, numbers of them were shot down or toma- 
hawked. Finley's gun would not ''go off." He stopped for 
a moment to pick his flint, and fell behind. An Indian was 
seen leveling his gun at him, but was fortunately shot down 
at the moment. Being fleet of foo't, he soon was abreast of 
one of his companions; and, in passing round the root of a 
tree, by a quick motion of his elbow against his companion's 
shoulder, succeeded ip. passing him, when, the next moment, 
his comrade sunk under the stroke of a tomahawk. A Mr. 
Moore, seeingFinley's imminent danger from a bridge on which 
he stood, stopped, and by his well directed fire, again pro- 
tected him, and enabled him to pass the bridge. At last, 
after several doublings and turnings, the Indians being some- 
times both in the rear and ahead of him, he reached the fort 
in safety." (9.) 

In a sketch of the life of Randall Laughlin, the particulars 
of which were obtained from his immediate family, we learn 
that he came to this country from Ireland when a young man, 
probably about the year 1770; that he arrived in this section 
prior to the Revolutionary War; purchased the improvement 
right to a large tract of land lying partly in Blacklick and partly 
in Centre townships (Indiana county), on which a small quan- 
tity of ground had been cleared ; that he remained for a while, 
built a cabin and otherwise increased his improvement; after 
which he returned to Franklin county, where he had formerly 
uved a short time. 


''Some time in the winter of 1777, he was married, and the 
next spring came back to his farm, intending to remain here 
permanently. But he was sadly disappointed. Some time in 
the spring or summer, owing to the presence of hostile Indians 
in the neighborhood who were prowling about in all direc- 
tions, but more especially in the north, he with his wife went 
to Wallace's Fort, a short distance south of Blairsville, where 
a number of persons were congregated. 

''During their stay at Wallace's, the farmers went oat occa- 
sionally to the different farms in small parties, always armed 
with their rifles, and prepared to meet the savage foe. His 
horses having straj^ed away from the fort, and supposing that 
they had returned to the farm, Laughlin, accompanied by 
Charles Campbell, Dixon, John Gibson and his brother went 
in search of them. 

''While the party were in Laughlin's cabin preparing some 
dinner, they were surrounded by a number of Indians led by 
a Frenchman, and summoned to surrender, the leader telling 
them if they would submit none of them should be injured, 
but in case they resisted, their bodies should be burned up 
with the cabin. After consultation, it was resolved to sur- 
render. They were permitted to write a statement on the 
cabin door, of what had happened, and assure their friends 
that the}" all expected to escape death, and return home 
again. (10.) 

The captives were next marched off, well guarded by the In- 
dians. They were taken to Detroit by way of Sandusky and 
thence to Montreal, thence to Quebec. After being exchanged, 
Laughlin, Charles Campbell and John Gibson returned to 
their homes, but two of their companions died on the way. 
Charles Campbell, who is spoken of above, was Colonel 
Charles Campbell, a very prominent officer of the rangers; 
he was a sub-lieutenant of the county at the time, and later, 
succeeded Edward Cook as the county lieutenant. In later 
life he was well known as Gen. Campbell. These men were 
taken prisoners at the time when the British Gov. of Detroit, 
Hamilton, was by the Tory agents and renegade whites, scat- 
tering proclamations and offering inducements to all those 
who should leave the service of the colonies and join that of 


the Kiu<^. At the time Campbell was taken, these procla- 
mations were found at the cabin in which the above party were 
captured. Col. Campbell kept a journal of his travels during 
the period of his captivity, which was lateh^ in existence. 
From it, it seems, they began their journey on Thursday, the 
25th of Sept., 1777, and on the 14th of Sept., 1778, they came 
in sight of Cape Ann, and got into Boston Harbor that night. 
From Boston, Campbell traveled to Pennsylvania, sometimes 
afoot and sometimes riding in a vehicle, being about six weeks 
on the route. 

Various accounts have been told of Richard ^^'allace, iden- 
tified with this fort, touching his captivity among the Indians. 
The most of these are traceable to verbal representations; 
and while in substance, the published ones are mainly cor- 
rect, yet they differ in the time in which the capture should 
have occurred. It is altogether probable that it had its origin 
in the following state of facts: When Colonel Lochry, Lieu- 
tenant of the county, led out a company to join Gen. Clark in 
the summer of 1781, in his expedition against Detroit, as con- 
templated, Lochry's command were assailed, sui'prised and 
surrounded when they had landed at the mouth of a small 
creek on the Ohio river, to this day called Lochry's creek. 
Lochry's force were all either killed or taken prisoners. Rich- 
ard Wallace accompanied him as Quartermaster to his com- 
mand. In a memorial directed to President Moore, endorsed 
July 3d, 1782, subscribed by Isaac Anderson, Lieut, of Capt. 
Shearer's company of rangers, and Richard Wallace, late 
Quartermaster to Col. Lochry, it was represented that ''they 
had the misfortune to be made prisoners by the Indians on 
the 24th of August last and carried to Montreal, and there 
kept in close confinement till the 26th of May last, when they 
were so fortunate as to make their escape, and after a long 
and fatiguing march through the w'ilderness, they got to the 
city [Philadelphia] yesterday at .3 o'clock." They further rep- 
resented that they were then destitute of money and clotlies, 
without Avhich they could not get home, wherefore thev 
prayed the Governor and Council to take their case into con- 
sideration, and order them their ])ay from the time they were 
made prist)ners to tlven; sjiying that they were under the com- 


mand of Col. Lochry when taken, and that they had a list of 
these, both officers and privates, who were then prisoners of 
that party, together with such information as was in their 
power. (11.) 

Col. Lochry to Col. Brodhead, April 2d, 1781: "I am just 
returned from burying a man killed and scalped by the In- 
dians at Col. Pomroy's house, one other man is missing and 
all Pomroy's effects carried off. I have been attempting to 
get some militia to cover our frontier until some other succor 
arrives, which I hope will be soon. I am afraid from the dis- 
position of the people you have little to expect from us." 
He here refers to the prospect of raising the volunteers for a 
projected expedition against the Indians. (12.) 

The fort was still used when circumstances demanded. 
After the peace of 1783 it was rarely resorted to. It fell 
gradually into decay until the stockade walls, the monuments 
of troublous times in which they were built, had finally dis- 
appeared. Not a vestige now remains. 

"This fort was a stockade enclosing half an acre or more. 
It stood on the hill a little west of the brick house, now occu- 
pied by Samuel Dixon and covered the mill and spring of water 
west of the brick house. The stockade on the side next the 
mill (for there was a flouring mill there then about where the 
present one stands) was about GO yards distant, and on the 
high ground above McGee's run, which propels the mill. 
The mill and spring were both within rifle-range of the 
fort." (13.) 

The site of Wallace's fort with regard to present surround- 
ings, was on a rising ground running northward and south- 
ward, on something of an abrupt bank, the second rise above 
McGee's run, about a mile south from the Conemaugh, and 
on^ and a half miles from Blairsville. The spring which was 
enclosed within the stockade walls is still there. There is a 
mill on the old mill site of Wallace's Mill, which was within 
a stone's throw of the fort. The present farm house, occu- 
pied by W. T. McFarland, whose wife, the daughter of Samuel 
Barr. dec'd, is the owner of the premises, is about one hundred 
yards north of the old fort. 


Notea to Fort H'allaee. 

(1.) St. Clair in his letter to Gov. Penn, June 12th, 1774, re 
ferred to elsewhere says that "All that great country between 
that Koati iForbes Eoad) and that Klver (Allegheny), being 
totally abandoned, except a Icav who are associated with tin* 
[leople wh() murdered the Indian (.Joseph Wipey), Jind are shut 
up in a small Fort on Connymack (Conemaugh), equally afraid 
of the Indians and officers of .Justice." * * » * There 
can be no doubt that he means Wallace's Fort. 

"It became necessary to erect defences against Indiau hos 
tility, and tAvo forts, as they were called, were built; one at 
IJarr's, called r>arr"s F<irt. <»n the farm occupied by Wm. (iil 
son (now Calvin Gilson); the other at Wallace's, called Wnl 
lace's Fort. They were stockades similar to those ordinarily 
erected against the Indians, and about five miles a]>art. After t 
Iheir erection, guard was kept in each, and in |)rospec( of 
danger, the women and children were placed there for pro 
tection." [(Jreensburg IFeviild. ( '<mf libution by IJichard Mc 
Cabe. Esq.] 

(2.) 8ome cabins were fitted temporarily as places of de 
fence. It is said that George Findley's cabin, north of the 
Coneniaugh. was so fit led. [Tlist. Indiana Co. J 

(3.) Arch,, vi, 409. 

(4.) Arch., vi, 495. 

(5.) Wash.-Irvine Cor., 40. 

(6.) Arch., viii, 36. Arch., viii, I0<>. 

(7.) Hist, of the Cunningham family. Mr. Cunningham drew 
largely upon the contributions which were furnished to 
various journals, at different times, some of these as early as 
1810,— by Richard It. .McCiI.e. l':s(i.. and -lonathan Kow, Esq. 
(Indiana Register, 1859) — both excellent authorities. He also 
made us^e of the traditionary accounts furnished him from the 
family of the Wallaces, and others with whom he was related. 

Major fat a later period frequently called Colonel). .lames 
Wilson, was one of the most conspicuous leaders in that sec 
tion during the Indians troubles before and during the Revo 

28--VoI. 2. , 


(8.) Old Redstone; or, Historical Sketches of Western Pres 
byteriauism, its Early Ministers, its Perilous Times, and its 
First Records, by Jos. Smith, J). 1)., Phila.: 1854, p. 284. 

|9.) The narrative continues: "But the most extraordinary 
[sart of this matter remains to be told. Mr. Finley, the father, 
then at home, east of the mountains, 300 miles otf, had, as he 
thouglit, one day, a strange and unaccountable Impression that 
Ills son was in imminent danger of some kind, but no distinct 
conception of its nature or cause. He betook himself to in- 
tense and agonizing prayer for his son; continued in this exer- 
cise for some time; felt at length relieved and comforted, as 
though the danger was passed. It was altogether to himself 
un extraordinary thing; such as he had never before experi- 
enced. He made a note of the time. A few weeks afterward, 
he received from his son, upon his return to his father's, an 
account of his narrow escape from death. The time precisely 
corresponded with the time of Mr. Finley's strange experience. 
This is the substance of the statement we have received. Its 
accuracy, in its most essential features, may be fully relied 
on. What shall we say of it? Mr. Finley was a man of most 
scrupulous veracity. We leave the simple statement of the 
case to the retlections of the reader." Id. 

(10.) Note to "Randall Laughlin" — Hist. Indiana Co., p. 140. 
Jonathan Row in Indiana Register. 1859. ♦ ♦ • * John 
Pomroy was one of the five commissioners appointed by the 
Assembly in 1785 to locate a county seat for the county of 
Westmoreland, whose labors resulted in the selection of 
rJreensbuig. * * * * -j^g mention of "Frenchmen" ac- 
c()m|»anying these Indian parties about this period arose from 
the fact that the French Canadians were largely in the service 
of the British Governor of Detroit. 

Query. — Did Campbell hold out any inducement to his cap- 
tors that he would accept a commission? It is probable he 
did, as their treat nicnt of him can be explained in no other 
reasonable way. He might have done so without any ques- 
tion as to liis integrity. He did good service after his return; 
was County-Lieutenant after Edward Cook, as stated; and is 
addressed as Colonel and General in 1791-4. 2d Arch., iv. 


Lieutenant Lochry to President Wharton, on the 4th Nov., 
1777, says: "Lieut. Col. Charles Campble and four other per- 
sons are made prisoners on the waters of Blacklegs creek; 
four other men killed and scalped near the same place; one 
man kill'd near Wallace's Fort on Connomouch." » * » • 
Archives, v, 741. See notes to Journal kept during the erec 
tion of Fort Ligonier, or "Fort Preservation." 

(11.) Rec, xiii, 325, et seq. See compensation allowed them 
at that date. 

(12.) Arch., ix, 51. 

n8.) The Cunningham Family. 


The tract of land upon which Barr's Fort was built, was lo 
cated on April 3d, 1769 — the day upon which the land oflSce 
was opened — warranted and granted to Robert Barr, for whom 
it was survej'ed in 1789. At the time of the location, the par 
ties adjoining were Herman Gertson, James Fulton, James 
Eaton and others, among whom was James Barr, Esq. In 
1796, Thomas Barr, eldest son of Robert Barr, deceased, con- 
veyed to William Gilson, then late of Cumberland county, Pa., 
from whom it has descended to his great grandson, Calvin Gil- 
son, the present owner and occupier. The grandfather (»f 
Mr. Gilson was born in the blockhouse. 

This fort, originally the house of the early Barr, but later a 
stockade fort, was in the Derry settlement, where the Barrs, 
tlie Wallaces. G<n>i'ge Fiiidley. Jolin PomT'oy. .Faincs Gutlitie. 
and others settled very early — most of them before the open- 
ing of the land office (17(59). Col. John Pomroy's (Pumroy) 
wife was Isabella Barr. daughter of the elder Barr and sister 
of James and Alexander. The graveyard on this place con 
tains, besides the grave of Major James Wilson, one of the 
most conspicuous men of the settlement, many other settlers, 
and is supposed to be. and doubtless is, the oldest burylng- 
place in that section. 


About live or six luiles towards the Couemaugli was Wal- 
lace's Fort; Shields" JJlockbouse was three or four miles away 
toward the southward, on the Loyalhauna. Kveuls aud iuci- 
dents couuected with Fort Uarr are meutioned in the account 
of Wallace's Fort. The site is about a mile from New Derry 
village, aud a little over two miles from Derry Station on the 
Penn'a Railroad, aud in Derry township, \\ estmoreland 

A stockade fort was erected here early, and was used 
throughout the Revolution. The area inclosed by the stock- 
ade was near oue-half an acre, and included a spring, still in 
use. It is likely that within the stockade there were other 
cabins and accommodations adequate for those who here, for 
irregular periods, sought shelter with their families and ef 
fects. The blockhouse, which is habitually designated as "the 
fort"' by those Avho speak of it, was at the north(»asl angle of 
the stockade, and the garden of Mv. Calvin Gilson, the present 
owner, marks its location. This stockaih^ fort is in some 
places called Gilson's Fort, from the name of the succeeding 
owner from the Barrs; but Mr. Gilson, the elder, did not ac- 
(|uire title until after the border wars were over. 

The stockade at Barr's was built, as said, probably vei-y 
early in the Revolution, and the original house might have been 
used as a slronghoiise as early as 1708. It was not so ex 
posed in its situation on the frontier as was Wallace's Fort. 
but it was part of the Derry settlement, and the two forts w(M'e 
so near each other as to be mostl}' the common object of moles 
tation. They were about five or six miles apart; and it would 
seem that dui-ing those times a series of danger signals was 
adopted by whicii alarms were given from one of the posts to 
the other, and t<> settlers around. The intervening land rises 
and falls in bills and valleys, so that shouts or gun-shots fired 
in quick succession could be recognized, and the tidings 
carried very raj)idly. 

During the ReAoliition the inhabitants surrounding this fort 
fled to it fre(|uently. Mention is often made of these circum- 
stances but not in ;i cuniK <(ed way. for ns tlie fort was purely 
a settler's fort, it has little written history. It. however, 
served ifs purpose wrll. On one occasion a party under Major 


Wilsou had left Uarr's Fort, for Wallace's Fort theu sur 
lOHuded bv savages, but were compelled to return to Barr's, 
on which occasion one — at least — of the JbJarrs, Alexander, 
was killed before he got back; and it has been long asserted, 
and not contradicted, that two of them fell on that occasion, 
as related in the mention of NN'allace's Fort. 

Supplies of salt were distributed to this point for the in- 
habitants thereabout, of which circumstances there are various 
notices; one mentioned in the Journal of the building of Fort 
Preservation, now (Ligonier), in 1777. 

Col. Cook, Lieutenant of the county, August 8th, 1782, issued 
I he following order to Lieutenant Richard Johnson: "You are 
to proceed with the militia under your command to Myres' 
Station where you will receive arms and ammunition either 
there or by applying either through the field officer or in per- 
son to the general. You will have to detach a few men to Ray- 
burn's, Waltour's and Fort Barr. I cannot inform you of the 
number necessary to each. You will be directed by the 
strength of your party or the number you can spare; and in 
this matter you will consult the field officer who superintends 
the different stations." (^Vash.-Irvine Correspondence, 830.) 

Michael Huffnagle in a letter to Gen. Irvine from Hannas- 
town, July 17th, 1782, after the attack on that place, says: "I 
am much afraid that the scouting parties stationed at the dif- 
ferent i)osts have not done their duty. We discover where the 
enemy had encamped and they must have been there for at 
least about ten days; as they had killed several horses and eat 
them about six miles from Brush Run and right on the way 
towards Barr's Fort." (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 883.) 

The i^emory of the trials and troubles of the settlers about 
Barr's Fort during the pioneer i)eriod, lingered long in the 
Derry settlement : and traditions of the place were carried by 
the descendants of the first settlers to remote parts. Very 
little, however, has been available to us of an authentic char- 
acter, beyond the references here given and the corroborating 
circumstances which naturally follow on the line of inquiry 
which these references suggest. 



The approximate date of the erection of Fort Palmer, or 
Palmer's Fort, may be learned from the record of conveyances. 
Robert Xox (Knox) conveyed to John Palmer the tract of land 
on which the stockade was built, by deed March 11th, 1771. 
John Palmer, farmer, of Fairtield township, on the 24th of 
Jan., 177G, passed over the paper title to Charles Griften, by a 
deed acknowledged before Robert Hanna, Judge, etc. Charles 
Griffen obtained a patent for this land from the Common 
wealth, Feb. 10th, 1787, in which it is described as a "tract of 
land situate in Fairfield township, Westmoreland county, Pa., 
called 'Fort Palmer.' " 

This stockade was in existence early in the Revolution, and 
it might have been a place of resort in the troubles of 1774. 
This is altogether probable, but not at present provable. In 
the Journal kept at Ligonier during the building of the Revo 
lutionary stockade there. Fort Palmer was then, (Nov. 1777), 
a place of defence in which settlers had gathered. It is men- 
tioned frequently in sketches of the history of the families of 
the early settlers, or in obituary notices of the earlier pioneers, 
as a place of refuge, and is associated in the traditions of the 
Conemaugh and Ligonier Valleys with nearly all the Indian 
warfare and the perils of that frontier. It, however, is not to 
be forgotten that events which rest for the most part on oral 
tradition, are very apt to be shifted about to correspond with 
periods of time which are of marked prominence or illusively 
distant. All the testimony which is unimpeachable, in connec 
tion with this stockade, belongs to the Revolutionary era. 
There is probably no settler's fort in Westmoreland county 
with so much connected with it, and so little available, as this 
.stockade. It was constructed early and remained among the 
last of the forts erected by the settlers as a defense against the 
Indians. From its location it was the point towards which the 
settlers to the north of the Conemaugh, in what is now In 
diaua and Cambria counties, fled. Here they remained while 
danger was imminent, and from here they went forth with 
their families and eifects when it was safe to venture back to 
their clearings. 

In that most explicit letter in which Col. Archibald Lochry 




a . 


o u; 


t -i 































































Map or Fort Palmer 




rmttLEY CABtn^. 


THe iMOifiMScAtpeoTue i 
{HiLonen whiUATFLA-y V 
^nrrFR»» CtnrlHOF J 




tiie County Lieuieuant leporled the depredations of the isav 
ages in the outbreak of the autumn of 1777, (Aich., v, 7ii.j he 
says; "The destressed situation of our country is such, thai 
we have no piospect but desolation and destruction; the whole 
country on the north side of the road (Forbes Road) from the 
Allegheny mountains to the river is all kept close in forts; 
and can get no subsistence from their plantations." After 
specifying the particulars of this raid, he states that ''eleven 
other persons [have been] killed and scalped at Palmer's Fort, 
near Ligouier, amongst which is Ensign Woods." 

The Council of iSafety to the Delegates of Pennsylvania in 
Congress, on the 14th of November, 1777, giving an account 
of the distressed condition of this frontier, says: "This 
Council is applied to by the people of the County of West- 
moreland in this Commonwealth with the most alarming com- 
plaints of Indian depredations. The letter of which the en 
closed is a copy, will give you some idea of their present situa 
tion. Me are further informed by verbal accounts, that an 
extent of sixty miles has been evacuated to the savages, full 
of stock, corn, hogs and poultry; that they have attacked Pal 
uiers Fort about seven miles distant from Fort Ligonier with 
out success; and from the inforniation of White Eyes, and 
other circumstances, it is feared that Fort Ligonier has, by 
this time been attacked." 

In the Journal to Fort Preservation, (Ligonier), will be 
found narrated some events properly belonging to the history 
of Fort Palmer. The condition of affairs as they existed about 
this fort during the frontier wars may be imagined from the 
detail as given in that Journal covering as it does but a very 
short space of time. The killing of the two children within 
two hundred yards of the fort, mentioned in the Journal for 
Oct. 22nd, is a fact singiilarly preserved in an unbroken tradi 
tion from the time it occurred. William Reynolds, Esq., of 
Bolivar, Pa., a descendant of the George Findley mentioned 
above, writes under date of Nov. 15th, 1894, and repeats the 
details, giving the approximate distance from the fort, and 
other circumstances; and this gentleman had never heard of 
the existence of the Journal, but had received his version of 
the occurrence when very young and had carried it in his 


memory as first narrated. It is seldom that such an incident 
lias been so clearly preserved. On the accompanying map and 
plan, which was furnished at the instance of Jeff W. Taylor, 
Esq., of Greensbur<4, Pa., the grove in which these children 
were killed is marked, as the place is pointed out at this day. 
It is a matter of regret ihat not more authenticated data 
is obtainable, and that in a community in which there were so 
many intelligent persons interested in perpetuating its history, 
none should have been found to do so. 


Among the petitions that were presented to Governor Penn 
on the occasion of the alarm from the uprising in 177-i, was 
one from a large number of people "who had assembled at the 
house of a certain John Shields, near to, or about five or six 
miles of Mannas' Town and on the Loyalhanna, where, as a 
defense for their wives and families, they had erected a small 
fort, and by the direction of the gentlemen of the association 
took up arms for the general defense. Your petitioners, (say 
they), thought themselves extremely happy and secure, when 
your honor and the Assembly were pleased to order a number 
of troops to be raised for our general assistance and protec 
tion; but we are now rendered very uneasy by the removal of 
these troops, their arms and ammunition, on which our great- 
«'St dependence hiy, and which we understand are ordered to 
Kittanuing, a place at least twenty-five or thirty miles distant 
from any of the settlements. Your petitioners being left thus 
ex[>osed without arms, ammunition or the protection of these 
removed troops, humbly conceive themselves to be in danger 
of the enemy, and are sorry to observe to your honor, that it is 
oiii*s, as wt'll as the general opinion, that removing the troops 
to so distant and uninhabitated part of the province as Kittan 
ning is, cannot answer the good purposes intended, but seems 
to serve the purposes of some who regard not the public wel- 
fare." iKupps', Western l*a., Appx., L'OO.) The petition was 


signed by over a hundred persons, and the list includes the 
iianu's of many wliose desreiidants live within that neighbor- 

This structure, as stated, was erected on the farm of John 
Shields, one of the early settlers on tlie Ivoyalhanna, near, 
(now) New Alexandria. Westmoreland county. John Shields was 
one of the five commissioners appointed in 1785 to piirchase 
a piece of land for the inliabitauts of the county on which to 
erect a court-house and jail, whose laboi's resulted in the selec- 
tion of Greensburg. 

This blockhouse was within communicating distance of Wal 
lace's Fort, Barr's Fort and Hannastown. and on occasions of 
alarm the inhabitants fled to the one most available. It con 
tinned as a place of resort and shelter during the Revolution. 
Persons living have seen somo of the remains of the so-callrrl 
fort. 'T^t was built on an eminence above the present Shields* 
residence now occupied by the family of the late Matthew 
Shields. It was but a few rods distant from the line which 
separated the Shields' farm from one which Alexander Craig 
purchased from him, and which was known as the "Craig" 
farm. It was thus sometimes called Craig's Blockhouse, or 
Craig's Fort, but it was not known by that name to those of 
this locality. There is no doubt the Craigs assisted in building 
it. It was perhaps a mile from New Alexandria and eight 
miles from Greensburg. [MS. Mrs. Margaret Craig. New Alex 
andria. Pa.] 


NA'althour's Fort, a.s Mr. nrack<'nridge, in the article which 
we quote at length hereto, says "was one of those stockades 
or blockhouses to which a few families of the neighborhood 
Cf)llected in times of danger, and going to their fields in the 
day returned at night to this place of security." It was lo- 
cated, with regard to the present surroundings, eight miles 
west of (Ireensburg on the turnpiketo Pittsburgh, twenty-three 
miles rast of I*ittsburgh. four miles south of Harrison City 


(Byerly Station, Forbes Road), and one and one-half miles 
from Irwin. It was built on the fann of Christopher Walt- 
hour, (as the name is usually spelled now by the family, but 
spelled then Waldhower), who owned a large body of land 
there. The farm remained in the Walthour family and name 
until 1868 — near one hundred years. Christopher, his brother 
George, the Studebakers, Kunkles. Byerleys, Williards, Irwins, 
Hibergers, Wentlings, Baughmans, Gongawares, Fritehmans, 
Buzzards, Kifers, etc., belonged to that settlement. 

The land is now owned by Michael Clohessey. The site of 
the blockhouse and stockade, is about three hundred yards 
south of the turnpike, a little to the left of the bam, between 
two springs of water. The stockade enclosed the house of 
Walthour, and "inside of this enclosure and blockhouse all the 
jyeople of the community would gather. The dead'' — (when 
NVilliard was killed, as hereafter referred to, and others not 
individualized). — "were buried near the old fort. Afterwards 
an apple tree grew upon the spot spontaneously, and my father 
(says Joseph R. Walthour, Esq., MS.) always took the best care 
of it, because it marked the gravr of the dead there buried." 

It would appear that the region about this fort suffered most 
during the seasons of 1781-2, and especially just before the de- 
struction of Hannastown. ]\[any petitions sent to Gen. Irvine 
from citizens of Washington and Westmoreland counties, 
show, in a clear light, the dangers and exposures of the border 
throughout this period. Of these petitions there was one from 
Brush creek, dated June 22d 1782, of which Mr. Butterfield. 
the erudite historian of the W^estern Department, says: "This 
petition, so unexceptionably elegant in diction, as well as 
powerfully strong and clear in the points stated, is signed by 
nineteen borderers, mostly Germans. The document itself is 
in a bold and beautiful hand. It would be hard to find in all 
the Revolutionary records of the west a more forcible state- 
ment of border troubles, in a few words, than this." (Wash.- 
Trv. Cor.. .'iOl, note.) 

Tlif names of these ])etitioners are giv^?n by Rev. Cyrus Cort 
III his Co]. Henry Bouquet, etc., p. d^. They are as follows: 
George, Christopher. .Toseph and Michael Waldhauer (Walt- 
hour), .Abraham and Joseph Studabedker, Michael and Jacob 


Byerly, Johu and Jacob Kutdoif, Frederick Williard, Wiess- 
kopf (^Vhitehead), Abraham fc>chneider, Peter and Jacob Lout- 
/.enheiser, Hanover Davis, Conrad Zulten, Garret Pendergi-ast 
and John Kammerer. The following extracts are from the 
petition: They represent: ''That since the commencement of 
the present war, the nnabated fury of the savages hath been so 
particularly directed against us, that we are, at last, reduced to 
such a degree of despondency and distress that we are now 
readly to sink under the insupportable pressure of this very 
great calamity. » * * * That the season of our harvest 
is now fast approaching, in which we must endeavor to gather 
in our scanty crops, or otherwise subject ourselves to another 
calamity equally- terrible to that of the scalping-knife — and 
from fatal experience, our fears suggest to us every misery 
that has usually accompanied that season. * * • ♦ • 
Wherefore we humbly pray for such an augmentation of our 
guard through the course of the harvest-season as will enable 
them to render us some essential service. * * * * j^^^^ 
as we have hitherto been acciistomed to the protection of the 
continental troops during the harvest-season we further pray, 
that we may be favored with a guard of your soldiers, if it is 
not inconsistent with other duties enjoined on you." 

A small force of continentals was stationed at Turtle creek, 
a post on the old Penn'a load where Turtle creek crossed. 
These were intended to protect all that settlement round 

Of Walthour's Fort, little would be known outside of well- 
preserved traditions but for an event which, on account of its 
unique character and the circumstan-ces connected with it, had 
attracted the notice of H. H. Brackenridge who has in his nar- 
ration redeemed this fort from a fate which otherwise would 
have been obscure. Mr. Brackenridge. who later was a Justice 
of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, was at that time a 
practicing attorney at Pittsburgh. In his leisure he directed 
his vigorous intellect to literary pursuits, and wrote various 
articles on such subjects as partook of an historical or legal 
complexion. Thus, whatever he wrote for the public has great 
value, and from his method of treatment his articles are of pe- 
•^nliar interest to the antiquary. His story of the lame Indian 


depicts a peculiar phase of frontier life; and as its verity has 
never been questioned, we are constrained to admit is as a 
record which deserves to be perpetuated. The account, there- 
fore, is here given, accompanied witli the letters illustrating 
it. It is as follows: 

"In Pittsburgh (Fenna.), about the year 1782, one evening 
just in the twilight, there was found sitting in a porch, an In- 
dian with a light pole in his hand. He spoke in broken English 
to the person of the house who first came out. and asked for 
milk. The person (a girl) ran in and returning with others of the 
family they came to see what it was that had something like 
the appeai-ance of a liuman skeleton. He was to the last de- 
gree emaciated, with scarcely the semblance of tiesh upon his 
bones. One of his limbs had been wounded; and it had been 
on one foot and by the help of the pole that he had made his 
way to this place. P.eing questioned, he appeared too weak 
to give an account of himself, but asked for milk, which was 
given him, and word sent to the commanding officer of the 
garrison at that place. (General William Irvine), who sent a 
guard and had him taken to the garrison. After having had 
food and now being able to give some account of himself, he 
was questioned by tlie interpreter (Joseph Nicholson). He 
related that he had been on Beaver river trapping, and had a 
difference with a Mingo Indian who had shot him in the leg, 
because lie had said he wislied to come to the white people. 

"Being told that this was not credible, but that he must tell 
the truth, and that in so doing he would fai'e tlie better, he 
gave the following account, to wit: that he was one of a party 
who had stiuck the settlement in the last moon, and attacked 
a fort, and killed some and took some prisoners. 

"This a|)p('ared to be a fort known bythe name of Walthour's 
fort by Hk' account which he gave, which is at the distance of 
twenty till ('(' niiirs from the town on the Penn'a road towards 
Philadelphia, and within eight miles of what is now (Jreens 
burg. He stated that it was thei-e that he i'e<'eiv<^d his wound. 

"The fact was that the old mian Walthour, his daughter and 
two sons were at work in the field, having their guns at some 
distance, and which they seized, on the appearance of the 
Indians, and mad*' towards the fort. This was one of thesr 


stockades or blockhouses to which a few families of the neigh- 
borhood collected in times of danger, and going to their fields 
in the day returned at night to this place of security. 

"These persons iu the Held were pursued by the Indians and 
the young woman taken. The old man with his son kept up a 
tire as they retreated and had got to the distance of about an 
hundred yards from the fort when the old man fell. An In- 
dian had got upon him and was about to take his sciilp, when 
one in the fort directing his ritie, fired upon the Indian who 
made a horrid yell and made ott", limping on one foot. This 
was in fact the very Indian, as it now appeared,, that had come 
lo the Lown. He confessed the fact, and said, that on the 
jj.irTy with w Inch he was, being pursued, he had hid himself in 
the bushes a few yards from the path, along which the people 
from the fort in pursuit of them came. After the mischief was 
done, a party of our people had pursued the Indians to the Al- 
legheny river, tracing their course, and had found tlie body of 
the young woman whom they had taken prisoner but had 
tomahawked and left. The Indian, as we have said, continuing 
his story to the iuterpi-eter, gave us to understand that he lay 
three days without moving from the place where he first threw 
himself into the bushes, until a pursuit might be over, lest he 
should be tracked; that after this he had got along on his 
hands and feet, until he found this pole in the marsh which he 
had used to assist him, and in the meantime had lived on 
berries and roots; that he had come to a post some distance, 
from here, where a detachment of soldiers was stationed, 
and thought of giving himself up, and lay all day on a hill 
above the place thinking whether he would or not, but seeing 
that they were all militia men and no regulars, he did not 

"The Indians knew well the distinction between regulars 
and militia, and from these last they expected no quarter. 

"The post of which he spoke was about twelve miles from 
Pittsburgh on the Penn'a road at the crossings of what is 
called Turtle creek. It was now thirty-eight days since the 
affair of Walthour's fort, and during that time this miserable 
creature had subsisted on plants and roots and had made his 
way on one foot by the help of a pole. According to his ac> 


count, he had lirst attempted a course to his own country by 
crossing the Allegheny river a considerable distance above the 
town, but strength failing to accomplish this he had wished to 
gain the garrison where the regular troops were; having been 
at this place before the war; and, in fact, he was now known to 
some of the garrison by the name of Davy. 1 saw the Indian 
in the garrison after his confession, some days, and was struck 
with the endeavors of the creature to conciliate good-will by 
smiling and affecting placability and a friendly disposition, 

"The question was now what to do with him. From the 
mode of war cartied on by the savages, they are not entitled to 
the laws of nations. But are we not bound by the laws of 
nature, to spare those that are in our power; and does not our 
right to put to death cease, when an enemy ceases to have it 
in his power to injure us. This diabJe boiteux. or devil on 
two sticks, as they may be called — his leg and his pole — would 
not seem to be likely to c6me to war again. 

"In the meantime the widow [Mrs. Mary Williard] of the 
man who had been killed at Walthour's fort and mother of the 
young woman who had been taken prisoner and found toma 
hawked, accompanied by a deputation of the p(^ople of the 
settlement, came to the garrison, and addressing themselves 
to the com)iianding ofticer, demanded that the Indian should 
be delivered up that it might be done with him, as the widow 
and mother and relations of the deceased should think proper. 
After much deliberation, and the country being greatly dis- 
satisfied that he was spared, and a great clamour prevailing 
through the settlement, it was thought advisable to let them 
take him, and he was accordingly delivered up to the militia 
of the party which came to demand him. He was put on a 
horse and carried off" with a view to take him to the spot where 
the first mischief had been done (Walthour's fort). But, as 
they were carrying him along, his leg, the fracture of which 
by this time was almost healed, the surgeon of the garrison 
having attended to it, was broken again by a fall from the 
horse which liad happened some way in the carrying him. The 
intention of the people was to summon a jury of the country 
and try him. at least for the sake of form, but, as they alleged, 
in ord<'r to Mscertiiin whether he wms the identical Indian that 


had been of the party of Wklthour's fort; though it was uoi 
very probable that he would have had an impailial trial, there 
having been a eousiderable prepossession against him. 

"The circumstance of being an Indian would have been suf- 
ficient evidence to condemn him. The idea was, in case of a 
verdict against him, which seemed morally certain, to execute 
him, according to the Indian manner, by torture and burning. 
For the fate of [Colonel William] Crawford and others, was 
at this time in the minds of the people, and they thought re 
taliation a principle of natural justice. But while the jury 
were collecting, some time must elapse, that night at least; 
for he was brought to the fort, or blockhouse in the evening. 
Accordingly a strong guard was appointed to take care of him, 
while, in the meantime, one who had been deputed sheriff, 
went to summon a jury, and others to collect wood and 
materials for the burning, and to fix upon the place, which was 
to be the identical spot where he had received his wound, 
while about to scalp the man whom he had shot in the field, 
just as he was raising the scalp halloo, twisting his hand in 
the hair of the head, and brandishing the scalping-knife. It is 
to be presumed that the guard may be said to be off their 
guard somewhat on account of the lameness of the prisoner, 
and the seeming impossibility that he could escape; but so it 
was, that while engaged in conversation on the burning that 
was to take place, or by some other means inattentive, he hiad 
climbed up at the remote corner of the blockhouse, w^here he 
was, and got to the joists, and thence upon the wall-plate of 
the blockhouse, and thence as was supposed got down on the 
outside between the roof and the wall-plate; for the block 
house is so constructed that the roof overjuts the wall of the 
blockhouse, resting on the ends of the joists that protrude a 
foot or two beyond the wall, for the purpose of those within 
firing down upon the Indians, who may approach the house to 
set fire to it, or attempt the door. But so it was that, towards 
morning, the Indian was missed, and when the jury met, there 
was 110 Indian to be brought before them. Search had been 
made by the guard everywhere, and the jury joined in the 
search, and the militia went out in all directions, in order to 
track his course and regain the prisoner. But no discovery 


could be made, and the guard were much blamed for the vvaut 
of vigilance; though some supposed that he had been let go on 
the principle of humanity that they might not be under the 
ueces'sity of burning him. 

The search had been abandoned, but three days, when a lad 
looking for his horses, saw an Indian with a pole or 
long stick, just getting on one of them by the help of a log or 
trunk of a fallen tree; he had made a bridle of bark as it ap- 
peared which was on the horse's head and with which and his 
stick guiding the hoise he set off at a smart trot, in a direction 
towards the frontier of the settlement. The boy was afraid to 
disco\er himself, or reclaim his horse, but ran home and gave 
the alarm, on which a party in the course ot the day was col- 
lected and set out in pursuit of tlie Indian. They tracked the 
horse until it was dark, and were then obliged to lie by; but 
in the morning taking it again, they tracked the horse as be- 
fore, but found the course varied taking into branches of 
streams to prevent pursuit, and which greatly delayed them, 
requiring considerable time tracing the stream and to find 
where the horse had taken the bank and come out; sometimes 
taking along hard ridges, though not directly in his course, 
where the tracks of the horse could not be seen; in this manner 
he had got on to the Allegheny river where they found the horse 
with the baik bridle, where he appeared to have been left but 
a short time before. The sweat was scarcely dry upon his sides; 
for the weather was warm and he appeared to have been rid- 
den hai'd; the dist^ance he had come was about ninety miles. 
It was presumed the Indian had swam the river, into the un- 
inhabited land what was then called the Indian) country, 
where it was unsafe foi- the small pai'ty that were in pursuit to 

'^4Lfter the war, I took some pains io inform myself whether 
he had made his way g(>o<l to the Indian towns, tlie nearest of 
v\ hicli was Sandusky, at the distance of about two hundred 
miles; but it appeared that, after all his eJTorts, he had been 
unsuccessful, and had not reached home. He had b<'en 
drowned in the river or famished in the woods, or his broken 
limit had <>ccasi(»ned his death." 


The following account written by Ephraim Douglass at Fort 
Pitt (see Penn. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. i, pp. 46-48), gives 
particulars, also, of the escape of the "Pet Indian:" 

"Pittsburgh, July 2(),- 1782. 

"My Dear General: Some three months ago, or thereabouts, 
a party of Indians made a stroke (as it is called in our country 
phrase) at a station [Walthour's] distinguished by the name of 
the owner of the place, Wolthovver's (or as near as t can come 
To a CTernian uaiiiej, where they killed an old man and his sous, 
and captivated [captured] one of his daughters. 

"This massacre was committed so near the fort that the 
people from within tired upon the Indians so successfully as 
to wound several and preventing their scalping the dead. The 
girl was carried to within six miles of this place, up the Alle- 
gheny river, where her bonesi were afterward found with 
manifest marks on her skull of having been then knocked on 
the head and scalped. One of the Indians who had been 
wounded in the leg, unable to make any considerable way and 
in this condition deserted by his companions, after subsisting 
himself upon the spontaneous productions of the woods for 
more than thirty successive days, crawled into this village in 
the most miserable plight conceivable. He was received by 
the military and carefully guarded till about tive days ago, 
when, at the reiterated request of the relations of those un- 
fortunate people whom he had been employed in murdering, he 
was delivered to four or live country warriors deputed to re- 
ceive and conduct him to the place which had been the scene 
of his crueltifis, dislaiil about twenty five miles. The wish, and 
perhaps the hope of getting some of our unfortunate caittives 
restored to tlieir fi-iends for the release of this wretch, and the 
natural repugnance every man of spirit has to sacrificing use- 
lessly the life of a fellow-creature whose hands are tied, to the 
resentment of an unthinking rabble, inclined the general to 
have his life spared, and to kee|> him still in close confinement. 
He was not delivered without some reluctance, and a pre- 
emptory forbiddance to put him to death without the concur- 
rance of the magistrate and most respectable inhabitants of 
the district; they carried him. with every murk of exultation. 
24 -Vol. 2. 


away. Thus far, 1 give it to you authentic; and this evening, 
one of the inhabitants returned to town, from Mr. Wolthower's 
neighborhood, who finishes the history of our pet Indian (so he 
was ludicrously called) in this manner: That a night or two 
ago, when his guards, as they ought to be, were in a profound 
sleep, our Indian stole a m'arch upon them and has not since 
been seen or heard of. 

"I may perhaps, give you the sequel of this history another 
day; at present, I bid you good-night; my eyes refuse to light 
me longer." 

''Pittsburgh, 4th of August, 1782. 

"Dear Sir: To continue my narrative — our pet Indian is cer- 
tainly gone; he was seen a day or two after the night of his 
escape very well mounted, and has not since been seen or 
heard of; the heroes, however, who had him in charge, or some 
of their friends or connection, ashamed of such egregious 
stupidity, and desirous of being thought barbarous murderers 
rather than negligent block-heads, have propagated several 
very different reports concerning his supposed execution, all 
of them believed to be as false as they lare ridiculous. 

"To Gen'l William Irvine." 

The following was the order issued by Irvine: 

"You are hereby enjoined and required to take the Indian 
delivered into your charge by my order, and carry him safe 
into the settlement of Brush creek. You will afterwards 
warn two justices of the peace, and request their attendance at 
such place as they shall think proper to appoint, with several 
other reputable inhabitants. Until this is done and their ad- 
vice and direction had in the matter, you are, at your peril, 
not to hurt him nor suffer any person to do it. Given under 
my hand at Fort Pitt, July 21, 1782. 

"To Joseph Studibaker. Francis Birely, -Tacob Randolph, 
Jacob Birelv, Henrv Willard. and Frederick Willard." 



lu the Derry settlement of Westmoreland county there were 
several stronghouses which were constantly kept ready for 
emergencies and to which settlers sometimes fled for protec- 
tion. One of these was the house of Col. John Pomroy, a man 
highly spoken of by his neighbors and commended by those in 
authority for the performance of the official duties entrusted 
to him. He held a colonel's commission during the Revolu- 
tion in the militia service, and was engaged in many of the 
short campaigns. His house stood about a mile from Barr's 
Fort, and a little off the line from the point to Wallace's Fort. 
The farm on which it stood is now owned by Mr. John C. Walk- 
inshaw, and is about one-half a mile from Millwood Station 
(on the Penn'ji railroad) towards New Derry village, on the 
main road. 


Of like character to Col. Pomroy's domicile was that of 
Major James Wilson, also of the Derry settlement. This is 
now in the ownership of Mr. Benjamin Ruff's estate, and the 
farm is about a mile from New Derry village northeastward, 
and would be a little to the right, going from Barr's to Wal 


Michael Rugh came into Westmoreland in 1782 from North 
ampton county, Penna. He early built a large two-story log 
house a little south of the present barn and a little above the 
spring on the farm now owned by Mr. John Rugh, a grandson 
of Jacob Rugh, third son of Mirhael. The farm is situate in 
Hempfield township. Westmoreland county, in what has long 
been known as the Rugh settlement, about two miles south of 
Oreensburg, and near the County Home. 


This bouse was what was legaided as "very large and 
strong, with holes to shoot through.'' What was left of the 
house was torn down in 1842, and up to that time it bore marks 
evident of the use to which it was in part intended. 

Michael Kugh was a man of some prominence, especially in 
the latter part of the Kevolution. He was elected Coroner in 
1781, and was also, later in the same year, one of the Commis 
sioners of I'urchases, (.ircli., iii, 170, I'd Ser.j, and a Common 
Pleas Judge in 1787, (Kec, xv, L'GOj. 

Rugh's Blockhouse — probably the large house referred to 
specially fitted for defense — was a designated point where 
supplies were delivered and kept for distribution tliroughout 
the latter part of the War. Michael lluffuagle, the contractor 
for supplying the post of Fort I'itt with provisions, proposed 
to the Council, Dec. 20, 1781, "to supply the militia and rang- 
ing company for Westmoreland county, the ration to consist 
of the same article as for the continental troops, and to be 
paid for at the same rate, which is eleven pence half penny for 
every ration, in gold or silver, — to be delivered at Hannastown 
and Ligonier; and twelve pence per ration at Hook's [Rugh's] 
Blockhouse (Washington-Irvine Cor., 161, uote.) This pro 
posal is made through Christopher Hayes, Esq., Member of the 
Council from ^^'estmorelaud county." 

What was known as the "old barn" on this farm is described 
by the older members of the Rugh family as a very large build- 
ing built of large logs divided into four compartments, with 
holes commonly called port-holes in the walls. This building, 
we take it, was the remains of the structure erected for the 
storage of the supplies which were delivered here; and it 
might have been intended for harborage, as well. The struc- 
ture was an uncommon one; and this fact well established by 
direct personal knowledge, taken in connection with other well 
known facts, such as those above referred to, would allow this 
circumstantial evidence to have the weight of ])ositive proof. 

There is an unbroken tradition of the peojde's Ueeiug to 
Rugh's Blockhouse from all the surrounding o<»un(ry after the 
attack on Hannastown. The place was well known, much fre- 
quented, and, beyond doubt, was a harborage on that occasion. 

Rugh's name is spelled variously both in official documents 


and in correspondence. It takes on such forms as Rugh, Ruch. 
Rough, and Rook, (See note to Hannastown — Michael Hutf 
nagle's lettei- dated Fort Reed, July, 1782.) 


Fort Allen was the name given to a structure erected in 
"Hempfield township, Westmoreland county, between Wendel 
Oury's and Christopher Truby's," at the same time that Fort 
Shippeu at Capt. John Proctor's, Shields' Fort and others of 
like character were erected, that is, in the summer of 1774. 
This structure was probably a stronghouse, or a blockhouse 
erected for the emergency and, never required, so far as is 
known, for public use. It was named probably in honor of 
Andrew Allen, Esq., of the Supreme Executive Council. From 
the names of the signers, the locality was manifestly in the 
German settlement of Hempfleld township to the northwest of 
Greensburg. No other mention of this place by that name is 
found. (See Rupp's West. Pa., Appx.) All knowledge of its 
exact location has passed away. 


What was known as Kepple's lilockhouse was located on the 
farm of Michael Kepple in Hempfield township, Westmoreland 
county, about a mile and a half from Greensburg on the road 
leading to Salem (Delmont, P. O.) It was a stronghouse built 
of hewn logs on a stone foundation with loopholes for rifles. 
and with all th<' ex]>osures well protected by heavy planking. 
ft was occupied as th(> residence of the owner, but was resorted 
to by neighbors during the incursions of 17S1-2. The farm is 
now owned by Mr. Samuel Ruff, whose wife, Sibilla was a 
daughter of Jacob Rugh. whose wife was the daughter of 
Midiael Kepple. former owner. The remains of this strong- 


house were still standing within living recollection. Some of 
the logs with notches in them which were intended for port- 
holes, may still be seen in a building on the place used for 
.1 ((Hiiciib. 


A blockhouse erected on the farm of Nehemiah Stokeiy, and 
called Stokely's Blockhouse, was well known and much fre- 
quented during the Revolution. It was located on the Big 
Sewickley creek within about a half mile of Waltz's mill, 
earlier called Carr's mill. Tt stood on an elevated ground from 
which one could see quite a distance round, excepting on the 
northward on which side there was a hill. The building was 
two-storied, the timber was all whip sawed, and its sides were 
covered, at least in part, with heavy boards; the roof was 
shingled and fastened with hammered nails made by the black- 

A man by the name of Chambers was captured near this 
blockhouse by the Indians; he returned after a captivity of 
several years. The people about this blockhouse were much 
harrassed during the summer of 1782, and an armed force was 
kepi constantly during that time at this blocklionse. [David 
Waltz: Esq.. Waltz's Mill, Pa. MS.] 


A blockhouse or stronghouse stood at a point in the village 
of Madison, Hempfield township, near one of the angles at the 
crossing of the Greensburg and West Newton road and the 
Clay pike from Somerset westward, on land now owned by 
Thomas Brown, called McDowell's Blockhouse, after the first 
occupant of the land. The late James B. Oliver, Esq., of 
West Newton, father of Mrs. Edgar ('owan, widow of the Hon. 


Edgar Cowan, U. S. Senate, was born here, whither his parents 
had fled a few days before that event, for protection from the 
Indians. Mr. Oliver was born in 1781. This land was at that 
time in the nominal occupancy of Thomas Hughes and was 
sometimes called Hughes'. It adjoined land of James Cavett, 
(Cavet), one of the commissioners with Robert Hanna to locate 
a county town at the time of the organization of the county, 
and passed to him in 1786. to whom it was surveyed in the 
name of Thomas Hughes. It was within the limits of the Se- 
wicklev settlement. 


What was called a blockhouse, but what was probably a 
stronghouse which was situated on what was better known as 
the Doctor David Marchand faim, on the north fork of the 
Little Sewickley in Millersdale. Hempfield township, about 
four miles southwest of Greensburg, has been connected with 
the Revolution as a place of refuge against the Indians. Rev. 
Cyrus Cort, of Wyoming. Delaware, writes: 'It is one of the 
traditions of our family that my great grandfather, John Yost 
Cort, had charge, in perilous times, of the women and children 
in that 'fort.' " (M. B. Kifer, Esq., of Adamsburg, Pa., fur 
nishes MS. authorities.) 


Among the petitions sent to the Governor in 1774. incident 
to the apprehension of an Indian war, was one from "Fort 
Shippen, at Capt. John Proctor's." (Arch., iv, 534.) The peti- 
tion sets forth, in part. "That thei-e is great reason to fear that 
this part of the country will soon be involved in an Indian war. 
That the consequences will most probably bo very strik- 
ing; as the country is in a very defenseless state, without any 
places of strength or any stock of ammunition or necessary 


stores. * * * * In these circumstances, next to the Al- 
mighty, thej look to your Honour and hope you will take their 
case into consideration, and afford them such relief as your 
Honor will see meet." 

The structure was named doubtless in honor of Edward 
Shippen, Esq., one of the Council. 

John l*ro<'tor was a very conspicuous man in the early 
history of the county. He was commissioned to various ofl8ces 
by the Penns, which he held in Cumberland and Bedford 
counties, prior to the erection of Westmoreland. He was the 
first sheriff of Westmoreland county; took an active part in 
the affairs of 1775 at the outbreak of the Revolution; was 
Colonel of the First Battalion of Associators organized in pur- 
suance of the Resolutions of 16th of May, 1775, at Hannastown. 
The flag of the battalion — a rattlesnake flag — is still in pos- 
session of Mis. Margaret Craig of New Alexandria. Pa. He 
raised a company of riflemen in the early summer of 177fi with 
Van Swearingen, and joined the continental army with it 
where he served with Washington for a short campaign. Ho 
then returned to Westmoreland; was a strong candidate for 
Colonel of the battalion authorized by Congress to bo raised in 
Westmoreland and Bedford, but was unsuccessful, Col. 
Mackay being selected for that office; was appointed pay 
master of the militia of Westmoreland county, Sept. 13. 1770, 
and, shortly after, with Tliomas Galbraith, was appointed com 
missioner in pursuance of an ordinance passed by the Council 
of Safety, Oct. 21st, 1777, to seize uj)on the personal effects of 
those wlio liad Hosorlod (o the King of CnMit iiriiain. Conoral 
William Irvine, Commander of the Western Department, ad 
dressed a letter to Col. John Gibson from "Proctor's," Jan. 
17S2. fWash.-Irv. Cor., 840.) 

Proctor was a neighbor of Col. Archibald Lochry, Lieuton 
ant of the County; his place of residence was in Unity town 
ship near a stroam callod Twelve Mile Run, about threo miles 
from Latrobo. and callod seven miles from Hannastown. It 
was not far from tho Forbes Road. The structure called Fort 
Shippen was erected probably in the early part of the summer 
of 1774, as on June 3rd it is roported "many families [about 
Hannastown] returning to this [eastern] sid(> of the moun 


tains, others are about building of forts in order to make a 
stand," (Arch., iv, 505), and "a fort is to be built at Capt. John 
Proctor's'' (Arch., iv, 507). By the directions and authority of 
Arthur St. Clair, during that season, twenty men were sta- 
tioned here. (Arch., iv, 50i.) It is probable the place was 
frequently resorted to during the Revolution in time of excite- 
ment and fear, although uo public or other mention is made 
of the blockhouse or stronghold after the period of its erec- 
tion; but "Proctor's" is mentioned frequently. 


Keference is sometimes made in the Archives to Lochry's 
Blockhouse. This structure was built on the farm occupied by 
Col. Archibald Lochry, the County Lieutenant, whose farm 
was situate on a small stream called the Twelve Mile run, 
from which he sometimes dates his correspondence. This 
stream joins another called the Fourteen Mile run which 
empties into the Loyalhanna about a mile eastward of Latrobe. 
The residence of Lochry would be now in Unity township, near 
the turnpike from Youngstown to Greensburg on the right 
hand side going in that direction and between the turnpike 
and St. Vincent's Monastery. 

Col. Lochry in a letter to President Reed dated April 17th, 
1781, (Arch, ix, 79), recounts the circumstances which impelled 
him to erect this building. He says: "The savages have begun 
their hostilities; since 1 came from Phila. they have struck us 
in four different places — ^have taken and killed thirteen per 
sons with a number of horses and other effects of the inhabit 
ants. Two of the unhappy people were killed one mile from 
Hahnastowu. Our country is worse depopulated than ever it 
Las been. * * * There is no ammunition in the country, 
but what is public property; when the Hostilities commenced, 
the people came to me from all Quarters for ammunition, and 
assured me that if I did not sup])ly them out of the public 
magazine, they would not attempt to stand. Under the Cir- 
cumstances I gave out a large Quantity, and would be glad to 
have your Excellencies approbation, as 1 am certain this 


County would have been evacuated had I not have supplied 
them with that necessary. 

"1 have built a magazine for the state stores, (in the form of 
a Blockhouse) that will be defended with a very few men. 1 
have never kept men to guard it as yet, and will be happy to 
have your Excellencys Orders to keep a Sergeants Guard at 
our small magazine, the consequence of moving to the interior 
parts of the Country would discourage those people on the 
Frontiers who have so long supported it." 

To this communication President Reed replied, May 2d, 1781, 
(Arch, ix, 115.). "With Respect to Ammunition we have had 
the greatest Difficulty to procure it, there not being one thou- 
sand pounds of Lead in this City (Phila.). You and the Gen- 
tlemen of the County will therefore see the indispeusible Ne 
cessity of using it with Frugality and preventing all Waste. 
* * *. * With Respect to the Magazine built near your 
House, Council do by no means approve of it, as they think the 
collecting all the ammunition at one Place is exposing it to the 
Enemy, and they do not wish to encourage the erecting Build 
ings without being previously consulted. Instead, therefore, 
of keeping the whole ammunition at one Place, we would 
choose it should be kept at sundry Places. The establishing 
a Serjeant's Guard therefore appears unnecessary." 

Of this blockhouse we have found no further mention. At 
that very time Col. Lochry was making arrangements to gather 
a force of Westmorelanders to co-operate with General George 
Rogers Clark in his projected expedition against the Indians 
in the northwest. It was Lochry's hope that by distressing the 
savages by means of an active campaign carried on against 
them in their own country, some relief might be brought to 
the afflicted frontiers of that county which he had served so 
long and so well. That he was harassed and distressed and 
worried beyond all measure in the performance of his official 
dnties, there can be no doubt; as his correspondence preserved 
in the Archives abundantly shows. Later in the season he left 
with the forces which he had gathered together to join Clark 
at Wheeling. He never returned. With him perished the 
most of his men — among whom were many of the best fron- 
tiersmen of the countv. 



Col. James Perry writes to President Keed from "VVestmore- 
laud Ooautj, Saviklej [SewickleyJ, July 2d, 1781," (Arch, ix, 
240): — "Tills morning a small garrison at Philip Olingensmith's 
(Kliugensmitirs), about eight miles from this, and four or five 
miles froui Hanuastown, consisting of between twenty and 
thirty men, women and children was destroyed; only three 
made their escape: The particulars 1 cannot well inform you, 
as the party that was sent to bury the dead are uot yet re 
turned, and 1 wait every moment to hear of or perhaps see 
them strike at some other place. The party was supposed to 
be about seventeen, and 1 am apt to think there are still more 
of them in the settlements." 

James i'erry was one of the eight delegates that \Vestmore- 
land sent to the Convention which met at Philadelphia, July 
15th, 177G, to frame a constitution. He was a colonel of 
militia and an active citizen during all these times. In 1781 
was a commissioner of supplies. He resided in the Sewickley 
settlement in VVestmoreland county. 

The Klingensmiths belonged to what is called the Brush 
creek, and sometimes the Manor, settlement; and although 
the exact location of Philip Klingensmith's house is unknown, 
it is certain that his place was a favorable one for the settlers 
thereabout. Philip Klingensmith with his family, of which 
Peter Klingensmith was one, were early settlers; their names 
being among those who signed the petition to Governor Penn 
in 1774, headed at "Fort Allen, Hempfield Township, between 
Wendel Oury's and Christopher Trubee's." The name is there 
spelled Klingelschmit; and his neighbors were Peter Wanne- 
macher, Adam Bricker, the Altmans, Baltzer Mover, Jacob 
Hauser, and others whose names are familiar in that region 
and who were of German lineage. The name is also associated 
with the Byerleys, the Walthours, and others with whom they 
were connected by marriage. The place was sometimes called 
Fort Klingensmith, (see "Col. Henry Bouquet and His Times" 
by Rev, Cyrus Cort, p. 92.). It is probable that the old house 
stood somewhere on the farm now owned by Daniel Mull, in 
Penn township, Westmoreland county, about three miles 


uortlieast of Manor station on the Pennsylvania railroad, about 
one and a half miles northwest of Harrison City village, and 
about half a mile westward from Brush creek. This 
supposition is founded on the line of title to lands 
which about that time were in the seizin of Thilip 
Kliugensmith. This situation was on the line of the 
Brush creek settlement and was an exposed one. While 
the tradition is a pronounced one in all the neighborhood that 
the Klingensmith house was what is usually called a block- 
house, there is no positive assurance derivable from any source 
as to its exact location. On this point we would not, there- 
fore, assert a positive opinion, for there are some who believe 
that the location of the house was on what is best known as the 
Higelow farm, which is now on the northeastern margin of 
the borough of Jeannette, and about a mile from the Pennsyl- 
vania railroad, on the old road from Greensburg. This was 
one of the Klingensmith farms, of which there were a number. 
Altl'.ough diligent iu(iuiry was made, no information more 
(letinite than this given, has been obtained. The traditions of 
the place vary. This last point would be near two miles from 
the former. 

The Brush creek settlement suffered much from Indian dep- 
redations from an early day. On the 2()th of Feb., 1709, ''about 
twenty miles east of Pittsburgh, on the main road leading over 
the mountains, eighteen persons — men, women and children — 
were either killed or taken prisoners." Such marauds were 
distressingly frequent — especially in 1781 and 17SL'. It had 
become the custom of the Commandants at Fort Pitt to send 
out small squads of soldiers to protect the inhabitants while 
they gathered in the harvest. (See Walthour's Fort.) In the 
letter of Col. Perry, quoted above, he speaks of a small garri 
son there at the time. It may be inferred that the unusual 
number of people there was incident to the gathering of the 
harvest, as well as to the terror of the times. Col. Lochry 
writes July 4th, 1781, (Arch. ix. 247), "We have very distress- 
ing times here this summer. The enemy are almost con- 
stantly in our county killing and captivating the inhabitants." 



Gaspard Maikle in 1770 removed from Berks couuty. J 'a., tu 
Westmoreland. From a biographical sketch prepared from 
data furnished by his descendants it is said that "for several 
years after the settlement of the family in Westmoreland the 
neighboring settlements on the Allegheny and Kishkiminetas 
were harassed by the Indians, and the residence of Gaspard 
Markle was the post of refuge to which the settlers fled for 
succor and safety." Gaspard Markle was the ancestor of the 
Markle family long identified with the financial and political 
affairs of Western Pennsylvania. His house stood on the Se 
wickley creek in South Huntingdon township, about two miles 
from (now) ^Vest Newton. The present owner is George W. 
Markle. Markle's Mills wereamong the oldest in Western I'enn 
syh'ania, built as early as 1772. The forces of Col. Lochry in 
his expedition of 1781 to join Clark, made this place an ob 
jective point, and the last letter of Lochry to President Reed 
is dated from Miracle's [Markle's] Mill, Aug. 4th, 1781 (Arch, 
ix, 333) — properly called "Maracle's Mill" in the Journal of 
Lieut. Isaac Anderson (Arch, xiv, 685. 2nd Ser.). 

"Markle's," is spoken of late in the Revolution, and some- 
times it is referred to as Markle's Station. It was a part of 
the Se wick ley settlement, the people of which were to a great 
extent mutually dependent on each other. At times many 
families were gathered together here. Among the first settlers 
hereabout were the Simralls, the Blackburns. tlie Fultons, 
Isaac Robb. Somewhat later George Plumer located in that 
neighborhood. Jonathan Plumer, his father, was a Commissary 
in Braddock's Kxpedition. ('1755"), and in 1701 he mad<» improve 
ments near Fort Pitt by permission of Col. Bouquet. His son. 
(reorge Plumer, was born on this improvement in 17B2. He 
is said to have been the first cliild born of British-.Vmerican 
parents in the British Dominions west of the Allegheny Moun 
tains — that is after this portion of the country had been ad 
judged by the treaty of peace to England. This treaty of peace 
was signed at Fontainebleau. Nov. 3d. 1762. and Geo. Plumer 
was born Dec. 5th. of the same vear. He died June 8th, 1843. 



The first occupancy of the place kuowu as Redstone Old 
Fort was by Capt. Trent for the Ohio Company, who erected 
here, in February, 1754, a stronjj^ storehouse for their supplies 
and munitions. In the Journal of M. Coulon de Villiers, who 
commanded the French at the affair at Fort Necessity, it is 
thus described: 

''June the 30th. — Came to the Hangard, which was a sort of 
fort built with logs, one upon another, well notched in, about 
thirty feet in length and twenty in breadth; and as it was late 
and would not do any thing without consulting the Indians, 
I encamped about two musket-shots from that place. At 
night I called thi^ sachems together, and we consulted upon 
what was best to be done for the safety of our periaguas 
[large canoes], and of the provisions left in reserve, as also 
what guard should be left to keep it. 

"July the 1st. — Put our periaguas in a safe place. Our ef 
fects and everything we could do without we took into the 
Hangard, where we left one good sergeant with twenty men 
and some sick Indians. Ammunition was afterward dis 
tributed, and we began our march." 

This force was sent out by the French, who had lately taken 
possession at the Forks of the Ohio, to intercept Washington, 
who was on his way from Wills creek with a force of Virgin 
ians and Provincials to occupy the same region. Washing 
ton's instructions, in the words of Gov. Dinwiddie, were as 
follows: (2.) 

"By the advice of my Council, I gave orders to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief [Col. Fry] to collect his Forces together at 
Wills creek and march over the Allegheny Mountains; if he 
find it impossible to dispossess the French of the Fort, he 
is to build a Fort at Redstone creek, the crossing Place 
[Gist's?], or any other place proper that may be determined 
by the Council of War." 

Washington, however, was obliged to capitulate at Fort 
Necessity, and so returned with his forces without getting 
further than that point. No further attempt was made to 
occupy Redstone Old Fort during the French occupancy. 


Fort Burd or Redstone 



In the latter part of 1759, Col. James Burd was sent out 
with two hundred men, by order of Col. Bouquet, then com- 
manding the King's troops at Carlisle, to open and complete 
the road which had been opened by Braddock, to the Monon- 
gahela river, at or near the mouth of Bedstone, and there 
erect a fort. The English, under Gen. Stanwix, were, about 
the same time, commencing to build Fort Pitt, at the head of 
the Ohio. (3.) The great object of Col. Burd's expedition was 
to facilitate communications with this important fort from 
Maryland and Virginia, by using the river. 

Col. Burd was instructed, when he had cut the road and 
finished the fort, to leave one officer and twenty-five men, and 
march with the remainder of his battalion to Pittsburgh. In 
his Journal for Saturday, 22nd of September [1759], he says: 
'^This morning I went to the Kiver Monongahela. reconnoitred 
Redstone, &c., and concluded upon the place for the post, 
being a hill in the fork of the River Monongahela and Nemo- 
collin's Creek, the best situation I could find, and returned 
in the evening to camp." 

Fort Burd was erected on the site of ''Redstone Old Fort;" 
but in common, or even official designation, could never sup 
plant it, in its name. (4.) According to the science of back 
woods fortification in those days, it was a regularly con 
structed work of defense, with bastions, ditch and draw 
bridge; built, however, wholly of earth and wood. The bas 
tions and central "house" were of timbers laid horizontally; 
the "curtains" were of logs set in the ground vertically, like 
posts, in close contact — called a stockade or palisades. 

In the twelfth volume of the Penna. Archives, page 347, are 
the plan and dimensions of the fort, as found among the papers 
of Jos. Shi]»pen, an «'ngin(M'r, etc. who accoin]»anied Col. Burd: 
"The curuiiu. 97| foot: the flanks. 10 feet: tlie faces of the 
bastions, 30 feet. A ditch, between the bastions 24 feet wide, 
and opposite the faces, 12 feet. Tlie log-house for a maga- 
zine, to contain the women and children, 39 feet square. A 
gate 6 feet wide and 8 feet high; and a draw-bridge, — feet 

From this description has been constructed the accompany- 
ing diagram : 


The gallant colonel had rather a hard time of it, in eon- 
sti'ucting this fort. "1 have," says he, "kept the people con 
stautly employed on the works since my arrival; although we 
have been for eight days past upon the allowance of one 
pound of beef and half a pound of lloui' per man a day; and 
this day we begin upon one pound of b(^ef, not having an ounce 
of flour left, and only three bullocks. 1 am, therefore, obliged 
to give over working until I receive some supplies." He, how- 
ever, soon got some supplies, and held on. The following is 
from his journal : "Oct. 2S. — Sunday.— Continue on the works; 
had sermon in the fort."' The last entry is: "Nov. 4. — Sun 
day. — Snowed to-day; no work. Sermon in the fort. Dr. 
Allison sets out for IMiiladelphia." 

"The Fort was not designed to be a place of great strength 
for danger. Tol. Burd garrisoned it with one olticer and 25 
men. How long the gariison held it is uuknown. l>ut it 
seems to have been under some kind of military possession 
in 1774, during "Dunmore's War;" and during the Revolution 
and the contemporary Indian troubles, it was used as a store- 
house and a rallying point for defense, suppl}-^ and observation 
by the early settlers and adventurers. It was never rendered 
famous by a siege or a sally. We know that the late Col. 
James Taull served a month's duty in a drafted militia com- 
j)any, in guarding continental stores here, in 1778. It is said 
that in and prior 1o 1774, Ca])t. ^Michael Cresap (who has un- 
justly acquired iin odious fame by being charged with the 
mui'der of Logan's family), made this fort the center of opera- 
tions for a long period. He was a man of great daring and 
influence on tlie frontier. He early acquired a kind of Vir- 
ginia right to (he land around the fort, which he improved, 
erecting u]»on it a liewed log. shingle-roofed house — the first 
(»f tliat grade in the settlement. He held his title for many 
years, and sold out to John McCullongh, or to Thomas, or 
Hazil Itrown, to whom a ])atent from IVnnsylvania was issued 
in 1785." (5.) 

The incidents related in the following extract belong to a 
peinod of time shortly after the erection of the fort. It is 
taken fiom Wither's Chronicles of Border AVarfare: 

"Thomas Deckei' and soTiie others comuKMiced a settlement. 


on the Monougalielu liver, at the mouth of what is now 
Decker's Creek. In the ensuing spring it was entirely broken 
up by a party of Delawares and Mingoes, and the greater part 
of its inhabitants muidered. 

"There was at this time at Brownsville a fort, then known as 
Bedstone Fort, under the command of Captain Paull. One of 
Decker's party escaped from the Indians who destroyed the 
settlement, and making his way to Fort Redstone, gave to its 
commander the melancholy intelligence. The garrison being 
too weak to admit of sending a detachment in pursuit, Capt. 
Paull despatched a runner with the information to Capt. 
John Gibson, then stationed at Fort Pitt. Leaving the fort 
under the command of Lieut. Williamson, Capt. Gibson set 
out with thirty men to intercept the Indians, on their return 
to their towns. 

''In consequence of the distance which the pursuers had to 
go, and the haste with which the Indians had retreated, the 
expedition failed in its object; they, however, accidentally 
came on a party of six or seven Mingoes, on the head of Cross 
Creek, in Ohio [near Steubenville] ; these had been prowling 
about the river, below Fort Pitt, seeking an opportunity of 
committing depredations. As Capt. Gibson passed the point 
of a small knoll, just after day-break, he came unexpectedly 
upon them — some of them lying down ; the others were sitting 
round a fire, making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila, or 
Little Eagle, a Mingo chief, licaded the party. So soon as he 
discovered Capt. Gibson, he raised the war-whoop and fired 
liis rifle — the ball passed through Gibson's hunting shirt and 
wounded a soldier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward, 
and swinging his sword with herculean force, severed the head 
of the Little Eagle from his body. Two other Indians were 
shot down, and the remainder escaped to their towns on Mus- 

"When the captives, who vvere restored under the treaty of 
17G3, came in, those who were at the Mingo town when the 
remnant of Kiskepila's party returned, stated that the In- 
dians represented Gibson as having cut off Little Eagle's head 
with a long knife. Several of the white persons were then 
sacrificed to appease the manes of Kiskepila; and a war dance 
25-Vol. 2. 


ensued, accompanied with terrific shouts and bitter denuncia- 
tions of revenge on the Big Knife warrior. This name was 
soon after applied to the Mrginia militia generally; and to 
this da}' they are known among the northwestern Indians as 
the "Long Knives," or "Long Knife Nation," 

These are believed to have been the only attempts to effect 
a settlement of Northwestern Virginia, prior to the close of 
the French war. The capture of Fort Duquesne and the 
erection and garrisoning of Fort Pitt, although they gave to 
the English an ascendancy in that quarter, yet they did not 
so far check the hostile irruptions of the Indians as to render 
a residence in that portion of Virginia by any means secure. 
It w^as consequently not attempted till some years after the 
restoration of peace, in 1765. 

During Pontiac's war the post was abandoned for want of 
men. (6.) 

The following extract from Campbell's History of Virginia 
refers to the outbreak of Dunmore's war, 1774: 

"Apprized of impending danger, many of the inhabitants on 
the frontiers of Northwestern Virginia retired into the in- 
terior, before any depredations were committed in the upper 
country; some took refuge in forts which had been previously 
built, while others, collecting together at particular houses,, 
converted them into temporary fortresses, answering well the 
purposes of protection to those who sought shelter in them. 
Fort Redstone, which had been erected after the successful 
expedition of Gen. Forbes, and Fort Pitt, at the confluence of 
the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, afforded an asylum 
to many. Several private forts were likewise established in 
various parts of the country; and everything which individual 
exertion could effect, to insure protection to the border in- 
habitants was done." 

The following particulars are taken from Day's Histori- 
cal Collections of Pennsylvania, into which they were 
copied, by periuissiou, from a manuscript sketch by James 
L. Bowman, Esq. IFe afterward sent the sketch to the Amer- 
ican Pioneer, where it appeared in February, 184.3: 

"Tlie name given to the fort at tbat time constructed wa» 
''Fort Burd;" but so accustomed had the traders an<l hunters 


been with that ol ''Redstone Old Fort," that they did not 
abandon it. Blockhouses were also erected, but how long it 
remained a stationed military post Ave cannot state; certain it 
is, however, that it pre-eminently was a place of rendezvous for 
the white men, who acted as spys to- watch the movements of 
the numerous tribes of Indians inhabitating the head waters 
of the Ohio and tributaries; and when settlements were made 
on the west side of the Allegheny ridge, it was resorted to as 
a place of concentration for defense in cases of alarm or ex- 
pected attacks. * * * * This fort was Capt. Cresap's 
rallying place for himself and those under his direction. 
Thither they resorted at stated periods to interchange views 
and adopt plans for future action ; or at more congenial times, 
when the warlike dispositions of the red men were lulled into 
inaction, and the tomahawk and scalping-knife, stained with 
the blood of innocent victims, were converted into emblems 
of the chase." 

From the same authorit}', in speaking of the Indian war 
which broke upon the frontier in 1777, we have the following: 

"In the commencement of Indian depredations on north- 
western Virginia, during this war, the only places or refuge 
for the inhabitants, besides private forts and blockhouses, 
were at Pittsburgh, Redstone, Wheeling and Point Pleasant. 
Garrisons had been maintained at Fort Pitt and Redstone, 
ever after their establishment, and fortresses were erected at 
the two latter places in 1774. They all seemed to afford an 
asylum to many when the Indians were known to be in the 
country, but none of them had garrisons strong enough to 
admit of detachments being sent to act offensively against the 
invaders. All that they could effect was the repulsion of 
assaults made on them and the expulsion from their imme- 
diate neighborhoods of small marauding parties of the savage 

''The establishment, from 1770 to 1774, of several stockade 
forts at different points on the Ohio, with intermediate pri- 
vate ones and blockhouses, restricted the operations of the 
savages pretty mnch !^o the west side of that stream, and inter- 
cepted marauding parties upon the settlements upon the east 
side. Securitv being thus given to the settlements on the 


Monongahela, iuduced others to join, and the country became 
rapidly depopulated. In 1785, the town of Brownsville was 
laid out the site of the old fortification.'' 

In January, 1778, Lieutenant-Colonel George Rogers Clark, 
Avho had planned a secret expedition against the Illinois 
country, then in possession of England, arrived in the Western 
Department to enlist soldiers for the enterprise. By the end 
of the month, he had all his recruiting parties properly dis- 
posed, and at Redstone Old Fort he prepared books, light ar- 
tillery and ammunition." (Wash.-Irv. Cor., 15.) 
. At this point the Virginians in the civil troubles of 1774 
held frequent musters (Arch., iv, 481), and the first public 
meeting of the discontents during the whiskey insurrection 
was held here, July 27th, 1791. 

Notes to Fort Burd — Bedstone. 

(1.) The Hangard — Storehouse. 

(2.) Records, vi, 137. 

(3.) Col. Mercer reports to Grov. Denny, from Pittsburgh, 
September 15, 1759 (Arch, iii, 685), that Col. Burd was forming 
a post at Redstone creek. 

(4.) The Monongahela of Old, p. 30. 

(5.) Id, p. 32. 

(6.) Bouquet to Maj. Gladian, August 28, 1763.— In Fort 
Pitt, by Darlington, p. 144. 


In the following mention of settlers' forts and blockhouses 
which were erected within the limits of what is now Fayette 
county, we have followed literally the account of them given 
by the late Judge James Veech in his ^loncmgahela of Old, 
and the extracts are indicated in each instance by quotation 
marks. This authorilr is so excellent and the book so rare 


that the insertion of these extracts here is made without com- 
ment. At the time he wrote (the title page bearing the im- 
print 1858, but his material was collated earlier) he had diffi- 
culty in obtaining the little information he imparted, although 
his opportunities were good and his zeal apparent. The his- 
torical mention of any of these forts is vague and unsatisfac- 
tory. The reason is obvious. ' These structures were erected 
in the earliest periods of the settlements, and were first need- 
ful at the outbreak of Dunmore's War, 1774. After that war 
there were few incursions of the savages in force east of the 
Monongahela. These structures, such as they were, in most 
instances were erected in that emergency, although some of 
them were in use much later. 

Fayette county was not erected until September 26th, 
1783, when it was taken out of Westmoreland county; but the 
name of the county is used to designate the locality of these 
forts as we are now accustomed from association to speak 
of them. 

I am indebted to James Ross, Esq., of High House, Fayette 
county. Pa., for much aid in locating these structures with 
regard to their present surroundings; and also to the gentle- 
men of the Fayette County Historical Society for favors and 

"The territory of Fayette county," says James Veech, the 
historian of this region, "was, after the end of the old French 
War in 17G3 and during all the period of its early settlement, 
remarkably exempt from all those terrific incursions of the 
savages which made forting so common and necessary in the 
surrounding country. Hence, we have but few Settlers' Forts, 
and those few of but little note. 

These forts were erected by the associated effort of settlers 
in particular neighborhoods, upon the land of some one whose 
name was thereupon given to the fort, as Ashcraft's, Morris', 
etc. They consisted of a greater or less space of land, on- 
closed on all sides by high log parapets or stockades, and 
cabins adapted to the abode of families. The only external 
openings were a large puncheon gate and small port-holes 
among the logs, through which the unerring rifle of the set- 
tler could be pointed against the assailants. Sometimes, as 


at Lindley's, and many of the other forts in the adjacent 
country west of the Monongahela, additional cabins were 
erected outside the fort, for temporary abode in times of 
danger, from which the sojourners could, in case of attack, 
retreat within the fort. All these erections were of rough 
logs, covered with clap boards and weight poles, the roofs 
sloping inwards. A regular-built fort, of the first class, had 
at its angles, blockhouses, and sometimes a ditch protected 
a vulnerable part. These blockhouses projected a little past 
the line of the cabins, and the upper half was made to extend 
some two feet further, like the over-jut of a barn, so as to 
leave an overhanging space, secured again entrance by heavy 
log floors, with small port-holes for repelling close attacks, or 
attempts to dig down, or fire the forts. These rude defences 
were very secure, were seldom attacked, and seldom, if ever, 
captured. They were always located upon open, commanding 
eminences, sufficiently remote from coverts and wooded 
heights to prevent surprise." [Mon. of Old, p. 21. 


"One of the earliest erected forts of the kind described by 
Veech, was by John Minter, the Stevensons, Crawfords and 
others, on land of the former, since Blackiston, then Ebenezer 
Moore." * * • * John Minter made improvements in 
1769 ; obtained his land, on Virginia warrant calling for four 
hundred acres. Surveyed December 17, 17S5, found to con- 
tain three hundred and ninety-seven and one-fourth acres and 
allowance. Entered February 7th, 1780. Situate near the 
Youghiogheny and Jacobs creek in Upper Tyrone township, 
about a mile and a half westwardly of Pennsville. On land 
now of the H. C. Frick Coke Co., about three-fourths of a mile 
southwest of Tinsman's Station, on the Mount Pleasant and 
Broadford railroad. 



"There was one on the old Thomas Gaddis farm where 
Bazil Brownfield now (1858) lives. But what was its real 
name we cannot certainly learn, or bv whom or when erected; 
probably, however, by Col. Gaddis, as he was an early set- 
tler, and a man of large public spirit.'' (Veech.) 

Col. Thomas Gaddis was third in command in Crawford's 
unfortunate expedition. (Wash.-Irvine Cor., 365.) 

Situate in Georges township, south of Uniontown, about two 
miles, near the road leading from Uniontown to Morgantown, 
W. Va., on land now owned by the Brownflelds. The site of 
the old fort is on that part which is still called the Brownfield 
farm, in the ownership of Isaac A. Brownfield, a son of Bazil 
Brownfield. It was still standing when Daniel Boone with 
his company of settlers went by it on his way to Kentucky; 
as the association of his name with it came from the circum- 
stance of his camping near it with his companions. (James 
Ross, Esq., MS.) It is known as Gaddis's Fort, The ap- 
proximate location of the fort, as preserved in the memory 
of those who had seen some remains of it (probably the stock- 
ade excavations), is about one hundred and fifty rods from the 
residence of the present owner and occupier. 


"Pearse's Fort was on the Catawba Indian trail, about 
four miles from Uniontown, near the residence of William 
and John Jones, in North Union township. Some old Lom- 
bardy poplars, recently fallen (1858), denoted its site." It was 
erected on what was called the Isaac Pearse tract, a part of 
which is in the ownership of the Jones family. 


'^Craft's Fort was on land of John Craft, about one mik 
northwest of Merrittstown. Its name is forgotten." (Veech, 


1858.) This fort was sometimes called Patterson's Fort. It 
was originaly the dwelling-house of the owner of the land, 
was built about 1773 or '74, and stood about one and a half 
miles northward of Merrittstown, Fayette county, on the farm 
owned by John Graft, then Daniel Sharpnack, and latterly 
by Doctor Henry Eastman. During the summer of 1774 
and afterward in the early years of the Kevolution, the set- 
tlers there were kept in a state of constant fear from the In- 
dians, who were very troublesome, so much so that a stockade 
was built around the fort, enclosing a considerable area of 
ground. The women remained here while the men attended 
to their usual agricultural pursuits. A number of children 
were born in this fort; and the fact is well preserved that a 
number of dogs owned by the frontiersmen were kept here 
and utilized for guards. The last person who lived in what 
originally had been the fort house (so called) was William Gr. 
Sharpnack, who occupied it from 1876 to 1881. The structure 
was destroyed about the year 1885." (Wm, G. Sharpnack, MS.) 


"One of considerable capacity was erected on the old 
Richard Brown farm, now (1858) Fordice, near the Presby- 
terian frame meeting-house, in Nicholson township." * * * 
Now the Pierce Griffin farm. It was built on the hill a short 
distance from the house. Mr. Griffin has lived here nearly all 
his life; he was born September 2d, 1809. He had a sister 
born in what was called the old fort. Tradition preserves the 
report of a fight between the settlers and Indians near it. 


"Swearingen's Fort was in Springhill township, near the 
cross-road from Cheat river towards Brownsville. It derived 
its name from John Swearingen, who owned the land on which 
it stood, or from his son Van Swearingen, afterwards sheriff 


of Washington county, a captain in the Revolution and in 
the frontier wars, and whose nephew of the same name fell 
at St. Clair's defeat." 

The Swearingen Fort was on the Catharine Swearingen 
tract of 468 acres, surveyed April 17th, 178G; not more than 
one mile from Morris' Cross Roads. It stood on a knoll; the 
spot can be pointed out definitely. Duke Swearingen was cap- 
tured by the Indians near it while fetching the cows. He 
never returned. 

"The fort was built of split puncheon and dirt [stockade], 
and covered a large space of ground. There are no signs of 
the old fort visible, except what is indicated by the surface of 
the ground being at this place a little higher than the surface 
immediately around it." (Geo. H. Swearingen, MS.) The 
land originally was owned by John S. Van Swearingen; it is 
now owned by the heirs of Michael Crow, dec'd. This fort 
was made in 1774. 


"McCoy's Fort, erected on land of James McCoy, stood 
where now stands the barn of William C. Dixon, the present 
owner (formerly Eli Bailey), in South Union township." 

"James McCoy, upon locating here, built a log cabin, which 
was situated at the foot of the Bailey orchard. Very soon, 
however, this cabin was re-constructed and made into 'Mc- 
Coy's Fort,' which was the rendezvous for all the immediate 
neighbors in times of danger, the 'Col. Thomas Gaddis' Fort' 
being two miles away to the southwest." (Hist, of Fayette 
County, Pub. Everts & Co., Phila., 1882, p. 681.) 


Fort Rffile, situate in Nicholson township, was built by 
Nicholas Riffle, about 1779-80. Court was held in it in 
1782, Virginia jurisdiction. It was also the voting place for 


German, Georges, and Springhill townships until after the 
second election of James Monroe. A few logs of the original 
structure remain. The site is owned by Mr. James Richey. 
and is near the Lutheran church. 


Cassell's Fort or Castle Fort was on the Monongahela 
river just above the mouth of Little Redstone, at or near the 
site of an old Indian fort (so called), which "Indians forts" 
were plentiful in the Fayette county region. "The sites of 
the 'old forts' were sometimes chosen for settlers forts. This 
was the case with the site on the Goe land, just above the 
mouth of Little Redstone, where, as already stated, was a 
settlers' fort, was Cassell's, or Castle." (Veech.) Nothing 
further has been learned of this fort. 


"Ashcraft's Fort stood on the land of the late Jesse Evans, 
Esq., where Phineas Sturgis lived, in Georges township. Tra- 
diton tells of a great alarm and resort to this fort, on one occa- 
sion. It appears that to this eminence the early settlers were 
wont, in times of danger, daily to resort, to reconnoitre the 
country, sometimes climbing trees, to see whether any In- 
dians had crossed the borders, by which they judged by the 
smoke of their camps. This hill commanded a view from the 
mountains to the Monongahela, and from Cheat Hills far to 
the northward. On this occasion, the alarm being given, the 
settlers from all over the country with their wives and chil- 
dren, guns and provisions, flocked to Ashcraft's Fort. Hap- 
pily, the alarm proved false; and the tradition of the occui- 
rences remains to this day." (Veech.) 

Ashcraft's Fort, built by Ichabod Ash craft, near a spring on 


a tract of land called Buffalo Pasture. Patented May 29tlu 
1770. Owned now by Benjamin Goodwin. This fort was, as 
were nearly all the old settlers' forts in that region, a two- 
story log blockhouse with stockade. 


Mason's Fort, at Masontown, was built by John Mason, 
between 1774-78. The site belongs to S. T. Gray, and is near 
a spring in his field east of the town. The structure was re- 
moved into Masontown by John Debold in 1823, and utilized 
as a "pot shop." It is now standing on the west side of Main 
street in Masontown; is weather-boarded and used as a 
dwelling-house. Owned by Mrs. Isaac N. Hague. (James 
Ross, Esq., MS.) 


A fort, or blockhouse, was built by Jehu and Capt. 
William Conwell in 1774, on the Colman plantation, on the 
west side of Dunlap's creek, near Merrittstown. (Veech.) 

In the History of Fayette County, published by L. H. Everts 
& Co., Philadelphia, 1882, it is said: '^Jehu Conwell and his 
brother, Capt. Wm. Conwell, settled within the limits of this 
(Luzerne) township in June, 1767. * * * * The country 
was at that time infested by savages and wild beasts, but with 
neither had the settlers then any trouble, for the former were 
friendly, and the latter not so much inclined to pursue man 
as afraid of themselves being pursued. By and by, however, 
the Indians began to show signs of hostility, and the Conwells 
thought it advisable to witlidraw for a brief season to a more 
populous locality. In August, 1772, Jehu returned to his old 
home in Delaware, in October was married, and in November 
of the same year set out with his wife for the Luzerne clearing. 
Existence was comparatively quiet and uneventful until 1774. 
when Indian aggression set in in earnest. Jehu Conwell and 


his brother, Capt. William, then bestirred themselves and 
started the project of building a fort. A site was selected 
upon the Colmau plantation, on the west side of Dunlap's 
creek, not much more than half a mile from Merrittstown, 
on the place now (1882) occupied by Harrison Henshaw. There 
a blockhouse was hastily constructed, to include within its 
in closure the spring near the present Henshaw house. As- 
sisted and directed by the Conwells, the settlers had the fort 
completed in quick time, and iu May, ITTl, it was occupied. 
There appears to be no evidence that the fort was ever at- 
tacked, or that the people living in that portion of Luzerne 
met with serious injury at the hands of the savages, although 
they were for a time in great terror for fear of Indians. Sev- 
eral children are said to have been born within the fort during 
1774. One was Ruth, daughter of Capt. Wm. Conwell. She 
married Abram Armstrong. Another was a daughter of 
Jehu Conwell. She married Judge Wm. Ewing. After the 
autumn of 1774, the clouds of alarm cleared away, the block- 
house life was abandoned, and the peaceful pursuits of the 
pioneer were pushed forward with renewed vigor.'' 


Spark's Fort, on the south side of the Youghiogheny, is 
mentioned as one of the places where the people of one of 
the two districts into which Westmoreland county was di- 
vided for the election of representatives in the convention of 
1776 to form a Constitution, met to hold their election. Han- 
nastown was the other voting place. The Youghiogheny was 
the division line. 

"Sjjark's Fort was near Burns' ford, in what is now Perry 
township, Fayette county. Observe how that the residents 
west of the Monongahela were disregarded, either as supposed 
to be within the power of Virginia at that time, or were 
treated as living south of the Youghiogheny." (Hon. Boyd 
Crumrine's Hist, of Wash. Co., p. 155, n.) 

The judges appointed to hold the election at Hannastown 


were James Barr, John Moore and Clement McGeary. Those 
appointed to serve at Spark's Fort were George Wilson, John 
Kile and Kobert McConnel. There is nothing but the name 
to indicate the character or further history of the place. 


A blockhouse — probably but the domicile of Henry Bee- 
son, and likely a strong structure, — stood within what is 
now the borough limits of Uniontown, near the sheriff's resi- 
dence and jail as they now stand. It was near the mill then 
in ojjeration; and was erected approximately about 1774, by 
Henry Beeson, the founder of the town, although Mr. Beeson 
had located there and made a settlement several years before 
that time. 

The following is extracted from the History of Fayette 
County, published by Everts & Co., 1882: 

"The locality was known far and wide as 'Beeson's Mill," 
and here in 1774 was built a strong blockhouse of logs as a 
place of refuge for the few inhabitants of the surrounding 
country during the universal panic which, in the spring and 
summer of that year, attended the opening of the hostilities 
known as Dunmore's war. When this primitive defensive 
work was built, there were few, if any, inhabitants other than 
Henry Beeson's family within the limits of the present bor- 
ough (Uniontown) to avail themselves of its protection; but 
there were many other settlers located within a few miles of 
it, and its site was probably chosen because of its proximity 
to the mill, which was the most public place in all the region, 
— the place to which the earliest intelligence of Indian incur- 
sions would naturally come, and where, moreover, there was 
usually to be found a (considerable supjily of grain and meal 
for the subsistence of families who were suddenly driven from 
their homes and obliged to seek its shelter against the sav- 
ages. The site of this old blockhouse was on the brow of the 
bluff, and very nearly indentical with the spot where the sher- 
iff's residence now stands." 



Captain J, C. Woodward, of Brownsville, Fayette county, 
states in writing- that there are the remains of an old 
fort-house on the farm which he owns, situate one mile south 
of Brownsville, on the edge of Bridgeport borough. He has 
known of it since 1819. The tract descended from the original 
patentee through intervening holders to the present owner. 
This house was built of hewn white oak logs, and had loop- 
holes, still discernable, for rifles. It is not known by any 
other name than the "Old Blockhouse." Part of it is still 
standing, being utilized as a smoke-house. 

The loop-holes are an unmistakable evidence of its design. 
This house was probably built at a time when it was common 
and necessary to take such extra precautions; and although 
it was manifestly so fitted ii]). yet there is nothing connected 
with its history to justify tlic assertion tliat it was ever used 
as a place of refuge or defense. 

The land was patented to Joseph Graybill, August 27th, 
1788; now owned by Capt. J. C. Woodward; situate in Lu- 
zerne township, Fayette county. 


In a letter from Valentine Crawford to Gen. Wash- 
ington, written from the Fayette county region, where Wash- 
ington oAvned land, May 25th, 1774, he says : ''I have, with the 
assistance of some of your carpenters and servants, built a 
very strong blockhouse, and the neighbors, what few have 
not run away, have joined with me and we are building a 
stockade fort at my house. Mr. Simpson, also, and his neigh- 
bors have begun to build a. fort at your Bottom; and we live 
ill liopes we can stand our ground till we can get some assist- 
ance from below." 

The lands known as Washington's Bottoms are situate near 
Perryopolis, on the southwestern side of the Youghiogheny 
river, in the noi'th western part of Fayette county. ''These 


forts were in what is now Perry township, and probably one of 
them within the limits of the town of Perryopolis.'' (James 
Eoss, Esq., MS.) 

Valentine Crawford was the agent of Washington, and had 
control of his lands in this region. 

Gilbert Simpson, whom Washington sent out to manage his 
mill and that part of his property about it, built his cabin near 
the present residence of John Rice, in Perry township. 

Note to Settlers' Forts, Fayette County. 

Note. — Although Morris' Fort was not a Pennsylvania fort, 
yet it was used by Pennsylvanians, being just across the line 
separating the states. It attained notoriety far beyond the 
ordinary settlers' fort, chiefly from the fact that it had for its 
historiographer the celebrated Dr. Joseph Doddridge. Judge 
Veech speaks of it as follows : ''Morris' Fort, which was one 
of the first grade, was much resorted to by the early settlers 
on the Monongahela and Cheat, and from Ten Mile. It stood 
on Sandy creek, just beyond the Virginia line, outside our 
county limits. It was to this fort that the family of the late 
Dr. Joseph Doddridge resorted, in 1774, as mentioned in his 
Notes. The late Col. Andrew Moore, who resided long near 
its site, said that he had frequently seen the ruins of the fort 
4ind its cabins, which may yet be traced (1858)." 


Mention has been made of the Catawba Trail. The follow- 
ing is Hon. James Veech's account and description of it as 
given in The Monongahela of Old: 

"The most prominent, and perhaps the most ancient of these 
old pathways across our county, was the old Catawba or 
Cherokee Trail, leading from the Carolinas, Georgia, Florida, 
&c., through Virginia and Western Pennsylvania, on to West- 
ern New York and Canada. We will trace it within our limits 


as well as we can. A.fter crossing and uniting with numerous 
other trails, the principal one entered Fayette territory, at the 
Htate line, at the mouth of Grassy run. A tributary trail, 
called the Warrior Branch, coming from Tennessee, through 
Kentucky and Southern Ohio, came up Fish creek and down 
Dunkard, crossing Cheat river at McFarland's. It run out 
a junction with the chief trail, intersecting it in William Gans^ 
sugar camp, but it kept on by Crow's mill, James Robinson's, 
and the old gun factory, and thence toward the mouth of 
Redstone, intersecting the old Redstone trail from the top of 
Laurel Hill, afterward Burd's road, near Jackson's, or Grace 
Church, on the National Road. The main Catawba trail pur- 
sued 'the even tenor of its way,' regardless of minor points, 
which, like a modern grand railroad, it served by branches and 
turn-outs. After receiving the Warrior Branch junction, it 
kept on through land late of Charles Griffin, by Long's Mill, 
Ashcraft's Fort, Phillip Rogers' (now Alfred Stewart's), the 
Diamond Spring (now William James'); thence nearly on the 
route of the present Morgiintown road, until it came to the 
Misses Hadden's; thence across Hellen's fields, passing near 
the Rev. William Brownfield's mansion, and about five rt)ds 
west of the old Henry Beeson brick house; thence through 
Uniontown, over the old Bank house lot, crossing the creek 
where the bridge now is, back of the Sheriff's house; thence 
along the northern side of the public graveyard on the hill, 
through the eastern edge of John Gallagher's land, about six 
rods south of John F. Foster's (formerly Samuel Clarke's) 
house, it crossed Shute's Run where the fording now is, be- 
tween the two meadows, keeping the high land through Col. 
Evans' plantation, and passed between William and John 
Jones' to the site of Pearse's Fort; thence by the Murphy 
school-house, and bearing about thirty rods westward of the 
Mount Braddock mansion, it passed a few rods to the east 
of the old Conrad Strickler house, where it is still visible- 
Keeping on through land formerly of John Hamilton (now 
Freeman), it crossed the old Connellsville road immediately 
on the summit of the Limestone hill, a few rods west of the 
old Strickler disdlhMv; tlience througli the old LnwM'ence 
Harrison land (James Blackiston's) to Robinson's falls on 


Mill Kuu, jiiul thence down it to tlie Yongli river, crossing it 
just below the rnn's mouth, where Braddock's armj' crossed, 
at Stewart's Crossings. The trail thence kept through the 
Xariows. by Kist's, near the Baptist meeting-house, beyond 
Pennsville, passing b^^ the old Salt well on Green Lick run, 
to the mouth of Bushy run, at Tinsman's or Welshouse's 
mill. Thence it bore across Westmoreland county, up the 
Allegheny, to the heads of the Susquehanna, and into Western 
New York, then the empire of the Irociuois. A branch left 
the main trail at Kobinson's mill, on Mill or Opossum run, 
which crossed the Yough at the Broad ford, bearing down 
across Jacobs creek, Sewickley and Turtle creeks, to the forks 
of the Ohio, at Pittsburgh, by the highland route. This 
branch, and the northern part within our county [Fayette], 
of the main route, will be found to possess much interest in 
connection with Braddock's line of march to his disastrous 

''This Cherokee or Catawba Indian trail, including its War- 
rior branch, is the only one of note which traversed our county 
northward and south ward. (Jenerally, they passed eastward 
and westward, from the river, to and across the mountains. 

"Decidedly the most important of all these [trails passing 
eastward and westward] is Nemacolin's Trail, afterward 
adopted and improved by W^ashington and Braddock, the 
latter of whom, by a not unusual freak of fame, has given to 
the road its name, while its shre\\d old Indian engineer, like 
him who traced for Napoleon the great road across the 
Simplon, has been buried in forgetfulness." 

For mention of Xeniacolin's Trail, see notes to Fort Du- 
quesne and Fort Pitt. 


Doddridge in his "Notes on the Early Settlements and In- 
dian Wars," says the ''settlers' fort" of those days was "not 
only a place of defense but the residence of a small number of 
families belonging to the same neighborhood. As the Indian 
20 -Vol. 2. 


mode of warfare was an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages 
and both sexes, it was as requisite to provide for the safety 
of the women and children as for that of the men. The fort 
consisted of cabins, blockhouses, and stockades. A range of 
cabins commonly foi^med one side at least of the fort. Divi- 
sions or partitions of logs separated the cabins from each 
other. The walls on the outside were ten to twelve feet high, 
the slope of the roof being turned wholly inward. A very few 
of these cabins had puncheon floors, the greater j)art were 
earthen. The blockhouses were built at the angles of the fort. 
They projected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the 
cabins and stockades. Their upper stories were about eigh- 
teen inches every way larger in dimension than the under one, 
leaving an opening at the commencement of the second story 
to prevent the enemy from making a lodgment under the walls. 
In some forts the angles of the fort were furnished with bas- 
tions instead of blockhouses. A large folding gate, made of 
thick slabs, nearest the spring, closed the fort. The stockades, 
bastions, cabins, and blockhouse walls were furnished with 
port-holes at proper heights and distances. The whole of the 
outside was made completely bullet-proof. It may be truly 
said that necessity is the mother of invention, for the whole of 
this work was made without the aid of a single nail or spike 
of iron, and for the reason that such things were not to be had. 
In some places less exposed a single blockhouse, with a cabin 
or two, constituted the whole fort. Such places of refuge may 
appear very trifling to those who have been in the habit of see- 
ing the formidable military garrisons of Europe and America, 
but they answered the purpose, as the Indians had no artillery. 
They seldom attacked, and scarcely ever took one of them." 

The foregoing description of the different kinds of forts and 
blockhouses is peculiarly applicable to this region. Later and 
after the Revolution there were many so-called stations along 
the Ohio river and in Kentucky and the western country then 
being settled. "A station was a parallelogram of cabins, un- 
tied by palisades so as to present a continued wall on the outer 
side, the cabin doors opening into a common square, on the 
inner side. These were the strongholds of the early settlers." 


(Note to Border Warfare, p. 235.) Further this description 
might possibly answer for some of the stations in the Pan- 
handle or the western border of Washington county. 

In speaking of the condition of the settlements in the 
Washington county region towards the close of the Revolu- 
tionary War, Mr. Butterfield in his Crawford Expedition 
against Sandusky, p. 39, says: 

"The people of the border were forced into forts which dot- 
ted the country in every direction. These were in the highest 
degree uncomfortable. They consisted of cabins, blockhouses, 
and stockades. In some places, where the exposure was not 
great, a single blockhouse, with a cabin outside, constituted 
the whole fort. For a space around, the forest was usually 
cleared away, so that an enemy could neither find a lurking 
place nor conceal his approach. 

"Near these forts the borderers worked their fields in parties 
guarded by sentinels. Their necessary labors, therefore, were 
performed with every danger and difficulty imaginable. Their 
work had to be carried on with their arms and all things be- 
longing to their war-dress deposited in some central place in 
the field. vSentinels were stationed on the outside of the fence; 
so that, on the least alarm, the whole company repaired to 
their arms, and were ready for the combat in a moment. 

"From Pittsburgh south, including the Valleys of the Monon- 
gahela and Youghiogheny. and the territory west of these to 
the Ohio, was a scope of country having, at this time, con- 
siderable population; nevertheless, there were few families 
who had lived therein any considerable length of time that 
had not lost some of their number by the merciless Indians." 

"Beyond the story of old Catfish, 'alias Tingooqua, an Indian 
chief who iived betimes on what is the site of Washin^on, 
Pa., and the doubtful traditions of the existence of a few In- 
dian settlements within the present limit of Washington 
county, there is, says the Hon. Boyd Crumrine in his History 
of Washington County, "with reference to that territory, no 
Indian History to be given for the years prior to the opening 
of Dnnm ore's War, in 1774. From that time on through the 
border warfare that raged until after the close of the Revolu- 


tion the annals of this region are full of stirring events — In- 
dian incursions, massacres, and alarms — covering the period 
from 1774 to 1783." 


"This fort is situated on Buffalo creek, about twelve miles 
from its junction with the Ohio river." It appears, says Mr. 
Alfred Greigh in his History of Washington county, that Rice's 
Fort furnishes the most satisfactory history of those times, 
which I have been able to procure. 

The Indians, being defeated at Wheeling, resolved to strike a 
severe blow in the country, and hence about one hundred war- 
riors marched to Rice's Fort, but the inhabitants being made 
aware of their approach, each ran to his cabin for his gun, and 
all took refuge in the blockhouse or fort. Although they in- 
tended to take it bj^ assault, yet they failed, as the sequel will 
show, and they continued their depredations, destroying barns, 
fences, cattle, &c., but finally retreated. Rev. Dr. Doddridge, 
in his account of this fort, says: 

"This place was defended by a Spartan band of men, against 
one hundred chosen warriors, exasperated to madness by their 
failure at Wheeling Fort. Their names shall be inscribed in 
the lists of the heroes of our early times. They were Jacob 
Miller, George Leffer, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George 
Felebaum, and Jacob Leffer, Jr. George Felebaum was shot 
in the forehead through a port-hole at the second fire of the In- 
dians, and instantly expired, so that in reality the defense of 
the place was made by only five men. Four of the Indians 
were killed. The next morning sixty men collected and pur- 
sued the Indians, but discovered they had separated into small 
parties, and the pursuit was given up." 

More particulars of this attack are given below which are 
taken from Crumrine's History of Washington county, and the 
letters in part from the Washington-Irvine Correspondence: 

On the 11th of Sept., 17S2, in the evening, an Indian force of 
260 warriors under the renegade George Girty (brother of 


the infamous Simon), accompanied by a force of about forty 
British rangers from Detroit under Capt. Pratt, of the royal 
service, attacked the fort (Fort Henry) at Wheeling, but were 
repulsed. Other attempts were made by them to carry the 
place by ass'ault during the day and night of the 12th, but with 
no better success, and in the morning of the 13th they with- 
drew from Wheeling with the intention of carrying their dep- 
redations to the inland settlements. Their attack on Wheel- 
ing is described by Ebenezer Zane in the following letter to 
Gen. Irvine. [Washington-Irvine Cor., p. 397.] 

"Wheeling, 17th September, 1782. 

"Sir: On the evening of the eleventh instant a body of the 
enemy appeared in sight of our garrison. They immediately 
formed into lines around the garrison, paraded British colors, 
and demanded the Fort to be surrendered, which was refused. 
About 12 o'clock of night they rushed hard on the pickets in 
order to storm but was repulsed. They made two other at- 
temps to stonn before day but to no purpose. About 8 o'clock 
next morning there came a negro from them to us, and in- 
formed us that their force consisted of a British captain and 
40 reguPar soldiers and 260 Indians. The enemy kept up a con- 
tinual fire the whole day. About 10 o'clock at night they made 
a fourth attempt to storm to no better purpose than the 
former. The enemy continued around the garrison till the 
morning of the 13th instant, when they disappeared. Our loss 
is none. Daniel Sullivan, who arrived here in the beginning 
of the action, is wounded in the foot. 

"I believe they have driven the greatest part of our stock 
away, and might, I think, be soon overtaken." 

When the Indian besiegers found themselves compelled to 
withdraw from Fort Henry without having effected its capture 
as they had expected to do, the larger part of their force, to- 
gether with Capt. Pratt's British Rangers, crossed the Ohio 
with what plunder they had been able to secure, and took their 
wa}' through the wilderness towards the Sandusky. The re- 
mainder of the Indian force, some sixty or seventy in number, 
took the opposite direction, striking eastward towards the in- 
terior settlements, bent on massacre and devastation in re- 


venge for their disappointment at Fort Henry. Their objec- 
tive point was Rice's fort, on the Dutch Fork of Bulfalo creek, 
in the present township of Donegal, Washington county. 

Intelligence of the attack on Fort Henry was brought to Col. 
James Marshel at Catfish by Capt. Boggs immediately after 
the siege began, and while all the Indian and British forces 
were collected round the fort. On the receipt of the informa- 
tion Marshel notified Gen. Irvine by letter as follows [Wash.- 
Irvine Cor., p. 312]: 

"Thursday, September 12, 1782. 

"Dear Sir: By an express this moment arrived from Wheel- 
ing, I have received the following intelligence, namely: That 
a large trail, by supposition about two hundred Indians, was 
discovered yesterday about three o'clock near to that place. 
Capt. Boggs, who brought the account, says that when he had 
left the fort about nine miles and a half he heard the swivel 
at Wheeling fired, and one rifle. He further says that Ebene- 
zer McCulloch, from Van Meter's fort, on his way to Wheeling, 
got within one-half a mile of the place shortly after Boggs left 
it, where he was alarmed by hearing a heavy and constant fire 
about the forts, and makes no doubt the fort was then at- 
tacked. * * * *» 

Three days later Col. Marshel communicated to Gen. Irvine 
further information of the movements of the Indians in the 
following letter: 

"Sunday Morning, 15th September, 1782. 
"Dear Sir: You may depend upon it, as a matter of fact, 
that a large body of Indians are now in our country. Bast 
night I saw two prisoners who made their escape from Wheel- 
ing in time of the action, and say the enemy consists of 238 In- 
dians and 40 Rangers, the latter commanded by a British 
officer; that they attacked Wheeling Fort on Wednesday night, 
and continued the attack, at which time the above deserters 
left them. This Fort they say was the principal object of the 
enemy; but it appears, both from their account and the 
enemy's advancing into the country, that they have despaired 
of taking it. The deserters say that shortly before they left 
the enemy that they had determined to give up the matter at 


Wheeling, and either scatter into small parties in order to dis- 
tress and plunder the inhabitants, or attack the first small 
fort they could come at. The latter I'm this moment informed 
is actually the case; that they have attacked one Rice's Block- 
house, on what is called the Dutch fork of Buffalo, and its to 
be feared it will fall into their hands, as only those have been 
called upon who are not going upon the expedition. I'm afraid 
they will not turn out as well as they ought to do. If the 
enemy continues to advance in one body the matter will be- 
come serious, and perhaps require our whole strength to repel 
them. But if it can possibly be avoided I could wish not to 
call upon a man that's going upon the expedition against San- 
dusky. Besides, the battalion rendezvous is appointed a& soon 
as the men could possibly be collected. Unless the officers 
have made their appointments, as you will see by Col. Mc- 
Cleery's letter they have done in the first battalion, no doubt, 
ammunition will be wanted on this occasion. A small quan- 
tity, such as the bearer can carry, will do. Excuse haste." 

The following account of the attack on Rice's Fort is from 
•'Chronicles of Border Warfare, or a history of the settlement 
of northwestern Virginia." By A. S. Withers, 1831. 

"The place against which the savages directed their opera- 
tions was situated on Buffaloe creek, twelve or fifteen miles 
from its entrance into the Ohio, and was known as Rice's fort. 
Until Miller's return^ there was in it only five men, the others 
having gone to Hagerstown to exchange their peltries for salt, 
iron and ammunition. They immediately set about m'aking 
preparations to withstand an assault, and in a little while, 
seeing the savages approaching from every direction, forsook 
the cabins and repaired to the blockhouse. The Indians per- 
ceived that they were discovered, and thinking to take the 
station by storm, shouted forth the war-whoop and rushed to 
the assault. They were answered by the fire of the six brave 
and skillful riflemen in the house, and forced to take refuge 
behind trees and fallen timber. Still they continued the firing, 
occasionally calling on the whites to "Give up, give up — In- 
dian too many — Indian too big — Give up, Indian no kill." The 
men more faitli in tlie efficacy of their guns to purchase 


their safety than in the proffered mercy of the savages; and 
instead of complying- with their demand, called on them, "as 
cowards, skulking behind logs, to leave their coverts, and show 
but their yellow hides, and they would make holes in them." 

"The firing was kept up by the savages from their protected 
situation until night, and whenever even a remote prospect of 
galling them was presented to the whites, they did not fail to 
avail themselves of it. The Indian shots in the evening were 
directed principally against the stock as it came up as usual to 
the station, and the field was strewed with dead carcasses. 
About ten o'clock of the night they fired a large barn (thirty 
or forty yards from the blockhouse) filled with grain and hay, 
and the flames from which seemed for a while to endanger the 
fort; but being situated on higher ground, and the current of 
air flowing in a contrary direction, it escaped conflagration. 
Collecting on the side of the fort opposite to the fire, the In- 
dians took advantage of the light it afforded them to renew 
the attack, and kept it up until about two o'clock, when they 
departed. Their ascertained loss was four warriors — three 
of whom were Ivilled by the first firing of the whites — the other 
about sundown. Greorge Felebaum was the only white who 
suffered. Early in the attack he was shot in the forehead, 
through a port-liole, and expired instantly, leaving Jacob Mil- 
ler, George Leffier, Jr., Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice and 
Jacob Leffier, sole defenders of the fort, and bravely and ef- 
fectually did they preserve it from the furious assaults of one 
hundred chosen savage warriors. 

"Soon after the Indians left Rice's fort, they moved across 
the hills in different directions and in detached parties. One 
of these observing four men proceeding towards the fort which 
they had lately left, waylaid the path and killed two of them 
on the first fire. Tlie remaining two fled hastily, and one of 
them, swift of foot, soon made his escape. The other, closely 
pursued by one of the sjivages and in danger of being over- 
taken, wheeled to fire. His gun snapped, and he again took to 
flight. Yet more closely pressed by his pursuer, he once at- 
tempted to shoot. Again his gun snapped, and the savage be- 
ing now near enough, hurled a tomahawk at his head. It 


missed its object and both strained every nerve for the chase. 
The Indian gained rapidly upon him, and reaching forth his 
arm, caught hold of his belt. It had been tied in a bow-knot, 
and came loose. Sensible that the race must soon terminate 
to his disadvantage unless he could kill his pursuer, the white 
man once more tried his gun. It fired, and the savage fell 
dead at his feet." 

The fact that the Indians were advancing eastward from 
AVheeling was known at Rice's fort about half an hour before 
the savages made their appearance, the intelligence having 
been brought by Jacob Miller, who learned the news at the 
house of Dr. Moore, near Catfish, and rode with all possible 
speed to notify the people at the threatened point, and to take 
part in the defense. Some of the men from the fort h'ad gone 
to Hagerstown for supplies, and only five were left to defend 
it, viz: George Leffler, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George 
Felebaum, and Jacob Leffler, Jr. This force was increase;! to 
six by the arrival of Miller. The Indians soon made their ap- 
pearance and surrounded the fort. The six defenders fired, 
and three savages fell. The Indians returned the fire without 
effect, but in their second volley they killed George Felebaum. 
who was standing at a port-hole. The ball struck him in the 
forehead, and he expired instantly. The firing was kept up 
during the d'ay, but without any casualty to the white men. 

Abraham Rice, of the fort, was absent, having set out at 
once on receipt of the news brought by Miller to go tO' Lamb's 
fort, some four miles away, for assistance. He had not been 
gone long when he heard the firing at his own fort, and at once 
determined to return 'and assist in the defense; but he failed 
in his attempt, for he was discovered by the Indians, who fired 
a great number of shots and wounded him badly, but he made 
his escape, and was able to reach Lamb's, whence, after liis 
wounds had been dressed, he set out on his return, having 
with him a party of twelve men. This was late in the evening. 
On approaching the besieged fort, ten of the party became 
alarmed and retreated, but Rice and the other two went on. 
They were soon discovered by an Indian, who thereupon gave 
the usual alarm, which passed around the entire line encir- 


cling the fort. The savages supposed that a large party of 
whites was approaching, and after one more fierce and inef- 
fectual attempt to carry the fort they retreated from the place, 
having lost four warriors by the rifles of the defenders. On 
the following moi'ning a force of about (50 frontiersmen col- 
lected and started in pursuit of the Indians, but after proceed- 
ing two or three miles it was found that the savages had scat- 
tered in small parties, and the pursuit was abandoned. The 
Indians, however, in their retreat met another party of four 
white men, two of whom they killed, losing one of their war- 

The Indian attacks at Wheeling 'and at Rice's fort (showing 
that the savages could make incursions in force and almost 
at will in spite of the vigilance of the "ranging parties" of 
militia) materially dampened the ardor of the people with re- 
gard to the new Sandusky campaign, notwithstanding that 
the government had ordered a considerable body of Con- 
tinental troops to accompany the expedition, in accordance 
with the wishes of Cols. Marshel and Cook and several of the 
more prominent among the militia officers of Washington and 
Westmoreland counties. [Crumrine's Hist. Washington coun- 
ty, page 134.] 

This fort was on the farm now owned by Charles Burrick, 
in Donegal township, Washington county. 


Demas Lindley'with his family came in 1773 to settle west of 
the Monongahela,iu the section of country which afterward be- 
came Washington county, and with him came about twenty 
other families, all from Xew Jersey, and nearly all from the 
county of Morris which had been Mr. Lindley's home before his 
emigration. Four of the families settled on the south fork of 
Ten-Mile creek, near Jefferson, Greene county. The others 
settled at different points on the north and middle forks of the 
same creeks. Demas Lindlev located on 400 acres of land situ- 


ated on the middle fork of Ten-Mile creek adjacent to the 
lands of Caleb and John Lindley, James Draper and J. Mc- 
Vaugh. This property was warranted to him Feb. 5, 1785, 
and surveyed Dec. Gth, of the same year, receiving the title of 
"Mill Place," its location being very near the present village of 
Prosperity. Mr. Lindley became the owner of another tract 
called Headquarters, which was warranted to him April ISth, 
1790. as containing 868 acres. 

Demas Lindley and Jack Cook were two of the most promi- 
nent and influential men among the earlj^ settlers along Ten- 
Mile creek. Thej were very active in the frontier movements 
against the Indians, and a fort was early established upon the 
property of Mr. Lindley, called Lindley's Fort, and was the 
rendezvous for the residents in this part of the county. 

"Lindley's Fort, near the present village of Prosperity, was 
one of the strongest forts in the western country, because it 
was the most exposed to the hostile incursions of the savage 
inhabitants." [Creigh's Hist, of Wash. Co., p. 55.] 

Judge Veech thus alludes to this fort: "Sometimes, as at 
Lindley's, and many of the other forts in the adjacent country 
west of the Monongahela, additional cabins were erected out- 
side the fort, for temporary abode in times of danger, from 
which the sojourners could, in case of attack, retreat within 
the fort. [Mon. of Old. 21.] 


Among the many forts or blockhouses which dotted the 
wilderness in those uncertain times. Wolf's Fort was one of 
the first built. It stood about five miles west of the present 
borough of Washington, and enclosed the cabin of Jacob Wolf. 
To this fort Priscilla Peak or Peck crawled upon her hands 
and knees after being scalped. She was confined to her bed 
with a fever when the Indians broke in upon the family, and 
seeing the hopelessness of escaping, some one threw a quilt 
around her and told her to fly. She only had strength suflB- 
cient to reach a pig-sty, wh(}re she stopped for breath. While 


leaning over the fence an Indian discovered her and scalped 
her. Being hotly pursued by the whites he did not tomahawk 
her, and in this condition she reached Wolf's Fort. She re- 
covered, her head healed, but she always wore a black cap to 
conceal her loss. A Miss Christianna Clemmens and Lydia 
Boggs were chased into this fort, and only escaped capture by 
outrunning their pursuers. Miss Boggs was afterwards cap- 
tured and carried over the Ohio river, but effected her escape 
and returned to her friends, having forced her horse to swim 
the river. Another incident relating to the history of this fort 
was recounted, in later years, by William Darby, who, when a 
child, came with his parents to this vicinity in December, 1781, 
• — the elder Darby evidently intending permanent settlement 
here, but being driven away by Indian alarms. Mr. Darby 
in his narrative says, "We remained in Mr. Wolf's house until 
February, 1782, while my father was preparing his cabin, into 
which we finally entered, but not to rest. In fifteen or twenty 
days after entering into our log cabin, Martin Jolly came run- 
ning breathless to tell us that a savage murder had been com- 
mitted but ten miles distant. In two hours we were in Wolf's 
Fort. From the Fort my parents removed to Catfish, Washing- 
ton, and spent the remainder of 1782, and to April, 1783, on 
the farm of Alexander Reynolds, recently owned by Dr. F. J. 
LeMoyne." [Hist. Wash. County, 078. See Darby's Acct. in 
"Historical Acct. Expdn. Agst. Sand. Butterfield.] 

The fort was said to be a stockade inclosing the house of 
Jacob Wolf, in what is now Buffalo township, Washington 
county. [His. Wash. County, 130, u.] 


Meanwhile the savages in the northwest had (as had been 
foreseen) grown still more fiercely hostile since the massacre 
of the Moravians, and more active than ever on the war-path. 
In the space of a few weeks, following the return of William- 
son's expedition to the Muskingum, in Ohio, several Indian 
foravs were made into Wnshin*rton rountv. A Mrs. Walker. 


whose home was on Buffalo creek, was taken prisoner on the 
27th of March, but succeeded in escaping from her savage 
captors. On the first of April, an entire family named Boice, 
consisting of eight persons, were captured by the savages and 
taken away to the Indian towns west of the Ohio, and on the 
following day another party of marauders killed a man within 
the present limits of the borough of Washington, 

A few days after the capture of the Boice family, Miller's 
blockhouse, situated on the Dutch Fork of Buffalo creek, in 
the present county of Donegal, Washington county, was at- 
tacked on a Sabbath morning by a party of about twenty 
Shawanese warriors, who had arrived during the previous 
night, but remained hidden nearby until early in the morning. 
Two men came out of the enclosure, and started along the 
path to search for a colt which had strayed. When they had 
passed the ambushment, the savages fell upon and killed them, 
and having torn off their scalps the entire party leaped from 
their place of concealment and surrounded the block-house. 
The inmates were now only one old man and several women 
and children, but there were rifles and ammunition, and these 
were used by the women to so good effect that the savage as- 
saulters were kept at bay until there came a relieving party of 
three white men, who rushed past the Indians, effected an en- 
trance into the blockhouse and defended it so effectively that 
the red-skinned besiegers finally withdrew and disappeared. 

The men killed were John Hupp, Sr., Jacob Miller, Sr. The 
persons left in the blockhouse were old Mr. Matliias Ault, Ann 
Hupp, wife of the murdered John, their four cnildren, — Mar- 
garet, Mary, John and Elizabeth Hupp, — the family of Edgar 
Gaither, Frederick Miller, an eleven year-old son of Jacob, 
who was killed outside the fort, and two or three other mem- 
bers of the same family. The successful defense of the block- 
house until the arrival of help was principally due to the hero- 
ism and undaunted courage of the widowed Ann Hupp. The 
boy, Frederick Miller, was started from the house to go to 
Rice's Fort, about two miles away, for aid, but the Indians saw 
him, and he was driven back, wounded, narrowly escaping 
with his life. But the firing of the Indians when they killed 
Hupp and Miller had been heard at Rice's, and the rescuing 


party referred to, consisting of Jacob Rowe, only about 16 
years of age, Jacob Miller, Jr., Pliillii) Hupp (all of whom be- 
longed ar the Miller blockhouse, but chanced to be absent at 
Rice's at the time of the attack), came with all speed to the as- 
sistance of the besieged ones, and gained an entrance as stated. 
The Indians kept up the siege through the day, but disap- 
peared during the following night. 

A number of other attacks were made in this county and in 
TNestmoreland, during the month of April and early part of 
May (1782). In a letter written on the 8th of the latter month 
by Dorsey Pentecost to President Moore (Pa. Arch, ix, 541), he 
said, -'The Indians are murdering frequently. Last Friday 
night two men were killed on the frontiers of this county, and 
about a week before I got home 14 people were killed and cap- 
tured in different parts, and last week some mischief was done 
near Hannas' Town, but have not learned the particulars." 

The blackhouse mentioned stood on the farm now owned by 
Clinton Miller. [Hist, of Wash. County, 112.] 


Captain Samuel Beelor and his son Samuel were settled 
in 1774 upon land where the village of Candor now stands, — 
in Robinson township, Washington county — as is recited in a 
Virginia certificate granted in February, 1780. An additional 
tract of land of 400 acres adjoining this was granted to Samuel 
Beelor, July 17th, 1782. On the survey accompanying this 
statement is shown a house two stories high and situated on a 
road from Billow's Fort to Turner's Fort. 

What was known as Beelor's Fort was his own house, two 
stories high, made large and strong. The survey of 1782 shows 
no other. Captain Samuel Beelor and his family, and Samuel 
Beelor, Jr., and his family lived on the place till 1789, when they 
sold and removed. The lands .ire now owned by J. M. Clark, 
trustee John G. Smith, Mrs. Cully. Samuel Neill, of the Rac- 
coon cliurcl). iiTid (Mnbrnoe llif site of the village of Candor, 


The fort is said to have been erected about a hundred yards 
southwest of the Raccoon church. It must have been some 
years after Mr, Beelor's settlement, before the Baileys, the Mc- 
Candless, Sherers, and others came to this section. Beelor's 
house was the rendezvous for all the j)eople of the vicinity in 
the time of danger. 


Billow's Fort was in Hanover township, Washington county, 
on the farm of Matthew Billow on Fort Billow run. The 
road from there ran southeasterly to Beelor's, and from thence 
east to Turner's Fort. A large yellow poplar stands near the 
site of the old fort. 

Michael Billow located a tract of land on Billow's creek, a 
branch of Raccoon creek. He settled before 1780, and in that 
year received a Virginia certificate for the land on which he 
had located. It was adjoining the land of Thomas Armour 
and James Crawford, and a short distance from Thomas 
Bigger. A survey of Samuel Beelor, made in 1782, shows a 
road from Fort Billow to Fort Beelor, and east from there to 
Turner's mill. The tract of land was surveyed June 8th, 1788, 
and named "Billow's Fort," containing 399 acres. A warrant 
of the Board of Property, dated March 24, 1798, was returned 
to Abraham Kirkpatrick. The land warranted by Matthew 
Billow is now owned by Robert R. Coventry. Soon after, 
in 1782, Matthew Billow and his son, John, were at work in 
the clearing when Indians in ambush shot the father and took 
the son a prisoner. He saw them secrete the body of his 
father near a large log before starting on their march. The 
boy was kept a prisoner for several years, and upon his return 
was questioned as to what became of the body of his father. 
He recalled and narrated the incidents of his capture. A num- 
ber of friends gathered together, and after a search found the 
skeleton of the elder Billow. It was brought to near the old 
fort and buried. [Hist, of Wash. Co.. 804.] 

Grace Fuller, a female slave, who was the prox)erty of 
Thomas Armour remembered being in Billow's Fort when 


about 17 years of age, at the time of an attack of the Indians, 
about the year 1778. She was later owned by a man by the 
name of Pierce. [lb., 804. 

Col. Brodhead to Ensign John Beck from Pittsburgh, Aug. 
1st, 1779, (Brodhead- s Letter Book, No. 39), says: "I have re- 
ceived yours of the 30th of last month, by express. Altho it 
is not plainly expressed I conceive two of the boys you mention 
must have fallen into the hands of the Indians, and I have just 
now received information that one Anderson, who lived about 
two miles from Dillar's (Billow's) Fort, was slightly wounded, 
and two of his little boys carried off by the savages on the 
same day the mischief was done on Wheeling." 

Col. David Redick to Gov. Mifflin on the 13th of Feb., 1792, 
(2d Arch, iv, 700) writes as follows: 

"I have read your letter of information and instructions to 
the County Lieutenants, on the subject of protection. I find 
that a considerable gap is left open to the enemy on the north- 
westerly part of the county, and that a place where, in former 
wars the enemy perpetually made their approach on that 
quarter — the settlements on Raccoon, especially about Dilloe's 
constantly experienced in former times the repeated attacks of 
the enemy." See the sketch accompanying this communica- 
tion, and the plan suggested by Col. Redick for the protection 
of that exposed frontier, where his letter may be found, as re- 
ferred to above. 


Joseph Vance came to Smith township, Washington county, 
from Winchester, Va., in 1774, and took up the land now occu- 
pied in part by James L. A^ance, a great-grandson of the origi- 
nal proprietor. He was prominent in all the various expedi- 
tions, against the Indians, and built the stockade fort known 
for many years as Vance's Fort by the early settlers. The site 
of the fort is about one mile north of Cross Creek village, on 
the headwaters of a branch emptying into Raccoon creek. 
The exact spot is still shown. 

The region of country called Cross Creek, began to be settled 


about the year 1770 or "71. The first settlers were mostly 
Hcotch-Irish. Some came directly from the uorth of Irelaml 
and west of Scotland, some from York county, Pa., and from 
Winchester, Va., and a few from Mecklenburg, N. C. Meet- 
ings for worship were held as early as 177(1 and '77. Two such 
societies were organized without the bounds of the Cross 
Creek settlements. For several years the settlers were greatly 
harassed by incursions of hostile Indians. Not a few of those 
who fell under their murderous tomahawks lie in lh»' burying- 
ground of this congregation. From these incursions the 
people fled into Vance's and Wells' Forts; the former one 
mile north, and the latter five unles west of this church. In 
these forts social and afterward public worship was kept up 
for about seven years, especially in summer and autumn, the 
seasons when the Indians were wont to make their raids. 
* * * The Rev. James Powers, from the Forks of Youghio 
gheny, visited this region, and preached the first gospel sermon 
ever heard in it, on the 14th of Sept., 1778. This was under 
an oak tree just outside the gate of Vance's Fort. 

Tradition has it that liere was planned the expedition of 
1782, under Col. Williamson, against the Moravian Indians at 
Gnaddenhutten, which resulted in the massacre of those In- 
dians. Although the removal of the Indians from that place 
was the intention of the force when it started it was entirely 
changed from a circumstance which intervened. For on the 
arrival of the force at the villages of the Indians, finding the 
Indians possessed of some of the clothes of a Mrs. Wallace, 
who had been murdered in the vicinity of Vance's Fort, by In- 
dians a few months previously, the men became enraged, and 
instead of moving them to Fort Pitt, or farther west, they 
massacred them in cold blood. [Hist. Wash., 914-736-103-722. 
Messrs. J. M. K. Reed and Jaa. Simpson MS.]. 

Crawford's campaign against Sandusky. [Hist. Was-ih. Co., 
p. 103, 722.] 

It was at Vance's Fort that Wm. Parks, a brother-in-law of 
Rev. Thomas Marquis, was killed by the Indians in 1782. • 

27--V0I. 2. 



Hoagland's Fort was in'ar Leech's old mill ou the north 
branch of Raccoon creek, in Smith township, Washington 
county. On land now owned by Joseph Keys, are some .<tones 
which ai-e said to be on the site of Henry Hoagland's Foit. 
It is said the land belonged to Lund Washington and that 
Henry Hoagland never had legal title to the land. In ITSd 
the land was patented by James Leech as '^Litchfield." Among 
others James Leech, Matthew Rankin, William Rankin and 
Thomas Rankin forted here. * » * * There is a tradi- 
tion that at one time the women of this fort repulsed the In- 
dians who were attacking it with scalding water. QIS-Messrs. 
Reed and Simpson.] 

Title to this tract of land is mentioned in the History of 
Washington county, by Mr. Boyd Crnmrine, page 915. It 
would tlnis app«\Tr that this tract was part of the land granted 
by Virginia ])atent to Lund Washington, Nov. 24, 1779, who 
sold to Geo. McCormick. Jan. 20. 1792, and who Feb. 27th, of 
the same year, sold to Gabriel Blakeney, who sold, on the 19th 
of May, 1795, to John Wishart, from whom it descended to his 
daughter who was married to -Tames Leech. 

"On this tract had been an old fort, known as Hoagland's 
Fort which the Rankins, Ruxtons and others used as pl'ace 
of protection." 


A fort known as Allen's Fort was located near the line be- 
tween Smith and Robinson townships, Washington county, 
in Smith township (?), which the Baileys, Shearers, and others 
used as a, place of security before the Beelor Fort was erected. 
It is possible that John Allen settled there prior to that time, 
but his name does not appear on a Virginia certificate as hav- 
ing lands under that title. He took a Pennsylvania Avarrant 
November 5. 1784, which was surveyed to him by the name of 
"Derry," Feb. 25, 1785. He lived to an old age and died there; 
married, l)ut childless. The farm was left to a nephew, Mo^es 
Allen, who was not a thrifty man, and the farm passed to 
otlur hands. [Hist. Wash. Co., 916.] 



A fort or blockhouse was on (he place which latei became 
known as the Dinsmoie's Fort. This fort was on the taiiii 
where James Dinsmore lived and died at an advanced iv^o. 
James Dinsmore emijnrraled to this country from Ireland, and 
settled first in Fayette townsliip, .Vllej;heny county. Pa., and 
on the 21st of July, 17!>.">. jturchased 27(» acres of land in Canton 
township, Washington county, of Joshua Anderson, adjoining 
lands of Francis Cunningham, ^^amuel Agnew, James Taggart, 
and William Shearer, it being jjart of a tract called ^'Hunting- 
ton" which was patented to Joshua Anderson, Sept. 26th, 
1787. The farm was divided between his tw^o sons, John and 
James. The foi-mer remained on the homestead until his 
death. William his son is the ])resent owner of the homestead, 
where be was born. [Hist. Wash. Co., 680.] 


Hercules Roney and James Roney were of Scotch-Irish 
birth, and emigrated to America about 1775. They were early 
settlers in this couuty, and were both chain-men with Col. Wni. 
Crawford, as surveyoi- of Yohogania couuty, Va., aud assisted 
in many of the surveys of land granted on Virginia certiti 
cates. They settled in Findley township upon the land which 
they afterward obtained on Virginia certificates. Hercules 
Roney's certificate bears date Sept. 21, 1779. 

Hercules Roney built upon his land a large and strong block- 
house, which w as known as ^'Roney's Blockhouse," or "Roney's 
Fort." To this place the neighbors repaired in times of 

The Mcintosh family, who were of Scotch birth or descent, 
located in this township at an early but not precisely known 
date. During the harvest season of 1789 or 1790, the entire 
family, with the exception of one daughter, were massacred 
by Indians. They were out at some distance from their liouse 
engaged in stacking hay or grain, when the Indians fired on 


them, killing the father on the stack. The mother and six 
children fled towaid the house, but were overtaken, toma- 
hawked and scalped. The daughter above mentioned had been 
sent to a distant pasture with a horse, and hearing the firing, 
and realizing the danger, fled to Kone^^'s Blockhouse and gave 
the alarm. Hercules Koney and a party of men started at once 
for the scene of the butchery. The Indians had gone, but the 
eight dead and mutilated bodies told the bloody tale. Roney 
and his pai-ty buried them on the farm that is now owned by 
Mr. Blaney. [Hist. Wash. Co., 982.] 


William Reynolds came into what is now Cross Creek town- 
ship, Washington county, as early as 1755, and upon a Vir- 
ginia certificate took up 399 acres of land next to lands of 
James Jackson, Samuel Patterson, aud Thomas Marquis. This 
tract was surveyed Dec. 4, 1785, and given the name of "Rey- 
noldsville." The farm is now owned and occupied by Mr. Wm. 
M. Dunbar, and is located about one and a half miles south- 
west from Cross Creek village. On this place Mr. Reynolds 
built a blockhouse, the site of which is indicated by the 
present barn. This fort was the refuge of the families of 
James Jackson, James Colwell, widow Mary Patterson, 
Ephraim Hart, and all other neighbors near enough to avail 
themselves of its protection against the Indians. In the 
summer of 1779, the Indians attacked Reynolds' house 
during his absence carried off his wife and child, and 
while on their way to their towns west of the Ohio, 
being hotly pursued and attacked by Reynolds and a small 
party of whites, they murdered Mrs. Reynolds and the 
child. * * * * rpiip whites who were in this encounter 
were the Rev. Thomas Marquis, John Marquis, his brother, 
and Robert McCreedy. [Hist. Wash. Co., 724. Reed and 
Simpson MS.] 



Wells' Fort was built on the land of Alexander Wells, called 
"Mayfield'' (1780), on the waters of Cross Creek, near the junc- 
tion of North and iSouth Forks, in Cross Creek township, 
Washington county. The fort stood a little east of the stone- 
house now- owned by Wm. Knox (Brenemen, P. O. Wash. Co., 
Pa.). * * * * Besides being a refuge for the families of 
the settlement it was also a defense for the mill which stood a 
few rods west of it and was one of the earliest mills built in 
that pai't of the county, Mr. Wells having settled there in 1773. 

In April and May, 1782, the inhabitants in the vicinity of 
Wells' Mill petitioned Gen. Wm. Irvine, commander of the 
Western Department, at Fort Pitt, to send a few men to help 
garrison this fort and defend the mill, as there were eight or 
ten forts and blockhouses and posts dependent on the mill for 
their supplies of flour: 

"Sir; The dangerous situation that our frontiers at present 
seem to be in obliges us, your humble petitioners, to 
beg for your assistance at such a difficult time as it now is. 
Our case is such as follows, namely: We, the inhabitants neai- 
Mr. Alexander Wells' mill, are very unhandy to any other mill 
and daily open to the rage of a savage and merciless enemy, 
notwithstanding the great cai'e that hath already been taken 
for our safety by placing guards on the river. The inhabitants 
that live near enough the mill to fort there look upon them- 
selves not of sufficient force to guard the mill and carry on 
any labor to support their families. They will, therefore, un- 
doubtedly break off, unless your excellency will please to grant 
them a few men to guard the mill. Unless this is done we 
must also break ground, as the mill is not cmly our main sup- 
port in regard to bread for our families, but likewise in furnish- 
ing us with flour for every expedition that we are called to go 
upon. Their going oft" will expose us to another front side 
open. Therefore, we, your humble petitioners, pray that, if it 
is in your power to help us at such a difficult time, you will 
not be negligent in doing as much as possible. [Signed] 
Samuel Teter, Henry Nelson, James Scott, Phillip Doddridge, 
Charles Stuart, John Comley, Walter Hill, Benjamin Pursle, 


Morris West, Thomas Shannon, John Marieal, Michael Hough, 
Sen., John Carpenter, James Newell, William McClimans, 
Aaron Sackett." 

[On the same day a like petition was sent in from the fol- 
lowing persons living near Walls' fort — George Brown, John 
Baxter, Matthew Fouke, Samuel Naylor, John Sappington, 
George N'aylor, and, on the next day, a similar one from the 
following persons of Hoagland's near Alexander Wells' Mill: 
George McColloch, William Logan, John Biggs, Benj. Biggs, 
Charles Hedges, James Andr.ews, Wm. Harrison, Sen,, Nicholas 
Rodgers, Soloman Hedges, Joseph Hedges, Silas Hedges, 
Joseph Hedges, Jr., Isaac Meek, Wm. Bonar, 1). Hoghland.] 

The following exhibit also relates to this time. It belongs 
to the same correspondence. 

"To his excellency, Gener'al Irvine, commander-in-chief of the 
western department: 

"Dear Sir: We, the inhabitants, who live near Mr. Alex. 
Wells' mill, being very unhandy to any other mill, and daily 
open and exposed to the rage of a savage and merciless enemy, 
notwithstanding the great attention paid by the gener'al to 
our frontiers, and ordering men to be placed on the river — yet 
those inhabitants who live near enough the mill to fort there, 
tind ourselves unable to guard the mill and carry on labor for 
the support of our families; and so, of consequence, cannot 
continue to make a stand without some assistance. And it is 
clear that if this mill is evacuated many of the adjacent forts, 
at least seven or eight, that now hojje to make a stand, must 
give up; as their wljole dependence is on said mill for bread 
as well as every expedition from these parts. And scouting 
parties that turn out on alarms are sup])lied from here. There- 
fore, we, your humble petitioners, pray you would order us a 
few men to guard the mill — so valuable to many in these ]»arts 
in ]>iir(iculai' and tlie couutrv in general. May 2. 17S"J. 
[Signed] James Edgar. Henry Graham. David Vance. Arthnr 
Campbell. Joseph Vance." 

Nine days after, anollK'r and similar petition was sent in 
from the inhabitants of Charles Wells' and other stations 
lying near Mr. Alex. Wells' mill: 


"Washingtou county, Cross Creek Settlement, May 18, 178li. 

"We, your petitioners, have been several weeks iu actual 
service on these waters and on ihe waters of Buftalo creek and 
finding the distressed situation of the frontier inhabitants by 
the daily incursions of the savages which we are fully of the 
opinion the river guards cannot prevent, and as there are nine 
or ten forts th'at are constantly depending on Alexander Wells' 
mill for grinding where they are served and their work with 
speed despatched, we are entirely sensible that it is necessai*y 
and requisite that your excellency send a guard of seven, eight 
or nine men, to be stationed at said mill for their safety and to 
the satisfaction and encouragement of the forts adjacent. We, 
your peti toners, do reside in the interior parts of the country, 
though at present in the service of your excellency with all 
possible punctuality. [Signed] Uenjamin White, captain; 
Albert Ramsey, captain; Nathan Powel, lieutenant. To his 
excellency. Brig, General Irvine.'' 

There was another Wells' (Kichard) Fort, about six miles 
northwest from this, iu West Virginia, a short distance from 
the Penn'a line. Col. Marshall in a letter to Gen. Irvine of the 
2d of July, 17811, informs him of the movements of Col. Wil- 
liamson, then making ready for the expedition in movement 
against the Indians at that time. He says: "To-morrow I in 
tend marching whatever men may rendezvous in this quarter, 
to Richard Wells' Foil, which is within fiTe miles of Mingo 
Bottom; at which place 1 intend to stay, if circumstances will 
admit until I hear from you." [Butterfield's Crawford's Ex 
pedition, page 265.] 


This fort was built by John Doddridge on a Ir.ict of land 
called "Extravagance" situated on the waters of Buffalo creek 
in Independence township. Washington county, about threr 
miles west of West Middletown, and two miles east of Inde 
pendence town, and about three- fourths of a mile southwest 
from Teeter's Fort. The farm has long been a tenant farm 


and is now owned by Rev. W. F. Brown. D. I). Canons 
burg, Pa. 

When this fort was built it probably took the place of 
Teeters' Fort which had become indefensible. It stood where 
the present dwelling stands, and the stockade enclosed prob- 
ably about one-half an acre of land. There is an excellent 
spring still in existence which was either enclosed or so close 
as to be within the protection of the fort. 

Soon after the attack and repulse of the Indians at Wheel- 
ing an attack was made upon Rice's Fort on Buffalo creek, 
about 12 miles from its junction with the Ohio rivei', and 
about four miTes from Doddridge's Fort, which was also re- 
pulsed. It was supposed that an attack would then be made 
on Doddridge's Fort. Capt. Samuel Teeters, a relative of 
Doddridge, took command and prepared the fort for defense; 
but it was not attacked although the Indians passed near it. 
(Reed and Simpson MS.) 


This fort took its name from its builder, Capt. Samuel 
Teeters, who had participated in Braddock's and Grant's de- 
feats, and who located on a tract of land called "Plenty" on the 
waters of Cross creek, in Independence township, Washington 
county. The premises are now owned and occupied by Col. 
Asa Manchester, (aged about 82 years); and had been in the 
Manchester family since 1797, Isaac Manchester having pur- 
chased the farm in that year from Capt. Saml. Teeters and 
from him it has descended to the present owner. Samuel 
Teeters settled on it in 1773. 

The dimensions of this fort cannot be given, but it was sup- 
posed to contain within its area about the one-eighth of an 
acre. Part of the site is probably covered by the owner's 
present residence, which was erected in 1815. There are some 
stones in the house-yard which were probably foundation 
stones of the blockhouse or of some of the cabins. Some of 
the logs of the fort, or stockade, are still in use in Col. Man- 
chester's woodhouse. The Colonel showed where he remera- 



bered a long depression caused by the decaying of the stock- 
ades, which were split logs standing about 16 feet high, set in 
the ground with other logs set in the interstices, 'and which 
had been erected around his house and buildings. * * * * 
This was probably one of the first forts erected in this vicinity. 
It was abandoned as indefensible on the erection of Dodd- 
ridge's Port about three-fourths of a mile southwest therefrom. 
[Reed and Simpson MS., Hist. Wash. Co., 825.] 


Beeman's Blockhouse was situated on Beeman's run, which 
empties into the north fork of Wheeling creek. In front of 
this blockhouse was a long, narrow field, on which horses were 
pastured. At the extremity of the field the fence was down, 
and two boys passed through into the woods in search of the 
horses that had strayed off. The Indians had thrown down 
the fence as a ruse, and taken the horses into the woods, and 
thither the boys ignorantly went. That night the boys were 
tomahawked, scalped, and left for dead. In the morning, on 
awakening, one of the boys found the Indians had left, and his 
brother dead, went to the river and pursued its course until 
evening, when he arrived at Wheeling. [Creigh's Hist, of 
Wash. Co.. p. 55.] 


Marshall's Blockhouse built by Col. James Marshall stood on 
a tract of land called "Marshall's Delight," CrossCreek township. 
Washington county. This was an important place of refuge, 
but was never attacked, so far as known. It was built near a 
spring still in use. The land is now owned and occupied by 
Mrs. Margaret W. McCorkle. 

Col. James Marshel and his sou John always spelled their 
surname in this peculiar way — Marshel. The cousins of Col. 
Marshel, though of the same family, spelled their name in the 
usual way — IMarshall. 



Abraham Enlow was among the first of the settlers in what 
is now East Fiulej township, Washington county. There is 
little doubt that he was here as early as 1775. He settled on 
AVheeling creek, where he built a blockhouse for the protec- 
tion of himseli' and family from the Indians. « * * * Qf 
this branch of the P^nlow family, Elliott, Jr., is the only one 
now living. He still owns a part of the old homestead, and 
another portion is the property of William MeCleary." [Crum- 
rine's Hist, ^^'ash. Co., p. 775.] 


The land on which Burgettstown is situated was located by 
Sebastian Burgett, a native of Germany, who emigrated to 
this country with his wife and three children, and settled in 
Berks county. Pa. While living there his wife died, and left 
to his care tv«^o sons and a daughter. He removed to near 
Robbstown (West Newton) Westmoreland county, before 1773 
where he soon after married Roxana Markle. He came to this 
part of the country and located upon a large tract of laud, 
which later was secured to his heirs. His name is mentioned 
as early as 1780 in connection with the Virginia certiticate of 
George McCormick, Henry Rankin, and others whose lands he 

The Burgett house stood near the Robert Scott house, and 
the old fort, as it was called was near it. This last stood many 
years, and Inter was partially covered with clapboards. Sev 
eral years ago, when Mr. Boston Burgett built a new house, the 
old log structure was removed across the street, and was used 
as a cow-house. The tomalutwk and bullet-marks W(M'e visible 
If wns finally struck by lightning and destroyed. [Hist. Wash. 
('<»., jnn ri'umrino.] 



The first settlement in Einley township in the western part 
(if Washinj^ton county was about 1785. In this a man by 
the name of Mcintosh, with his wife and eight children, settled 
on what is now^ the Blockhouse Bun (from the fact that Camp- 
bell's Blockhouse was erected there). See Rouey's Blockhouse. 

"The lands in ^^'est Finley township were chiefly owned by 
Messrs. Shields and Hollinj;worth, of Phila., part of which was 
taken in 1700 by Scotch Tresltyterian emigrants direct from 
Scotland — hence it was often known by the name of the 
"Scotch settlement." On this land they built Campbell's Block- 
house in the summer of that year. It was situate about one 
mile and a half west of the village of Good Intent. These 
settlers had exceedingly hard times. Inuring part of the sum- 
mer months th(\v were shut up in the blockhouse, and it was 
with the greatest difficulty and peril they could raise corn 
suflQcient for their families and their stock." [Creigh's Hist. 
Wash. Co.. p. 57.] 


Froman's Fort. — Col. Aeneas Mackay and others to Jos. 
Shippen, Secretary of the Governor, from Pittsburgli, July 8th. 
1774, Arch., iv, 540), says: "Sin(;e our memorial to his honor 
the governor, of the 25th of June, accompanied by some notes, 
there has several occurances of so extraordinary a nature hap- 
pened, that we hope no apology is necessary for giving you 
this trouble. The traders who were coming by land are all 
come in safe. Capt. Whiteyes is returned with the strongest 
assurrances of friendship from the Shawanese, Delawares, Wy 
andots and Cherokees, with whom he had been treating on our 
behalf. Upon his return he found his house liroken open by 
the Virginians, and about thirty pounds w^orth of his property 
taken, which was divided and sold by the robbers at one Fro- 
man's Fort, on Chartiers creek." • ♦ • * (^^1. Mackay 
here reflects on the partisans of Lord Dnnmore. 


Froman's Fort, on Chartiers creek is classed with Vance's 
Fort, Lindley's Fort and others that were erected in Wash- 
ington county, bj' Mr. Crumrine in his History of that county, 
page 73. On the Historical Map of the State it is set down op 
posite Canonsburg. 


"Col. David Williamson was colonel of the third battalion of 
Washington County militia, and second in command upon the 
Sandusky Expedition. He was a son of John Williamson, and 
was born in .1752, near Carlisle, Penna. He came to the west- 
ern country when a boy; he afterwards returned home and 
persuaded his parents to emigrate beyound the Allegheny. 
They settled upon Buffalo creek, in what was Washington 
county, about twelve miles from the Ohio. At that point, 
David had a 'station' during the Revolution, which, though 
often alarmed, was never attacked." [C. W. Butterfield, in 
note, p. 366, Wash.-Irvine Cor.] 


An old cabin, sometimes used as a place of refuge, was built 
by Thomas Bayon. It stood on a farm now owned by J. D. 
Braden, Esq., and others in Cross Creek township. 


Another fort was Taylor's Fort, near the site of Taylors- 
town. It stood on a knoll on the bank of Buffalo creek, (Buf- 
falo townshi])), the property being now owned by James 



"Col. James AUisou, of Cecil county, Maryland, came in the 
spring of 1774 to what is now Washington county, and settled 
on Chartiers. He and his family were of the twenty families who 
came to this section in that year, among whom were the Scotts, 
McDowells, Parks, Morrisons, Stuthers, Norris and others. 
For the first year after these families arrived in the valley they 
were accustomed to rendezvous in time of danger from the 
Indians at a fort that was built on the land of William Norris, 
in the rear of the old quail place, Chartiers Township." [Hist. 
Wash. Co., 707. Crumrine.j 


"The Cherry Fort was situated on the farm commonly 
known as the Cherry farm from having remained in the family 
name until a recent period, in Mount Pleasant township, Wash 
ington county, and stood a few yards northeast of William P. 
Cherry's present (1882) residence. It consisted of three log 
buildings, one twenty-five feet square, the others smaller. 
They were arranged in a triangular form and enclosed with a 
stockade. The fort was built in the summer and fall of 1774, 
and was the residence of the Cherrys, and where in times of 
danger the McCartys, Rankins, and others fled. The large 
building was two stories in height, with a half-story above, and 
was built to withstand a formidable attack." [Hist. Wash. 
Co., Crumrine, p. 85.5.] It is on land now owned by Mr. Mar 
tin Raab. 


Lamb's Fort is said to have been four miles from Rice's Fort 
and is mentioned in the account of the attack on Fort Rice as 
given in Withers' Chronicles. ''When Rice's fort was attacked 
Abraham Rice was absent, having set out at once on receipt of 


the news brought by Jacob Miller to go to Lamb's fort for as- 
sistance."' A place locally known as "the Fort" on the farm of 
Mr. Luther Davis, in Hopewell township, Washington county, 
is probobaly the site. On authority of Messrs. J. M. K. Reed 
and James Simpson. 


Dr. Creigh in his History of Washington County says there 
was a fort called Becket's Fort near the Monongahela river 
(page 56). 

"When the Court for Monongalia County, V'a. [under the 
jurisdiction of Virginia], met at Fort Dunmore, (originally and 
afterward Fort Pitt), on the 21st of Feb., 177.5, viewers were 
appointed to report roads from and to various points. One of 
these was from Fort Dunmore (IMttsburgh) to Becket's Fort 
and the points were from Becket's Fort to James AVilson's, 
thence to the Monongahela river; thence to the head of Saw- 
mill run; thence to Fort IMtt (Pittsburgh)." Tb. 20. 

Dr. Alfred Creigh makes mention of the following forts and 
blockhouses in his History of Washington (Jouuty of which 
norliing further can be learned. Tlie location where given is 
liie onl\ further information to be added. 

"Tliei'e was a blockhouse on the farm owned by William M. 
Lee, Esq., called Reynolds' Fort from the owner of the laud 
William Reynolds, Escj." I'age 2:^8. * * * * This farm is 
now (jwned by Mr. William M. Dunbar, and is near Gross creek 
village. Cross ('reek township. ^Vashington county. 

"There was a blockhouse in Mount Pleasant township. 
Washington county, on ^^'ilson's farm which is now (1870) 
owned by Andrew Russel, Esq.'' This is on the farm now 
owned by Mr. Miller. 

"There was also a fort in West Bethlehem township, Wash- 
ington county, at the village of Zollarsville, and directly in the 
nnr of the dwelling house and store of Edward R. Smith. Esq.. 


on the high bluff which overlooks the fori." ZoUai'Sville is on 
the North Branch of Ten Mile oreek, sixteen miles from Wash- 


Dr. Alfred Creigh in his history of Washington county, in 
speaking of Aniwell township, which borders on Greene coun- 
ty, observes that "the early settlers of this part of the county 
as well as the adjoining county of Greene, were squatters who 
purchased the land from the native Indians for a gun, trinket, 
or gewgaw, of whom were John Eutman and Dennis Smith, the 
former dying at the age of ninety-nine and the latter at one 
hundred and four; these two, with William Gordon, Kussel 
Reese, John Lorrison, and John James constituted the princi- 
pal original settlers. From the year 1770 to 1790, they were 
followed by a different kind of men, who patented their lands 
and obtained them legally; these early pioneers were Na- 
thaniel McGriffen, David Evans, James Milliken, Abel McFar- 
land, George Cooper and John Bates, some of whom served in 
the Revolutionary War with marked distinction. 

*'For their protection these settlers erected two forts, one 
called Fort Milliken. situated on a beautiful mound on the 
farm of Mrs, Samuel Bradon, the other was named Fort Mc- 
Farland. and located on the farm of Peter Garrett. * * * 
The history of the North Tenmile Baptist Church runs back as 
far as the year 1772. Tn their first labors they were much 
troubled with the Indians, and were often compelled to hold 
their meetinjjr in Fort McFarland." 


''There was a third fort or blockhouse on the fai'iii now (1870) 
owned by Nehemiah Woodruff, Esq., ^vhere many bones, ar 
rows, wares, and trinkets are unearthed by the farmer's plow. 
The mound that encircled the area of this third fort until re- 


eontlj was covered with large trees, and iu the immediate 
vidnitj are numerous burying-grounds of the Indians." 
[Creigh's Hist Wash. Co., 93-94.] 


Mention is made of Cox's, (or Coxe's) Fort or Station fre- 
quently in the latter days of the Revolution, but it was in ex- 
istence much earlier. Gabriel Cox, from whom the fort was 
named and on whose land the fort was built and the station 
established, was a Major under authority of Virginia from 
1776 to 1782; and was a participant in various expeditions that 
went out from the Washington county region against the In- 
dians from 1778 to 1782. [History of Washington County, 
Crurarine, 961.] 

In Dunlevy's declaration for a pension, as recited in a note 
to Mr. Butterfleld's Crawford's Expedition, it is said: "Dun- 
levy volunteered about the first of March, 1778, for one month's 
service. The rendezvous was at Cox's Station, on Peter's 
creek. Colonels Isaac Cox and John Canon attended to organ- 
izing the men; but in eight days the militia relinquished their 
arms to some recruits for the regular army, who relieved them, 
and they returned home to attend to putting in their crops." 

In mentioning the early settlers of Peters township (then 
embracing Union township), in the History of Washington 
County edited by Mr. Crumrine, it is said that "David Steele 
was in service in 1776 under Captain Isaac Cox, and himself 
rose to the grade of Captain. On the 1st of March, 1778, he 
was with the troops who rendezvoused at Cox's Station, under 
Colonel Isaac Cox and John Canon." 

During the time that Virginia exercised jurisdiction over this 
portion of the State this was a notable point and is frequently 
mentioned in their records and in the minutes of their county 
courts. ^'Commissioners appointed by Virginia for the adjust- 
ment and settling titles of claimants to unpatented lands 'came 
to the western watters' in the Monongahela Valley in Decem 
\ti']\ 1779, and in that and the following months sat at Red- 


Stone and at Cox's Fort, on the Monongahela, and granted 
scores of certificates to claimants under Virginia settlement 

Mr. Crumrine in a note to this text says: "There has been 
some doubt as to the locality of Cox's Fort. Mr. Veech calls 
It "Coxe's Fort, on the west side of the Monongahela." Some 
of the certificates are dated at Coxe's Fort, others at Cox's 
Fort, evidently meaning the same place. There was a Cox's 
Fort just above Wellsburg, on land about 1785 bought of Van 
Swearingeu, but the locality called by this name in the text is 
believed to be the station or fort at Capt. Gabriel Cox's, in 
now Union Township." 

Commissioners sat there till some time in 1780. "No event 
(says Judge Veech in Centenary Memorial, 336,) in the whole 
controversy so roused the ire of Pennsylvania." 

The present owner of the land on which Cox's Fort stood, 
'is Mr. Samuel Myers. The farm is a part of tract taken out 
by Gabriel Cox, under the name of Coxburg, Number 486, en- 
rolled in patent book No. 4, P. 9 to 11. The location of the 
fort is in Union township, Washington county, one mile from 
Gastonville, on the Washington and Wheeling division of the 
Baltimore and Ohio railroad, one mile from Shire Oaks on the 
Virginia and Charleston division of the Pennsylvania rail- 
road; on the Monongahela river, fourteen miles from Pitts- 

Mr. Myers son plowed up a tw^elve pound cannon ball in the 
spring of 1892 on the site of the fort. (Thos. Denniston, Esq.) 

All verbal accounts agree that the Fort was stockaded, but 
it is reasonable to suppose that latterly the chief features of 
the post were those structures which were necessary for the 
accommodation of the organized soldiery who on occasion 
were stationed here. 


Mention is made in the correspondence of 1781-2 of McDon 
aid's Station, sometimes fort. The following petition was sent 
2S-Vol 2. 


to (ieii. iiviue April 5tli, 1782. The original is found in thii 
Wasliiuglou-lrvine Correspondence, page 298. 

"To the Honorable General Irvine, commandant on the west- 
ern waters: 

"Your humble petitioners showing forth our situation since 
the year 1777, that we liavc lived in a state of anarchy. \Vc 
were in great hopes that your honor would have supported us 
that we could have lived at our own homes; but lately, learn 
ing that the station is evacuated, we expect nothing else but 
that tlie Indians will be immediately amongst us. Therefore, 
we, the subscribers, have met this day at the house of John 
McDonald. At the risk of our lives and fortunes, with the 
assistance of the Almighty God, we are determined to make a 
slop here the ensuing summer. We look upon it prudent to 
use tlie means as well as prayers. Therefore, sir, we look for 
aid and assistance, as we are but a few in number, not able tg 
repel the enemy. Therefore, we look to you for men, ammuni 
tion and arms. 

"We know that provision is scarce, therefore we will find 
the men that are sent to us, only allowing us rations-pay. The 
number of men we request is ten. McDonald, last Tuesday, 
waited on Colonel James Marshel, our county lieutenant, re 
questing him for some assivstance of men, powder and lead. 
His answer was he could not furnish him with either. 

''Sir: — We understand that George Vallandigham is to sit 
in council with you to-morrow, who was a sufferer as well as 
we are, and has lately left his place of abode and took his 
refuge near Colonel [John] Canon's. Pray, sir, ask of him 
«)ur present situation. [Signed] Wm. Littell, Joshua Meeks, 
John Robb, James Littell, James Baggs, John Hull, Thomas 
Moon, John McDonald, John Reed, Wm. Anderson. 

"N. B. — Tlie situation of McDonald's place is pleasant, lying 
and being on a knoll or advantageous piece of ground for any 
garrison. \\'e tlio subscribers observing that the states must 
have receiving and issuing stores, it is our opinion that ac 
cording to McDonald's promise, we think it the best place for 
said stores. McDonald's promises are that the states shall 
have, without cost, his still-house, hogsheads, his cellar under 


his new house, together with the lowest stor^ of his spring 
house, without price or lee to the states. We have appointed 
Joshua Meeks and John McDonald to lay our petitions before 
voiir liouor. April 5, 1781'.'' 

Among the minutes of the proceedings of the Supreme Exe- 
cutive Council is the following, taken from Pa. Records, xvi, 
'2i>:L Feb. 18lh, i75>U. "The Comptroller and Register Gen- 
eral's Reports, upon the following accounts, [among which is 
the one quoted], were read and approved, vizt: Of Josepli 
Brown for one month's pay as a volunteer militia man, .while 
stationed at one McDonald's, for the defense of the county of 
Washington, in Aug. 1782, amounting to five pounds, five shil 
lings." . 

"This fort was located back of Merryman's house 

some distance, on or near the site of the old school house. The 
fort was built of logs, with a stockade, around it for the pro- 
tection of their cattle in case of a general alai'm." [Edward 
McDonald, Esq., McDonald, Pa. MS.] 

Remarks. — Chartiers creek flows a northeast course of thirty 
tive or forty miles and empties into the Ohio river five miles 
above Pittsburgh. This creek derives its name from Peter 
Chartif^rs, who A\ent among the Indians on the Ohio and tribu 
tary streams to deal for peltries. He was an infiuential In 
dian inler]>jeter, and joined the French Indians on the Ohio, 
to the injury of Pennsylvania. Chartiers had a trading sta- 
tion on or near the mouth of the creek. Gov. Thomas, in 174'). 
said that the jierfidious blood of the Shawaucse i»artly runs in 
his veins. 

Cross creek rises in Mount Pleasant township and runs 
northwest to the Ohio river, a few miles above Wellsburg, West 

"Mingo Rottom is a rich plateau on tlio immediate bank of 
the Ohio, in the south half of section 27 of township two. range 
one, of the government survey, extending south to a small af 
fluent of the Ohio known as Cross creek. Opposite the upper 
portion of Mingo Rotton is Mingo Island, containing about ten 
acres, although much larger in 1782. It supports a scanty 


growtli of willow bushes onlj, but within the recollection of 
many now living it was studded with trees of large size, par- 
ticularly the soft maple. Cross creek, on the Virginia side, 
flows into the Ohio about three-fourths of a mile below. Be- 
fore the great Hood of 1832 the island contained not less than 
twenty acres. The usual place of crossing was from shore to 
shore, across the head of the island. At the landing on the 
west bank the vagrant Mingoes had once a village, deserted, 
however, as early as 1772. Their town gave name to the lo- 
cality. The Ohio had been forded at this crossing in very low 
water. The bluffs of the river are below the island on the 
Virginia side, above on the Ohio side. Mingo Bottom contains 
about two hundred and fifty acres." 


"On the 9th of Feb., 1796, another portion of the territory of 
Washington county was erected into Greene county. By this 
act the following townships, namely, Greene, Cumberland, Mor- 
gan, Franklin and Rich Hill were struck off to form Greene 
county." I 

It is thus seen that none of the forts or blockhouses which 
are properly the subject matter of our inquiries, had existence 
during the civil history of Greene county; but in conformity 
with the plan which we have adopted the following places are 
specified as within that county. The history of these places, 
indeed, is always associated with the name of Washington 
county, for the apparent reason that the necessity which called 
for them existed only prior to the erection of Greene. 

We apprehend that it is well nigh impossible to give an 
exact, and therefore a satisfactory account of these border 
posts along the line where the territory of Pennsylvania 
touches the territory of West Virginia. Many blockhouses 
and some stockade forts were within proximity of the people 
wild were doniifilfHl on what, for the most jtart of tlie iiuie, 


was on our side of the imaginary line dividing Virginia an«l 
Pennsylvania. These became the refuge in times of danger of 
our people, while at the same time, as the occasion offered, the 
blockhouses and forts on our side of the line sheltered the Vir 


The lirst depredations of Logan after he had taken up the 
hatchet against the whites occurred in the neighborhood of 
this fort. Admonished by these bloody occurrences, "precau- 
tions were talcen to prepare a place of safety to which the scat 
tered settlers c©uld betake themselves on the intimations of 
danger. Jackson's Fort was commenced in the same year, 
1774, on the Jesse Hook property, then owned by a man by the 
name of Jackson. His cabin, which was the nucleus of the 
fort, stood near the bluff of the creek, directly south of Hook's 
town. Remains of the structure are still [1888] visible. At 
first it was but a single cabin, but subsequently consisted of a 
regular system of cabins, arranged in the form of a hollow 
square, and enclosing an acre or more of ground. Between the 
cabins were palisades ten or twelve feet high, supplied with 
port-holes. Each of the neighboring settlers owned one of 
these cabins, to which he could flee for refuge in times of 
danger, in addition to the home on his own tract of land. The 
doors of these cabins opened within the enclosure, the outside 
having neither windows nor doors, except some look-out in 
the upper part of each. There was but one entrance, and 
when once within, each family controlled its own 
cabin, the enclosed square being common to all. 'Such 
is a very brief description', says Evans, 'of an institution once 
regarded the hope and salvation of its people. Around this 
devoted spot cluster a myriad of reminiscences, which, if they 
could be intelligently unraveled, and woven into narrative, 
would make volumes of interesting matter. The traditions of 
Jackson's Fort are exceeding numerous, but are very vague, 
contradictory and unsatisfactory." 

(1.) History of Greene county,, Pa., by Samuel P. Bates, 1888. 


* * * * The gentlemau referred to above, L. K. Evans, 
Esq., during the centenuial year of independence, published in 
the Waynesburg Republican, which he then edited, a series of 
articles running through an entire year of weekly issue, em- 
bracing investigations covering much of the early history of 
the county. 

Jackson's Fort was a short distance — within about half a 
mile of the borough of Waynesburg, the county-town of 
(Ireene county, on lands now owned by Thomas Dougal, just 
south of Ten-Mile creek, opposite Hooktown. The printed ac- 
counts of its history are extremely meagre, and very unsatis 
factory. During its existence as a defensive post it was of 
course within W'ashviigioii conuly. The inhabitants aboiil this 
fort suffered in common with their neighbors and with those of 
this entire region, very grievously, especially during the latter 
part of the Revolution. Col. Marshel writes to Gen. Wm. Ir- 
vine, at Pittsburgh from Catfish, [^Vash.. Pu.] July 4th. 1782, 
[Wash.-Irvine Cor., 2J)8,], saying, "Repeated application by the 
inhabitants on the south line of this county iiauu^ly: from 
Jackson's Fort to Buffalo ci'oek, [Uutfalo creek rises in what 
is now East Findley Township, >Vash. Co., Pa,, flowing west- 
erly into the Ohio], and I am at a loss to know what to do. 
The people declare they must immediately abandon their habi- 
tations until a few men are sent to them during liarvest. They 
also declare their willingness to submit to and su])ply the men 
on the faith of government. If you approve of sending a few 
men to this frontier, you will please to order the bearer such 
quantity of ammunition as you think proper." 

The date of the erection of Jackson's Fort is given in a note 
to Withers' Chronicles as of the same time or cotempctrane- 
ously with the erection of Shepard's on Wheeling creek and 
those forts which were erected in Tygart's Valley, which date 
was 1774, after the collision of the whites with the Indians 
near the mouth of Captina creek, which led to Dunmore's 
War. It would therefore appear to have been in existence 
during the entire Revolution. 

Lieut.-Col. Stephen Rayard writes to Col. William McCleery 
one of the sublieutenants of Washington connty, under date 
of Angust 4th. 1782. as follows: 


"1 have sent vou by the bearer, William Hathaway, eight 
pounds powder and sixteen pounds lead for the particular use 
of Jackson's Fort, which is all I could undertake to send in 
the General's [Irvine's] absence, wlio marches this morning 
with n party of Kegulars toward the Mingo liottom. When he 
n^turns. you will no doubt me supplied with ammunition for 
the rangers." 

Col. McClcery had written the following letter to Irvine 
which called out. in the General's absence, the letter of Col. 
Bayard, above: 

"Traveler's Rest„^^'ashington County, Aug. .'id, ITSJ. 

"Dear Sir: — The bearer will call u])on you for powder, lead 
and tlints for the use of the ranging company allotcd for the 
defence of oui' frontiei's [two niontlis] tlie time pr(t[)osed for 
their continuance. 

"Permit me to observe that a small magazine kept at this 
place for the purpose of furnishing those men that may be 
called upon to repell the enemy from time to time, should they 
penetrate into our settlements would rdnder essential service 
both to ourselves and country. « » * ♦ Should you think 
such a proceeding consistent, you will be good enough to aug 
ment the quantity alloted for the rangers, so as I may be en- 
abled to furnish for the above purposes. At the same time, 
please to obsci've that nsen living in the woods, exposed to the 
weather (as these rangers must be), will need more ammunition 
than those stationed at a garrison." [Correspondence, Wash.- 
Irvine. ROO 'iOl.] 


Garard's Foit is located in Greene township. Greene county, 
and the town of (4arai'd. Garard's Fort, of the present day 
occupies almost the same site as the old Indian Foit. The site 
is on the left bank of Whiteley creek about seven miles west of 
Cii*( fnsborough. 

The fertility of the soil was such ns to attract the eye of the 
early explorers, and here were their first lodgings. The town 
ship is well watered by Wh)t<'lev creek. Few sections of the 


county present a more inviting appearance than the valley o\ 
this stream. In the central portion of this township on the 
left bant of the creek was located Garard's Fort, a place of 
great importance at that period when Indian masacres were 
frequent, as a place of refuge and safety for the settlers, and 
around it has grown the principal village in the township." 

This fort is made memorable by the horrible butchery of the 
Corbly family: 

It was in the neighborhood of this fort that the first reli- 
gious worship in this section was held, and here was organized 
in 1776, on the 7th day of October, the first church in the 
county. It was built by the Baptist denomination. Rev. Cor- 
' bly and his family, and others had settled at a very early date 
on Muddy creek. Of this church he "was at an early day in- 
stalled pastor, and ministered to the congregation at the time 
when the savages were reeking their vengeance upon the help- 
less and defenceless settlers. In May, 1782, his family was at- 
tacked on Sunday morning while on the way to church. In a 
letter written by Mr. Gorbly dated 1785, to Rev. Wm. Rogers, 
of Philadelphia, he gives the following account of the heart- 
rending circumstance: 

"On the second Sabbath in May, in the year 1782, being my 
appointment at one of my meeting-houses, about a mile from 
my dwelling-house, I set out with my dear wife and five chil- 
dren for public worship. Not suspecting any danger, I walked 
behind 200 yards, with my Bible in my hand, meditating; as 1 
was thus employed, all on a sudden, I was greatly alarmed 
with the frightful shrieks of my dear family before me. I im- 
mediately ran, with all the speed I could, vainly hunting a club 
as I ran, till I got within forty yards of them; my poor wife 
on seeing me, cried to me to make my escape; an Indian ran 
up to shoot me; I then fled, and by so doing outran hina. My 
wife had a sucking child in her arms; this little infant they 
killed and scalped. They then struck my wife several times, 
butnotgettingher down, the Indian who aimed to shoot me, ran 
to her, shot her through the body and scalped her; my littk 
boy, an only son, about six years old, they sunk the hatchet 
into his brain, and thus despatched him. A daughter, besides 
the infant, they also killed and scalped. My eldest daughter. 


who is yet alive, was hid in a tree, about 20 yards away from 
the place where the rest were killed, and saw the whole pro- 
ceedings. t?he, seeing the Indians all go ott", as she thought, got 
np, and deliberately crept from the hollow trunk; but one of 
them espying her, ran hastily up, and scalped her; also her 
only surviving sister, one on whose head they did not leave 
more than an inch round, either of flesh or skin, besides taking 
a piece of her skull. She, and the before mentioned one, are still 
miraculously preserved, though, as you may think 1 have had 
and still have, a great deal of tiouble and expense with them, 
besides anxiety about them, insomuch that I am, as to wordly 
circumstances, almost ruined. I am yet in hopes of seeing 
them cured; they still, blessed be the God, retain their senses, 
notwithstanding the painful operations they have already, and 
must 3'et pass through, 

"Muddy Creek, Washington co., July 8, 1785." 


"Cumberland township was probably one of the first settled 
townships in Greene county. John Swan, as early as 1767, 
looked upon the stately forests that encumbered all the valley 
of Pumpkin run with an eye of satisfaction, and to notice that 
he had chosen this location for himself proceeded to put his 
mark upon it by blazing the trees around a goodly circuit. In 
1768-69 he returned and made a fixed habitation. He was ac- 
companied by Thomas Hughes and Jesse Vanmeter, who 
united their strength for mutual protection. These early 
pioneers determined to provide for the safety of their families, 
and accordingly built a strong stockade, which has ever since 
been known as old Fort Swan and Vanmeter. It was situated 
near the border of Cumberland township [near the present 
town of Carmichaels]. on the spot where the house of Andrew 
J. Young stands and was a noted rallying point in its day for 
the venturesome pioneers and their families." The fort was 
erected early, not later than 1774, and probably earlier. 


''Until the massacre by Logan and his baud, in 1774, therft 
was no trouble with the Indians; though for safety it had be- 
come necessary to have a place of refuge and a fort was built 
on John Swan's farm, known as Swan and Vanmeter's Port." 
[Hist. Greene Co., Pa.] 


"Ryerson's Fort, an important rallying point in times of 
danger, was located on the great Indian war path leading 
across from the Ohio river to the Monongahela, at the con. 
tiuence of the north and south forks of Dunkard branch of 
Wheeling creek. 

''It was recognized from the very first as an important 
strategic point of defence for the settlers against the incur- 
sion of hostile Indians from their villages across the Ohio. 
Here the authorities of Virginia had 'a fort built, to the de- 
fence of which Capt. James Seals was sent, having in his com- 
pany the grandfather, father and uncles of Isaac Teagarden, 
and Thomas Lazear, father of Hon. Isaac Lazear.*' [Hist. 
Greene Co., 530-536.] 

The following is given on the authority of L. K. Evans, Esq., 
and taken from his Centennial Articles, elsewhere referred to. 

"About the year 1790, a family by the name of Davis resided 
on the north branch of Dunkard Wheeling creek, about three 
miles above Ryerson's Station, and a short distance below 
Stall's or Kinkaid's Mill. The family, with the exception of 
one fortunate lad wlio had been sent to drive up the horses, 
were seated around the breakfast-table, part\iking of a humble 
but substantial repast. Suddenly a party of warrior savages 
appeared at the cabin door. The old man and his two sons 
sprang up as l>y instinct to reach for their guns which hung on 
convenient pegs by the cabin wall; but the design was detected 
by the Indians, wlio instantly shot the three dead on the spot. 
After scalping the victims, despatching the breakfast and pil- 
laging the premises, they made captive the mother and only 
daughter, and departed on their way up the creek. The boy 


niauased to elude them, and escaped unharmed. It appears 
that they captured a horse. One of the Indians mounted it, 
and taking- the girl before liim, and the woman behind him, 
was traveling gaily along. However, they had not proceeded 
far \\ hen a sliot from the rilie of Jolin Henderson, who lay con- 
cealed in an adjoining thicket, knocked the savage oft". But 
whether the wound was fatal or not, Henderson did not remain 
to find out. He had to provide himself safety from the in- 
furiated savages." 

Some time after the decaying body of tlic dauglitcr was 
found, but no trace of the mother was ever discovered. The 
mutilated bodies of the slain were buried near tlie cabin and 
their graves are still marked. The skeleton remains of an In- 
dian were afterward found, supposed to have been the savage 
shot by Henderson. [Hist. Greene Co., 587.] 

In a biograjihieal sketch of James Paull by the Hon. James 
Veech in the Monongahela of Old. it is said that in 1784 or 
178r> he commanded a company of scouts or rangers, on a toui' 
to Kyerson's Slati(ui, on the western frontier of now Greene 

The site of the fort is on the farm now owned by Francis 

Some of the most noted of the settlers' forts near the line 
of Greene county on the Virgina side were the following: 


A fort frequently mentioned with the history of this section 
is Statler's Fort. It has sometimes been located in- Greene 
county. Duukard creek, upon which it was located, flows 
sinuously along the division line of the two states. The fol- 
lowing is from the History of Monongahela county. West Vir- 
ginia, by Samuel T. Wiley, p. 742: "Statlei's Fort— This fort 
has Iteen located at different points along Dunkard creek. It 
was on lands now owned by Isaac Shriever. The writer, on 
visiting the place, found the fort to have stood on the bottom 
below the graveyard, on a slight elevation above the Dunkard 


creek bottom. Mrs. Shriever was positive that this was 
the location, she having heard Mrs. Brown (who was a Statler) 
tell of being in the fort when twelve years old and who said 
that this was the spot where it stood. It was but a short dis- 
tance below Brown's mills." It wonld thus appear that it is 
properly located in Monongalia county, West Virginia. 


In the northern part of Monongahela county, West Virginia, 
on Crooked run — very near the Greene county line. This fort 
was attacked in June, 1779, when ten whites were killed and 
captured. [See Border Warfare, by Withers' and Hist. Mon- 
ongalia Co., by Samuel T. Wiley.] 


Harrison's Fort, built by Richard Harrison, was on the 
headwaters of Crooked run, and not a mile from Martin's Fort. 

There was a Vanmeter's Fort a short distance above Wheel- 
ing, near the Ohio river in the Panhandle, somewhat more 
conspicuous than the fort called Fort Swan and Vanmeter in 
frreene county. [See Crawford's Expedition by Butterfield.] 


Altlioiigh there were some settlers in what is now Indiana 
county (then Westmoreland) very early — shortly after the 
opening of the land office, (1769), — yet the number was small, 
and after the Revolutionary War began, most of these aban- 
doned llieir settlements and sought protection further south- 


ward nearer the rivers Kiskiminetas and Conemaugli; some 
stopped in Ligonier Valley, and some returned to the east of 
the Mountains. This condition continued until near the close 
of the war, at which time some of those who had been driven 
off, returned, and others came with them. Such places, there- 
fore, as are here mentioned belong to the latter period. After 
the close of the War, this section became in its turn a frontier, 
and there were various places intended for temporary refuge 
constructed out of the houses of the settlers of that time; but 
while the apprehensions were great at Inmes during the Indian 
wars of 1790 and '93, yet no serious depredations were com- 
mitted by the few detached parties of savages who marauded 
through the region nearest the Allegheny. 


"In the month of May, 1772, Fergus Moorhead, his wife and 
three children, his two brothers, Samuel and Joseph, James 
Kelly. James Thompson, and a few others, bid farewell to their 
friends in Franklin county, and set out on their journey to the 
'Indian Country' west of the Alleghenies. WTiere the town of 
Indiana is now built, was the spot that had been selected by 
Fergus Moorhead, who had made an excursion into this 
country in 1770. For reasons which to them were obvious, 
the party changed their determination, and located a few miles 
further west. " The land now (or lately) owned by Isaac Moor- 
head was that which was selected for their future residence. 

"Fergus Moorhead was taken by the Indians in 1776, and the 
settlement was partly broken up. His wife returned to Frank- 
lin county, where Moorhead after making his escape from 
captiviry rejoined her. In 1781, with his wife and children 
he returned to his border home. Among those who were his 
neighbors besides those first mentioned were Moses Chambers, 
Col. Sharp, S. and W. Hall, the Walkers, Dicksons, Dotys and 

"The first thing that was accomplished was the erection of a 


fort or blockhouse near Moorhead's cabin (near the present site 
of the stone house), htrge enough to contain all the families 
and their effects. Here they remained at night and also dur- 
ing the ensuing winter, considering it unsafe to sleep in their 
cabins." [Jonathan Row, Indiuna Register, 1859.] 

In 1794 Andrew Allison and his wife and child with a neigh 
bor Cxawin Adams fled to "iMoorhead's P^ort'' from tiie appre 
hension of danger caused by the Indians prowling around. 
When Allison returned he found his cabin in ashes, it having 
been burnt by them the night after he had left it. [Hist. In- 
diana County, p. 157, on authority of Jonathan K. Row.] 


The following account of a place of defense used by the set- 
tlers in what is now West Wheatfield township, Indiana 
county, at a distance of ratlier more than live miles from Fort 
Palmer is taken from the history of Indiana county published 
by J. A. Caldwell, Newark, Ohio, 1880. The authority upon 
which the details rest is traditional and verbal. It is said to 
have been erected by those on the Conemaugh and Tubmill 
creek, who were, in part, James Clark, U'illiam ^^'oods, David 
Inward, NN'illiam Bennett, Archibald McGuirc, Benjamin Sut 
ton, Neil Dougherty, David Lakens, James Galbraith, near the 
Conemaugh. Near tlu* Tubmill creek, thei-e were among 
others the ancestors of the numerous families of Bradys now 
living in tlio northeiii part of Indiana county. 

"Not hmg after these pioneers had come to tlie river, Petei- 
Dike, a Ponnsylvanin tJei'man, with a few associates, settled 
near the foot of Chestnut Ridge. For a time they were unmo- 
lested by their red neighbors, but during the Revolutionary 
war, they became their inveterate enemies. The settlers, there- 
fore, joined their neighbors on the river, and, together with 
those on Tubhill creek,they built a most formidable blockhouse 
on what was then called thi^ 'Tndian farm.'' whicli derived its 
name from David Inyard, who first improved it, and his many 


Indian neighbors. Fort Ligonier was too far distant to be 
readied in an emergency by families of women and cliildreu, 
with sufficient provisions to last a long siege, when they should 
be attacked by a large body of their foes, Tlie blockhouse was 
about lifty feet long, and sixteen feet wide at the foundation, 
and was constructed of the straightest unhewn logs that could 
be fouud of the same length. The logs averaged in thickness 
about a foot at the top or smaller end. The walls were built 
perpendicularly to about the height of a man's breast, 'and 
were notched down tightly'. The upper log of this perpen- 
dicular wall was notched its whole length, the notches be- 
ing twenty inches apart. The log immediately below it was 
notched too, at distances to correspond to the upper log turned 
down, so that notch came to notch, forming port-holes of suf- 
ticient size to ;idmit the muzzle of a I'itie with the sight cleai". 
The logs on the next rouud were notched down tightly at the 
coruers, and all pushed out half their thickness; and each sue 
ceeding round up to the square was treated in the sam«' man 
ner, so that it would have been an impossibility for au Indian, 
or even a panther, to have scaled the walls and come in 
through the roof. The back of either man or beast would have 
been turned down, and the whole weight of the body was 
forced to be supjiorted by the hands or claws, with nothing to 
which to cling but the scaly bark of the logs. 

'^A.11 of these with Peter Dike, his colony, and the Tubmill 
settlement, on occasions of alarm, fled to the fort at Inyard's 
for siafety. At certain seasons of the year when their corn 
required to be tilled, for instance, the women and children re 
mained in the fort or strong-house, while a poi-(ion of the men 
turned out as scouts and th(» remaiudei' witli the boys con- 
tinued day after day to start in the morning witli tlicir horses 
and rifles, as soon as it was light enough to see an Indian, and 
went to the river where they plowed and hoed tlieii' corn till 
evening. They 'always left their work in time to arriA^e at the 
fort before it became dark." 



J 11 a soiuevviiat lengthy history of the Robiuson family, as re- 
lated in the' History of Indiana county referred to, there ap 
pears the following: 

"Robert Robinson with his family of three sons and two 
daughters, soon after 1780, moved from the Sewickley settle- 
ment in Westmoreland county to the north side of the Kis- 
kiminetas river near the mouth of Lick run, on lands called 
"York," in Conemaugh township. In a short time they made 
their way north one mile (no roads) put up a building twenty- 
four by twenty-eight feet, two stories high, and used it as a 
stockade. No windows or doors were there for a time. The 
second log from the puncheon floor had four feet of it cut out 
for an entrance. The building is still (1880) standing, having 
been built nearly one hundred years. It is situated on part of 
the "York" lands." 

Although the location of this house was in a very dangerous 
part of the country, and the time of its erection one of great 
peril, there is no further account of it. 


Mention of this point as a station is made in a letter from 
Col. Brodhead at Pittsburgh, April 2d, 1780, to Col. Archibald 
Lochry wherein the latter is directed to order out sixty able- 
bodied men from the militia and a proper number of officers to 
command them. This number was to be divided into three 
detachments, one of which was to be stationed at the "Forks 
of Black-Legs where the officer is to make choice of a house on 
a commanding piece of ground convenient to water, and act 
agreeable to such orders as the}^ may receive from me. They 
are to be drafted for two months if not sooner discharged." 
(Brodhead's Letter Book, No. 129.) 

Squads or detachments of rangers would appear to have 
been stjitioned ;il tin's post nt frequent intervals from now to 
the end of the war. 


FORT ARMSTRONG— (Kittanning). 

The old ludiau towu of Kittanning was settled by the Dela- 
wai-es, prior to 17'-*A). (1.) Shingas, King of the Dela wares, ou 
whom Washington called, in 175o, at his residence near Mc- 
Kee's Rocks, in the vicinity of Pittsburgh, occasionally resided 
with Capt. Jacobs, at the Kittanning, on the left bank of the 
Allegheny, or, as it was then called, Ohio, which the Indians 
pronounced Oh-he-hu, or Ho-he-hu, meaning beautiful or hand- 
some, of which name the Senecas are said to be very tenacious. 

In consequence of the failure of the expedition against Forts 
Niagara and Duquesne, and more especially of Braddock's 
defeat in 1755, hundreds of miles of the frontiers of Tenn- 
sylvania and Virginia were exposed to the ravages of the In- 
dians, instigated by the French, At a council held at Carlisle 
about the middle of January, 1756, at which Gov. Morris and 
others as Commissioners of the Province met Seneca. George 
and other chiefs of the Delawares, Mr. George Croghan in- 
formed the Council "that he had sent a Delaware Indain, called 
Jo Hickman, to the Ohio for intelligence, who had returned 
to his house the day before he came away; that he went to 
Kittanning, an Indian Delaware town on the Ohio (otherwise 
Allegheny), forty miles above Fort Duquesne, the residence 
of Shingas and Capt. Jacobs, where he found 140 men, chiefly 
Delawares and Shawanese, who had there with them above 
100 English prisoners, big and little, taken from Virginia and 
Pennsylvania. From the Kittanning, Jo Hickman went to 
Loggstown, where he found about 100 Indians and 30 English 
])risoners; that he returned to Kittanning, and there learned 
that 10 Delawares had gone to the Susquehanna to persuade, 
as he supposed, those Indians to strike the English who might 
have been concerned in the mischief lately done in Northamp- 
ton." Mr. Croghan said he was well assured by accounts 
given by other Indians that the Delawares and Shawanese 
acted in this hostile manner by "the advice and concurrence 
of the Six Nations, and that such of them as lived in the Dela- 
ware towns went along with them and took part in their in- 

King Shingas, who, Heckewelder says, was ''a bloody war- 
21)"Vol. 2. 


rior, cruel his treatment, relentless his fury, small in person, 
but in activity, courage and savage proAvess unexcelled," 
heading a party of warriors, fell uj^ou the settlements west 
of the Susquehanna and committed the most cruel murders. 
To guard against such and other depredations, a cordon of forts 
and blockhouses was erected along the Kittatinny Hills, from 
the Delaware river to the ^laryland line, east of the Susn.ue- 
hanna river. West of that river were Fort Louther, at Car- 
lisle; Fort Morris and Fort Franklin, at Shippensburg; Fort 
Granville, now Lewistown; Fort Shirley, Shirleysburg, on the 
Aughwick branch, a creek which enters into the Juniata; 
Fort Littleton, near Bedford; Fort Loudoun, on the Conoco- 
cheague creek, Franklin county. 

One of the first prisoners of whom we have any definite ac- 
count carried here, was Col. James Smith, the author of the 
Narrative, who was taken on