REPORT OF A MISSION
SIKKIM AND
riBETAN FRONTIER
WITH
MEMORANDUM ON OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET
BY COLMAN MACAULAY.
■ '■.'/.?.'-'.*- "f JK
*!'.-•.-' -- • r
^
1^
^'
/
>>
\_C0NFIDENT1AL.'\
REPORT OF A
(|Ei50ion to (Sikkim mis the
Tibetan Jitontier
WITH A
(^Htincraniinm on our Jli:lati0n0 tuith '^ibct
COLMAN MACAULAY,
OP THE BENGAL CIVIL SEBVICB,
SECEETABT TO THE GOVEIINMENT OF BENGAL
AND
MEMBER OF THE BENGAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.
Cakutta:
BENGAL SECRETAEIAT PRESS,
1885.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
— -♦ —
Page.
Inteoduction
Diary
1
Lktiers received from the minister of the Grand
Lama, or Penchen Eimboochay, of Tashi Lunpo. 57
Memorandum on our relations with Tibet ... 63
53751S
LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS.
32
No.
Pagb.
1. The Teesta valley from Sillingthang ... ... 5
2. Maharaja's house at Tumlong. Camp above ... 10
3. The Tee6ta_ valley from Nangama, looking south.
Narsing in distance ... ... ... ... 20
4. The Teesta between Chakoong and Choonthang ... 21
5. View in Lachung valley, looking south ... ... 23
6. Camp at Lachung, looking north ... ... ... 24
7. Yeumthang, summer quarters of Lachung valley
(11,920) ... ... .._ ^ ^^^ gg
8. Lachung village, with ancient moraines above ... 29
9. Yamdo Chu river in the Lachen valley ... 32
10. Lamteng village, head-quarters of Lachen valley
(o,yoo) ... ... ... _ _ •'
11. Sirchum, in Lachen valley (11,200), with Chomiomo
to right _^ 33
12. Tallum Samdong, with Lachen to right, looking
south (11,480) ... ... 34
13. Tungu, summer quarters of Lachen valley (12,750) 35
14. Camp at Siphu Rocks, above Tungu (13,600) ... qq
15. Chomiomo (22,290) and glacier
16. Giagong (15,700), where we slept out. Arrival of
coolies next morning (8th November 1884)
17. Group at Giagong on the frontier ...
18. Zemu Samdong, bridge over the Zemu, above its
junction with the Lachen ... ... Ag
19. The Meeting of the Waters, Lachen and Lachung at
Choonthang ... .._ ^ ^' ..
20. The Teesta between Nangama and Chakoong "] 51
21. Kinchin junga and the Talung river from a point above
Eingun. Teesta to left ... ... co
22. Maharaja's house at Tumlong ... ,.. " go
MAP.
Sketch Map of the Tibetan Frontier ... ... 105
37
38
43
INTRODUCTION.
I WAS deputed to Sikkim and the Tibetan frontier by the
Lieutenant-Governor in October last with a triple object.
(1) To discuss with the Maharaja certain pending questions
concerning the administration of his State and his relations
to the British Government; (2) to visit the Lachen valley
to see if a trade route could be opened up in that direction,
with the province of Tsang in Tibet ; (3) to endeavour
to meet, and to establish friendly relations with, the
Tibetan authorities of the district adjoining Sikkim on the
north. The first and third points have been discussed in
separate reports, and I am conscious that the diary of my
tour, apart from the record of the proceedings at Tumlong,
the capital of Sikkim, and at Giagong, on the frontier,
contains little of practical interest. As, however, photo-
graphs were taken on the journey, and the diary may
possibly be found of some use as an itinerary, I havey by
the Lieutenant-Governor's desire, published the latter
as it was written. I must ask for indulgence for the
shortcomings of the diary on the ground of the diffi-
culties under which it was written. Owing to the very
limited time at my disposal, I was obliged to make the
longest marches I could induce the coolies to undertake, and,
except at Tumlong and at Giagong, I was unable to halt for
a single day. The diary was written, currente calamo, every
night after a long journey, which, owing to the necessity of
moving as rapidly as possible, had afforded few opportu-
nities for observation. Incidents of little interest to any
one not concerned in them, were recorded while they were
fresh in my mind, and it is only because I am aware that
if I once began the process of excision, I should leave but
11
little text to accompany the photographs, that I have
reproduced the diary in its entirety.
I wish to record my acknowledgments of the excellent
service rendered throughout this expedition by Baboo Sarat
Chandra Das and Lama Ugyen Gyatso, and by Nimsering,
the interpreter of the Deputy Commissioner's Court at Dar-
jeeling, whom Mr. Oldham kindly deputed to accompany
me to render general assistance.
REPORT OF A MISSION
SIKKIM AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER.
Temi, Monday, 20th October.
We made a very long march today from Darjeeling . y^^^j
over the shoulder of Tendong to Temi (4,770), We crossed
the Rungeet by the cane suspension bridge, and rode up to
Keadom, the first village in Independent Sikkim. About
a hundred yards below the village we were met by the
principal villagers with drums and fifes, and some men and
women who sang and danced before us till we reached an
arbour which had. been prepared for our reception. Here
we had some oranges. This was the fourth time I have
enjoyed the hospitality of Keadom, and 1 have always wel-
comed the rest there after the stiff and hot pull up from the
Rungeet. From Keadom we rode on up the valley of the
Mongpoo, which seems more lovely every time I see it. At
the shoulder between Silokevoke and Namtchi we were met
by my old friend the Lasso Kazi, looking in excellent
case, the lord of half a hundred villages and many a mile
of forest. His band was in full force, and the men were
dressed in smart red jackets and new striped Lepcha clmd-
ders of white and blue. They struck up as soon as we
appeared at the bend in the road. In the arbour we had
each a choonga full of murwa beer of my friend's own special
EEPOKT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Temi, tap. I gave the Kazi a robe of honour. As we rode along
the shoulder, preceded by the band playing and drumming
vigorously, we all enjoyed the lovely view of the Rungeet
like a streak of light blue paint, far down in the valley
between Rinchinpoong and the Tirnbi La, as it flowed south
after its junction with the Ratong under Tassiding. At
Namtchi we were met by the Lama and the full chapter of
monks, dressed out in their smartest mitres, and blowing
trombones and trumpets, and clashing cymbals. Some of
the trombones (like those I saw last year at Tassiding) were
many feet long, and gave forth most sepulchral tones in
response to the vigorous efforts of the performers. The
Lama, an old acquaintance of mine, presented me with a
scarf, and led the way into the Gompa, where prayers for
our safe journey were chanted, as we sat on Tibetan rugs
and sipped murwa. Drops of rain began to fall as we rode
up the steep side of Tendong above Namtchi, and I became
aware of a tall, gaunt, hard-featured person in a monk's
dress, who offered to hold an umbrella over my head. On
reaching the summit of the shoulder, I ascertained that this
was a Lama of Pemiongchi monastery, who had joined us
at Namtchi and wished to go in our train to Tumlong. I
recognized, as we marched along the shoulder, the path by
which I ascended in 1882 and 1883 to the cone of Ten-
dong (8,676), where the head Lama of Namtchi spends the
months of the rainy season. The tradition is that in a
great flood the whole world was immersed except the
top of Tendong, and that a Lepcha man and woman,
the only survivors of the deluge, took refuge there. At
the beginning of the rains accordingly, the Lama proceeds
to the summit and prays continuously that a repetition of
the disaster may be averted. Food is supplied to him at
intervals from the monastery, and it is said that he has the
power, at this time and place, of curing grievous diseases
of pilgrims who visit his lonely cell. As we reached the
point where the path to Temi leaves the road to the
Timbi La, and descends the northern side of the mountain,
night was closing in fast and a heavy mist was coming up.
We had 3,000 feet to descend, and the path, though not
very steep, was incredibly slippery, — far more so than it
was seven years ago when Croft and I struggled down the
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER.
same descent at the close of the same march. The Lama, — Lingmo.
■who had been staring at me with an expression of mingled
curiosity" and reverence at every available opportunity, since
our parley at the top of the rise from Namlchi, — began to
pray vigorously in a monosyllabic chant ending every now
and then in a long drone. Alpenstocks were soon found to
be a delusion, and hobnailed shooting boots a snare. The
flicker of the lantern only served to illumine our mishaps.
Every two or three minutes one of the party would be seen
suddenly accelerating his pace, and brandishing his alpen-
stock as he staggered forward into the darkness : then the
Lama prayed louder and louder, till a double-knock on the
ground announced that the performer of the involuntary
evolution had finally come to grief. It was past 9 o'clock
when the unearthly yells set up by Furchung and Dadji
reached the camp, and men with lanterns and torches set out
to meet us. We found that Oldham had sent to meet us two
hours before, but that the men had returned saying it was
impossible for us to get beyond the Namtchi monastery
tonight.
Lingmo, Tuesday, 2lst October.
Hot and uninteresting march to Lingmo. Before leaving
Temi, I sent for the son of the Barmie Kazi, who had taken
much trouble in laying out the camping ground, and pre-
sented him with a robe of honour. The descent from Temi
to the Teesta valley was slippery, but the morning was
bright and clear. The bridges over the different streams in
the valley had been repaired. I noticed that the flat of
Shingchu Thang {Shing wood ; Chu water ; Thang flat), which
had been cleared for cultivation in 1877, was overgrown
with low jungle. The mundle of Ben met us here with
the usual preparation of an arbour, and oranges, milk and
murwa. He explained that what I had noticed was due to
the dispute about the settlement of the Nepalese between
the Phodang Lama and the Pemiongchi Lamas, which has
now been set at rest. Under Yangang an arbour had been
prepared by the Lamas of the Gonpa. Ugyen Gyatso, who
is himself a Lama, is the great man here, — he owns the
living, in fact, of the monastery, — and he introduced the
KEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Sillingthang. head Lama, who is really his own nominee. I gave presents
to the monastery and to the Bhutia and Lepcha headmen.
Reached Lingmo in advance of the tents at 5 p.m. This is
an exasperating march, with ups and downs which about
equalise each other. Many of the former we negotiated by
clambering after our ponies, holding on by their tails. They
evidently prefer this arrangement to being ridden. View of
Tumen monastery across the Teesta.
Sillingthang, Wednesday, 22nd October.
It rained heavily during the night, but the morning
was fresh and clear. After a march of a couple of miles,
reached Samdong, the cane bridge across the Teesta (1,480).
The river was not fuller' than in 1877, when our ponies swam
across, held up by men on a raft which was passed from side
to side by a rope of cane. There was, however, no raft ready,
and no sign of ponies or mules from the Raja, as had been
sent on the previous occasion. The Tehsildar, Tendook,
tried to excuse the Yangthang Kazi, who had gone ahead to
make arrangements, and the Gnerpa who has charge of the
bridge, saying that the flood was too strong. 1 told him that
I should cross by the cane bridge and march on to the camp-
ing ground at Sillingthang, but that he would be personally
responsible that our ponies were crossed, and that I would
not see the Yangthang Kazi till a satisfactory explanation of
the absence of proper arrangements had been offered.
Tendook evidently knew, and saw that I knew, that this was
only a manoeuvre on the part of the Kazi to gain time, and I
tola him that such obstructiveness could not be tolerated, and
must only bring trouble on the person who had caused it.
After a steep climb on the other side of the river, we lunched
at the Yeung Mendong, whence there is a lovely view
of the valley, and reached Sillingthang before sunset.
Here we had a fine view of the black jagged peaks of
Kirsong, and of the noble snowy mass of Liklo, or D2
(22,520), further to the right. As the sun went down, we
saw a large column of rock like a round tower standing out
beside the eastern face of Liklo. At dusk the ponies duly
appeared, and soon afterwards the Yangthang Kazi from
Tumlong was announced. I declined to see him. I caused
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^>^y^S*3)t«;.. ,
^H
1
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER.
a letter to be written by the Tehsildar to the Kangsa Dewan, Tumlong.
saying that I should proceed to Kubbi next day, and that,
unless a satisfactory explanation was there given, 1 should
consider whether I should visit the Raja at Tumlong at all.
Oldham fully concurred in the advisability of this step, and
the Tehsildar said that it would have a very salutary effect.
Tumlong (5,290), Thursday, 23rd October.
Rather an eventful day. Paul took a photograph
from Sillingthnng, with the Lama in the foreground, before
we started. Magnificent cliffs above the road before the
descent to the Dikchu is reached. Saw some gig:antic black
bees' nests far up on the face of the precipice. No leeches ;
in 1877 they gave us a great deal of trouble at this part
of the march. At the Dikchu we found ponies from
the Raja, which, however, I declined to use yet. After
a sharp rise from the Dikchu, we reached the rich
slopes of Kubbi, the brazen crest of the Raja's house at
Tumlong gleaming in the sun far up on the opposite hill
across the Ryott. Here we found a deputation from the Raja
waiting for us. We sent the Tehsildar forward to ascertain
their message. He returned with the information that the
Kangsa Dewan himself had been sent by the Raja to
convey to me his apologies for the ignorance and remissness
of his officers which he much regretted, and to beg that I
would overlook it. I thought it as well, under the cir-
cumstances, not to see the Dewan at this stage ; so we sent
back the Tehsildar with an intimation that, in view of the
explanation offered, I would proceed to Tumlong, after
luncheon, and would see him there. The Dewan and his
party, after the indispensable preliminary of sending us
choongas of murwa, then went off dovm the hill, the former
a very picturesque figure. He was dressed in a Tibetan hat,
and a sort of jacket of purple satin over his long robes, and
an attendant held a crimson umbrella over his head. Shortly
afterwards we went down to the Ryott, where I remembered
a clear pool for bathin?. We nearly lost Oldham here.
The stream was much higher than, it was when I was here
before ; the clear pool had become a boiling eddy, and below it
the water was rushing down among and over the huge rocks
REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong. in a furious torrent. He seemed, as he entered the shallow
water, to rush forward (he had really stumbled) in order to
get into deep water. He steadied himself for a moment,
and then again moved forward. Could it be that he was
mad enough to try to swim against that raging flood ? In
another moment we were horrified to see him swept out into
the current and carried towards the first rapid. With admir-
able presence of mind, he kept his feet with the stream, and
only used his arms to steady his course. Down he went
over the first fall, and onward through the foaming waters
below it. About 30 yards further on was a large rock out in
the stream, of which the top was not fully submerged. If he
could grasp that we might save him : if not, he must be
dashed to pieces in a few seconds. We saw him catch the
rock and swing round with the force of the current. The
hungry river made another effort to hurry him on with it
to death ; but his hold was firm, and the only question now
was whether he could maintain it in that icy water till we
could come to his aid. Between the rock and the nearest
rock of the shore was a distance of about 10 feet with a deep
and rapid current between. In an instant two of his chup-
rassees had cut down bamboos with which they began, with
the best intentions, to prod him and poke him in the
eye. We delivered him from their hands and used the bam-
boos to pass him the end of two pugrees knotted
together, and ultimately we dragged him by main force
across. It was a bad quarter of an hour for all of us. After
luncheon we crossed the spur between the Ryott and the
Rathu which unite a few hundred yards further down, and
then began the long ascent to Tumlong. We were met
by people with murwa three times. A few hundred
yards below the palace we were met by the Kangsa Dewan
with a score of soldiers, dressed in uniform of red jackets
and the plaited hats (like the brimless tall hat which the
Irishman in Punch always wears), and armed with muskets,
and a very enthusiastic band of drummers, fifers and cymbal
players. He presented me with a scarf. A tent had been
pitched for us to change our clothes, at the place where we
put on our uniform in 1877. Here I had some conversation
with the Dewan and his brother, the Lama of the royal
monastery of Phodang (the Richelieu of Sikkim). As it was
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER.
already dark, I proposed that we should defer our visit to the Tumlong,
Raja till tomorrow. They readily agreed. As we passed
the gate of the Maharajah's house a salute of bombs was
fired. As soon as I reached my tent, a letter was brought to
me from the Maharajah, wrapped in a scarf of flowered blue
silk, begging that I would excuse him for the shortcom-
ings of his officers, and accept his hospitality. I replied
that I would pay him a visit in the morning.
Tumlong, Friday, 24:th October.
Spent the morning in preparing the presents. Fixed 1 1
o'clock for formal visit to Maharajah. At this hour the
Kangsa Dewan came up from the palace to conduct us. We
formed procession, and entering the palace enclosure marched
round it by the left. The Sikkim army was drawn up to
receive us in the courtyard. At the door of the chapel, on
the ground floor, we were received by the Maharajah and his
half-nephew, the son of the old Chanjed. After we had
shaken hands with him, and Oldham and I had received
scarves from him, — and Evans, Paul and Gordon from young
Chanjed, — the Maharajah led the way to the chapel on the
upper floor, where the interview was to be held. On the
left of the altar we sat in order — myself, Oldham, Evans,
Paul, and Gordon. Opposite to me on the other side of the
altar the Maharajah sat cross-legged on a high throne, young
Chanjed occupying a low seat on his right. To his right
again were the Kangsa Dewan, the Bir Gnerpa and others,
all standing. As we took our seats a salute of bombs was fired
outside. At my request the Phodang Lama, who can speak
Hindustani, acted as interpreter between the Maharajah and
myself. I made the usual formal enquiries after his health and
his mother's health and about his journey from Choombi, and
answered similar enquiries regarding my health and our jour-
ney. I then said that the Lord Sahib had asked me to make
special enquiries regarding his health, and to pr(3sent some
tokens of bis friendship. The presents were then brought
forward and displayed. I explained the use of the graphoscope,
and first showed him through it a photograph of the Lieute-
nant-Governor. He expressed much satisfaction. During
the interview an attendant kept filling our cups with some
REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong. excellent hot buttered tea and a liquor which tasted like
whisky and water flavoured with orange, which was also
poured out of a teapot. We were also served with bowls of
mutton stewed with strips of macaroni — a very palatable
dish, but not easily eaten with chopsticks. There were no
dumplings, such as we had in 1877, but there were capital
twisted biscuits. At my request the Maharajah then conducted
us to the lower chapel, and there we took our leave of him
and marched back, preceded, as before, by the Kangsa
Dewan. After our return a deputation appeared with a
fine short horn bull, a flock of sheep and several baskets
of rice, murwa, sweetmeats, vegetables, brick tea, salt, &c.,
for our use.
At 1 o'clock the Maharajah paid his return visit. We had
opened one of the tents and put up a shamiana. The
Maharajah sat on my left and beyond him Chanjed ; the
others standing. On my right were Oldham, Evans, Paul
and Gordon. After compliments a khillut and blankets
were brought forward and placed before each of us. Mine
contained a robe of the royal yellow satin with a royal hat.
Oldham had a very handsome dress with the red military
hat. Two ponies were also produced for Oldham and
myself. The topics of our health and the weather were
soon exhausted, and after 1 had produced a present of some
bottles of cura9oa and tins of biscuits for his mother
(I made no reference to the Maharani, as he did not speak of
her), the Maharajah withdrew. I should have liked very
much to have a photograph of the Durbar taken. The Sikkim
people were all dressed in their smartest and looked very
picturesque, while Gordon and I were in full uniform. But
the Maharajah is so sensitive aljout his harelip, and so
anxious to conceal the deformity, that I thought it kinder
not to make any suggestion about a picture. I afterwards
received Chanjed, the Phodang Lama, Kangsa Dewan, the
Dingpens and Gnerpas, and gave the former a revolver,
the Lama and Dewan two robes each, two for Purba Dewan
and one each for the others.
In the evening Evans, Paul and I (Oldham was tired
and Gordon sketching) went to Labrang monastery just above
AND THE TIBETAM FRONTIER.
Tumlong, where we were received by the Kapgain, to whom Tumlong.
I gave two robes. The Kapgain is the spiritual head of the
Sikkim church and an avatar. The present man, however,
has not much influence, as he is believed to have little regard
for his vows. From Labrang we went to Phodang (a mile
off), where we were received by the Lama, who showed us
the most lovely vestments belonging to the monastery, and
regaled us with excellent murwa. On our return we
visited a convent containing a huge prayer wheel or colmnn
which is pulled by the old women of the neighbourhood.
They are occasionally superintended by the nuns of a
convent on the other side of the valley under the Erade La.
There are three nuns, the abbess being the sister of Cheeboo
Lama. The view from Phodang and the road thence back
to Tumlong was very picturesque. Smoke rose from the
homesteads among the well cultivated fields on the opposite
slopes of Kubbi and Fensong ; the sleek cattle wended their
way home from the pastures ; the Ryott, which so nearly
proved fatal to Oldham, wound its way along the valley
between Kubbi and Fensong, and then joining the Rathu
and afterwards the Dikchu, flowed away to the south ; the
amphitheatre was crowned by the forests of Emde La and
Fieungong and the snows of Dopendi and Chola. The
valley had a look of Arcadian comfort and peace, and recalled
Schiller's description of the cantons of Uri and Schwytz
in Wilhelm Tell.
At Phodang I mentioned to the Lama that I should
like to have a confidential interview with him and his brother
the Kangsa Dewan, before receiving the business visit of
the Maharajah, and settled with him to come to me at eight
tomorrow morning.
Tumlong, Saturday, 25 th October.
This morning I received the Lama and Dewan in my
writing tent overlooking the palace, only Tendook and
Sarat Chundra being present. These two brothers are
undoubtedly the most considerable men in Sikkim, and
they are both affable, shrewd and enlightened. From the
first we were on good terms, and I was able to get them to
10 ' EEPOET OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong. speak out their minds frankly and unreservedly. The first
question discussed was the appointment by the Maharajah of a
representative to administer the State during his absence.
I ascertained that the appointment of Kangsa last year,
and this, was only temporary, and I could see that he him-
self was indisposed to accept any permanent appointment.
■ The reasons were soon apparent. In the first place he was
unwilling permanently to supersede young Chanjed, who,
though now too inexperienced, must be counted with here-
after. In the second place he and the Lama were both
evidently averse to any arrangement which would stereotype
the present system of an annual sojourn of the Maharajah at
Choombi. 1 asked them to speak their minds quite openly
and fearlessly on this point. They then with marked
eagerness said that if I could persuade the Raja to reside
permanently in his own territory there would be a great
improvement in every respect. They urged that his influ-
ence is weakened in Tibet by his residence there as a
private individual, that his money is squandered there by
Tibetan underlings, and that he loses both the opportunity
and the inclination for looking closely into the administra-
tion of his own State by these periodical absences. They
said every one would be gratified, if he could only be
induced to reside among his own people, and that he would
be much better able to promote our views in regard to tho
development of trade and of friendly relations with Tibet.
I suggested that he might make his summer residence in
the uplands of the Lachen or Lachung in his own territory,
and they eagerly supported this view. They asstired me
that, if we were firm, we could get the Raja to agree to the
abrogation of the Choombi clause in the treaty, and that
if this were done the whole administration would work
cordially for the promotion of the good of the State and
the policy of the British Government. In the course of
this conversation they referred several times to the views of
the other leading men and to their custom of consulting
one another. I accordingly asked them how a small Council
consisting of themselves, the Purba Dewan, Lama Tulku
and ultimately Chanjed, with Kangsa as President at
first, would work under the Raja. This suggestion gave
them evident satisfaction, and they said that if they could
• • • •» • •
•• • • •• •,
••• • •• • .'
• « • • • •
i
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIEB. 11
only keep the Raja among his own people all would go Tumlong.
well. A hint was thrown out that the Raja wished to build
a new house, and that, if any assistance could be given, it
might be made conditional on his agreeing not to leave
Sikkim. The Lama also suggested that the Raja should
be told that the question of increasing his allowance would
not be entertained on any other terms. He said laughing,
that there was no good, giving him money to spend out of
Sikkim among people who cared nothing about it.
The Nepalese settlement question was fully discussed.
The Phodang Lama himself, who is evidently progressive
in his policy, with the Guntuck Kazi, made a tour last year
in connection with it, and I think our wishes have been
fully attended to. The Paharias pay revenue in cash, the
old Bhootea and Lepcha ryots still paying in kind, and the
result has been found satisfactory.
As regards transit duties, I was assured by them that no
attempt would be made to revive them. I gave them
clearly to understand that this must be regarded as out of
the question, and I believe there is no idea of acting against
our wishes in this respect.
Neither of them appeared to think that the Nepalese
had had much to do with the stoppage of the trade at
Phari. They said that the Tibetans had done so because
they saw that trade was increasing so much, and that
so many people were going backwards and forwards,
that they were afraid of some complications arising. But
they said that in spite of any prohibition the people would
trade now that the railway had been opened and the road
cleared. " They may cut their throats," said the Lama
with an appropriate gesture, " but the people will trade." I
asked if they believed that the trade had increased.
They said it had increased, and that laden ponies and
mules were coming dovsm in crowds, and that it would
continue to increase in spite of all obstructions. I gathered
that the Tibetans levy 4 annas a head from such persons
as they allow to pass, taking 3 annas a head on their return.
There is no system of duties on the merchandise itself on
12 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong. the Sikkim frontier of Tibet — a very different state of affairs
from that which prevails on the Nepalese frontiers, both
north and south. I then spoke of the Lachen route,
and asked them their opinion. They said that, wherever
there is a high road, happiness disappears, and that Sikkim
would gain nothing, but would probably suffer from sickness
» ^^ spread by the travellers (there is a rooted idea that
^■>^ ' ^. 5j. congregations of human beings are unhealthy, and this is
^ ' c^^^ f>y\ the reason given for the absence of any village or bazaar
"'^^^^^ ^""^ v^ ' ^* Tmnlong). But, they added, there can be no doubt \hB.i^y^
^y^ :«,>" such a road would lead to a great increase of trade. I
s»^ wished to ascertain their real opinion, and pressed them to
explain themselves more fully. We know, said the Lama,
that all the trade of Kambajong and Tashilunpo would
take this route, and that there would be many traders, and
therefore we spoke of the danger of sickness. I asked him if
he was sure traders would take this route and would not go
round by the Jeylep. Certainly not, he said. Why should
they make the detour by Phari ? " Bahut, bahut, awega."
I pointed out that the villages of the Lachen valley, which
are now cut off for months every year from the rest of
Sikkim, would get an outlet for their produce. He said
there was no doubt of this, but that they had only given
expression to their conservative idea of keeping things as they
are and avoiding mischief. He himself could see the advant-
ages from our point of view of opening up communications, ^
and if it was the desire of the British Government ihe^
Durbar would loyally carry out their wishes. I explained
that we should make the road and bridges, and that they
would only have to supply labour to repair it and rest-
houses. He said they would gladly do this if we would
lend them picks and implements.
As regards the general question of our relations with
Tibet, they both said that the Durbar would do all in their^
power to forward our views. An expression which the Lama
let fall threw some light on what he had said about the
Lachen route. " We should be only too glad," he said,
*' to bring you together, because we feel that, while we are
between you, you may think we are intriguing against you
with them, ana they may think we are intriguing against
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 13
them with you. If you were once friendly together and Tumlong.
corresponded, we should be in no danger." Now by the
Jeylep route hardly any part of populated Sikkim intervenes
between Tibet and British territory, whereas a road from
the head of the Lachen would run through the heart of
Sikkim. I said that my visit to the head of the Lachen
would afford an opportunity of conversing with the Kamba-
jong authorities, that 1 had no intention whatever of crossing
the frontier without their consent, and that if^aman of
suitable rank came to meet me I should be glad to converse
with him. They said they were sending the Kesong
Dingpen (Captain) with me with instructions to send
messengers ahead to Kambajong. As regards going round
by the Cholamoo Lake in order to return by Donkia and the
Lachung, they said the Tibetans would not stop me, but would
probably ask me not to go, and that whether I went or not
was really in my own hands. I said I should like it to be
made clearly understood that I would in no way insist,
that my primary object was to have a friendly interview
with the Tibetan authorities, and to endeavour to remove
misapprehensions, and that though it would be very conve-
nient for me if I could go round by Cholamoo, I should not
think of disputing the right of the Tibetan Government
to debar strangers i'rom passing their frontier. " The
fact is," said the Dewan, "all would go on well if they
did not fear that the English would take their country."
I then referred as usual to our policy in regard to Nepal,
Sikkim and Bhootan, and to the friendship which the
Tashi Lama himself cultivated with Warren Hastings, and
the friendly action of the latter in building a Buddhist
temple on the banks of the Ganges as well as the expen-
diture which our Government had incurred in repairing the
ancient Buddhist temples at Gya. I then said that the
Tibetans must surely see in the plan of constructing a
road up the Lachen valley a guarantee of our good faith,
because if we wanted to invade Tibet our present road
by the Jeylep would afford a short and easy route, whereas
a road through the Teesta valley and up the Lachen could
not possibly be intended for any military purpose They
seemed struck by this, and said that they would do all
they could to carry out our policy. They expressed a hope
14
BEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong.
that with the new regimi of the Raja living among his own
people, and cordial relations between us, all would go well.
After an interview which lasted 2| hours, and during
which we conversed freely and openly, I dismissed these
two gentlemen, much impressed with their sagacity, their
amiable manners and their love of their little country.
At 2-30 I received the Maharajah's business visit. He
came attended by Chanjed, the Lama and the Dewan. As
regards Choombi, he said he was willing to do what we pleased,
but he hoped that we should allow him to go if his health
failed him. The Lama suggested that the experiment
might be tried for a term of three or four years. I said
that I thought the Lieutenant-Governor would insist on the
Eaja recognizing that his primary duty lay towards his own
State, and that his dignity and influence both within and
without it would be enhanced by residence among his own
people. I said that a term of four or five years might be
fixed, but that, if his health failed, he must try a residence
in the high lands of Sikkim, say in Lachen or Lachung, be-
fore asking for leave to go to Choombi. He agreed. As
regards his Council, he said the Kangsa Dewan was his
first man, Purba Dewan his second, Kangsa Tungi (the
Dewan's brother) third, and a Tibetan Secretary his
foiirth, and that he would always consult them. I said
this would be approved, and that now that his residence
was to be permanently fixed in Sikkim, the question of
appointing a representative would not arise. I noticed that
my friend the Phodang Lama, the ablest and most powerful
of them all, was not mentioned, because he is a priest He
took this as a matter of course, but be did not hesitate to
interpose his own remarks during the interview, his keen
eye particularly brightening when the question of the Raja's
residence at Choombi was mentioned. The question of
the stoppage of the trade was then discussed. He said
he had sent a representation to Lhassa, to which no reply had
yet been received, that he was a small man compared
with the Tibetan authorities, but that he would do his
utmost to have the stoppage removed. Meanwhile it was
repeated that traders were coming and going in spite of
AND THE TIBETAN FBONTIER. 13
the efforts of the authorities. He agreed to keep up the Tumlong.
Lachen route under the treaty, and to continue to keep up
the Jeylep road. I then said that Government laid stress
upon his travelling about and seeing his own dominions (I
believe he has never been to Western Sikkim), and that his
influence as well as the happiness of his subjects would
thus be increased : and he agreed to do so. Finally, I gave
him to understand that, though I could promise nothing
definitely, I could say that the increase of the allowance
was contingent upon his taking measures to improve the
internal administration of his State, and to promote trade
and friendly relations between India and Tibet, and that if
the Lieutenant-Governor was assured by me of his honest
desire to forward these objects, I thought that he would
probably take a favourable view of his application.
I then gave him a sword, and he rose to take his leave.
He turned, and placing a scarf in my hands, he asked
that the remissness of the Yangtang Kazi and the Gnerpa
of Samdong in regard to our journey might be overlooked
and forgiven. I at once said that as he had personally
interceded for them, the matter would of course be passed
over. He and the others expressed much gratification, and
wishing us a pleasant journey up the Lachen (regarding
which he said a letter had been despatched to the frontier J
he took his leave.
Tumlong, Sunday, 2^th October.
The rain which began last night was falling in torrents ;
so, to our great disgust, we had to make up our minds to a
further halt of a day. At noon there were signs of a
change, and afterwards the sun came out fitfully and
enabled us to do something in the way of drying. I sent
word to the Dewan and Lama that 1 should like to have
a further talk. When they came we first discussed the
Choombi business. I had heard that the journey was al-
ways made the occasion of levying a tax, and that this
was one of the chief causes of the disfavour with which
it was regarded. They said that the ryots of the Crown
lands were required to help in carrying the Raja's effects,
16 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong. and that the others throughout Sikkim were made to pay
Us. 2 a house, except in cases of great poverty. I said
that any future permission to visit Choombi would pro-
bably not be given without an assurance that this impost
would not be levied. I said that it was very desirable that
the Raja's visits hereafter should not be made the occa-
sion of harassment to his own subjects, and that in any
case they should not be recognized as an annual institution.
Permission to go' to Choombi would certainly not be given
under any circumstances until the Raja had given some
substantial proof of his determination to promote our policy
of opening friendly relations with Tibet, and it was pro-
bable that the Lieutenant-Governor, if he recommended an
increase to the annual allowance, would make the continuance
of such increase dependent upon this. I said that every-
thing was in the Raja's own hands. If he took measures
for the good of his own people, and loyally helped us by
making known our policy and intentions to the Tibetans
and trying to bring us together, I thought I could promise
that his application for an increase would be favourably
considered. We then passed on to speak of the views of
the Tibetans themselves in regard to us. Both the Dewan
and the Lama had been to Tashilunpo and Lhassa. They
said that both the people and the officials were in favour of
^ _, admitting us, and that the policy of exclusion was enforced
by Chinese influence, but, even more, by the influence of the
Lamas, who feared that their privileges would be curtailed if
the country were opened out. "The people," said the Lama,
*' are very much harassed and ground down : they would be
very glad if you would take the country altogether."
I said that he was well aware that we had no such intention.
He said he knew this, and that he only meant to emphasize
his statement that they were no parties to our exclusion."
" The officials at the passes," he said, "would not stop you
if they were not afraid of being punished." I pointed out
that the monks of Sera and Depung monasteries at Lhassa
are themselves great traders. "Yes," he said, "they are;
some of them even went down to Calcutta this cold weather :
but they want to keep everything in their own hands.
The Lamas are great tyrants in Tibet." This part of the
interview closed by their promising to do their utmost to
AND THE TIBKTAN FRONTIHR. 17
keep the Kaja up to his promises of forwarding our Tumhng.
policy by every means in his power. I then asked them if
they had anything particular to say. The Lama rose
and took a scarf in his hands. After compliments he
said that the Bhootia Bustee monastery is an offshoot of
Phodang (a son), that as he was very busy with the
affairs of the Durbar he could not visit it, and that the
service was not properly attended to. All this led up to a
request that some assistance might be given to it. I
saw that he had heard of the stipend given to Sherap
Gyatsho at Ghoom, and, as it is clearly our interest to keep
so powerful a man our friend, I accepted the scarf (which
means that the request will be favourably considered), and
said that I would recommend the Lieutenant-Governor to
see if something could be done. He also spoke of the
Jand attached to the temple, a part of which had been
taken for the vakil's house. I said I would ask Oldham
if separate land could be given by the municipaHty
for this purpose (Oldham afterwards said he could manage
this). The Lama then sat down, and the Dewan
rose with a scarf and went through the same preliminary
compliments. He then said that in former days Sikkim
was well represented at Darjeeling. First there was
Cheboo Lama, an able and distinguished man. Then came
Lassoo Kajee, also a leading man, who had lands near
Darjeeling, and was thus able to bear the expense. Now
they were represented by an inferior and stupid man, the
Yangtang Kazi, who also complained that the allowance
of Rs. 50 per mensem did not enable him to meet the extra
expense. Now that there was to be a new departure and
closer relations were to be established, they would like to
depute one of their very best men, and they hoped that
we should raise the allowance and make it suitable to his
rank and expenses. I took the scarf and said that Govern-
ment would like nothing more than to see Sikkim
represented by a really good man who would understand
the importance of his post and work cordially for our com-
mon interest, and that if the new policy was being carried
out, and such a man was sent to assist it, 1 had no doubt
Government would increase the allowance. I said, how-
ever, that he, as a man of affairs, would readily understand
]8 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Tumlong, that before such a step could be taken we must see some
substantial advance towards the accomplishment of our
wishes and know who would be the delegate. This, like
other matters, I said, rested in the Raja's own hands. Let
him show his willingness to make a real new departure and
to help us, and our Government would not be backward in
helping him to place a suitable representative in immediate
and constant communication with us. The initiative, how-
ever, — and a substantial initiative, — rested with him.
The Dewan expressed his satisfaction with this reply.
He said that as for I'ibet we should soon see that they
were really doing something, and that they would hold a
council to nominate a suitable representative. I asked him
why the Sikkim leaders did not send their children into
Darjeeling to be educated. He said they could not pick
up English, though he greatly desired it. I got Tendook
to describe his wonder and astonishment at his visit to Cal-
cutta. They said they would see if some of the sons of the
leading men could not be sent in, and I said that if they
would write to me, through Sarat or Tendook, I would see
what arrangements could be made. They seemed much
pleased.
I then called up the Yangtang Kazi and the Gnerpa of
Samdong, and gave them each a robe. I said I wished to
show that I had really pardoned them at the Raja's interces-
sion. I said that I could not refuse any such request made
at his own capital by the Raja himself, who had shown
us so much attention ; but that I hoped that they and
the other Kazis and officers would see that it was advisable
in future to make proper exertions to receive, in the manner
which the Maharaja himself would desire, any officer de-
puted by the Lieutenant-Governor to confer with him. This
word in season had been privately suggested to me by
the Dewan, and on being translated, caused a visible impres-
sion on the individuals addressed, and on the other officials
who had joined the circle on these two being called up. I
said I was myself sorry that it had been necessary to notice
their remissness ; but that nothing more would be thought
of it. They were both rather dejected when they were
called up ; but they now beamed with smiles and withdrew.
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 19
I continued my confidential talk with the two brothers Ringun.
for some time, and tbey went away saying that, out of
regard for me personally, they would work their best to
show some results in regard to Tibet before many months.
Ringun, Monday, 27th October.
Evans and I decided to go to Ringun by the longer
road by Tingcham in order to take our ponies with us, Paul
and Gordon going on foot over the Mafila, We had sent on
some of the coolies the day before. The Dewan and the
Lama came to say good-bye as I rode out of camp. "We
passed over the Phodang monastery and over the village
of Rangong. As we were on the inner circle "we were soon
nearly opposite the junction of the Dikchu and the Teesta
below Sillingthang, or rather Radong. We passed above the
Gonpa of Dethang. At Namoo the Dingpen Kesong, who
accompanied us, pointed out a road which branches off
from Mangshi, and by which Tibetan traders from Lachen
and Lachung go down to the Dikchu and up to Radong.
The view here was very pictm-esque. On the opposite side
of the. Teesta we saw Singtam, and in the distance to the
north-west the monastery of Giatong. After passing Ting-
cham, which is now inhabited, we had a terribly hot and
trying climb to the spur above the Ron-Ron-Chu, which
flows down a valley lined with landslips from the Mafila.
At the top we saw the other party moving along a path below
and west of a huge landslip near the village of Nampatam.
The descent to the Ron-Ron was very difficult, as the black
soil was greasy and slippery to the last degree after the rain.
After a not very difficult ascent from the Ron-Ron, we found
the Tatang Kazi's son waiting with murwa at a place where
a most comfortable bench of bamboos had been prepared for
us at the top. Thence we rode nearly all the way into Rin-
gun, where we found the tents pitched on an open fallow
piece of ground below the monastery. The camping ground
was covered with short wormwood, and everything was
cheerful and clean.
20 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Nangama, Tuesday, 28 #A October.
Choonthang. Ringun to Nangama. Lovely views from Maling and
Simm Mendongs up the Talung Chu with Lingchen monas-
tery on the opposite spur. The Simm Mendong is on the
height about 500 feet above Singtam, whence Hooker's view
is taken. It was unfortunately snowing at the head of
the valley and we could see neither Liklo nor Kincbinjunga.
Within a few paces of the point where this view was obtained
another is found up the Teesta valley as far as Chakoong,
with a part of the Chola snows standing out. At a point
beyond Singtam the road became so bad that Evans and I
had to send back our ponies. At Sinchik a shed had been
erected and the never-failing murwa appeared. My Lama,
now known among the servants and coolies as " Lamba
Lama," has become quite a character in the camp. He
carries my map, field glass, covirier bag, &c., and is exclu-
sively responsible that the luncheon cooly is always within
hail. He knows the country thoroughly, and he is evidently
impressed with the idea that my great ambition is to learn
Tibetan. When he is not praying on the march, he amuses
himself by telling me the Tibetan names for different objects.
His capacity for luncheon is unlimited.
Choonthang (5,070), Wednesday, 29th October.
At dawn I was awoke by Furchung, who said that all
the Bhootea coolies were bolting. I found that nine had
gone. The others complained of heavy loads and double
marches and short food. I found that they had had a seer
of rice served out at Ringun, but none here. I said they
would get what they might want at Choonthang, but they
must march on there. After long parleying one man spoke
out. 1 recognized him as one of my dandymen of last
year. He said they did not want to behave badly. They
only wanted justice, and they knew I would give it.
>' We will go to Choonthang today anyhow," he said,
and took up his load. The others at once followed his
example and the difficulty was over. Took a photograph
looking west with a bit of the river below, a waterfall
opposite and Narsingh looking over the shoulder of K.
The march was a very picturesque one. As far as Chakoong
AND THE IIBETAN FRONTIER. 21
it ran in the shade a little above the river, of which we Choonthang.
got some grand views as it boiled along a rapid descent.
At Chakoong (4,400j there is a flat. We marched on
sometimes above the river, sometimes in the bed, till we
reached a lovely piece of shade in the bed of the river
under a cliff near the Ong-chu. Here we lunched and
took a photograph. After crossing the Ong-chu we reached
the Ryott-chu. On the flat between it and the river was
a fine grove of small timber that looked like cover for
pheasants. At length we reached the junction and could
look on the Lafihen and the Lachung in reality. After we
had crossed, the Lachung by a new bridge of fresh cut
trees, the Lama of the Choonthang monastery met us
with cymbals and trumpets, and escorted Gordon, Evans and
myself to the Gonpa.
The Gonpa is a picturesque little structure, which has
been re-established within the last year or two. It has
a fine image of the deity of the Diamond Sow (Dorjee
Phagmo) over the altar. This deity is supposed to be the
wife of Tamdiu, a terrible form assumed by Chenressig when
he is subduing demons. The monks first chanted a prayer of
welcome, the Lama leading in a grand bass voice, and then, at
my request, another prayer, which turned out to be a prayer
for our long life. Meanwhile we were seated on carpets
drinking murwa. It appeared that the Lama had just re-
turned from Tashilunpo, where he had seen our friend the
Minister. He said that there were reports of the Tashi
Lama having appeared near Shigatse, some said in Shang,
some said in Tanak, but that nothing was settled about
it. The Lama is a cousin of Ugyen and a distinguished
student of Pemiongchi. He seemed very intelligent, and I
saw that he would be a useful friend. I said that I would
present Rs. 50 to the monastery because I had heard that
he was a friend to us, and I believed he would continue to
be so. He was very grateful, and said he would serve us
faithfully, and that whenever we wished to communicate
with Shigatse he would guarantee that our letter would be
conveyed there. As regards our journey, he had only
heard of it on his arrival two days before, and thinking we
should go by Lachung, had given orders regarding that road.
22 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Lachung. • The Lachen people had not yet come down, and he feared
the bridges had not been repaired, but he would at once
despatch men to do the work.
Sir Joseph Hooker says that the Tibetan frontier was
originally at Choonthang, and that it was moved back up the
Lachen, first to Zemu Samdong, then to Tallum Samdong,
and then to the Kongra Lama pass. I suspect the Tibetans
never cared for this low-lying damp spot.
Gave the coolies each a glass of rum, except four of the
ringleaders in the morning's disturbance. These were made
to stand aside, and see the others get their dram poured into
the wooden cups, which each produced from his bosom. I
called the faithful dandywalla up first, and gave him a
rupee and a double tot of rum. Rain at night.
Lachung (8,790), Thursday, 30th October.
The first thing this morning I enquired about the
Lachen road. The Lama had sent men with torches last
night, and the report was that the bridges would take some
days to repair. With much regret I was thus compelled
to deviate from my plan of seeing the Lachen first and only
doing the Lachung if we could get across at the head or
had time to spare. It would be useless to waste time at
Choonthang waiting for the repairing of the bridges while
the Lachung road was open, and there was a chance of
getting across the Sebu La. So I gave the order to proceed
up the Lachung. The Lama said we could not go as far as
Lachung in one day, but I offered the coolies double pay if
they would do it, and they started as cheerfully as possible.
The Lama paid me a visit and brought a fine old image of
Tara, the divine mother, and a China cup with brass saucer
and cover. He said he would send off a special messenger
at once to Kambajong to tell the Jongpen to come down to
meet me and would himself go up the Lachen to make pre-
parations. I think I did well in making a friend of him.
Several people suff'ering from goitre were brought to me,
and I gave them biniodide of mercury out of the medicine
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 23
chest Dr. Cowie made up for me, and told their friends to Lachung.
rub it in in the sun.
The morning was fresh and clear after the rain. Just
beyond the camp we were shown a chhorten at the foot of
which a stone bearing a foot-print of a holy Lama was built
in. The road first runs for a couple of miles up the west
bank. It then crosses by a plank bridge below the cane
bridge where Hooker lost his dog. From this point a sharp
rise brings us to the flat on which Keadum stands. In
the flat one gets the first glimpse of the snows at the head of
the valley. We sat in the shade of a house at Keadum, and
J saw the young Tateng Kazi speak to a man in red
who disappeared suddenly round the corner. I said in
Hindustani, " Is that the Mundle ? " without any idea beyond
curiosity. " Yes," said the Kazi, " but he did not know
your Honor was coming ; he has now gone to fetch it.''^
' It ' turned o^it to be murwa ! and what was much better,
some peaches which, though they had little flavour, were
very palatable, as, like everything out of the sun in this
lovely valley, they were cold as ice. A charming little lass
with laughing eyes also brought us some cucumbers. Beyond
Keadum the road again crosses the Lachung by a plank
bridge, and from this point it is as easy as possible, passing
over patches of turf and through groves of oak and rhodo-
dendron. We were all in raptures with the beauty of the
scene, with the russet grass on the moraines of the west bank,
the magnificent forest on the east bank, with autumn tints of
yellow, brown, and purple of all shades, the glorious red
cockscomb thickly sprinkled among patches of rich yellow
millet, the patches of red virginian creeper scattered, here
among the dark green pine woods, there among the grey
rocks, the whole crowned on each side with snow. Behind
us the Tukcham range closed the valley and showed snow on
the trees down to quite 8,000 on the west and north flanks.
Before us up the valley glistened Changokang and above
and around him was the blue that seems the special pro-
perty of the mysterious land beyond the snows. The air
got clearer and crisper as we got higher. At length we
reached Lachung with most of the coolies at sunset. The
camp was being pitched on a flat west of the river. The
24 KEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Yeumthang. village consists of about 50 houses built on substantial
stone platforms, and the greater part of it is on the east
bank. As we sat round the fire waiting vainly for tea,
which had been left behind, the Phipun brought murwa
and yak's milk. The latter was most delicious, like light
cream. The Phipun gave us the first orthodox Tibetan
salutation we had received, putting out his tongue and
almost touching his feet with his hat which he held in both
hands. A bitter wind came down the valley, and as we
waited for dinner we all curled ourselves up in our posteens
and fell asleep. It was 9-30 when we were informed that
the kitchen things were nearly all with the few coolies who
had been left behind, and that we had to dine off tinned
soup, sausages, pat6 de foie, Californian fruits and yak's
milk, with knives, forks, and one teaspoon !
Yeumthang (11,920), Friday, dlst October.
We were late in leaving Lachung, as arrangements
had to be made for ponies and also for yaks which
would carry up firewood from Yeumthang to Momay
Samdung and take the place of such coolies as had no
snow shoes. The ponies were sturdy little things with
very short bridles and small high-peaked Tibetan saddles.
The stirrups were broad and comfortable It was use-
less to try to guide the ponies with such bridles; but they
were very clever and sure-footed. At Yakcha the road takes
the valley to the left. Magnificent pines here of great
height and girth, many yellow. Are these a separate kind,
or are they only autumn-tinted ? The otiier valley (of the
Sebuchu) leads to the Ghora La. The view up it was
magnificent, as it seemed to lead to a complete amphitheatre
of snow. Paul had used both the plates that were in the slide
at Lachung in the morning, so that we could not get a picture.
At the Ponie-chu there is a lovely flat with the " Pulpit
Rock " rising quite 3,000 feet sheer on the right, Gnaream
looking very grand and white in the distance in front, and
the Tankra (18,750) bathed in sunlight on the left, all
covered with snow. We found snow lying in patches at
10,700, and as we continued to ascend through fir, larch and
rhododendrons, and over one or two moraines, we found it
o
>■
a
ft
c|
t^
P
t-i
o
o
I— I
Q
t^
O
td
R
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 25
thicker on the ground. From about 11,200 it was conti- Lachung.
nuous and covered the floor of the forest fully a foot deep.
The road after the fine day was sloppy and wet in con-
sequence. Opposite a flat called Chachusah (hot-water place)
we saw on the opposite bank the hot springs which are
covered with a roof on the east bank, but we did not cross the
bridge to see them, as evening was closing in. A few hundred
yards further we came to the flat on which Yeumthang stands.
Everjrthing was covered with snow, and the houses had been
locked up and left by the yakherds, who had gone down to
Lachung. We took possession of one, made another over to
the servants, while the coolies scattered themselves among
the rest. While we were making our arrangements the yaks
arrived and were picketed in the snow. They were a very
picturesque sight. We had a fine fire in what may be called
the ante-room, but we made none in the room we occupied
ourselves, as it would have soon brought down water from the
foot of snow that was lying on the roof. The sides of the
house we hung with waterproof sheets to keep out the wind.
Lachung, Saturday, \st November.
It froze hard last night, and the water in the tumblers
even in the room in which the four of us slept was frozen
hard. The morning was glorious and the glistening snow as
hard as a board. Magnificent glacier coming down very low
on the other side of the river. The Lachung men volunteered
to try to get to Momay Samdoiig with us, but they said
the attempt would probably fail and that we should certainly
not be able to get to the Donkia La. The fact that snow
was about 18 inches deep at Yeumthang (1 1,920), and that it
softened as the day advanced, showed that there was reason
in this. The Darjeeling coolies, with the exception of two,
declined to go up, some on the ground that they had no
snow shoes, some on the ground that they had nothing to
protect their eyes from the glare. The Lachung men, on
the other hand, were found to be only 32 in number, and,
as it would therefore be hopeless in any case to try to cross
the Sebu La into the Phallung valley, I determined not to
jeopardize the Lachen visit by further delay, and gave the
order to return to Lachung. 1 got a very good photograph
26 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Lachiipg. of the snow-covered flat of Yeumthang with the yaks ia
the snow and the corner of i)orLk:ia. looking over the shoulder
of the bend up to Momay. While I was absent the
Darjeeling and Lachung men had a row (the former being
the aggressors), and word was sent to me. I found that
Gordon had only just saved one of the former, who had
assaulted the old Phipun with a stick, from being beaten to
death. In the object which I saw sitting dejectedly near
the fire in the ante-room of our hut I recognized with grim
satisfaction the ringleader of the mutineers at Nangama.
A present of a bottle of rum to the Phipun and an order
publicly given that the two ringleaders (the second had also
tried to promote the escape from Nangama) should be dismissed
at Choonthang settled the matter. On our return Gordon and
I crossed the river to visit the hot spring. The Kazi, the
Lama and Dadji jumped right into the basin in the hut
about 8x6 and 3 feet deep and began to drink freely. We
tasted the fluid, which was like a mixture of bad eggs and hot
water. I resisted the Kazi's entreaties to wash in it and drink
freely of it and thus be young for ever. He said it was better
than any doctor's medicine. Above the hut there is a cleft
whence the stream issues. Smoke was coming out of it and the
rock was coated with a salt sulphurous powder. Within 10 feet
is an icy cold rivulet. The bridge across the Lachung was
very ricketty and had no rail. It was made in the usual
fashion of these large plank bridges, the centre span resting
and lashed to two others which project upwards.
We could enjoy the view down the valley better than we
had been able to do on the up journey. At Ponie flat we
waited for the photographic apparatus and got a picture.
We could not, however, take in the magnificent Pulpit Eock
on the right, as it rose too sheer from the flat. We lunched
at the south end of the flat on the bank of the Ponie-Chu.
Our Lachung men, who were attending the ponies, begged
hard for our bottles. I gave my attendant, a particularly
shrewd good-humoured good-looking fellow, a tot of whisky,
which he forthwith divided with the others to their great
satisfaction, so I gave a larger supply. After lunch we offered
them some Pilsener beer. The Lama tried it first, but at
once pulled a wry face and spat it out. The others took it
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 27
religiously, because it was drink, but they evidently thought Ckoonthang.
it very poor stuff. When we reached Lachung the sun was
nearly setting. I counted 110 yaks on the hillside to tlie
west. They were being driven down for the night, and the
way the more lively ones came down the steep slopes at a
run, larking with one another, was very amusing. While
the tents were being pitched, we challenged the village to
"put" a heavy stone, and beat them easily, the best of
the Lachung men being a bad third. Then Paul and Gordon
each picked a man for a match at spear throwing. They
did capitally and got each a tot of rum.
Choonthang, Sunday, 2nd November.
This morning at Lachung I went after a flock of snow-
pigeons and got three. A shikari, who has attached himself
to us, remarked to me, after I got a right and left, that I
should kill a great number if I would only fire at them
sitting. This piece of information is the only service he
has yet rendered in any capacity. Afterwards the Phipun
came with the villagers to pay their salaams and j)resent a
sheep, a basket of red potatoes and some most excellent
butter. I gave him in return two bottles of Exshaw for
himself, and Rs. 20 for the general benefit. Much lolling
out of tongues and salaaming followed. I then had a long
talk with him about trade. He said very few through traders
from Tibet to Darjeeling passed that way, as the Donkia
is a bad pass, and it is easier to go by the Lachen. He said
all the Lachung people generally go to Tibet twice a year.
They have not yet been this year because cattle disease has
been specially bad in Tibet, but they mean to go next
month as soon as the snow has melted and hardened. They
will take timber (shing) (I saw many trees cut into planks
by the roadside), tchen (Paharia " Manjit ") (a creeper
which gives a red dye) and some cinnamon, to Shigatse
and Gyantse. I saw baskets of tchen made up as loads.
They get Rs. 5 a load for tchen at Shigatse. They will
fetch back tea (cha), salt (tcha), wool (pe), blankets (nambu),
some pottery (tamoo), sheep (lug) and goats (rha). Some
may take sheep and wool to Darjeeling direct from Gyantse
by Phari and the Jeylep, and will fetch back to Lachung
28 RBPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Choonthang. tobacco, raw Assam silk and copper vessels. Others will
go down from Lachung into Sikkim with Tibetan salt,
which they sell as far as Garh and Lingmo, and will fetch
back Indian-corn, murwa and rice. I find that the La-
chung people do not go to Darjeeling vid Tankra pass and
Choombi as I have heard said. The Phipun said the Tankra
pass is very difficult. I asked if they bought no cutlery
from Darjeeling (showing my knife) or piece-goods or tea.
He said they had not money enough for cutlery, much
as they would like it, that they had no need of piece-
goods, and that Darjeeling tea was not so wholesome as
China brick tea.
The people of Lachung and Lachen are called Ha-Pa,
the tradition being that they migrated from a tract called
Ha in the north of Bhootan. They are more like Tibetans
than the Hlo-Pa (south people) or Bhooteas of Sikkim.
Tibetans proper are called Bod-pa (pronounced Peu-pa).
I found that the Phipun of Sir Joseph Hooker's time was
killed by a fall from a tree. The Raja appoints a man
every year. The present man was appointed three years
ago. The Phipun has no allowances, but he has a great
de^l of authority, as we clearly saw. He says the reve-
nue paid to the Kaja is a seer of butter for each milch
yak, and a blanket and a seer of salt for each house.
He says the Raja is a good man, but they are worried
by his officers, who come round each autumn to collect
the revenue, and by the Pagla Dewan. It appears that
the former fetch and the latter sends brick tea and other
articles to be disposed of at some fixed price which has to
be made good.
Paul took two photographs of the village and moraines
with a group. I particularly wished to get in the moraines,
as Sir Joseph Hooker describes them so fully, and I hoped to
send him a photograph to compare with his own picture
of Lachung and to remind him of the place.
Started at about 10 o'clock for Choonthang. Found larch
at 8,000. (Blandford says he first noticed it above Lachung
at 10,000.) Grlorious views across the valley, the fir trees
*
>
o
w
I— I
--)
o
H
>— I
o
-i
tn
-3
C5
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 29
interspersed with yellow-leafed trees and enlaced in places Choonthang.
with Virginian creeper. At about a mile and a half below
Lachung we came to a flat called Tamchi. Right across
the valley was a grand pine-clad gorge flanked on both
sides by high terraced moraines and backed by snowy
peak east of the Tankra pass. Westward was an open
rocky valley flanked also by high moraines and backed
by snowy heights. Below this we came to the Bichu
flowing between high moraines. The southernmost is the
great moraine which closes the view down the valley from
Lachung. Just under this great moraine was some fallow
ground at a place called Lema. Lunched hi the stream
below this (7,950). Further on was Leuten, where two or
three out of half a dozen huts were inhabited by yakherds.
Splendid pasture. Next Danga and Habla Chu. Then the
flat of Beumo. Below this, after a rather steep descent, the
road crossed the Lachung by two plank bridges. After
a couple of hundred yards it descends abruptly to the
Tibichu just under Keadum. At Keadum visited a curious
little temple with all sorts of images of Buddha carved in
the stones and then painted over. Below Keadum came
to cane bridge where Sir Joseph Hooker lost Kinchin. Most
of the coolies crossed by it. About 250 yards further down
a good tree bridge had been made for us. I was sorry
we had used both our dry plates at Lachung, as I
should have liked to take a photograph of the bridge for
Hooker. While resting on the east side of the bridge (6,025)
we saw our presentation sheep from Lachung, which a man
had been driving with much difficulty, appear at the top of
the notched bamboo that led down to the river. After much
struggling and coaxing the man took the sheep on his
back bodily and carried him down. I sent Lamba Lama across
to help him in negotiating the bridge. The Lama held
the rope while the man took the sheep up by the fleece
and lifted him step by step, the sheep lying down each
time with his feet between the branches which formed the
bridge. In the middle, where the bridge was shaky, opera-
tions came to a standstill, when suddenly Furchung appeared.
He at once seized the sheep by the fleece of the back with
his two hands and carried him in front of him right over the
bridge, and across the boulders on the west bank — a splendid
30 REPdRT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Latong. feat of strength, wHch we duly applauded. Reached Choon-
thang at about 5.
Latong, Monday^ Srd November.
The Lama of Choonthang brought news this morning
that some 20 Lachen men had been to Kambajong and back
for trade, and that the road in the upper valley was thus
evidently open. He said the special messenger whom he
had sent would reach Kambajong to-morrow, and that he had
himself made arrangements for repairing the bridges and
clearing the road to Lamteng. We started at about 9 up
the Lachen. About a mile and a half beyond Choonthang, after
marching for some way on the rocks below the east bank,
we crossed by a fine new plank bridge. Then we had a
terrific scramble up about 400 feet to the Tumlong flat. The
first part of the ascent was up notched bamboos, and the
remainder was so steep that one had to hold on by the
shrubs at the side. At some corners the path overhung the
roaring river, and a false step must have been fatal. On the
flat were a few huts, but apparently none were inhabited.
A couple of hundred yards further on the road descended
to the river. In one place we had to scramble across a sort
of bridge (without handrails), which led over a precipice on
the side of the hill — very ticklish work indeed. The road
then lay in the bed of the river and led immediately to what
seemed to be a huge moraine coming down a valley from the
snowy peak marked K. The boulders were terrific. At
the extreme north end we came to a small stream with a very
sharp gradient called the Phinchu. In flood, however, it must
be a terrific torrent, as the evidence of its operations showed.
The stream must have been blocked up and diverted
by the boulders, for it had turned nearly north and cut clean
through the spur which divided it from the Lachen, throwing
a huge mass with trees still growing on it aside like a play-
thing. It must then have carried down such a quantity
of matter as to force the Lachen over to the east bank, for
we found the river bed studded with trees, which had ceased
to put forth leaves, but were still struggling bravely with
the stream. Meanwhile, the obstruction had made the Lachen
cut in on its west bank with its backwater, and we saw
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 31
some yards out in the stream the remains of piles which, Lamteng.
when Harman was here (so the Dingpen's brother said),
formed the supports of a gallery along the steep bank.
We were told that the cataclysm occurred about seven years
ago, and that the changes in the channels had been going on
ever since. I should have liked to get a photograph, but
could not get a view taking in the whole scene.
From this point the road ran for some miles partly over
the rocks at the water's edge, partly over level ground
through forest. We lunched at the Yolchu. Further on we
passed many berbery and walnut trees and iifsi trees (acid
dwarf apples). We saw also wild buckwheat. The Latong
flat was overgrown with rank grass and scrub jungle,
and the huts were apparently deserted. There was some
turnip cultivation, and a woman disposed of some to our
men. The turnips were smaller than the Lachung ones,
but of the same red colour. About half a mile further we came
to the Yamdo Chu fed entirely by a magnificent water-
fall. " We timed the fall of the water from the top, and
found it to be 6 to 6^ seconds. The waterfall came from
a deep cleft in the rock under the forest, and we could see
two small falls, each ending in a cup above the great drop.
In flood it must be a magnificent sight. The rock had been
fluted out all down its course, and at the foot the rebound
had hollowed it out quite 20 feet above the water as we
saw it. I waited for the camera and tried two pictures, one
of 6 and the other of 10 seconds' exposure ; but as the
glen was gloomy and heavy clouds were about, I am afraid
they will come to nothing. Half a mile further we crossed
the Lachen by a good plank bridge, about 30 yards below
the old cane bridge, and found camp being pitched at 6,950
feet. Eoom for three tents above and two below.
Lamteng (8,880), Tuesday, Uh November.
Ground covered with hoar fi'ost at Latong this morning.
Started at about 9 o'clock. Road rises with bamboo ladders
and platforms, and then descends to the Takroom river
(7,400), which takes its rise on the west side of the snowy
mountain, with peaks which we noticed from the Lachung
32 HEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Lamteng. valley south-west of the Pulpit Rock, The river is almost a
waterfall, and is said to carry away the plank bridge every
year. Enormous boulders. After this the road ascends steeply,
and then descends to the Lachen, which is crossed by a cane
bridge. Then comes an ascent of 300 feet, and then the
ordinary ups and downs, crossing the Pen Chu (Lepcha
* ' Tulung " ) or Frog river and the Chaka Chu, wooden platforms
being in places built along the face of the precipice where the
ledge of rock fails. From the Pen Chu a very steep ascent
then leads to the top of the Chateng spur, but by this time
we have come to pines and grass, and the work is easy.
] jovely view south, with the river below, glorious pine forests
rising on either side (with less colour interspersed than on the
Lachung valley), and the snowy peak of Gnaream in the
distance closing the view.
Clouds covered Gnaream before the camera came up.
From Chateng we descend in order to circumvent two spurs
with lovely Abies Smithiana, and then mount rapidly.
At the head of the ascent I found the Lachen Phipun
with carpets spread and boiling buttered tea ready.
Further on, I met the ex-Phipun (and actual headman) of
the valley, who presented a scarf and gave me more tea.
We then turned a corner, and saw the village of Lamteng
nestling under Tukcham or D 3. I got a photograph. The
ex-Phipun, Kunchuk by name, then asked us to go to his
house to drink tea. Scarlet cloth was spread on the ground
for 20 paces from the door, and then through the house,
and up the notched plank that served for a stair into the
reception room. Here a divan of Kamba rugs was spread
beside a low table, on which were four cups. We heard
churning going on outside,' and then our host appeared with
a huge tea-pot from which he poured most delicious buttered
tea. Ugyen (who was given a separate seat) said grace,
and then we drank, I am afraid to say how many bowls of
tea. The evening was very cold, and the hot tea extremely
grateful. Barley flour was meanwhile brought in and
placed before me, and Ugyen proceeded to show us the
use of it by making a fine ball of dough with the flour
and tea. Evans and I made good attempts ; Gordon and
Paul hideous viscous messes. This represents the cake
.•: .••••
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 33
of these tea parties. Next appeared the head Lama of the Tallum
monastery with his teapot, and a request that I would Samdong.
take tea with him. I did so accordingly to the tune of
two bowls. I then thanked our host and the Lama (who
both put out their tongues several inches), and declining the
offer of the former that we should take possession of the
house, we returned to our tents. Later on the Lama3 of the
monastery came with a sheep and a teapot, and after some
conversation I gave them ten rupees, a present which led to
the utmost protrusion of tongue that they could manage.
We had also some talk with the ex-Phipun about Sir Joseph
Hooker. He says he was a child when Hooker was here
(being now 43). His father was Phipun. I asked him if
any one had ever been to the top of Tukcham. He
said Hooker had tried, but he had gone alone. The ex-
Phipun had been to Talung monastery, and there saw
a small brass chorten over the ashes of the father of the
present Raja. Did not notice others. Edgar's Raja's corpse
was burnt and not taken to Talung. The bodies are not
embalmed, but burnt. Freezing hard as we went to bed.
Tallum Samdong (11,480), Wednesday, 5th November.
Everything frozen at Lamteng this morning. Gave
out medicines to some people before we started; also gave
money to some monks from Shyari monastery in Tibet, who
are collecting subscriptions for its repairs. They asked me
to sign the subscription list and put my seal to it. An hour's
march or so took us to Zemu Samdong (8,970), the second
frontier of Tibet. Met many women (very buxom and
simple) with yaks fetching down household goods to Lam-
tang for the winter. The bridge across the Zemu rests on
a huge boulder and only one-half is ever carried away.
From the Zemu there is a rise of about 1,000 feet to a
grassy flat with a small lake, and then again a point above,
whence the road up the Lachen trends away along the side
of the hill. Road very good. As we rested at the top wo
had a superb view of Tukcham (19,200) which was due south
of us on the other side of the Zemu. Great snow-fields and
two fine glaciers, with masses of broken green ice. At
Zemugal some wooden huts of yakherds. Phipun brought
84 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
^
Tallum present of delicious yak milk, and I shot two snow-pigeons.
Samdong. Further on view of Birrum river coming down from the east
between magnificent cliffs to join the Lachen. At Praimkar
found ponies and rode. At Pangri found Tibetan traders
with two tents, taking down lambskins and blankets to
Darjeeling. About a mile further on, took bearings of a
fine snowy peak, which the people called Migdeh, 77 degrees ;
Chomiomo up the valley, 352. At Sirchum' (11,200; got
photograph above flat with Chomiomo in distance. The
nomad Dopas here had prepared buttered tea and boiled
potatoes, of which Gordon and I partook. While we sat
on Kamba rugs drinking tea, I saw a pretty little girl in the
crowd with incipient goitre, and told her mother to fetch
her to the camp tomorrow morning. Two wandering mendi-
cant Tibetan monks from Takarchen near Sakye sang a
hymn with double drums. A man and his wife sang and
danced to a fiddle, which I promptly bought for Rs. 2.
Arrived at Tallum Samdong, the third frontier of Tibet,
at about 5. At Kunchuk's suggestion decided to remain.
Tents pitched on fine flat above river. Took photograph
looking south. Afterwards sent for Kunchuk to my tent, and
had a long talk with him and Sarat Baboo. He expressed
great wonder at the Tantalus, and suggested that it
should be sent in as a present to the Tashi Lama's tomb.
If he has not been found it would be placed among his relics ;
if he has, it would be kept for him. He then surprised me
by saying that the present would be appreciated as coming
from Her Majesty's representative, the Governor of
Bengal, as she is considered in Tibet to be the incarnation
of Tara, the divine mother, who is the tutelary deity of the
line of the Tashi Lamas or Penchen Eimboochay. He
said every one in Tibet knows of the pearl necklace which
Warren Hastings sent in to Penchen Eimboochay. He
took it to Pekin, and presented it to the Emperor Kien
Lun, who was so delighted that he gave him a seat beside
bis own, and gave the Tashi Lamas a position and dignity
which even the Tal6 Lamas envy. He said people now
say that it was sent to Penchen Eimboochay by his
tutelary deity. I was much struck on hearing all this
said spontaneously by this simple mountaineer. It shows
how traditions spread and last among people who have
< • « •
4
'^
W
>
W
<^
1^
o
O
t)
<^
P
CO
!zi
t)
H
I
AKD THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 35
little contact with the outer world. As regards the road, Siphu Rocks
he said the people would be delighted to have one, as above Tungu.
they are now cut off from Sikkim from the end of the 4th
to the end of the 9th month. If a road, open all the year,
was made, this valley would be the high road of Tibetan
trade, as the Kongra Lama pass is only closed for a few
days twice a year, and even then not effectually closed.
Traders, he said, prefer this route not only because it is
more direct, but also because no duties are levied as at
Phari. (No doubt, however, if the trade developed, duties
would be started at Kambajong also.) He said trade had.
already much increased during the last two or three years
to his knowledge, and, indeed, we had evidence ourselves
that the Tibetans were ready to take the earliest opportunity
of going down as soon as the road was open. He then
made a curious remark that tlie only drawback to our
taking the valley would be the question of pasture, as
they understood that very little pasture was reserved at
Darjeeling. I explained that we had no idea of taking
an inch of land from Sikkim and Tibet, and that, indeed,
one of the objects of the Lieutenant-Governor in sending
me in to see the Maharajah was to make him even a greater
man than before in his own country. At this he salaamed
profusely and put out his tongue with evident satisfaction.
I learned from him that there are about 80 families in
the Lachen valley. If a muxder or very serious offence
were committed, the culprit would betaken to the Maharajah
either at Tumlong or at Choombi, Never knew a murder
to be committed. Cases of theft are investigated by
the elders headed by the Phipun. If found guilty, the
culprit is flogged by the Mangpd. Hard frost at night and
high north wind.
Siphu Rocks above Tdngd (13,600), Thursday, 6th Novemler.
Went with gun over the crackling ice, and got a snow-
pigeon. The woman I spoke to yesterday brought her
child, and I gave her some biniodide of mercury. She was
very grateful and at once set about applying it. We started
at about 9 and arrived at Tungu in thick snow and through
blinding glare at about 12. Glare was intolerable on the
36 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Giagong. flat on which the village (all houses empty) lies ; so we went
on to the southerly face of hill above, which is nearly free of
snow. After lunch, saw some tar far up on the mountain
above us. I went up 1,200 or 1,300 feet after them, but
had to go to windward and saw 15 of them, splendid beasts,
make off over the crest out of range. Took a photograph of
the village after I came down, including the huge rock which
Hooker considers must have dropped through a crevice in
the glacier which once filled the valley. Marched on about
a mile to the Siphu Rocks. Hopeless to get coolies on further.
Tents pitched on snow a foot thick under shelter of rocks.
Tibetans went in and danced war-dance on the snow, headed
by Kunchuk, the Phipun and Furchung, and gradually reduced
it to hard surface. Then laid juniper branches ; then pitched
tents. Fireplace dug in the middle. I focussed a photograph
in the snow, and left Sarat to take it. Icicles from rocks
close to my tent. One quite 12 inches in diameter. Keen
frost and lovely view in the moonlight of the mountain
which forms the south-east pillar of the gate of the Phallung
valley covered with snow.
Giagong (15,700), Saturday, ^th November.
Two days' diary to write. Started at 9 yesterday
for Giagong with Kunchuk and Furchung. Crossed Lachen
after about 300 yards ; then approached great moraine.
Everything frozen and snow three feet deep on both sides of
the path. At one point Furchung suddenly called my
attention to a pair of huge footprints going due west from
the track towards the Hlonok range, and visible for a long
^ way across the snow. He said these were the footprints of
wild men who live in the snow. Kunchuk said the same, and
they both told me that the wild men are covered with hair
and that people never travel alone at night in the valley for
fear of them. They are never seen, however, but are only
heard. There is the same idea all over Sikkim. The foot-
prints were certainly remarkable, very large and very broad,
quite twice the size of a man's. I suppose they were a bear's.
After crossing the first part of the moraine, we came to the
last trees we saw, apparently stunted willo w and rhododen-
dron. Asked Kunchuk, whom I had christened the Duke
I
o
>■
>•
H
CO
l-H
W
a
■o
o
W
CO
O
<1
W
a
OS
8
••' ■ :• : .• ; •.•
fr':j^vT
P3
n
a
\A
O
Q
<
CI
e-i
O
o
o
w
o
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 37
of Westminster, because he seemed to be far the richest ' Giagong,
man in the valley, about bow many sheep and yaks he
owned. He said about 5,000 sheep and 500 yaks. At
Chomiom Chu we got a magnificent view of Chomiomo
(22,290), with precipices of solid ice above black cliffs
hung with gigantic icicles and a stupendous glacier broken
into a sea of blocks coming down between the main
mass and a more southerly peak. Paul took a photograph.
As we went on up the valley I suddenly saw (11-30 a.m.)
a cuiious eflFect of the sunlight to the east on the snow-field
on the ridge of hills between the Phallung and Lachen
valleys. There was a pink light running on either side
from mauve to purple and then .blue. One would have
fancied it was sunset instead of midday. I called the atten-
tion of the others to it, and we watched it till it disappeared
in a few minutes. Further on, we had a grand view of
Kinchin jow (22,509). It looks a square mass like Chomiomo,
with top covered with ice hundreds of feet in thickness.
Below ice, perpendicular precipices of black rock, then snow
fields, one of which was traversed by a great crack which
seemed to point to a gigantic avalanche about to occur. Met
Tibetan traders going to Darjeeling with wool, blankets, and
brick-tea. Arrived at Sittong, where found planks cut,
brought up from below, ready for export to Tibet. Decided
to push on to Giagong. Arrived at flat under Giagong (keep-
ing Lachen flowing under ice on right) at about 6 o'clock.
Small bare patch here under a snow drift. Saw some
Tibetans on spur ahead of us. Four of them brought dried
cowdung and made a small fire, which lasted only a few
minutes and was quite useless. Intense frost ; moustache
frozen. Walked up and down to keep ourselves alive. Paul
done up. When night closed in, I proposed going back
to meet coolies. Gordon declared Paul unable, and proposed
going up to Tibetans. I went back with Furchung to meet
coolies, but, after a couple of hundred yards, we got off the
track and nearly up to our necks in snow. I was glad to
scramble back on to the track, and at Furchung's entreaty
returned to the patch of bare ground where the others were.
Prospect of spending night walking up and down. Boots
frozen hard. Nothing in luncheon basket but some tinned
oat-cakes, a pat6 de foie, a couple of glasses of whisky and
38 BEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Giagong. a bottle of green Chartreuse. No liglit. At last heard
hallooing, but only the Sikkim Dingpen and Denzing
arrived to say that the coolies had thrown themselves on
the ground at Sittong and declined to move. Servants had
fallen several times and said they would die. At about
1 o'clock saw lanterns gleaming across the snow, and five
. coolies (heavily bribed by Sarat) arrived with some firewood
and our wraps. Lighted blazing fire and settled down round
it, Furchung warming my snow shoes and taking off my
frozen boots. Spread our waterproof sheets on the ground
with our feet to the fire. Old Phipun Kunchuk behaved like
brick, and wrapped me up splendidly. Gave them and
coolies the bottle of Chartreuse, and heard them smacking
their lips over it before they curled themselves up altogether
to keep themselves alive during the night. Moon rose over
Kinchinjow. Wind coming down the pass cut through
posteens and blankets. No sleep for bitter cold. Watched
the icy crest of Kinchinjow gleaming in the moonlight
lying on my back on snow — difiBrent from prospect from
Darjeeling.
Turned out early this morning, others declining to
move. Here we are right through the Himalayas and on the
true Tibetan plateau, with Kinchinjow and Chomiomo, the
• two icy sentinels of the Lachen pass, actually south of us.
The coolies came up gradually. Paul took a photograph.
After tea, Evans and I went for a stroll to frontier. Stroll
turned out to be over a mile, over frozen Lachen, and then
through deep snow in places over oiu' knees. Grand view
of green ice on northern crest of Kinchinjow. Saw that
what appears to be snowy top is firm ice, as sun shone upon
it. At frontier found Dingpen and his men, who had slept
under rock on spur. Dingpen gave me a scarf. I said
I had no desire to be disagreeable, but that I had come to
meet a man of suitable rank. He made a suitable apology
for want of preparation. Said yaks with tents for me had
started, but been delayed by heavy snow. He said he had
every reason to expect the Jongpen today, and I said
I would remain to-day, and then decide whether I should
go on to Kambajong or not. I asked him if he had any
objection to our spending the day, and going a few miles
* • * *
~>
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 39
towards Cliolamoo lake and back. He said I was master Giagong.
and could go if I liked, but that his throat would be cut
if I went. I told him about Hooker. He said Hooker's
Dingpen had had his throat cut. I said I knew that was all
fudge, but that I had no idea of putting him into trouble,
and would wait to see if the Jongpens arrived. He salaam-
ed profusely and put out his tongue ^s we turned back to
camp, his men pointed to yaks in the snow coming down
the Kongra Lama, and said they were the Jongpens. After
return to camp and breakfast, began to prepare presents.
Saw yaks deploying on spur in distance, and heard oiEcials had
amved. Their black yak-hair tents were pitched in the snow
some way north of ours. At 4 o'clock I sent word that I was
ready to receive them. Heard Monk Jongpen unwell, and
only other had come. Received them in my tent ; rugs spread
for Jongpen, Dingpen (who has button on his hat) and two
others on left, Evans, Paul and Grordon on right. Jongpen had
hat like Raja of Sikkim and large white glass button from
China, At entrance to tent the Jongpen produced presents of
two rugs, four goats, nine sheep, barley-flom", eggs, &c., and
he gave me a scarf, the Dingpen giving to others. I motioned
them to sit, and tea andbrandy were produced and discussed.
I then asked his position. He explained that he was an officer
of the third class as his button showed, 9,nd had full powers of
Jongpen in absence of his chief, who is Chanjed Nup, and trea-
surer of the Tashi Lama at Shigatse. Then, in accordance
with etiquette, the Sikkim Dingpen asked him the cause of the
delay in his arrival. He explained that the delay was caused
by his colleague's sickness and the fact that many of their
yaks were employed elsewhere, and he begged that I would
excuse him. I said that the explanation was sufficient. He
then asked the customary questions regarding our journey
and so forth ; but he still seemed nervous and constrained.
I went on to ask questions about the Minister, Singchen
Rimboochay, whose reputation for wisdom and enlighten-
ment was well known to the Government of India. I also
asked him about the late Tashi Lama or Penchen Rim-
boochay, and enquired when his successor would be found.
He said that it was believed that the child had been found,
but that it would take some time before the ceremonies of
identification could be completed. I then said that I wished
40 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Giagong. him to take charge of a letter from me to the Minister,
Singchen Kimboochay, and of some presents for him. He
said he was very sorry he could not do this, as it
was not the custom for the Tibetan authorities to receive
letters from, or send letters to, the British authorities. I
pointed out that the letter and presents were mere matters
of courtesy and signs of the respect of the British Govern-
ment for the character and position of the Minister, and I
said that, as a previous Governor-General and a previous
Penchen had been on terms of intimate correspondence,
the present Governor-General was naturally interested in
what concerned Tibet, and wished that his officers and the
Minister should be on terms of friendly correspondence.
I urged that the mere fact that I had asked him to take
charge of them instead of proposing to cross the frontier
myself showed that we sought nothing more than friendly
intercourse. Still he was obdurate, and said he could not act
contrary to custom. The position was extremely critical.
If 1 accepted this refusal, all attempts to open correspondence
would end with our interview, all our trouble would be
fruitless, and all hope of a substantial advance must be
abandoned. On the other hand I knew that if I could only
induce him to take charge of the things in the name of his
master, Tibetan politeness would necessitate a reply being
sent, and, from what I had heard from Sarat of the charac-
ter of the Minister, I had every reason to hope that the
reply would be a cordial one. I thought I saw a plan
for placing my friend on the horns of a dilemma. I asked
him if he had the authority of the Minister to refuse the
letter and presents. He said that he had no such authority,
as he had had no time to get a reply from Shigatse
to his message announcing that I was coming. I then
said that as he had appealed to custom I must do
so also. I explained that I had been charged with a
certain duty, and that it was not the custom for a British
officer to return without fulfilling the duty assigned to him.
I should be leaving my duty unfulfilled if I took a refusal
from a person not authorized to give it ; and this I could
not do, as it would be breaking our custom. He must see
that I had no desire to break their custom, I maintained
that the correspondence between Warren Hastings and the
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 41
Penchen Rimboochay, and afterwards between him and the Giagong.
Kegent Chanjo Cusho and the Sopon Choombo, showed
that the real custom was not such as he had described it.
Now I had not crossed the frontier, because I knew they
would not like it, and it was not the custom ; I should
return at once if he would take charge of the letter and
presents. If he still refused to take them, I must ask him
to send ofi a messenger at once to Shigatse to ascertain the
Minister's wishes. Meanwhile I should either remain at
Giagong, or as it was an exposed place, move on perhaps to .
Kamba Jong itself. The responsibility for the breaking of
the custom would rest with him, and not with me. He then
begged that I would go back down the Lachen to Tungu
or Tullum Samdong, where the climate was milder,
pending the receipt of a reply from Shigatse. I said
my position would not allow me to do this. I could not
go back, and if I could not remain where I was, I must
go forward. All this difficulty, I reminded him, would
disappear if he could take charge of the letter and presents.
My friend was now fairly nonplussed. There could be no
doubt what would happen to him if a sahib with a large
retinue went in to Kamba Jong ; he had done his best to
act in the spirit of his orders, and now he must give in.
After a hurried consultation with the Dingpen, he said he
would take charge of the things, and of a letter from me to
the Minister. I then had the presents brought forward and
explained to him. There was a Tantalus of three cut-glass
bottles in a handsome alabaster frame enamelled with flowers,
a very powerful binocular by Ross and Company, a nest of
cups in electro-plate, and a monocle with a number of coloured
views, pictures of flowers, and phot )graphs, amongst others
one of Her Majesty and one of His Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales, He was greatly interested with these
things, and his coldness and reserve disappeared as we
examined them. 1 then gave him some presents, including a
revolver and a helmet and shield of Sealkote work, for the
Chanjed Nup, his immediate superior. Then came a revolver,
several pieces of broadcloth, boxes of biscuits, and bottles of
brandy and Chartreuse for himself, and smaller presents for
the Dingpen and the Zimpen. Then came more tea and
brandy. There was rather a ludicrous incident here It
is the custom for a Tibetan if he cannot finish what he
42 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Siphu Roclcs. has in his cup to pour the contents into his servant's cup.
Every one carries a wooden cup in the folds of his dress.
The Jongpen took very little brandy, and after I had given
him the two orthodox pressings to take some more, he
looked round, a hand appeared under the wing of the tent,
and the remains of his brandy were poured into the cup
which it held. The Dingpen had disposed of his first supply,
an electro-plated champagne glass full, and it had been
renewed. He saw that the time had come when he must
follow the Jongpen's example, and a hand was similarly pro-
duced ; but as the Dingpen turned to go through the remainder
of the ceremony, we saw that he emptied his glass as quick
as lightning, and then pretended to pour the contents
into the servant's cup. Things had now been placed
on a much more satisfactory footing, and the Jongpen
promised to pay me an informal visit next morning. The
interview broke up by my presenting him with a scarf. At
going he made profuse apologies for being unable to ask
us to dinner, as his camp equipage was too small. It was
now near sunset, and bitterly cold. After dinner Sarat came
to tell me that the Jongpen had made him share his meal,
and that he, Sarat, had told him about his previous
visit to Shigatse, The Jongpen, he said, was delighted
with all that had passed, and had asked many questions
about us all. Sarat had told him that Evans was the
great law officer of Government, and got Rs. 10,000 a day,
while Gordon had been transformed into a General, and
Paul had been promoted to be Deputy Commissioner of
Darjeeling. No words could be found to describe my
greatness as the head of an expedition so composed. He
had told the Jongpen about our photographing, and the
Jongpen had sent him to ask if I would have a photograph
of the group taken in the morning. Of course I gladly
agreed.
Siphu Rocks, Sunday^ 9th November,
This morning I kept my tent standing in order to have
a photograph of the group taken. The others were struck
very early, as we had a long march before us to Siphu
rocks. The Jongpen and his people all took the greatest
interest in the proceeding, the Dingpen particularly arrang-
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 43
ing himself and his belt of reliquaries with much care so as Siphu Rocks.
to make a good show. Kunchuk and the Sikkim Dingpen
and his brother stood behind us. First Paul took a picture,
and then he joined the group, and Sarat became photographer.
In the interval between the two sittings the Jongpen's
matchlock, with a sort of pennant fixed to the muzzle, was
brought to him. He was evidently very anxious to be taken
with the matchlock in his hand. Afterwards I had a long
talk with him in my tent, Sarat only being present to inter-
pret. I asked him first what was the cause of the sus-
picion with which the Tibetans regard us, and why
they were so anxious to avoid all contact with us when
we only sought their friendship and the promotion of
trade which must be profitable to one side as well as to the
other. He said that there was no real dislike or suspicion of
us among the people, and that, on the contrary, the know-
ledge is spreading every day that the " Maharani's " subjects
are governed with justice and are very rich and happy. I
asked him why, under these circumstances, the policy of
isolation was so rigorously maintained. He said that there
were two parties in Tibet, and that the views of one party
were in the ascendant. When I pressed him to give me
further information, he said that a man might have different
ideas in his private character from those which he had to adopt
and support in his official capacity. I said that my object was
to learn what were the real views on this important question
of a man of intelligence and culture, as I saw he was, and
that if he would speak out his mind quite freely, he might be
under no apprehension of any harm coming to him, as I
would regard what he said as confidential. I myself, I said,
took a very keen interest in all that regards Tibet and its
people, and in its religion and customs, and, in particular,
in the line of the Penchen Rimboochay, and I asked him to
speak to me as one private individual to another. He said
that he was very gratified to find that I took so much
interest in his country, and that he would speak as a private
individual and not as an official. He then said that most of
the officials and all the people would like to see all restrictions
on communication with us removed, and that every day the
desire for intercourse with India was increasing. They were
beginning to know what wonderful things we were able to
44 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Siphu Bocks. produce, and they knew quite well that we had no intention
of taking their country from them. The only party really
opposed to us are the monks of the monasteries at Lhassa, —
Sera, Depung, Gahdan, Mulu and the four " Lings "
(Kenduling, Chemeling, Checheling and Tankyaling), — who
are afraid of losing their influence and also afraid, of losing
the practical monopoly which they now hold of the trade
through Darjeeling. The monks have it all their own way
at present, and he and other officials have to obey orders.
The only power that could now reverse this policy would be
China. I gathered from him that Chinese influence was
paramount in Tibet. He even said that if we could get an
order from the Emperor, under his seal, he and others would,
have no hesitation in letting traders pass as all must obey it.
I asked him what he thought of the proposal of constructing
a road through the Lachen valley for the convenience of
traders. As an official, he said he could not say he would
like to see it made ; as a private individual he would be glad.
I asked him if it would lead to increase in trade. He said
that it would certainly do so, if traders were allowed to pass.
People are now most anxious to trade with India, and are
most eager to get English goods, particularly broadcloth,
cutlery, and piece-goods. " Now-a-days," he said, " when-
ever a man gets an article of English manufacture, a
hundred people come to look at it." He said, however, that
there would be no use in making a road while the present
policy is upheld, as he would be forced to prevent people
from using it in large numbers. I asked him if he levied
any duty now on traders, such as I had met in the Lachen
valley. He said, he had no orders to levy duty, but he had
strict orders not to let many people pass Kamba Jong, and
he had had before this to turn people back for fear of getting
into trouble. If he had an order of the Emperor of China to
allow free passage to all traders, which he could show, it
would be different. In the same way at Phari, he believed
it was a matter more of prohibition than of taxation. He
did not believe in the pretext of the Bhootanese and
Nepalese difficulties so far as the question of the trade by the
Jeylep (the eastern pass ' was concerned. The Sera and
Depung monks are keen traders, and they have influence
enough to cause difficulties to be thrown in the way of their
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 45
competitors. I asked him if he and others of the same views Siphu Rocks.
had any hope of seeing a change in the policy of exclusion.
He said that if we could only get China on our side, the
present was an excellent opportunity. The riot of March
1883 occurred during the grand prayer meeting, when the
police of Lhassa is every year given over for a month to the
charge of the monks under a Provost called Tshog-chhen-
shal-no. The quarrel originated in the maltreatment of a
Tibetan lady by some Nepalese shop-keepers. The Sera,
Gahdan and Depung monks all took part in the disturbance
because the Nepalese are rival traders. The Sera and
Gahdan monks had the additional incentive of a desire
to discredit the Depung monks, who, they complain,
monopolise the appointment of Provost. The Gesub, who
tried to quell the tumult, had to take refuge in the Tal^
Lama's palace, and afterwards tendered his resignation
of the oiBce. The outcome of the matter was that
the Lhassa Government had to pay Nepal an indemnity of
10 lakhs of rupees. They have this year asked China to
send four Ampas instead of two, in order to support
their authority against the monks. This he said, was
an excellent opportunity for us. The Lhassa Government,
he assured me, are themselves liberal and friendly, and if
the Chinese would allow us to approach them and the monks
were suppressed, trade, he . was confident, would be freed
from all restrictions. I asked him if he was well acquainted
with Singchen Rimboochay, the Minister, and said that I
knew all about him from Sarat, and that he was not more
anxious to learn English and European science and to see
European products than I was to learn Tibetan and to know
all about its history, religion and customs. He said he was
himself a disciple of the Minister, and that he had formerly
been a monk at the Narthang monastery, which is directly
under the Minister. This is the great printing establishment
of Tibet near Tashi Lunpo. He said the Minister was known
to be a man of great intelligence and learning, and that he had
convinced many of the desirability of cultivating relations
with us. Though himself an avatar, and holding one of the
highest places in the Buddhist hierarchy, he was the leader
of the advanced school and had a following even among the
Shaff^s or Secretaries of State at Lhassa. He particularly
46 REPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
SiphU\ Monies . mentioned Sawang Eanpa, one of the Shaffes, and one of the
grandees of Tibet. " Sawang" is a title only given to great
landholders, apart from their official position. I had also a
long talk with the Jongpen about the Tashi Lamas. He
was well acquainted with the story of Bogle's and Turner's
missions, and said that every villager in Tibet knew of the
pearl necklace wliich the Governor of India sent to the
Tashi Lama or Penchen Rimboochay. He also spoke
quite seriously of the belief that Her Majesty is the
incarnation of the Divine Mother Tara, who is the
special protectress of the Penchens. The monks at
Lhassa, it may be observed, have tried to spread the belief
that she is the incarnation of Mag-jorgyamo, the Goddess
of War, but throughout Tsang, and in a great part of
U, the other view is held. He was very much surprised and
pleased at even my limited stock of infonnation regarding
Tibet and its religion, but he was aware that the Indian Gov-
ernment are tolerant towards Buddhists, and that it had even
expended money on repairs of Buddhist monuments He
also knew that Warren Hastings gave the Tashi Lama a
piece of land on the Hooghly for a Buddhist temple. My
interview with the Jongpen was cordial in the extreme,
and he repeatedly asked Sarat Baboo to say that he had
never hoped to see a Peling (European) with so much sym-
pathy for Tibet and its people. lie promised warmly to do
all that he could to promote correspondence between me and
the Minister, and said that any letters that I might send to
him he would alwnys have duly forwarded to Tashilunpo.
He suggested that if I ever wanted to send him a private
letter, 1 should send it through the ex-Phipun of Lachen,
in whom he had full confidence. He was very anxious to
know how soon I could send him copies of the photograph,
and I promised to lose no time. He said he would let me
know at times news of interest about the reappearance of the
Penchen, and any other matter of importance. About half
past nine our interview came to an end. The Jongpen's
attendants, many of whom were armed with short swords,
were standing in a crowd some way from the tent when we
emerged. I ascertained that they were 106 in number, and
I ordered them a present of a rupee each. When they
heard this they set up a lusty cheer. We then all
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 47
shook hands with the Jongpen and started on our down- Lamteng.
ward journey. There were clouds about Chomiomo and
the lower part of the valley, and it looked as if it was
going to snow.
I had ample material for reflection on the march down.
I could feel that the success that had been secured exceeded
my most sanguine expectations. The Jongpen, who was
almost afraid to look at me yesterday, and who, thouarh
polite, could only say "non possum," is to-day an active ally.
Yesterday he seemed to be wrapped up in all the coldness of
an official who is determined, for his own interest, to present
an impassable barrier to a dangerous, but pertinacious, enemy.
To-day he reveals himself as a man of broad and liberal
views, who really dislikes the duty his official position in-
volves. When success or failure was hanging in the balance
^yesterday, I little thought that this morning my talk with
the Jongpen would be that of two men intent on the same
object and calculating on the forces available for its attain-
ment. Some reply must now be sent to my letter, and from
what I know of the Minister, and have seen of the Jongpen,
there can be little doubt that it will be a friendly one.
Thus, at last, after 100 years of silence, an official
letter will be received from Tashilunpo and the way
opened for further correspondence. As Evans says, the
photograph taken this morning, the first ever taken of
British and Tibetan officers side by side, is likely to be
historic. The march down was slushy owing to the thaw,
and when we reached Siphu we had every prospect of an
uncomfortable evening. However, there was still deep snow,
and juniper branches cover a good deal of damp. We
therefore pitched our tents in the same place, and at night-
fall the clouds disappeared, and we had a clear sky and
keen frost. As I write the snowy pillar of the Phallung
Gate is again shining in the bright cold moonlight.
Lamteng, Monday, \Oth November.
Not much to note to-day. Every thing frozen hard
■ at Siphu this morning ; still it felt like summer after
GiagoDg. I was sorry, as I walked down to Tungu in the
48 REPORT OF A MISSION TO STKKIM
Chonnthang. keen clear air and bright sunshine on the pure crisp snow,
to think that we should soon be back on green grass again.
At Tallum Samdong found some of the servants, who had
begged to be left there on Thursday. They seemed to have
spent the interval gorging themselves by the fire in a house
belonging to the hospitable ex-Phipun. Took a photograph
at the bridge. As we marched down, in places on the flat
sward beside the babbling Lacben, — looking the perfection
of a trout stream, — we had better opportunities than we had
marching up for admiring the magnificent snowy peaks,
Migdeh, Giamtong, and others, in the range between the
Lachen and the Lachung. The views up the side valleys,
particularly of the Birrum and the Migdeh, were superb.
Reached Zemu Samdong in the evening and took a photo-
graph, with my Lachen pony standing on the southern
bridge. The valley was becoming gloomy, and I am
afraid the picture may not succeed. Paul here pointed
out a good site with solid foundation for a suspension
bridge a little way below the existing bridge. At Lamteng
found camp pitched, and letters from Darjeeling waiting
for us. Evans and I made several merry jests about the
Rent Bill papers which had been forwarded to him, and a
number of official letters which had found their way to me.
There is no room for thought on such subjects in the Lachen
valley. The young Kazi brought me a fine musk deer,
which he had shot on Tukcham.
Choonthang, Tuesday, 1 1 th November.
Left Lamteng at about 9, after formerly presenting
Kunchuk with a fowling-piece in case, his great ambition, as
Sarat told me before we started. Reached cane bridge at
11-30. Enjoyed again the lovely view of the Lachen from
the southern crest of Chateng. Descent to the Pen Chu very
steep and slippery, as the grass was very dry. Might not
the road, with blasting, be kept near river bank and go
below Chateng ? Or might it not be carried across the
Pen Chu higher up and cross the Chateng spur nearer the
main rans'e, descending slightly to Lamteng ? The latter
course ought to be quite practicable. From the Pen Chu to
the cane bridge is about four miles. Temporary bridges
00
;>
o
P
td
M
o
<!
w
M
O
<l
M
o
H
O
w
w
o
'i • '
•♦ • !
I • • •
* • *
• * •
•< • * ;• • ' Z • •• •
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 49
only are required for the Chaka Chu, Chumam Chu, and Choonthang.
Ben Chu. The road excellent in places, and requires very-
little improvement on this section. No diflSculty whatever.
At cane bridge waited some time for the camera, but had to
go on before it arrived. Walked from cane bridge to the
Latong bridge in an hour and twenty minutes, including a
wait of a quarter of an hour at the Takroom for Gordon.
Did Takroom from cane bridge in 35 minutes. Road rather
steep, but not really difficult. Could it not be kept down,
crossing the Takroom nearer its junction with the Lachen ?
The Takroom is a difficult river owing to its terrific fall and
impetuosity Excellent foundations on each side of the
Lachen at Latong bridge. Examined the bridge (lately
made for us) with much interest. The way the difierent
sections are made to work as levers, lashed together with
cane and bark, is very ingenious. Lunched at the Yamdo
Chu. Afterwards hurried on to the Phin Chu to get a photo-
graph. The road in places goes down into the river bed
to circumvent great cliffs, and must be submerged when
the river is high. It should be possible to carry it above
with blasting. Getting dusk as I took a picture at the
Phin Chu. Found the ascent to, and descent from, the
Tumlong flat much easier than when we came up. The
Choonthang Lama's people have improved the path wonder-
fully since we left. The east bank of the Lachen is certainly
very precipitous between Latong and Choonthang ; but it
ought to be possible to blast galleries along the cliffs to
make a good road once for all, and thus avoid crossing the
river twice, and, above all, avoid the climb up to Tumlong and
down again, and then that most impracticable Phin Chu and
the sea of boulders it has brought down. Only one bridge
across the Lachen would thus be required between Lamteng
and Choonthang, and that would be at the present cane
bridge, where there are two great high rocks on either
side for supports, and not more than 50 feet would have to
be spanned. Overtook Evans at the bridge below Tumlong.
Night came on as we were still doing the mile of boulders
between the bridge and Choonthang. The Lama, however,
sent men with torches, and, of course, murwa, to meet us.
Found blazing fire in the shed at the camping ground and
Paul getting tea ready. Gordon had got on before us and
50 KEPOKT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Sinchik. gone to the monastery. Paul interviewed him and found
him prepared to spend the night on rugs suppHed to him by
the monks. After tents were put up and dinner was at length
served, we sent messages to him, but in vain. This was a
very long march, and the coolies have done svonderfully well
to get in at all. A few have not turned up, and are believed
to have bivouacked among the boulders.
Sinchik, Wednesday^ I2th November.
Got the coolies to make a tremendous march to-day, as I
want to see if I cannot make Tumlong in two days from
Choonthang and five from Giagong. Before leaving, I had
a long talk with the Choonthang Lama and the Phipun and
ex-Phipun, Kunchuk of Lachen, The former was very anxious
to get a written order from me confirming the arrangement
under which he combines authority over the two valleys with
the charge of the monastery. I said that I could not do any-
thing which would imply that our Government claimed the
power of superseding the authority of the Raja in such matters ;
but that I had no objection to state in writing that I had
found that the arrangement was working satisfactorily, and
was acquiesced in by the people of both valleys 1 found
that the Phipuns cordially approved of it, so long as the
present Lama rules Choonthang. There is a curious history
connected with this matter, which shows how revolutions
can be effected in these remote valleys, as well as elsewhere.
Seven years ago, Larip Dechan was Lama of Choonthang
monastery, and had jurisdiction throughout Lachen and
Lachung. He tjTannised over the people in every way,
made them give free labour, and extorted money and goods
from them on every sort of pretext. At last the men of the
two valleys determined to take the law into their own hands,
and at once to put an end to his tyranny, and to provide
against a repetition of it by rendering Choonthang desolate
and " a joy of wild asses. " One day they met in the rice
field near the junction of the rivers, and below the monastery.
Each valley brought a bull yak. The yaks were then slaugh-
tered and the people, dipping their hands in the warm blood,
swore a great oath never to own allegiance to the Lama of
. * * • • •
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 61
Choonthang, or to pay taxes to him, or to send their sons to SinchiJc.
be monks of the monastery, or to cultivate any land connect-
ed Ayith it. Then they streamed towards the monastery
shouting and beating drums and cymbals. Larip Dechan,
however, had come to know what was going on, and did not
await them. He escaped down the other side of the hill
and fled across the Lachung to Chakoong, and thence to
Ringun, where he now lives. He has never since set foot
in Choonthang. For six years the monastery and the village
were deserted. Last year the Raja and the Lamas of
Pemiongchi sent the present Lama to re-establish the Gonpa
and to try to win over the people. The Phipuns say that they
have consulted the Lamas of their own little monasteries
at Lamteng and Lachung, and that it is generally agreed
that their oath is not binding on them now that Larip Dechan
has been rooted out and a good man has been appointed
Lama. They showed me the very spot where the ceremony
took place, and my friend Kunchuk, who had officiated on the
Lachenside, grew very earnest in the graphic description he
gave me of what occurred. I could see that the Lama and
he were really on friendly terms, and I fancy the example
made of Larip Dechan will not soon be forgotten. I gave
the Phipun a robe of honour for his services and then bade
farewell to these good people, and to these two lovely valleys,
with much regret. After crossing the Lachung by the usual
bridge of branches, I cleared a space whence I took a photo-
graph of the meeting of the waters. Lunched at Chakoong.
A bridge, with about 35 feet of waterway, would be required
across the Chakoong Chu, which comes down from
Gnaream. Grood foundations on each side. Between this
and the Rhi Chu, I took a photograph of the river. Magni-
ficent rocks in, and on the banks of, the stream. The
Khi Chu would be easily bridged. There is a huge boulder
in the middle of the stream, and the larger space would not
be more than 20 feet. Good foundations on both banks.
At Nangama the old Mundle, with his three wives, had a
seat ready for us with murwa. Evening was coming on,
so we pushed ahead. At the top of the sharp rise above
the Meong Chu, it was nearly dark, and rain began. Further
on, Evans and I, who were the last, were met by men with
torches. Pouring in torrents when we reached Sinchik.
52 EEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Shela. Two sheds ready with blazing fires. Tents at last put up,
and dinner served at 10 o'clock.
FonEST ABOVE SiLLiNG, Thursday, l^th November.
Some delay in getting coolies ofE this morning. Found
my pony waiting near Singtam. There are two small
houses here built over huge prayer wheels with water
trained by bamboo spouts to turn them. They are
real " Om mani padme Om" mills. From Singtam
sharp rise of about 600 feet to Simm Mendong. Magnificent
view up the Talung valley to the Guicha La between
Pandim and Kinchin. Cut away jungle and waited for
camera. Meanwhile clouds gathered over the snows and
obscured Pandim, Kinchin, and Liklo before I could take
the picture. From Simm to Maling Mendong road is
easy ; then down sharp, but short, descent to Ringun.
There are three roads hence to Tumlung. Ponies went by
the lower, the one by which Evans and I came. The upper
and middle roads meet at Nampatam. From Nampatam there
is a very steep descent to, and ascent from, an affluent of
the Ron-Ron. Then the road runs along part of a new
landslip, with trees and rocks mixed up together, to the
Ron-Ron. Here we lunched. Thence we went up the
face of a huge landslip quite 400 feet to Silling. The people
say that the debacle has been steadily coming down for
six or seven years. The whole village of Silling threatens
to follow, 'i'he coolies here declared they could not get on
to Tumlong, the ladies, as they have been throughout the
expedition, being the loudest murmurers. Gordon had
already gone on. Evans, Paul, and I came on here, and had
ground cleared for camp, the coolies condescending to come
so far.
Sheta, Friday, \i.th November.
We had a pleasant march across the Mafi La this
morning. The gradient is very easy, and the air was
deliciously fresh. At the top there is a magnificent view
of the Teesta valley, Tendong, and the Singald range.
Thence the descent to Tumlong is easy. We turned off
above the Labrang Monastery and came on to Phodang.
• • •
. • • ••
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 53
Here we found our letters from Darjeeling, and a supply of Dikheling
champagne and beer, which we were glad to see after
having for some days had to drink whisky and water, a
nauseous drink out of metal. Found a note from Gordon
to say that he had slept in the monastery and gone on.
The Lama and the Dewan came to ask how we had fared,
and we had a final talk. Lunched at the Ryott : then
crossed Kubbi, leaving the road to Sillingthang on our
right, and went down to the Dikchu, here a small stream.
From the Dikchu a short ascent brought us to Sheta, where
we found Gordon. I had a talk with Sarat as we came
along about the Sikkim Raja's family history. It appears
that when he was born some of the Lamas wished his father
to give him away to some poor family on the ground that
a man with a hare-lip could not have brains or strength
enough to rule. The old Raja refused, and now the
Raja is said to be paying more attention to his work
every day and to be becoming a really capable administra-
tor. This village of Sheta was visited by cholera last year,
the only instance in Sikkim that I have heard of.
DiKKELiNG, Saturday, 15th November.
After leaving Sheta this morning, we went up a fairly
easy rise to the Penlong La. Here we cut down several
trees to get a clear view of the snows. Nursingh, Pandim,
Kabru only just visible over Pandim's shoulder, Kinchin,
Liklo and K. Not a cloud was visible. Paul and I took two
photographs to make sure. As we took o& the lens, how-
ever, we found that it was fogged. The Rajah used to have
his stud on the southern slope of Penlong. We descended
to the Ronye, then ascended to Barkup. The march along
the hill from this to Guntuck is very pleasant. The valley
of the Ronye is beautifully cultivated, and prosperous
villages are studded all over its sides. Opposite is the range,
on the other side of which we marched, after crossing the
Teesta, to Sillingthang. They showed me the direction of
two roads across it from Yeumthang near Sillingthang, one
over the Cheu La to Lyung and another over the Merig La to
Barping. Near Guntuck we were met by men sent by the
Kazi with murwa. The Kazi himself, with the Laaia of
54 REPOnt OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM
Kalimpung. Ench Monastery, which looks very picturesque perched on
the hill above, received us at Guntuck. Thence we went
on by an excellent road to Tantong, near which we lunched.
View of Barpheuk Gonpa away to the left. From Tantong
we had rather a hot descent to the Ron-Ron, near its junction
with the Ronye. The Rumtik monastery on a spur on the
other side of the Ronye was visible all day. After leaving
the Ron-Ron, the road runs over grass and through forest
without undergrowth, and crosses the Tikcham Chu. The
march was very pleasant, with the alteration of glens
and glades, the evening sun lighting them up till it went
down behind the wooded mass of Ondiphorung on our
right. Passed the Pakyong Mendong and reached Dikkel-
ing after dark.
The more I see the more satisfied I am that the road to
connect northern Sikkim with Darjeeling should go over
Tendong and along the Teesta valley to Ringun, either by
Garh or by Sillingthang and Tingcham. The Ronye valley
is very rich and comparatively easy, but no Tibetans will
make such a detour as this merely to get a good road.
They will take the lower road at Ringun by Tingcham
whatever we do, and our policy should be to improve the
road and make bridges by the route that they will in any
case follow.
Kalimpung, Sunday, l%th November.
I was forced to get up before daybreak this morning at
Dikkeling by a pony getting among my tent ropes and
threatening to bring the whole thing down ujDon me. Beau-
tiful sunrise over the Chola range with the Linkui Monastery
on the crest of hill in the middle distance. Kartok Monastery
on the hill just above us. I was due in Darjeeling yesterday
according to my arrangement with the Governor; so I deter-
mined to try to do the whole march to-day, a go(?d 50 miles.
The fates, however, hav(? been against that. Started
early and descended to the Rarhi. Here the Newras,
AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER. 56
Luchmi Das and his brother, had an arbour ready with Kalimpung,
delicious green oranges. They took me over their copper
smelting furnaces. Thence went for about half a mile
along the Rarhi to the bridge. This would be a fisher-
man's paradise. The fall of the river is very slight, and it
bubbles over a gravelly bed with pools every few yards.
In the pool under the bridge I saw quite a dozen marsya,
which rose at once to take the Indian corn that we threw
them. From the bridge we mount the Rhenock spur by a
capital road which Luchmi Das keeps in order. Paul showed
me the scene of the fight in 1880 between the Pemiongchi
Lamas and the Phodang Lama's people about the Newar
settlement, when one Lama on the former side was
killed. At Rhenock the Kazi had oranges and murwa
waiting for us, our last taste of the simple hospitality
of Sikkira. Here we struck Edgar's road from the
Jeylep and descended to the Rishi. The -pull up from
here to Pheydong is long, though, as the road is beautifully
aligned, it is nowhere steep. The road seemed much im-
proved since I saw it in 1877. A dogcart could be driven
along it. Halfway up we saw a tremendous cliff. The
story is that a man dropped asleep on the top and fell over, but,
for some reason unknown, picked himself up at the bottom
of the precipice unhurt. I was saving my good pony
for the latter part of the journey, so I rode for the
first time the pony the Raja gave me from the Rishi — a
sorry beast. Passed many traders with laden donkeys and
mules going to Darjeeling, with wool, blankets, and yaks'
tails. Lunched late at Pheydong and then pushed on. I
had not time to go to call on Pere Desgodins, but I saw his
neat little house and church. Crowds of Tibetan traders on
the road, drinking tea and playing a game like draughts
with shells, but with a great number of squares. Our ponies
were done up, and it was sunset when we reached Kalimpong
far ahead of the coolies. Pound Oldham in the inspection
bungalow. He has given us dinner. Compared notes with
him. He has been up to the Chola range, and prospected
for the new road to the Jeylep by the Richi La. He
reports it impracticable. Edgar's road is all that is required
for this part of Sikkira. A few coolies coming in. The
great majority are far behind.
66 KEPORT OF A MISSION TO SIKKIM AND THE TIBETAN FRONTIER.
Daejeeling, Monday, 17 th November.
Darjeeling. Rode in by Teesta bridge and Peshoke. Mr. Munro of
Peshoke most kindly lending ponies, as our syces, after
waiting at the dak bungalow for five days, went back with
our ponies to Darjeeling this morning. Telegraphed arrival
and result of meeting at Giagong to the Governor.
LETTERS RECEIVED FROM THE MINISTER OF THE GRAND
LAMA, OR PENCHEN RIMBOOCHAY, OF TASHI LUNPO.
[See pages 41 and 78.]
A.
[Literal Translation.]
To the great and most opulent
Governor, who turns the
wheel of power all over this
wide world, liuler of Asia
and Pillar of the Faith, to
his Throne.
With reverence and with the full three mundane essen-
tials (the. heart, the speech, and the body) —
This most humble and insignificant self, who from his
infancy, applying himself to study, has acquired only a
minute jot of learning, such as may be compared with an
insect's mouthful of water, has been favoured with a golden
robe of honour that there is a reward of Rs. 2,500 for him,
for which he presents his most cordial thanks.
This year there has appeared the incarnation of that
divine personage who is the crown ornament of this world
of men and gods. Next year His Holiness' incarnation will
be identified. This humble self has been discharging with
the utmost zeal and devotion all the religious duties of the
Penchen Rimboochay as the Minister of the Great Buddhist
Church, and moreover as the representative of the late all-
knowing Penchen, in upholding, protecting, and propagating
the religion of the Victor. Together with this piece of news
he respectfully sends scarves and the mitre of the late
Penchen for acceptance.
Dated Tashi Lunpo^ the 5th of the lO^A Lunar Month, Wood'
monkey year.
[^Corresponding with the 22nd November 1884.]
LETTERS RECEIVED FROM THE MINISTER OF THE GRAND LAMA,
B,
[Literal Translation,]
To the lotus chair of the Great
Saheb Macaulay, the Minis-
ter (Chanzo) of the Lord
Governor of Bangala (which
is in the Eastern quarter),
who turns the wheel of
power.
With the three essentials, body, mind and speech —
This humble self has been as it were decorated with a
golden robe, being presented with a fine jade stand with
three bottles in it, a magnifying glass with very handsome
and excellent pictures, 87 in number, and a binocular of supe-
rior quality, with case, for which he offers many many
thanks.
This humble self is devotedly engaged in the work of
propagating the sacred and undefiled religion of the Victor
as the representative of the late all-knowing Penchen
Rimboochay. The religious services of the entombment of
the remains of the late Penchen are favourably progressing.
This year the incarnation of the Penchen has been born.
Next year it will be identified. With this piece of news
about the Penchen for the great Saheb, this humble self of
Maha Singhe presents the neck amulet of the Penchen and
scarves for acceptance.
Dated the 5th of the \Qth Lunar Month of the Wood-monkey
year.
OR PENCHEN RIMBOOCHAY, OF TASHI LUNPO. 50
c.
To his Most Precious Great-
ness Lord Dufferin, Great
Governor of India in
Bangala, whose exalted dig-
nity and great power are
recognized by all dwelling
between Heaven and Earth.
— To His Exalted Majesty's
lotus feet.
With profound salutation and great respect begs to
petition. On receiving the Great Viceroy's most gracious
letter containing the news of his precious honour's health,
the information that his great honour continues to rule with
moral merit, like Kansika (the Lord of
em*raidlTi3?arS.S: Hcaven), and his kind presents,* this
humble Sing-chen has been thrown into
great ecstacy. He receives the precious commission on the
crown of his head.
As regards the land near Calcutta on the bank of Ganga
which was formerly granted to Kyab-Gyan Paldan Yeshe
(Tashi Lama) by Lord Hastings, it was his (Sing-chen's)
greatest desire himself to apply spontaneously for its restor-
ation ; but this being a matter in which the Lamas and
Ponpos (chiefs) of the country of Tibet are concerned, and
he (Sing-chen) having to remain in Tibet as the basis of his
religion, felt it difficult to risk the opening of the question,
as such interference on his part might offend them, and as
there is no certainty if it would not create religious enemies.
Now, however, the time is not far distant when he may
be able to discuss the details in a personal interview.
Graciously forgive, graciously forgive.
"With the enclosures, an image of Senge-da, the God
of Lion's roar, a sacred silk fringe, and a scarf with figures
of Gods.
Bated the Srd of the 2nd Lunar month of the Wood-bird
year, from the capital sanctuary of Tashi Lhunpo [Id th March
1885].
60
LETTERS RECEIVED FROM THE MINISTER OF THE GRAND LAMA,
D.
To the Great Lord Sahib, the
Governor of Bengal in the
East, protector of life and
property. — To the lotus of
his feet.
With great respect begs to state —
This humble self, owing to his residing in the interior
of the country of Tibet, through ignorance formerly failed
to send letter, &c., to your great honour. He begs your
honour will not take any umbrage at this or ruffle your mind
on account of it. Now this humble Sing-chen sends a little
present— a scarf with figures of Gods and a sacred fringe-
as tokens of his high regard for your great honour.
Dated the Srd of the 2nd Lunar month of the Wood-bird
year [19^A March 1885]-
E.
To the Great Macaulay Sahib,
the Chyandso of the Govern-
ment of Bengal in the East,
who is possessed of many
noble virtues.
With much respect begs to petition. The news that
your honour being possessed of good health is controlling
state affairs like the all-powerful sun is most welcome. This
humble self is also dwelling happily in the illusive mortal
frame.
Agreeably to your honour's desire, he has acknowledged
the receipt of the gracious presents
ani^r letter!'' ^^ ^"""^'^'' ^^^^ ^^o Viceroy, the powerful one of
the land, and stated the reason for his
inability at present to complete his prayer for the land, and
he begs your honour will kindly forward his letter to the
OR PENCHEN RIMBOOCHAY, OF TASHI lUNPO. 61
Viceroy. Your greatness -will not refuse kindness to Sing-
chen. He has through his messengers received an excellent
gilt six-chambered revolver with five boxes of cartridges, a
very handsome musical box with two figures, a very curious
lamp clock, a telephone, seven pictures, an excellent plated
bread-basket, seven oblation glass cups, a Tibetan-English
dictionary, my patron's likeness, a bowl with cover, and
Rs. 2,500. These presents he receives on his head. These
tokens of kindness, and above all the gracious expressions
contained in the letter, have caused him such an accumula-
tion of delight that, as the saying is, he cannot distinguish
night from day. He will treasure these expressions in this
innermost htart. Again there are a few things necessary
to this humble one —
A book of English transliterated into Tibetan, with
a glossary to enable him to learn English easily
and quickly.
An English-Tibetan Dictionary, or any book that
will help him to learn English.
Some apparatus for rapid photography.
Some medicine to counteract the poisonous effect of
quicksilver upon the faces of gilders.
Hindi-Tibetan Dictionary.
A book to learn English without a master.
Some excellent perfumeries and oils to make the
complexion soft and fair.
If it pleases your honour to send these things through
Phurchung, this humble self will not long afterwards avail
himself of the opportunity to personally thank yoiir honour.
He cannot describe his thanks. With a bell with Dorje, a
pair of cups containing eight auspicious marks, two yellow
and blue scarves with figures, and a life scarf of this humble
self (Sing-chen), respectfully presents this letter from Tashi
Lhunpo.
Dated the Srd of the 2nd Lunar month of the Wood-bird
year \l%th March 1885].
P.(S.— Up to this date the Panchhen Rimboochay has
not been identified. As soon as he is identified, news will
be sent by a messenger.
MEMORANDUM ON OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET.
IT is difficult for those who have always been accustomed
to look upon Tibet as a closed land for Europeans, to
realize that a century and a half ago a Christian Mission
was established at Lhassa. Now-a-days a solitary English
traveller, approaching any of the passes, finds himself con-
fronted by a party of guards who point to an inscribed
board planted on the frontier pillar, and proceed to execute a
pantomime, of which the unmistakeable purport is that, if he
crosses the boundary, their throats will be cut. The number
of Europeans who, since the beginning of this century, have
set their eyes, much less their feet, upon Tibetan ground, —
at any rate in the provinces of U and I'sang, or Tibet Proper,
— might almost be counted on the fingers of the two hands.
Yet in the beginning of the last century, missionaries passed
freely backwards and forwards between India and Tibet,
and for many years preached the gospel under the very
shadow of Potala. Two Jesuits, named Desideri and Freyre,
travelled over the Mariam-La pass to Lhassa in 1716, and
Desideri remained there till 1721. In his journal, which was
discovered at Pistoia in the end of 1875, Father Desideri
states that he openly gave out at Lhassa that he was a
foreign Lama come to convert the people ; that he was
received with much toleration ; and that the king [i.e., the
Nomenkhan or Gesub Rimboochay, the head of the tempo-
ral Government of the Tal^ Lama] was so much struck
with a pamphlet of his that he arranged for a religious
discussion to take place between him and some great Lamas.
A revolution, however, intervened; the "king" was assass-
inated ; and the discussion fell through (Geographical
Magazine, 1st September 1876). Again Father Horace della
Penna, with 12 Capuchins, reached Lhassa by way of Nepal
in 1719. In 1735 he returned to Rome for reinforcements,
and in 1740 he again reached Lhassa with nine companions.
64 MEMORANDUM ON
He died in Nepal in 1747, but other missionaries remained
at Lhassa, till they were expelled about 1760. As Mr.
Clements Markham, in the admirable introduction to his
edition of the Narratives of Bogle and Manning, says : —
" The way in which Horace della Penna passed to and fro
between Tibet and India proves that the intercourse was
free and unrestrained, and that the traffic was protected by
the enlightened policy of the Lamas of Tibet and the
Newar Kings of Nepal." It was the supersession of these
two authorities, —the extension of Chinese influence in Tibet,
and their assumption of the control of the foreign relations
of the Lamas on the one hand, and the conquest of the
peaceful and enlightened Newars by the turbulent and
ignorant Goorkhas on the other, — that led, first to the
discouragement, and then to the prohibition, of intercourse.
These two causes acted and re-acted upon one another till
the present state of affairs was brought about, and while
Nepalese and Cashmeerees hold their own in the market
places of Shigatse and Lhassa, British subjects, Indian or
European, are, as such, unceremoniously turned back almost
within sight of the smoke of our locomotives.
2. The event to which Desideri refers when he speaks
of a revolution occurring, was the first of a train of cir-
cumstances which led to results more disastrous to European
intercourse than his own disappointment at the loss of a
triumph over his Lama opponents. The stomaing of Lhassa
and the murder of the Gesub by the Zungarians in 1717 was
followed by Chinese intervention, and from 1720 two
Chinese Ampas were permanently stationed at Lhassa. At
first they do not seem to have had very much authority in
Tibet. Their presence, in fact, would appear to have called
into being a national party, headed by the Gesub, which
jealously watched all their attempts to assert the authority
of China. At length a catastrophe occurred which, though
fatal to the actors in the tragedy itself, led to a great
increase in the influence of China. About the middle of
the last century the Ampas, Pou and Li, wished to increase
the Chinese garrison, on the pretext of a movement among
the Nepalese tribes, and interfered more and more in the
government of the coimtry. The Gesub and the national
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 65
party offered an uncompromising opposition to them, and
the Ampas had the Gesub assassinated before their eyes.
The result was an outburst of popular fury ; the Ampas
were torn to pieces ; and a general massacre of the Chinese
in Tibet ensued. The Emperor Kien Lun sent an army
to re-establish Chinese authority, and for some time
afterwards the Gesubs, instead of leading a national party of
opposition, were completely the creatures of the Ampas.
Mr. Clements Markham gives 1749 as the date of this
revolution. Hue and Gabet say it occurred in the 35th year
of Kien Lun, which would be 1770. It is to be observed,
however, that Bogle, who visited Tashi Lunpo in 1774,
refers to it as antecedent to the death of the Tal^ Lama,
Lossan Kalsang, which took place in 1758. Mr. Markham's
date would therefore appear to be correct. At any rate it
is clear that the change in the relations between the Ampas
and the Tibetan Government was closely followed by the
expulsion of the European missionaries. As long as there
was a party to keep the Chinese in check, the missionaries
were unmolested. As soon as the Chinese got the power
into their hands, they were expelled. It is curious to note
the points of resemblance between the position of Hue and
Gabet in 1846, and the position of the Capuchins a century
earlier. In both cases we find tolerance and kindness from
Tibetans, and bigotry and hostility from the Chinese.
Hue and Gabet were treated with marked attention and
respect by the Regent Pe-Chi, or Shaffe, Shete, who did his
utmost to protect them. It was Ki-Chan, the Chinese Pleni-
potentiary, anxious to regain credit after his disgrace at
Canton, who insisted on their expulsion.
3. While Chinese influence was thus gaining a remark-
able accession at Lhassa, events were in progress in Nepal,
which were destined to culminate in the complete severance
of Indian intercourse with Tibet. As long as the chiefs of
the Newar dynasty ruled the petty kingdoms of Kathmandoo,
Patau and Bhatgaon, a flourishing trade was carried on
through Nepal between High Asia and the plains. Mr. Cle-
ments Markham notices that as early as 1583 a traveller
named Ralph Fitch gave an account of it. Mr. Bogle,
writing in 1775, says : — " Every encouragement was given
66 MEMORANDUM ON
to trade. A very moderate duty was levied on goods ; the
country, populous and well cultivated, easily furnished the
means of transporting them, and the merchants, free from
spoil or exactions, settled in Nepal, and contributed to enrich
it at the same time that they improved their own fortunes."
Mention has been made above of a movement among the
Nepalese which gave the Ampas, Pou and Li, a pretext
for increasing the number of the Chinese troops in Tibet.
This was no doubt a phase of the dissensions between the
Newars, which gave Prithi Narayan, the Chief of the
Goorkhas, an opportunity of intervening, and of finally, in
1769, subduing the whole of the Nepal valley. The Goorkha
conquest was fatal to trade. A military despotism succeeded
to the mild and enlightened sway of the native chiefs. A
standing army was maintained to overawe the people, and
grinding taxes were imposed to defray the expenses. " The
merchants," wrote Mr. Bogle, " subject to heavy and arbi-
trary fines upon the most frivolous pretences, and obliged
to purchase the protection of a tyrannical Government by
presents scarcely less oppressive, quitted a country where
they could no longer enjoy that freedom and security which
are the life of commerce. Only two Kashmiri houses
remain, and the Rajah, afraid of their also abandoning him,
obliges them to give security for the return of such agents as
they have occasion to send beyond the boundaries of his
dominions." It will be pointed out further on that to this
day heavy import and export duties are levied on the fron-
tiers of Nepal.
4. Meanwhile, to the eastward. Deb Judhur of Bhootan
had invaded Cooch Behar, and stopped all trade with Tibet
through these channels. There remained the road through
Demo Jung, now known as Silskim, and Mr. Bogle says
that " the fakirs, when expelled from Nepal, generally fre-
quented this road ; but being esteemed unhealthy, it was
not adopted by any creditable merchants." It was soon
closed altogether by the Goorkha Raja invading the country.
5. The third quarter of the 18th century, therefore,
saw Europeans expelled from Tibet by Chinese influence,
after residence extending over nearly half a century. It
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 67
also saw trade paralysed, and the road from India closed by
the turbulence of the intervening States.
6. But, though the fair prospect was overcast, it was
obscured only by clouds that might pass away. There was
to be yet a gleam of sunshine before it disappeared in the
darkness of the long night that was to follow. In 1774 the
Tashi Lama, or Penchen Rimboochay,* sent to Warren
Hastings his memorable letter of intercession for Deb Judhur.
Lossan Paldan Yese was the 13th of the illustrious line of
Avatars which, beginning with Subhuti, the Stavira, one of
the favourite disciples of Buddha, has, after intervals of
varying length, established the continuous dynasty of the
Penchen Rimboochay or Tashi Lamas of Tashilunpo.
The first four incarnations took place on this side of the
Himalayas, and the Penchens have always been conspicuous
for the reverence and affection with which they regard the
holy places of the land of Aryavarta. Mr Mayers, of the
Consular Service of China, in a paper read before the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain in April 1869, said : '* Joint
heir with the Dalai [TaleJ Lama of the spiritual inheritance
derived from Tsungkaba, the Panshen Erdeni is believed
by the Tibetans to be worthy of the higher degree of adora-
tion, his office and functions being the less contaminated
by worldly influences." The Tashi Lama, or Penchen
Rimboochay ordains, or is ordained by, the Tal6 Lama,
or Gyow Rimboochay, according as one or the other is
the elder. The immediate predecessor of Lossan Paldan
Yese was formally invested by the Emperor Yung Ching
with the sovereignty of the whole of Tibet west of the
Painam, and he himself was destined to raise even higher
than before the reputation of the dynasty for sanctity,
wisdom and strength of character. Warren Hastings seized
the opportunity of the Tashi Lama's letter of intercession
to endeavour to remove the obstacles to trade. He dealt
leniently with the Bhootanese, and sent George Bogle as
his ambassador to the Lama. Bogle's narrative shows that
his journey was retarded, and the object of his mission
* He is called Penchen Irtinni in China, " Irtinni " in Mongolian (Sanskrit ratna)
signifying Gem, as " Eimboochay " does in Tibetan.
68 MEMORANDUM ON
thwarted, by the jealousy of the Gesub and the influence
of the Chinese. It also brings out very strongly the
wonderful power, dignity and liberality of the Lama's
character. Two expressions quoted by Bogle from the
Lama's conversation are instructive. "As to me, " he said,
" I give encouragement to merchants, and in this country
they are free and secure." But, speaking of the Gesub as
the representative of the policy of Lhassa, he said " his
heart is confined, and he does not see things in the same
view as I do." He clearly saw that it was essential to
remove the objections of the Chinese before anything
effectual could be done to establish free intercourse between
India and Tibet, and he promised to continue his efforts to
this end. He subsequently visited China at the invitation
of Kien Lun, and was received with great demonstrations
of respect, the Emperor himself advancing to meet him
and placing him on a seat beside his own. The Lama lost no
time in broaching the subject of communication between India
and China, and the Emperor promised, at his instance, to
write a letter of friendship to Warren Hastings. All hope
of success in this direction, however, was destroyed by the
sudden death of the Lama from small-pox. Still something
had already been gained, Warren Hastings had won the
confidence of the Lama's brother, the Chanzoo Cusho, who
became Regent upon his death, and Bogle had succeeded
in inducing the Deb Raja to allow native merchants to
pass to and from Tibet through Bhootan. As soon as the
Regent announced the reappearance of the Penchen, Mr.
Hastings deputed Captain Turner to convey his felicitations
to Tashi Lunpo. Turner had an interview with the child
and confirmed the friendly relations with the Regent. But,
like Bogle, he was debarred from a visit to Lhassa by the
jealousy of the Gesub. He wrote in his report; "I have
obtained the Regent Chanzoo Cusho's promise of encourage-
ment to all merchants, natives of India, that may be sent
to traffic in Tibet, on behalf of the Government of Bengal.
No impediment, therefore, now remains in the way of mer-
chants, to prevent their carrying their commercial concerns
into Tartary. Your authority alone is requisite to secure
them the protection of the Regent of Teshoo Loomboo,'
who has promised to grant free admission into Tibet to all
OTTR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 69
such merchants, natives of India, as shall come recommended
by you ; to yield them every assistance requisite for the
transport of their goods from the frontiers of Bhootan ; and
to assign them a place of residence for receiving their
commodities, either within the monastery, or, should it be
considered as more eligible, in the town itself." Subsequent
reports showed that these measures bore excellent fruit.
Purunghir Gossain, the companion of the late Tashi Lama
on his visit to China, and the bearer of many letters from
Warren Hastings to Tibet, was sent to Tashi Lunpo by the
great Governor-General with despatches announcing his
approaching departure for Europe. Captain Turner com-
municated Purunghir's report of his journey to Mr. Macpher-
son, the Acting Governor-General. "It is with infinite
satisfaction," he writes, " I learn from the reports of
Purunghir the floiu-ishing state of the lately projected scheme
of trade, to promote which, he assures me, not anything
has been wanting in facility of intercourse ; that the adven-
turers, who had invested their property, had experienced
perfect security in conducting their commerce, had carried
their articles to an exceeding good market and found the
rate of exchange materially in their favour." Not only was
Purunghir charged with the verbal communication of the
anxious desire of the Regent to continue with the new
Governor-General "those offices of friendship so long sup-
ported by his predecessor, " but he brought two letters
for the Governor-General, one in the name of the young
Tashi Lama, and one from the Regent himself. The Tashi
Lama's letter runs thus — " We have made no deviation
from the union and unanimity, which existed during the
time of the first of nobles, Mr. Hastings, and the deceased
Lama ; and may you also grant friendship to these
countries, and always make me happy with the news, of
your health, which will be the cause of ease to my heart
and confirmation to my soul." The Regent wrote : " Every
day make me happy by the news of your health and prosperity,
and bestow favours like the first of nobles and make me happy
with letters, which are the cause of ccmsolation." No response
whatever appears to have been given to these cordial invitations
to correspondence, and six years later an event occurred
which might have been made an occasion for winning
70 MEMORANDUM ON
permanently the affections of the Tibetans, but which was
allowed to undo all that Warren Hastings had achieved, and
to close Tibet against British subjects for a hundred years.
7. The temple of Tashi Lunpo had been enriched for
generations by the munificence of its abbots and the piety
of the faithful. Eich tapestries and silks, rare pictures
and precious stones, vessels and images of solid gold, orna-
mented its walls and its altars. The gilt roof of the tomb
of Chokyi Gyaltshan cost six lakhs of rupees, that of
Yese Pal Sanpo cost over seven. With the remains of
Paldan Yese (Bogle's Tashi Lama), Kien Lun sent to Tibet
a temple of copper and another of solid gold, which were
placed inside the mausoleum at Tashi Lunpo, and the
Tibetan chronicler, whose account has been translated by
Baboo Sarat Chandra Das, says: " All the presents made
by the Emperor, together with those obtained from other
sources, of the estimated value of 4,15,665 San
(Rs. 2,49,39,900) were spent in erecting his tomb and
decorating and adorning it with precious stones and satin
flags." The story of all this wealth tempted the Goorkhas,
who, having conquered Nepal and a part of Sikkim, we re in _ ot
want both of money and of occupation. In 17^ they
suddenly appeared before Tashi Lunpo : the Regent and the
child Tashi Lama escaped across the Sanpo ; and the
Goorkhas, after stripping the monastery and the palace of
their treasures, hurried back to Nepal with their booty.
The Regent conveyed the young Lama to Lhassa, and
information was despatched to Pekin. An avenging army
was soon in motion from China, and within a few months
of the occurrence of the outrage, the Goorkhas were signally
defeated close to Kathmandoo itself, and compelled to
disgorge their plunder and to undertake to pay an annual
tribute to China and to send an Embassy in token of submis-
sion every five years. The Chinese turned these events
to bitter account against us. They reported that we were
the allies of the marauders, that we had drilled their troops,
that British soldiers had been recognized among them.
A line of Chinese posts was established along the frontiers
of Bhootan and Nepal, and every native of India was
expelled from Tibet. An expression in Turner's " Account
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 71
of the situation of affairs in Tibet from 1785 to 1793 " would
seem to show that the Tibetans applied to us for assistance,
and that we refused it. Mr. Edgar doubts whether aid
was really asked for. However this may be, the circum-
stances were such as to render intervention a right and
almost a duty. Warren Hastings would have required no
pretext beyond the fact that an unprovoked act of
brigandage had been committed on a helpless child, and
that a party of marauders, whom it was in his power to
coerce, had driven his young ally a fugitive from the palace
where British envoys had recentl)'' been received with
honour. Mr. Duncan was actually signing a treaty of com-
merce with Nepal, while the Goorkhas were planning their
attack on Tashi Lunpo, and the only notice Lord Cornwallis
appears to have taken of the outrage was an offer to
mediate between China and Nepal, which was treated with
indifference on both sides. " From this period," says
Tiu-ner, " unhappily is to be dated the interruption which
has taken place in the regular intercourse betweeen the
Company's possession and the territory of the Lama."
" The approach of strangers, even of the natives of Bengal
and Hindustan, is utterly prohibited. A most violent pre-
judice prevails even against the Hindoo Goseins, who are
charged with treachery against their generous patrons, by
becoming guides and spies to the enemy, and have in
consequence, it is said, been proscribed their accustomed
abode at Teshoo Loomboo, where they had been ever
patronized in great numbers by the Lama, and enjoyed
particular favour and indulgence."
8. Thus the curtain fell upon the Tibetan stage, and
from this time up to the present the journey of an English-
man to Lhassa (which is considerably nearer to Darjeeling
than Darjeeling is to Calcutta, and which is separated
from it by no pass of any difficulty whatever) has been
considered something about as visionary as a voyage to
Laputa or Atlantis would have appeared to a contem-
porary of Swift or to a disciple of Plato. Manning indeed
made his way to the holy city in 1811 — the only English-
man, so far as we certainly know, who ever reached it.
He spoke Chinese, he travelled in disguise, and his
72 MEMORANDUM ON
knowledge of medicine gave him great advantages. But his
disguise was penetrated, and he was compelled to return to
India. Our next glimpse of Tibet is obtained from the
narrative of Fathers Hue and Gabet, who reached Lhassa
on 29th January, and were deported from it on 15th
March 1846. Both Manning and Hue and Gabet were
well treated by the Tibetans, and were expelled by the
Chinese. Manning, who wished to go on to China, was
forced to return to India. Hue and Gabet, who begged
to be allowed to go on to India, were forced to return to
China. In the pages of these missionaries we find a most
interesting mention of the Penchen Rimboochay, to whom
Warren Hastings sent Turner more than 60 years before,
and whom Lord Cornwallis saw driven from his home by the
Goorkhas. "The celebrity," they write, "of the present
Penchen is prodigious ; his partisans assert that his spiritual
power is as great as that of the Tal6 Lama, and that the
sanctuary of Tashi Lunpo does not yield in sanctity to that
of Potala. The present Penchen Rimboochay is sixty years
of age ; he is, they say, of a fine and majestic frame, and
astonishingly vigorous for his advanced age. The Tibetans,
the Tartars and the other Buddhists call him by no other
name than the Great Saint, and never pronounce his name
without clasping their hands and raising their eyes to heaven.
The Tartars have so strong a faith in his power that they
invoke him continually. In dangers, in afflictions, in all
matters of difficulty, they have in their mouths the magic
word bokte (saint)."
9. Our next information comes from the reports of
the hardy explorers of the Survey Department despatched
between . 1865 and 1878, and from the (politically) more
important reports of Baboo Sarat Chandra Das. This
gentleman, while head-master of the Bhutia School in
Darjeeling, devoted himself to the study of Tibetan
literature, and conceived the design of penetrating to Tashi
Lunpo. This design he carried out with a prudence, a
courage and an intelligence which entitle him to high
distinction. In 1879 he reached Tashi Lunpo travelling, not
by the Sikkim passes, where he would have been liable to
petection, but by the Kang La, which leads into a corner of
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 73
Nepal, and then over the Chotang La and the Chorten Nyema
into Tibet. He went in the character of an Indian pundit,
desirous of studying Buddhism in the places where it now
flourishes. He was most hospitably received by the Minister
of the Penchen, Singchen Eimbnochay, and by the Penchen
Eimboochay himself. This Penchen was bom in 1853, and
was the immediate successor of the Penchen of Turner
and of Hue and Gabet. Sarat Baboo did nob see much of
the Grand Lama, who was only at Tashi Lunpo during
seven weeks of his stay ; but he saw enough to convince
him of his strong individuality of character. The Minister,
throughout his stay, manifested the strongest desire to
become acquainted with European science. He was indefati-
gable in his application to photography and took lessons in
English and Hindi, in physical science, and in mathematics.
Sarat Baboo left 'Jashi Lunpo with a warm invitation from
the Minister to return in the succeeding year. The Minister
begged of him to fetch a lithographic press, some vaccine
matter, a telephone and other things. In 1881 Sir Ashley
Eden obtained the sanction of the Supreme Government to
Sarat Baboo's deputation with Lama Ugyen Gyatso, the
companion of his previous journey, on a visit to Tashi
Lunpo and Lhassa. The Baboo again took the Nepal route,
but this time crossed the Kanglachen Pass. He was received
with open arms by the Minister, and resided with him at
Tashi Lunpo and Dongtse for several months. He had
better opportunities than on his first visit for prosecuting
his acquaintance with the Grand Lama, and gave him lessons
in Sanskrit. The Lama showed himself to be a man of
broad and liberal views, and strongly inclined to further
intercourse with India. He even proposed to take the
Baboo in his own suite to Lhassa, when unfortunately he
died of small-pox in August 1882. Sarat Baboo's report of
his second visit is now in the press It is sufficient to
say here that he visited Lhassa in the train of the wife of
one of the Shaflfes, or Chief Secretaries, who is related to
the Minister, and that he saw the TaM Lama, then a boy
of eight. He returned to India in the beginning of 1883.
The Minister had asked him if he could take about Rs. 2,500
for him in money to Calcutta for the purchase of European
articles. On the Government of India learning this, they
74 MEMORANDUM ON
desired that the Minister might be informed that they would
be glad if he would consider this sum as placed to his credit
in Calcutta in recognition of his kindness to the Baboo.
10. We have been ^.waiting a favourable opportunity
for formally communicating this message, and an occasion
recently presented itself. There have been various rumours
ailoat for the last year or so of the stoppage of the trade
through Darjeeling by the Tibetan officials. This was at
one time said to be owing to the quarrel between Tibet and
Bhootan in August 1883, when the Paro Penlow plundered
Phari Jong and carried off the Jongpen a prisoner. At
another it was attributed to the influence of the Nepalese,
who, after the settlement of the dispute arising out of the
riot at Lhassa in March 1883, when the Sera, Depung, and
Gahdan monks, disregarding the authority of the Tibetan
Government, plundered the shops of the Newar traders, are
said to have pressed the Tibetans to close the road to
Darjeeling for three years. That the trade was stopped at
times, and so lately as September last, there can be no doubt.
It was considered desirable that enquiries should bo made
on the subject in Sikkim, and as some questions of importance
regarding the Maharaja's allowance and the levy of transit
duties were pending, there was a good opportunity for
interesting the Sikkim Durbar in the matter. At the same
time circumstances had suggested the advisability of
opening a direct road between Darjeeling and the province
of Tsang, where a large supply of wool is found and where
the people have always been well disposed to us in con-
sequence of the friendly relations subsisting between the
Tashi Lamas and the Indian Government a hundred years
ago. The Lieutenant-Governor accordingly deputed me to
make enquiries from the Maharaja at Tumlong, and to
visit the Lachen valley to ascertain if a road, practicable all
the year round, could be constructed. It was also hoped
that, if I could have a friendly interview with the Tibetan
authorities on the frontier at the head of the Lachen
valley, an opportunity might be found for communicating the
message of the Government of India to the Minister at
Tashi Lunpo, the capital of Tsang. A special report deals
with the question relating to Sikkim. I may here say that
OrR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 75
the Maharaja was able to state that, when he left Choombi
on 20th October, the trade had been opened again. He
attributed the stoppage to the dispute with the Bhootanese
which was then being investigated ; he said he knew nothing
of a Nepal ese intrigue. Intimation of my projected visit
to the frontier was sent by the Maharaja to Kamba Jong,
and on the 8th November I met one of the Jongpens of
Kamba (the other was ill) at Giagong. I may here quote
the description given by Baboo Sarat Chandra Das of the
functions of a Jongpen : — " The Jongpens are the district
officers who, in addition to their revenue and executive
duties, are entrusted with powers to try Civil and Criminal
cases within the limits of their jongs or districts. The
chief duty of the Jongpen is the collection of the Govern-
ment revenues and occasional taxes, levied by the issue
of kargya, or purwanas, from the Court of Kahlons. His
power therefore is very great in revenue and executive
matters. In every jonj two Jongpens with equal powers
are appointed from among the most distinguished Doong-
khors. The Jongpens of Tibet closely resemble in their
duties and powers the district officers under the British
Government, with this difference, that the Jongpens have
also to do military duty in times of war. In military matters
the Jongpen is subordinate to the Dahpen (General) and
the Ampa (Senior Imperial Resident)."
11. At the beginning of our first interview, the
Jongpen was reserved and distant in his manner, and was
evidently uneasy, lest I should ask leave to cross the
frontier. He also declined to receive a letter or presents
for the Minister, on the ground that it was not the custom
to hold any communication with the British. As the con-
versation proceeded, however, and I pointed out that the
letter was a mere matter of courtesy, and a sign of respect
for the character and position of the Minister, made
enquiries about the reappearance of the Penchen and explain-
ed the entirely pacific and friendly nature of our policy,
and as he saw that I had no intention of crossing the frontier
or of giving trouble, he became more communicative, and
finally agreed to take charge of the letter and some presents.
After this the communications became very cordial, and
76 , MEMORANDUM ON
he displayed much curiosity and interest in the things pre-
sented or shown to him, and finally he himself asked me to
have a photograph of the group taken. Next morning I had
a long confidential interview with him, only Sarat Baboo
being present as interpreter. He begged that I would treat
what he said as confidential, and I trust, therefore, that this
portion of my memorandum may be regarded as such. To
my enquiry what was the cause of the suspicion with
which we were regarded, he answered that there was no
real dislike or suspicion of us among the people, and that
on the contrary they were now well aware that the '* Maha-
rani's " subjects are governed with justice and are very rich
and happy. This knowledge is spreading every day, and
a stronger and stronger desire is growing up for further
communication with India. The only party really opposed
to us are the monks of the monasteries at Lhassa, — Sera,
Depung, Gahdan, Mulu, and the four ** Lings" (Kenduling,
Chemeling, Checheling and Tankyaling), — who are afraid of
losing their influence, and also afraid of losing the profits of
the practical monopoly which they now hold of the trade
through Darjeeling. The monks have hitherto had their
own way, but he and most of the officials, and all the people,
would like to see all restrictions on communication with us
removed. I asked him what he thought of the proposal of
constructing a road through the Lachen valley for the con-
venience of traders. As an official, he said, he could not
say he would like to see it made ; as a private individual he
would be glad. I asked him if it would lead to increase in
trade. He said that it would certainly do so, if traders
were allowed to pass. People are now most anxious to trade
with India, and are most eager to get English goods, particu-
larly broadcloth, cutlery, and piece-goods. " Now-a-days,"
he said, "whenever a man gets an article of English
manufacture, a hundred people come to look at it." He
said, however, that there would be no use in making a road
while the present policy is upheld, as he would be forced to
prevent people from using it in large numbers. I asked him
if he levied any duty now on traders, such as I had met in the
Lachen valley. He said, he had no orders to levy duty, but
he had strict orders not to let many people pass Kamba
Jong, and he had had before this to turn people back for
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET.
77
fear of getting into trouble. In the same way at Phari,
he believed it was a matter more of prohibition than of
taxation. He did not believe in the pretext of the Bhootanese
and Nepalese difficulties so far as the question of the trade
by the Jeylep (the eastern pass) was concerned. The Sera
and Depung monks are keen traders, and they have influence
enough to cause difficulties to be thrown in the way of their
competitors. I asked him if he and others of the same
views had any hope of seeing a change in the policy of
exclusion. He said that if we could only get China on our
side, the present was an excellent opportunity. The riot of
March 1883 occurred during the grand prayer meeting,
when the police of Lhassa is every year given over for a
month to the charge of the monks under a Provost called
Tshog-chhen-shal-no. The quarrel originated in the mal-
treatment of a Tibetan lady by some Nepalese shop-
keepers. The Sera, Gahdan and Depung monks all took part
in the disturbance because the Nepalese are rival traders.
The Sera and Gahdan monks had the additional incentive
of a desire to discredit the Depung monks, who, they com-
plain, monopolise the appointment of Provost. The Gesub,
who tried to quell the tumult, had to take refuge in the
Tal^ Lama's palace and afterwards tendered his resigna-
tion of the office. The outcome of the matter was that
the Lhassa Government had to pay Nepal an indemnity of
10 lakhs of rupees. They have this year asked China to
send four Ampas instead of two, in order to support their
authority against the monks. This, the Jongpen said, was
an excellent opportunity for us. The Lhassa Government,
he assured me, are themselves liberal and friendly, and if
the Chinese would allow us to approach them and the monks
were suppressed, trade, he was confident, would be freed
from all restrictions. I had also a long talk with the Jongpen
about the Tashi Lamas. He was well acquainted with the
story of Bogle's and Turner's missions, and said that every
villager in Tibet knew of the pearl necklace which the Gover-
nor of India sent to the Tashi Lama. He also spoke quite
seriously of the belief that Her Majesty is the incarnation
of the Divine Mother Tara, who is the special protectress
of the Penchens. The monks at Lhassa, it may be ob-
served, have tried to spread the belief that she is the
78 MEMORANDUM ON
incarnation of Mag-jorgyamo, the God of War, but
throughout Tsang, and in a great part of U, the other
view is held. He was very much surprised and pleased at
even my limited stock of information regarding Tibet and
its religion, but he was aware that the Indian Government
are tolerant towards Buddhists, and that it had even ex-
pended money on repairs of Buddhist monuments. He
also knew that Warren Hastings gave the Tashi Lama a
piece of land on the Hooghly for a Buddhist temple. My
interview with the Jongpen was cordial in the extreme, and
he repeatedly asked Sarat Baboo to say that he had never
hoped to see a Peling (European) with so much sympathy
for Tibet and its people. I hope I may be pardoned for
going so much into personal detail with regard to this
interview. 1 have done so because it seems to me that no
better illustration could be given of the willingness of these
* people to enter upon friendly relations with us, if they are
properly treated, or of the supex'iority of personal intercourse
over formal correspondence, than the change between the
Jongpen's manner at the beginning of our interview on
the 8th and his manner at the close of our interview on
the 9th. We parted, I promising to send him copies of his
photograph as soon as possible, and he promising to write
to me at times with news of Tibet. I may add that the
Jongpen's attendants, 106 in number, were very friendly
and respectful.
12. The Jongpen has carried out his commission most
faithfullyj and the Minister has not failed to respond
promptly to my letter. A copy of his letter to me and
the letter for His Excellency, with the significant present
accompanying it, have been separately forwarded to the
Government of India. We have thus at length succeeded,
after much neglect and many failures, in opening friendly
communication with Tibet. His Grace the Duke of Argyll
wrote in his despatch of 5th May 1870 : "I entirely
concur with Your Excellency's Government that benefit may
reasonably be expected from the proposed measure of
abandoning our recent policy of isolation towards Tibet,
and resuming the former friendly communications with its
rulers, which were originally opened by Mr. Warren
OtJR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 79
Hastings, when Governor-General of India, and which have
unfortunately been too long in abeyance." The letters
now received are the first that have come from the
authorities at Tashi Lunpo since December 1785. But
they derive a further special interest from their contents ;
for the letter of the Minister announcing the incarnation of
the 16th Penchen llimboochay in 1884 is a precise parallel
to the letter of the Regent announcing the incarnation of
the 14th in 1782.
II.
13. It is unfortunately, from the special circumstances
of the case, impossible to make any approach to an accurate
estimate of the expansion of trade that would follow if our
native merchants were admitted without restriction to
Tibet. We know that a flourishing trade did exist while*
the road, even through Nepal, was open, and moderate
duties only were levied. We know that as soon as our
merchants were again admitted through Bhootan, a profit-
able commerce at once sprang up. And we might assume,
if we had no other materials for forming an opinion, that
the trade would be valuable to-day, when Calcutta is
brought within 15 days' journey of Shigatse and three weeks
journey of Lhassa, if it was valuable when the journey
even to Shigatse took six weeks, and when Darjeeling,
where the whistle of the steam-engine now resounds along
the hills, was still hushed in the silence of the primeval
forest. The registered import and export trade of Nepal
was last year Rs. 1,48,71,315. How much of this, — and
of the trade which escapes registration, — goes to and comes
from Tibet we have no means of ascertaining with accuracy.
Some light, however, is thrown upon the extent of the
trading operations of the Nepalese merchants by the fact
that the amount which the Tibetan Government had to pay
on account of the losses sustained by them in the dis-
turbance at Lhassa on 31st March 1883 was 10 lakhs of
rupees. They have establishments at Shigatse, Gyantse and
Chethang as well as at Lhassa. We do not know what
even our present trade through Darjeeling really amounts
to. I have shown in the report for the past year that I
80
MEMORANDUM ON
ascertained by personal enquiries made through Baboo Sarat
Chandra Das that the value of the goods under nine heads
alone, known to have been taken to Tibet by individual
traders, was Rs. 1,54,805 against Rs. 8,080, the value of the
total exports of the year under those heads as shown in the
registers. The Commissioner's attention, has been drawn
to this, and he has been, asked to make proposals for a
change in the system of registration, which can never be
efficient while the mohurirs are supposed to work at Run-
geet and Pheydong throughout the year. Several in-
stances of the same nature have come to my notice during
the current year. I may observe that there has been a con-
siderable increase in the recorded export of piece-goods,
indigo, tobacco and copper and in the recorded import of
horses, blankets, musk, and yak-tails, though the figures only
represent the trade passing at the times when the registering
•officers have been present at their stations. I have ample
evidence, however, that the most valuable and portable
articles frequently escape notice altogether. Musk, for
instance, is a very favourite article of import, the pods
selling in Calcutta at Rs. 20 to Rs. 25 each. It is known
that there was a rush of general trade in the beginning
of the year, — when the passage of goods through Phari was
comparatively free, — in consequence of the very large profits
said to have been made by those who owned ventures in
1883-84 after the withdrawal of the Nepalese traders from
Lhassa, The Pheydong mohurir appears to have attended
to his work in June, as his register shows Rs. 64,000
worth of musk imported in that month. In September the
register shows Rs. 14,100. The returns for October and
November are blank, and the jreturn for December shows
Rs. 6,000. Now Sarat Baboo has procured for me a list
of nine men who came through Pheydong in November
and December with musk worth Rs. 88,500. Some had silks
and bullion as well. The imports of musk alone were there-
fore not less than Rs. 1,66,600 in the four months of June
September, November and December. The value registered
in 1883-84 was Rs. 2,560, and in 1882-83 was nil I have
little doubt that the total value of the trade between Tibet
and Darjeelng, — apart fi'om the local trade of Sikkim, — is
quite ten lakhs of rupees even now.
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 81
14. But, as I shall proceed to show, this gives us
no indication whatever of the value of the trade that
would be carried if our traders were placed on the same
footing as the Nepalese occupy in Tibet. The trade of
Tibet with India is now carried on by Nepalese, Cash-
meerees and Tibetans. We may leave the Cashmeerees
out of consideration, as the trade of India through Ladakh
can never be large. The Nepalese are compelled to use the
routes through Nepal in order that their Government may
have the opportunity of handing them over to the tax
farmers on the frontiers. The journey from Calcutta to
Kathmandoo takes 9 days, and the journey from Kath-
mandoo to Shigatse takes 28 days. From Shigatseto Lhassa
is 8 days' march, The journey from Calcutta to Lhassa
by Kathmandoo therefore takes over six weeks without
halts. Now Darjeeling can be reached in 26 hours from
Calcutta. I came in myself in 1877 from the Jeylep Pass'
to Darjeeling between Thursday morning and Saturday
evening, and, had the railway then existed, I could have
reached Calcutta at noon on Monday, having had my food
in Tibet at the Jeylep Chorten on Thursday morning.
A week would be an ample allowance for a trade with laden
coolies or mules from Darjeeling to the Jeylep. From the
Jeylep to Gyantse may be counted 7 days, and from Gyantse
to Lhassa 6. The journey, therefore, from Calcutta to
Lhassa by Darjeeling may be taken at three weeks, or less
than half the journey by Kathmandoo. The rates of duty
on goods passing north or south across the southern frontier
of Nepal vary at the different stations. There is no regular
customs establishment, but the vicious system of farming is
employed. The effect on trade may be gathered from the
remark of the Collector of Mozufferpore : " The farmers
make as much as they can during the term of their lease,
and their exactions are passed over unnoticed." It is under-
stood that export and import duties are also levied at
Kirong on the northern frontier. In Sikkim, on the other
hand, there are no duties of any kind. It is impossible that
a trade through Nepal could flourish with such difficulties to
surmount as a tedious journey of six weeks and a harassing
system of import and export duties. Why the trade through
Darjeeling is so cramped is clear enough. Our merchants
82 MEMORANDUM QS
not being allowed to settle in Tibet and carry on a regular
commerce with correspondents in the plains, the trade
remains in the hands of individual Tibetans who have them-
selves to take charge of their own small ventures. Even
they, as we have seen above, are constantly harassed and
stopped. What we require is to have our own native mer-
chants stationed in the principal towns with liberty to
carry on unrestricted communications with the plains
through Darjeeling. If this could be effected, there can be
no doubt that a very large trade would spring up, and
English goods would not only have a large market in the
valley of the Sanpo, but displace the Russian goods which
now, from the facilities they enjoy, find their way into
southern Mongolia and Tibet. I have already referred to
the statement of the Jongpen of Kamba regarding the
demand that exists for European goods. A glance at the
map is sufficient to show that, with our railway to Darjeeling,
and good roads to the neighbouring frontier, it only requires
commercial organization and freedom from obstruction to
ensure a flourishing trade between Calcutta and Lhassa.
The Nepalese are well aware of the danger with which
their monopoly is threatened, even under present circum-
stances, by the Darjeeling route. The goods imported by
Darjeeling can be sold at Lhassa at a very large jjrofit, and
still at lower prices than the Nepalese have to charge. They
have accordingly again brought great pressure to bear upon
the Tibetan Government to close the Sikkim route, and a
Lhassa trader informs me that there is a general apprehen-
sion that this pressure will be effectual, and that trade
between India and Tibet through Darjeeling may soon be
wholly prohibited. This man has never before visited
Calcutta, though he has travelled from Lhassa to Nepal, and
he very graphically described the ease and rapidity of the
one journey compared with the other. It will not be for-
gotten, in this connection, that the Tibetans pay the Nepalese
tribute under the Treaty of 1856.
15. The chief articles of export from Tibet would be
musk, gold and wool. Of musk I have spoken above. The
supply of this article appears to be practically unlimited, as
the musk deer abounds throughout the country.
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 83
16. The mineral wealth of Tibet has formed the basis
alike of Indian fables and of Chinese proverbs. Indian
fancy placed the home of the gods far away among the
snows, on mountains glittering with gems and gold. The
Chinese have a saying that Tibet is both the highest and the
richest country in the world. The tradition that the country
contains rich mines of gold and silver found expression
eleven hundred years ago in a work called Sang-ling ("the
secret land") by the gi-eat apostle Padma Sambhava, which
is now in the Tal6 Lama's library at Lhassa. There appears
to be little doubt that gold is really plentiful. The pro-
fusion witli which the metal is used in the adornment of the
great temples of Tashi Lunpo, Lhassa and Samye shows
that it can be obtained without much difficulty. Turner
says : " They find it in large quantities and frequently very
pure. In the form of gold dust it is found in the beds of
rivers, and at their several bondings, generally attached
to small pieces of stone, with every appearance of its
having been part of a larger mass. They find it sometimes
in large masses, lumps and irregular veins ; the adhering
stone is generally flint or quartz, and I have sometimes
seen a half-formed, impure sort of precious stone in the
mass." Regarding Western and Central Thibet, one of the
Bathdng missionaries writes : " Must it be supposed that
Central Thibet is rich in nothing but rocks and mud when
the largest gold-fields actually worked lie to the west, at
Thokjalung and Chakchak in the Ngar^ province, and on
the Kuenlun mountains at the very boundary between
Thibet and the Gobi desert ? The gold dug from the
Thibetan mines is shining in the rays of the sun on the
gilt pianacles of the pagodas, on the idols, on the beams and
columns of the temples, on the chairs, couches and ornaments
of people of high rank." And we have evidence that gold is
plentiful in Eastern Thibet also. Hue and Gabet say :
" Thibet, so poor in agricultural and manufacturing products,
is rich beyond all imagination in metals. Gold and silver are
collected there so readily that the common shepherds have
become aquainted with the art of purifying these precious
metals. You often see them in the ravines or in the hollows
of the mountains, seated round a fire of argols amusing
themselves with purifying in a rude crucible the gold dust
84 MEMORANDUM ON
they have found while tending their herds " M. Desgodins,
in "La Mission du Thibet," writes thus: "Le sable d'or
se trouve daus toutes les rivi6res et meme dans les petits
ruisseaux du Thibet oriental. On peut voir autour de la
malheureuse petite ville de Bathang, prise comme centre, en
bien des endroits, vingt ouvriers chinois ou thib^tains laveurs
d'or selon I'ex pression, tr6s occup^s a leurtravail e trfes
circonspects aussi parce que les lois thib^taines d^fendent,
sous des peines sevdres, tout creusement dans les mines
d'or et d'argent." The prohibition here referred to has
its origin in the popular superstition — a remnant of the
old worship of the forces of nature — that ill luck must
attend any attempt to discover the secrets of the earth.
This superstition, as Mr. Edgar points out, is also pre-
valent in Sikkim. In Tibet, however, the prohibition
has, for individuals, legal as well as popular sanction. The
sacred books declare that Tibet is a land of treasures, and
that the spirits appointed to guard them will wreak venge-
ance on any one who seeks to trespass on the mystic store-
house. It is ordained that if any one accidentally dis-
covers a mine of precious metals or of gems, he shall
go his way and tell no man, satisfied that he has been ac-
corded a glimpse of the wealth committed to the care
of the terrible genii, the Tanma Chuni, but presuming not
to look further. The need of gold for the adornment of
the temples, and a liking for tea and other commodities
has, however, led to some relaxation of these ordinances in
favour of the Government, so that the Tale Lama's ad-
ministration works two gold mines, and the Tashi Lama's
one. The progressive party of course ridicule all this.
Sarat Baboo has told me a characteristic story of the
Minister, who asked him to examine some black stones
near his country seat at Dongts6 to see if he could find any
evidence of coal, adding, however, that he must be carefid
not to be observed, as the regulations could not be openly
defied. These antiquated ideas will soon give way before
self-interest, if commerce is developed, and then the vast
mineral resources of Thibet will at length have an opening.
As regards other minerals, I may again quote Turner :
" Two days' journey from Tissolumboo there is a
lead mine ; the ore is much the same as that found in
OITR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 85
Derbyshire, mineralized by sulphur, and the metal obtained
by the very simple operation of fusion alone. Most lead
contains a portion of silver, and some in such proportion
as to make it an object to work the lead ore for the
sake of the silver. I have seen ores and loose stones
containing copper, and have not a doubt of its being found
in great abundance in the country."
17. The quantity of wool available for export is
known to be enormous. Between Kamba and Shigatse,
within a march and a half of the Sikkim frontier at the
head of the Lachen, sheep are killed, not for the sake of
their hides or fleeces, which are practically valueless for
want of a market, but in order that their carcasses may be
dried into jerked meat and sold for eight annas each.
At Kamba itself carpets and rugs are manufactured of
the finest quality, and of patterns evincing excellent taste
and skill ; but there is no outlet for these fabrics. Further
north on the great Chang Thang (or northern plateau),
which begins just beyond the Sanpo, within five marches of
the Kongra Lama, are prodigious flocks and herds which roam
at will over the endless expanse. *' The whole JAngthdng,"
writes Mr. Hennessy in his review of the explorations of A — k
in 1879-82, "is coated by a short succulent grass, which from
May to August covers the undulations vdth the softest of
green carpets ;" and he adds that hundreds, and even
thousands, of maunds of shawl wool are " necessarily
produced every year and wasted " on this great prairie.
18. As regards imports, the Jongpen laid stress chiefly
on the demand for broadcloth, piece-goods and cutlery.
Indigo and tobacco, he said, would also be largely con-
sumed ; but the other goods were universally prized. On
the subject of tea he was more reserved. All he could
say was that the prohibition against the import of Indian
tea was enforced by the Chinese, and could be removed
by them only. The more the question is examined, the
more plain it becomes that, if the trade were freed, Indian
tea must disj^lace China tea in the markets of Tibet.
How soon this result would follow upon the removal of the
prohibition would depend upon the enterprise of the plant-
ers. I observe that Mr. Hennessy, in a note on trade routes
86 MEMORANDUM ON
and the tea trade of Tibet, based upon information sup-
plied by A — k, comes to the conclusion that Indian tea
cannot compete in price with China tea in the Lhassa market.
Mr. Hennessy's conclusions appear to be perfectly fair if the
accuracy of the data on which they are based could be
conceded. Of some of these, however, he speaks with
hesitation, and I think I can show not only that they are
inaccurate, but that other points have been altogether over-
looked by A — k. The argument is that, as carriage by the
Changthang route between Darchendo and Lhassa costs
almost nothing owing to the " enormous carrying power
not only available but even running to utter waste," the
price of tea at Lhassa need hardly exceed its price at
Darchendo, b90 miles off. The figures given by A — k would
show that the best tea is sold at Darchendo for 8 annas a
pound, and the worst for an anna and a quarter, and the
outside limit of cost of carriage to Lhassa is taken at one
rupee per maund, that is 2fth pie, or less than a quarter
of an anna a pound. If these statements were correct, then
the best China tea could be sold at Lhassa for a little more
than 8 annas, and the worst for a little less than an anna
and a half a pound. Now, I think that no one reading
A — k's report can fail to observe that, admirable as is the
scientific part of his work, his observations on commercinl
questions are extremely scanty and extremely vague. He
was at Darchendo for a few days, and at Lhassa for several
months. He gives some figures to show the price of tea at
the former place, but none to show what is also of import-
ance, — its price at the latter. He actually describes the
gates of Darchendo " with doors made of thick boards," but
says nothing of the customs duties levied at these gates, at
the eastern gate on tea coming in and at the northern and
southern gates on tea going out. As a matter of fact every
packet of four bricks pays j^ of a Chinese ounce of silver
(three annas and four pie) on entry and the same duty on
exit. Every pound of tea therefore pays 4 pie or one-third
of an anna as customs duty, or nearly twice as much as the
carriage for 890 mUes is estimated to cost.
19. Before I refer to the actual selling price of China
tea at Lhassa, I may point out that, against A — k's estimate
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 87
of 5J annas for a brick of the worst tea at Darchendo, we
have the evidence of a missionary, who resided for some years
in the neighbourhood, that the price of a brick of the worst
tea at Darchendo is 12^ annas. We have further the export
charge for customs duty of 10 pie a brick or 2 pie a pound,
which A — k does not refer to. As regards the carriage from
Darchendo to Lhassa, it is to be observed that the calculation
avowedly proceeds on speculation only. It is assumed that
yaks can be hired, as well as fed, for nothing, and that the
only expense that need be considered is the food of one
man in charge of every 40 yaks, and the wear and tear of
accoutrements, I learn, however, from the statements of
traders from Lhassa, whom Sarat Baboo has closely interro-
gated, that, though the tea traders (called Do-pa because they
go to Do, the common name for the eastern tract includino-
Amdo, Darchendo, &c.) generally go by the Chang-lam (or
northern road), they have much larger expenses to incur
than A-i-k's estimate would include. Moreover it will be
observed that this estimate takes no account of losses from
exposure and from the robbers who are known to infest the
route. They have first to purchase their baggage animals at
Nag-Chu, which A — k reached in 1 1 days from Lhassa, and,
though yaks feed themselves on a great part of the journey,
asses and mules require some grain or pulses. These last
animals are sometimes used in preference to yaks because
they are able to travel faster and are less liable to succumb
to exposure and fatigue. A trader, who has himself been to
Darchendo, has given me the following sketch of a commer-
cial venture undertaken by a Do-pa of his acquaintance. He
took two servants and ten yaks to Darchendo by the Chang-
lam route. He spent, apart from the sum invested in tea,
two dochhe (Rs. 250) on the double journey of seven months,
including an expensive stay of one month at Darchendo, and
he made a profit of Ks. 100 only on the whole transaction.
I give these figures for what they are worth, merely to show
that the expenses of this expedition of 1,780 miles are not
so trifling as has been assumed.
20. I now come to a matter of more practical impor-
tance, namely the price at which China tea actually sells
at Lhassa. Though A — k expressly mentions the two
«8
MEMORANDUM ON
classes of coarse teas called Chupa and Gy^pa, he fails to
observe the instructive meaning of the words themselves.
Pa in Tibetan corresponds to the Hindustani word walla for
which we have no precise English equivalent, Chu means
ten and Gye means eight. Chupa simply means " ten -walla"
and Gydpa " eight-walla." Now it happens that these classes
of brick tea are actually used in Tibet as currency. The
terms used to describe them merely indicate their conven-
tional value in tankas (six annas). The conventional value
therefore of a brick (about 5 pounds) of Chupa is lis, 3-12-0,
and of a brick of Gy^pa is Rs. 3. Besides these there are
fine teas, made up, some in bricks of different sizes, some
even in leaf. The first quality of " Duthang," for instance,
is sold at Lhassa at 4 srong or Rs. 10 for a brick of 6 pounds,
and the second at Rs. 7 for a brick of 5 pounds, or at about
Rs. 1-10-0 and Rs. 1-6-0 a pound respectively. I am
informed by the merchants that at present the cash price of
Chupa varies at Lhassa from 8 to 9 tankas a brick (9^ to
10^ annas a pound), while that of Gyepa varies from 6 to 7
tankas a brick (a little over 7 to about 8^ annas a pound).
I can add a curious piece of confirmatory proof. One of
my native assistants was presented with a brick of Gyepa tea
by the Rajah of Sikkim when I visited Tumlong. He sold
this to the coolies when we were in the Lachen valley, and
they readily gave him Rs. 2-12-0 for the brick, or 8f annas a
pound. The actual price when payment is made in Indian
rupees, or in gold dust, varies at times, but the value of the
tea for the purposes of barter is the value expressed by its
name. The conventional value of Chupa is therefore 12
annas a pound, and that of Gyepa about 9^ annas a pound.
The price actually paid for Gydpa in the Lachen valley was
just under 9 annas a pound.
21. In the face of these figures the only question of
practical importance that remains, in regard to the price of
China tea at Lhassa, is the margin of profit which it allows.
If the trade were a monopoly, the present price would be
no measure of the price at which the tea could be sold in
competition with Indian tea. It may at once be answered
that it is not a monopoly. The Chinese officials used, it is
said, to get their salaries sent to them in tea on the pretext
ODR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 89
that no tea could be procured in Tibet : this tea was carried
free under lam-yig (road order) along the Shung-lam (or
Government road), and was afterwards disposed of by them
at its conventional value, and of course at an enormous profit.
This practice, however, — partly, it is reported, because the
villages on the route were becoming deserted in consequence
of the perpetual harassment to which the inhabitants were
subjected,— has long been stopped. A certain quantity, said
to amount to 3,000 mule loads, is still imported annually
by the Lhassa Government along the Shunglam, and the
people of the villages on the route have to furnish carriage
free. But this tea is used to supply the chief officials and
the monasteries about Lhassa, and is not sold. The bulk
of the trade is carried on by the Do-pa, and no restriction
whatever is placed on their operations. I understand that
they complain that competition has brought about the reduc-
tion in price below the conventional value of the bricks and
leaves them a very small margin of profit. Some have even
abandoned the tea trade and taken to commerce, in their
small way, with India. It is quite clear, then, that the prices
I have given represent the actual commercial value of the
tea at Lhassa. 1 may add that, as we go westward to
Gyantse and Shigatse, the cost of carriage brings the price of
the tea nearer and nearer to its conventional value. Every
year 300 mules are said to be despatched from Tashi Lunpo
to Darchendo to fetch tea for the establishment of the Tashi
Lama and the monks. The journey takes nearly eight
months. If the Lachen route were opened, Tashi Lunpo
would be brought within 15 days' march of Darjeeling.
22. Let us now see what would be the cost of laying
down Darjeeling tea at Lhassa. Mr. Hennessy's estimate of
the cost of carriage is unduly favourable. He puts it at
Rs. 4-9 a maund. This allows for 1^ maunds being carried
by a cooly from Darjeeling to Phari, which is taken to be
90 miles. But a Darjeeling cooly will not carry more than
one maund on a journey, and the Jeylep pass, which is
three days' march this side of Phari, is 96 measured miles
from Darjeeling. A pony can carry 1^ maunds to Lhassa
in 20 days. The journey would cost RkS. 10, at the rate
of 8 annas a day, or 1 anna 4 pie a pound. To be absolutely
90 MBMOKANDim ON
safe, however, let us take the journey at 25 days and
the cost of carriage at 1 anna S pie a pound. This would
cover the cost of carriage between most of the gardens and
Darjeeling. As regards cost of production, it is impossible
to estimate the cost of producing the compound of sticks
and coarse leaves which, under the designation of Gyepa,
now passes current in Tibet for the value of 9 annas a pound.
The specimen which I submit herewith will make this clear.
I understand, however, that the cost of producing good
tea for the English market in the Darjeeling gardens need
not exceed 5^ annas a pound. It would bo unnecessary to
use expensive tea-boxes for packing ; but if boxes were used,
they would sell in Tibet, where wood is a luxury, for
much more than they cost. Doubtless some system of pack-
ing in baskets or in gunny bags would be adopted. Half
an anna a pound would be an outside limit of the cost of
packing and incidental charges.
23. It comes to this, then, that good Darjeeling
tea could be laid down at Lhassa — even on the improbable
assumption that the Tibetans would impose an import
duty equivalent to that levied by the Chinese at Darchendo
— for 8 annas a pound, while the worst China tea sells at
an average of about 8 annas, and even the second best
quality of China tea sells as high as Re. 1-6 a pound.
At Shigatse and Gyantse the cost of Darjeeling tea would
be still less, while that of China tea would be still greater.
I make no attempt to decide which the planters would find
the more advantageous course, — to manufacture brick tea
to compete with "Chupa" and "Gy^pa," or to send
ordinary leaf tea which could far undersell "Duthang" and
could be sold at a profit at prices slightly higher than those
now prevailing for an immeasurably inferior article. The
conditions of the market would soon be discovered if that
market were once opened. The figures I have given will
show plainly enough how great a field would lie before the
Indian product if it were admitted to Tibet.
24. On the question whether the Tibetans would take
to Indian tea the evidence is plain enough. Sarat Baboo
was given Indian tea at an entertainment at Tashi Lunpo,
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET 91
and he says it was much appreciated. The Jongpen of
Kampa repeatedly praised the quality of the tea which I
gave him to drink at Giagong. Tibetan politeness demands
that the guest should expressly praise whatever is placed
before him by his host. I may note, however, that my
friend emptied two cups, while he merely tasted the brandy
I gave him, and it is fair to infer that he did really find the
tea palatable. The Jongpens who met Mr. Edgar at the
Jeylep liked Indian tea. The Minister at Tashi Lunpo, who
has the name of being a connoisseur in tea, drinks Indian
tea whenever he can get it, and I have just sent him, through
Kamba Jong, a present of some. A Darjeeling merchant,
named Rabden, well aware of the profit that would ensue
if his venture were successful, tried to smuggle a large
quantity of Darjeeling tea into Tibet in the year 1872 ; but
he was detected at Phari, his tea was confiscated and he was
imprisoned for three years. The Tibetans tell me that they
do not themselves drink the coarse tea sold in the Dar-
jeeling bazar, because it is too bitter. They think that, if
it were not fired, it would be more to their taste. Whether
it would be necessary to make tea exclusively in bricks for
the Tibetan trade is not clear. A Tibetan trader, now
in Calcutta, has brought down some green China tea in leaf
for his own use. These, as I have said above, however,
are points which the trade would settle if obstructions were
removed. With a large tea-drinking population on one side
of the passes and a large production of tea on the other, it
cannot be doubted that the producers and consumers would
come to an understanding if the opportimity were allowed.
I am told that some of the Darjeeling gardens, such as
Tukvar and Singell, contain China plants, and they could
undoubtedly supply tea such as, at the present moment, the
Tibetans require.
25. On the general question of what Tibet would give
and take, I cannot do better than quote from a note which
Baboo Sarat Chandra Das has prepared for me : —
The chief imports of Tihet are cotton cloth, chintz, hroadcloth,
kinkoh, cutlery, indigo, tobacco, copper, pearls, corals, emeralds, quick-
silver, dyes, sugar, treacle, llama and merino cloth and iron. Cotton
cloth has the largest demand, the Tibetans of all classes having of late
^2 MEMORANDUM ON
years taken largely to the use of cotton for inner garments, for the
lining of their robes and trowsers, and for screens and ceilings.
Formerly they used to get their supplies from Nepal and China, but
now-a-days European cotton cloths from the south have largely
arrested the cotton trade of Eastern China, as merchants find it
profitless. On account of the dry climate of the country cotton wears
as well as the coarse serge, which has the disadvantage of being very
rough and heavy. The demand for cotton stuff is really great, and
the Nepalese traders sell cotton fabrics at 100 to 150 per cent, profit.
The extreme dearness is a great hindrance to an increased demand for
cotton cloths, as such commodities are thereby brought within the
reach of the rich and the luxurious only. The increase of the wool
trade will fast increase the demand for cotton in Tibet, as the
Tibetans will not care to weave wool into cloth at the extreme dis-
advantage of selling them below cost price. A thick Bhutia woollen
choga will sell at one-third the price of the raw wool required to make
it Hence cotton cloth will fill the Tibetan houses as soon as the
exportation of wool increases.
The Nepalese merchants generally buy their articles of trade at
Calcutta and carry them to Katmandu for transmission to Lhassa and
the interior towns of Tibet at great expense of money and time. If
they understood the real secrets of commerce, and were induced to
bring their goods within the reach of the poorer classes, they could
really profit by trade and get opportunities for larger investments of
money and for a wider employment of their countrymen.
Broadcloth (of liver, crimson, orange, green, blue, and brown
colours) is displacing the Russian broadcloth brought from the North
Mongolian frontier. The latter is said to be of better quality, though
much more costly than the British Indian broadcloth. But broadcloth
stuff, on account of its cheapness, is readily bought by the middle
classes, who wear it on state occasions and in making visits to their
relations, instead of the durable, but costly, purag (Tibetan serge of
excellent quality). English inferior broadcloth is esteemed more as
an object of luxury than of ordinary use. If traders could be persuaded
to sell their goods at a reasonable profit, the demand for broadcloth
would be very great. At present well-to-do men iu Tibet generally
consider broadcloth as an object most suited for presentation to all
classes of men. Silk and China satin were formerly fashionable articles
for that purpose. Now broadcloth has much superseded their use.
The silk and satin presented to men of humbler walks of life do not
much benefit them, but broadcloth serves many purposes, as it is easily
saleable, may be used as loose upper coats, boot-hose, hats (both for
Lamas and females), and various other purposes. The Tibetans are
fond of sewing their boot-hoses with broadcloths of difierent colours
with the stripes arranged in rainbow hues. How glad the Tibetan
becomes when presented with broadcloth, and what fascinating charm
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 93
it has over all classes of men, cannot adequately be described in a few
words. If Indian traders or the Tibetan merchants could take this
stuff to Tibet so as to place it within the reach of all classes of men,
the demand for it could not fail to be very high, and its trade lucrative.
The Northern Tibetans buy broadcloth from the Mongolians, who
bring it from Russian shops in Lower Mongolia. The cost per yard is
three to four times the cost of the same article brought to Lhassa
from Calcutta via Nepal. The Tibetans buy the northern broadcloth
under the impression that it is an indigenous product, and therefore a
more durable manufacture, being called sog-po Goniim, i.e. Mongolian
broadcloth. Yet the northern merchants, Chinese and Mongols, cannot
supply the demand for this dress luxury of the Tibetans by trading
in Russian broadcloth. But now-a-days they are getting their mistaken
ideas corrected by the Calcutta broadcloth being brought within their
reach.
The more we can push on the facilities of trade by the cis-Hima-
layan passes, by cultivating friendly relations with the Lama Govern-
ment and by making roads to the frontiers of Tibet, the greater will
be . the progress of southern trade. The Russian trade, as far as the
exports to Tibet and Mongolia are concerned, consists of European
woollens, cotton cloths, glassware, leather, toys, telescopes, and fancy
goods, some hard ware, pistols, revolvers, satin, and hides brought
from European Russia, Siberia, and North America by way of Kams-
katka and Russian America. The coarse Russian broadcloth is much
valued by the Tibetans of the middle class, and the finer stuff by the
richer classes, both among the clergy and the lay people. Under such
circumstances a sufficiently active industry can advantageously be
employed to replace the northern traffic by bringing the British Indian
articles within the reach of the Tibetans and the Southern Mongolians.
The hides are used by the Mongols for making portmanteaus, sacks,
tent strings, saddles, and pouches of different shapes. The Tibetans
use leather for shoes and saddlery. They make their own portmanteaus
with tanned yak skins very rudely. Assam fabrics, raw coarse silk
cloth, called bureh or khama in Tibet, are sought by all classes of men,
from the highest to the lowest. The former they use for inner gar-
ments and trousers, and the latter serves them as wrappers, Hke the
shawls of the natives of India. The demand for this coarse stuff is
incredibly large, but the supply is meagre.
Next in importance and value to the Tibetans is the European
cambric called sook. Its durability is its great recommendation, and
it is used for making trowsers, and occasionally robes for the lay people.
It is not so expensive as broadcloth. English velvets and chintzes are
also much in demand, the former being used for hats, boots, saddle
lining, and the top cover of seats and cushions. They now get the
same from China and Mongoha, but the native merchants and the
Newars are about to replace that trade by English stuffs from Calcutta.
94 MEMORANDUM ON
The demand for kinkob and lace from Benares is very great, generally
among all classes of men who have any pretension to wealth. The
rich line their shoes, boots, coats, outer garments, and hats, the petti-
coats and jackets of women either wholly or partially, with kinkobs.
The high price which the Newars and Kashmiris demand for this
article of luxury places it within the reach of a very limited class
of men. I cannot describe the earnestness with which my acquain-
tances and friends asked me to procure them some kinkobs from
Benares. They also pointed out the profit that would accrue to me
even if I disposed of the same at a comparatively low price, say at 30
to 50 per cent, profit. I was really surprised to see that my friends
were unable to understand why I disliked fetching them goods like a
merchant from the British Indian market. The following colours of
European broadcloth, namely, the yellow, orange, crimson, liver, blue,
and green, are greatly esteemed in Tibet. The clergy are restricted
to the use of the first four, the fifth is used by the lay people, and the
sixth used exclusively by the females. The English colours are very
agreeable to all classes of men according to their faith and taste and
are superstitiously admired.
Next in importance to broadcloth is the merino fabric, called
gya-ther. It is used in entire pieces, slightly sown, of 12 to 16 yards,
for the frock-like gowns of the monks, and in pieces of 6 to 8 yards
as wrappers. The liver or gya-mug colour is eminently suited for
clerical costumes. Larger breadths are not much prized, as clothes
sewn in numerous patches are prescribed in the sacred books as suited
for the clergy.
English and Indian chintzes, though not worn by the Tibetans,
are yet largely used for screens, ceilings, and coverings of pictures.
Cotton stuffs are now gradually coming into use for the inner gar-
ments of priests and ladies. The trowsers of the lay people are general-
ly made of blue and white cotton stuffs.
Thin khuncas are used to line the robes of the middle class men.
Tents are universally made of cotton stuff, although canvas from
Sifan or Silin, which is costly, is preferred by the upper classes. Light
canvas brought from Northern Mongolia is of small breadth and less
strong than Indian tent canvas. The coarsest kind of borderless shawls
are used by the Tibetans who can afford to buy them, and are brought
from Ladak and Kashmir through the Nepalese passes.
Tibet has been from time immemorial the principal market for
different kinds of precious stones, such as pearls, corals, and amber.
The former two are obtaiaed from Nepalese and Kashmir merchants,
and the latter from the Ladak and Chinese merchants.
Almost all the females who can afford it buy pearls and coral to
adorn their head-dress. The head-dress is the most costly of all the
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET.
ornaments worn by the Tibetan ladies ; its price varying from Rs. 100
to Rs. 10,000. An immense number of pearl-strings is used to com-
plete the head-dress of a lady of hi<?h rank. The greatest attention
is paid to adorning the head by all classes of females, who seem quite
indifferent to adorning their persons suitably to their head-dress.
The priests who have any pretension to rank and sanctity, as well
as well-to-do lay men, carry rosaries made of coral in their hand.
The Nepalese merchant have practically the monopoly of the pearl
and coral trade. Of late the market has been pretty full; but as good
pearls are rare in Lhasa, I was asked by many gentlemen of position
and ladies to see if I could fetch them some excellent pearls.
The demand for indigo is always on the increase. Its usefulness
as a dyeing material has ever been appreciated in Tibet. All classes
of men, except the Lamas, buy indigo in quantities proportional to
their requirements. Great landlords invariably maintain manufactur-
ing establishments, and keep the largest supply of indigo.
The costliness of Tibet carpets and rugs is mainly due to the
high price of indigo in Tibet. There are numerous dyeing roots and
plants that grow on the rocky hills and in the gravelly plateau of
Tibet. The present supply, owing to the difficulty of carriage, is
very inadequate.
There are no copper mines in Tibet, or at least the people have
not been able to discover any which they could work for copper. The
Tibetans get large supplies of copper from Nepal and Calcutta.
Conveyance from Nepal being very expensive, people now turn to
Calcutta as the cheapest market for copper. Almost all sorts of cooking
and church utensils are made of copper. The tea-pots, lamp-burners,
cooking vessels, water-jugs, images, washing caldrons, the roofing and
ornamental spires of temples, are all made of copper plates. For the
supply of this useful metal Tibet has been solely dependent on Nepal
and Calcutta of late. The Calcutta metal has been declared to be less
costly and more easily worked.
Tobacco is largely consumed by the lay people. The women are
particularly fond of snuff. Though formerly it was an article of
luxury, yet now it has become an article of every-day house consump-
tion. The monks clandestinely smoke tobacco and pubKcly use snuff
when out of the monastery. Rungpore tobacco is much prized in
Southern Mongolia, and Chinese tobacco is still in high esteem in
Lower Tibet and tipper Mongolia. This is not owing to the supe-
rior quality of the Chinese tobacco, but because of the rarity of the
article and its high price in the hands of the southern merchants. If
steps could be taken to fill the southern markets of Tibet, such as
Shiga-tse, Gyang-tse, Lhasa, and Chethang, with tobacco, this drug
must find its way to the northern mart of Lower Tibet and Mongolia.
95
96 MEMORANDUM ON
Tibet requires a large number of tropical drugs and spicery for
consumption both for cookery and for the preparation of medicines.
In return she exports to India a large number of vegetable and
mineral substances, the value of which very few Indian physicians have
yet been able to appreciate.
English cutleries are gradually displacing the Chinese, Nepalese,
and Bhutea country-made cutleries. At present English knives are
beginning to be used instead of the Chinese gyati or the chop- sticks.
Forks are not valued, but there are few Tibetans who do not buy spoons
for their tables. Long needles supply the place of forks in Tibet.
While at Gyang-tse I was told by Chanjo Kusho that an ordinary
razor (Joseph Rodgers') some eight years ago cost him Us. 8. He
begged me to use his eight-rupee razor in preference to my one, which
had cost me only Re. 1-8 at Calcutta. In fact his one was much
inferior to my one ; but as he had paid Rs. 8 for it, he attached a
higher value to it. At present much profit is derived from the sale
of European cutleries, as they are very portable.
Mirrors, tin plates, and china ware from Canton, are now finding
extensive sale in Tibetan markets. The use of ugly wooden cups,
such as those made out of maple knots, is fast being superseded by
china cups from Calcutta. People consider this a great convenience.
The more traders from the south will take chinaware for sale to Tibetan
marts, the more will China crockery from Tarchindo and Pekin fall
off, and eventually the deemand for chinaware from Calcutta will
entirely stop the northern trade of Tibet.
The export of Tibetan goods to India, including cis-Himalayan
countries, through Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, exceeds the imports
into Tibet, and compares favourably and hopefully with what formerly
existed. Although I have no statistics to bring forward regarding
these countries, yet I believe that the information obtained by me is
very near the truth, and may have some practical utility, as derived
from trustworthy sources.
Tibet gold, obtained as payment for goods by the Newars, is
conjectured to be upwards of ten lakhs a year. As the coinage of
Tibet is much adulterated, the Kashmiris and Newar merchants sell
their goods at a discount over the chief coinage {tanka) to provide for
the adulteration. Wh3n they return to Nepal, they dispose of their
silver by exchange for gold or gold-dust. The Nepalese Government
having prohibited by law the importation of silver into Nepal, the
Newar merchants find it easy to barter in gold, and the Tibet
Government naturally yield to the claims of the Newars to leave their
silver in Tibet. The coinage of Tibet having no outlet remains in
the country, and lessens the extent of annual coinage in the mint.
The gold dust and gold pieces annually going out of the country neces-
sitate the further working of the mines, which yield a steady
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 97
supply. The Newar merchants, ■who are strictly prohibited from
bringing Tibetan, Nepal, or British Indian silver coins into Nepal,
carry down gold to dispose o£E the same with advantage. This saves
them much trouble as to the conveyance, security on the way, and
time. They refine the Tibet gold-dust, which is usually impure, and
gain considerably thereby.
The finest borax, rhubarb, and musk in the world are the
exclusive products of Tibet and its frontiers. Much of the first and
second is taken to Russia by the Mongolian merchants and by the
Chinese merchants to Pekin, and thence by Exiropean merchants to
Europe and America. The natives of Tibet are ignorant of the
great use ' of these two articles in Europe, and hence we hear so little
of rhubarb and borax in the cis-Himalayan trade. Musk and
yak-tails have been from time immemorial the renowned articles of
Tibetan trade with ancient India. Notices of them are to be found
in the travels of Drake, and also in the works of Arrian and Megas-
thenes. In the sacred books of the Hindu, chowry (yak tail) and
musk were the chief articles of Himalayan trade carried on by the
Kiratas (the Khimibo tribe of Eastern Nepal) and the Bhuteas.
All Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Man Twang, Lho Khabra, Daphla
country, the Pobo land, Western China, and smaller Mongolia
obtain their supply of salt from Tibet. There is an immense salt mine
in the Chang district north-west of Lhasa and one month's journey
north of Shiga-tse, which furnishes inexhaustible quantities of rock-
salt to all Tibet and the neighbouring countries. The Government
of Tibet levies no duty on this article, and the Tibetans find it a very
convenient commodity to exchange for rice, millet, sugar, and different
other products of Nepal or India. I conjecture that about three to
four lakhs of rupees worth of salt is annually imported from Tibet
into Nepal, and a lakh of rupees worth into Sikkim and Bhutan.
The exports of live-stock, such as sheep, goats, and ponies, are
very important in the commerce of Tibet. Their value and growing
demand is very marked. I refrain from conjecturing the value of
live-stock trade with cis-Himalaya, simply because it is very easy to
ascertain it from statistics.
The wool trade (at present of woollens), salt, and live-stock, not
to speak of all other minor exports from Tibet, and above all the
importation of gold into Nepal, make the exports of Tibet of greater
value than the imports from this side of the Himalayas.
III.
26, In considering the question of the opening of free
commercial relations with Tibet, we have two main factors
98 MEMORANDUM ON
to deal with — the power of the Chinese, and the influence
of the monks of Iihassa. There can be no doubt that, if
these two elements were conciliated, the secular Govern-
ment of Lhassa and the people at large would be glad to see
trade and general intercourse established.
27. Of course the most important is China. However
much we may resent the present policy, and however
unreasonable and humiliating we may consider it, we cannot
challenge it as an infringement of a right. We ourselves
allowed the power of China to become finally supreme in
Tibet in 1792, and if our proceedings were the subject of
misunderstanding or misrepresentation, it can hardly be said
that they did not afford grounds and opportunity for both
the one and the other. At any rate, we deliberately abdi-
cated the influence which we had obtained, and might have
increased. Since then Nepal, as well as Tibet, has recognized
her supremacy, the contracting parties in the Treaty of
18fl6, — namely " the Chief Sirdars, Bhardars and Lamas of
both Governments," — distinctly declaring that " the Emperor
of China is to be obeyed by both States as before." A
general authority is claimed even 0"verSikkim, and the letter
of the Ampas to the Maharaja in 1873, regarding the Jeylep
road and Mr. Edgar's visit, shows that attempts have some-
times been made to exercise it without much ceremony.
And whatever fluctuations Chinese influence in Tibet may
have experienced at different times, — with the ebb and flow
of popular feeling, the subservience or ambition of different
Gesubs, and the long minorities of thi-ee Tale Lamas in
succession, — there can be no doubt that to-day it is perhaps
stronger than it ever was. We have reached one of those
periodical crises which events in Tibet appear to bring
about in a regularly recurring cycle to give the Chinese
opportunities for re-establishing or strengthening their domi-
nion. The murder of one Gesub in l7l6 ; the murder of
another, followed by the destruction of the two Ampas, in
1749 ; the plunder of Tashi Lunpo by the Goorklias in
1792; the deportation of the Gesub, and the suppression
of the "Sera monks who supported him, by Ki-Chan in 1844 ;
and now the riot between the monks and the Nepalese in
1883 ; and the appeal of the Government to China for the
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 99
deputation of Special Commissioners to keep the former in
check, — are all opportunities such as China was eager to
grasp in the past, and such as she "will not probably forego
to-day. Without the permission and countenance of China,
no British mission could be sent to, or could hope to
reach, Lhassa. But if China's consent and support could
be obtained (and this was provided for in the draft of the
Chefoo Convention), such a mission, properly conducted,
would undoubtedly have an enormous effect in bringing
about a good understanding between the Tibetans and our-
selves. The few who have been brought into contact with
them have found them polite, amiable, hospitable, intelli-
gent, and liberal-minded. This was the experience of Bogle,
Turner, Manning, Hue, Gabet and Sarat Chandra Das. I
can contribute my own testimony to the same effect. I am
satisfied that the Tibetans only require to be spoken fair
and treated properly to become our fast friends ; and a
short visit to Lhassa of Europeans, who might be depended
upon to discharge their trust judiciously, would serve to
dispel all the clouds of distrust and doubt which past events
have gathered about our name. The vast scientific value of
such a mission does not require demonstration.
28. It will not be overlooked that there are two
Indian products which the Chinese look upon with dislike —
opium and tea. As regards opium, it could be made clear
that the Tibetans do not consiune it, and that only smuggled
opium could possibly be carried to China by land at a profit.
hut if the main line of trade were transferred to Darjeeling,
the smuggling of opium would become much more difiicult
than it is now. The territory of Nepal marches with the
opium districts, and it has no interest in the suppression of
the smuggling of Indian opium to China ; whereas it would
be impossible for smugglers to carry on any extensive
operations through Darjeeling. Of tea I have spoken above.
We have no means of properly estimating the amount of cus-
toms duty levied at Darchendo (Ta-tsien-lu). Mr. Hennessy
thinks that the consumption of tea in Tibet is not less than
11^ millions of pounds, and the duty on this, at the rate
given above, would be nearly 2^ laklis of rupees. But this
estimate is purely speculative, and there is every reason to
100 . MEMORANDUM ON
suppose that a good part of the amount levied never reaches
the Chinese exchequer. As regards the interest of the
Lhassa Government in the matter, we only know that the
tea they import does not enter the general market, and
there seems no reason why they should make any change
in their present practice. Whether they would ultimately
take to Indian tea is a question which cannot be solved in
our present knowledge of the circumstances. There may
be political considerations involved with which we are not
acquainted. At any rate it is clear that we must secure
the countenance of the Pekin Government before we take
any active steps to negotiate with the Tibetan authorities
at Lhassa It can be demonstrated that there is already a
considerable import of Chinese goods into Tibet through
Calcutta, and undoubtedly the superiority of this route over
the tedious and dangerous journey of 1,300 miles by land
between Canton and Lhassa must, if our policy is adopted,
lead to a great increase in the trade. And perhaps, under
present circumstances, it would be possible so to present
the case to the Chinese that they may be willing to promote
our views.
29. I would, therefore, urge that application be made
to China for passports and support for a mission to proceed
to Lhassa for a specified period, to confer there with the
Chinese Commissioners and the Lhassa Government on the
admission of Indian merchants to Tibet, and the removal
of all restrictions on the free passage of traders by the
Darjeeliiig route. It should be stipulated that the admission
of Europeans, except by consent in each case of the Tibetan
Government, and on passports issued by them, would be
considered outside the scope of the negotiations. Even in
Bogle's time, the admission of Europeans was recognized
as hopeless — because Chinese influence had become para-
mount at Lhassa — though Indian merchants were admitted
and protected. I think we should largely increase our
chances of success if it were made clear, in the first instance,
that no such proposal would be made. Our main object
is to establish our trade on a sound footing, and to make
it the interest of the Tibetans to maintain intercourse with
India. This can be done if a mission paves the way, and
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 101
our native merchants are freely admitted. The admission
of Europeans may follow. If it is pressed now, our object
will be probably frustrated from the beginning.
30. But, besides the Chinese, we have to take account
of the monks who occupy the monasteries in and about
Lhassa. The number of monks in each, according to the
figures obtained by Baboo Sarat Chandra
sST^ .'.'. sisoo from the Tibetan records, is given in the
Gahdan ... 3,300 margin. Gahdan was founded by the
checheii"! '.'.! 500 great Tsong-kapa ; Depung by Gedun-
Potaia ... 600 tupa, his succcssor, "^rhese monks have
Chemehnir ... 800 ,'■ ' , , t i i i
chogpoiki ... 300 always been a power at Lhassa, and have
Kenduiing ... 200 at timcs shown themselves to be turbulent
Mem ... 200
and unruly. It was they who sacked the
Total ^ 19.100 houses of the Chinese m 1810, because
a Chinese soldier had killed a monk in a
scuffle. It was the Sera monks who broke into rebellion in
1844, when Ki-Chan arrested the Gesub, and who com-
pelled the Chinese Ambassador to seek refuge for a time in
the house of one of the Kahlons. It was the Depung
monks, assisted by those of Sera and Gahdan, who plun-
dered the shops of the Nepalese in 1883. They seem to
represent the national party in permanent opposition to
the Chinese, sometimes being headed by the Gesub, as in
1749 and 1844, and sometimes defying both Gesub and
Chinese, as in 1810 and 1883. Their attitude towards us
would naturally be one of opposition, as it has generally
been to the Chinese, not so much on account of bigotry, —
for there is very little of this in the country, — as from an.
apprehension of their power being reduced and their privi-
leges curtailed. There is, however, another motive of
jealousy which I suspect had something to do with the
attack on the Nepalese in 1883. Some of these monks are
very fond of trading, though necessarily they indulge in it
in a desultory fashion. In fact, as my lists show, a con-
siderable part of the trade of Lhassa through Darjeeling is
carried on by monks who have temporary leave of absence
from their monasteries. At the present moment there are
monks from Sera and Depung in Calcutta, and I have
seen them several times in Darjeeling. They know that
102 MEMORANDUM ON
their only present competitors in the Indian trade are the
Nepalese, and they know that more serious competitors
would be found in the Indian merchants if they were ad-
mitted. Unless we conciliate their good-will, they will
certainly oppose us. But the good-will of the monasteries
at large can be acquired by showing them some attention
and dealing liberally with them. The Tibetan records are
full of instances of the reputation gained by great men by
judicious largess to these, the Brahmins of Tibet. As soon
as passports from China are received, it would, I believe,
have an excellent effect if the rumours now afloat of the
respect shown by the British Government to the Tashi
Lama's memory were followed by an unofficial communi-
cation to the abbots of the three great monasteries, sending
them presents, and saying that it was proposed to make
substantial gifts to the institutions on the arrival of the
mission. The influence of the abbots could certainly be
permanently conciliated by an expenditure which would be
trifling compared with the importance of the object in view.
31. I need hardly point out the importance of improv-
ing the opportunity for further correspondence with Tashi
Lunpo, which the letter from the Minister has offered.
This has been fully discussed in our letter of 8th instant.
The people of the province of Tsang, high and low, have
always been friendly to us, and I can say with confidence
that my interviews with the Jongpen of Kamba have
increased this feeling. Should the application to China
for leave for a mission to go to Lhassa fail, I would strong-
ly urge that permission might be sought for a mission to
go to Tashi Lunpo to present the congratulations of the
Government of India, as soon as the conclusion of the
preliminaries connected with the identification of the young
Tashi Lama is reported. This would be a precise parallel
to Turner's mission in 1784, and it would not fail to produce
good results politically and scientifically. Moreover, the
Chinese could hardly refuse this request, even if they
refused the other ; for Colonel Prejvalsky is now travelling
in Northern Tibet with two Chinese officers, who are
supposed to escort him. It is known that opposition has
been fomented at Lhassa with the view of keeping him
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 103
from reaching the holy city. (This has been reported
to me, through Sarat Baboo, by a trading monk of Tashi
Lunpo whose home is in Kham where Prejvalsky now is.)
There would be no fear of any sort of opposition in Tsang
if a passport from China were obtained. Our own popu-
larity, the influence of our friend, the Minister, and the
fact that the visit was one of respect to Penchen Rimboo-
chay, would secure us a good reception. If, then, the main
scheme of a mission to Lhassa fails, I would strongly
recommend that this measure at least should be carried out.
32. My visit to the head of the Lachen valley has
confirmed me in the opinion that it is desfrable to open a
road through Sikkim by that route. Even with the roads
such as they are, I found that our duty-paying salt has
driven Tibetan salt back three or four marches from Dar-
jeeling, and it would certainly penetrate further if the roads
were improved. In the Lachen valley above Lamteng
(8,900 feet) the people are extremely well off, with larii^e
flocks of sheep and goats and herds of yaks, and excellent
crops of potatoes and turnips. They send timber into
Tibet and obtain in return tea, salt and barley flour.
But though they have constant communication with Tibet
by the Kongra Lama pass, they are cut ofE from Sikkim
and Darjeeling for five months of the year owing to the
destruction of their temporary bridges and the submer-
sion of the track in places by the rise of the river on
the melting of the snows. The road for two marches
down the Lachen, from Lamteng to Choongtam, — where
it joins the Lachoong and, with it becomes the Teesta, —
and then for two more along the Teesta from Choongtam
to Sinchik, is very bad and in places descends into the
bed of the river. But, except for these four marches,
it is possible to take ponies from Darjeeling to the Kongra
Lama. If the road were carried along the hillside by
blasting (and this would obviate subsequent expenditure
on repairs), it would seem, to a non-professional obser-
ver, that one suspension bridge only would be required
between Lamteng and Choongtam, and this, owing to the
narrowness of the stream and the rocks available for sup-
ports on both sides, would not be costly. The bridge
over the Teesta at Samdong and over the Rungeet would
104 MEMORANDUM ON
be more expensive. But I cannot doubt that the road
would liave an important effect in opening up Lower Sikkioi
and the rich and healthy Lachen and Lachung valleys. I
have already referred to what the Jongpen said regarding
the obstructions which he is now ordered to place in the
way of trade through Kambajong. But if these can be
removed, there can be no doubt that a large trade would
pass down by the Lachen valley were a proper road
available. The fact that the Jongpen was able to meet me
at the frontier, notwithstanding two very heavy recent
falls of snow, shows that the Kongra Lama pass remains
open under very unfavourable circumstances. Immediately
beyond it begms the wool Country, and Tashi Lunpo itself
is only four marches distant. It is very important that we
should have a direct road to Tsang and its capital, independ-
ent of the circuitous road through Phari Jong, which is in
the province of U and under Lhassa. On every ground
I recommend that an Engineer be deputed to report upon
the probable cost of improving the road and bridging
the streams between the Rungeet and the Zemu. From
Zemu Samdong to the frontier (three marches) almost
nothing is required. He should be instructed to take in
hand at once the improvement of the road, where this can
be effected with ordinary appliances. I may add that the
Maharaja of Sikkim promised me to give every help in the
construction of this road and undertook to maintain it
on completion. The Lachen people exhibited great joy
on being told that such a road was in contemplation, and
would help with ordinary labour.
33. My recommendations, then, are—'
(1). That application should be made to China for
passports and support for a mixed political and scientific
mission to proceed to Lhassa for three or four months to
confer with the Chinese Commissioners and the Lhassa
Government on the free admission of native Indian traders to
Tibet and the removal of obstructions on the trade through
Sikkim and Darjeeling, it being understood that no proposal
for the general admission of Europeans will be brought for-
ward.
OUR RELATIONS WITH TIBET. 105
(2). That, on passports being received, unofficial over-
tures be at once made to the abbots of Sera, Depung and
Gahdan monasteries with the view of securing their good-
will towards the mission.
(3). That every effort be made to improve the oppor-
tunity now obtained for friendly correspondence with the
authorities at Tashi Lunpo and intercourse generally with
the province of Tsang ; and that, in the event of the nego-
tiations with China for a mission to Lhassa failing, applica-
tion be made for passports for a small mission to proceed to
Tashi Lunpo on the occasion of the identification of the new
Penchen Rimboochay.
(4). That an Engineer be deputed to report on the cost
of improving the road and bridging the streams between the
Eungeet and the Zemu rivers, and to commence work in
some parts, in order that permanent communications may be
opened with the Lachen valley and the province of Tsang.
COLMAN MACAULAY,
Secretary to the Government of Bengal.
The 19th January 1885.
I append a sketch map which Colonel de Pr^e, Sur-
veyor-General, has kindly had prepared for me.
iHi
Sketch Map to accompany the Memorandum on otir relations
by the
Em. MrMacaulay, Secretary to Govt, of Bengal.
onr relations •with Tibet
d. of Bengal
jo4 900
ikGlea.
?^Y
RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT
TO ^^ Ma n Library • 198 Main Stacks
LOAN PERIOD 1
HOME USE
2
3
4
5
6
ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS.
Renewls and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date.
Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405.
DUE AS STAMPED BELOW
DEC 1 U 1998
FORM NO. DD6
UNIVERSITY OF C
BER
:AUF0RNIA. BERKELEY
KELEYCA 94720-6000
ri
M.
537518
UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA LIBRARY
jH^^