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Their late Majesties' Commissions 

His Majesty's Commissions ... 

Intkoductouy Statement 

Abstracts of Reports on Manuscripts : — 

Lord Middleton ... 

Pepys MSS, at Magdalene College, CAMimiixiE ... 

Cecil MSS. Part XII 

Part XIII 

Earl of Denbigh 

A. 6. Finch, Esq. Vol. I 

Makquess of Bath. Vol. III. ... 

Hon. p. L. AVood 

M. L. S. Clements, Esq 

S. P. Unwin, Esq 

Stuart MSS. at Windsor Castle. Vols. IV., V., VI. 

Lord Polwarth. Vol. I. 

Miss Eyre-Matcham 

Captain H. V. Knox 

C. VVykeham-Martin, Esq. 

Lord Oranmore and Brown 

K. B. Tighe, Esq., of Woodstock, co. Kilkenny ... 

Mrs. Stopford-Sackville. Vol. II 


Vol. IV. 
J. B. FoRTESCUE, Esq. — MSS. at Dropmore. Vol. VI. 

Vol. VII. 

Vol. VIII. 
Dean and Chapter ok Wells. Vol. II. 

Bishop of London 

St. George's Chapel, Windsor 

DiocESB of Gloucester 

'*: Beccles, CO. Suffolk 

.,,, DuNwiCH, CO. Suffolk ... 


Thetford, CO. Norfolk 

Duke of Norfolk 

Sir IIervey Bruce 

Earl of Essex 

-'" Colonel Frewen 

,'.'/,' n. C. Staunton, Esq 

... ; F. Merttens, Esq 

'{" Laing MSS. IN the University ok Edinburgh. Vol. L 

R. M. Hay, Esq 

\ .'. Sir a. Edmondstone ok Duntreatii 

-.,'.. Sir John Graham of Fintry 

= .^ Marquess of Ormonde. New Series. 







.. 34 

.. 47 

.. 58 

.. 67 

.. 85 

.. 89 

.. 95 

.. 101 

.. 102 

.. 106 

.. 113 

,.. 118 

... 127 

... 135 

,.. 135 

... 135 

... 137 

... 139 

... 144 

... 161 

... 180 

... 197 

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... 204 

... 206 

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... 215 

... 218 

... 220 

... 225 

... 225 

... 226 

... 228 

... 229 

... 230 

... 231 

... 242 

... 247 

... 251 

... 257 

... 265 

... 275 

... 284 

';.;^ Earl of Egmont. Vol. II 

-L-tst of Reports, &c.. Issued 295 

< I'^JkMES of Owners of Coij.ections ok MSS. Rki'ortkd on 

... Arranged Alphabetically 308 

' Collections Rei-ortkd o\ Arranged Topographically ... 349 

. X)hhonological List ok Materials kor Diplomatic History ... 357 
;•' (81720) \Yt. 160(14— r)."? IROn/on .5/17 HAS Op. 6 



ViOTOEiA, by the Grace of God, of tlie United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor Sir Nathaniel 
Lindley, Knight, Master or Keeper of the llolls and Kccords, 
Chairman ; Our right trusty and entirely-beloved Cousin and Council- 
lor Schomberg Henry, INIarquess of Lothian, Knight of Our Most 
Ancient and i\Iost Noble Order of the Thistle, President of the 
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland ; Our right trusty and entirely- 
beloved Cousin and Councillor Robert Arthur Talbot, Marquess of 
Salisbury, Knight of Our Most Noble Order of the Garter ; Our right 
trusty and entirely-beloved Cousin and Councillor George Frederick 
Samuel, Marquess of Ripon, Knight of Our Most Noble Order of the 
Garter, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Exalted Order of the 
Star of India, Companion of Our Most Eminent Order of the Indian 
Empire ; Our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin and Coun- 
cillor James Ludovic, Earl of Crawford, Knight of Our Most Ancient 
and Most Noble Order of the Thistle ; Our right trusty and right well- 
beloved Cousin and Comicillor Archibald Philip, Earl of Rosebery, 
Knight of Our Most Noble Order of the Garter, Knight of Our Most 
Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle ; Our right trusty and 
well-beloved Cousin and Councillor William Baliol, Viscount Esher; 
Our trusty and well-beloved Edmond George Petty-Fitzmaurice, 
Esquire (commonly called Lord Edmond George Petty-Fitzmam-ice) ; 
the Right Reverend Father in God William, Bishop of Oxford; Our 
right trusty and well-beloved John Emerich Edward, Baron Acton; 
Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor Chichester Samuel, 
Baron Carlingford, Knight of Our Most Illustrious Order of St. 
Patrick ; Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor Sir Edward 
Fry, Knight; Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor William 
Edward Hartpole Lecky ; Our trusty and well-beloved Sir Henry 
Churchill Maxwell Lyte, Knight Commander of Our Most Honour- 
able Order of the Bath, Deputy Keeper of the Records; and Our 
trusty and well-beloved Samuel Rawson Gardiner, Esquire, Doctor 
of Civil Law ; Greeting. 

Whereas We did by Warrant imder Our Royal Sign Manual, 
bearing date the second day of April, one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-nine, and by subsequent Warrant, authorize and appoint 
certain noblemen and gentlemen therein respectively named, or any 
three or more of them, to be Our Commissioners to make inquiry 
into the places in which documents illustrative of history or of 
general public interest belonging to private persons are deposited, 
and to consider whether, with the consent of the owners, means 
might not be taken to render sucli df)cuments availal)le for pul)lic 
reference, as by the tenor of tlie oriL'inal Commission under Our 
Si^n :\rnnual, dated the second day nf April, one thousand oiijbt 
hundred and sixty-nine, does more fully and at large appear. 
(B1720— Gp. 5) A 2 

Now KNOW YB that We have revoked and determined, and do by 
these Presents revoke and determine, the said several Warrants, and 
every matter and thing therem contained. 

And whereas We have deemed it expedient that a new Commis- 
sion should issue for the purposes specified in the said Warrant, 
dated the second day of April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
nine : 

Further know ye that We, reposing great trust and confidence 
in your ability and discretion, liave ajipointed, and do by these 
Presents nominate, constitute, and appoint, you the said Sir 
Natlianiel Lindley; Schomberg Henry, Marquess of Lothian; Robert 
Arthur Talbot, Marquess of Salisbury ; George Frederick Samuel, 
Marquess of Ripon ; James Ludovic, Earl of Crawford ; Archibald 
Philip, Earl of Rosebery ; William Baliol, Viscount Esher; Edmond 
George Petty-Fitzmaurice ; William, Bishop of Oxford; John 
Emerich Edward, Baron Acton; Chichester Samuel, Baron Carling- 
ford ; Sir Edward Fry ; William Edward Hartpole Lecky ; Sir 
Henry Churchill Maxwell Lyte ; and Samuel Rawson Gardiner to be 
Our Commissioners to make inquiry as to the places in which such 
papers and manuscripts are deposited, and for any of the purposes 
set forth in the original Commission under Our Sign Manual, dated 
the second day of April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-nine. 

And for the purpose of carrying out the said inquiry We do 
hereby authorize you to call in the aid and co-operation of all 
possessors of manuscripts and papers, inviting them to assist you 
in furthering the objects of this Commission, and to give them full 
assurance that no information is sought except such as relates to 
public affairs, and that no knowledge or information which may be 
obtained from their collections shall be promulgated without their 
full licence and consent. 

And We do further by these presents authorize you, with the 
consent of the owners of such manuscripts, to make abstracts and 
catalogues of such manuscripts. 

And We do hereby direct that you, or any three or more of you 
shall form a quorum; and that you, or any three or more of you, 
shall have power to invite the possessors of such papers and records 
as you may deem it desirable to inspect, to produce them before you. 

And Our further Will and Pleasure is that you, Our said Com- 
missioners, or any three or more of you, do report to Us from time 
to time, in writing under your hands and seals, all and every your 
proceedings under and by virtue of these Presents. 

And for the better enabling you to execute these presents We 
do hereby nominate, constitute, and appoint Our trusty and well- 
beloved James Joel Cartwright, Esquire, Master of Arts, to be Secre- 
tary to this Our Commission.. 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, the eighteenth day of 
December, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven, in 
the sixty-first year of Our Reign. 

By Her Majesty's command, 



Victoria, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor liichard Everard, 
Baron Alverstone, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Distinguished 
Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Keeper or Master of the 
Jxolls and Eecords, and Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor 
Nathaniel, Baron Lindley, one of Our Lords of Appeal in Ordinary; 

Whereas We did by Warrant under Our Koyal Sign Manual, 
bearing date the eighteenth day of December, one thousand eight 
hundrod and ninety-seven, appoint Our right trusty and well-beloved 
Councillor Sir Natiianiel Lindley, Knight, Master or Keeper of the 
Rolls and Records, together with the several other noblemen and 
gentlemen therein respectively named, or any three or more of them, 
tu be Our Commissioners to make inquiry into the places in which 
documents illustrative of history or of general public interest belong- 
ing to private persons are deposited, and to consider whether, with 
the consent of the owners, means might not be taken to render such 
documents available for public reference, as by the tenor of the 
original Commission under Our Sign Manual, dated the second day 
ot- April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-nine, does more fully 
and at large appear : 

And whereas the said Sir Nathaniel Lindley — now Nathaniel, 
Baron Lmdley — has humbly tendered unto Us his resignation of the 
Office of Chairman of the said Commission, to which he was ap- 
pointed by vh'tuc of Our said Warrant, bearing date the eighteenth 
day of December, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven : 

Now KNOW YE that We, reposing great trust and confidence in 
your zeal, discretion, and ability, have authorized and appointed and 
do by these Presents authorize and appoint you, the said Richard 
Everard, Baron Alverstone, to be Chairman of Our said Commission 
in the room of the said Sir Nathaniel — now Baron — Lindley. 

And we do further by these Presents authorize and appoint you, 
the said Nathaniel, Baron Lindley, to be one of Our Commissioners 
for the purposes of the said inquiry, in addition to and together with 
the Commissioners whom We have already appointed. 

Given at Our Court at Osborne, the twenty-eighth day of July, 
one thousand nine hundred, in the sixty-fourth year of Our 

By Her Majesty's command, 



Edward the Seventh, by the Grace of God, of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, to all 
to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting. 

Whereas it pleased Her late Majesty from time to time to issue 
Royal Commissions of Inquiry for various purposes therein specified : 


And whereas m the case of certain of these Commissious, namely, 
those known as — 

The Historical Manuscripts Commission ; 
♦ •»«■*•)«■ 

the Commissioners a])pointc(l by Her late ^lajesty, or such of tliem 
as were then acting as Commissioners, were, at the late demise of the 
Crown, still engaged upon the business entrusted to them : 

And whereas we deem it expedient that the said Commissioners 
should continue their labours in connection with the said inquiries 
notwithstanding the late demise of the Crown : 

Now KNOW YE that We, reposing great trust and confidence in the 
zeal, discretioD, and ability of the present members of each of the 
said Commissions, do by these Presents authorize them to continue 
their labours, and do hereby in every essential particular ratify and 
confirm the terms of the said several Commissions. 

And We do further ordain that the said Commissioners do report 
to Us under their hands and seals, or under the hands and seals of 
such of their number as may be specified in the said Commissions 
respectively, their opinion upon the matters presented for their con- 
sideration ; and that any proceedings which they or any of them may 
have taken under and in pursuance of the said Commissions since the 
late demise of the Crown, and before the issue of these Presents, 
shall be deemed and adjudged to have been taken under and in virtue 
of this Our Commission. 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, the fourth day of March, 
one thousand nine hundred and one, in the first year of Our 

By His Majesty's Command, 



Edward the Seventh, by the Grace of God, of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin and Councillor 
Wilham Heneage, Earl of Dartmouth; and Our right trusty and well- 
beloved Cecil George Savile, Baron Hawkesbury; Greeting. 

Whereas by Warrant under Our Royal Sign Manual, hearing 
date the fourth day of March, one thousand nine hundred and one, 
We were pleased to authorize the members of the Commission known 
as the Historical Manuscripts Commission to continue their labours 
notwithstanding the late demise of the Crown. 

And Whereas by a subsequent Warrant, bearing date the four- 
teenth day of March, Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor 
Sir Archibald Levin Smith, Knight, Keeper or Master of the Rolls 
and Records, was appointed to be Chairman of the said Commission, 
and Our riglit trusty and well-beloved Councillor Richard Everard, 
Baron Alverstone, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Distinguished 
Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Lord Chief Justice of 
England, to be a member thereof: 

Now KNOW YE that We, reposing great trust and confidence iu 
your zeal, discretion, and ability, have authorized and appointed, 
and do by these Presents authorize and appoint you, the said William 
Heneage, Earl of Dartmouth, and Cecil George Savile, Baron 
Hawkesbury, to be members of the Historical Manuscripts Commis- 
sion in addition to and together with the Commissioners already 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, the twenty-ninth day of 
July, one thousand nine hundred and one, in the first year 
of Our Reign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


EDWARD, R. d I. 

Edward the Seventh, by the Grace of God, of the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions 
beyond the Seas King, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor John Morley, 
Member of the Order of Merit, Doctor of Laws, Doctor of Civil Law; 
and Our trusty and well-beloved Charles Harding Firth, Esquire, 
Master of Arts, Fellow of All Souls (!lollege, and Professor of Modern 
History in our University of Oxford; Greeting. 

Whereas vacancies have been created amongst the Members of 
the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts by the death of Our 
right trusty and entirely beloved Cousin and Councillor, Robert 
Arthur Talbot, Marquess of Salisbury, and of Our right trusty and 
well-beloved Councillor William Edward Hartpole Lecky : 

Now KNOW YE that We, reposing great confidence in you, do by 
these Presents appoint you, the said John Morley and Charles 
Harding Firth, to be two of Our Commissioners for the purposes of 
the said Commission as set forth in the Warrant under the Sign 
Manual of Her late Majesty Queen Victoria, dated the eighteenth 
day of December, one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven, 
in the room of the said Robert Arthur Talbot, Marquess of Salisbury, 
and William Edward Hartpole Lecky, deceased. 

Given at Our Court of Saint James's, the twenty-seventh day 
of July, 1904, in the fourth year of Our Reign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


EDWARD, R. & I. 

Edward the Seventh, by the Grace of God, of the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions 
beyond the Seas King, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and well-beloved Councillors : Richard Henn, 
Baron Collins, Lord of Appeal in Ordinary, and Sir Herbert Hardy 
Cozens-llardy, Knight, Keeper and Master of the Rolls and Records ; 


Whereas, You, the said Richard Ilenn, Baron CoUins, have 
tendered unto Us your resignation of the Office of Chairman of the 
Koyal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, to which you were 
appointed by Warrant under Our Eoyal Sign Manual, bearing date 
the eighteenth day of November, one thousand nine hundred and 
one : 

And whereas We repose great trust and confidence in the zeal, 
discretion, and ability of you, the said Sir Herbert Hardy Cozens- 
Hardy : 

Now KNOW YE that We have authorized and appointed and do 
by these Presents authorize and appoint you, the said Sir Herbert 
Hardy Cozens-Hardy, to be Chairman of the said Commission, in the 
room of you, the said Eichard Henn, Baron Collins, resigned. 

And We do further by these Presents authorize and appoint you, 
the said Eichard Henn, Baron Collins, to be one of Our Commis- 
sioners for the purposes of the said inquiry. 

Given at Our Court of St. James's, the first day of May, 1907, 
in the seventh year of Our Eeign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


OEOROE, R. d I. 

George the Fifth, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions beyond 
the Seas King, Defender of the Faith, to all to whom these Presents 
shall come ; Greeting. 

Whereas it pleased His late Majesty from time to time to issue 
Eoyal Commissions of Enquiry for various purposes therein 
specified : 

And whereas, in the case of certain of these Commissions, 
namely, those known ag 

The Historical Manuscripts Commission, 
» * * * 
the Commissioners appointed by His late Majesty, or such of them 
as were then acting as Commissioners, were at the late Demise of 
the Crown still engaged upon the business entrusted to them : 

And whereas We deem it expedient that the said Connnissioners 
should continue their labours in connection with the said enquiries 
notwithstanding the late Demise of the Crown : 

Now KNOW YE that We, reposing great trust and confidence in 
the zeal, discretion and ability of the present members of each of 
the said Commissions, do by these Presents authorize them to con- 
tinue their labours, and do hereby in every essential particular 
ratify and confirm the terms of the said several Commissions. 

And We do further ordain that the said Commissioners do report 
to Us under their hands and seals, or under the hands and seals 
of such of their number as may be specified in the said Cornmis- 
gions respectively, their opinion upon the matters presented for tlieir 
consideration ; and that any proceedings which they or any of them 
may Lave taken under and in pursuance of the said CommisBioua 

since the late Demise of the Crowu and before the issue of these 
Presents shall be deemed and adjudged to have been taken under 
aud in virtue of this Our Courmission. 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, the twenty-sixth day oi 
May, one thousand nine hundred anil ten, ]u the first year 
of Our Eeign. 

By His i\Iajesty's Command, 

li. B. HALDANE. 

GEORGE, R. & I. 

George the Fifth, by the Grace of God, of the United Kinu'duiii 
of. Great Britain and -Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond 
the Seas King, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our trusty and well-beloved James iNIills, Esquire, Com- 
panion of Our Imperial Service Order, Deputy Keeper of the liecords 
of Ireland : Kichard Arthur Koberts, Esqun-e, Barrister-at-Law, 
Secretary of the Public Record Office : and Alfred Edward Stamp, 
Esquire, of the Public Record Office; Greeting. 

WuERE.\s several vacancies have occurred among the members 
of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts and the Secre 
taryship of the Commission is also vacant by the resignation of the 
said Richard Arthur Roberts who has been appointed Secretary of 
the Public Record Office : 

Now KNOW^ YE that We have authorized and appointed and do by 
these Presents authorize and appoint you the said James Mills and 
Richard Arthur Roberts to be Members of the said Commission to 
fill two of the above-mentioned vacancies, and you the said Alfred 
Edward Stamp to be Secretary of the Commission in the room of 
the said Richard Arthur Roberts, resigned. 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, tlie twelfth day of , Apr 11, 
1912, in the second year of Our Reign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


GEORGE, R. & I. 

George the Fifth, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond 
the Seas King, Defender of the Faith. 

To Our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin David Alexander 
Edward, Earl of Crawford; Our right trusty and well-beloved 
Llewelyn Nevill Vaughan, Baron Mostyn, and Our trusty and well- 
beloved Sir Frederic George Kenyon, Knight Commander of Our 
Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Director and Principal Librarian 
of the British Museum; Greeting. 

Where.\s by Warrant under the Royal Sign JNIanual bearing date 
the eighteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and 
ninety-seven, the Commission on Historical Manuscripts was re- 
constituted, and. since that date, new Connnissiuners have been 
appointed by Royal Warrant from time to time : 

16 .' 

And W}iereas We have been moved to make further appoint- 
meuts to the said Commission : 

Now KNOW YE that We reposing great trust and confidence in 
youi- abihty and discretion have appointed, and do by these Presents 
appoint you the said David Alexander Edward, Earl of Crawford, 
Llewellyn Nevill Vaughan, Baron Mostyn, and Sir Frederic George 
Kenyon, to be Members of the Commission on Historical Manu- 
scripts reconstructed as aforesaid. 

Given at Our Court at Saint James's, the twenty-third day of 
July, 1913, in the fourth year of Our Eeign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 






May it Please Youk Majesty, 

We, your Majesty's Commissioners appointed to inquire what 
[apers and manuscripts belonging to private persons would be useful 
ill illustrating Constitutional Law, Science, and the General History 
of the country, to which their respective possessors would be willing 
to give access, respectfully beg leave to present this our Eighteentli 
Report to Y'our Majesty. 

Since the date of our last Report Your Majesty's Commissioners 
have suffered the loss by death of six of their colleagues, namely, 
the Marquess of Ripon, the Earl of Crawford, Lord Stanmore, Lord 
Alverstone, Lord Collins, and Mr. James Mills, I.S.O., Deputy 
Keeper of the Records in Ireland. Lord Ripon and Lord Crawford 
had been members of the Commission since 1897 and Lord Stanmore 
since 1900. Lord Alverstone was Chairman of the Commission for a 
short period in 1900 and 1901, and afterwards a Commissioner until 
his death last year. Lord Colhns, succeeding Lord Alverstone, 
was Chairman of the Commission from 1901 to 1907, and 
subsequently one of the Commissioners until his death in 1911. ]\Ir. 
Mills, who had previously for several years rendered valuable aid t-o 
the Commissioners, was appointed by Y'our Majesty a Commissioner 
in 1912, with special reference to the work in Ireland, but his period 
of service was lamentably short, continuing two years only until his 
death in 1914. 

In 1912, Y'our Majesty was also pleased to appoint Mr. R. A. 
Roberts to be a Commissioner, on his resignation (consequent on his 
promotion to be Secretary of the Public Record Office) of the office 
of Secretary of the Commission, which he had held since 1903, and 
in 1913 the Commission, which had suffered successive losses by 
death as above mentioned, was reinforced by Your Majesty by the 
addition as Commissioners of the present Earl of Crawford, Lord 
Mostyn, and Sir Frederic Kenyon, K.C.B., Director and Principal 
Librarian of the British Museum. 

V2 '■ 

lu succession to Mr. Roberts, Your Majesty was pleased to ap- 
poiiit Mr. Alfred E. Stamp, M.A., of the Public liecord Utlice, as 
Secretary of the Commissiou. 

Since our last lleport to Your Majesty the ordinary work of in- 
spection and preparation and editing of lieports on Manuscripts has 
been carried on in England, by the late Sir J. K. Laughton, the 
late Eev. W. D. Macray, Mr. ¥. ii. Blackburne Daniell, Mr. Walter 
Fitzpatrick, Mr. J. Horace liound, Mr. William Page, Mr. Eeginald 
Lane Poole, Mrs. S. C. Lomas, Mr. PI. J. Brown, Mr. J. M. Pigg, 
Mr. W. H. Stevenson, Mr. E. K. Purnell, Mr. Arthur Maxwell-Lyte, 
Mr. W. Paley Baildon, the late Dr. J. H. Wylie, Mr. F. M. Stenton, 
the late Mr. John Harley, Mr. Francis L. Bickley, Mr. G. Basker- 
ville, Mr. C. L. Kingsford, Mr. P. F. Isaacson, Mr. A. Hallam 
Roberts, and Mr. P. A. Poljcrts; in ScutUnid, by the liev. Henry 
Paton; and in Ireland, by the late Mr. F. Litton Faikiner, Mr. F. 
Elrington Ball, Dr. H. F. Berry, and Mr. D. A. Chart. 

We regret greatly the loss of Mr. John Harley, who soon after 
the beginning of the war received a commission in the Worcestershire 
Regiment, and was killed in the Dardanelles. 

Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans passed through the press Vol. II., 
Part IV., of " The Report on Manuscripts in the Wx'lsh Language," 
relating to those in the British Museum. 

The principal collections examined, and in the majority of cases 
reported upon in volumes of Reports issued from time to time, in 
some cases in continuation of earlier volumes, are the following: — 

The Stuart Papers belonging to Your Majesty; the Manuscripts of 
the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Buccleuch, the Marquess of Bath, 
the Marquess of Salisbury, the Marquess of Downshire, the Earl of 
Essex, the Earl of Denbigh, the Earl of Egmont, Earl Bathurst, 
Lord Middleton, Lord Sackville, Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, Sir 
Hervey Bruce, the Hon. F. L. Wood, Mr. J. B. Fortescue, Mrs. 
Stop ford- Sackville, Miss Eyre-Matcham, Captain H. V. Knox, Mr. 
C. W^ykeham-Martin, Mr. Allan G. Finch, Mr H. C. Staunton, and 
other private owners; the Bishop of London, Pepys' Manuscripts at 
Magdalene College, Cambridge, Diocese of Gloucester, St. George's 
Chapel, Windsor, Dean and Chapter of Wells ; the Corporations of 
Exeter, Beccles, Dunwich, Southwold, and Thetford. 

In Scotland, the Laing Manuscripts in the University of Edin- 
burgh ; the Manuscripts of Lord l*olwarth, the Duke of Richmond 
and Gordon, the Earl of Mar and Kellie, Mrs. Tempest of Dalguise 
House, and Mr. Fletcher of Saltoun. 

In Ireland, the Manuscripts of the INIarqucss of Ormonde, the 
Earl of Egmont, the Bishop of Galway, and Mr. L. S. Clements. 

The very large number of Reports on Collections of Manuscripts 
published since the inception of the Commission, amounting to over 
160 volumes, and full of the most miscellaneous information, much 
of which was related, though drawn from different sources, pointed 
to the necessity for students of some general guide or index to the 
contents of the volumes. A scheme was therefore elaborated for 
this end, an<l lias been ])artly curried llirougli. A " General Guide, 
l*art P," eonliiied to the topograidiieul information to be found in 


the Reports up to that time published, was issued in 1914, and the 
material for Part II., concerning personal names and subject matter, 
has been got together and largely arranged. This is, however, u 
work of a very laborious cliaractcr, and its progress has now been 
further affected by the suspension to a largo extent of the operations 
of the Commission as explained below. 

When the estimates necessary to meet the expenses of the Com- 
mission were being prepared in the autumn of 1914, intimation was 
received from the Lords Commissioners of Your Majesty's Treasury 
that expenditure must be cut down to the very lowest limit possible 
in view of the war which is still proceeding. All new work has there- 
fore been suspended, as well as the printing of certain Reports already 
in progress, and the operations of the Commission have been limited 
to the finishing of volumes advanced at press or of Reports in manu- 
script on collections deposited at the Public Record Office for this 
purpose, the return of which to their owners cannot be delayed in- 
definitely. Your JMajosty's Commissioners would express the most 
earnest hope that when tiie stress of actual war has been removed 
they will be afforded the means of continuing their labours, which 
have been so fruitful in the past and have proved to be of the utmost 
value to students in many fields of history. In the meanwhile, how- 
ever, the output will be very seriously restricted. The period of 
partly suspended animation may, perhaps, be utilised for a recon- 
sideration of some of the methods of work and the scale upon which 
some of the Reports have been drawn up. 

Reprints. — It was stated in our last Re])ort that it was in con- 
templation to complete the reprint, with the necessary emendations, 
o+' the remaining sections II. and III. of Appendix, Part I., to the 
Eighth Report and to re-issue Appendix, Part II., of the same 
Report and Appendix, Part IV., to the Twelfth Report. This has 
been done. 

Appendix I. to the present Report consists of (1) a complete List 
of the Reports issued by Your Majesty's Commissioners, showing 
the year of issue, parliamentary paper, number, and price of each 
volume ; (2) a List showing the names of the Owners of Manuscripts 
upon whose collections reports have been presented to Parliament 
up to date, and the places of deposit of the respective collections at 
the time when the reports were drawn up ; and also indicating the 
more considerable groups of papers comprised in them ; and (3) a 
List of the Collections arranged according to county. Similar lists 
have in the past proved to be of much service. 

Appendix II. is a chronological list of diplomatic correspondence 
calendared in Reports of the Commissioners, as well as of diplomatic 
correspondence preserved in the British Museum. The Commis- 
sioners desire to express their indebtedness to Miss Frances Daven- 
port for this list, which they believe will prove to be of great service 
to historical students. 

"We append abstracts of the contents of the Reports made by 
Inspectors on our behalf and presented to Parliament since the 
dat)e of our Seventeenth Report, noticing first those volumes dealing 
with English private collections of a eeneral historical character, as 

far as posf^ihle iu tlio order of chronology. A useful I'eview is thus 
atforJud of the historical material provided b}' the Reports issued 
by Your Majesty's Commissioners from 1907 to 1015. 


(A.D. 1150— ICUO.) 

Lord Aiiddlcton's MS8. are preserved, togetliur with modern 
legal papers, in a fireproof muniment room in the basement of the 
south-western pavilion of Wollaton Hall, near Nottingham. The 
collection is a very large one, and there is little arrangement of the 
older MSS. A few of the books are at Birdsall House, near Malton, 
his Lordship's Yorkshire seat. No papers, we are informed, are now 
kept at Middleton Hall, near Tamworth, from which the title of 
the peerage is derived. 

The older an-angement was made by Francis Willoughby, the 
famous natural philosopher (1635-1672), with some assistance from the 
celebrated John Ray, his accomplished friend and protege, who lived 
with him, accompanied him on his extensive scientific travels in 
England and abroad, and completed for press his Ornithologia, 
published at London in 1676, and his Historia Piscium, at Oxford 
in 1686. 

The principal part of the collection consists of an enormous 
number of medieval and later deeds, charters, court rolls, manorial 
accounts and the like relating to thirty counties. 

The history of the family explains the wide area covered by these 
records. The founder of the family was Ralph Bugge, a Notting- 
ham merchant of the reign of John, whose descendants took up the 
territorial names of Bingham and "Willoughby from their Notting- 
hamshire possessions. The manor of Wollaton was acquired in the 
reign of Edward II. Marriages with the De Greys, Frevilles of 
Tamworth, De Morteins and others added to the power of the 
Willoughby family, and owing to these alliances and other causes, 
the muniment room contains portions of the records of the great 
feudal houses of the De Greys of Codnor and elsewhere, De Montfort 
of Beldesert, Zouch, Marmion, Filliol, Leburn, Harley, Malreward, 
Bracebridge, and others. The head of the family at the end of the 
fifteenth century, Sir Henry Willoughby, was a very influential 
man. Made a knight banneret on the field of Stoke in 1487 and 
filling the ])ost of knight of the body to Henry VTTL, he was in 
close contact with the court at an interesting period of English 
history. He was engaged in many militar\' expeditions, being 
master of the ordnance in the expedition to Spain in 1512, and 
shared in the pageantry of Henry VTIT., notably the Field of the 
Cloth of Gold and at the meeting of Henry VTTT. with Charles V. in 
1520. We must regret the loss of the autograph letter written to 
him by Henry VITT. A copy of a letter t-o him from Queen Catherine 
of Arragon is preserved. In the reign of Edward TV. he was, 
iccording to T;eland, severely wounded in a fight between his retain- 
ers and those of Edward Grey, Viscount Lisle, the brother of Queen 


Elieabeth Woo'dville'a first husband. Some depositions connected Lord 
with this are printed. Subsequently amity was established between -j^^^^ 
the two families, and was cemented by the marriage of Sir Henry's 
eldest son John, a knight of the Holy Sepulchre, with a daughter of 
the viscount. This brought the Willoughbys into relationship with 
some of the leading famiiies of the time, a sister of John's wife being 
the wife of Edmund Dudley, father of John Dudley, subsequently 
Duke of Northumberland and grandfather of Eobert Dudley, Earl of 
Leicester, Queen Elizabeth's favourite. After the death of 
Edmund Dudley she married Arthur Plantagenet, natural 
son of Edward IV. Sir Henry \Yilloughby's second son, 
Sir Edward, by his marriage with the daughter of Sir 
William Filliol added greatly to the family estates, 
and became connected with the rising Seymour family, Sir Edward 
Seymour, subsequently Duke of Somerset and Protector of England, 
having married the other daughter of Sir ^Yilliam Filliol. This 
connexion was probably the reason why Queen Jane Seymour, Sir 
Edward Seymour's sister, wrote to Sir Edward Willoughby announc- 
ing the birth of Edward the Sixth. Sir Edward Willoughby is 
mentioned with Seymour in the private act in 22 Henry VIII. c. 19, 
that was necessitated to legalise the irregularities of the settlements 
resulting from these marriages with the daughters of a man of 
unsound mind. Sir Edward Willoughby 's son, Henry, who fell 
fighting against Ket's rebels at Norwich, married Anne, daughter of 
Thomas Grey, J^Iarquis of Dorset, the grandson of Elizabeth W^ood- 
ville. This made him brother-in-law to Henry Grey, subsequently 
Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane Grey. Suffolk 

was guardian of Francis Willoughby, Henr\''s son and heir, 
the builder of Wollaton Hall. The collection contains some 
evidence of his attempts to levy troops in Leicestershire 
and Warwickshire by the aid of his ward's men in his attempt to 
maintain his daughter upon the throne. The sister of Francis was 
attached to Princess Elizabeth during her semi-imprisonment at 
Hatfield under Queen Mary, and was a member of Elizabeth's court 
after her accession to the throne. It is not to be wondered at that 
in these circumstances Elizabeth was well acquainted with the 
great wealth of Sir Francis W^illoughby, which she knew " to be 
nothing inferiour to the best." and that she intended to knight him 
at the famous festivities at Kenilworth in 1566, had he not slipped 
away. She expressed her intention of staying at his house (appar- 
ently meaning Middleton) for two nights in 1575, although lie was 
still keeping out of her way. It may be mentioned that Sir Henry 
Willoughby was the father of Sir Hugh Willoughby, the Arctic ex- 
plorer, and father-in-law to Anthony Fitzherbert, the well-known 
legal writer. Besides the great queen, many famous historic lioiires 
appear in the pages of the report. 

The charters and deeds include three original charters of 
Henry IT. and numerous twelfth-century private deeds. There are 
also three charters of Henry III. granting forfeited lands of the 
supporters of Simon de Montfort' to linger de Levbum, a stormy 
person who played a conspicuous part in the Barons' W^ar. Two 

these are not ourolled on the Charter Rolls. The muniments of the 
Leyburn family have supplied also the important agreement between 
Prince Edward and the Earl of Gloucester on 14 March, 1259, in 
which the Earl, for himself and his allies, agrees to support Edward 
and his friends, among whom Roger de Leyburn is mentioned. This 
agreement is, no doubt, connected with the first quarrel between 
Simon de Montfort and Gloucester in the recess after the February 
parliament of 1259. jMatthew Paris, who records this quarrel, 
does not fix the date beyond this rough indication, and it is therefore 
impossible to determine whether the agreement was a cause or a 
consequence of the quarrel, in which Gloucester was coerced by the 
barons. But the document is of great importance as marking the 
gaining over by Edward's diplomacy of Gloucester and his party, 
thus breaking up the baroi^al phalanx that had ruled the country 
since the Provisions of Oxford in the previous year. Another in- 
teresting record of the Barons' Wars is the order issued by Simon 
de Montfort and Hugh le Despenser, the justiciary, to the Bishop of 
Coventry and Roger de Leyburn to conduct personally Edmund 
(Crouchback), the king's son, and the constable of Dover Castle to 
that fortress in order to obtain its delivery to the Bishop of London 
in accordance with the agreement that the king • was com- 
pelled to make with the barons in the summer of 1263 for 
the settlement of the disputes that had arisen regarding the Pro- 
visions of Oxford. His assent was published on 16th July. The 
document must be dated between then and 18th July, when the 
king ordered his son Edmund and the constable to deliver Dover 
Castle to the Bishop of London, in which order he stated that the 
barons would send them a safe-conduct. This is evidently the 
present document. Leyburn was at this time an adherent of 
Montfort's, and accordingly represented the barons of this affair. 
It is not clear from what source came the letter of Queen Philippa 
in 1332 acknowledging receipt of some of her jewellery from Ida 
Lestrange, her " damoisele." The letter of Thomas de Berkeley 
and Anthony de Lucy relating to the movements of King David in 
Galloway, which we have assigned to October, 1342, is a curious 
survival in an unexpected quarter of a military or political dispatch 
of this period. The retainer by Edward the Black Prince of Sir 
Baldwin de Freville in 1358 is undoubtedly in its right place in this 
collection, which includes so many of the Freville muniments. A 
similar remark may be made in reference to the retainer by John of 
Gaunt of Ralph Bracebridge in 1385. The Filliol muniments have 
supplied the letter of Cardinal Beaufort in 1415, which bears his 
autograph signature. In 1512 we have details of the artillery taken 
to Spain in the expedition of the Marquis of Dorset, in which Sir 
Henry "Willoughby was master of the ordnance, and in which his 
son Edward participated. The depositions against Sir Giles 
Strange ways, in or about 1539, allege serious interference with legal 
])roceeriings in Dorset and collusion with and protection of criminals. 
A petition of Sir Edward Willoughby about the same date sets forth 
his long and honourable services in war and hints at some court 
intrigue against him. A letter, unfortunately undated, but assign- 


able to some date between 1570 and 1583, to bir I'rancis Willoughby Lord 
from a former servant of his, named Marmion, affords us a glimpse ^^-J^^^^*^'''^' 
of Mary, Queen of Scots, during her imprisonment at JShetiield 
House, and gives a lively account of the domestic jars between the 
Earl of Shrewsbury, her gaoler, and his wife, the famous " Bess of 
Hardwack." There is an autograph letter from this resolute lady to 
Sir Francis Willoughby, in which she goes out of her way to oblige 
iiim financially. 

The brutality of the time is exhibited in tlie public 
"beating of two gentlewomen hy order of two London aldermen, 
svhich the queen avenged by drastic punishment. A strange case of 
imposture practised upon John Darrel, the crazy exorcist, in 1597, 
is illustrated by a " note," which incidentally throws some light 
upon the manners and customs of the time. Tliero is a contem- 
porary manuscript of tlie witty but bitterly sarcastic description of 
>^cotland and its people in 1G17 from the point of view of an English 
courtier in the king's train, which led to the dismissal from office 
of Sir Anthony AYeldon. There is also a copy of the strange 
political pamphlet purporting to be " Xewes from Spaine," which 
was printed and instantly suppressed in 1620. A contemporary 
.account will be found of the first skirmish between the king's army 
.and the Scots at the outbreak of the Civil War in 1640. A letter of 
Panhekoe, Sachem of the iMohican Indians, sets out tlie grievances 
of his tribe for the information of Queen Anne's council. 

Among documents of more special interest attention may be 
drawn to the representative of an exceedingly rare class of deed, so 
rare that this may possibly be unique — a written agreement, drawn 
lip in English, about the year 1425 by villagers for the regulation of 
tthe cultivation of the common fields of their village, to which the 
consent of the lords of the manors is added in Latin. Another un- 
"Common deed is one from the year 1294, by which Eichard de 
Willoughby and two other landowners in the village of Paiddington, 
Notts, demise, in the name of the community of the village, to the 
vicar upon his appointment all the houses built in the churchyard, 
with the herbage of the churchyard, and with certain fittings of the 
house, which was evidently the vicarage house. The parish churcli 
of Euddington, it may be well to remark, was at some little distance 
away in the lost village of Flawford, the parish of which included 
parts of three other villages besides Euddington. About 1175 we 
have an instance of a grant to a church being witnessed by tlie 
entire parish. A curious provision of a town house in 1278 by Sir 
Philip ]Marmion is noticeable. 

The great traffic in indulgences on tlie eve of tlie Ee- 
formation lias left its mark on this collection in the numlier of 
letters of fraternity with religious houses, some of which confer 
sweeping indulgences. So great was the demand that the resources 
of the printing press had to be invoked, the Friars Carmelites of 
England issuing printed letters as early as 1512. while the alderman 
and brethren of St. Mary's Guild in St. Botolph's church, Boston, 
issued in 1519 a much more elaborate letter, which was printed by 
Eichard Pinson. A French instance of a printed letter of indulgence 
(B1720— Gp. 5) B 


Lord on parchment bears the remarkably early date of 1454. The original 

Micklleton's i^.tters of the guardian of the Observant Friars of Mount Sion 

creating Sir John Willoughby a knight of the Holy Sepulchre in 

consequence of his travels in the Holy Land, dated 1521, may also 

be mentioned. 

The situation of the Wollaton district on the outcrop of the great 
Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire coalfield caused it to be the scene- 
of early coal-mining, upon which considerable light is thrown by the 
numerous papers concerned with this industry. It is somewhat sur- 
prising to find that in 1316 the workings were already so deep that 
provision had to be made in a demise of a pit for non-payment of 
the rent or royalty in case the seven miners to whom the pit was let 
were prevented from working by the " vcntus, qui vocatur h 
dampe." This carries the history of fire-damp three centuries, 
beyond the earliest quotation in the Nciv English Dictionary. 
Another interesting feature is the i-ecord of the use at the end of 
Elizabeth's reign of rails for the conveyance of coals to the riverside- 
for shipment. There are papers relating to a project for carrying; 
coal by the Trent to Hull for shipment to London a few years later, 
but the cost of conveying the coal to Newark or Gainsborough,, 
transhipping it there, and the freight from Hull rendered this- 
attempt to compete with the Newcastle supply unprofitable. There- 
is an elaborate plan of the same period for pumping water out of 
the pits, which shows the great depth of the workings. The difficulty 
of draining the pits is recognised three centuries earlier. Incidentally- 
many early mining terms are illustrated. The sister-industry of the 
working of ironstone in this district was carried on at least as early 
as the middle of the thirteenth century. There are papers of interest 
from a later period concerning the forging of ironstone in this and 
other districts. 

Under the heading of books in general, attention may be called 
to the most interesting contribution to palseography contained in 
the collection, ten leaves of an early eighth-century uncial copy of 
the Latin Vulgate. Another leaf from the same magnificent codex 
was discovered at Durham by Canon Greenwell in use as a cover for 
an eighteenth-century account book, a similar fate to that undergone 
by the Wollaton leaves. Canon Greenwell has suggested that this 
codex was one of the three written by order of Abbot Ceolfrid shortly 
after the year 700. One of these is the Codex Amiatinus, the most 
famous codex of the Vulgate, now in the Florence library. Thus 
these leaves may represent one of the three oldest MS. books that 
are known to have been written in England. Another interesting 
MS. is represented by the fragments of the Worcester chartvilary 
drawn up about the year 1000. This is the oldest English chartulary 
of which we have any trace. Four leaves from this codex are pre- 
served in the British Museum among the Cottonian MSS., including 
the leaf that precedes and the one that follows the complete leaf at 
Wollaton. This and the Vulgate MS., the Greenwell leaf of which 
is now in the British Museum, arc curious instances of the vicissi- 
tudes of manuscripts, and make us realise wliat precious documents 
were sold as waste paper at the dissolution of the monasteries. 


Of more strictly historical interest is the register of Thomas Lord 
Field, abbot of Burton ou Trent from 1^72 to 1493, in which, ^™^'^^^^' 
besides an interesting medieval English version of the will of Wulfric ^ ' ' ' 
Spott, the founder of the abbey, one of the most valuable relics of 
the opening years of the eleventh century, and a detailed account 
of the intrigues of the bishop of the diocese and a local knight in 
connexion with the election of an abbot in 1430-,32, there are entered 
copies of important public documents of the time. These include a 
copy (or rather a translation) of a letter from the king's representa- 
tive in the papal curia in 1492, who can be identified with John de 
Gigliis, subsequently bishop of Worcester. In this letter the king 
was informed of the fall of Granada and of the discovery of a 
fragment of the Cross in a church at Home, besides news connected 
with the diplomatic moves of the leading European monarchs. This 
welcome addition to the scanty diplomatic records of Henry 
VII. was so highly esteemed at the time that the two pieces of 
news mentioned above were proclaimed by the Lord Chancellor at a 
special service in St. Paul's. The register also contains a good 
specimen of the prognostications in which the nation from the king 
downwards took so great an interest. There is also preserved in 
it a copy of a memorandum concerning the erection of a 
staple for metals in 1492, an economic act that seems to have 
escaped the attention of historians. 

Of volumes of exclusively literary interest the most noteworthy 
is an early thirteenth-century manuscript of French romances and 
fabliaux, several of which are unpublished, written in the Picard dia- 
lect, which introduces a new figure, that of Master Heldris de Corn- 
valle, into the crowded gallery of the poets of the Arthurian cycle. The 
thirteenth century collection of Latin verses on subjects of grammar, 
which, despite the bizarre nature of the selections, formed part of 
the curriculum throughout Western Europe, contains traces of 
schoolboy owners of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, showing 
that even then the schoolboy sought relief from the monotony of 
the task of learning by spasmodic scribblings. 

The household accounts, with the exception of one of Henry, 
Lord Grey of Codnor, in 1304-5, relate only to the sixteenth century. 
They illustrate, like those noticed in the fourth volume of the Report 
on the ]\ISS. of the Duke of Rutland, with which they have many 
points in common, the minute care with which the household ex- 
penditure was recorded, and they consequently throw numerous 
side-lights upon the domestic life of the time. The accounts of 
travelling expenses show the great trains which gentlemen were 
compelled to take with them. There are entries of the expenses of 
staying at court, of eating dinners at the inns of court, and various 
other features of a gentleman's life in the capital and at court. 
There are records of the expenses incurred during hunting and other 
sports, losses at cards and other games, and of the constant stream 
of gifts and rewards to poor men, old soldiers, prisoners, and other 
objects of compassion, to pardoners, hermits, preachers and boy- 
bishops, to troops of players (who often came from great distances), 
Cornish wrestlers, singers, harpers, waits, jugglers, men travelling 
(B1720— Gp. 5) b2 ° 


with strange beasts, such as apes, bears, and camels, and to poor 
uuiverriity scholars and travellers from abroad. In 1573 there is an 
ex])ress record of the playing of an interlude. Mention is also made 
of the playing of music before the master's door on New Year's Day, 
and of the presents to him of " posies " by young maidens on his 
setting forth from his house. His services as godfather were in 
frequent request. A noteworthy feature in regard to christenings is 
the use of Huntingdon as a Christian name, which seems to be 
derived from the connexion of the family with that of the Earl of 
Huntingdon. One bearer of this Christian name, Huntingdon 
Shaw, is famous as the maker of the beautiful ironwork door-screens 
at Hampton Court. Eewards are given to young maidens who act 
as the master's valentine. INIedical history is illustrated by pay- 
ments for medicines, the fetching of doctors from London, their fees, 
costs of travelling, etc. There are numerous payments for articles 
of clothing, male and female, some of w^hich are still preserved. 
Payments occur for school fees and school books and for education 
at school and at Cambridge. The purchase of books for the use of 
Sir Francis Willoughby, the builder of Wollaton, as a boy show th» 
wide range of the education of a gentleman of high rank in the 
middle of the sixteenth century. There are also details of the educa- 
tion of Sir Hugh Willoughby, the Arctic explorer who perished in 
Spitzbergen. The soldiers' costume of 1522 is recorded. The 
ample hospitality of the time is illustrated by the names of persons, 
drawn from various social strata, who dined in the Hall, which 
Mas a sort of open house for all wayfarers. The formal and stately 
ritual of the Hall is set out minutely in Sir Francis Willoughby's 
regulations for his household. The practise of the numerous 
domestic industries of the household and the great use made of fairs 
for the purveyance of such things as w^ere not produced on the estate 
are recorded at ample length. The household fool duly appears, and 
there is even a record of a female fool. The visit of Queen Anne, 
the wafe of James I., to Wollaton on her first arrival in England as 
queen is recorded, and the names of the chambers at Wollaton Hall 
occupied by her and her family preserved the memory of her sojourn. 

The Household accounts and other papers have yielded a rich 
crop of obsolete terms, some of which are not recorded in the Nrv) 
F.nrjJiiih Dictionary, and some still await explanation. A list of 
these words will be found in the index under the word " glossary." 

The collection contains few specimens of a class of documents 
that have, perhaps, the widest popular appeal — private letters. They 
seem to have disappeared, with a few exceptions, in the eighteenth 
century, when the Hall was stripped of its furniture- upon the death 
of the fourth Lord in 1781, or when the muniment room was 
arranged. We have evidence that Sir Francis Willoughby, the 
l)uilder, a man of very methodical habits, carefully preserved his 
correspondence, and his son-in-law and successor, Sir Percival 
Willoughby, seems to have followed his example. Fortunately a 
descendant. Cassanrlra Willoughby, Duchfss of C-liandos, the 
daughter of Francis Wi]loughl)y. tlie natural pliilosophor, has pre- 
served the gist and sometimes the text of many letters of the six- 


teenth century iu the history oi" the family wliieh she drew up with Lord 
considerable ability in 1102. The loss ot the full text of some of JJ^g^^^*°^'^ 
these letters is to be regretted, but still we obtain much infonnatiou 
from her work as to the life of the sixteenth centui-y in its many 
aspects. Some of these letters are interesting from the point of view 
of style, being written when the English language had reached its 
fullest perfection as a literary vehicle and when evei7 educated 
person seemed to be a natural stylist. Lady Willoughby's letters 
show a directness and forcibility of expression that is thoroughly 
Elizabethan. The love-letters of Percival Willoughby and Griffin 
Markham arc redolent of the literary atmosi^liere of love in Shake- 
speare's time. The letters deal i)rincipally with the unhappy 
domestic life of Sir Francis \Yillougliby, caused by the hysterical 
nature of his wife and fomented by the intrigues of the numerous 
body of gentlemen servants in his household, the leader being a 
foreign adventurer. The plotters e\en went to the dangerous length 
of accusing Sir Francis of complicity with the Spaniards in the year 
of the Great Armada. The story winds up with the quarrel of Sir 
Francis with his son-in-law Sir Percival, and of his passionate 
dispatcli of his steward to London to find him a second wife. The 
lady whom he thus espoused in a fit of pique seems to have led him 
anything but a quiet life and to have left him to die alone and 
uncared for in London, and was even suspected by the family of 
having poisoned him. Sir Francis impoverished himself by his 
building and land^purchases and by his attempts to grow woad, to 
make iron and glass, and, partly owing to this and to the portion left 
t> his second wife, a mere shadow of his estates passed to Sir 
Percival Willoughby, his son-in-law, the grandson of Sir Edward 
Willoughby. who united the families of ^Yilloughhy of Wollaton and 
of Willoughby D'Ereshy, through whom Lord ]\Iiddleton comes to 
represent the male line of the great baronial family of Willoughby 


(1485— 1G49.) 

The majority, at least, of these papers belonged to John Pepy.s MSS. 
Evelyn, who on '24th Xovember, 1GG5, showed his collection to 
Pepys. Writing to Wotton on 12th September, 1703, Evelyn ex- 
plains that they came into his possession through his wife, Mary, 
daughter and sole heiress of Sir Eichard Brown, Clerk of the Council 
to Charles I. Sir Pilchard was sent as ambassador to Paris in 1G41, 
and remained there till the Eestoration. From him, therefore, must 
have come most of the Stuart Papers. He was grandson of the Sir 
Pilchard Brown who had been introduced to otincial life by Robert 
Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to, or 1«-, whom most of the Elizabethan 
papers are vrritten. That the eMer Sir Piicliaid \\as thf source of 
these is confirmed by the gap in the collection from about the date 
of his death till 1624^. 

On 5th December, 1G81, Evelyn sent them to Pepys with a 
letter of " particulars," adding in a postscript, " these papers, 


" mappes, lettrs., books and particulars, when j'ou have done with, 
" be pleased to take your own time in returning." Of this letter the 
writer kept a copy in the margin of which he noted, " wch. I after- 
" wards never asked of him." 

To avoid " the sad dispersions many noble libraries and cabinets 
" have suffered in these late times," Pepys bequeathed the con- 
tents of his library, first, to his nephew John Jackson for life, then 
to Magdalene College, of which he had been Scholar, and, failing 
their acceptance by that college, to Trinity College, on condition 
that they should never be broken up or supplemented. Magdalene 
accepted the legacy on these terms, and on the death of Jackson in 
1724, there came to Cambridge inter alia three volumes, described on 
tlie title-page of each, in Pepys' hand, as " the gift of my honoured 
and learned friend John Evelyn." 

Of seven pre-Elizabethan Papers the most interesting is an un- 
dated letter of John, Duke of Northumberland, with postscript in 
the hand of the Duchess, to his son John, Earl of Warwick, on the 
subject of the latter 's debts. 

Towards the end of the collection are three papers of later date 
than Evelyn's letter of " particulars." Possibly the letters of Eay 
and Flamsteed, as men of science, may have been added to 
Evelyn's " gift " by Pepys himself. 

The notorious Protestantism of Lord Eobert Dudley brought him, 
in 1559, a list of " Divines to be considered," and a large proportion 
of these soon received preferment. Some of them, as Pilkington 
and Whitingham, respectively Bishop and Dean of Durham, 
Lawrence Humfrey, President of Magdalen, Cole, Archdeacon of 
Essex, and Wyborne, Preacher and Reader at Northampton, as time 
went on and the Queen's Church views stiffened, had to beg his 
Lordship to get them out of trouble caused by their dislike of Popish 
apparel, and in 1570 he is directed by Elizabeth to warn Archbishop 
Parker against toleration, and in particular to desire him to enquire 
into disorder " committed in Norwich Church." Grindal writes to 
the Earl to complain of the Arianism of one Smythe. Alley, Bishop 
of Exeter, applies through Lord Robert for leave to eke out a net 
revenue of 300/,. by letting out-houses and " waste " in the pre- 
cincts, while Bishop Scory of Hereford, who had moved his clergy 
to make contributions in aid of a new Residentiary, contrary to a 
law for Wales and the Marches made by Henry VIII. , says that the 
Papists intend in consequence to undo him at the next Assizes. 
During the War of Religion in France, Leicester's foreign corre- 
spondents are constantly appealing to his zeal for the Religion. 

Five lettei's in the collection on the subject of the death of 
Amy Robsart were printed by Lord Braylirooke in the Appendix to 
the first edition of Pepys' Diary, but both his Lordship and Mr. 
Froude overlooked a most important letter of 1567 from Thomas 
Blount to Leicester, describing an attempt to suborn John Apple- 
yard, half brother to Amy, to give evidence against the Earl as to her 

Several of Dudley's correspondents speak of his suggested 
marriage with the Queen. Sir T. Smith, in October, 1565, under 


the thiu disguise of mislikiiig " Lovealian "' and the opinion of Pepys MSS. 

"" Agamias and Spitewed," hopes that he may see the Queen, wlio 

had been at his poor house at Ankerwick in liis absence, " merry 

" there and your Lordship together." In December comes a most 

quaint letter from Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, claiming a motherly 

interest in Leicester. She was in difficulty about the choice of a 

Xew Year's gift for her Majesty, which might fulfil Wie purpose the 

writer most desired. The planets, however, had reigned uncertainly, 

but she now heard of " some better aspect," though she playfully 

upbraids the Earl for so far proceeding without her knowledge or 

'" any means made for your mother's consent." 

Leicester's influence with Elizabeth is shown by the many letters 
requesting his intercession. Lady IMary Grey writes to him from 
Chekers to furtlier her suit after her secret marriage with 
Thomas Keys, the Queen's Serjeant-Porter, and Edward, Earl 
oi Hertford, husband of Lady Catherine Grey, appeals to him as the 
" appointed means that shall gain our ' Prince's over long wanted 
"' favour.' " Homesick Ambassadors, as Chaloner and Norreys, 
liOrd Warden Francis Bedford, whose daughter married Ambrose 
Dudley, and Sir Henry Sidney, Ins brother-in-law, " dead already of 
•'• very grief and toil in Ireland." think tliat Leicester can work their 
recall. Lord Hunsdon is a suitor through him to the Queen for the 
captaincy of Norliam. and even Francis Englefield, in disgrace at 
Antwerp, has ho])es that Leicester may help him. Jolm Hawkins, 
•eager to intercept the Indies fleet in 1570, re(|uires tlie Earl to 
borrow the Boiuidvojfirrc and tlie Bull from the Queen, and George 
Xedham. the " discoverer of Emden," and thereby odious with the 
Dondon-Aiitwerp traders, desires to be recommended to the Lord 
Treasiu-er to have in farm the cranes and new wharves in London, 
and gains his suit. Those who had' advice to offer the Queen upon 
matters of state, as Sadler, Henry Killigrew, and Norreys made 
Leicester their channel of communication. To Sussex, as President 
of the North, he wrote, in 1569, or later, upon the wisest treatment 
ol ]\Iary, Queen of Scots, possibly havin^ before him a paper en- 
dorsed " Sir W. Myld," bearing date Windsor, 26th October, 1560. 

Whatever may have been Leicester's relations with Cecil at other 
times, in 1567 the latter writes: " Wishing myself to be wdth your 
" Lordship at Burton." Again, the concluding paragraph of his 
letter of 1508, lotli May, tjoes far to prove that he believed 
Leicester to l)e innocent in the matter of Amy Piobsart. 

As Chancellor of the University of Oxford, having required the 
University to take a survey of its statutes, Leicester receives a 
reply from the Senior Proctor. In 1560 in view of the Chancellor's 
intended visit, the Vice-Chancellor sends the exercises proposed. 
Leicester -^vas to lodge in Christchurch, wliich College had. three 
years before, protested to him against bearing tlie whole charge of 
the Queen's repair to the University. 

Of Cambridge there is little mention. In 1500, however, Bishop 
Cox of Ely had " visited " St. John's College to settle contro- 
versies bet-ween the Master and Mr. Fulke, Fellow. 
. The letters referring to France commence with one from Henry 


^lyddelmore, written three months after the assassination of the 
])uke of Guise. Within another three months the Queen-Mother 
had iniited both parties in a common task, and in the last days- 
of July Warwick surrendered at Havre. It was argued, not with- 
out justice, that the English occupation of that town cancelled the- 
clause in the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis by which we were to 
recover Calais within eight years, or receive 500,000 crowns. 
Chaloner's letter of 24th January, 1563-4, shows that he took this- 
for granted. In July Hunsdon had taken the Garter to Charles IX., 
and Henry Killigrew, whom he left in Paris, is conveying to Leicester 
the desire of the King and Queen-JNIother for his help in the preserva- 
tion of this new league with England. 

In the same summer news came from Piome that the Dukes of 
Eerrara and Savoy were to meet the King and Queen-Mother at 
lA'ons on their progress through the south of !■ ranee. 

Of the tour of Charles IX. there is an account in a newsletter of 
17th October, which gives an amusing incident at Cavaillon, a Papal 
town in the Venaissin, and details of the festivities at Marseilles. 
The Queen-Mother went on to Bayonne to meet her daughter, the- 
Queen of Spain and Alva. 

Elizabeth, at this time much troubled with Scotch affairs, had 
little consolation from Ireland. Nevertheless, she was enjoying life,, 
so much so indeed that reports of her levity of conduct, plainly 
worded indeed, reached the Spanish Court, through the household- 
of her late Maid of Honour, Jane Dormer, now Countess of Eeria. 

Arundel was sent to the Diet at Augsburg in the same summer,, 
and one of his suite gives an account of his journey from Cologne 
onwards by the Ilhine and Neckar, and on through Ulm, interspersed 
with notices of the religion practised in the towns along the route, 
and concluding with a description of the service at which the 
Emperor was present at Augsburg and of an evening at his Court. 

After some hesitation whether to go in person, Philip despatched 
Alva to Italy for the Netherlands in March, 1^^C)^. In February 
begins tlie scries of Sir Henry Norreys' letters from France. He 
seems to think that Philip would have gone himself, but for the- 
preparations of tlie Sultan, who was more to be feared than ever 
after his attack on ^Nlalta, of which these papers contain two' 

In March Noi'reys writes of a meeting of all the ITnguenot loaders- 
and that tho old quarrel is likely to re-kindle. Schemes were 
alread.y in the ;iii' for bringing Prince James to Frnnco. Mary's mar- 
riage to Bothwell, and a report that she was with child by himv 
made the French still more eager to secure the person of Prince' 

Before Norreys wrote on 20fh January, 1508, the Constable had 
fallen at St. Denis, and the Huguenots had moved eastward to join 
flie force from Germany. Dr. ]\Ian soon reported from Madrid that 
Philip was urged to make peace with the Turk and crush the Pro- 
test.ints in England, and that he had warned Charles IX. to make 
no ierms Avith the Huguenots. Things were proceeding to extremities- 
in France. Norreys in April doubts the continuance of the peace^ 

and is anxious to know the truth of a report that Leicester, Bedford, PepysMSS^ 
Cobhani and Tlu'ogmorton has levied 60,000 crowns to aid Conde 
and Cohgny, and whether this has been done with Elizabeth's know- 
ledge. In May, Mary had escaped from Loehlevon only to meet 
defeat at Langside, John Wood sending to Throgmorton a long list 
of prisoners. On 1st August Sir Francis Knollys at ]jolton Castle 
M-rote to explain what liad hoon done there for jNIary's comfort. He 
had tried one of his own liorsi's ^itli a woman's saddle for tlie 
Scottish Queen, and had provided a litter in case of need. 

Two letters of John Hawkins have been already named, the first; 
announces to Elizabeth his return in her Majesty's ship Jesiis on 
'20th September, 1565, when he had in obedience to her comrriand 
" been a help to all Spaniards and Portyngals," to the second refer- 
ence has been already made. It was in his expedition of 1567 that 
he was attacked at S. Jean de Luz. Tlie result is described in 
Edward Horsey 's letter of 20th December, 1568, which gives a full' 
account of the Queen's seizure of Spanish gold at Southampton. 

The name of the Scottish Queen first appears in an entertaining 
account from Eandolph to Dudley (1563-4, 15th January) of Twelfth 
Day at her Court. The bean fell to fair Fleming, and " two worthy 
Queens possess without envy one kingdom both upon a day." Tlie 
real Queen was in white and black, " no other jewel or gold about her 
" that day but the ring I brought her from the Queen's Majesty 
" hanging at her breast." " Let her Majesty," he continues, " do 
against France what she likes. Scotland shall remains hers." 
In October, 1565, Moray is on the point of flight to England, the aid 
sent to him under Captain Eeade remaining at Carlisle till time came 
to employ it, but " the same is no force to the purpose." Mary wa& 
viewing Eyemouth " and had designs on Kelso. In December the 
rift between her and Darnley had begun, " he on his pastime on the 
other side of the water on hunting." By Christmas Moray was- 
at Newcastle, hoping that Elizabeth's commissioners might do him' 
some good. By the end of April the marriage with Bothwell was- 
known in London, and the Earl of Lennox in Scotland feared his own 
destruction and that of the young Prince, the " parricide having the 
guard of the Son," but not even Throgmorton seemed to realize that 
Mary had staggered even Catholic Europe. Elizabeth, however, 
gave no comfort to those who would pursue the miu'derers of the 
King. At this stage Mary, who could not induce Bothwell to go to- 
"Mass, re-established the law of oblivion for the Protestant party 
made before she left France. The competition for the possession- 
of Prince James had liegun, lint Elizalieth made no sign. 
Relying on support from Spain the English Catholics became 
active with the result that the Earl of Shrewsbury wrote 
from Tutbury that the Queen of Scots coming to his charge will 
'■ make me soon gray-headed." His Countess (Bess of Hardwicke) 
found her house unready for the Scottish Queen " coming at 
sudden," but rather than not answer the trust reposed in her, she 
will lack furniture of lodging " for herself. Later, as has been- 
already said, English statesmen are conscious of Elizabeth's diffi- 
culties in dealing with INIary, while the latter will refuse nothing- 


Pepys MSS. within her power for her " sister's reasonable satisfaction." There is 
no further mention of the Scottish Queen. 

From Ireland the first letter is that of Shane O'Neill to Dudley 
of 29th February, 15G3-4. The Queen, contrary to the advice of 
Sussex, was disposed to make the best of Shane. Between Shane 
and Dudley an intimacy had existed since the former's visit to 
England. In November Ormond wrote to Leicester complaining of 
Desmond. (The two Lords fought at Affane, Desmond being 
wounded, and both were summoned to the Queen's presence.) Since 
the beginning of loGl the Pope had had a mission in Ireland, and in 
1564 by a Dull, Diim cxquisita, he authorised the establishment of 
Catholic Colleges ; this move was met by a petition of the Irish 
Primate and Bishop Brady to the Queen. They had the support of 
Leicester and Cecil. 

A letter from Cusack, probably of June, 1565, shows indignation 
at the continuance of the quarrel between Ormond and Desmond, 
and satisfaction with O'Neill's work against the Scots. Like 
Cusack's other letter it is far too optimistic. But by this 
time the Queen was hardening her heart and beginning to 
unloose her purse-strings, and Sidney was sent over. Her deter- 
mination must have been confirmed by a shrewd letter, dated 24th 
May, 1566, from Lancaster, formerly Bishop of Kildare, who suc- 
ceeded Loftus as Primate when the latter was translated to Dublin. 
To deal with Shane, whose proceedings he fully describes, would cost 
treasure for the moment, but " the time serves for the same, for the. 
"' very robbers of your crown are desirous to be ordered by the 
Deputy there." On 5th September Sidney addressed his brother- 
in-law Leicester from Drogheda, being obliged to write his own 
letters: " Pardon my shaking hand. I fear I am entered with a 
palsy." 1,000 men were to come (under Colonel Eandolph) from 
Berwick, London, and the West. Only the former had arrived. 
Money must be sent over, or all is " lost that is spent, or hoped to 
■" be gained. I can be but in one place at once. I would I were at 
Jerusalem to be out of this place." 
The next reference to Ireland is in a letter of 1st August, 1568, 
from Sir Francis Knollys to Leicester. Knollys had been sent to 
Ireland to keep an eye on Sidney, but was now back and at Bolton 
in charge of Mary. He reports a statement made by a servant of 
Sidney's wlio had been in Scotland to buy wine for his master. 
Alexander McDonnell and Sorley Boy had agreed to make an attempt 
to recover their Ulster land ; the latter, aged and broken by his im- 
prisonment at the hand of Shane, was to stay in Cantire, while his 
brother crossed witli 800 men. When they came to details, the 
agreement broke down. One McAlester had, however, crossed with 
400 men. In or al)out 1569 is dated a letter to the Queen from 
Owen, ])rother to Sir Donogh O'Connor of Sligo. The latter, who 
had received a present from the Queen, required Owen, who was at 
Oxford, to return to Ireland. He does not wish to leave the Uni- 
versity entirely. This is the last mention of Ireland in Elizabeth's 

From Spain Chaloner's letters contain little news of importance. 


Before the arrival of his successor, Huggins, who was in charge at Pepys MSS. 
Madrid, writes of Philip's vexation at Coligny's attempt upon 
Florida, and of Feria's goodwill to the English. William Burlace 
had been sent to Milan. Later there was reconciliation between 
the Pope and Philip in view of the Turkish preparations. In Vol. II. 
of the Collection is John Evelyn's list of the ships, armament and 
personnel of the Armada. 

The Elizabethan section of the collection contains many advices 
from Italy, and a letter, probably from Guido Cavalcanti, strongly 
urges the renewal of diplomatic relations between England and 
Venice, which had ceased in 1537. In Eome Benedetto Spinola had 
a correspondent. Thus we leam inuch of the movements of Colonna 
and John Andrea Doria and their galleys, of the marriage of Colonna's 
son into the family of the Borromei, and of the question of precedence 
between the French and Spanish ambassadors at Eome, which was 
the counterpart of a dispute at the revived Council of Trent. Pius IV. 
presents to the Signory of Venice the palace begun by his 
Venetian predecessor, Paul II., but it was hoped that the Venetians 
v.-ould allow the Popes to occupy it in summer. Portugal is granted 
(letter of 2nd December, 1564) an extension of time in the enforce- 
ment of the Inquisition, at the discretion of the Cardinal Infante, 
later Henry I. Snowballing is reported from Genoa in January, 
1564-5. Letters from Italy cease with the death of Pius IV., but 
there is in the collection a fine plan of the Battle of Lepanto, 
bearing the crest of Gregory III., and dated 1572. 

With regard to trade with Flanders and Holland Herrle's letter 
from Hambvu'g of 17th August, 1561, is of some importance. In- 
structed to deny the rumour that Elizabeth had been encouraging 
pirates and sending arms to Kussia, which last was unlikely on the 
face of it, he came upon one Georgesson, or Yorgessen, who had 
boasted of having evaded the Queen's Customs. Herrle suggests cor- 
ruption in this department. At Bremen he complained of excessive 
duty levied upon the Queen's importations of arms, which was 
denied. He justified her attempts to trade with Russia as due to a 
desire to explore the North Sea ; the results might be the same to 
other nations as the voyages of Gama and Magellan. If she were 
successful, Bremen would be a sure harbour midway and would 
benefit thereby. In the spring of 1564 comes a long letter from John 
Shers, who had been sent to the Lady Regent on the matter of the 
Intercourse. Mindful of a suggestion from Cecil, he had a conversa- 
tion with the Prince of Orange, who saw difficulties in the injury 
done to the Lady Piegent's subjects. Egmont was more encouraging, 
attributing Margaret's reluctance to Cardinal Granvelle. Viglius 
dwelt upon their grievances, the damages amounting to almost two 
millions of gold. He did not seem to believe that our merchants 
would forsake Antwerp in favour of Emden. Egmont had advised 
Herrle to be stout with the Piegent; he took the hint and opened his 
final interview by announcing his recall to England. In the end she 
went so far as to say that she would want in no part of duty to 
maintain the love and amity between Elizabeth and Philip. Two 
months later follows a very promising account from George Nedham 


of the possibilities of Emden, which, according to him, was a Utopia; 
for quietness and honest living here is a heaven." Neighbouring 
magnates would make things easy for our traders, the Bishop of 
Munster promising to grave out a river from his capital to Emden, of 
which port Nedham enclosed a chart. In December a writer, pro- 
bably kShers, discourses on " the traffic of Emden and Antwerp." 
He leans to the former, but suggests that the Emden people had 
selfish motives, and had not provided for the dyeing and dressing of 
our cloth, though a marginal note claims that this was now done as 
well in England as anywhere. He answers the criticism of those 
who argued that peaceful trading was likely to induce neglect of the 
Navy ; trade to more distant places would follow and be better means 
to maintain good shipping than these two-day voyages twice a year 
where every pedlar may practise. He points to Elanders as an 
instance of a country where goodly and beautiful towns were main- 
tained by foreign commodities. And England has of her own store 
more than Flanders could purchase of others. Probably to the same 
year may be assigned " Instructions for the Commissioners con- 
cerning Emden." They state the requirements of the merchants 
at the hand of the Count of East Eriesland. In May, 1565, Nicholas 
Wotton writes from Bruges of her Majesty's demands as to pound- 
age, while Shers says that the Antwerp merchants wish to break the 
Intercourse and abolish the favoured nation system. This might 
suit the nation at large, but would be resisted by the Merchants 
Adventurers. He cautiously is against a change until we see our 
way ; repentance would be dearly bought. 

Lord Montague, writing a fortnight later from Bruges, after a 
long talk with D'Assonville, is more hopeful of concessions, for the 
latter admitted that it was not the time for Princes to " depart with 
" things of profit." 

Of the Russian Company's treatment of its factors we read in a 
letter of Christopher Hoddesdon. 

Two papers refer to the Vintners' Company. An \m- 
signed and undated paper refers to the rent whicli might 
be raised by pressure on the farmers of the import duties on 
wine at certain ports. There are some papers on the export of clothe 
a petition from, the townsmen of Lynn that they may farm the 
customs themselves, and also be relieved of the restriction as to 
export in English bottoms, with a somewhat similar petition from 
Bristol. An undated paper of the Italian merchants in London 
praying to be allowed to continue to export cloth and other com- 
modities is in Vol. II. of the Collection. 

On the sanitation of London Alessandro Eiccardy writes in 
Italian a paper much in advance of the times. He would have sink- 
water pass through underground channels to the river, estimating the 
cost of channels from houses to street at 10^. per rod, and that of 
the street channels, which are to be 18 inches wide, at 28(7., taking- 
the cost of bricks to be two ducats per thousand. Connection from 
houses to streets is to be paid by the master of the house contribu- 
ting to the Chamber of the Commonalty of London, or the latter 
should borrow at 15 per cent, and assess the householders. The 


clianuels are to be flushed every summer. An adequate flow of l^epys MSS. 

water is to be kept up in mill ditches, a sluice is to control the flow 

of water into the ditch below the mill ; this ditch to be cleansed every 

five years and kept in repair by the millers. As to the Fleet, which 

has three bridges, if the houses on the ditch have sutflciently deep 

foundations, a sutlicient head of water as far as the third bridge is to 

be secured by a lock, or as an alternative the ditch should be deepened 

and cleaned. He would, however, allow this ditch and, of course, 

the Thames to serve as sewers. From his knowledge of Italy he 

recommends public slaughterhouses, and from Antwerp he borrows 

the idea of public dust carts for house refuse. 

Four letters refer to a search for Jesuits made by Sir Francis 
Knollys. the younger, at the house of Francis Parkins, or Perkins, at 
Upton, Berks, on the night of 17th July, 1599, supplementing the 
accovmt of the same occurrence given by Miss A. Mary Sharp in her 
history of Ufton Court. 

Of legal matters there is little mention. Onslow, Solicitor- 
General, writes to Leicester, 8th May, 1568, on the proposal to carry 
on the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster by Commission, for 
which he could find no precedent. 

^Medicine is not mentioned, but Nicholas AVotton contemplates 
taking the \vaters at Aix-la-Chapelle, and Cecil wishes himself at 
" Stamford where I am informed tliis May [1567] to grow a 
■" sovereign medicine for my gout." Plague is often mentioned in 
France and Italy, and Bishop Home of Winchester in June, 1509, 
i? anxious to prevent on grounds of sickness feared to be plague, the 
Queen's progress mto Hampshire. 

As to Englishmen's knowledge of Continental languages, Throg- 
morton, l-4th April, 1564, insists that if Dudley comes to Troyes. 
liis gentlemen should speak French or Italian. Lord IMontague was 
unable to have full discourse with Montigny at Bruges " for want 
of speech." Mr. Thomas Mildmay, bearer of Killigrew's letter of 
'26th May, 1569, hath the French tongue as well and natural as if he 
were born in France. 

To painting and the arts there are several allusions. Hilary. 
Queen of Scots, closes a discussion between some of her Court as to 
whether a portrait of Elizabeth, seen at a merchant's house at 
Edinburgh, was a good likeness of the Queen of England, by saying 
that it is not like her, for " I am Queen of England." A Florentine 
painter comes from Antwerp to take service with Leicester, to whom 
the Countess of San Segondo sends her portrait. Leicester also 
receives portraits of Elizabeth, of Charles IX., and two of himself, 
the work of one Du Court, attached to the French Court. lie im- 
ports armotu- and an armourer from Flanders. Chaloner recom- 
mends a lute player, Fabricio Denti, who also sang in fdJsrfto after 
the Neapolitan fashion: Luys, his father, had been offered 1,000 
crowns yearly by Henry VIII. Sir Francis Knollys and the Countess 
of Shrewsbury both make a great point of the Scottish Queen's 
apartments being furnished with hangings, while we find Elizabeth 
bargaining for the purchase of furniture from the late Postmaster, 
probably Sir John Mason, who had been in Brussels. Madame 


MSS. d'Egmont is writing to Leicester to bring the pieces befoi-e her 

Of family matters, Sir AYilHam Dormer writes to Leicester in 
January, 1508-9, that he purposes to lay the allegations against his 
daughter Anne, wife of Walter Hungerford, second Baron, before 
the Court, and, she once cleared, to bring the whole matter into the 
Star Chamber to have redress for the slanders. The lady was 
charged with an attempt to poison her husband in 1564, and with 
adultery with William Darrell between 1560 and 1568. She cleared 
herself, and her husband, failing to pay costs, was sent to the 

Stuart papers. — These include a schedule of 401 letters taken at 
Worcester, abstracted by a clerk who is sometimes inaccurate, and a 
Breviat " of 79 letters brought from Jersey, and reported to the 
Council of State on 16th April, 1651. 

The first important item is an " Acte " of the Admiralty at 
Dieppe concerning the ships James and Benediction of London, 
brought into that port by a captain in the French navy in 1629. 
There are many allusions in this part of the collection to Prizes and 
Prize law. A long paper gives the remonstrances of Charles I. 
on the rigour of the Ordonnances of the Marine of France. 
Those of Charles VI. (1400), of Francis I. (1517 and 1543), 
and of Henry III. (1584) are dealt with, article by article. 
In 1647 the ship Pelican and her cargo, from Amsterdam to 
London, was taken by Captain Errington, the owners and consignees 
being English. She was declared lawful prize by Dr. Kegistrary 
Hart, who gave a similar decision in the case of a dogger boat of 
London, which had taken on board at St. Valery-en-Caux canvas 
to be used for making cartridges. Some of the captains of the 
Eoyalist Fleet were instructed not to take prizes. In other cases 
seizures were limited to vessels which could supply the Fleet with 
necessaries. In July, 1648, the Prince in the Downs was staying all 
ships belonging to Englishmen, and in particular the Damsel of 
London for Middelburg with cloth, but bulk was not to be broken, 
and goods belonging to the States were not to be damnified. At the 
same date the Governor of Scarborough was authorised to make 
prizes and apparently did take a barque of Rye. A difficulty arose 
over a Dover boat taken while entering Calais with cargo belonging 
to merchants there, and the proceedings of her captor, Penniall, are 
interesting, as is Norgate's letter on the same subject, and two 
petitions from Eau, late Mayor of Calais, and the owners. In 
October, 1648, an Admiralty Court was appointed at Scilly. 
In the following December Apsley [under whom John 
Evelyn served in 1641] was ordered not to make ])rizes 
till he knew that negotiations in England were absolutely 
broken off. John Cornelius [undated'] writes of a Dutch prize of 
100 tons ; "let her prove Jew or Gentile but he will get a paire of 
" silk stockens and a wastcoat for Mr. Secretary." William Sandys 
in 1649 had a design for the seizing the English fleets trading to 
Greenland and Eussia, the vessels employed in the work to be taken 
as for the service of the Duke of Lorraine. 


In April, 1G42, the King informed John Heenvliet of the in- Pepys MSS 
tended marriage of his daughter Mary. After acting for nearly two 
years at the Hague as Sui)erintendent in the Court of the Princess, 
Heenvliet was to be made Baron de Kerchove, and Jermyn enquired 
of Digby if the barony was to be an English one and to descend upon 
Heenvliet's son by Lady Stanhope. If not, she desired that the son 
might be created Lord Kerchove, Baron of Wotton IMarley. There 
io also a paper endorsed by Heenvliet " about the precedence 
" between the Princess Royal and the Electress of Brandenburg, 
" Louise, daughter of the Prince of Orange." Mary refused to be 
present at her wedding. 

Of the proceedings of Prince Charles there is the summons of 
Queen Henrietta Maria, 1st June, 1648, to the Lords of her Council 
to meet on the question of the Prince's removal into some part of his 
father's dominions. The same month part of the Fleet revolted to 
the King, and the ships were ordered to the Downs, Calais, or St. 
John's road, where the Prince was to meet them. There Avas a doubt 
whether Lord Willoughby of Parham would be acceptable as Admiral. 
Later there was an idea that Lord Warwick himself might be in- 
duced to join the Eoyalists. In July comes a draft letter to 
Ormoud. with a corrected paragraph. The first draft authorised 
Ormond, " in case the settlement cannot otherwise be effected to 
'■ grant unto the Confederate Catholics an assurance of abolition of 
" all " penal laws. The amendment runs: " In matters of religion 
" he is to grant whatever hath been at any time offered unto them 
" by him upon any former treaty," i.e., the Ormond Treaty of 1046, 
Avhich marked the furthest point to which the King would openly go. 
^Meantime the Prince was doing his best to get ammunition over to 
Colchester, and to relieve Walmer. The revolted Fleet was a good 
card to play at Piotterdam and Gough, quel goffo [stupid] Dottore, 
as "Windebank calls him, was sent to play it, and Sir William Boswell 
was to follow suit. A diplomatic letter went from the Prince to 
John Webster of Amsterdam, who had been trying to hire ships for 
the Prince's service. It was also hoped that Lord Gerard might try 
to induce de Ransau at Dunkirk to lend two frigates, with ammuni- 
tion, if possible on a " general promise of payment." The Duke of 
Lorraine, informed of the Prince's intention to join the Fleet in the 
Downs, warns his Highness to keep open his communications with 
Ostend. Tlie Prince of Orange refused to lend ships against 
Warwick, but- promised that his Vice- Admiral would protect the 
Royalist Fleet when in Dutch waters. A letter to Lord Capel at 
Colchester called the defence " the most gallant of the whole war." 
But nothing in the way of relief was to be expected from the Prince, 
who was without the means to do it. The Worcester papers tell us 
that Capel was imprisoned at Windsor Castle. 

In October Sir John Grenville was sent to hold Scilly, captured 
by Captains Noy and Arthur. In the same month Long received the 
first of a series of seven letters from William Curtius, giving an 
account of the close of the Thirty Years War, and of the state of 
things on the dispersal of the various forces at the conclusion of the 


MSS, In January, 1648-9, comes au important letter from Ormoud. 
He had then been four months in Ireland, having been begged to 
come by Inchiquin. He had powers from the Prince, but the King 
had ordered him to obey the Queen and not his own commands until 
he was free from restraint. The Treaty of Kilkenny, on the basis 
of that of 1G4C, had been signed a week before Ormond wrote. The 
position justified liis appeal to the Prince to come to Ireland. 
" Three parts " of the island were devoted to hirr, and the fourth 
consisting of Jones' and Owen Roe's parties might be won over or 
reduced. He contemplated the possibility of the Duke of York 
accompanying Charles. Meanwhile he was arranging for the return 
of the Marchioness from Caen, and treating with the Spanish Agent 
[de la Torre], for the transporting of men to the Spanish service for 
a sum of 3,000L or 4,000L The money would be useful, considering 
the " foi-wardness of Jones and Owen Roe to agree." 

The letter found the Prince at the Hague, subjected to Scotch 
influence. On 2nd March Loudoun and Argyle send him a joint 
letter (on the back of which C.R. thrice writes his new style). The 
reply expresses his Majesty's hope, when the Commissioners come, 
to clear all mistalies. Loudoun writes again on 24th March pressing 
the Covenant. This letter crosses one from his Majesty requesting 
Loudoun to save Huntley. He then sends Bishop Bramhall to 
Ormond to tell him of possible help from Portugal, whence an 
envoy, Irish but bearing the name of Domingo de Rosario, will be 
sent. But in view of possibilities of something better from Spain, 
Ormond must not commit himself with Rosario. A minor duplicity 
this, compared with the Royal letter of 25th April — 4t]i May, in 
which the King, having just promised to go to Scotland, hopes 
" to start for Ireland in a few days." 

By this time Rupert had gone over to Ireland, and commerce - 
raiding had begun. This appears by the Laird of Mussell)urgh's 
letter and those of Lord Marlborough. 

In April the King had written to Ormond in favour of Lord and 
Lady Broghill, and the reply of 25th May brings somewhat disquiet- 
ing news of a combination of Owen Roe, Monck and Jones. In May, 
Montrose was preparing for his mission to northern Kings and States, 
and the Collection contains a memorandum on the subject in his own 
liand. To Ireland were sent commissions for commanders in Ulster, 
as Montgomery of Ards, and Sir Robert Stewart and James Erskine, 
■with warrants for the apprehension of Sir Alexander Stewart and 
others. Long's notes of 18th-28th July include an intimation to Sir 
John Cochrane to remonstrate with the State [? Courland] if Jones 
be received, an appeal to Curtius to procure the Emperor's letter to 
Hamburg that none be received from the rebels, and a warning to 
Grenville and Ormond of invasion, in the case of Ireland by Crom- 
well. About the same time Thomas Killigrew was sent to Italy 
w^licro the King now had consuls at Venice, Naples, Genoa, and 
Leghorn. Braham reports the ap])rehension of Marchamont Need- 
ham (Pragmaticus) " by his own consent ; he is a very knave." 

The Jersey Papers contain three from Lucy, Countess of Carlisle, 
the first promising to give intelligence, and two commending Sir W. 


Batten and Lord Peterborough, respectively. The fifth paper, sup- Pepys MSS. 
posed to be from Arthur Shngsby, written after tlic Countess was in 
the Tower, proposes the raisiug of six troops of horse in and about 
London. In (9) she receives blanks " For Colchester to do what she 
" will." The money upon Tom Howard's blank was to be paid to 
the Countess and not to Lord Willoughby. An unsigned letter, " yet 
supposed to be Captain Titus, his hand, wrote between the 

execution of the late King and Hamilton," was from some of the 
Presbytery inveighing against the Parliament for murdering the late 
King, earnestly pressing him (sic) to the Covenant. Numbers 22 to 28 
are despatches from " Peter de la Fountaj^ne, who sometimes wrote 
as Tyler, to Coventry, alias Crocker, dated in June and August, 1649. 

Other interesting documents among the Stuart papers are a list 
of the new King's household early in 1649, a letter in which the 
Prince condemns Wishart's Res Gestae, a most extraordinary pro- 
duction from Cornelius Yvans, or Evans, the pretended Prince of 
Wales, an almost equally extraordinary letter from Mrs. Fitzjames, 
W'hose husband became a Parliamentary spy, and one from Sir 
Gilbert Talbot, written 3rd-13th February, 1644, from Venice, 
probably to Sir E. Brown at Paris, at the instance of Lord Banbury's 
Governor. From another Governor, Sir John Berkeley, in charge of 
the Duke of York, there are several letters of interest, especially one 
describing their journey from Steenbergen to Cambray in January, 
1648-9, and another of 2nd September in which Berkeley requests an 
audit of his accounts of money spent both for the Duke and for 
Princess Henrietta since she left Exeter. 

From Carisbrooke two letters were written in August, 1648. The 
first by Piobert Hammond to liis friend Colonel Xath. Rich, after an 
earnest request for ])ay for tlie hitter's troo]) lying there, passes to 
the news that the King approved the message of the Commissioners ; 
then follow many expressions of piety, which have a very genuine 
ring. The second letter is from the captain of one of the troops of 
Colonel Rich to that officer, and describes a day of the King's life 
there, and his relations with Hammond. Rich had written to 
Hammond that he had sent him his best friend, and this is probably 
the best friend's letter. 

Noticeable also is a letter of 23rd June, 1651, from Thomas 
Allen, apparently a Parliamentarian spy, to St. John, the Ambassa- 
dor of the Parliament in Holland. He has much to say about 
English and foreign supporters of the Royalist cause. Of the same 
year is the deposition of John Christian, of the Isle of Man, that 
Major Whitford, son of Bishop Whitford, had confessed to the 
murder of Dorislaus, and had given the dagger used by him to the 
late Earl of Derby. 

The collection includes many appeals sent or drafted to Foreign 
Powers by the Prince. Cond^ is congratulated upon his victory at 
Lens; other letters appeal to the Duke of Lorraine, the Archduke 
Leop(51d and the Czar, besides powers already named. Loyalist 
Englishmen come forward from many quarters, and in some cases 
their lett^^rs were kept to fall into wrong hands at Worcester, or in 

(B1720-Gp. 5) C 


Pepys MSS. As to colonisation we find heads of a letter from the King, un- 
dated, to the Secretary of tlie Colony of Virginia, a copy of an 
undated letter to Lord Marlborough, as a person of " great experi- 
" ence and interest in the Caribbo Islands," and certain appoint- 
ments in Virginia, 1G49. A remarkable paper on the first Plantation 
of New England is noted as written to Mr. Evelyn. 

As a rarity the most valuable paper in the Collection is the letter 
of Elizabeth, daughter of Charles I., only one other autograph letter 
of the Princess being known to exist. 

The third volume concludes with the keys to about 20 ciphers in 
use in the reign of Charles I. 



Cecil IMSS : Part XII. brings the Calendar of the Cecil MSS. down to the end 
Part XTI. f)f the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

The Calendar, so far as it has proceed'ed, deals with the letters 
and papers which form the collection, although unfortunately, owing 
to various causes, there are many omissions, chiefly before the year 
1595. These omissions will be made good, and a great number of 
undated papers will be noticed in an appendix, covering the whole 
period of the papers to the date of Queen Elizabeth's death. 

The Queen. This volume yields singularly little directly con- 
cerning the personal history of the Queen. The allusions to her em- 
ployments, her projected movements and casual appearances in 
public, are but few. The first allusions to her final illness deprecat- 
ing undue alarm occur in letters from Sir Robert Cecil. 

Shortly afterwards, a letter from the Privy Council was circulated 
on the subject of the Queen's illness, and efforts were made to stop 
the spreading of rumours. On the 20th, the Privy Council com- 
municated with those peers who had not been personally called into 
consultation. The only reference to the supreme event, which 
occurred on Thursday, the 24th of March, the last day of the year 
1602 according to the style of chronology then in use in England, 
appears to be in a letter from Fulke Greville to Cecil: " I send to 
" know how you do after 3- our toilsome day." 

Str Robert Cecil. There are a considerable number of letters 
which may be classed as personal to Sir Robert Cecil in contra- 
distinction from those connected with his duties in his high offices of 
state. His country seat, the '' paradise " of Tlieobalds, and the 
improvements in the park there, are the subject of lengthy corre- 
spondence. Of the house itself, Sir John Uurrington penned a 
rhapsodical description: — 

" When I bohelfl tho summor room I thought of a verse in AryoBto's 
enchantments : 

But which was strangn whore erst I loft a wood 
A wondrous stately palace now there stood ; 
and the sight of it enchanted mc so as I think the room not to be 
matched, if you will put two verses more of Aryosto to the chamber in 
tho same canto : 

And unto this a large and lightsome stair 
Without the which no room is truly fair." 


Towards the University of Cambridge he is found standing in a Cecil MSS. 
tlirecfold capacity; as Chancellor, as a tenant under King's College, ^''^'"'^ ■^^^• 
and as parent of his son William //; stutii pupillari at St. John's. As 
regards the last, we have letters both from the son and the sou's 

Letters show Sir Kobert Cecil in cordial relations witli friends 

and his deceased wife's family. He writes of his wife as being of a 

stock " whose " mixture " he himself was as well able to guess as 

any, " when I conceive, if any composition could be purer than other, 

I had most trial of it, to my infinite comfort till God found me fit 

to be corrected with the privation." 

He was in great demand as godfather. The following is one 
instance of the manner in which such a request was made, the 
petitioner being Sir John Harington, " full of delight, of honour and 
" admiration of you and all your father's house " : 

" And in this cogitation a man of mine comes to me post from 

mine own poor house, with a letter from my eldest son (of twelve years 

old), with news that my wife was delivered of a son, and because my son 

must ' patrisare,' he writ in this verse : 

Gaude, pater, qnartum genetrix peperit tibi )iaiinn, 

which moved me to make this suit to your Honour to be pleased to be 

his godfather, that he may bear your name." 

Lady Arabella Stuart. The volume contains abstracts of a con- 
siderable number of letters and papers relative to the proceedings 
of Lady Arabella Stuart. They form part of the groundwork of 
Miss M. E. Bradley's Life of the Lady Arabella Stuart, and have 
been discussed and reproduced extensively in that work. 

Naval Affairs. The period covered by this volume was one of 
much activity at sea, and of all the subjects upon which the letters 
and i)apers in it l)ear, this subject lias tlie largest proportion to 
itself. Many of the letters, moreover, are of great interest, de- 
scribing vividly the operations of the English fleets and the gallant 
deeds of those who commanded and manned them. 

In January, 1602, Sir Eichard Leveson returned from Ireland 
after his successful attack upon the Spanish re-inforcing ships at 
Castlehaven. His victorious ships brought back with them, how- 
ever, many sick men and the " disease of the counti-y." As soon 
as the ships reached home, preparations were at once set on foot 
for a new expedition directed against the returning Spanish West 
Indian vessels. 

Great difficulty was experienced in completing the ships' com- 
plements, but by the 19th of March every hindrance had been over- 
come, and Sir Eichard Leveson set sail for the southward with the 
Queen's ships. Repulse, Warspite, Nonpareil, Dreadnought, 
Adventure and an attendant caravel, leaving Sir William Monson 
to follow a few days after with the Garland and Defiance. It had 
been arranged that a Dutch fleet should co-operate, but the Dutch 
contingent had not then appeared and did not arrive at Dover for 
over a month after Leveson's departure. This absence, at a 
moment when their aid would have been of inestimable advantage, 
was naturally deplored when the Spanish West Indian fleet was 
sighted on the 21st of March. Leveson, in a lengthy despatch, 
(B172a— Gp. 5) C 2 


written a month later when an opportunity offered to send news 
home, tells how, when the Spaniards had discovered the English 
ships to be men-of-war, they fell to blows. In the darkness of the 
night, his vessel riding on a tempestuous sea, Leveson engaged the 
first ship he " could conveniently come unto," prevailing so well 
that he was " more doubtful of sinking than of winning her." When 
morning dawned, the Englishmen learnt that^they were in the 
presence of an overwhelming force. The English captains assem- 
bled in Leveson 's ship agreed that attack would be too hazardous 
and unprofitable in view of the object of their voyage, and therefore 
" parted with as much discontent as man can imagine to see so 
" much wealth without power to take it." The decision of the 
captains only forestalled instructions that later on came from 

Although at this first asking fortune was crooked and adverse, 
it did not fail to crown with success their gallant endeavours a 
little later on. On 5th June Leveson, writing in high spirits, tells 
how " it has pleased God to give me the possession of a very great 
'■' and, I hope, a very rich caracke, which I did fetch out of 
" Cysembrey Eoad, being guarded there with 8 pieces of artillery 
" upon the shore, and 11 galleys, whereof the Marquis of St. Cruce 
" and Signor Spindola, being both there in person, were principal 
" commanders." 

Operations by means of which the capture was effected are 
minutely described. Leveson was a man of generous mind, and 
gave unstinted praise where he thought praise was due. 
During the operations, two galleys laden with powder and oil for 
the Low Countries, one being that of Spinola's Vice-Admiral, were 
destroyed. Leveson himself came home in charge of his prize. His 
letter shows a fine spirit of patriotism : — 

" And I do humbly beseech your HonourB to undertake thus much 

for me unto my gracious Sovereign, that whilst I brethe, I will refuse no 

peril nor pains that may do her Majesty one day's good service." 

Rumour preceded him. His own despatch reached the court 
about the 16th or 17th of June. The " good news " reached Lord 
Buckhurst, the Lord Treasurer, on the latter day. His comment is 
characteristic of his office. " Thus to our endless and exhausting 
" expenses, we may yet find some comfortable means of support." 

The " joyful news " had, it would seem, a somewhat demoralis- 
ing effect on the people. Commissioners were despatched to Ply- 
mouth to look after the rich cargo, Fulke Greville, the Treasurer of 
the Navy, at their head. He writes humorously of the difficulties 
of his position. 

The business kept Greville and his fellow Commissioners at 
Plymouth until the end of July. The cargo was transferred to three 
Queen's ships and three merchant ships, which sailed from Ply- 
mouth, under Greville 's charge, early on Sunday morning, the 1st 
August, and reached the Downs on the following Monday evening. 
Here Greville came on shore, rode post to Chatham to see after 
pilots, bonts and other necessaries, and then went on home to 
London, which he reached late the same night; " and desired to 


" have repaired to her Majesty's presence if the uoisoineness of Cecil MSS 
" that place whence I come had not required me to forbear till her ^"'^^ -^^^• 
" gracious pleasure were known." 

Though so much of the cargo liad been secured, report was rife 
that an equal quantity had been stolen. This estimate the Lord 
Admiral scouted as an impossibility. 

Meanwhile, the Dutch fleet had sailed for the coast of Spain and 
had met with some success. The Queen's ships which had con- 
voyed the prize to England were without delay made ready for sea 
again and were put under the command of Sir William Monson. 
Once more there was a ditBculty in finding men, who were enticed 
into the small private " men-of-war," or preferred to stay at 
liome. Monson relates the stringent measures he adopted, in view 
of the " incredible " number of sailors who had run away since 
their coming home. 

But there was also another hindrance — a continuous southerly 
wind and " most extreme foul weather." When, however, the wind 
at last changed to the north-east, on the 30th of August, ]\ronson 
was ready to take advantage of it, and sailed early next morning 
with all his ships " as well manned as any that ever went out of 
'■ England." Although by this time there was little likelihood that 
the Spaniards would carry out their designs upon Ireland, Monson 's 
instructions were to visit the Groyne and Lisbon, his proceedings 
being left much to his descretion. He succeeded, first of all, in 
heading off " two gallant ships," Frenchmen, each of 300 tons 
burden, coming from Newfoundland, laden with dried fish, and 
carrying 150 men, thus preventing " the Spaniard of his three prin- 
" cipal wants, ships, men and victuals." Then he established 
relations with the Governor of Cezimbra, on the Portuguese coast, 
ol)taining a secret pron^ise from him 

" that when I, or any from me, shall come hovering before the harl)our 
with a white flag in the main top, to send to speak with me and to 

drdivpr what he knows touching the Spaniards." 

Ultimately, with all his ships, he returned to England at the begin- 
ning of December. 

An estimate is given of the cost of keeping the squadron at sea. 

Though the volume only covers a period of fifteen months, the 
deeds of Leveson and Monson do not exhaust its materials for the 
history of naval enterprise. There is abundant reference, for ex- 
ample, to proceedings connected with the rich prizes taken by Sir 
John Gilbert's Refusal and two other vessels out of which Sir 
Robert Cecil, as one concerned in the adventure, reaped large profit. 
There are also letters from Sir Thomas Fane, at Dover, and from 
Sir Robert Mansell, aboard The Hope in the Narrow Seas, and from 
others, bearing on naval matters. 

Army. As in 1601, so in 1602, calls for men for military service 
out of the country were made from two quarters, Ireland and the 
Netherlands. Letters from the mayors of Barnstaple, Bristol and 
Chester, from which places the embarkations for Ireland took place, 
tell tile story of the dif^culties experienced in carrying out the orders 
of the Trivy Council. Of the character of the men furnished by the 


countifs, it is said, for example, that " Northampton has sent very 

ill men, not 40 good ones ; never a county send such men hither 

as they." Sir Edward Wingfield expressed the wish that he 

might have been a painter that he might have sent a picture of 

those creatures that have been brought to him to receive for 

soldiers, and then Sir Kobert Cecil would have wondered where 

England or Wales had hidden so mauy strange, decrepit people 

so long, except they had been kept in hospitals." From Bristol 

came the protest, that out of twelve shires appointed to bring eight 

hundred able men thither " excepting some two or three shires, 

there vs^as never man beheld such strange creatures brought to 

any muster. They are most of them either old, lame, diseased, 

boys or common rogues. Few of them have any clothes; small, 

weak, starved bodies; taken up in fairs, markets and highways 

to supply the places of better men kept at home." This letter 

also tells the story of the mutiny of the Gloucestershire men because 

they were not given money to pay for their " mashing " and the 

mending of their shoes, and how it was put down. 

As in respect of men levied for service in Ireland so of the train 
bands, complaint is made of their unsatisfactory character. 

It is interesting to note a scheme devised early in 1603 for the 
establishment of a permanent paid militia in England, employment 
and a training ground for which were to be found in Ireland. 

Campaign in the Netherlands. The course of the war in the 
Low Countries is recorded with some detail in many of the pages of 
this volume. During the whole period the siege of Ostend was in 
progress, but it is not to the prolonged operations in and before this 
town that the information afforded in any great measure relates. 
Sir Robert Cecil, however, in a letter to George Nicolson, the 
Queen's agent in Scotland, does explain the views held by her 
Majesty and her advisers as to the important issues that hung upon 
its defence, and why it was that she, " whose hand is not sparing 
" therein," was supporting the besieged. 

An obiter dictum of his in this letter, in connexion with a 
pamphlet about the siege, style of which was not to his entire liking, 
is perhaps worth extracting. It is expressed thus: " Such is the 
" greediness of printers as they will never refuse anything that is 
" brought to the press." 

It is the progress of the campaign in the interior of the country 
that the correspondents on the spot dcscril)e most full3^ These 
correspondents included Captain John Ogle, Lord Grey, Sir Robert 
Drury, Captain John Ridgeway, Captain Throckmorton, Sir Edward 
Cecil, and others. Most of Sir Edward Cecil's letters, however, 
have been printed in extenso in Dalton's Life and Times of Sir 
Edward Cecil, Viscount Wimhledon. In general, the letters of 
these men, themselves engaged in the operations, give very full 
details. The expedition was far from being successful. Sir Robert 
Drury 's criticism is : — 

" I may be hold to conchide that the mastorB or guiders of this 
journey and tliis army were either too hasty or too peremptory in their 
couneele in the sotting forth, or else too unsteady in the prosecution, 


fur furtuue, it is said, Lia^ liiat iLiuiuiue uuturo tliiit alio loves to be Cecil MSS. 

forced. " Fart XII. 

Wheu the aniij at Icuf^lli came iuto touch with the euemy 
ueither side was willing to bring matters to the test of battle. Couut , 
Maurice at once withdrew, and retracing his own footsteps, planted 
his force before Grave on the Maas, aud laid siege to that town, a 
task unworthy of his army aud not pursued with much vigour. The 
views of Englishmen in the army may be judged from the comments 
of Sir Kobert Drury : — 

" So strauge must it needs seem that our iuviucible army, which 
should have marched clean through the enemy's country, now lies still 
entrenched at the siege of a little town, and sutfer their army to lie in 
open fields within three leagues of us. But it is well excused, for wo 
have sent 15 companies to Berke. Of the condition of this army, the 
head and great General discovers it plainly that he will never make other 
war but by sieges, except such great advantages of an army as he shall 
never have but by the absolute decay of the Spanish power. The several 
ends and ambitions of the chiefs and captains are infinite, neglecting for 
their private end the public business ; the disagreement of the diverse 
nations great ; but the especial dulling of all active spirits is that every- 
body knows they serve a state from which no gallant action can ever 
expect a brave reward." 

Before Grave the army was not left unmolested. At the end of 
July, the Spanish army under the Almirante of Aragon advanced to 
" within an hour and a half's going " of the quarter of Count 
Maurice, throwing a bridge across the Maas, and threatening an 
attack and an attempt to succour the town. It was not a very 
hopeful description of the situation which Captain Ogle gave on 
2nd August. 

On 12th August, Lord Grey thus sketches the position of aSairs : 

" The Admiral's works to impeach and dislodge ns are yet to no 
purpose, only on the other side of the Maas lie has begun one which, if 
he advance, may shortly force us to seek a new -quarter. We are divided 
into three several camps, the distance between w^hich, and duties enforced 
to nourish our approaches, and receive so strong an enemy at every hour 
ready to gain upon us, has extremely harassed and worn our army, 
especially our new English, impatient of endurance, and worst accom- 
modated in quarter." 

The next day occurred an incident which vitally affected the 
English division of the army. Sir Francis Vere, its commander, 
who is characterised as " engrossing so absolutely all authority into 
his hands as leaves no corner of his army for any man to lay hold 
upon," was wounded in the face by a musket shot, the bullet 
lodging at the back of the neck. The wound, though not dangerous, 
necessitated his withdrawal from the army to the quieter scene of 
Dort. In the meanwhile the Spanish forces had drawn off from 
Grave and were threatening Eavestein, which lay between Grave 
and the mouth of Maas, with intent to intercept supplies coming 
by this route. 

A few days afterwards events took another sudden turn and 
disclosed a fatal weakness in the army of the Archduke. The 
rumour spread 

" that the enemy's army is fallen into a strange confusion, namely, that 
their bands of ordinance have disbanded themselves and are gone; that 


the whole army beiug gunerally disconteuted, 2,000 are ah-eady mutinied 
and have taken a place called Haman. Lastly, the noblemen being 
altogether distasted of the present state of tilings, and the Admirante 
himself in a very great distraction of his mind, are all of the lately 
retired to the Archduke, who is said to be at Brussels. Their army they 
have left near unto Venlo." 
The rumour had good fouudatiou, though it was not true iu all its 
details. The town of Hamont was invested by the Almirante, who 
had not withdrawn to Brussels, the town burnt to the ground and 
most of the mutineers put to the sword. The x\lmirante himself, 
" with his vei-y much discontented troops," remained in the neigh- 
bourhood of Maastricht. 

The conduct of the summer campaign by Count Mauriae and his 
brother was little to the liking of the States General, and less to 
that of the Queen of ^gland. Sir Francis Vere dissociated him- 
self from any responsibility for its ineffectiveness. 

Grave finally surrendered to Count Maurice on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, on terms honourable to its defenders. 

Nothing of moment was attempted after this, the Archduke's 
army remaining in a continuous state of mutiny. 

The views of the States General are stated in propositions to the 
Queen put forward by their agent M. Caron in November. 

On 4th September, George Gilpin, the Queen's agent in Holland, 
died at his post at the Hague — an event of importance, of which 
early communication was sent to Sir Robert Cecil by several corre- 

Church. In March, 1602, the see of Hereford became vacant 
through the death of Dr. Westphaling. Among the candidates were 
three bishops who put forward their pretensions without loss of time, 
and almost together, namely, Dr. Vaughan, Bishop of Chester, Dr. 
Kudd, Bishop of St. David's, and Dr. Robinson, Bishop of Carlisle. 
None of these succeeded. Dr. Bennet, Dean of "Windsor, was ulti- 
mately chosen, though not until he had passed through many 
anxious months, during which, in common with other " preachers of 
" the gospel, he liad been sul)j('ct to the tongues of the wicked," 
producing in him in the end a mind distracted with suspense. His 
rival was Dr. Vaughan. When the see had been vacant for six 
months, the Archbishop pressed for an appointment, naming these 
two as the fittest he could think of. The matter was finally decided 
in Dr. Bennet's favour on tlic turn of tlic year. About the same 
time appointment was made of Dr. Jegon to the see of Norwich. 
The Archbishop of Canterbury put forward a list of worthy men for 
the Norwich see. Dr. Jegon standing first, and possessing also, in 
common with one other on the list, the; qualification of lieing then 

Among other ecclesiasti(;al places concerning the filling of which 
correspondence will be found, wn-r tlic Dcniici'v of Windsor and 
tlie Deanery of St. Paul's; and otlier matters also discussed were 
the right of patronage of the parsonage of l^angor, to which no less 
than eight titles were set up, and the position of " singing man " in 
Westminster Aljboy. 

It is characteristic of the pciiod tlial one occu^jying the place of 

the " poor deanery of Gloucester " should speak of himself as lyiug Cecil MS8. 
" iu the dirt and dust of iudignity aud disgraee " for lack of further ^''^^'^ '^^^• 

The function aud nilluenee of the preacher were at this period 
highly esteemed. 'J'he iSishop of Loudon relates how he had pre- 
pared the preachers iu the churches of London for their instructions 
on Sunday, 24th January. 

In Lancashire, preaching was largely utilised for the jjurpose of 
converting papists to the true religion," aud four preachers wi're 
specially appointed and paid with this object in view. For many 
years in the exercise of their public preaching, which had been 
consistently " against the I'ope's doctrines and his ceremonies iu 
" apparel disguised," they had forborne to wear " cape, surplice 
" and tippet." But now, so it was represented, the Bishop of 
Chester was proposing to forbid their preaching aud put them out of 
their livings unless they donned these things. " And although they 
'■ do know that religion is not tied to any apparel, yet they do thinlc, 
" if they should wear it, it would be a great stumbling-block to the 
" weaker sort converted, by seeing worn such apparel they have so 
"much spoken against." As a consequence one of their number made 
the journey to the Court to interview Sir Robert Cecil, and to pro- 
test that " rather than they will wear that apparel they have so 
" much spoken against, some of them will leave living and life too." 
An outspoken sermon at St. Paul's Cross, by Mr. Richard Stock, 
later in life Rector of All Hallows, Bread Street, in the city of 
London, here attributed to the date March, 1003, gave much offence 
to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. 

The Universities. The references iu tlie volume to the Uni- 
versity of Oxford are few. A letter from the Vice-Chancellor 
throws some light on the Irish students there. But as regards the 
University of Cambridge it has more to say. There are allusiouH to 
the religious and other contentions proceeding there, and a list of the 
Heads of Colleges who accompanied the Vice-Chancellor to London 
to wait upon Sir Robert Cecil with the presentation of the Chancel- 
lorship of the University. There is also an explanation in detail, 
for their Chancellor's information, of the plan of the Senate to 
relieve " the University's great need," a plan which Sir Robert, as 
Chancellor, first held over until he was better satisfied of its just- 
ness, and then absolutely vetoed. The scheme of the authorities, 
for which a " grace " had been obtained, was to levy something 
under one penny a week from scholars and pensioners in tlu' lower 
commons and twopence a Aveek for pensions iu the higlier 
" commons " for the three terms of each year for a ]ioriod of 
five years. Cecil's considered reply is emphatic. " So unjust 
" and unequal an imposition to be laid on them who do rea[) least 
" benefit in the university and are less interested in the occasions of 
" the expenses by which the present necessity hath grown, 
" I cannot, as your Chancellor, by any means give my consent to 
"it." Tn coming to this decision he had in his mind the " poor 
" sizar." The alternative he not only recommended but commanded 
was, first, an examination of the expenditure by which the debt had 


been incurred, uud then a general contribution to meet it, " in 
" whicii it shall best beseem such to yield most as do owe most to 
" the University." If tliey chose to carry this out by means of a 
" grace," tlien well and ^'ood, let it be so done; l)ut the graee must 
be proposed in one congregation and granted, if granted, in the 

College affairs were also submitted to Cecil in his capacity of 
Chancellor of the University. 

The matter of the reading of students and the manner in which 
study was pursued are referred to in the letters of young William 
Cecil and his tutor at St. John's College, already noticed. 

The general aspect of the University, when Sir John Harington 
revisited it (" the nursery of all my good breeding ") in after years, 
he thus depicts : — 

" In this University, I saw not ouly the colleges increased in 
number, beautified and adorned in buildings, but all orders so duly ob- 
served, disputations so well performed, all old controversies, both with 
the town and among themselves, so appeased, as I rejoiced at much." 

Roman Catholics. The papers relating to the history of, 
Catholicism are, generally speaking, supplementary to more 
voluminous collections elsewhere. 

There is a letter from one of the Jesuit missionaries, who started 
from Portugal to Brazil to " spread the Christian faith." The ship 
in which the missionaries sailed was captured by Sir John Gilbert's 
men on " the second day of the voyage, while still almost in the 
" port of Lisbon." Seven out of the nineteen priests, one other 
dying on the way, were landed at Plymouth and lodged in prison 
there or in the Gatehouse in London, whence one of them, Ferdinand 
Cardin, writing to beg for freedom, sets out particulars of their 
losses, the nature of their equipment and the object of their mission. 

This is one aspect of Jesuit missionary activity. The society 
was accused of quite another in a long letter to the Council from 
William Vaughan, Welshman, poet, and later in life colonial 
pioneer, which was written from Pisa. In this he conceives it his 
duty to expose " certain caterpillars, I mean Jesuits and seminary 
" priests, wbo . are to be sent from the English seminary 

" at Valladolid ... to pervert and withdraw her Majesty's 
" loyal subjects from tlieir due obedience to her "; and he gives, 
with detail, the names and personal history and appearance of the 
English and Welsh members of the seminary. 

A dozen letters or so from the Bishop of London, Dr. Bancroft, 
show how alert he was to the proceedings of Roman priests and 
recusants in England. 

Sir John Popham, " the greatest minister of justice," is warned 
no longer to tolerate 

" the intolerable and dangerous impieties of them that live in Court 
amongst you (who daily entertain, relieve and maintain Beminaries and 
perverse papists)." 

Scidhind. The jjapers relating to Scotland, not very numerouB, 

touch u])uii curniiit events in that kingdom and the jealousies and 


auimosities tliat prevuih' 1 anion- the nobility. A correspondent Cecil MSS. 
writing early in 1GU2 tiiuls little to dwell upon witli satisfaction as '"''^ - 
regards the state of the country. 

The relations of the King and his consort provoke udniiring 
remark. " Never sueh love and concord among themselves us 
" now "; and again, " The King and Queen agree exceedingly." A 
long letter addressed to the King, of which a copy appears here, 
contains advice of a frank character on the subject of the relations 
between himself and the Queen of England whom he looked to 
succeed. King James's own sentiments are delineated by George 
Nicolson, the agent of the Queen of England in Scotland. He 
informs Cecil : — 

" At Kynnard the King was well entertained, und the laird of the 
house thought to have pleased him by drinking to the joining of the two 
kingdoms in one, saying he had 40 muskets ready for that service. The 
King said 'twas a fault in him to wish soon or by force, and he wished 
long and happy days to her Majesty without any abridgement for his 
cause. In going thence to Montrose, he protested, in his discourse with 
me, his true heart to her Majesty, and that as her kinsman he aught her 
and would perform her allegiance, albeit as King of Scotland he was not 
so bound, with many better words than I can write, acquitting her of 
the Queen his mother's death." 

The number of Scotsmen and Englishmen found in England 
and Scotland, respectively, without passports is discussed by Sir 
Kobert Cecil as a matter of weighty concern. Cecil cites statutes 
for prevention and precedents for punishment of this offence, and 
warns Englishmen in Scotland, having no passports, to look to them 
selves. But the death of Queen Elizabeth changed the face of the 
country in this respect, and Scotsmen came to England more nume- 
rously than ever, and that without let or hindrance. 

Borders. The relations between King James and Lord Scrope, 
Warden of the West March, were somewhat strained, and there 
are several lengthy letters, one in particular from the Queen, on 
this subject. 

Ireland. As regards Ireland, during the period under consider- 
ation, the storm and stress from the point of view of the English 
Government was much mitigated, tending towards an " end of the 
wars " as time progressed. The failure of the Spanish expedition 
at the close of 1601, and the capture of Kinsale, removed all serious 
danger of Spanish aid or of another direct attempt to succour the 
rebellious Earl of Tyrone. But in order to " make sure," and to 
counter any movement on the part of the King of Spain, two steps 
were taken in England : a fleet was despatched to watch the Spanish 
coast and to fight the Spanish ships on the high seas (with what 
success has been already related) and preparations were made to 
send reinforcements to Ireland. In January, considerable bodies of 
men were assembled at Barnstaple and Bristol. All were not 
utilised, however, numbers being sent back to their homes, and 
only a selected force sent to the South of Ireland. 

There was constant difficulty in getting the reinforcements con- 
veyed across the Irish Sea. Soldiers were embarked; the ships put 
to sea ; and then put back again, to the infinite cost and trouble of 


the local authorities. But delays such as these, which under other 
circumstances might have been serious, did not now greatly eSect 
the situation, and when the month of July arrived, Cecil could com- 
placently write to one correspondent after another, " In Ireland, 
all things go well," or, " Out of Ireland, nothing but well." 

The Spaniards at Kinsale by the terms of the capitulation agreed 
to surrender the castle of Dunboy, at Berehaven, well seated and 
strongly fortified on a rock. It was seized, however, in spite of 
them by an Irish force which, with the aid of a few Spanish can- 
noniers, held it for several months. Early in May, Sir George 
Carew, President of Munster, advanced against the place. There 
was a general expectation that it would be taken without difficulty ; 
but now expectation was at fault. The garrison, 150 strong, well 
provided, " held out to the last hour," aided by the Spanish can- 
noniers who were " excellent marksmen and obstinate villains." 
All in vain, however. After a day's battery the place was carried, 
and the defenders " were hanged and put to the sword, every 
" mother's son " — a phrase which, in this connexion, Cecil uses 
repeatedly and apparently with satisfaction. 

Meanwhile, the Deputy farther north, with the forces at his dis- 
posal, penetrated into " the bowels of Tyrone " with utter waste 
and spoil, and placed a garrison of one thousand men at Dungannon. 
It was in this garrison, doubtless, that detection of illicit coining by 
Sir John Brockett was reported to have been made in the spring of 
the following year. As regards the country of Ireland generally, it 
is little to be wondered at if the condition of the people became 
miserable in the extreme and that a " general dearth of all neces- 
" saries followed." 

Curious is it to note some of the conse(]uences which were ex- 
pected to follow from the cessation of fighting in Ireland. Lord 
Chief Justice Popham, for instance, discusses the position at some 
length. The end of the wars in Ireland, he surmised, might breed 
some interposition of quiet at home. " Many of those who cannot 
" live but by the wars there will not content themselves to live 
" according to their callings here." The composition of the regi- 
ments in Ireland was, he suspected, unsatisfactory, not consisting 
altogether of " mere English," but reinforced by the Irish, " who 
" upon any accident are thereby made ready to become opposite ta 
" her Majesty, whereof we have already had too dangerous a pre- 
" cedent." At the best the demands of the regiments would be im- 
portunate, and if not yielded to. might lead to their taking what 
they required by violence from " the honest and good subject." 
And he suggested as a remedy that 

" the new supplies might be of pcntlemen of the best sort, to bo arrora- 
panied with their frionds, neighbours, and tenants, who would keep their 
companies full for their own safety, and expedite the service for their 
speedy return." 

English Commissioners at Bremen. In July, 1602, Lord Eure, 
with Mr. Secretary' Herbert and Dr. Daniel Dunn, Master of 
Kequests, were sent to Bremen to enter into negotiations with the 
agents of the King of Denmark and certain of the princes of the 


Empire. Lord Eure was chosen to be the principal Commissioner Cecil MSS. 
as having " both the language and other parts necessary for the *"" 
" same." He endeavoured to excuse himself as one who by reason 
of his long " discontinuance from the Court " was " disfurnished of 
" such courtly respects as fitteth a messenger to so worthy a 

He represented, too, that the cost of such a journey must be 
from 2,000?. to 3,000/., and that he did not know where to borrow 
the necessary sums without Cecil's assistance. Lord Burghley in- 
terested himself in Lord Eure's effort to raise money. Ultimately 
it was obtained by successive loans from the merchants in London, 
Sir Robert Cecil standing as personal security. 

In the event, being commanded to go, he obeyed, begging only 
to be allowed to remain in the country' until the end of August. 
Before the mission started on its errand, the views of the Merchant 
Adventurers were canvassed regarding the points in dispute and in- 
formation collected from the fishermen of the eastern ports. 
Learning of the sending of the mission, the mayor and aldermen 
of Hull begged that " the great wrongs committed against our poor 
" neighbours by the King of Denmark " might not be lost sight of. 

The Commissioners set out on their journey from London on 
Tuesday, Tth September. Between Gravesend and Rochester, the 
coach carrying Dr. Dunn, travelling at night, was overturned, and 
he received some hurt-. This was not suffered to delay their 
journey, however, and they put to sea from Margate on the 10th, to 
go through the experience of a tempestuous voyage of seven days 
before they landed at Stade. Here they were " entertained and 
" lodged by the Magistrates with many signs of affection which they 
" professed to her Majesty and hers." Although they were well 
received at Bremen, the purpose of their mission did not make much 

At length, on 26th November, there was nothing for it but " to 
" fall to an agreement of a recess." Herbert's pious reflection at this 
point is : — 

" Even at th' instant the artillory played at the parture af the Danes. 
I pray God to hiess her Majesty and never to need that nation." 

Two other matters were included in the scope of the mission of 
Lord Eure and his companions : a conference with representatives of 
the Emperor, and the composing of the quarrel between the Count 
of Emden and the people of that city. For the latter of these two 
purposes Stephen Lesieur, who had accompanied the English Com- 
missioners as assistant, was, by directions from home, sent to the 
scene of disquietude. 

Foreign. This volume contains a series of newsletters concerning 
European affairs, a somewhat new feature in the Hatfield collection. 
They are dated either at Venice or Rome, and from evidence sup- 
plied by the letters of George Limauer in the previous volume, 
would appear to have been sent to England by him, whether directly 
to Sir Robert. Cecil, or through some intermediate agency, is not 
clear. In addition, among correspondents in various parts of the 
Continent who report the news, are Aurelian Townahend, Matthew 


Cecil MSS. : Greensmith and Thomas Wilson. There are "advertisements" 
I art XII. .^i^Q from Antwerp, Brussels and Valladolid. A subject of tlie 
English Queen, Christopher lloitlinger, writes to inform Sir Kobert 
Cecil of his appointment as j)hysJcian to the " mighty monarch of 
" all Eussia," than whom " there is no potentate in the world that 
" more highly esteems and more affectionately regards the Queen." 
Though so advantageously placed, the physician was anxious to be 
recalled and to be delivered out of his " golden fetters " at Moscow 
and to enjoy once again " the sight of so precious a jewel " as his 

The attention of the student may be directed to the following 
items of a miscellaneous character, namely: — 

The illness and death of the young Lord Burgh, who had been 
placed under the charge of the Bishop of Winchester in his palace at 
Waltham, the symptoms of whose sickness and the treatment of it 
by the physicians are set out with some detail in letters from the 
Bishop, which also state the results of the post mortem examina- 
tion. The medical treatment described is such as would without, 
doubt " thoroughly sift " this " so noble an imp " and " send him 
" one way or other." As a matter of fact, it caused him to " give 
" up the ghost " in a sufficiently distressing manner. 

The mention of Dudley Digges as a young man about to set out 
on his travels. 

The riots at Kesteven in consequence of the draining of the fens : 
The mention of the jewels of the House of Burgundy in pawn to 
the Queen : 

The complaint of the Earl of Lincoln against the " villainies and 
" outrages " of Sir Edward Dymock, and certain consequences 
therefrom, and Sir Edward Dymock's story: 

The scheme of the Queen's Council to reserve from execution for 
employment as rowers in the galleys, condemned men of able bodies, 
justly deserving of death and yet not dangerous or notorious 
offenders : 

The list of records delivered by Sir Robert Cecil for preservation 
in the Receipt of the Exchequer at Westminster : 

The precautions to be taken to prevent infection from the plague 
raging in Amsterdam and their ineffectiveness : 

The account of the treatment of a patient suffering from tertian 
ague : 

The spirit of English loyalty displayed by Sir Richard Hawkins 
in the common gaol at Madrid and his release after years of exile : 

The story of the mad youth at Plymouth and of Sir William 
Monson's connexion with him : 

The arrangements made by Lord Buokhurst to 'send a son, who 
became deranged in mind, to Padua, that place furnishing above all 
the world the " most rare and excellent physicians " to effect a cure 
if any cure were possible.. 

The visit to London of the Duke of Pomerania : 
Tile fortification of Plyniouth by the engineer Frcdorico 
Genebelli : 

The Queen's discovery, at len<:th, of a young lady, nobly de- 


scended, a pure maiden, adorned with graces and extraordinary gifts *|^-^i^ vu 
of nature, of convenient years between eleven and twelve, commu- 
nicated to the Emperor of Russia as a somowliat l)clatod response 
to his offer of one of his princely children to be bestowed in mar- 
riage, and the means adopted to bring it to the Emperor's know- 
ledge : 

The statement of expenses of a traveller from Plymouth througli 
parts of Brittany in the autumn of 1C02 : 

The account of the lapis Malaceyisis, or stone of Malacca: 

Two letters from Dr. William Butler, the Cambridge physician : 

The petition from the English prisoners in the galleys at Sluys : 

The story of adventures of Henry Saunders : 

The note of plate from New Year's presents to the Queen sold 
and the price obtained : 

A letter from John Lyly ; and 

The " desperate " state of the town of Southampton, as repre- 
sented by its mayor and aldermen. 

PART XIU. — (Addenda). ' 
(12th century— 1596.) 

Part XIII. of the Cecil Calendar, together with another volume to Purt XIII. 
come next — materials for which are already prepared — will contain 
the final Addenda to that Calendar to the end of the reign of Eliza- 

The documents comprised in this part cover a long ]>eriod of 
time, from the twelfth to near the end of the sixteenth century, 
though the great bulk of them relate to the reign of Elizabeth. 
This being so it is not to be expected that there should be many 
papers on any single important transaction adding much information 
to what is already known; and it is not till well into Elizabeth's 
reign that previous knowledge of particular transactions is much 

First to be noticed are Treatises, Chronicles, and Histories more 
or less fragmentary, belonging to the 13th and three following 
centuries, including a version of the Psalms, a 15th Century Latin 
Bible and a copy of Gower's Vox Clamantis. The s\ibjects of 
treatises are mostly sacred if not scriptural, or historical. There arc 
also copies of the Treaties of Troyes and of Camliray, and several 
other documents of a political nature. Belonging to the reign of 
Henry V. is a pay roll of the English garrison in some foreign town, 
which from internal evidence clearly belongs to the year 1417, and 
contains information of much interest to students of military matters. 

It is a contemporary document and in excellent condition but for 
the fact that the first membrane of the roll with the heading has 
unfortunately been torn of?, and it is therefore impossible to say 
with certainty to what town it relates; though the size of the 
garrison seems to point to Calais. 

Hrnry VIII. Passing on to the reign of Henry VIII. there are 
two interesting letters (or more probably two portions of one letter) 
from the Emperor Maximilian to the Emperor of Russia as to 


Tart Xin ' ^'^^^^^^^^ action for invasion of their common enemy, Poland. 
More important still, from a personal and domestic point of view, 
is a letter from Henry VHl. to his Ambassadors at Rome on the 
matter of the divorce. 

The King's character is shewn in another aspect by the petition 
of the Calvacanti, and a petition as to grievances. 

Edward VI. The papers for this reign calendared in this part 
relate chiefly to domestic matters of trade and commerce. The most 
important of them refer to the production and use of iron and tin, 
and to the constant complaints and negotiations between the English 
merchants and those of the Hanse. At p. 19 occur the commissions 
to examine into the iron mills and furnaces in Sussex, and the 
answers of juries to the questions submitted to them; all tending to 
shew that the continued consumption of the Sussex woods to support 
the furnaces would mean the further decay of the towns and great 
scarcity of timber for building ships and houses, and of wood for 
fuel. It is curious to notice that among the places said to be so 
injured are many on the other side of the Channel. 

A document containing the allegations of the tinners in Devon 
as to working the tin in " several grounds," is curious for the 
explanation it gives of the existence of the metal in such places as 
being due to " the violence of Noah his flood." 

An important series of papers relating to the Hanse Towns and 
the English merchants bear on international commercial relations. 
The negotiations began in 1551, continued till 1557 without a break, 
and were renewed in the first year of Elizal)eth's reign (September, 

Martj. The most important document for this reign is the 
Register of the Privy Council from INIary's accession till 30th Sep- 
tember, 1553, which has been printed in full in the " Acts of the 
Privy Council, N.S." There is a Latin translation of the Greek 
Liturgy of St. James, probably made by Roger Ascham. Various 
documents relating to Sir William Cecil also occur, chiefly bills for 
household or personal supplies. There is a map of Calais with a 
note showing how it might be besieged with success. 

Elizabeth. The l)ulk of the papers belong to the reign of Eliza- 
beth during the time when Sir William Cecil, later Lord Burghley, 
was her chief minister. 

The Queen. The first glimpse of Elizabeth is early in 1549 in 
the scandal in which her name was wrongfully connected with the 
Lord Admiral ; but these documents have been printed in full by 
Haynes. No mention of her occurs during her sister's reign. 

Of all the personal matters concerning the Queen the most im- 
portant was that of her marriage, and projects for bringing it about 
arise constantly during the greater portion of her reign. In a paper 
drawn up about 1585 setting forth the dangers threatening England 
in the person of the Queen, it is stated that " the weakness of the 
Queen's Majesty cometh by lack of marriage, children, alliance with 
foreign princes " : and the great importance of her marrying was 
universally recognised. Hence it is that in 1566 we find j)ctitions 
from both Houses to the Queen urging her to marry. In 1560 the 


King designate of Sweden expressed the wish to carry out the con- ('eoil MSS. 
tract of marriage which he said he had entered into with her Majesty, ^*'* inl- 
and about 15G7 the Emperor sent an envoy regarding a proposed 
marriage with an Imperial nominee, but there is no further mention 
of these matters. In July, 1570, the Duke of Anjou writes to the 
Lord Admiral — " I am resolved in a few days to send Commissioners 
to the Queen, my good mistress, to make a proposition to her as to 
our marriage," and envoys from the Dulce arrive on several occasions. 
Negotiations on the subject continued, until in October, 1579, the 
Privy Council discussed the marriage, with its perils, remedies and 
objections, as set out in a document printed by Murdin; 
and the next month articles of marriage were drawn up. 

The last mention of Elizabeth by Anjou in this part occius a year 
later, when he welcomes Walsingham as a foremost servant of " her 
whom I honour more than any princess on earth. Six months after- 
wards, however, the French King is still urging the marriage on 
Elizabeth ; while Simier in two letters to the Queen probably belong- 
ing to the same year, regrets that he has not been able to bring the 
cause to a conclusion. 

Intimately connected with the Queen's marriage was the question 
of the succession to the throne; and various references to it indicate 
how it exercised the mind of Elizabeth and still more of her subjects. 
There are several indications in these papers of the plots and 
conspiracies to which the Queen was continually exposed. As early 
as 1586 a report is received by Walsingham advising the Queen of 
possible attempts to poison her. In 1579 the Palatine of the Rhine 
sends a Privy Councillor to declare to her particulars of a con- 
spiracy and treason against her person and estate; and in 1589 one 
of the causes of the Earl of Arundel's indictment was 

" that certain years past by the consent of the Pope, Queen Ellen and 

' such others, there was chosen 20 resolute persons and desperate to have 

murdered her Majesty, and to have drawn her by the hair of the head 

through the city of London, into whose practice he was privy." 

But the great storm centre for such plots was the Queen of 

Scots. In a succinct statement of dangers to England, probably 

drawn up in 1585, the Queen's Majesty herself is said to be the 

patient (or object), and " the Queen of Scots the instrument whereby 

the perils do grow." The Babington conspiracy is an instance of 

this, with which these papers seem to definitely prove her connexion. 

At p. 312 is noted a long roll containing the report of the proceedings 

in Parliament from October to December, 1586, wnth regard to that 

conspiracy and the Queen of Scots. In the month after the latter 's 

execution, in a long dispatch from Richard Douglas to Archibald 

Douglas, occurs the following passage: — 

" The King himself told me that at the time when Barne Lindesay 

was sent in Scotland by Mr. Keythe [by] whom also you sent his 

Majesty a hunting horn, it was reported to him by one he says who 

heard you say .that you hoped the horn should be welcome and do good, 

because at that time when I was sent home with the discovery of the 

conspiracy wherein Babington and his consorts were convicted and his 

mother's letters that were taken, you sent with me a lure and a collar, 

L whereof he took as you said more pleasure and more care nor of all the 

B other letters that were sent him." 

^ (B1720— Gp. 5) D 


Cecil MSS. : One or two items of Elizabeth's private life may be noticed. 
Part XIII. Qi^^.p grants at least to her musicians are mentioned, one to 
Ambrogio Lupo, one of the eldest of her musicians of the viols," 
and another to Arthur, Andrew and Jeronimo Bassano, described 
merely as musicians. The Queen was fond of music and was her- 
self a skilled performer. Another form of amusement consisted in 
the paying of visits to her chief courtiers. 

The most important of these papers, however, relate to Eliza- 
beth's foreign policy. They follow three main lines, relating to — 

1. JNIary Queen of Scots and Scotch affairs till 1587: then the 

affairs of James VI. and succession to the English throne. 

2. The affairs of Spain and intended Spanish invasions from 

1587 onwards. 

3. The wars in France in which the Queen interfered as a means 

of striking at Spain, and the religious wars in France, from 

Scotland. From time to time glimpses of the state of affairs in 
Scotland are afforded. At the time of Elizabeth's accession to the 
throne parties there were in a state of great confusion, the outstand- 
ing feature of which to Elizabeth must have been the danger of 
the success of the efforts of the French. At p. 41 is a memorandum 
of things to be shewn to the " Governor of Scotland "; apparently 
to put before him the real designs of the French King. 

Some years later at the end of 1571, an interesting dispatch from 
Verac at Edinburgh to the French Ambassador in England shews 
that the French King had not entirely given up all hope of dominat- 
ing Scotland. But from this point French influence in Scotland 
declined, and only one spasmodic attempt to revive it occurs in 1587 
immediately after the death of the Queen of Scots. 

Not much additional light is thrown by these papers on the 
story of ]\Iary Queen of Scots, most of the documents in this volume 
having been already printed by Murdin and Labanoff. 

On the death of Mary interest as regards Scottish affairs is at 
once diverted to her son. James up to the last had professed to 
believe her life was in no danger, though at that very time he was 
being strongly urged by the French King to intervene with Elizabeth 
to secure her safety and tliat no rigorous treatment should be used 
towards licr on account of tlie late (Bal)iDgton's) conspiracy. 
Although the execution might in Catholic circles be called murder, 
yet James took a very different view of it. A letter dated 2nd 
March, 1587, from Pury Ogilvy to A. Douglas gives a very curious 
account of the King's behaviour on receiving the news: — 

" Last of all I will assure you that the King moved never his 

countenance at the rehearsal of his mother's execution, nor leaves not 

his pastime and hunting more tlian if before." 

This is the only passage in the letter that is underlined, as if to 
express the writer's amazement at the King's conduct. Whatever 
may have been his real sentiments James was not prepared to let the 
execution make a breach between himself and Elizabeth ; and to 
that end seemed to accept the theory that it was the work of her 
Council and not herself. 


Even before his mother's death the couditiou of Scotland had C^euil MSS. 
rendered James's throne an uneasy one. jNIore than once the nobles ^''* aIJI. 
had risen against him, as they did not fail to do thereafter; and on 
one occason he realised that his position was almost that of a 
prisoner. Sir Henry Cobhani w riting from Paris to Walsingham in 
June, 1583, remarks: — 

" There is in this town Sir John Setou, second son to the lord of 
Seton, readj' to take his voyage to ypain. He has order from the Scotch 
King to inform King PhiHp that his sul)jects hold him prisoner, and to 
demand his counsel and aid." 

It was evident therefore that James could not possibly dispense 
with Elizabeth's support, and it was tliis fact that regulated his 
conduct towards her at all times. He even submitted to her scold- 
ings, which were neither gentle nor few. 

There ai'e many letters that passed between the two Sovereigns 
in this collection, and from tliese a good outline of the relations 
between them may l)e gathered. Attention may be drawn to the 
instructions given by James to Arehil)al(l Douglas, whom he was 
sending as ambassador to England in August, 1586. 

S}utin. There are many references to the relations of England 
with Spain, but mostly of an indirect nature. Philip on Elizabeth's 
accession expressed great pleasure at the way she responded to his 
brotherly affection. A little later, in ]564, commissioners were ap- 
pointed by both countries to meet at Bruges for the settlement of 
commercial questions ; but after this there are few indications of 
diplomatic intercourse between the two countries. No ambassador 
from Spain was received in England after the departure of Mendoza 
early in 1584 ; and, indeed, Elizabeth complained that for two years 
before he left IMendoza had ti-ausacted no business with her for his 
master — but seems rather to have acted as agent for the Queen of 
Scots. A paper of intelligence speaks of " the Spanish Ambassador 
that departing is," and must refer to Mendoza. Tliere are many 
incidental references to the King of Spain and his attempts to stir 
up trouble for Elizabeth, but the latter was careful to maintain 
apparenth- friendly relations. 

Of the attack on Lisbon in 1589 two brief but most interesting 
accounts are given by factors of mei-chants of Lubeck writing home 
to their employers. 

The expedition against Cadiz in June, 1596, was a much bigger 
affair, and of this a very good accoimt is given by Sir George Gytfoixl 
to the Earl of Southampton, written from Cadiz Road on 5th July. 

Eesults of the expedition, as appears from these papers, \vci\- 
the acquisition of a considerable amount of spoil and the arising of 
H quarrel between Sir Anthony Ashlej- and Sir Gelly Meyrick over 
the appropriation of that same spoil. 

There was still another method of offensive defence against 
Spain, the effectiveness of which was recognised by English and 
Spaniards alike, and that was to cut off the King of Spain's supplies 
by attacking his Indian fleets. The necessity of seizing these ships 
was one of the reasons offered \)y Elizabctli to tlic Sultan 1o inrluce 
him to send his triremes to Spain. 

(B172a-Gp. 5) D 2 


: Franco, iu the latter half oJ; the volume papers coucerning 
I'rauce aud I'reuch affahs are ^ ery numerous, surpassing in number 
and interest those relating to Scotland. A great many, and those 
the most important, are letters to and from the Earl of Essex, who 
had been placed in command of the English troops sent into Brit- 
tany iu 151)1, from which time he maintained a constant correspond- 
ence with the two kindred spirits Henry IV and the Due de Bouillon. 
At his rebellion aud execution in IGOl all the Earl's papers were 
seized by Sir llobert Cecil, and therefore naturally appear in this 

The first paper to which attention may be directed is the account 
given by the Earl of Derby and Sir E. [Stafford of their audience 
with the French King, ord March, 1585. They had been sent to dis- 
cuss with the King French relations with the Low Countries since 
the death of Anjou; and the King urged a joint interposition with the 
King of Spain in order to secure to his subjects in the Low Countries 
their old customs and liberties. The Queen Mother objected to the 
proposal on the ground of the disturbed condition of France : and 
this condition is accentuated by the following paper on French 
affairs, the writer of which goes so far as to predict a second St. 

In January, 1587, tlie King of Navarre appears upon the scene 
in an instrument setting forth an agreement with Horatio Palavicino 
as Elizabeth's representative. Henry, after publishing a declara- 
tion of the causes that compelled him to take up arms, was trying to 
form a league among the Princes oppressed by the Pontiff, and sent 
Segur to ask their assistance with men, money and munitions of war 
in defending the common cause. In response to this appeal the 
Queen aided him with 100,000 gold crowns, to be repaid after peace 
had been obtained in France from the French King ; and in August 
following we get a glimpse of the use made of such aid. 

In November further reinforcements to the number of 10,000 
men were promised by John, Duke Casimir, to the King of Navarre 
to serve till ])eace be made; and again the Queen is found supplying 
the sinews of war. 

A terrible picture of the state of affairs in France in 1589 is given 
in two letters to Arcliibald Douglas. 

A letter to Burghlcy from Ottwell Smyth in November, 1590, 
also draws a vivid picture of the distracted state of France. Upon 
Paris specially, which held for the League, the struggle was pressing 
severely; famine and terrible mortality from the plague soon led them 
to contemplate a surrender and a general peace. Moreover, the 
Spaniards were in Brittany, and it was probably this consideration 
and the threat it implied of cutting off communications between 
England and France, that led the Queen to send 4,000 troops to 
Brittany to be used specially about Havre and Kouen, under the 
(command of the Earl of Essex, Sir Roger Williams being second in 
command. A portion of this force was drawn from the companies 
serving in the Low Countries. By September Essex had arrived 
in Franco, and the first letter to him from Hem-y in this collection 
occurs at p. 451. It was in cipher and contained the King's in- 


structions as commander-in-cliicf to Essex as general of tho English Cecil AfSS. 
forces. PaitXin. 

Late in the summer of ISDi a treaty was concluded for sending 
4,000 foot and 100 horse into Brittany, but at the King's expense. 
Strong complaints were made of their condvict there. 

Essex was not employed again in France, although there seems 
to have been an idea of diverting the expedition under him 
against Cadiz in 1596 for the relief of Calais, which had been cajjtured 
by the Spaniards in April of that year. But de Bouillon, alike soldier 
and statesman, was at this time Henry's chief minister, and was 
sent into England on several occasions, being employed to negotiate 
the treaty of 1596. Essex and he had much in common, and from 
1594 de Bouillon used the influence of Essex with Elizabeth as the 
chief means of bringing pressure to bear upon the Queen and in- 
ducing her to aid the French King ; and his letters give a vivid and 
continuous picture of the state of affairs in France. 

At length in a dispatch to La Fontaine informing him of the 
condition of affairs in France and the ebbing fortunes of those of the 
religion, de Bouillon intimates plainly that Henry was inclined to 
treat with the King of Spain. This convinced the Queen of the 
necessity of sending further aid to France ; and in the spring of 
1596 a treaty with de Bouillon was concluded for the purpose. But 
in the opinion of the Duke the assistance promised was utterly 
inadequate, and he did not fail to let Essex know it, at the same 
time warning the latter that his ruin was being sought at Elizabeth's 

With a few more letters from de Bouillon to Essex of an unim- 
portant character the documents relating to France in this volume 
come to a close. At the end of 1590 we see Henry, despairing of 
getting effective aid from Elizabeth, and doubtless anxious for the 
good of his crown and realm to bring the long drawn civil strife to 
an end, ready to make peace with his ancient enemy Spain, having 
already in 1593 made his peace with Home. 

Queen Elizabeth's general foreign policy. With regard to the 
general foreign policy of England under Elizabeth an interesting 
definition of it is given in a paper of December. 1589. It is in 
Italian and headed simply " M. to F.," and is addressed to some 
one high in the service of the Grand Duke of Florence. It is a ver>' 
able state paper ; after speaking of the general European situation 
the writer remarks: — 

" It is therfore easy to see how necessary it is both for the Princes 
of Italy and for the Queen my sovereign t« maintain the balance of 
Europe; for which she has done, and will do, her part." 

Much and varied information relative to the Low Countries, 
Portugal — the rival claimants to which throne on the death of Don 
Sebastian in 1580 both alike turned to Elizabeth for assistance — 
and other countries will be found in this part. 

Ireland. With regard to Ireland this volume is comparatively 
silent ; though there are copies of letters from Henry VII. and 
Henry VIII. to the city of Waterford, and a declaration of 
the value of Ciown possessions in the conntiy about 1547. There 


are also mentions of the di«turbuuces that were chronic there, refer- 
ences to the revenue and general memoranda on the country ; but 
more papers concerning it may be expected in the next volume, 
covering the period that Essex was Lord Deputy, and the suppres- 
sion of the rebellion that followed. 

This part of the calendar covering so long a period, many well- 
known historical j)ersonages are naturally referred to in it. 

Lord Burghley. Of these Sir William Cecil Lord Burghley is 
the most prominent, and he appears before us in many different 
aspects. As Chancellor of the University of Cambridge he is fre- 
quently consulted by individual ('olleges to secure their privileges 
or to settle disputes. One of his chief hobbies was Theobalds, which 
came into his possession in 1563 ; many of these papers relate to the 
works and alterations he carried out there. The description of the 
accommodation afforded by the house in 1572, contained in a paper 
dra\A'n up in preparation for a visit by the Queen in July of that 
year, is very full and i:)articular. Another favourite ])ursuit was the 
stud}- of pedigrees, especially of the Cecil family, of which many 
proofs are to be found in the present volume. He also kept a diary 
of the principal events that happened during his life, beginning 
eharacteristically with his birth: — "1521, 13th September. I, 
" William Cecil was born between 3 and 4 in the afternoon I " Of 
the correspondence a large proportion is naturally addressed to him 
as Secretary or Lord Treasurer ; but after 1590 Sir Robert Cecil 
takes more and more of the burden from his father, and by the year 
1596, when he was made principal Secretary, was transacting most 
01 the business connected with that office. But the most impoi-tant 
work done by Burghley, as here illustrated, was that pertaining to 
the office of Lord Treasurer. 

Earl of Essex. The personage who comes most prominently forward 
in these papers, after Lord Burghley, is perhaps the Earl of Essex. 
His first appearance is as commander of the troops sent to Brittany 
in 1591 in aid of the French King, and from that moment till the 
end of the volume he is the most conspicuous figure on the stage. 
From that time he was immersed in martial affairs ; Henry IV. 
found in him a kindred spirit, and knowing his influence with Eliza- 
beth sought to bring it to bear for the purpose of inducing the Queen 
to aid him more effectually. But the most important friendship 
Esst'x formed in France was with the Due de Bouillon, with whom 
he entertained a correspondence represented in these papers by 
numei'ous and important letters. From these and from the letters 
of Ersfild to Essex, a good picture can be obtained of the state of 
affairs in France, and of the hopes they entertained, too often 
doomed to disappointment of help from England. 

We hear little of the Earl until he is again p\it in command' of an 
expedition, this time in conjunction with the Lord Admiral, in 1596. 
It was originally intended for the relief of Calais, then hard pressed 
by the Spaniards ; but on the capture of that place on 17th April 
its destination was altered to Cadiz, where it arrived in June. By 
the expedition, said an eye-witness and member of the force, " our 
" generals won great honour, yea, even of the enemy." They also 


obtaiued more material results hut not enough to satisfy their some- ^ecil M.8S. 
what grasping Sovereign, whose anger fell heavily on all the leaders, ^^'^ ' 
including the Earl of Essex. 

The only direct evidence as to the relations of Essex and the 
Queen in this volume is contained in a letter from him to Elizabeth. 
]t is endorsed in French, and with the date 1505, which is most 
likely correct. 

Hints are not wanting of the intrigues against Essex, that were 
carried on by his fellow courtiei-s, as he asserted. 

TJie Earl of Leicester. But few of these papers concern the 
Eari of Leicester, Essex's predecessor in the royal favour, and most 
of those refer to his governorship of the Low Countries. 

James, Earl of BothweU. Incidental notices of Bothwell occur 
frequently in these papers, but the most important document is 
the recitation in full of the process for a divorce between him and 
Lady Jane (or Janet) Gordon, his " putative " wife, in April and 
May, 1567. It is chiefly in Latin and very long, covering more than 
ten pages of this Calendar, and ended in a divorce being granted to 
Lady Jane on the ground of Bothwell 's adultery, superseded by a 
final sentence four days later declaring their marriage to have been 
invalid owing to the parties being within the forbidden degrees of 
consanguinity. The last document of the series is a notarial certifi- 
cate of threats and undue influence having been exerted by Both- 
well's servants to force Master John Manderston, Canon of Dunbar, 
one of the Commissaries, to bring the matter to a definite end. As 
to Bothwell 's connexion with the death of Darnley, the Lords of 
Secret Council boldly denoimced him as " chief executor of that 
" horrible murder, as well before the committing thereof as there- 
" after." A letter from Bothwell of a later date, written during 
his temporary banishment from Scotland, is of interest as showing 
his relations with the most pi-ominent statesmen in England. 

Archibald Douglas. Another Scotsman who figures largely in 
the latter part of this volume is Archibald Douglas. He appears 
first officially in August, 1586, when he was sent by James to discuss 
three pressing matters with Elizabeth— the King's marriage, the 
religious troubles in Scotland, and the dangers that beset the 
Queen's person. He is generally described, at least by Scotsmen, 
as " the King's Ambassador " or " my Lord Ambassador." His 
chief correspondents were Richard Douglas and the Master of Gray ; 
but he does not seem to have taken part in any important negotia- 
tions after his first appearance. His countrymen were fully alive 
to the advantage of having a friend at the English Court in their 
private affairs, and he took care to turn his position to his own 
personal profit, following the example of most courtiers of the time. 
He did not always keep clear himself of financial difficulties, on one 
occasion being summoned to Edinburgh by the Scottish Council to 
answer " a suit for the return of a chanzie of gold or its value." 
These papers show him to have been engaged in a somewhat remark- 
able number of love affairs. 

Hcnrjf IV. of Frnnce. The papers concerning Henry of Navarre 
confirm the estimate generally formed of his character. 


A careful perusal of these papers will enable the student to follow 
the fluctuations of the religious wars that devastated France in 
ilenrys reign. 

One letter gives an interesting account of the King's daily life 
amongst his soldiers and at home. 

Antonio Perez. In July, 1595, the French King having requested 
Elizabeth to send Antonio Perez to him, the latter was dismissed 
and betook himself to France. On his departure he submitted a 
memorial to the Queen in Spanish which has been printed elsewhere 
from another and an imperfect version. He arrived at Dieppe, from 
which place an agent of Essex sent the Earl a full account of his 
movements and bearing. 

He was regarded with suspicion ; even in France" a spy was em- 
ployed by Wylton to watch his doings ; but on his arrival at Paris he 
met with good entertainment. His fears for his personal safety 
seem to have been justified, for in France the King of Spain em- 
ployed agents to kill him. Antonio Perez was a disturbing guest 
wherever he went. We take leave of him in these papers with a 
letter to Nanton, in which he alludes to letters received from the 
Earl of Essex, and also from Basadonna, and exhibits his usual spirit 
of suspicion and intrigue. 

Sir Horatio Palavicino. Among the important personages by 
whom Elizabeth was surrounded the financier Horatio Palavicino 
was not the least useful to the Queen. We meet with him first in 
this volume about the year 1583 in a paper relating to money owing 
to him by the Queen. Somewhat later we come on a paper of in- 
formation as to the manner in which Palavicino 's business with 
Elizabeth was can-ied out. The Queen was trying to pass her in- 
debtedness to Palavicino on to the Low Countries, and to induce 
him to look to them for payment; while he naturally refused on 
behalf of himself and his brothers, also concerned in the matter, to 
consent to be dependent on the success of the Low Countries — at 
the time very problematical. In January, 1587, Palavicino was 
acting as the Queens' legate in making an advance to Henry of 
Navarre in «id of the Protestant league. He is referred to again 
incidentally on several occasions ; and in 1596 Battista Giustiniano 
writes to Cecil on behalf of his brother Fabritio Palavicino. The 
latter had drawn up a petition, apparently to the Lord Mayor, in. 
which he recites the Queen's indebtedness to Horatio, his brother, 
since 1583, and how much of it is still unpaid. The Palavicinos, 
like most of her creditors, found it difficult to obtain their due from 
the Queen. 

Many other personal matters of interest will be found in these 
papers. For example : A long dispute took place in 1583 between the 
Marquis of Winchester and Henry Ughtred, executor of the will of 
the late Marquis, concerning the latter 's estate. In 1585 an official 
record was drawn up of the proceedings against the late Earl of 
Northumberland for treason, for the purpose of refuting " those that 
" report maliciously of the proceedings against the Earl of North- 
" umberland " : and papers relating to the conspiracies of Babington 


and the Earl of Aruudel also occur. The uuruly condition of the Cecil MSS. 
northern Borders is illustrated by the quarrel between Sir Cuthbert ^'"''^ -^"'• 
Collingwood and Sir John Sclby. 

The matters of interest of a miscellaneous character touched upon 
in these papers are numerous. Trade and commerce of the time 
may be studied here in general, by means of the index, under such 
heads as the Hanse Towns ; the Steelyard ; Merchant Adventurers ; 
Flanders ; Denmark, &c. ; while the cultivation of trade in various 
articles will be found under their names: e.g., woad, wool, salt, 
cloths, starch, &c. Several points of International Law with regard 
to enemy's goods in time of war may be noted. In the time of 
Henry VIII. a proposal was made to exempt woad from confiscation 
in the event of war breaking out with the country exporting it, 
and another paper contains an article of the ordinances made by the 
French King in 1584 as to enemies' goods in French and allies' ships. 
By the draft of a treaty between England and France (which is un- 
dated, but may possibly belong to 1596) it is stipulated that " if 
" there happen any war betwixt these two Princes, there shall be 
" limited two months (or 60 days) after the publication of the war 
" for the merchants to retire themselves with their goods." 

It was no doubt due to the v/ars in France and Flanders from 
1580 onwards that so large a number of refugee aliens sought an 
asylum in England. Long lists of aliens, giving their names and 
trades, occur, which have been printed by the Huguenot Society of 
London. An inquiry was also instituted as to Italians who had 
arrived in England ; and it was found necessary to legislate 
generally on the subject of aliens. 

Ecclesiastical matters are very frequently referred to. On the 
one hand perhaps the most important papers are Mr. John Udall's 
confession of his opinion touching ecclesiastical government, and his 
submission to the secular government ; and in the other direction 
may be noted the efforts to deal with the Jesuits, especially in 
Scotland. James was apparently anxious to be rid of them and the 
more so as rumours spread abroad of the coming Spanish invasion. 
But it does not appear that he was able to secure their banishment 
from Scotland. 

A commission issued to Burghley and others towards the end of 
1589 on the subject of " Masterless men In Essex and Herts 
throws some light on the condition of the lower orders of the people. 
A few papers concerning the Channel Islands are of interest, parti- 
cularly with regard to the Queen's new erected Grammar school 
at Guernsey. Papers on naval and military matters abound, while 
the student of such matters as letters of marque, pirates, the plague, 
mines and minerals, and many others will find these papers repay 
investigation. Finally, mention should be made of the maps and 
plans, of which this volume mentions a good number, some 
coloured, some plain; the plans of Ostend, of Croyden Fort by 
Sir Martin Frobisher, and of the river Lea may be instanced : and a 
"Welsh game or play called " Whippergundy," the nature of which 
does not appear. 

Part V. 


MSS. Ol" Tin: E.VKL OF DE\B1('.II. I'AHT V . 

Earl of I'he manuscripts of the l-^arl of Denbigh were the subject of four 

IVnbigli : <.]iort notices by the late Mr. E. B. Knowles, in tlie Fourth, Sixth, 
SevcTith, and Eighth Eeports of tliis Commission ; but since the 
hist of these appeared many more papers have been brought to 
light, and it lias also been thought well to deal more fully with the 
correspondence of Isabella (.'ountess of Denbigh, wife of William the 
tifth Earl. 

The earliest document in the Collection is a letter from the Sir 
William Feilding of Henry VIII's. time, grandson of that other 
Sir William who fell at Tewkesbury. It must have been written in 
1536, as its relates to the claims of one Master Coope (evidently the 
Antony Coope or Cope who was persona grata with Thomas Crom- 
well) to certain lands, and refers to the grant of the lordship of 
Drook in Rutland by the King. 

Following this 16th century document are two or three letters in 
relation to the curious quarrel between Lord Denny and Lady Mary 
Wroth, a daughter of Eobert Sydney, Earl of Leicester, and author 
of Urania, a pastoral romance, which was ])olieved to have a satirical 

But the main bulk of the earlier part of the Denbigh Collection 
consists of the correspondence of Basil, Lord Feilding (afterwards 
2nd Earl of Denbigh) during his embassies to Venice and Turin in 
the years 1634-1639. 

Lord Feilding and his wife left England on the 9th of October, 
1634. They were hardly established in Venice when Lady Feilding 
died, and some of the earliest letters to Lord Feilding are those 
condoling with him upon his loss. Her death was followed by that 
of her father. Lord Chancellor Portland, and Feilding's troubles at 
this time were increased by money difficulties. 

Lord Feilding's most regular correspondents during the years of 
his embassies were Peter Morton, agent at Turin, and John Taylor, 
agent at Vienna, whose letters to the ambassador form a useful sup- 
plement to their despatches amongst the Foreign Office State papers. 
Taylor, a Eoman Catholic and half a Spaniard, was all for an 
alliance between England and the Emperor. The Emperor, on his 
showing, was willing, while the Spaniards were also desirous of his 
friendship. How rudely this dream was shattered by the honest and 
clear-sighted Arundel, when he came to Vienna in 1636, is known 
from that ambassador's despatches; and in this collection two or 
three interesting letters from Col. Walter Leslie give notes of 

Colonel Leslie (best known by his share in Wallenstein's disgrace 
and assassination) was at this time Imperial Chamberlain, colonel 
of two regiments, and a member of the Em])eror's Council of War; 
but he did not forget his British blood, and seems to have been 
sincerely desirous, though with but small hopes of success, of bring- 
ing about a good understanding between the courts of St. James and 

Taylor's letters in 1636 are chiefly concerned with the affairs of 


the Palatinate, bitt also contain many details in relation to the ap- Eail of 
proacliing election of the King of the Eomans. in April, it became p^^°^*\?'' 
known that the Duke of Bavaria was expecting an heir. Taylor ' 
gives a cm-ious report that the Duchess had assured the Emperor of 
the contrary, and liad declared that rather tluin hinder the good 
work in progress " by what was in her womb," she would wish to 
have never been born. 

As the year drew to an end, Taylor's liopes of a settlement fell 
very low. Arundel's uncompromising terms had been rejected, and 
after considerable delay the ambassador had been recalled. The 
Electors, for the greater part, were against England, and the Aus- i 

trian alliance appeared not to be of that advantage to King Charles 
that it might have been earlier. The Imperialists were beginning 
tD be affrighted with the ill-success of their arms; they knew not 
where to find winter quarters for their army, and they had so many 
officers that they must dismiss a great many, which would mean 
danger of mutiny or desertion to the enemy. Wrangel, " a brave 
" commander of the Swedes," had already had some success, and 
should the Emperor's generals be beaten, " the state of Germany 
'' for the House of Austria would be worse than ever." 

Taylor's last letter is dated on the 1st of January, 1639, just 
when his own rashness and chicanery in England were on the eve 
of bringing about his downfall. 

Morton's letters from Turin are chiefly concerned with the 
politics of that Court, and only occasional extracts from them are 
given in this Report. 

The most interesting letters written to Lord Feilding are a group 
of about a dozen from Dr. "William Harvey, the great physician, and 
relate to a quite unknown incident in his life. In 1636, as is well 
known, he accompanied Lord Arundel on his mission to the Impei-ial 
Court. Passing through the " ruined, desolate country of Ger- 
" many," they arrived at Lintz. where the ambassador had his first 
audiences, and where Dr. Harvey went twice or thrice a-hunting 
with the Emperor. While waiting for an answer to his proposals, 
Lord Arundel and Harvey went to Vienna, where they visited the 
Queen of Hungary and the Archduke, " and two very fine little 
" babies, her children." Thence, Dr. Harvey went to Baden, near 
Vienna, to see the baths. 

After parting from Lord Arundel at Eatisbon, he arranged to 
visit Lord Feilding at Venice. At Treviso, when he was expecting 
to be that night with his friend at Venice, he was stopped by the 
podesta, on the plea that his passport was not properly vise, and 
that he came from places infected with the plague. The podest/i 
even demanded that he should go into the lazaretto. 

Harvey at first absolutely refused to go into the lazaretto, pre- 
ferring to lie out in the open field. Here, " scribbling on the 
" grass," he sent off a hurried despatch to Lord Feilding, praving 
him at once to procure his liberation ; but ultimately the podestd 
forced him " with terror of muskets " to go into the lazaretto, 
where he had to share " a very nasty room " with his vetturino and 
two other men. 

Part V. 


Karl of Besides the discomfort of liis position, his fears of siclmess were 

Denbigli : leahscd. A severe attack of sciatica came on which left him much 
depressed and very lame. Just as he was recovering, lie received a 
" heavy message " from the Senate at Venice that he must stay 
where he was until further order, and upon his asking how long, was 
told seven, ten, or twenty days. The unhappy doctor poured out re- 
iterated arguments as to the validity of his pass and the infamy of 
his treatment, declaring that his one desire was " in any way and on 
" any condition to be gone from this base place and barbarous 
" people." This is the last of his letters from Treviso. 

The next is written, three weeks later, in a very different mood. 
He had evidently been with Feilding at Venice, and was now in the 
fair city of Florence, enjoying " much contentment with health and 
" mirth " and receiving many attentions from the Grand Duke. So 
that the doctor's visit to Italy ended much more happily than it 

One more letter, dated in November, announced his arrival at 
Eatisbon, where he re- joined Lord Arundel, and with him travelled 
home to England. 

Other letters to Lord Feilding worthy of notice are: — An account 
of the ten-ible plague in North Italy in 1631 ; a letter from Lingels- 
heim on the victory of Gustavus Adolphus at Breitenfeld ; an 
interesting letter from Edward Nicholas concerning Lord Went- 
worth, then just going over as Deputy to Ireland, and a notice of 
" il signer Massarini," when he was sent in 1634 on a mission to 
France. This same correspondent, Anthony Hales, gave Feilding a 
graphic sketch of Videll, the author, then acting as secretary to the 
Due de Crequi ; a man, he said, " of singular and rare qualities," 
well versed in the world, an esteemed poet, and beginning to show 
himself " in press "; but " infinitely ambitious, unquiet, hasty," 
and passionate beyond reason. 

In June, 1637, William Middleton, " examiner of the school at 
" Charterhouse," sent news from London. " The way of France," 
he wrote, was now prevalent; his Grace of Canterbury and the Lord 
Keeper (Coventry) were observed usually to concur ; and people were 
altogether by the ears about altars "; but the great opposer of 
them, the Bishop of Lincoln, was to be censured in the Star Cham- 
ber, and after that it was believed little more would be lieard of him. 

A letter from Aston, ambassador at Madrid, written at the be- 
ginning of 1638, gives a description of a literai*y fete in honour of the 
Duchess of Chevrcuse, which began " with the opening of a scene 
" from whence appeared Parnassus, set in several degrees, full of 
" poets." 

In the spring of 16.38. Lord Feilding was transferred to the Court 
of Turin. He had hoped to be sent to France, and remonstrated 
against remaining at Turin, and expressed a wish, failing the 
French embassy, to return to Venice. 

A letter from a friend in London in Januarv, 1638-P gives a 
glimpse of the friction which always existed between Coke and 
Windebank, the two Secretaries of State. Curiously enougli. the 
Protestant Coke was by no means well disposed towards Lord Feild- 


ing (who was so soou to offend his friends by taking the Puritan side Karl of 
in the Civil War), and tried to prevent his having the superior title p "?^ 
of Icgatns ca'traordinarias when he was sent back to Venice at the 
beginning of 1030 ; while \Vindebank took Feilding's part with the 
King, and managed to get the credentials sent off without his fellow- 
secretary's knowledge. 

Lord Feilding made but a short stay in Venice, and, leaving Sii> 
Gilbert Talbot in charge, came to England in May. In August he 
married Barbara Lamb, daughter of the Dean of Arches. There was 
often talk of his returning once again to Venice, but he never did 
so, although he remained nominally ambassador until 1643. Talbot 
continued to act there, and reported regularly to his chief, but his 
letters are for the most part devoted to Italian politics, and only a 
few extracts have been made from them. 

All who have studied the history of this period know the shrewd 
intelligence with which Giustiniano, now the Venetian ambassador in 
London, observed and commented upon English affairs. Just at the 
time when the Little Parliament had assembled at Westminster, 
Talbot saw one of Giustiniano's letters to his State. " The Venetian 
" ambassador," he reported, " hath sent hither in this week's 
" letters, a prognostic of the disagreement between his Majesty and 
" the Parliament, which he buildeth upon the power which the 
" Puritans have already showed in swaying the common votes in the 
" election of knights and burgesses, and withal he addeth that not 
" any one who accompanied the King into Scotland are made choice 
of for their delegates." Lord Feilding's deputy often found him- 
self put to it to smooth over the various difficulties which arose both 
in regard to public matters and his chief's own affairs. There were 
heavy household expenses which he could not defray, and people 
clamoured for payments which he could not make. He had to 
soothe the authorities in regard to the arrest of the Venetian am- 
bassador's chaplai!! in London, and again when an English official 
took upon himself to break open the ambassador's letters. In this 
latter case, however, handsome apologies were made by Parliament, 
and the ambassador's " clouds were turned into bonfires." 

The last of Talbot's letters was written in January, 1G42-3, by 
which time he was at his wits' end. The " family " was unclad and 
penniless ; they were ordered to leave the ambassador's house, and 
Talbot neither knew how to pay the rent of it nor where to find 
credit for another one. As " a last shift," he had pawned Feilding's 
pictures and diamond chain, and for his own part, he declared, he 
should have to quit the service and betake himself " to some army 
" for four shillings a week." As at this time Lord Feilding had up- 
wards of thirteen thousand pounds owing to him from the King, it 
is not to be wondered at that his official payments had fallen into 
arrear. But by this time the state of the King's affairs made it 
impossible for him to pay anything, and in consequence, Lord Feild- 
ing's pictures, jewels and plate remained in pawn until after the 
Kestoration, when he petitioned Charles TI. to redeem them out of 
his arrears, offering the pictures to his Majesty as a gift, which he 
hoped, would no ways disgrace the royal galleries. 


Earl of Most of the Civil War letters were arranged in volumes before 

Denbigh : ivuowles made Lis reports, aud were caleudared by him iu the 
Part V. Fomth Eeport of the Commission, but a few additional ones have 

since been found, which are noticed in this Eeport. 

Lastly we may mention three letters from " W. Aylesbury," 
travelling in charge of two young lords, evidently the Duke of 
Buckingham and his brother Francis, who had licence from the 
Parhament to go to Italy in 1646. Will Aylesbury was brother-in- 
law to Sir Edward Hyde. His father, Sir Thomas Aylesbury, had 
been the first Duke of Buckingham's secretary, and, by his means, 
had obtained lucrative office and a baronetcy, but had taken refuge 
in Holland soon after the outbreak of the Civil War. 

The first group of letters stops at the Eestoration. It is followed 
by a series of papers belonging to Everard de Weede, Sieur or Baron 
de Dyckvelt, the noted Dutch diplomatist, an intimate friend of 
Bentinck, Earl of Portland, and a man much trusted by William 
III. Dyckvelt "s first mission to England was in 1672, when he was 
one of the " deputies extraordinary " sent over to negotiate with 
Charles II. They arrived at Margate, were met at Gravesend, 
politely escorted to Hampton Court, visited by a few irresponsible 
courtiers, took walks and drives, and vainly memorialized the King 
for an interview. The only trace of any official result of their visit is 
the passport which they signed for the Duke of Buckingham and 
Lord Arlington, then about to start, by way of tlio Low Countries, to 
negotiate with the French King. The first of Dyckvelt 's papers is a 
copy of Arlington's letter to Boreel, the Dutch ambassdor, asking 
for this pass, and arranging to send his carriage to fetch " Monsieur 
" Wede " to his own house. Dyckvelt crossed with Arlington in the 
" Henrietta " yacht, hurried on to the Hague in time formally to 
receive the ambassadors, and escorted them on their visit to the 
Prince of Orange. 

Dyckvelt's next journey to England was in 1685, a mission of 
condolence on the death of Charles II. ; but his first really important 
embassy was at the beginning of 1686-7, when he was sent ostensibly 
as ambassador from the States-General but came also charged with a 
private mission from W^illiam of Orange to the discontented party in 
England. The only letter in the collection which clearly relates 
to this embassy is one from Lord Moi'daunt, evidently written soon 
after Dyckvelt's arrival. In August, 1688, he was again sent over 
by the States, but cannot have stayed long, as Burnet says that for 
two months before the Prince of Orange set out for England, 
Dyckvelt was constantly at the Hague, " making necessary arrange- 
" ments." In January, 1688-0, he came as ambassador extraordi- 
nary to congratulate William III., and seems to liave remained in 
England until the autumn of that year. 

Dyckvelt's papers would appear to have come into the possession 
of the wife of the fifth Earl of Denbigh, Isabella de Yonge, who was 
related to the Do Weede family. The importance of his position 
and the respect with which he was regarded are shown by letters 
from the Elector of Bavaria, the Duke of Holstein-Ploen, the King 
of Poland, the Duke of Brunswick-Lunebui'g and others. Thei'e 

aiL! ulbo soiuu ti\o and twuut^' letters from Count Tirimont, writteu Earl of 
at Brussels in 1(381), during Uyckvelf s residence in England. They I^enbij,'! 
give diplomatic and military intelligence, and \\ere evidently writ- '" 
ten by desire ul King \Viiliam himsell:. 

Tne report on the Denbigh papers in the Appendix to the iSeventh 
lieport oi the Conunission contams extracts irom what are there 
called " newsletters, ' but which are not such in the ordinary sense, 
being private and contidential letters, and containing a certain 
amount of cipher. The editor, Mr. H. B. Knowles, gave some in- 
teresting details in regard to the writer, but unfortunafely just 
stopped short of identifying him. The letters are, as he says, un- 
signed, " except in the case of the first, which has only initials." 

But these initials are "J. Bl." and in one of his letters, dated 
8th December, 1091, the wa-iter discusses a charge which he has in 
Jamaica, and the conduct of his deputies there, and speaks of tlie 
kindness of I'ortland in writing to the governor. Lord Inchiquin, on 
his behalf. These points clearly identify the writer with the Sieur 
John Blancard, who was provost-marshal general in Jamaica front 
October, 1690. 

Two interesting cipher letters from Blancard have been de- 
ciphered with the assistance of previous letters calendared in the 
Seventh and Eighth Reports of the Commission. The first is a 
very curious account of the relations between the King and Queen 
at the beginning of 1691, which, if this account be true, were by 
no means so happy as some writers would have us believe they had 
by this time become. The King was reported to love his wife no 
longer ; the Queen to have said that a girl marrying at fifteen did 
not know what she was doing; he had railed her upon her cmhon- 
point; she was angiy with him for his attentions to some lady, 
probably his old mistress, ]\lademoiselle de Villiers. To compli- 
cate matters, a third person, almost certainly Shrewsbury, w^as said 
to be enamoured of the Queen, and to be encouraged by the pro- 
phecy of a fortune-teller to believe that, should the King die, she 
would marry him and he would share her throne. The Queen, 
who was virtue itself," having no suspicion of his passion and 
never having heard the prediction, was in danger of encouraging 
him by her frank kindness, and the King, equally unsuspicious, had 
often thrown them together. 

Blancard, although apparently not without fear that there was 
some truth in the tale, flouted it to his lady informant, but she 
laughed at his emphatic disclaimers, assured him that husbands 
seldom loved their wives, however charming they might be, and 
declared that the lover in question was quite credulous enough to 
believe the prophecy. 

There are gaps in this letter which were supplied by words in 
cipher written on a separate sheet, for additional security, but a 
careful search amongst the documents has failed to bring this 
separate sheet " to light. 
The second letter contains a proposal to send a certain person, 
described as a poor governor without a government, to James TI. 
with a letter from his daughter the Queen, in order to get informa- 


Earl of tion of the state of affairs in France. This letter has also passages 

Denbigh : ^^^ .^ separate sheet, but fortunately this sheet was found amongst 
the papers, although not with the letter to which it evidently 

From Blancard's next letter it would appear that 
Dyckvelt thought the plan too risky, and we hear no more about it. 
The correspondence of Isabella de Yonge, wife of the fifth Earl 
of Denbigh, extends (exclusive of two or three earlier papers) from 
1735 to 1753. A few of these letters were printed- in the Eighth 
Eeport of this Commission, and should be taken in connexion with 
those printed in the present volume. Lady Denbigh must have 
been a very clever and lively person. One of her con-espondents 
speaks of " ce badinage leger qu'une HoUandaise est venue nous 
" voler," and " de I'esprit et du genie pour gouverner una 
" royaumo "; also there are many allusions to the charm of her 
letters, but unfortunately no drafts or copies remain among her 
papers. She and Lord Denbigh lived for a considerable time- in 
France, and made themselves very popular there, in diplomatic and 
literary circles ; while by her intimate friends, as the Bolingbrokes, 
Westmorlands, Stanhopes and her cousins the De Pesters, she was 
evidently greatly beloved. She never thoroughly mastered the 
English language; Horace Walpole refers repeatedly to her lack of 
ability to speak it correctly, even after living for many years in 
England. Her sister, Lady Blandford, also spoke it very badly, and 
does not appear to have known French accurately either, for the one 
short note from her, amongst these papers, is spelt in most curious 

The characters who most frequently appear upon the stage in 
Lady Denbigh's correspondence include her husband and her only son 
(the former usually spoken of as " le Prince Noir " " Noireau," 
and the latter as the " dauphin ") ; Lord Bolingbi-oke (the Bacha 
or the hermit) and his lady ; the Marchioness of Blandford and her 
second husband. Sir "William Wyndham (le Chevalier) and the 
children of the latter, Charles afterwards Earl of Egremont, Percy, 
who took the name of O'Brien and eventually became Earl of 
Thomond, and Elizabeth, who, in 1748, married George Grenviile. 
The Countess of Suffolk and her husband Mr. Berkeley, the eccen- 
tric Miss Anne Pitt and the equally eccentric Etheldreda, Lady 
Townshend, with many others flit across the pages, where light 
society gossip is found side by side with grave and often shrewd 
observations on public affairs. 

The long series of letters from Marie, Marquise de Villette, 
second wife of Lord Bolingbroke, begins in the autumn of 1735, 
when Bolingbroke had left England and been joined by his wife at 
the chateau of Chantelou in Touraine. Her husband was just then 
in Paris, with his friends Charles "Wyndham and Will Chetwynd. 
In the spring of 1736 the Bolingbrokes removed to Argeville, near 
Fontainebleau, which was their home for several years. Here Lord 
Bolingbroke's great pleasure was hunting in the forest. As' 
time went on, his wife wrote, his distaste for England 
increased; the death of the Queen, the quarrels of the Prince with 


his father and many other things conducing to prevent him from Earl of 
regretting his native land. At the same time, Lady Bolingbroke p^^^i^^ 
did not believe that he would be content to be always out of the 
world, although he might think so in moments " de noirceur et de 
" bile." At any rate he was resolved to go over to England to settle 
his affairs ; that is to arrange for the sale of his estate of Dawney in 
Middlesex, which he did in the summer of 1738. At this point there 
is a long break in the correspondence. In a letter in the summer of 
1641 she says that* her hermit (the name by which she generally 
designates her husbajid in the later letters) has had a fever, but is 
now better, and that " les eaux de Wals " have carried off his 
jaundice. In the spring of 1742, his father. Lord St. John, died, 
and he went to England, but in August he was back at Argeville. 
At this time he suffered much from rheumatism. The following 
year he had another rheumatic attack, and Lady Bolingbroke was 
seriously alarmed lest he should be completely estropic. The doctors 
ordered him to Aix, and his wife accompanied him. They reached 
Aix towards the end of August. People had alarmed them before- 
hand with an account of the kings and princes with whom the place 
was thronged, but to their great relief they found none. There were, 
however, ambassadors or envoys from nearly all the princes of 
Europe in the town, and this gave rise to the report that negotia- 
tions of some sort were going on, but Lady Bolingbroke feared they 
had only met there by accident. There seemed to be no English 
there at all. 

In 1744 Bolingbroke returned to England, and his wife made 
ready to join him as soon as his plans were settled. 

In the end, he made up his mind to live in the old mansion at 
Battersea, which had come to him from his father. Lady Boling- 
broke landed in England in July, 1744, and they took up their abode 
in the old " taniere " (as she calls it), although it appears to^ have 
been in a very ruinous state, requiring constant patching to keep it 
wind and weather proof. Their life here was a pathetic one. All 
through Lady Bolingbroke 's later letters the sense of pain arising 
from her husband's complete political effacement is apparent, in 
spite of — indeed shown by — her protestations that they like nothing 
so well as to live a hermit life, " forgetting the world and by the 
" world forgot." 

If the life was sad for Lord Bolingbroke, it was still more sad 
for his wife. She felt, she said, as if she had fallen from the 
clouds, and as strange as if she were in Japan. Almost all those 
who had been her friends were dead or scattered, her servants were 
new, and distressed her by their English ways ; she hated the 
English climate and suffered much from the draughtiness of the 
Battersea house. She was in ill-health herself and always anxious 
about her husband. De Pesters gives a hint in one of his letters 
that Lord Bolingbroke was not easy to live with, but his wife was, 
without doubt, devotedly attached to him, and after she came to 
England, they were seldom separated, even for a day. 

The friends whose names most frequently occur in her letters 
from Battersea are Lord Marchmont; Will Chetwynd, whom Lady 
(B1720-Ctp. .5) E 


Boliugbroke always calls " my brother " ; J. de Pesters, a cousin of 
Lady Denbigh ; Anne Pitt, who came with them from France, and 
more or less lived with them, and last but not least Lady Denbigh. 
In the summer of 1746, Lord Bolingbroke paid a visit to a friend 
in Surrey, and a little later he and his wife went together to 
Cornbury, the Earl of Clarendon's house. But their real host there 
was probably Lord Cornbm*y, who was one of Bolingbroke 's closest 
friends. Curiously enough, although she says that Miss Pitt ac- 
companied them, she does not mention Pitt himself, who, as we 
learn from a letter of Bolingbroke 's to Lord Marchmont, in the 
Marchmont Payers, made one of the party. 

A year later they went to Bath, and here the poor lady was 
more unhappy than ever. Her " hermit " was suffering from 
sciatica, and it made him woefully impatient. Bolingbroke got 
worse instead of better, suffered terribly, and for three weeks lay in 
bed hardly able to move. During all this time she herself never 
stirred out of their uncomfortable and noisy lodgings. Her own 
health was, as always, very indifferent, one day better, one day 
worse, but she was brave and uncomplaining. 

In January, 1748, a little excitement was brought into their 
life by the marriage of Lord Marchmont (left a widower about a 
year before) to a wealthy young lady in the city, with whom he had 
fallen in love at first sight, at the opera. 

Bolingbroke 's health showed little or no improvement as the 
months went on. The later letters are full of references to the ill- 
health both of husband and wife ; their house had become a veritable 
hospital, and each was made worse by anxiety for the other. In 
November, 1749, they left Battersea and went to Soho Square, and 
here Lady Bolingbroke died, in March, 1750. 

The touching description of Lord Bolingbroke 's devotion to his 
wife during her last days, and his melancholy letters after her 
death have been already printed in the Eighth Report (Appendix I., 
p. 567). A letter from the Abbess of Sens (Lady Bolingbroke 's 
step-daughter) calendared in the present volume, shows how hopeful 
he was about his own health, even so late as November, 1751, only 
a month before his death. She goes on to speak of the lawsuit 
brought against Lord Bolingbroke by his wife's family (claiming 
Lady Bolingbroke 's property on the ground that she had never been 
legally married), as to which he had assui-ed her, with words of the 
tenderest kindness, that if he lost it, his greatest regret would be 
that he would not be able to help her as he had wished. 

He died on 12th December, 1751. A few weeks later, his old 
friend the Marquis de Matignon, who had very warmly taken 
Bolingbroke 's part, was able to announce that the verdict had been 
given entire!}' in his favour, and that the money thus recovered was 
bequeathed by Bolingbroke 's will, not, as was reported, to his sister 
Henrietta, but entirely to " notre ch^re abbesse." 

There are many letters from Lady Denbigh's cousin, J. de 
Pesters, and several from her nephew Nikolaas de Pesters. The 
former lived in London, and sent Lady Denbigh gossiping letters 
concerning the court, society and the affairs of the day. He calls 


Walpole " le vieux baudet u licol bleu "; speaks of Hauover as Earl of 

that place so dear to the King — aud to us ! " ; says that Lord Stair ^enbigh 
is a " creep mouse " more lit for Lady Townsheud's coucert room 
than for a battery of cauuou ; aud describes Bauelagii as a crowded 
bee-hive, where all the world torus aud twists, aud where one can 
hardly speak, or at any rate can hardly hear. He always speaks 
very warmly of Lady Boliugbroke ; laughs, but not unkindly, at 
Lady Townshend and other fashionable ladies, aud writes most atfec- 
tionately to Lady Denbigh. The letters of Nikolaas de Pesters are 
mainly concerned with his adventui-es at the wars in the Low 
Countries and with Marie Teresa's army in Italy. 

A series of letters written by " Billy " Bristow (half-brother 
of the Duchess of Buckingham) in 173G, gives an interesting picture 
or Italy as it appeared to a fashionable Englishman of the 18th 
century. He travelled with a friend whom he speaks of only as the 
" President," a learned man who was making a collection of Pro- 
veuQal poets, and worked, as Bristow said, " comme un chien 
" enrage," in the libraries of Florence and the Vatican. 

Another whose name appears often in these pages w^as Elizabeth 
or Betty Wyndham, daughter of Sir William Wyndham, Boliug- 
broke 's old friend. Her father married as his second wife the 
widowed Marchioness of Blandford, sister of Lady Denbigh. Betty 
Wyndham was a general favourite and had many suitors, Lord 
Marchmont and John Stanhope amongst them, but the favoured one 
was George Grenville, whom she married in 1748. As a girl she was 
handsome, but an attack of smallpox in 1737 destroyed her beauty. 

Not many of her letters to Lady Denbigh have been preserved, 
but what there are are bright and lively, and written in very good 
French. Her grandfather, on the mother's side, was the " proud 
" Duke of Somerset," of whom so many curious tales are told. Betty 
Wyndham sometimes visited him at Petworth, but did not enjoy 
herself there, for she could neither eat nor sleep ; the beds, she de- 
clared, were detestable and the food tasted of nothing but thyme and 

Other friends of Lady Denbigh, from whom letters will be found 
in this volume, are the Earl and Countess of Westmorland, John 
Stanhope, Kichard and Hester Grenville and Lady Townshend. 

Lord and Lady Westmorland were old and intimate friends of 
the Denbighs. In the autumn of 1751, Lady Westmorland ard her 
husband joined their friends in a visit to P^zenas in Languedoc, 
where they spent the winter. In the following spring they sepa- 
rated, and the Westmorlands went to Bordeaux, from which place 
the Earl sent Lady Denbigh a graphic account of the perils of their 
journey. Another letter records their enjoyment of a month's stay 
in Paris on their way home. 

There are three or four letters from Richard Grenville to Lady 
Denbigh, and as many more, written after he became Earl Temple, 
to her son, the sixth Earl. On Pitt's resignation of the Seals in 
the autumn of 1761, young Lord Denbigh wished to resign also, and 
wrote to consult Temple. The elder man returned a very kind 
answer, explaining at some length the reasons which had induced 
(B1720— Gp. 5) E 2 

Part V. 


Earl of Pitt and himself to resign, but very gently suggesting that there 

S^lHf^ ' ^^^ ^° reason for Lord Denbigh to give up his post (in the House- 
hold) and begging that his " Eagleship (an allusion to the Denbigh. 
" arms) will not meditate flights too bold, or indeed any flight at 
" all," unless circumstances arise to make it more necessary. 

There are two letters from Hester Grenville (afterwards Lady 
Chatham), the second of which is written just after she had paid a 
visit to Lady Denbigh. On her return home she endeavoured ta 
give her friends an idea of the beauties and wonders of Newnham. 

Lady Townshend's letters show no trace either of the liveliness- 
or the bizarrerie which one would expect to find in them. The only 
one of her letters which is at all amusing is one written in 1744, 
after Mr. de Pesters has made Lady Denbigh's apologies for not 
writing on the score of her bad spelling. This, Lady Townshend 
says, is no excuse at all to her, " who always spell very incorrect and 
" was bred up in ignorance." 

Lady Denbigh had also many correspondents amongst her 
friends in France, including the Comte du Luc, M. de Chavigny 
(ambassador to Denmark and Portugal), the Marquis de Matignon, 
M. de Thomasson-Mazaugues, M. de Chateaurenard, and M. d& 
Crebillon, all of whom wrote to her in terms of warm and apparently 
sincere admiration. 

Finally, there are a few letters and other papers which belonged 
to Basil, sixth Earl of Denbigh, the " dauphin " of his mother's- 
correspondence. In 1745 he was given a captaincy in one of the 
new regiments raised to oppose the Jacobite rising, and marched 
northward under the Duke of Bedford. There are several allusions- 
to this in the letters of that year. In December, 1748, he was made 
Colonel of the Warwickshire Militia, called out upon alarm of a 
French invasion. His regiment was stationed in "Wiltshire, and Mr. 
Pitt wished them to encamp in the open field, but the Earl persuaded 
him to allow them to remain in Salisbury, assuring him that they 
could there be qualified for any duty, without the danger of losing 
many of the men's lives by lying on the ground in wet weather. 

Lord Temple's letters at the time of the crisis of 1761 
should be mentioned. On 13th October, 1762, Lord Bute wrote 
personally to Denbigh to explain the alterations about to be made, 
when the King (as Bute said) " thought it expedient for his service 
" to call Mr. Fox to the Cabinet." 

In 1763, Lord Denbigh was made a gentleman of the Bed- 
chamber. Political affairs in this and the following years are dis- 
cussed in letters from George Grenville and Lord Sandwich, and 
there are a few incidental notices of Pitt. When Temple wrote of. 
the resignation in 1761, he lamented the endeavours made to mis- 
represent and blacken him (in connexion with the King's grant of a 
peerage to his wife). 

In September, 1764, Lord Sandwich alluded to a report that 
Pitt was gaining ground, a report for which, in his opinion, there 
was not the least foundation, as everything was in the utmost tran- 
quillity. There was, he went on to say, just as little reason for the 
statement that the Duke of Bedford refused to attend the meetings 


of the Cabinet because he was " disgusted," the fact being that he Karl 
was at Trentham, a hundred and hfty miles away, and so entirely p^^|\ y * 
-approved the intended measures that he gave this approval as his 
reason for not coming up to town. 

Lord Denbigh joined the rest of the world in lamenting Pitt's 
•desertion of the House of Commons in 1766. In the following year, 
Lord Camden was at Bath when Pitt was there, but wrote that the 
great man . . . remains invisible and inaccessible. ... * 
He is not yet in a condition to do business, but he gathers strength 
" and I have good hopes that the strength of his constitution Mall at 
" last overcome his lingering disorder." 

Three letters written in 1775 allude to the war in America, and 
almost on the last page are letters of sympathy to the widowed Lady 
Denbigh on the death of her sister, the Ladj^ Blandford, whose 
name has so often appeared in this volume. 



The large and important collection of letters and other docu- Finch MSS. 
ments preserved at Burley-on-the-Hill was the subject of a short ^'^^- ^' 
report by the late Mr. Horwood in 1879. He chiefly confined his 
attention, however, to the calendaring of certain common-place books 
and the cataloguing of law reports, treatises, cases, &c. ; printing 
only a very small number of letters, and those mostly of the 18th 
century, In the present volume the collection is much more fully 
dealt with. 

The collection may be broadly divided as follows: — 

1. Miscellaneous family letters of the 16th and early 17th 

2. The correspondence of Heneage, Earl of Winchilsea, during 
his embassy to the Porte, 1660-1668. 

3. Letters and papers of Sir John Finch, who followed his cousin 
as ambassador in Turkey. 

4. Letters and papers of Sir Heneage Finch, afterwards first 
Earl of Nottingham, and his family. 

5. The voluminous correspondence, &c., of Daniel Finch, second 
Earl of Nottingham, during his tenure of the office of Secretary of 
State, 1688-1693. This includes three letter-books, containing copies 
of the Earl's letters to the King, Sidney, and others, which form 
a very important supplement to the letter-books at the Public Eecord 
Office; a large number of letters from Sir Kobert Southwell and 
others, written from Ireland during the King's campaign there; and 
practically the whole of the letters written by the admirals and 
captains of the fleet to Nottingham as Secretary of State. 

6. Eighteenth century letters and papers, including the corre- 
spondence of Lady Pomfret with her daughter Lady Charlotte 
Finch, and many other interesting letters, diaries, &c. 

The early letters of the volume introduce us to three of the 
ancestors of the Finch family in the 16th centurj', Sir Thomas 
Finch, Sir Thomas Moyle, and Sir Thomas Heneage. The two 


former were landowners in Kent, tilling various public ofi&ces in their 
county and connected by the marriage of Sir Thomas Finch to. 
Moyle's daughter Katherine. 

The third and best known of the three was Thomas, afterwards 
Sir Thomas Heneage, the prudent and zealous Treasurer of the 
Household to Queen Elizabeth. His daughter Elizabeth married 
Moyle Finch, Sir Thomas's eldest son, and so brought in what 
became a favourite Christian name in the family for many genera- 

There are letters from or to all the above-named persons, but 
the only correspondence of importance is that with Sir Thomas 
Heneage, to whom there are about a dozen letters from Sir William 
Cecil, and some very lively ones from Lord Buckhurst, giving an 
account of his journey to Paris in 1571. 

There are also letters from the Earl of Leicester, Wal- 
singham, Hatton, Sydney, and one from Sir Thomas Smith, after- 
wards ambassador to France, giving an episode in his life as a young 
scholar at Cambridge. There is an account of the occurrences on 
and after the " day of barricades " at Paris in 1590; and a holo- 
graph letter from Lady Ealegh, written in the Tower. 

In 1625, when Charles I.'s parliament met, Sir Heneage was- 
elected Speaker, and a small book in his own handwriting contains 
notes of his speeches and some of the proceedings in the House 
during that and the following year. 

In 1651 another distinguished member of the family appears 
for the first time; Sir John Finch, second son of the Speaker, the 
great physican, and ambassador to Florence and to Turkey (not to- 
be confused with the other Sir John, created Baron Finch of Ford- 
wich). A small, vellum-covered book, in close and crabbed writing, 
contains a brief journal of a visit to France, interspersed with anec- 
dotes of people, descriptions of buildings, &c. 

On leaving Paris, he went to Geneva. Of this last, he notes 
the want of good water, and makes the remarkable statement that 
" the hills of snow, begirting the town, make the air raw and un- 
" wholesome; so cold that in vintage time they have gathered their 
" grapes vip to the midleg in snow." From Geneva he went to Milan, 
but the journal does not carry him so far; the last entry leaving- 
him in a small cottage at the top of the Simplon, weather-bound by 
" the abundance of rain." 

From this point in the report the interest of the papers centres in 
the embassy of Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea, to Constanti- 

The ambassador to Constantinople was in a different position 
from that of any other English minister, and one of much more 
difficulty. Technically, he was the servant and representative of the 
Levant, or Turkey, Company, and his salary was paid by them, not 
by the King. Yet he claimed the status of an ambassador, received 
credentials from the King, and was expected to carry on diplomatic 

Winchilsea left England in October, 1660, with instructions tO' 
go first to Algiers, and try to bring to a satisfactory end the nego- 


tiations already set on foot with the Governor there. On his way Finch MSS. 
he touched at Lisbon, and there had interviews with the King and ^°^- •'■• 
Queen-Mother of Portugal. His account of his visit to the Queen- 
Mother is curious. He was admitted to her chamber, though he 
could not say to her presence, as he saw none but ancient matrons 
in the room, and " like Moses in the Mount, heard a voice only," 
proceeding from behind a screen, it being explained to him that the 
Queen's age and indisposition made her unfit to see visitors. There 
must, however, have been some special reason for this, for at this 
time, far from being a decrepit invalid, the Queen-Mother was the 
virtual ruler of Portugal. 

Towards the end of November he reached Algiers, where the 
English Consul, Robert Browne, was vainly trying to negotiate a 
treaty with the Algerines. They much preferred a free hand in 
relation to the rich English ships which sailed so temptingly past 
their shores, and England could hold out little inducement to an 
alliance, and had to fall back upon threats. 

In regard to one matter Winchilsea failed utterly. Some time 
before, the Earl of Inchiquin, with his son and suite, had been 
captured in an English vessel and carried to Algiers. The Earl's 
own freedom was speedily arranged, but his son and servants were 
still in the hands of the barbarians, and young Lord O'Brien was 
claimed as the special property of Ramadan, the usurping 
ruler there, who stood out so stiffly in the matter that Winchilsea 
expressed the fear that the young lord's freedom would only be 
recovered by the forcible argument of a fleet of ships. 

After leaving Algiers, Lord Winchilsea proceeded to Messina, 
and thence to Smyrna. Here he remained for two or three weeks, 
so that it was February before he reached Constantinople. Sir 
Thomas Bendysh, his predecessor, was still there, and the two men 
met on very friendly terms. Bendysh had fallen under the suspicion 
of the King and the Royalist party because he had served as 
ambassador under Cromwell's government; but Winchilsea assiured 
the King that " his affections were always sincere to the royal 
" interest " and that he had only consented to bear office under 
" unlawful powers " when licensed to do so by the dispensation 
of his Majesty's father. 

Winchilsea 's work as ambassador was, as has been already said, 
encompassed by many difficulties, one of the greatest of these was 
the determined opposition of the ambassadors of France and Venice. 

But he came to Turkey at an auspicious moment in this respect, 
for the French ambassador had lately roused the Vizier's anger by 
boasting of the greatness of his master, and threatening revenge for 
injuries sustained by French subjects. The Txnrks, who could not 
bear anything that savoured of a threat, struck his son in the 
face, dragged him by the hair out of the Vizier's palace, and com- 
mitted the ambassador to the Seven Towers. When Winchilsea 
arrived he had been released, but was deposed from office, and looked 
upon merely as a hostage for a messenger, whom the Vizier wag 
sending to France, to know whether the King would have peace or 


Finch MSS. : The Resident from the Emperor was also under a cloud, owing to 
Vol. I. complications in Transylvania which threatened to lead to war with 

Turkey; the Venetian " bailo " had fallen into disgrace and was 
' ' in the nature of a prisoner ' ' ; and there remained only the Holland 
Resident, a man so inconsiderable that the Vizier hardly knew there 
was such a person. 

At this time the " Grand Signor," Mohammad Han, was not 
more than twenty-two years of age and was wholly governed by the 
Vizier, whom he called father. In a short sketch of Turkish affairs, 
Winchilsea describes him as he appeared some seven years later, as 
being of a melancholy disposition, of middle stature, sleeping little 
but eating much, fond of riding and exercise, devoted to his religion, 
a great enemy of Christians; delighting in building, yet anxious to 
lessen his expenses and increase his treasure. 

But our interest in the Porte at this particular period centres 
not in the young and foolish Sultan, but in the two great ministers, 
father and son, who lifted Turkey to a height which it had not 
reached since the defeat before Vienna, and made it a standing 
menace to the safety of the Empire. 

When Winchilsea arrived, Mohammad Kiuprili was the Grand 
Vizier or Vizier Azim, and is thus described by the ambassador: — 

" This Vizier is a man of stronger natural parts and more refined 
resolution than any that has governed the Ottoman Empire. Having 
the sole power in his hands, he has purged the body politic by cutting 
off (partly by his own hands) six thousand bashas and great men, whose 
estates have flown into his own coffers, save such rivulets as he has let 
pass by to his master ; and indeed the Empire was so rent by 
factions that a resolute spirit was necessary, who cut off those members 
he could not cure. He is punctual in his word, pays all debts to their 
day, severe in his punishments, generous in his rewards. He hates all 
Christians, and hopes to conquer all Italy and Rome, though he is aged, 
dropsical, and afflicted with gout and jaundice." 

At this time Kiuprili's ambitions were directed towards Germany, 
and he hoped to make a stepping stone of Transylvania, then under 
Turkish suzerainty, and ultimately to carry the war into the Imperial 
dominions. Winchilsea would have welcomed such a war, to divert 
the Emperor's attention from the side of France, England's ally, 
and also as tending to bring to an end the long conflict between the 
Turks and Venice ; but the English ministers would not authorize 
him to take any action, probably indeed, doubting whether he had 
the power to do anything effectual. 

In October, 1661, the Grand Vizier, Mohammad Kiuprili, died. 
Winchilsea announcing the fact commented on it in a letter to 
Secretary Nicholas. It was strange, he said, that after holding 
office for five years the Vizier should die peacefully in bed, and 
still more strange that his son should succeed him, supplanting so 
many ancient and experienced pashas. The son followed his 
father's rules and seemed to hope to overawe the world by his 
severity. " Some heads of great men, which his father disposed 
" of by will, he hath already taken off, and others . . . remain 
" in the black book of his father's testament. He is as proud and 
" cruel as his father and has strength to put into execution his 

rigorous laws, so that people now talk of the father's clemency. Finch MSS. 
"' who only chastised them with scourges, but this one with ^^^^- ^* 
" scorpions." 

The correspondence at this point discloses and discusses the 
English ambassador's position at Constantinople. First, as regards 
his relations with the Levant Company, and, secondly, as regards 
the payment of his expenses and the carrying on of the King's 

The new Vizier's policy was apparent from the verj beginning. 
His great ambition was to wage a successful war against Germany, 
and as Winchilsea probably showed his own bias on this subject, 
he was likely to be in favour. It was his duty to go to the Court 
at Adrianople to offer congratulations and presents. This he accord- 
ingly did; was very well received by the Vizier and obtained certain 
additions to the English capitulations. 

Another object of Winchilsea 's visit to the Court was to check- 
mate the designs of certain deputies from Algiers who were coming 
to the Sultan with complaints and claims against the English. In 
this he was quite successful, for before the x\lgerines arrived he had 
imbued the Vizier with suspicions of their loyalty, and had laid a good 
foundation by gifts to the principal officers. 

In spite of his early successes, Winchilsea soon found the new 
Vizier " intractable and difficult to deal with." His hatred of the 
Christians led him to order all their newly built churches to be 
demolished and the builders severely punished. In this he was 
encouraged by a Sheik or " religious Softa," who claimed to be 
inspired, and attributed all the misfortunes of the last years to 
excessive indulgence of the Christians. 

As regards foreign relations it was not long before Winchilsea 
made up his mind that the new Vizier was secretly preparing for 
war. The casus belli at this time was the fort of Kanisia, erected 
by the Emperor's orders and maintained by his arms, which the 
Sultan vowed to demolish. 

But again, when the breaking out of hostilities, seemed inevit- 
able, there was a lull in the gathering storm. But, in the light 
of after events, it seems probable that the Vizier never relinquished 
his scheme, and only wished to lull suspicion while he went on with 
. the preparations necessary for the success of the great campaign 
which he had planned. 

In 1662 the war cloud hanging over the relations between Turkey 
and Germany had again lifted and the summer passed without any 
outbreak of hostilities, but influences were at work which did not 
make for peace. 

In the spring of 1663 the treaty with the Emperor appeared to 
be on the point of conclusion, yet Winchilsea found it difficult to 
believe that the vast preparations which had been made were 
intended for nothing more than the capture of a few Venetian 
fortresses in Dalmatia. He saw pretty clearly that the Turks were 
only " deluding " the Emperor until their army was assembled, and 
the frontier forts given up, and that then they would spring upon 
him other and impossible demands. And so indeed it proved. As 

Finch MSS.: the Emperor " condescended " the Turks raised their demands, the 
Vol. I. negotiations fell through, and in May the Vizier began his march 

from Sophia towards Belgrade. 

The Sultan himself was more firmly fixed in his government 
than he had hitherto been, one of his women having borne him 
a son. This had quieted the people and soldiers, who of late had 
begun to murmur, fearing the extinction of the reigning family. 
There were great rejoicings at the birth of this child. " For long " no 
Sultan had married, because by Turkish law a wife was heir to an 
eighth of the Empire during her life; but any concubine who bore 
him a son wore a crown and had a great revenue and a separate 
Court apart. 

At the beginning of August the capture of some of the forts on 
the Danube raised the Turks to a " high conceit of their success," 
but they were quickly cast down again by the belated news of a 
defeat sustained from Count Souches at the beginning of Jiily. 

There is no direct mention of the battle at the abbey of St. 
Gothard on 1st August; but in the middle of September Winchilsea 
reported that the second defeat of the Turkish forces had reduced 
their affairs to a very distracted condition. 

Although defeated in battle, Kiuprili had been amazingly success- 
ful in diplomacy. Eecognition of Apafi (the Vaivode of Transyl- 
vania chosen by the Porte); the Sultan's confirmed suzerainty over 
that country; retention of the great forts taken, and payment of a 
large sum of money — these were strange terms to be given by the 
conqueror to the conquered, and must have sent the Vizier back to 
hid master rather as one triumphant than disgraced ; more especially 
as by this means repose was assured upon the northern boundaries 
and the Turks were left free to prosecute what they cared much 
more about, the war in Crete. 

On 22nd July, 1665, the Imperial ambassador, Count Lesley, 
made a state entrance into Adrianople, attended by a numerous 
retinue with banners and kettledrums, led horses and litters, and 
three coaches with six horses apiece, and " adorned with glass 
" windows after the new mode." He was accompanied by Henry 
Howard " of Norfolk," heir to the dukedom, a friend of Win- 
chilsea 's. The peace with the Emperor was duly ratified, and the 
Turks were much " puffed up " by the advantageous conditions they 
had secured. 

On Kiuprili 's return to Adrianople, he sent for the Venetian 
Resident and rovmdly demanded the surrender of Crete, before the 
Grand Signor came with his conquering army to force it from 

While Winchilsea rejoiced over the preponderance of English 
influence for the moment, he saw well enough that at any time 
the tide might turn, and warned Lord Arlington that if the French 
ambassador followed the Court and spent money enough, he would 
probably in time obtain all he desired. This was a propos of the 
importance of the English ambassador being also at the Court to 
protect English interests, especially as the Vizier had ordered all 
the records relating to the various embassies to be transferred to 


Adrianople, so that whenever they had to be consulted the ambas- Finch MSS. 
sador must either go or send. But visits to the Court involved ^"^l- 1- 
great expense, which Winchilsea dared not incur unless with the 
sanction of either the Levant Company or the King. 

The justice of Winchilsea 's warning as to Adrianople soon 
appeared. The " protection of foreigners " had been granted to both 
French and English, but probably the French had kept it more or 
less in their own hands until the departure of Jean de la Haye in 
July, 1661. From that time until November, 1665, there was no 
French minister at the Porte, and the other powers had only envoys 
or residents there, so that the protection of foreigners had fallen 
entii-ely into Winchilsea 's hands, and there he meant it to remain. 
Hence his anxiety when he heard that the French ambassador had 
gone to the Court. Very shortly afterwards he found that La Haye 
was trying to get the coveted protection restored, and his own pro- 
tests were not only without result, but a fortnight later he learnt 
that the tax paid by the French merchants to the Porte was reduced 
from five per cent, to three, while at Aleppo, the English, who had 
hitherto paid only three, were now ordered to pay five and a half. 

He wrote to Kiuprili and the other officers in language moderate 
enough, but to his interpreter, Draperiis, then acting as his agent 
at Adrianople, he expressed himself in much stronger terms. 

At the same time he urged Arlington at once to send out a man 
of war and threatening letters, with permission to himself to declare 
that unless the Turks would respect his ]\Iajesty's capitulations, he 
had orders to return home. To his cousin. Sir John Finch, he com- 
plained bitterly of the Levant Company's parsimony. If he might 
have gone t-o the Court and spent a few thousand dollars, he could 
have prevented that being lost which he must now " play the after 
" game " to recover — if he could! 

In this " state of war " not only between the French and 
English nations but between their ambassadors, it is pleasant to 
read that each party faithfully delivered to the other all letters 
which came out for them by their rival's ships. 

Winchilsea had now come to the end of his five years' engage- 
ment to the Levant Company, but for financial reasons he decided 
to remain there a few years longer. 

About this time Winchilsea sent Sir John Finch an interesting 
sketch of the situation as it then stood. 

In August, 1667, Lord W'inchilsea lost an old and dear friend 
by the death of his brother-in-law. Lord Treasurer Southampton, 
endeared to him, as he said, " with all ties imaginable of affection 
" and alliance," and this trial was shortly followed by a separation 
from his wife and children. She went by way of Smyrna, where 
Paul Eycaut was now consul. On hearing of her approach he 
hastened to set out with a strong escort in order to guard her from 
the robber bands with which the country was infested. He met 
her somewhere north of Mandragoria and brought her safely past 
two robber companies to Smyrna, near which place she was met 
by all the English, French and Dutch merchants, entering the city 
escorted by two hundred and fifty horse, while all the ships in the 


Finch MSS. : road fired their guns to welcome her. Here she and her children 
Vol. I. remained, waiting for a ship until 7th December, when she 

sailed for Europe. She had a tedious voyage, but on 
reaching the Thames was welcomed by her husband's old friend, 
Henry Howard of Norfolk, who escorted her to London, where she 
was met by the surprising news that her husband had been recalled 
and that Sir Daniel Harvey was only waiting for a ship in order to 
go out to take his place. 

On 23rd December, 1667, Lord Arlington despatched to the Earl 
his Majesty's orders to return, on the ground that the King believed 
his domestic affairs at home required his presence. A further 
letter, enclosing the King's formal revocation, was sent on 17th 
January. That is, the letter is so dated, but it is endorsed as 
answered on 28th December, nearly a year afterwards. 

VVinchilsea's obiter dicta concerning the Turks, emphasise the 
thirst for money, the all pervading greed of gold, from the highest 
to the lowest. Nothing could be done without money, nothing 
effected save by presents and bribery. The sultan demanded large 
payments for offices, and great entertainments and presents from his 
officers. These officers — viziers, bashas, cadis and the rest — in 
their turn robbed and despoiled the people to get the money to meet 
these demands, and to fill their own purses. Each Sultan, we are 
told, accumulated immense treasures and these remained intact, 
never being touched by his successors. "When the Master of the 
Masons was put to death, 500,000 dollars were found in his house. 

Winchilsea repeatedly contrasts the Turks of his time with 
those of former days, always to the disadvantage of the present. 
" In former times, offices were not exposed for sale, but merit and 
" deserts acquired the honours." Also so many of the Sultan's 
subjects had fled or dispersed that the revenue was greatly dim- 
inished and many new and heavy taxes had been laid upon the 

Above all, the Turkish army was not what it had formerly been. 
Both spahis and janissaries (horse and foot) enervated by a long 
peace had become effeminate, mutinous and wanting in experience 
of war. Men of great spirit, good soldiers, ambitious and eager 
for great enterprises had mostly been cut off by the older Kiuprili, 
jealous of all rivals. The spahis of Asia, lacking the allowances 
which used to be given them, were no longer able to provide their' 
horses and arms, and so absented themselves, " by which means 
" the Turks' army is much inferior to those multitudes which 
" former histories tell of." 

Yet the material was good, if only they had been disciplined. 
No Christian army, Winchilsea declared, could live upon so little 
meat as these did, and drink only a little water, and yet be strong 
and lusty. Of the Illyrian bands, so highly extolled by Tacitus, 
and of other Europeans, the Sultan had many thousands at his 
command, that could so well " endure hardy blows " that they 
wanted nothing but order and good government to make them 
the finest infantry in the world. But then, as later, the great 
strength of Turkey lay in the vast reinforcements she was able to 


pour in from her Asiatic dominions. Time was always in her Finch MSS. 
favour. The Tm-k was infinitely patient, and Winchilsea quotes an ^'^^- ^• 
old Turkish proverb that " at the long run, the Grand Signor doth 
catch the hare with a cart." 
Altogether, the Turkish Empire seemed to Winchilsea, even in 
those days which, looked back upon, appear so prosperous, to be 
" in a tottering condition, and like the prophet's ripe fruit, ready 
" to fall into the mouths of them that shake them first." Egypt 
was full of " discontents and flames " and Syria in insurrection; in 
Babylon a rebellion headed by the daring Basha Mortazza only 
collapsed on his betrayal and death, and Algiers was in a state 
of chronic mutiny. The Sultan was too young and feeble to effect 
anything; only the firm rule of the Kiuprili, father and son, holding 
the rudder with a steady hand, steered the ship of the great Empire 
clear of the rocks which threatened it with shipwreck. 

Of Winchilsea 's private life, there are incidental notices only. 
When he went to Turkey, he was accompanied by his second wife, 
Lady Mary Seymour, daughter of the Duke of Somerset, but their 
five children, William, Heneage, Thomas, Frances, and Elizabeth, 
were left under the charge of their grandmother, the dowager 
Duchess. In Turkey more children were born, and their father 
exerted himself to such good purpose that the godfathers of the first 
of these were the King of England and the Doge of Venice. He 
was therefore, naturally, named Charles Mark. The second was 
" made a Christian " by the Emperor and the Dutch republic, bore 
the names Leopold William, and was enthusiastically devoted by his 
father to the arms and service of both countries. But the young 
Leopold showed no inclination to a warlike career. He became 
a learned Don of Cambridge and died as Warden of All Souls' 
College, Oxford. The third boy, Lesley, was called after Count 
Lesley, the Imperial ambassador. The little Lady Mary died in 
Turkey of the plague, to her father's great sorrow. Of the elder 
children. Lord Maidstone was killed in the action with the Dutch in 
May, 1672; Heneage, the second son, succeeded his brother's son as 
Earl of Winchilsea in 1712. Little Lady Betty died while her 
parents were in Turkey. These young people seem to have had 
their establishment in the home at Eastwell, and their father sent 
home many directions, especially as to the boys' " schooling." 

The ambassador did his utmost to help and protect the Latin 
and Greek churches in the Ottoman dominions. Both these had 
formerly been under the care of the French ambassador, and the 
former, at any rate, might certainly have been expected to remain 
so; but for four years there was no French Resident at the Porte, 
and during this time the Latin Fathers were grateful for the help 
willingly offered them by Lord Winchilsea. 

Winchilsea 's interest in " rarefies " and antiquities comes out 
in many ways. The Patriarch of Constantinople gave him a copy 
of the Greek Evangelists, the ancientest which he could " with the 
" most diligent inquisition and scrutiny procure in any of the monas- 
" teries or churches of Greece." In the first instance, the ambassador 
intended this for the King, or if found not " worthy," then for his 


Finch MSS. : own library at Eastwell. The volume, however, found a more fitting 
resting-place. Lord Chancellor Clarendon had shown himself very 
friendly to Winchilsea concerning his ofl&ce of Lord Lieutenant of 
Kent, and as an acknowledgment of this Sir Heneage Finch sug- 
gested that the book should be sent to him. Clarendon accepted 
the " precious book " very gratefully, saying that it enabled him 
to be a benefactor to the University library at Oxford, where it was 
placed with " just solemnity and acknowledgments of his lordship's 
goodness." With regard to this manuscript Bodley's Librarian 
has contributed this note: — 

" This is the manuscript now marked Bodl. MS. And. D. infra 2.12 ia 
Coxe's Catalogue of our Greek MSS., Codex Misc. 10. It is an Evangelis- 
tarium, i.e.., not a text of the Gospels but the liturgical lessons taken from 
the Gospels, and is not older than the 13th century. But we did not 
know its provenance, and had only estimated that it came in shortly 
before 1665." 

Later, he sent Clarendon " the manuscript of St. Gregory's 

works," which a very good scholar, after spending four days 

upon it, declared to be very fit for the University library, but 

another, more experienced in the hand and the language, found 

great defects in it, and many leaves wanting in several places." 

Clarendon therefore kept this volume himself. 

Amongst other curiosities sent by him as presents to his fi'iends, 
Winchilsea mentions " an eagle's stone " from the Lybian desert, 
of great virtue and rarity, and a mummy from Grand Cairo. He 
gratefully acknowledges some silver coins given to him by the 
Prince of Wallachia; and gives commissions to his cousin, Sir John 
Finch, to purchase pictures, statues and medals for him in Italy. 
To Sir George Oxinden, at Surat, he sent a list of many rarities 
which he desired to have: — cups from China, lacquer work from 
Japan and antidotes for poison and fevers from India, especially 
the " root of Bengal," i.e., of the yellow zedoary, a plant whose 
root resembles ginger. He mentions this root in another letter, 
saying that the former Turkish ambassador to the Mogul had given 
him a sort of rotton wood, " rarely found swimming in a river in 
" India, which he calls pancher." It is oderiferous, very light, 
and taken like " sneezing powder " once a year prevents the plague, 
besides being good against all fevers and poisons. " The Jesuits 
" call it not rotten wood, but the root of Bengala." And amongst 
other products of the East, Winchilsea had " a particular liking 
" to that drink which they call tea," and begged Oxinden to send him 
as much as would serve two persons for a year, or, if it would keep, 
for two years, with the best receipt how to make it and the vessels 
to make it and drink it in. Two years later, as the much coveted 
tea had not arrived, he renewed his request, particularly asking 
that the " instruments " necessary for making it might be " of that 
" metal which is like copper, but hath no smell and is more 
" precious." 

There are many letters from Winchilsea to the commissioners 
of his estates, giving directions for planting, stocking, &c. ; in one 
of his letters he gives particular directions for planting of white- 
thorn, " to harbour birds." 


An importfiut series of the letters iu this collection is that relating Finch MSS. 
to the proceedings of the Levant or Turkey Company and their Vol. I. 
factors in the East. The letter-books of the Company are calen- 
dared, amongst the Domestic State Papers, but much light is thrown 
upon them hj Winchilsea's correspondence with the consuls and 
merchants of Aleppo and Smyrna. 

Perpetual disputes arose between the Company and the factors 
over the question of dues and consulage. Winchilsea, on arriving 
at Constantinople, was instructed from home to give strict orders 
Hiat all shipmasters and merchants should " declare their entries " 
— a proceeding upon oath — when no doubt could arise as to the 
proper payments. Similar instructions were sent to the consuls at 
Smyrna and Aleppo. 

These two places were the chief consulates in the Levant ; of . 
great commercial importance, as the meeting places of the trade 
of the East and of the West. 

In August, 1663, Winchilsea sent his secretary, Paul Eycaut, to 
England, to carry to the King the ratification which he had obtained 
from the Sultan of the treaty concluded between England and the 
Barbary States. In order to secure this ratification, the ambassador 
had been obliged to make the journey to Adrianople, the charges 
of which, including the heavy item of " presents," amounted to a 
very large sum; and once again the question arose: — by whom were 
these " extraordinary expenses " to be paid? 

Eycaut was directed to ask the ministers, and especially the 
Lord Treasurer to consider that the Adrianople journey was under- 
taken by the King's command; that all England was concerned in 
the benefits of the peace, and that it was not reasonable that the 
Levant Company should bear the whole burden. He made repeated 
efforts to induce the Lord Treasurer to provide the money, but his 
lordship curtly replied that " to expect any such sum out of the 
" King's coffers were a folly and the prosecution of the business 
" a loss of time." He seemed, however, to approve of Winchilsea's 
suggestion of a duty on the goods of all ships trading to the Mediter- 
ranean, until the money was re-imbursed. 

Then Eycaut went to a court of the Company. " Great com- 
" plaints they made, that their money should be spent without 
" their order," declaring that when the ambassador received his 
instructions for the negotiations, he should have sent home to know 
where the money might be levied, " rather than to have used their 
" estates for effecting what they never desired, nor knew, nor con 
" sented unto." Eycaut replied that his lordship had but obeyed 
the King's orders for the journey, but was very sensible of the great 
charge it was to them, and had instructed him to do his utmost 
to get it from the Lord Treasurer. When he touched upon the 
proposal for duties on the ships, they were all up in arms at once, 
desiring him " to desist from that way," for impositions once laid 
on were never taken off again. If he could procure the money from 
the King's revenue, well and good; but otherwise, the remedy would 
be worse than the disease. 

Unfortunately for Winchilsea, the credit he had hoped to gain 

80 . 

Finch MSS. : by obtaining the Sultan's agreement to the peace with Algiers 

^- • was lost, for no sooner was the treaty signed than that piratical 

people proceeded to violate its articles, and the English ministers- 

speedily came to the conclusion that the only way to enforce their 

being kept was to send a fleet to the Mediterranean. 

When delivering the ratifications to Winchilsea, the deputy of 
the Grand Vizier had suggested that if the English King would aid 
the Sultan by his navy against Venice, still more advantageous- 
results for the Enghsh trade might follow. The Earl advised the 
King to answer that the repubhc of Venice being " a princ& 
Christian " and in league with England, he could not go to war 
with them, but would willingly act as mediator between them. 
The King agreed to this, and Secretary Bennet wrote to that effect. 

Kycaut left England at the New Year, and reached Pera on 16th 
March, just in time to stop Winchilsea from going to Adrianople,, 
whither he had been summoned in haste by the Sultan. 

The difficulties between the ambassador and the Company were 
however, about this time, brought to a happy end by the latter 
appointing Sir Heneage Finch as an arbiter in all their differences. 

Paul Kycaut is one of the most interesting personalities in the 
volume. Grandson of a grandee of Brabant and son of a man 
who had ruined himself in the cause of Charles I., he came with 
Winchilsea to Constantinople as his secretary, a post for which 
he had been well-fitted by many years already spent abroad. 
Winchilsea bears repeated testimony to his abilities and zeal. He 
was not only secretary but steward of the house, and so modest, 
discreet, able, temperate and faithful, that his chief entrusted him 
with all his secrets and consulted him on every occasion. 

Eycaut on his journey to Algiers and England in August, 1663, 
wrote long and interesting letters to his " master." The first,, 
from Smyrna, is rather remarkable, as showing his admiration for 
wild scenery, a thing most unusual in the 17th century. 

In April, 1665, Eycaut and the chief dragoman, Draperiis, were 
sent by Winchilsea on a mission to the Vizier, then supposed to be 
at Sofia. By way of Adrianople they reached Philippopolis, where 
Rycaut expressed his pleasure at the good air and the wide spread- 
ing Thracian plain over which they had travelled. Thence their 
journey was through mountains and woods infested with robbers. 
On reaching Sofia they learned that the Vizier was at Belgrade, 
A nine days' journey brought them thither, where they had audience, 
and stated the object of their journey, viz., to complain of the Emyn 
at Aleppo. He answered only " Yes and no, and we shall con- 
sider," according to his reserved fashion, but they heard from other 
officers that he meant to give them satisfaction. Not many days 
after, the Vizier and his army began their march back to Adrianople,. 
and Winchilsea 's agents had perforce to accompany them, not 
having got much satisfaction from their journey. 

Rycaut rejoined his master only in time to prepare for another 
visit to England. He started in the train of Count Lesley, the 
Imperial ambassador, at the end of November, but his letters on the 
journey appear to have been lost, for Winchilsea complained that 


after he left Belgrade, uotliiug had been heard from him. HeFindiMSS. 
returned to Turkey in May, 1GG7, but three months later left it ^'^^- I- 
finally to take up his post as consul at Smyrna. There he remained 
until 1079, spending his leisure time in writing his " Preseiat State 
" of the Ottoman Empire," issued in 1608, and " The History of the 
Turkish Empire from 1623 to 1677 " (a continuation of llichard 
Knolles' work), which was published the year after his return to 
England. In 1685, he was knighted and went as secretary to 
Ireland, and in 1689 was appointed resident at Hamburg. 

The affairs of the factory at Aleppo may be briefly mentioned. 
We find there, as at Smyrna, recurring difficulties as regards the 
Turkish officials, and a certain amount of friction between the 
merchants and the Levant Company. But Benjamin Lannoy, the 
consul, was a man of judgment and tact, and ruled firmly and well. 
He was evidently much respected, both by Turks and Europeans, 
and generally managed to bring any disputes which arose to a 
satisfactory termination. He held out against unreasonable 
demands, refused to give bribes, and made it plain that the English 
must have good usage, according to their capitulations; but he also 
took care that the factory should never give the authorities any 
cause of offence. 

Towards the end of 1664 we find the first notice of the Eev. 
Robert Frampton, chaplain to the factory, who introduces himself 
to Winchilsea as " an old son of the Church of England and a loyal 
" subject to his Majesty." He was afterwards Bishop of Gloucester 
and one of the seven bishops sent to the Tower by James II. When, 
in 1606, he was sent to England by the factory, reports came to his 
friends in Aleppo of his being made chaplain to f'rince Piupert " in 
" the ship when they drove the Hollanders from our coast," of his 
preaching before the King, to his Majesty's great content, and of his 
appointment as chaplain to the King and to the Rolls. But, in 
spite of these honours he returned to his charge at Aleppo, as he had 
promised the factors before leaving them. He appears to have 
returned finally to England in 1670. 

An interesting feature of Lannoy 's letters from Aleppo is tlio 
news contained in them concerning affairs in India and Persia. He 
corresponded with the President at Surat and the English agent 
at Ispahan, and also received intelligence from the Latin fathers 
at Bussora and Bagdad. 

At the time of Winchilsea 's embassy, the power of Portugal in 
India was fast waning, and the Dutch were everywhere getting the 
upper hand. In 1661, Lannoy wrote of them: — 

" They range in the South Seas at pleasure, and has most part of 
the trade thereof in their own hands. The Spice Islands of Malacas and 
Banda, &c., with the trade of Japan and China, are wholly theirs. Last 
year the sale of their goods did amount to above 200,000?." 
A year later the President at Surat reported to the same effect : — 
" The Dutch at this time in India are the only lords of the sea and 
seacoasts in all places where they trade, and are making themselves 
masters of the islands of the South Seas, wherein all the spices are, 
and now onlv in their hands. Thev have so far of late prevailed upon 
(B1720— Gp. 5) - F 


Finch MSS. : the Portuguese that not above five sail of ships in a year are employed 

Vol. I. by that nation, and they by stealth more than strength." 

All who have studied sixteenth and seventeenth century House- 
hold Books know what a large part spices played in the cookery 
of those days, and can realize the importance of the trade. 

When, upon Charles II. 's marriage with Catherine of Portugal, 
it was arranged that not only Tangier but some station in India 
should be yielded to him as part of her dowry, Winchiisea hoped 
that Ceylon v.-ould be fixed upon, especially on account of the great 
quantity and fine quality of its cinnamon. It was true that Colombo, 
the chief place in the island, was in the hands of the Dutch, but 
he thought it might easily be gained, either by treaty or conquest. 
The Portuguese, however, knew better, and Bombay, with its 
dependencies, was agreed upon, although there was a clause in the 
treaty that if, by the joint forces of England and Portugal, Ceylon 
were to be recovered, the English King should have half the con- 
quests made, the city of Colombo excepted. 

Failing Ceylon, the ambassador was well satisfied with the choice 
of Bombay, and believed that such a door would be opened to all 
trade as would make England " again " one of the most flourishing 
Jiingdoms of Christendom. 

There are a good many notices of the English factory at Surat, 
taken from letters written by Sir George Oxinden to Lannoy. 

On the other side of the Indian peninsula, the factory at Fort 
St. George had been for some years under the control of Sir Edward 
Winter as agent. In 1666, the East India Company being dis- 
satisfied with his proceedings, his apj^ointment was cancelled, and 
Oeorge Foxcroft sent out to take his post. Foxcroft's enquiries 
into abuses enraged Sir Edward, who believed that some of his 
own actions would be thereby brought to light, and that, in fact, 
the examination was to that end. Throwing up his seat in Council, 
he entered the fort with many followers in a mutinous manner, 
whereupon the agent had him and two other of the ringleaders put 
under arrest. But he so wrought upon the captain and soldiers 
of the fort that they shortly afterwards assembled tumultuously 
in the courtyard of the fort, declaring their intention to seize the 
agent for treason. In the struggle which followed, one of the factors 
was killed, and Foxcroft, his son and another factor were wounded 
and made prisoners. Winter took the fort and the town again into 
his own hands, and it was feared that he might lose or betray it to 
the Dutch. For the next year or two, the Company appear to have 
been so much in the dark that they did not know which of the two 
men was in command, or even whether Winter had given it up to 
the Dutch. In May, 1668, Lannoy reported that it continued in its 
unhappy position ; Winter still in possession and the agent 
under restraint. By this time, however, the Company had deter- 
mined what to do, and in the following August, commissioners 
reached Madras, took possession of the fort, insisted on Winter's 
withdrawal and re-instated Foxcroft. 

We several times find mention of the famous French traveller, 
Jean Baptiste Tavernier, in relation to the purchase of precious 


stones, &c. A diamond engraved with the English arms, was in Finch MSS. 
Tavernier's hands at Gombroon iu 1667, where it was seen by the ^^'^^- ^• 
East India Company's agent, Stephen Flower. Flower agreed to 
purchase it for 1,500 dollars or thereabouts, but one Van Wick, 
who managed the affairs of the Dutch at Gombroon, and at whose 
house Tavernier lodged, got it into his possession and prevented Mr. 
Flower from obtaining it. 

Of Tavernier, Lannoy wrote that he had been often sent to 
India, Persia, &c., by the Duke of Orleans and others, to collect 
rarities for them, and had received many civilities from the English 
nation. He was next heard of in Persia, with the silk caravan 
bound for Smyrna, and report said that he and a Dutchman in his 
companj" had brought up vast quantities of jewels in India, which 
they were carrying into Christendom. Tavernier had given 7,000L 
for a diamond in Ispahan, but he was far outdone by the Dutchman, 
one David Bazu, of Amsterdam, who had paid 100,000L for a single 
stone, and had moreover, been obliged to take up money at 46 per 
cent, in order to purchase it. There can be no doubt about the 
price as reported by Lannoy, as he writes it out in words, not in 

Eventually Winchilsea himself saw Tavernier, who told him 
that he had sold " the diamond seal ring of his Majesty " to Van 
Wick at Gombroon for a thousand dollars, but that after the pur- 
chaser's death, it was sent to the Dutch General and his Council at 
Batavia. The origin of the jewel is never mentioned, but it seems 
probable that it was one of the jewels pawned by Charles II. during 
the Exile. 

When Winchilsea first went out to Turkey, his official corre- 
spondent in England was Sir Edward Nicholas, until the autumn 
of 1664, when this faithful and long tried servant of the Stuarts had 
to announce that his Majesty " found it convenient for his service to 
" employ a younger man," and had appointed Sir Henry Bennet to 
take his place. The same letter contained the information that the 
lung had also found it convenient to sell Dunkirk to the French, 
for 500,000 pistoles. From this time Morice was Winchilsea's usual 
correspondent, and there are only two or three letters from Bennet. 
From Williamson there is only one short note, announcing the 
" glorious victory " of Solebay, on 3rd June, 1605. 

Lord Clarendon's letters in relation to the manuscripts sent him 
by Winchilsea have been already mentioned; another, written in 
September, 1666, informed Winchilsea that the King was very 
willing to send him his portrait and intended to sit for it. A post- 
script to this letter tells of the terrible fire, " which hath destroyed 
" three parts of four of the whole city of London; and we who live 
" in the suburbs preparing for the same fate, fled from oiu- lodgings 
" and have hardly yet recovered our goods or our wits." 

Lord Winchilsea was very happy in his personal friends, being 
on terms of close intimacy with his brother-in-law, Lord Southamp- 
ton, with his cousins, Sir Heneage and Sir John Finch, and with 
Sir John's fidus Achates, Dr. Baines. To Sir Heneage 's judgment 
and experience he appealed for advice in all his difficulties, and 
(B1720— Gp. 5) f2 


Rnch:^JSS, : seems not ouly to have asked for it, but invariably followed it. 
VoL I. Amongst the papers of this period in the Collection is a series of 

letters written by Sir Heneage, then Solicitor General, to his eldest 
son, Daniel (afterwards second Earl of Nottingham), which show him 
as a most affectionate and careful father, keenly solicitous about his 
boy's studies, and still more so about his character. Daniel appears- 
to have been an extremely " good boy." His letters home were 
written in so superior a vein that his father suspected him of invok- 
ing his tutor's help in thoir composition, and urged him not to seek 
another's pencil to amend his own, " for who does not know when 
*' the crow wears her own feathers." 

Daniel Finch left Oxford without taking a degree, a common 
enough thing at that time, but in his case, perhaps, due to his. 
delicate death and the desirability of his going to a warmer climate. 
He crossed into Holland, through Germany to Venice and thence to 
his uncle, Sir John Finch, at Florence, warned by his father not 
to let the civilities of Flanders or Germany cheat him of his health, 
nor those of Italy of his religion. 

In one or two of the later letters from Sir Heneage we get a 

little information about himself. He has been three times to Mr. 

Lely, to sit for his picture. He plays at bowls, rides, and reads 

ballads, and can look with pleasure on his grey hairs so long as he 

hears good news from liis beloved son. After the great fire, he is 

busy building himself new lodgings in the Temple (in place of 

those destroyed), which will cost him " near " a thousand pounds, 

when they are finished. Then he will know his losses by the fire. 

The end of this letter both throws light on Daniel's character, and 

illustrates the change in the meaning of one of our words: — 

" Preserve the reputation you have gotten of a very serious man, 

and be assured that 'tis no part of the wisdom of Italy to be a 

sceptic. . . . While otliers take religion only into their dis- 

" course, do you avoid all talking of it, and let the world see it in 

your conversation." 

Besides Lady Finch's letter to her son, there are two veiy 
charming ones written to her husband when she was at Bath, with 
her younger children. The two boys were getting good, she thought, 
from the Bath, especially little John; it had taken away his yellow- 
ness and made him very merry, and he was immensely delighted 
with the guide who taught him to swim. Sir Heneage then lived in 
what is now Kensington palace. 

When Daniel Finch had been abroad two years, he was sum- 
moned home, but finding that he was anxious to go to France, his 
parents consented that he should spend the winter there, to make 
himself sufficiently master of French for conversational purposes, 
and to perfect his fencing, riding and dancing. He afterwards 
obtained a further extension of leave, and was still in Paris in the 
following June, 1068, when his father ends the last letter to him 
noticed in this volume, by a half humorous apology for warning him 
against the plague and the danger of being out of his lodging late 
at night; these, he wrote, " are your Mother's cautions." 


Hitherto the world has known hltle of Mattliew Trior save as a Marcfiies.^; of 
man of letters; for as to the serious business of his life it was vain to ^^^''-tlj ^ 
seek for enlightenment in the misty aeeount of his negotiations com- 
piled by his executor Adrian Drift ("ind ed., 1740j. This lack tlie 
third volume of the lieport on the MSS. of the Marquess of Bath in 
some measure supplies ; for, thougli it contains no State paper re- 
lating to the Treaty of Utrecht, it illustrates every phase of the 
earlier period in which, as successively Secretary to the Embassy 
and Minister ad interim at The Hague, 1G93-7, Secretary to the 
Phnbassy at the Congress of Eyswick, 1G97, and, finally, Secretary to 
the Embassy and Minister ad i)itcri))i at Paris, 1608-09, Prior served 
his apprenticeship in the mystery of diplomacy. It contains, more- 
over, a " Journal of the Proceedings at Piyswick, 1()07,"" drawn up 
under his personal supervision, which, witli the subjoined Memoirs 
and the relevant correspondence, furnishes material for a clear and 
consecutive narrative of the entire negotiation from the first over- 
tures of the French to the ratification of the treaty. 

These papers in some degree elucidate the inner history of tlie 
treaty, and serve to explain the immense concessions made by the 
French. In 1605 France had lost in Marshal Luxembourg her al)lest 
general, and had good reason to be dismayed by the fall of Namur, 
but her position was still by no means des])erate. It would have re- 
quired more sieges, no little time, and much hard fighting to compel 
her to evacuate the Netherlands. Her financial straits w^ere extreme, 
but those of the Allies were probably not less so, and the separate 
peace with Savoy (1696) enabled her to effect a considerable economy 
and concentrate her forces where they could operate with most effect, 
on the Ehine and the Spanish seaboard. Her overtures for peace on 
the basis of the treaties of Westphalia and Nymegen therefore took 
the world by surprise, the more so as notwithstanding Callieres' 
" hcau mot," that we must make a peace on all sides, as we cannot 
" make a war," lack of funds did not prevent the raising of recruits. 
Prior was at first sanguine as to the result of the negotiation, but 
was soon discouraged by the slow progress made towards the adjust- 
ment of preliminaries, which indeed was not effected until Januarv, 

Notwithstanding the settlement of the preliminaries, there was 

still a great deal of discussion before the Congress could assemble at ' 

Eyswick (May), or the real work of negotiation begin ; and by that 

time King ^Yilliam entertained such grave doubts of the good faith of 

the French that in default of express assurances on that head he was 

prepared to withdraw from the Congress. " His Majesty," wrote 

Prior 21st-31st July, " with the greatest wisdom and calmness has 

" let the French plainly understand that he will have peace or war; 

and I believe this declaration will do more towards the procuring a 

speedy peace than all the factums and musty papers which can be 

given in to and transmitted by the ]\Iediator here." 

This prognostic proved to be accurate : the subsequent course of 

the negotiations were comparatively smooth, and on 20th September. 


llth^"^'' ""^ ^'^'' '^^'^"' ^^^"^ *^'®^*^' ^'^^ ^'^^''"-^^ ^^''^^^ ^° °^^^®^' concession to France 
Vol. III. ^^^'"^ ^^^^ renunciation (not without compensation) of the claim to 

There is nothing in the papers to explain so almost total a surren- 
der of the fruits of so many years of fighting and chicane, unless we 
may accept Prior's statement that Madame de Maintenon was the 
real peacemaker. " Madame Maintenon," he writes from Paris, 
lOth April, N.S., 1G98, " is our friend and will keep the Peace, if 
" possible, as site made it, not out of any kindness she has to us, but 
^'^ from a notion that the King's engaging in business impairs his 
"health. 'Tis incredible the power that woman has; everything 
" goes through her hands, and Diana made a much less figure at 
Some interesting matter relating to the financial crisis of 1696 will 
be found in this volume. Prior, whose pay at that time was only 
1?. per day with an allowance for " reasonake extraordinaries," felt 
the pinch sorely, and wrote piteously to Charles Montagu: — 

" My tallies I cannot sell under thirty per cent, loss; my aunt will 
not send me one farthing; the chain and medal the States gave me is at 
pawn; I have but two pistoles in the house or (to say plainly) in the 
world, and I have every morning a levee (God be 'thanked for the 
respite of Sunday) of postmen, stationers, tailors, cooks and wine- 
merchants who have not been paid since last December." 

Later on he wrote to Kichard Powys, of the Treasury :— •■ 

" Tallies at 45 per cent, may make a man mad, especially if he has 
but 20s. per day, but the wood, I hope, will sell better, and the allow- 
ance be augmented in some time. . . . Some miracle may 
possibly mollify the hearts of the Treasury that we may get a little 
ready money for these bills and the ordinary appointments. Who 
knows? We should do well, I think, to try it, though I am ashamed 
to ask Mr. Montague anything when I fear to put him upon the hardship 
of refusing me." 

To which Powys drily replied: — 

It must be a miracle indeed, as you say, if our Treasury give you 
ready money, for 1 can assure you our condition is such at present that 
there is not sixpence of disposable money, all that is in the Exchequer 
being either appropriated for the war or repayment of loans." 

Prior's means were eventually augmented, in a manner character- 
istic of the age, from the Irish establishment by his appointment to 
the office of Chief Secretary to the Lords Justices, which he held as 
a sinecure, the duties being discharged by a subordinate. 

Prior's letters from Paris are in a literary sense the cream of the 
collection, for with little else to do than to record his impressions 
and report the gossip and scandal of the hour. Prior could hardly fail 
t<; be entertaining ; and he is never more entertaining than when he 
writes in French. How excellent is his characterisation of Louis 
XIV. in his letter to Albemarle of 1st March, N.S., 1698: — 

" Le Roy a beancoup de sante pour un homme de soixante 

ans et plus de vanity qu'une fille de seize. On n'a qu'a ■ 

voir sa maison pour en m('priser souverainement le maitre ; 

bas-relief, fresco, tableaux, tons repr^sente Louis le Grand, et cela 

' d'une manifere si grossi^re que le Czar y trouveroit k redire. II ne 


S9auroit craeher, daus aucuu coin de ses appartinonts sans voir sa Marquess' 
propre figure ou celle de sou lieutenant le ISoleil, et sans se trouver Bath : 
Heros et Demidieu en peinture. ^o\. III. 

During his residence at Paris, the exiles at St. Gerniains of course 
ergrossed a great deal of Prior's attention. The favour shown them 
at the French Court, their evident hopes of a speedy restoration, 
half amused, half alarmed him ; and he was at infinite pains to 
fathom their supposed designs, and sent regular reports to Secretary 
Vernon of such information as he received from various correspond- 
ents who professed to be in the secrets of the Jacobites. It is evi- 
dent, however, from the correspondence that neither Prior nor 
Vernon attached undue importance to these communications. 

The style in which Prior writes of the late King and Queen is 
regrettably harsh, not to say brutal. He has no pity for fallen 
greatness, and notes with evident exultation the old and worn ap- 
pearance and stooping gait of King James, adding " the Queen looks 
"ill and melancholy; their equipage is mighty ragged, and their 
" horses are all as lean as Sancho's." And in another letter he 
writes : — 

" I faced old James and all his Court the other day at St. Cloud. 
Vive Guillaume ! you never saw such a strange figure as the okl bully 
is, lean, worn and riv'led, not unlike Neal the projector; the Queen 
looks very melancholy, but otherwise well enough ; their equipages are 
all very ragged and contemptible." 

Nevertheless he strongly deprecated the meanness of witliholding 
from the Queen her stipulated pension. 

The following extract shows the friendly and indeed familiar foot- 
ing on which King James stood with King Louis : — 

" Our friends of St. Germains shine extremely at Fontainebleau : 
all the court is made to Queen Mary ; everybody is at her toilette in 
the morning, from whence the King of France leads her to chapel : the 
two Kings and the Queen in the midst sit at the head of the table at 
dinner with equal marks of distinction and sovereignty, and ' a boire 
pour le Roi (VAn(]leterre ! ' ou ' pour la Heine ' is spoke as loud and 
with the same ceremony as ' pour le Roi ' when they mean their own 
King. It is really not a right figure which we make being here at Paris- 
whilst all the other ministers are at Court; and on the other side, I know 
not what we should do there, or how behave ourselves in a place where 
the two Courts are inseparable." 

Very early in his career Prior was complimented by Sir William 
Trumbell on having " found the secret of joining two things generally 
" thought incompatible, poetry and business, and both in perfec- 
" tion," nor, when due allowance is made for the taste of the age 
and the style of the courtier, will the eulogy be found to be devoid of 
truth. On his appointment as Secretary to the Embassy at Eys- 
wick. Prior wrote to his friend Charles Montagu with pardonable 
pride, that he had " got it with the advantage of having tl^e King 
say that he was satisfied with my service, and thought my re- 
" quests reasonable "; and there appears to be no doubt that, as 
long as he lived, William's satisfaction remained imabated. During 
great part of his time at Paris Prior was virtually ambassador, for 
Portland's mission terminated in May, 1698, Jersey did not arrive 
until the following September, and, was absent during November and 
December, and Manchester, who was appointed to succeed him upon 


his recall iu April, 1G99, delayed his coming uutil the following 

In consideration of the increased responsibility thus laid upon 
him the King was pleased to double Prior's allowance from the time 
of his departure for France. 

It was, however, but natural that Prior should be dissatisfied 
with an employment in which he bore the burden but had neither 
the acknowledged position nor the full pay, while he was bound to 
maintain as much as he could of the state of an ambassador. He 
also felt aggrieved that he w^as not sent as envoy to Nancy upon 
occasion of the marriage of Mile, de Chartres to the Duke of Lor- 
raine, a commission to which he deemed himself entitled by his long 
service, and his acquaintance with the Duchess, and in which his 
" fine clothes and new livrces made for my Lord Jersey's entry 
would have " come mightily in play." Hence on Jersey's appoint- 
ment to the office of Secretary of State he w^as eager to return home 
and serve under him; which he humorously describes as " descend- 
" ing from the high rope to tumble more safely upon the ground." 
" For God's sake," he continues in the same letter (to Charles 
Montagu), " will you think of a little money for me? for I have 
" fluttered away the Devil and all in this monkey country, where 
" the air is infected w^ith vanity, and extravagance is as epidemical 
" as the itch in Scotland." 

Prior was in correspondence with Portland while the first Par- 
tition Treaty was on the tapis, and his letters reflect the nervousness 
which then prevailed at the French Court. 

It would seem that Prior at first thought the first Partition Treaty 
a masterpiece of statecraft. Yet in 1701 Prior voted for the im- 
peachment of Portland, Somers, Orford, and Halifax for the parts 
they had taken in advising and negotiating this and the subsequent 
Partition Treaty ; and at a later period he declared that he had never 
" much approved " the policy. 

Prior's long residence abroad and his large and varied experience 
of affairs of state had taught him to view the English system of 
government by party with unmitigated disgust, which was vastly 
increased by the recklessness with which the Commons reduced the 
forces of the Crown at a time when France was prepared for w^ar, all 
Europe was expecting in breathless suspense the imminent demise 
of the King of S])ain, and the arrangement effected by the first 
Partition Treaty had been upset by the death of the Electoral Prince 
of Bavaria. In this connexion a peculiar interest attaches to the 
exposition of his own theory of kingcraft contained in the letter to 
Portland of 11th March, N.S., 1098-0 and its sequel of 18th March, 
a theory substantially the same with that afterwr.rds developed by 
Bolingbroke in the Idea of a Patriot King, and feduced to practice 
with no very happy results by George HI. during the earlier part of 
his reign. From Portland's reply, ir)th-2r)th March, it would seem 
that these letters were laid before the King, and we may fairly 
suppose that they were not witliout their influence on the royal 
counsels as evinced in the subsequent reconstruction of the adminis- 
tration upon a broader bottom. 


The letters of the Earl of Manchester serve to sui)plement those Mar(nioss of 
printed long ago by Christian Cole in Memoirs of Affdiry of State, V'r^^}\\-r 
1697-1708, London, 1735. ^"'- ■'^^• 

The later correspondence throws little light on the course of public 
affairs. Such interest as it possesses is mainly biographical and 
literary ; and it must be owned that in Prior's letters to Lord Harley 
there is a deplorable degree of sameness. Prior was now' a dis- 
appointed and needy man. His part in the negotiation of the 
Treaty of Utrecht had all but ruined him. Though in effect ambas- 
sador at Paris after Shrewsbury's departure (August, 1713), he had 
been both inadequately and irregularly paid. Upon the cliange of 
Government he had had much ado to induce the Treasury, though 
his old friend ]\lontagu, by that time Earl of Halifax, was at its head, 
to furnish him with the funds to pay his debts, and he had returned 
to England to find his public life closed by impeachment and im- 
prisonment. Prematurely aged and infirm, he was thus, as at the 
beginning of his career, almost entirely dependent on his pen and his 
patron. No wonder, therefore, that his gaiety is somewhat forced 
and his flattery at times fulsome. The sale of his works and Lord 
Barley's bounty in course of time secured him a modest competence 
and a small country house for the adornment of which he called to 
his aid all his virtuosi friends; but he did not live long to enjoy his 
hard-earned otiurn cum dignitate. 

Nor do Prior's correspondents make us much amends for the dis- 
appointment which his own letters cause us. There are indeed two 
characteristic letters from Atterbury and thi-ee letters from Swift, 
but the latter are of no great interest. For the rest, the Abbe 
Gaultier with evident sincerity deplores Prior's ill-treatment by his 
countiw, and assures him of his own and Torcy's unalterable regard: 
the Duke of Buckinghain returns Solomon on tltc Vanity of the 
World with a preposterous compliment, and Lord Batliurst protests 
that he is in love with Alma; the Countess of Sandwich sweetly 
acknowledges the gift of their author's likeness; Lord Chesterfield 
cites Alcidiana, " that great and extraordinary lady," in praise of 
the Nut Brou-7i Maid; Mrs. Manley, announcing the revival of Lucius 
for her benefit, craves for " gracious Mrs. Oldfield," who is to speak 
Prior's " admirable epilogue," the advantage of his instruction; and 
letters from Eichardson Pack, John Dennis, Giles Jacob, and Charles 
Gildon further illustrate Prior's relations with Grub Street. 


I. MSS. of the Hon. Frederick Lindley Wood. — The collection of Var. Coll. 
manuscripts at Temple Newsam noticed in this Pieport consists ^o^- VIII. 
mainly of letters and miscellaneous papers ranging in date from the ^"^^'^j 
end of the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth. They are 
of a varied nature, particularly rich in the section dealing with the 
Rebellion of 1745. 

The earliest letters in the collection relate mostly to the affairs 
of Sir Arthur Ingram, the first of his name to own Temple Newsam. 
Besides being secretary to the Council in the North, he was a very 


conspicuous figure in the commercial history of the reigns of the 
first two Stuart kings. 

In 1606 he and other financiere decided " to part with no more 
money or security to Sir Walter Ralegh upon any terms," and on 
18th August, 1607, Sir Lionel Cranfield, afterwards Earl of 
Middlesex and Lord High Treasurer, wrote a long and interesting 
letter relating to dealings in starch, logwood, and other commodi- 

It was from the alum monopoly that Ingram reaped most " cares, 
pains and scandal," as well as profit. In the course of the seven 
years, during which he was a farmer, he was said to have wrongfully 
appropriated 35,000L The letters at Temple Newsam which relate to 
this subject commence in 1617 and are a dreary record of mismanage- 
ment and chicanery. Most of them are written to Ingram either 
by George Lowe, another of the farmers, or by Thomas Eussell, one 
of the makers ; the main object of each being, apparently, to dis- 
credit the other. 

While the principals quarrelled, the works at Gisborough went to 
wrack and ruin ; little alum was made ; and the workmen, receiving 
no wages, became desperate. 

Sir Arthur Ingram's connexion with the alum works continued 
until 1624, when Sir John Bourchier, who had been one of the 
original patentees and had recently attempted to buy him out, 
brought charges against him which resulted in his arrest. A year 
later his discharge was sealed. 

Alum, however, is not the only subject dealt with in these early 
letters. George Lowe occasionally forgets his grievances to write of 
some public event. On 13th March, 1619-20, he describes the acci- 
dent which marred Gondomar's reception at Whitehall on his return 
to England, and on 7th August, 1624, he mentions the production of 
Middleton's Game of Chess, which was suppressed by the Council 
on account of its presentation of Gondomar and the King of Spain. 

The domestic side of Sir Arthur's character appears in the 
quaintly spelt letter to his wife, dated 4th December, 1621, in which 
he makes arrangement for Christmas festivity. 

The next considerable series of letters relates to the Irish 
Customs, of which Ingram became farmer in 1632. They are mainly 
from Sir Arthur's cousin, Robert Cogan, his agent at Dublin, or Sir 
George Radcliffe, Strafford's devoted friend, and contain a good deal 
of information as to the condition of trade in Ireland. 

A letter from Laud, dated 19th June, 1638, appeals to Sir Arthur 
Ingram for help in the rebuilding of St. Paul's. An interesting 
book, too long to be printed in full, contains particulars of work done 
at Holland House from 1638-1640. 

On 5th August, 1641, Lord Finch, in exile at the Hague, writes 
to his brother, Sir Nathaniel Finch, commenting on English affairs 
and, in particular, the position of the judges. 

In November, 1641, the King, on his return from Scotland, was 
entertained at Sir Arthur Ingram's great house in York. Sir Arthur 
himself was absent, but his lady did the honours with conspicuous 


The collection contains few i)apers of interest i-eferring to the Var. Coll. 
Civil War. Of old Sir Arthur's sons, his namesake and heir was a Z^^- L j' 
passive parliamentarian, while Sir Thomas was on special service "vVood, 
with the Marquess of Newcastle. A paper endorsed " Concerning 
my Mr. and Sr. Tho. in 1G43 " gives a clear statement of the 
respective attitudes of these half-brothers. 

A short series of letters from the astronomer Jeremy Shakerley 
to John Matteson, a servant of the Ingrams, shows the second ob- 
server of the transit of Mercury in a somewhat unorthodox light. 

The Eestoration is represented by four letters from Elizabeth 
Fraiser to Mrs. Warmestry, who records the progress of the Queen 
of Bohemia's illness and the gayer aspects of Court life. 

Lord Irwin's part in the Ee volution of 1088 is described in a 
letter from Eobert Stapylton to John Eoads, which is immediately 
followed by one from Bevil Skelton, the diplomatist, a faithful if 
somewhat incompetent servant of James II., describing his own 
flight from England and the reception of the dethroned Stuarts at 
St. Germains. 

Arthur, third Viscount Irwin, was Vice-Admiral of Yorkshire, 
and a series of letters, extending over a greater part of the reign of 
William III. and chiefly written by Arthur Todd, the deputy vice- 
admiral, gives interesting details of the methods and fortunes of the 
press-gang at Hull and elsewhere in the county. Todd's letters are 
full of complaints as to the difficulty of obtaining men, the inferior 
quality of those taken, and their proneness to escape. Elsewhere 
he describes the escape of Blocklesbank, who- had been the King's 
pilot, and a hand-to-hand encounter with some of tho impressed 

The third Viscount Irwin, who was AI.P. for Scarborough from 
1093-1702, wrote constantly to his wife whenever his duties kept 
him from her side. The majority of his letters are too intimate to 
find an appropriate place in this Eeport, but a few are of wider 
appeal. He invariably begins " My pretty dear Penny," and his 
orthography is sufficiently curious to merit preservation. In 
January, 1095, he sends her a Jacobite song which he has been told 
is to be sung at Queen Mary's funeral. Several times he alludes to 
the Queen's lying-in-state. The preparations for the funeral are 
described in a letter from M. Dawson to John Eoads. 

The impressions of a new boy at Eton are amusingly given in a 
letter from Edward, Lord Ingram, to his father's steward. A few 
years later he— Viscount Irwin since his father's death in 1702 — 
having passed in due course from Eton to Cambridge and from 
Cambridge to the Grand Tour, sends his mother lively descriptions 
of his life in foreign cities. 

Though overshadowed by the series of letters illustrating the '45, 
there are a fair number concerning the Eebellion of 1715. For the 
most part addressed to Eich, fifth Viscount Irwin, in liis double 
capacity as Governor of Hull and Colonel of the IGth Foot, they 
chiefly relate to the garrison of the town or the concerns of the 
regiment, which was stationed at Fort William, described by Lord ' 
Irwin's Lieutenant-Colonel as " the sink of the world." A few 


Var. Cull. other aspects of the crisis are, however, touched ou. In July, 1715, 
H FT ' ^" ^ letter to his mother, Charles Ingram, of Oriel College, describes 
Wood. tl^*2 effect at Oxford of the flight of Ormonde, who was Chancellor of 

the University, and also his own peril as a Whig. Another letter 
from Oxford, also apparently written by Charles Ingram, describes 
the disturbances which took place on the King's birthday (28th 
May), 1717, and may be compared with the account of the same 
occurrence in the seventh volume of the Eeport on MSS. at Welbeck. 
A few letters of various interest represent the next thirty years. 
A letter from Sir Kichard Steele to the Commissioners for Forfeiture, 
excuses his absence from their deliberations. Business about a new 
patent has been the chief cause. He has given the public the best 
years of his life, and begs to borrow of the public a few days of it for 
his own use. Steele's idea of a " few days " was somewhat gene- 
rous. This letter was written in May, 1718. In October, 1719, he 
was still absent from his place on the commission and had been so 
for over two years. 

The series of papers relating to the Jacobite rebellion of 1745 
form an almost continuous narrative of events from the eve. of 
Prestonpans to the morrow of Culloden. The presence of these 
documents at Temple Newsam is explained by the fact that Heni'y, 
seventh Viscount Irwin, was Lord Lieutenant of the East Eiding. 

Many of the letters bear neither signature nor address 
and are apparently of the nature of newsletters. Where similar 
documents have been printed elsewhere, or where there is little 
variation from the reports in the Gazette, inclusion in this report has 
not been considered necessary or only brief abstracts have been 
given. Such cases are, however, exceptional. 

While Lord Irwin kept in close touch with the Highland army 
during tlie march to Derby, letters from Edinburgh or Dumfries 
informed him of the state of affairs over the Border. He also heard 
frequently from Wade's army and from friends in various parts of 

It would be too much to claim that these papers modify or even 
materially add to our knowledge of the '45. Nevertheless, they 
furnish a number of fresli and interesting details, and may serve 
to correct sundry small misconceptions. 

In a letter dated 30th December, 1745, " from the camp near 
Carlisle," is a list of rebel officers in the town which, though in- 
complete and very possibly inaccurate, contains a number of names 
not in the list printed in the Gazette. 

Of other points of interest it is only possible to indicate a few. 
Two undated and anonymous accounts of the Highland army are 
printed, both apparently written before the commencement of the 
soutliward march. The second account, which is more explicit as to 
numbers, contains a curious story to illustrate the lack of discipline 
in the Scots ranks. " A fellow in defence of one that was ordered 
*' to be whipt the other day by Lord G. Murray cocked his pistol at 
*' him, and Lord G. thought it expedient not only to pardon the 
" fault, but shake hands with the offender that threatened him." 
A letter dated 19th September draws a striking picture of the 


"melancholy couditioa " of Edinburgh, and several subsequent Var. Coll. 
describe the state of the town during the occupation. ^^'- X}^j- 

The Postmaster of Penrith, in a letter to Lord Irwin, describes ^yy"^| ' 
the army on the march : — 

" They march with droves of black cattle and sheep, three wagons 

of biscuit and cheese, which they sit down at noon to eat, at night and 

morning get a little oat meal, which they buy up at their own price or 

take away wherever they can get it, and constantly carry it in a leathern 

bag for their subsistence; every one has a sword, a target, a gun and a 

dirk. The rear always push forward the front, and tlioy march in a 

very great hurry." 

A lively description of tlie entry into Kendal is given. " You will 

" excuse my being merry," the writer concludes, " my spirits were 

" quite raised at such a comic scene as this procession from first to 

" last. I assure you it gave me great joy to see such sorry fools as 

" they are. Had King George been with me to-day he would have 

" been very merry." 

Enclosed in a letter from Dumfries, 3rd November, is a copy of 
a letter from Arthur Elphinstone (the gallant and ill-fated Bal- 
merino) to his wiie, dated from Edinburgh, 30th October. This was 
evidently intercepted and circulated, chiefly for the details it con- 
tains of the numbers and financial condition of the Prince's army, 
partly, perhaps, as a trophy. 

References to the person of Charles Edward are not very fre- 
quent. He entered Jedbergh " mounted on a bay gelding in High- 
" land dress." At Wirwick Bridge, near Carlisle, he was seen, or 
tliought to have been seen, in treaty with a miller for oatmeal. His 
quarters at Penrith are stated to have been at Mr. Thomas Simp- 
son's. It is added: "The Prince lodged in what was then the 
" George and Dragon Inn, now or lately the sliop of Mr. Bamsay, 
There are several references to the apprehension of siiios, and 
some fresh details about the Jacobite Dr. John Burton of YorR, 
the " Doctor Slop " of Tristram SJiay^diJ. Two letters in this con- 
nexion are from Dr. Jacques Sterne, Laurence's uncle, but tlie 
most interesting document is the examination of tlie innkeeper, 
James Nisbett, a fellow-prisoner with Burton in Y'ork Castle, hut a 
loyal "Whig, who wlien the doctor drank to the downfall of the 
Guelphs raised his glass to the downfall of " whelps and Jacobites." 
With reference to the Prince's foreign allies, Christopher Oldfield 
writes to Lord Invin IGtli April. 1740 : " Some of the French oflficers 
are reduced from lace to lla^■e a piece of cowhide tied about tlieir 
" feet instead of shoes." Commenting on the battle of Cnlloden, 
an anonymous writer remarlcs that " it were to be wished the 
" French had no better engineers than they sent them." 

The letters from the Duke of Newcastle and Henry Pelliam to 
Lord Irwin, though mainly of an official character, contain occa- 
sional comments on the situation. On 30th November, 1745, 
Pelham writes: — 

" I find vour neighbours are alarmed at the approach of the rebels. 
I don't wonder at it, but, by our intelligence, it does not look as if thev 
meant to come your way. They are undouhtedly not so terrible as 


Var. Coll. they have been lately represented, nor so insignificant as they were 

Vol. VIII. : thought by some at first. Thuuk God, we have now an army in England 

Hon. F. L. and a prince of the blood to head 'em. I wish only for a meeting, I 

"Wood. fear not our giving 'em a hearty drubbing. Uncertainty and delays are 

as bad almost as a defeat, for our credit cannot much longer hold out in 

such a case." 

In May, 1746, Newcastle writes: — 

" His Royal Highness's unexampled conduct and bravery has re- 
trieved the honour of our troops and restored peace to this kingdom. 
We must now endeavour to make such use of this great event by regu- 
lating affairs in Scotland and punishing the rebels as may prevent the 
like rebellion in the future." 

Four days previously xVrchbishop Herring had told Lord Irwin that 
the King had " had a paper put into his hands at the masquerade 
" with these words, ' Eecall that bloody tyrant, the D. of Cum. out 
" of Scotland.' " The preparations for Cumberland's reception :\t 
York in July are also the subject of several letters from the Arch- 

The letters written subsequent to the rebellion are mainly com- 
posed of political and social gossip. Edward Gascoigne describes, 
as an eye-witness, the operations of the allied armies in October, 
1746. Edward Dickinson, the Dowager Viscountess Irwin's man of 
business, tells his aged client of the fire which broke out in Change 
Alley, 25th March, 1748, and of the earthquakes which frightened 
London in the spring of 1750. Henry Lowther comments on George 
II. 's dislike of French clothes, which were very fashionable in 
London in 1752. " Our streets swarm with French milliners, 
" loaded with bandboxes." Major C. Weddell writes of the visit to 
York paid in 1753 by " the famous Mr. Westly," by whom he was 
neither edified nor diverted." 
Many of the later letters are addressed to Mrs. Charles Ingram, 
whose husband became the ninth (and last) Viscount Irwin in 1763. 
She, who was the illegitimate daughter of Samuel Shepheard, some- 
time member for Cambridge, was a considerable heiress and, judg- 
ing from the terms in which several of these letters are couched, a 
person of singular charm for her own sex. Her most frequent cor- 
respondents are her sisters-in-law Isabella Eamsden and Elizabeth 
Ingram, the daughters of Colonel Charles Ingram. They are full of 
entertaining small-talk. 

In August, 1761, Mrs. Eamsden describes at length the prepara- 
tions for the arrival of the new Queen, Charlotte Sophia of Mecklen- 
burg- Strelitz, and in 1767 Elizabeth Ingram sings the young Duke of 
Cumberland's praises from the social point of view. 

Of more serious topics may be specially mentioned an account 
of the negotiations between Cumberland and Pitt in 1765 and 
Edward Dickinson's report of a conversation which he had with 
James Grenville a propos of his retirement from the representation 
of Horsham. It was proposed to offer the vacated seat to Nathaniel 
Bayly, Lord Irwin's brother-in-law, who was petitioning against 
John Morton, the member for Abingdon. Bayly, however, would 
not accept this compromise and was eventually successful in his 


II. MSS. of M. L. S. Clements, Esq.—l. Molcsicorth Corrc- Var. Cull. 
spojidcncc. — This collection consists, for the most part, of letters ^"^- (^^•'^* • 
and papers of the 17th and early IStli centuries written by, or to, elements 
the first three Viscounts Molesworth. They had been preserved in Esq. 
an old Indian cabinet at Killymoon, co. Tyrone, the residence of the 
Stewart family, and were brought to Ashfield Lodge by the late 
Colonel Henry Theophilus Clements, who inherited Killymoon from 
his uncle, Colonel William Stewart, who was a son of Elizabeth 
Molesworth, and grandson of liichard, third Viscount Molesworth. 

From the purely historical point of view the most interesting 
documents here dealt with are perhaps those connected with the 
English and Irish Parliaments of King Charles I. Under the 
former head there are copies of the Demonstration of Grievances 
of 7th June, 1G28, and of the Declaration concerning Tonnage and 
Poundage. These were compared with copies of the same documents 
already published, and, though the purport was substantially the 
same in both cases, the language showed considerable variation. 
The reading given by these manuscripts sometimes gives a better 
sense, while the general tone of the expressions here used is con- 
siderably stronger in its statement of the abuses complained of, 
noticeably less respectful to the King and milder towards the 

A more remarkable discovery, however, was that of a manuscript 
Journal of the Irish House of Lords for the period 1640-1641. It 
was found, upon examination, that this contained a number of 
passages, amounting to more than 4,000 words in the aggregate, 
which are not to be found in the printed edition or in the rougli 
original notebook preserved in the Public Kecord Officeof Ireland, 
from which the printed copy appears to have been taken. In a few 
cases, where the passage omitted was not of very great length, it 
was found to be present in the Eecord Office original, but had been 
so carefully scored out as to be almost illegible. The volume now 
under notice is well bound, well kept and carefully written, superior 
in these respects to the Eecord Office copy, and, from a marginal 
direction on the 79th page (which indicates that a particular docu- 
ment is to be entered " as of the 18th day, when it w'as voted and 
" passed "), it appears that this volume, too, was intended to serve 
as a notebook, from which the journals should afterwards be copied 
in a more elaborate and permanent form. The discrepancies between 
the volume in these manuscripts and the Piecord Office copy are 
more numerous and more marked towards the end of the session, 
where the official version leaves out passages of such a length and so 
situated that their absence would be explainable by the supposition 
that a whole leaf had been torn bodily out. The version hitherto 
accepted as official makes no mention of any sitting of the House 
of Lords on 5th March, 1641, whereas the copy in this collection 
shows a rather stormy meeting on that day, the proceedings of 
which, owing presumably to the abstraction from the Irish Eecord 
Office co])y of the leaf showing the change of date, have been con- 
fused heretofore with the proceedings of the previous day, and are 
now clearly exhibited. There are several other omissions, not less 


Var. ColJ. remarkable either by their length or the nature of the suppressed 

^ol. VIII. : portions. Thus, when the judges are called in by the Lords to 

Clemeuts advise whether an Irish Parliament can continue to sit on the death 

Esc]. of the Lord Deputy, pending the arrival of a new governor, the 

official copy is found to omit several of the bolder statements made 

on this subject, which the copy in these manuscripts gives in detail. 

Again, when the Lord Chancellor is accused of treason, the Eecord 

Office copy omits passages of great length and importance, which 

are here given in full. 

The hand in which the volume is written appears somewhat later 
in character than that of the Ivecord Office copy. 

The remainder of the collection consists of family letters and 
papers, and mostly falls within the period 1G89-1744. Indeed, one 
of its chief points of interest is the picture which it gives of a Whig 
family of the second rank, probably typical of many others, whose 
united strength upheld the ministries of Anne and the first two 

The fn-st person to appear is Eobert Molesworth, then ambassa- 
dor to Denmark, afterwards raised to the peerage as Viscount Moles- 
worth, a man of some literary ability and considerable insight into 
economic problems. Having an estate in Yorkshire, as well as in 
County Dublin and King's County, he was able to take a leading 
part in the affairs of both countries. In England, he showed him- 
self an ardent and thorough-going supporter of the Whigs during 
the troubled reigns of William and Anne, and a curious indication of 
the depth of his feelings on this subject is afforded by the letters of 
1712, recording his utter dejection during that year of danger and 
defeat for the Whigs. 

In Ireland, on the other hand, Eobert Molesworth, was one of 
those who deeply resented the policy of subjecting the "old English" 
long resident in Ireland, to which class he himself belonged, to the 
" new English " officials sent over from time to time by the authori- 
ties in London. He complains of being, as he says, " nosed and op- 
" pressed " by Lord Lieutenants and Lord Chancellors, and declares 
that they in Ireland were all slaves, and, what made it worse, to 
their own brethren. His outspokenness in this and other respects 
seems to have attracted the unfavoiu-able attention of the Irish 
Government, and on at least one occasion he thought it well to flee 
from the country in some haste, fearing to what lengths the vengeance 
of his enemies might go. The climax tO' this policy of subjecting 
the " old English " in Ireland to Westminster was reached in 1719, 
when what little independence the Irish Parliament enjoyed was 
destroyed by the Act known as the Sixth of George I. Molesworth 
did not fail to enter a protest, and among the papers is a speech, 
which he probably delivered in the Irish House of Lords on this 

After 1710 he seems to have turned rather to English politics, and 
was soon prominent in connexion with the South Sea Company de- 
bates, in which he intervened with all the vehement indignation natu- 
ral to one who had suffered personally. The letters in this collection 
for the years 1720 and 1721 exhibit a number of different points of view 


as to the South Sea Company aud its reconstruction. For instance, ^^['-^jjj 
J^bert Alolesworth and his sou llichard are hostile critics through- .^^^ ^ g_ 
out ; Arthur Onslow, afterwards the great Speaher ot the House of ciemeuts, 
Coninioiis (who is represented by two letters showing great ability), Esq. 
.and Daniel Pulteney represent a more neutral aud disjjassiouate 
view ; and the standpoint of the unfortunate ])rivate individual is 
illustrated by letters from two women, ]\lrs. Tichborne and Mrs. 

Eobert Molesworth's action at the crisis of the South Sea Com- 
pany and his denunciations of the dishonesty disclosed brought him a 
good deal of popularity, and at tliis time he supported a newspaper, 
the London Journal, which attacked the ministry in unmeasured 
language, Molesworth's own contributions a]->pearing therein under 
the significant }ioui dc pliDnc of " Cato." The Government retali- 
ated, it appears, by showing marked disfavour to those of Aloles- 
worth 's numerous family who happened to be in its service, parti- 
cularly to John, his eldest son, then envoy at Turin. During the 
height of his ])opularity, Robert Molesworth was elected by the 
students as Hector of Glasgow University, but their choice was set 
aside by the authorities of that institution. There are several 
letters in the collection showing the resentment felt at what was 
regarded as an arbitrary act and an infringement of the liberties and 
privileges of the students. 

Robert IMolesworth died in Alay, 1725. His eldest son, Jolm, 
who succeeded him and died after enjoying the title for nine months, 
only, was a diplomat both by profession and inclination. He was 
sent on diplomatic missions to Italy, first, in 1710, to the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany at Florence, of which i)eriod hardly any letters 
survive, and afterwards (1715-25) to the Court of Sardinia at Turin. 
His first mission put the family to severe financial straits, which 
tire shown in his father's letters from November, 1710, onwards. 
Money had to be borrowed at heavy interest, and, though the salary 
M-as paid in the end, the Molesworths seem never to have recovered 
from their financial embarrassments, which culminated at last in 
the sale of their property in Dublin city (now Molesworth Street), 
and their large woods at Edlington, in Yorkshire. 

John Molesworth, as is shown by his numerous letters received 
while at Turin, Avas a man of artistic tastes, which he had many 
opportunities of gratifying in Italy. His diplomatic duties there 
were to hold a " watching brief," as it were, for Great Britain in 
the tangled politics of Italy, and, in particular, to attend closely to 
the movements and designs of the Pretender, who had at that pei-iod 
his headquarters at Rome. John Molesworth seems to have kept 
agents in all the Italian courts, and, among other duties, acted as 
a protector to the distressed Protestants of Piedmont. His foreign 
correspondents include the secret agent Le Connit. who writes almost 
as a personal friend, and gives him information as to tlie proceedings 
of the Dutch foreign ministers, the negotiations for the surrender of 
Knight, ex-Treasurer of the South Sea Company, a refugee at 
Brussels, and other details of European interest. Some of the 
letters in French deal with political topics, for instance, the futile 
(B1720-Gp. 5) -Q 

and protracted Congress of Cauibrai, the relations of France and 
opain witii the Empire, Sec. The writers in this language appear to 
be for the most part nobles of the Sardinian Court. 

More interesting, however, are the letters of his English and 
Italian correspondents during the period of his last Turin embassy 
(1720-25). The former include Artlmr Onslow and Daniel Pulteney, 
already mentioned, John Lekeux, a follower of Walpole (a lively and 
amusing writer), Lord Chancellor Macclesfield, and Robert and 
Richard Molesworth, the envoy's father and brother. These repre- 
sent all shades of Whig politics, and their long and frequently 
graphic letters must have kept the distant ambassador well informed 
of the course of home affairs. A letter of Daniel Pulteney 's and 
another of Lekeux' exhibit the rising animosity between AValpole 
and the Pulteneys. 

John ]\lolesworth had made a friend of the Lord Chancellor under 
remarkable circumstances. Lord Parker, Macclesfield's eldest son, 
afterwards the astronomer and reformer of the calendar, while tour- 
ing in Italy, had fallen into an undesirable entanglement with a 
Venetian woman. His father, greatly alarmed, besought Molesworth 
to use his influence to separate the pair. The envoy succeeded in 
the task, and was rewarded by heartfelt gratitude on the part of 
Macclesfield, who spared no pains subsequently to serve Molesworth 
with his colleagues in the Government and promote his advancement 
generally. But the Chancellor did not enjoy many opportunities of 
benefiting his new friend, for he was impeached in the following year, 
fined and dismissed from office. Here again the collection presents 
both sides of the case, for it contains Lord Macclesfield's defence to 
Molesworth of his own conduct, with dark hints that some secret 
influence, possibly m.eaning that of Walpole, was responsible for his 
downfall, also some letters from Lekeux with caustic comments on 
Macclesfield's behaviour and the progress of the impeachment. 

Molesworth 's Italian fi-iends Avere Florentines for the most part, 
and their letters deal chiefly with matters of art, for instance, paint- 
ing, sculpture, the publication of illustrated art catalogues, the pro- 
duction of operas, »l-c. He acted as an intermediary in procuring 
Italian works of art for his friends in England, and frequently made 
use for the purpose of a clever Florentine, bearing the illustrious 
name of Galilei. This person, who was an architect and engineer, 
paid a visit to Ireland and was probably employed by Robert Moles- 
worth to ornament his scat at Breckdenston, now Brackenstown, 
near Swords, co. Dublin. The elder Molesworth complains on this 
occasion that the Commissioners for building 8t. Wcrbm-gh's 
Church, Dublin, were so foolish as to reject the offer of Galilei's' 

A romantic feature of John Molesworth 's life is indicated by the 
unsigned Italian love-letters received l)y him during his stay in 
Turin. They were written by a lady whom he had met in Florence 
some years before, who had apparently succeeded in renewing a 
former attacliment, when Molesworth came back to Italy in 1721 as 
a recently married man. Her letters are full of the most ardent ex- 
pressions, and she even goes so far as to affirm her affection by 


writing in her own blood ; yet there is ground for believing that the Var. Cull, 
whole correspondence was no more than a typical piece of Ibth J-' ■ ■ 

century sentimentahty with but little serious meaning, for the elements, 
parties could very rarely luu e met, and sometimes long periods Esq. 
passed without the interchange of a letter. 

Eichard Molesworth, the second son of Kobert and brother of 
John, also figures largely in this collection. He was a man of eager 
and sanguine temperament, a soldier by profession, and had begun 
his service under Marlborough, whose life he claimed to have saved 
at Eamillies, though with all his efforts he could never induce the- 
INIarlborough family to admit the fact or make him any acknow- 
ledgment. Placed on half-pay, he speculated and lost heavily in the 
South Sea Company, and was driven by poverty to turn to all kinds 
of plans for obtaining money. His devices are decidedly entertaining 
and varied. The first, which came so near to success as to attract 
the favourable attention of Sir Isaac Newton and the Royal Society, 
was an invention of a chronometer or timepiece sutficiently accurate 
to afford its designer hopes of winning the handsome reward offered 
by Parliament for " the discovery of the longitude," or, in other 
words, for an instrument which would enable the sailor to calculate 
his longitude by comparing local time with that of Greenwich. The 
progress of the work, which is usually referred to as " Sir Jerome," 
was much retarded by duns, and eventually it was relinquished. 
Other designs of his were the writing a Life of Marlborough, going 
abroad as a soldier of fortune, and providing London with a water 
supply from the Thames, the last of which was in execution when the 
illness of his father called him away to Ireland. There he obtained 
the command of a regiment, succeeded to the title on the deaths of 
his father and brother, and resumed his long interrupted military 
career, which culminated in the distinguished post of Commander- 
in-Chief in Ireland. 

Other members of the Molesworth family figure in the corre- 
spondence, while among the friends not already mentioned may be 
included Lady Arabella Pulteney, Sir J. Hewett and Colonel 
Humphrey Bland. 

Besides the political interest, which is most marked between 1720 
and 1725, the letters contain a great deal of matter illustrating the 
social and economic life of England and Ireland, and, to some ex- 
tent, of the Continent. Thus there are numerous letters dealing 
with estate inanagement and adornment, planting, gardening, travel- 
ling, wages, and prices, popular customs, &c. Among the innu- 
merable topics may be mentioned the confusion of titles to land in 
Ireland, the grounds on which an Irish landlord based a claim to 
increased rents, the settlement of Quaker manufacturers at Philips- 
town, the enclosure of commons, the exhaustion of Ireland after the 
Williamite wars and again after the South Sea, the " naturalizing " 
of such wild flowers as cowslips and lily of the valley, elections, 
schools, emigration of Irish Protestants to New England, the ideal 
country clergyman, fox-hunters and their ways, the behaviour of 
travelling Englishmen on the Continent, and the treatment that 
travellers met with at the hands of the local peasantry, the sending 
(B1720— Gp. 5) g2 


Var. Cull. of parcels cf every size and shape despite all the difficulties of 
Ml, S transport (eveu such strange loads as young trees aud live fish being 

Clements sent from England to Ireland), the establishment of cross posts, the 
lisq. suspicion of the honesty of the post office, trials for heresy and 

blasphemy, ^c. 

There are not many literary references, though Mary IMonck, 
daughter of Bobert Molesworth, who is represented by two letters, 
was a poetess of some note, aud her brothers, John and Richard, 
were both writers of occasional verse. Swift's appointment to the 
Deanery of St. Patrick's is hailed with the significant comment, 
" This will vex the godly party beyond expression," and later on, 
Captain Malcolm quotes an alleged exchange of rhyming repartees 
between Swift and the Lord Lieutenant. There is also a reference 
to a project for an English dictionary to be compiled by one Mr. 

As regards military affairs, there are descriptions of battles at 
Pratz del Rey and Guastalla, the latter forming the subject of a 
letter from an Irish officer with the Austrian forces. There are also 
letters showing the practice with regard to military promotion and 
the personal interest taken by George II. in all such matters, and a 
copy of a speech calling for militia in Ireland in order to cope with 
£1 threatened Spanish invasion. 

As both Robert and John Molesworth suffered much from ill- 
health, there are frequent references to medical topics. 

For local history and topography the letters dealing with the 
county and city of Dublin and with Philipstown are best, the most 
noticeable among the former being a reference to a project for 
building the Irish Parliament House on the Molesworth estate. There 
are some references to Sheffield and its vicinity and to Yorkshire 
ways and habits. There are, too, spirited accounts of life in the 
West Indies, and of the reception of an English embassy at Gothen- 
burg and Stockholm. 

2. Military Order Boohs, 1758-1759. — The volumes, which form 
the subject of this section of the Report deal with the movements 
and organization of the British forces in North Germany between 
i^Oth July, 1758, and 30th April, 1759. A list shows the composition 
of the brigades and giving the names of the chief staff officers. There 
were in all 12 British regiments present, six of cavalry and six 
of infantry, the commander-in-chief being the third Duke of Marl- 
borough. The cavalry units were the Blues, Inniskillings, Royal 
North British Dragoons (Scots Greys), Bland's (1st Dragoon 
Guards), Howard's (3rd Dragoon Guards), and Mordaunt's (10th 
Dragoons, afterwards lOtli Hussars). The infantry regiments were 
the Welsh Fusiliers, Bnidcncirs fl2th Foot, Jiow the Suffolk Regi- 
ment), Kingsley's (20tli, now Lancashire Fusiliers), Hume's or 
Home's (25th, now King's Own Scottish Borderers), Stuart's (37th, 
now 1st Hampshire Regiment), and Napier's (51st, now 1st King's 
Own "^''orkshire Light Infantry). 

At the commencement of tlie first order ])Ook- the British troops 
arc still at Jemgum, near ilio rnonili of ilu^ Ems, and arc pre- 
paring to march up that river to join a large force of Hessians, 


Hanoverians and Brunswickers, undei- Ferdinand of Brunswick, who Var. Coll. 
subsequently actud as commander of the whole allied army. The ^^'^ ^ g 
last orders deal with preparations for departuiH' from Alimster and elements, 
for marching out on that campaign, which t'udfd so brilliantly at Esq. 
Minden three months later. Vnfortunately no l)Ook has been dis- 
covered which would eontiiuie the history of the oi)eratioiis to that 
extrenu'ly interesting point. 

Possible points of interest for tlie military historian and s'tudent 
of strategy may be afforded by the details as to the route from the 
coast to the interior of Germany by way of Emden and the course 
of the Phiis, also as to the scheme of defence followed by Ferdinand 
during the summer of IToS. However, the main importance of the 
books appears to consist in the very com]»lete picture they give of the 
organization and working of the British army on active service at 
this period. 

Light is thrown incidentally on the character of Lord George 
Rackville, who took over the command of the British contingent after 
Marlborough's death in October, IToS. He shows a tendency, not 
very characteristic of a military officer, to explain and, as it were, 
apologise beforehand for an order which he thinks unwelcome. 
Perhaps this unwillingness to shoulder responsibility may account for 
his subsequent fatal inaction at IVIinden. 

One of the volumes bears on its cover the entry " Colonel \Yeljb 
" 50 dollars," which may perhaps be taken as evidence that the order 
books belonged to that oflficer, who was Quartermaster-General of the 
force to which they relate. This supposition is borne out by the 
fact that Mary Webb, his daughter, married in 1770 the Right Hon. 
Henry Theophilus Clements, and it may be presumed that through 
this alliance the order books came into the possession of the Clements 

III. MSS. of S. Pliilip I'nu-in, Esq. — The doeuments described S. Philip 
in this report are the diaries of Joseph Button, son of John Button, a Unwin, Esq, 
weaver at Coggeshall in Essex, where he was born 26th October, 
1(351. He was for a time in the employment of a weaver in his native 
town, Mr. Hedgthorn, but subsequently moved to Colchester. His 
diaries consist of a number of small leather-bound almanacs, and the 
entries, written in a neat hand, are of a varied description. In 18G3 
eleven of these little books were in existence, and Dale inferred the 
loss of eleven others from a list in one of the extant volumes. They 
had belonged to J. N. Hunt, a connexion of the Button family, and 
were then in the possession of "Sir. Kirkham. In 1890 they belonged 
to Mr. G. F. Beaumont, author of -4 History of Coggeshall, who had 
purchased them from ]\Irs. Kirkham, widow^ of Mr. Ptichard Mere- 
dith Kirkham. Both Dale and Beaumont give extracts from these 

Of the three now in the possession of Mr. I^nwin, one consists of 
a record of births, marriages and deaths, which occurred in and 
about Coggeshall during the last quarter of the seventeenth century ; 
a list of letters which passed between Bufton and his brother John ; 
and a chronicle of events mainlv of local interest. A good many 


extracts from this book are giveu by Dale and Beaumont; a further 
selection will be found in this report. The second diary contains the 
rules of the company or guild which was founded in Coggeshall for 
the purpose of reviving the woollen industry there; " the articles of 
" the combers' purse," a short-lived benefit society; some lists of 
the employees of Mr. Hedgthorn, Bufton's master ; and other entries 
of a kind'red nature. These are given in full, as being of consider- 
able interest, but a short chronicle of public events and some purely 
personal notes, which the volume also contains, have been omitted. 
The third diary, from which nothing has been taken, consists of 
extracts from sermons and from books then recently published. 



The fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of the Calendar of the 
Stuart MSS., belonging to Your Majesty, published in 1910, 1912, 
and 1915 respectively, cover the sixteen months from 1st March, 
1717, to 30th June, 1718. The sixth volume begins with the 
Historical Account by Thomas Sheridan of Tyrconnell's govern- 
ment in Ireland and other matters in the reign of James II., which 
is frequently referred to by Macaulay in his History as the Sheridan 
MS., preserved at Windsor. This is printed m cxtcnso and is full 
of interest. At the beginning of Vol. IV. and the end of Vol. V. 
are calendared a very large number of letters and papers, which 
ought to have been included in the first three volumes, but which 
were discovered at Windsor too late to be inserted in their proper 

On 1st INIarch, 1717, James was at Asti in Piedmont. He reached 
Pesaro on the 20th, where he stayed till 22nd May, wdien he went to 
JRome and stayed there till 4th July. He reached Urbino by the 
11th and remained there, except for a visit to Fano for the carnival, 
during the rest of the period included in these volumes. He was at 
first pleased with the magnificent palace, but ere long he and his 
•attendants were heartily tired of the place, where they were so out 
of the world and where there was no good wine to be had, and where 
there were but few walks, and all of them either up or downhill. 
The winter was severe enough to try the hardiest constitution. Mar 
found that James' visit to Piome, and especially his being present 
at the solemnities of Corpus Christi and St. Peter's Day procession 
might have a bad effect in England. 

James on his way had stopped a few days with his uncle at 
Modena and had fallen in love with his eldest daughter, but his suit 
found no favour in her father's eyes. His partisans continually 
insisted on the necessity of his marrying speedily and having 
children. ' The English Jaco])ites suggested a daughter of the 
Landgrave of Hesse, who would be acceptable, being a Protestant, 
but slie was reported to be fat and unlikely to bear children and also 
to have l)ad teeth. In October the Czar offered to James one of his 
daughters, probal^ly the eldest, in marriage, but she was said to be 
only 13 and to have been born before her parents' marriage. The 


Duchess of Courland, the C/.ar"s niece, was also inentioneJ, but in The Stuart 
March the otYcr was withdrawn by tlie Czar, in February, 1718, ^y ^V^^'^^^j 
Wogau was dispatched to (icnuany to ins[iect and rei)oi'L on eligible yj'' '' 
princesses, particularly the dau-liter of I'rince Louis ol' IJaden and 
a Princess of Saxony, cousin to the King of I'oland. 'Jdie })roject 
relating to the last was soon alter abandoned. Wogan, in a letter 
which gives an anuising aeeount of the two Courts of Baden, 
reported unfavourably on the Princess, but reconnnended two 
daughters of the Countess of Purstenburg. Prom Olilan he gave 
a most favourable account of the charming Clementina, the youngest 
daughter of Prince James Sobieski, and in June, James ^lurray was 
sent with fornud proposals for her hand, v.hicli were gladly accepted 
hj herself and her parents. 

Queeu Mary died on 7th JNIay, 1718. A detailed account of her 
illness and death was sent by her confessor to her son. Pier pension 
had been much in arrear and now ceased altogether. Consequently 
a great many of her servants and pensioners were reduced to great 
distress. Numerous letters from them imploring assistance occur 
in the latter part of Vol. VI. 

James had been unwell l)efore hearing of his mother's death. 
The illness proved to be a tertian ague. Before the end of June he 
was convalescent but was much weakened by his illness and the 
great heat. 

Mar parted from James at Montmelian on IGth February, 1717. 
and arrived at Paris on the 28th, to see his wife and to be at hand 
in case the expected Swedish invasion of England took place. He 
remained there very privately till Gth July, when lie went to ^louchy 
near Chantilly. Ormonde, in expectation of the invasion, which was 
believed as late as i\Iay to be imminent, was summoned and was 
at Paris by 19th jNIay. The Czar visited Paris in ]May, and shortly 
after his arrival his physician, Dr. Erskine, had two interviews with 
his cousin, j\Iar, and proposed from the Czar that Ormonde should go 
to the King of Sweden on account of James and the Czar. jMar and 
Dillon endeavoured to get the Czar to send such a message to Sweden 
as would make it worth while for Ormonde to go, but this the Czar 
put off till he received the Regent's proposals. At the end of ]May 
Mar was infomied by Dr. Erskine that the King of Sweden had 
refused the Czar's proposals, on wliicji Mar and Dillon concluded 
that the King was cei-tanly coming to terms with King George, 
and that therefore Ormonde shoiild not go, but on hearing that King 
George's proposals had also been rejected they decided that George 
Jerningham should be sent, it being doubtful if Ormonde would be 
well received. Draft letters to be carried by Ormonde and Jerning- 
ham were sent !)y Thonlas Sheridan to be signed by James, which 
M-hen signed were carried to Prague by Sheridan. Ormonde saw 
Dr. Erskine and the Czar at Spa in July. The latter professed great 
inclination to serve James. 

Ormonde proceeded to Danzig by way of Prague and decided to 
send Jerningham and Sheridan to Sweden and to remain himself 
at Danzig till he heard how Jerningham, who had parted from him on 
15th October to embark at Konigsburg, was received, but proceeded 


Tlie Stunrt to IMittau, where he passed the winter. In February the Czar, on 
^1^^;' ^ "'^- account of complaints from Enghmd aliout Ormonde, offered to 
Vl'.' ' ' convey him to Sweden, but it was replied that he could not go 
tliere till he heard from Jerningham how he would be received. 
At last in INIarch letters came from Jerningham that the I^ing of 
Sweden had showed inclination enough to serve James, but said 
it was not in his power to do so till he had settled with the Czar. 
If that failed, he must make up M'ith his other enemies, especially 
King George. He would not consent to any person from James 
coming to Sweden. Ormonde having requested passports for his 
return, if there was no likelihood of an agreement between the Czar 
and the King of Sweden, left Mittau on l^th ^May and reached Paris 
by 20th June, where he lived very privately till his departure for 
Spain in November. The Czar, it was said, had ordered his 
removal, not from goodwill to King George or coolness to James, 
but only to avoid suspicion. 

Mar had gone to the neighbourhood of Liege in August to be near 
the place where the peace negotiations between the Czar and Sweden 
were expected to be carried on. His object was frustrated by their 
being transferred to Finland, so he returned in Octol)er to Paris, 
which he left on the 13th, and arrived at Urbino on 22nd November, 
having visited Venice on the way to see the place and hoar the 
operas there. 

The following spring he spent five weeks in and near Rome and 
greatly enjoyed visiting the monuments, the statues, pictures, &c. 

Jerningham, after a visit to Holland, went to Petersburg to inform 
the Czar of the true situation and temper of Sweden. The Czar was 
pleased with his errand, and told him to assure James he would 
assist the King of Sweden in forwarding the restoration after they 
had come to an agreement, and permitted him to correspond with 
Goertz on condition that his letter should be read before it was sent. 

In the introductions to the three volumes some account is 
attempted to be given of the intricate negotiations between the Czar, 
the King of Sweden and James. The object of the last was to 
induce the other two to make peace with the view of afterwards 
joining to effect a restoration. To persuade the Czar to abate his 
demands on Sweden Dr. Erskine was instructed to offer him 
200,000/., to be paid three months after the restoration, as an equiva- 
lent to what he should give up to the King of Sweden. 

As to hopes from Spain, in All)eroni's words Nondinn advcnit 
plenitude temporis. James, on account of the danger to his person 
irom the German troops in Italy, requested the King of Spain to 
allow him a retreat in some part of his dominions. 

Though the King of Sicily was friendly to James, wlien asked for 
assistance he replied that the measures he was obliged to keep 
put it out of his power to do anything for him. 

The hopes of the Jacobites in England were encouraged by the 
divisions of the Whigs, Townshend having been dismissed in April, 
1717, and Walpole and others having resigned. Their efforts were 
directed to keep the three parties, the Court Whigs, the dissenting 
Whigs, and the Tories distinct, and to prevent the last being drawn 


into either of the other parties. Their hopes were raised by the The Stviart 
famous quarrel between King George and his son in December, 1717. ^If'^V^^^^^^ 

It appears by a letter of Mar's of 20th January, 1718, that the Earl yi! '' 
of Oxford had not been privy to the rising of 1715 and that it was by 
his advice that the Bishop of Eochoster was employed as the chief 
manager of James' affairs in England. There are incessant com- 
plaints of tlie ungovernable temper of the latter. He complained 
that there was a plot to diminish Ormonde's interest, that Oxford 
and J\lar were at the bottom of it, and he was rtisolved, it was said, 
to break the neek of the Scotch interest, in which he included Oxford. 
Intrigues against J\Iar were also carried on in Paris by tlie Court 
JMai-ischal, General Hamilton, Brigadier Hooke, Itobert licslie and 

The suspension of the sittings of the Convocation in 1717 caused 
great discontent among High Churchmen and particularly among 
the Nonjurors. At Dr. Leslie's suggestion James wrote to liim on 
29th November that he understood that the power of the Keys had 
ever been thought an essential right of the Church of England, so that 
she might inquire into the doctrines of her members and inflict 
ecclesiastical censure. The civil government's stopping such pro- 
ceedings was to take away that right, which James promised to 
maintain, if restored, adding his assurance of maintaining all the 
just rights and privileges of the Church. His letter gave great satis- 
faction in England, but caused uneasiness at Eome. James ex- 
plained that what he had said about the power of tlio Keys was 
to be taken as a quotation and not as his personal opinion. I'ather 
Puese by a mistranslation had appropriated that power to the King. 
His only intention had been to show that his own religion did not 
prevent him from showing complete protection and favour to tlie 
Protestants. He had previously declared that he was king, not 
apostle; and that he was not obliged to convert his subjects except 
by his example, nor tO' show a partiality to the Catholics, A^hich 
would only injure them in the long run. 

Partly on account of this mistranslation James desired that 
Puese should take no further part in his aft'airs. His chief reason, 
however, was that he believed that Puese was influencing the Queen 
against him. 

When Dr. Leslie M'as obliged by his health to leave Italy, James 
caused two English clergymen to be summoned to Urbino to take 
his place. His Protestant subjects were less tolerably treated in 
France, a celebration of the Communion at St. Germains being 

A schism having arisen among the Nonjurors, James was advised 
to use his influence to reconcile them, to prevent his interests being 

A great many of the papers relate to the alleged design of the 
Earl of Peterborough against James' person, his arrest at Bologna, 
and his release. It appears that the original warning against him 
came through Anne Oglethorpe from Lord Oxford. The Bishop of 
Rochester, on the other hand, declared everywhere his opinion that 
the report was an idle, groundless tale. 


The Stuart Negotiations with the Duke of Argyle and his brother, the Earl 

^^^:^'^^'^'^- of Pluy, went on all through this period. In June, 1717, a pardon 
Yi' '' ' '^ to them was signed by James and lodged with the Marquis de 
Meziers, through whose sister-in-law, Fanny Oglethorpe, the negotia- 
tions had been can-ied, and on 10th March, 1718, a patent was signed 
by James creating Pluy a baron and earl of England (titles not 
specified). This was also lodged with the pardon. Other peerages 
conferred during this period wei'e an English earldom on the Duke 
of J\Iar (Earl of Mar) and an English barony on Theophilus Ogle- 
thorpe (Baron Oglethorpe) with a special remainder to his brother 

At the end of the Introductioii to Vol. VI. are printed the keys 
to eleven of the principal Jacobite ciphers. 


Lord This Collection of Correspondence, preserved at Mertoun House, 

folwartn. ^.^ Berwickshire, the residence of Lord Pol war th, is only a portion of 
what may be properly described as the Marchmont MSS., of which 
another portion, preserved at Marchmont House, has already been 
made the subject of a Report by the late Sir William Fraseu 
(Fourteenth Report, App. 3, pp. 56-173). Of the papers at Mertoun 
House some were published in 1831, by the Eight Honourable Sir 
George Henry Rose, in a work entitled " The Marchmont Papers." 
The remainder form the subject of this and subsequent volumes. In 
the preface to his Report, Sir "William Eraser explained how these 
papers came into the possession of Hugh Scott, Lord Polwarth, 
formerly Laird of Harden, who, as grandson of Hugh, third Earl of 
Marchmont, was found by the House of Lords in 1835 to be entitled 
to succeed to the peerage of Lord Polwarth of Polwarth. 

With the exception of a few pages at the beginning, supplement- 
ary to the above-mentioned Report on the Marchmont MSS., this 
present Report deals only with the diplomatic correspondence of 
Alexander, Lord Polwarth, as Plenipotentiary at the Court of the - 
King of Denmark, between the years 1716 and 1725. He was the 
third son of Sir Patrick Hume, eighth Baron of Polwarth and after- 
wards first Earl of Marchmont, and was born on 1st January, 1675. 
While he was but a boy, his father, being indicted for complicity in 
the Ryehouse Plot, fled abroad, and his estates were confiscated 
until the Revolution, when he returned with King William the 
Third, by whom, after serving as Chancellor of Scotland and in 
other offices, he was created Earl of Marchmont on 23rd April, 1697. 
While his father lived in Holland, Alexander spent some years at 
the University of Utrecht, intending to follow the profession of the 
law. He married in 1697 Margaret, daughter and heiress of Sir 
George Campbell, of Cessnock. On Sir George's death he assumed 
the name of his wife's family, Campbell, and was known as Sir 
Alexander Campbell. He not only succeeded in right of his wife 
to the Ayrshire estate of Cessnock, but lie obtained the seat in the 
Court of Session left vacant by his fatlier-in-law's death, and sat 


there as Lord Cessnoek. On the death of his elder brother in 1709 Lord 
he became Lord Polwarth, and shortly afterwards went to Hanover, 
where he became a0<]uaintod with the Elector, afterwards King 
George the First, and warmly espoused the cause of his succession. 
I'or a time he held the appointment of Lord Lieutenant of Berwick- 
sliire, and in that capacity took an active part in the suppression of 
the rising of 1715. In the following year he resigned his seat in the 
Court of Session in favour of his younger brother, Sir Andrew Hume, 
\\ho took the designation of Lord Kimmerghame ; and very soon 
afterwards Lord Polwarth was dispatched as Plenipotentiary to the 
Court of Denmark, at which point we enter upon his diplomatic 
correspondence as set forth in the following pages. 

He was abroad until 1725, and when he i-eturned home it was to 
find his wife and four of his children, two sons and two daughters, 
dead, and likewise his father, who died in 1724. He therefore came 
home as second Earl of jNIarchmont, which title he bore until his 
death in February, 1740. 

The diplomatic correspondence of Lord Polwarth is preceded in 
the Pieport by some parliamentary correspondence, for tlie most 
part letters by George Baillie of Jerviswoode, M.P. for Berwickshire, 
to Lord Polwai-th and his father, and one or two letters relating to 
Lord Polwarth 's proceedings during the Eebellion of 1715. 

Lord Polwarth was at first accredited to the Court of Berlin as 
well as to that of Copenhagen, but before he had reached the 
Prussian capital it had been decided that Berlin should have a 
special British Piesident, and Mr. AAliitworth was dispatched thither. 
Lord Pohvarth accordingly took up his residence at the Danish 
capital. Here he was associated with General Frederick 
Bothmer, envoy from King George as Elector of Hanover, each of 
whom assisted the other while attending to their respective S])heres 
ot work. To them was added the presence of Admiral Norris, with 
his fleet in Danish waters. The correspondence of Loi'd Polwarth 
was chiefly with the British ministers in London, and incidentally 
with representatives of the English Crown at other European 
Courts ; but the most important letters are those which passed 
between him and John Eobethon, the private secretary of Count 
Bernstorff, who was the Hanoverian prime minister of King George 
the First. To him Lord Polwarth wrote more fully and more confi- 
dentially than to the foreign Secretaries themselves, and from him 
Lord Polwarth received more ample information of what was going 
forward both at home and abroad than in the strictly official corre- 
spondence received by him. 

The coiTCspondence is very extensive, and consists of a large 
collection of original letters and papers, as well as thirteen volumes 
in which the letters sent by Lord Polwarth have been entered. 
Many of the original letters have been injured by damp, and all of 
them have had to be sorted out and arranged in their chronological 

When Lord Polwarth reached Copenhagen the Northern War had 
entered upon a new phase. Sweden had been driven out of the 
last of her German possessions, but was still as full of fight as ever. 


Lord and the Xortliern allies were preparing to carry the war into Sweden 

Folwarth itself by a joint descent upon Scania. 

The instructions given to Lord Polwarth were to preserve and 
strengthen the friendship between the two Crowns of Britain and 
Denmark, and promote the advantage of British subjects and 
interests generally; but specially to observe the movements of the 
Danish Court, find out their designs with regard to their relations 
with neighbouring countries and princes, particularly with reference 
to the present war in the north, and, by maintaining good fellowship 
with the ambassadors of those princes at the Danish Court, to 
endeavour to ascertain the views and intentions of their respective 
masters, and communicate the same to the Secretary of State. He 
was also to maintain constant correspondence with the British minis- 
ters at other foreign Courts. To enable Lord Polwarth the better 
to accomplish his task, he was provided with a memorandum 
describing some of the characteristics of the men with whom he 
would have to do, and another similar paper of a later date by 
Count Flemming, the Saxon minister, was also in Lord Polwarth 's 
hands. He reached Copenhagen and entered upon his duties in the 
end of July, 171G (new style), his first oflficial letter to Mr. Stanhope, 
narrating his audience with King Frederick the Fourth of Denmark 
being dated 4th August. 

He found the Czar at Copenhagen busy making arrangements 
with the King of Denmark for the proposed descent on Scania. 
This it was intended to make by the united fleets of twenty-four 
Bussian, eighteen Danish and nineteen British ships, and by the 
landing of a large body of 20,000 Danish and 30,000 Eussian troops, 
the latter then lying in Mecklenburg. Peter was very anxious to 
proceed, as the season was so advanced, and the mode of operations 
to be followed was the subject of the first conference which Lord 
Polwarth and Sir John Norris had with the Danish ministers and 
those of the Czar at Copenhagen. The Czar and the King of 
Denmark had already agreed that the expedition was to be com- 
manded, when both were present, by each king on alternate days ; 
and it was now stated that the Czar would take command on sea 
both of his own and the Danish fleet. " That may be so," replied 
Sir John Norris, " but I shall command my own squadron, and am 
quite ready to co-operate with the others in driving the Swedes into 
port." It was no part of his instructions, he says later in a letter to 
Lord Polwarth, to sun-ender " the ranck of our countiw." This 
expedition, after much delay, was postponed to the following spring, 
and ultimately abandoned altogether. 

The stoppage of the expedition, however, raised a new problem : 
What was to be done with the Russian troops? The Czar proposed 
to leave a third part of them in Denmark, paying for their main- 
tenance there, to quarter another third part in Mecklenburg, and 
the remainder in Poland ; while he himself went to Holland. His 
fleet also, it was suggested, sliould lie up for the winter at Copen- 
hagen. But the Danes would not hear of the Russians remaining 
in their country or immediate neighbourhood on any terms. King 
George was as concerned that they should not go to Mecklenburg or 


any part of the Empire, and pleaded with Frederick to allow at least Lord 
some of the llussian troops to remain in Denmark, as they would "'^Iwartli. 
protect his country. But Frederick was as firm with George as he 
had been with Peter. He was then asked to give his assistance 
against tlie landing of the Kussians in Mecklenburg, even by force, 
if necessary, but he refused. It was none of his concern where they 
landed if they were out of Denmark. The result was that, in spite 
of all protests, the Eussian troops went to Mecklenburg, and for the 
next ten months or so remained there, to the great misei-y of the 
inhabitants and tlie disquietude of the neighbouring powers. They 
Hore not got quit of until the end of July in the following year. 

The town of ^Ylsmar was another question with which Lord 
I'olwarth had to deal, though it affected Hanoverian interests rather 
than British. It had been taken from Sweden in April, 1716, by a 
joint army of Danish, Eussian, Prussian and Hanoverian troops, 
and to obviate the competing claims of the conquerors it was pro- 
posed to demolish the fortifications and make it a free city of the 
Empire. The King of England was opposed to the demolition of the 
fortifications, but was overruled on the ground that having least 
of all taken part in reducing the town he had least right to interfere 
in its disposal. 

In January, 1717, the English ministry startled Europe by 
suddenly seizing Count Gyllenborg, the Swedish minister at London, 
and taking possession of his papers. This was immediately followed 
by the apprehension of Baron Goertz, Swedish agent at Arnheim, 
by the Dutch authorities at the instance of the British ambassador. 
Gyllenborg had been using his privileged position to further the 
interests of the Pretender in England, and Baron Goertz was actively 
assisting, not, indeed, fz'om any concern for the Pretender's cause, 
but in the belief that thereby he could best further the interests of 
his own master, Charles XII., tliough there is good reason to believe 
that that king was to a large extent ignorant of the proceed- 
ings of his ministers. The incident is known as the Swedish Plot. 
The Jacobite leaders, after the failure of the rising of 1715, had 
approached Sweden and offered a substantial subsidy if Charles 
would send ten to twenty thousand of his troops to Scotland to tlieir 
assistance. Baron George Heinricli von Goertz von Schlitz of 
Holstein-Gottorp had attached himself to the King of Sweden as his 
financial minister and was devising all manner of expedients both 
within Sweden and without for raising money to carry on tlie war. 
With him the chief thing was to get the money, and Gyllenborg 
lent his ready assistance at London to further the scheme. Their 
apprehension upset the plot. Both were ultimately liberated, but 
only after a good deal of trouble. Charles, on hearing of the arrests, 
threw the British minister at Stockholm, Mv. Jackson, into prison, 
and kept him there until Gyllenborg was released. He also refused 
tD make any apology for the conduct of his ministers, and it was 
only on the interposition of the Eegent of France, who consented 
to make a declaration on behalf of Charles that he knew nothing of 
the interference of his ministers in the affairs of the Jacobites, that 
the tension was relieved. Gyllenborg was then sent back in Julv. 


Lord 1717, iu a warship to Sweden, aud Goertz was set free at the begin- 

Polwarth. ^^.^^ Qi August. 

Meanwhile the Czar was making a tour iu Europe, visiting the 
capitals of the several countries, and his movements are followed in 
the letters. His marvellous military successes, and his determina- 
tion to create a fleet which would make him at least partner, if not 
master, in the Baltic, made him a factor to be reckoned with in the 
maintenance of the balance of power. Prussia had practically 
ranged itself on the side of Peter, and there was a fear in England 
that Denmark would follow suit. The efforts of Lord Polwarth and 
Baron Bothmer to prevent this provide a great part of the subject 
matter of this volume. There was a strong anti-British party in 
the Danish cabinet, which maintained that in all he did George the 
Eirst was only looking after his own interests. " Very well," said 
liord Polwarth, " if you think so, my master has no need to send his 
fleet year after 3'ear in your interest to these waters." The fear of 
this, more than anything else, helped to draw them into the treaties. 
The Danes had a fleet of fair dimensions, but it was poorly equipped 
and they had not the means for its maintenance. They depended 
to a considerable extent for this on subsidies from Bi-itain, and these 
were to be guaranteed by the treaties and not to be less than 
50,000L sterling yearly. Another element in the situation was the 
efforts which Baron Goertz was making to bring about peace between 
Charles XII. and the Czar. After his release this Baron, finding 
that his financial schemes were not so easy to float as he had hoped, 
turned his attention to the bringing about of a peace with Eussia. 
He interviewed the Czar, and was so far successful that a meeting 
of plenipotentiaries from the two p.owers was arranged for. It was' 
first proposed to be at Abo, but the island of Aland was finally 
agreed upon. From the commencement of the negotiations the 
rumour was constantly circulating that a peace had been concerted ; 
and the Danes were constantly reminded that if this was the case 
there was nothing more probable than that the Eussian fleet would 
join that of the Swedes with Denmark as their objective, and the 
certain loss of Norway, if not more, would follow. But the Danes 
were hard to move and their methods were sometimes provoking. 
At one stage the edict went forth from the Danish Court that all 
communications for the King must be pvit in writing and pass 
through the ministers. Lord Polwarth declined to conform to any 
such rule, and declared he would refrain from all communication 
until the obnoxious order was rescinded, as he had not been sent 
there to conduct a correspondence, which could be carried on with- 
out resident ministers. The al)surdity of the ordinance, however, 
was too manifest, and the old order of things was restored. But 
this with other provocations stiffened the backs of Lord Polwarth 
aud Baron Bothmer and they ceased for a time to press their atten- 
tions on the Danes, who then, becoming alarmed lest they should 
really lose the British support, evinced a greater readiness for 
friendly treating. 

From the many complaints of British merchants there was no 
lack of cause even for exasperation against the Danes. Instead of 


reciprocatiug the protection afforded to their coasts aud ships bv I^"|d 
the British fleet, they lost uo opportunity of htu-assing and oppres- ^ ^^'^''^'^ ' 
sing British merchantmen, sometimes even after they had already 
been spoiled by the Swedes. They attempted also to lay an 
embargo upon the free navigation of the Elbe, and actually seized 
several ships; and it was only when threats were used of forcible 
measures being taken that they desisted. 

AYhen the intended " descent " on Schonen was finally aban- 
doned it was proposed to make a combined naval attack upon 
Carlskrona, and Admiral Byng, in April, 1717, conducted a Britisl' 
fleet to Copenhagen for the purpose. That project also was found 
impracticabk, which Admiral Byng shrewdly guessed the Danes 
well knew it would be. The Danes then suggested attacking the 
island of Gothland, but in this they were forestalled by the Russian 
fleet, which landed there the troops they had removed from ^Nlecklen- 
burg. That the coalition of the Eussian and Swedish fleets was 
considered quite within the field of possibilities is evident by Admiral 
Byng demanding instructions as to what he should do if such a 
contingency arose, the reply being that he must endeavour to prevent 
such a union if any attempt was made to effect it. 

Tlie only active hostilities at this time were between Denmark 
and Sweden. Their object was the rectification of the frontier 
between Sweden and Norway, and they lasted until December of 
1718, when the death of Charles at the siege of Frederikshald put an 
end to the o])erations and the whole Swedish army returned to 
Sweden. This event also brought to a sudden close the activities of 
Baron Goertz, as the Swedes, considering him one of their greatest 
enemies and oppressoi*s, immediately brouglit him to book und put 
him to death. To this point only in the progress of the Xorthern 
war do the letters printed in the present volume come. 

The letters, however, are also full of references to events taking 
place during their period both at home and in other European 
countries. From the Hague Lord Polwarth had numerous letters 
from the residents there— first Horatio \Yalpole, then Charles 
Whitworth, who was later associated there with Earl Cadogan ; 
from Hamburg Sir Cyril Wych, the British resident there, kept 
him informed of Avhat was afoot; at Paris his correspondents were 
John, Earl of Stair, and Thomas Crawford; while from Berlin 
Charles Whitworth, who was resident there for some time before he 
went to the Hague, wrote regularly. At Dantzic his correspondent 
was Joshua Kenworthy, through whom also generally came the 
letters received from Frederick Christian Weber, the Hanoverian 
resident at St. Petersburg, whose letters record the tragedy of the 
death of the Czarewitch at the hands of his own father. There are 
occasional letters from Stockholm, Dresden, Brussels, and other 
places, and a number from both Admiral Byng and Admiral Xorris. 

Throughout tlie correspondence there are references to the 
military and naval operations which were taking place in the south 
of Europe. In August, 1716, Mr. Robethon reported to Lord 
Polwarth the tidings of a great victory obtained by Prince Eugene 
over the Turks, and a little later the fall of Temesvar. In August, 


1717, that prince followed up his victories by taking Belgrade, with 
great slaughter among the Turks. The Tui'ks yielded up Belgrade 
and other districts to the Empire, and a treaty was signed on 
21st July, 1718, at Passarowitz in Servia, between the Turks on the 
one hand and the Emperor and Venice on the other, by which peace 
was guaranteed for the next quarter of a century. 

Meanwhile Philip of Spain, under the guidance of Cardinal 
Alberoni, had commenced an attack upon Sardinia, with ulterior 
intentions on Italy, so as to^ oust the Emperor fi'om his possessions 
there. Philip openly declared that his design was against Naples. 
In August, 1717, it was reported that the Spanish fleet had already 
landed 7,000 men in Sardinia and taken possession almost without 
opposition. Cagliari, indeed, held out, but was reduced in October. 
Still greater preparations were being made in Spain for a more 
formidable expedition in the spring, and the British Court became 
uneasy and instructed Lord Stair, the resident at Paris, to sound 
the P'egent of France upon the position of affairs. The result was 
an attempt to bring about a peace between the Emperor and Philip, 
but these negotiations fell through. It was now June, and the 
Spaniards had their expedition ready at Barcelona. The King of 
Sicily wrote asking for the assistance of the British fleet in terms of 
the treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Italy, and the like repre- 
sentations were also made to the Court of France. A fleet under 
Admiral Sir George Byng was dispatched to the Mediterranean in 
pursuit of the Spanish flotilla which had already gone, and Lord 
Stanhope undertook a mission to Madrid to endeavour to persuade 
Cardinal Alberoni to forgo his tyelligerent projects and fall in with 
the other powers for securing peace. He had a three hours' con- 
-lersation with him at the Escurial, but made no headway, and 
returned without achieving his purpose. But even before their con- 
ference took place Admiral Byng had succeeded in getting into touch 
with part of the Spanish flotilla. His progress is reported in the 
letters. On 11th August he caught the Spanish fleet at Cape Passaro 
about twelve miles off Syracuse, when he destroyed nine of their 
ships and surrounded other twelve, which, he writes, he hoped to 
capture. The story of the destruction of their fleet is given by 
Admiral Byng with a list of their ships. This naval victory was 
followed by the I'apid movement of Imperialist troops to Sicily and. 
the other parts invaded by the Spaniards, and the letters here 
printed terminate with the beginning of the efforts of the Spaniards 
to extricate themselves from the toils in which they in turn were 
now involved. Unfortunately the news of the destruction of his 
fleet so exasperated Alberoni that in revenge he seized all British 
ships and goods and subjects in Spanish ports, recalled his minister 
nt London and confirmed the two coimtries in a state of war. 

At an earlier period, Pliilip, Duke of Orleans, the Begent of 
France, liad fallen in heartily with the efforts of King George to 
bring about peace in the Empire and other European States,^ all the 
more that it assisted to secure the stability of his own position. A 
treaty was entered into between the two nations, and Holland was 
invited and accepted the invitation to enter the alliance. This was 

known as the Triple AUiaiu-e, and was formal] \ ratified in January, T^ord 

-|r-ir- ' " i'olwiUtll. 

One of the results was that the Pretender eould no longer find an 
asylum in i-'ranee. Iteferencr has already heen made to some letters 
relating to the Ilising of 171.'). and in the cori'espondenee now 
printed there will he a good dt'al found relating to the sequel of that 
event, fn the otfiee eireular thrre are numerous referenees to indi- 
viduals who had heen arrested h)r part it-ii)at ion in the rising and 
the arrangements for their ti-ial and fate. There are referenees also 
to some of those who esc-aped ahroad and husied themselves either at . 
the Pretender's Court or in his scrviee elsewhere. As for the Pre- 
tender himself, hy the treaty \\-ith 1-higland he was not to he ])ermit- 
ted to remain in Franee, I)ut to he made to eross the Alps with his 
followers. The Piegent agreed with the Pope that he should go to 
Italy, hut the latter did not wish him at Pome. There are many 
references in the volume to his later movements. 



I. The MSS. of ,V/.s.s M. Eijrc-Matc]iaiii.~n\L' collection in the ^''Y'y¥^: 
possession of ^liss Eyre-Alateham consists of a part of the corre- j^j^^^'^ Ev're- 
spondence and other })apers of Cieorge Buhh Uodington, and includes Matdiam. 
iu-teresting letters from Henry Pox, Lord Bute, Horace ^lann, I^ord 
Talbot, the Irish Chief Baron Wainwright and Lord Chancellor 
Bowes, James Thomson, tlie })oet, and others. On the whole, the 
letters present Dodmgton in a more i)Ieasing as])ect than that in 
which he is generally viewed, lie probably sums up pretty correctly 
the oi)inion of his contemporaries when he says: " It has always 
" Ix'on my lot to Ix' represented as an arrogant, self-sut'ticieiit, emitty 
" coxcomb, and in the same (piarter of an hour ... a di-e]), de- 
" signing, dangerous spirit." I'osterity has endorsed the former 
rather than the latter view. But that he could be a warm and 
steadfast friend is shown l)y his defence of Byng (in a speech called 
by Horace Walpole. wlio did not love Uodington, " humane, 
" patheti(\ and bold ") and of Jjord Oeorge Sachville after Alinden. 
And many of the letters in this collection prove the real affection 
felt for liim by men such as Lord Halifax, and his Idndness of heart 
and willingness to help otliers. He was a kind patron to .lames 
Thomson, tlie ])oet, who thanks him for advice and encouragenuuit, 
as well as for many other obligations, in a letter written just before 
his journey to Italy with Lord Talbot's son, in 1730. Thomson v/as 
then ardently looking forward to " seeing the fields where Yugil 
" gathered his immortal honey " and to gaining inspiration from 
treading the ground where " men had thought and af-ti^d so greatly." 
His next letter, written a year later, is in strange contrast to the 
earlier one. He had been through most parts of France and Italy, 
and had found his enthusiasm for travelling go off very fast. 

The first letter in the collection was written by I^oi-d Sianho]^G 

before George Buhh had taken the name of Hodingtou, and while 

he was minister at ^Madrid. This is followed by two from Admiral 

Byng to George Hodington the elder on the Cjuestion of Gibraltar, 

(B1720— Gp. 5) H 


the diffic-ulties of his own task, and his desire to return home and 
see quiet days. 

In 1732 and 1733 there are several letters to and from Frederick, 
Prince of Wales, in the iirst of which Dodington begins by posing 
av, a candid friend who scorns to flatter, and ends with as fulsome a 
piece of flattery as one can well imagine. 

The Prince's earlier letters are short, friendly notes ; but in the 
autumn of 1733 he wrote a long letter on the subject of divers 
stories then current to Dodington's detriment, in which, although 
he takes his friend's part, there are signs of a rift in the lute. 
Dodington, then on the eve of going over to Ireland, defended 
himself at great length, but the rupture with the Prince followed 
not long afterwards. 

A supposed petition, dated in February, 1739-40, from 
a Miss Hamilton to George Denoyer, the popular dancing 
master, praying him to procure her a post as rocker in the Prince 
of Wales' nursery, on the ground that, as she heard, no person w^as 
admitted into that part of Norfolk House who was not a Hamilton — 
is an evident skit upon the number of Hamiltons whom Lady Archi- 
bald, the Prince's mistress, had placed about his court. 

In this same year, 1740, Dodington again joined the Prince ol 
Wales' party. 

Three letters from Thomas Prowse, M.P. for Somersetshire and 
a member of the secret committee for investigating the charges of 
bribery and corruption against Walpole in 1742, illustrate the 
strong animus of the majority of those composing it — an animus so 
bitter that some of his more moderate antagonists ceased to attend 
the meetings. 

Letters written in the autumn of 1744 show the deep depression 
of the party to which Dodington at this time belonged. " If we 
" can do nothing," he wrote in a letter to Sir Watkyn Williams 
Wynn, " let us at least agree in that nothing, and show that it 
" proceeds not from meanness, but from a noble despair." And 
again to Hillsborough : " If I foresaw any moral possibility of repel- 
" ling the broad ruin that now stares us in the face, I should call 
" upon your Lordship." But almost immediately afterwards Gran- 
ville's ministry fell, and in the " broad bottom " administa-ation 
which followed, Dodington was made Treasurer of the Navy. 

At this point there is a hiatus of some years in the collection, 
and the next papers relate to Dodington's return to the Prince of 
Wales in the spring of 1748-9. At this time also Dodington's 
Diary (printed in 1784) begins, and helps to elucidate the letters. 
At the beginning of March tlie Earl of Middlesex was sent by the 
Prince to Dodington to offer him " the full return of his favour." 
His answer, accepting the Prince's offer, was given on 11th March, 
and on the same day he resigned his office of Treasurer of the Navy. 
His professed reasons, as given to Luke Gardiner, were — the hope- 
less state of the country and his own powerlessness to remedy the 
evils he foresaw, so that he thouglit it better to retire than to "stand 
" loaded with emoluments, without the power of doing any real 
" service " either to his country or his friends. His statement to 


Mr. i'elliaui, as related in tiic Dianj, is almost identical with this. Vai'. Coll. 

He agreed, however, to aet uiilil the aiipointiiieiil ol: a successor, j^^V^'^ j,^;^;^ 

.<and did not actually (|uit ol'liee until tlie -'ird May. After this Matehaiu 

he was made mueh ot at J^eii-isler IJouse, iu\ited to sup or to dine, 

<ind ap])ointed Treasurer ot the Ciiand)er, with a salary of 1,2()()/., 

though it Mould appear from a passage in the Dianj that this was 

niade up to 2, ()()(>/. i)y tlie I'riiuH', pri\ately. This for the ])resent. 

In the future, when the i'rince should eonie to the Crown, he was 

to have a peerage, the management of the House of Lords and the 

Seals for the Southern rrovince, and was allowed to kiss hands, by 

way of acceptance, ui)on the spot. 

A short note from the I'rince of Wales (written in December, 
1750) brings this chapter of Dodington's history to a close, so far as 
these papers are concerned. Frederick died in the following March, 
.and the next document calendared is the " memorial of several 
" noblemen and gentlemen " concerning the education of the new 
Prince of \Yales. 

In 17.")4: Horace ]\Iann gives an aniusing account of Elizabetli 
Pitt's conversion (or re-conversion, as he considered it) to the Poman 

A srrirs of letters to a young friend named East and his mother 
■show ]~)odington as a kind, l)ut by no means always a judicious, 
mentor of youth. In one of tlie letters he incidentally mentions 
that he has not played at cards for ten hours in ten years. 

On 2nd September, and again on ord September, 1755, Pitt visited 
Dodington, as we learn from the Diarii, and on the Oth Dodiugton 
exactly echoes his sentiments as regards the foreign sul)sidies, in 
writing to Halifax ; yet when Fox, proving more pliant than jiis 
rival, was about to be made Secretary of State, Dodington, who ever 
loved the rising sun, and who also had certainly a warm attaclnnent 
io Fox, wrote to congratulate him: — 

" That of ah those wlio are in the King's service or likely to he so, 
you are cue whom I most cordiallv wish to see in the first rank, is a 
truth that I hoped to convince you of by contributing hoth to the 
placing and supporting you in it, and not by words. ... I always 
wished you should be an actor — a principal actor — but where honour and 
reputation, as well as power, and profit distinguish the part you appear 
in; for, dear Mr. Fox, believe an old man that loves and esteems you, 
there is nothing else \\'orthy of an honest, noble, well-regulated ambi- 

Both Newcastle and Fox were anxious to engage Dodingtoii. but 
doubted whether he would accept the " subsidiary treaties." They 
therefore wrote to Halifax (who was known to have great influence 
with him) praying for his assistance. On 10th October, Newcastle 
and Dodington had a long conference, but separated without coming 
to terms. On the 19th, however, they " settled preliminaries," and 
on the 22nd Dodington kissed hands as Treasurer of the Navy. 

In the autumn of 1756, the burning question was the establish- 
ment of the Pi'ince of Wales. The King wished to get him aAvay 
from his mother's control ; the Prince did not wish to leave her. 
Newcastle dared not meet Parliament imtil he had come to terms 
with Leicester House, and at length persuaded the King to allow the 
(B1720— Gp. 5) H 2 



.,u..^ l'ii>H-e to remain willi Ins mother, and to consent to their 
\vish°that Lord Bute should be Groom of the Stole. 

In November, Newcastle and Fox resigned, and Dodmgton lost, 
his place as Treasurer of the Navy. i ^ , , 

In Fox's next letter, written on 12th March, 1-a-, he sketched a 
ministrv which he believed would be acceptable to the country, but 
declared that if the King kept Pitt and 'IVniple two months- 
lonaer he should look upon them as complete conquerors and 
'■ Leicester House the Court." He wished Dodington to approach 
Halifax on his behalf, but the latter declared that as Mr. lox had 
no positive proposition to make, he could have no positive answer 
to return. On ir)th March, Fox informed Dodington that lemple 
had had " an unkindly audience," but he believed they did not 
mean to resign on it : — 

" So,-' he continued, " now things tend to delay apdn ; and you an.T 
I think alike of the consequence of that. . . . Pitt, .^e., have 1).\ 
their faults and want of judgment, put themselves into our ^wwer ; it u> 
now our turn, by the same means to make them again masters. 
Dodington seems to have suggested that Halifax would prefer to 
be Secretary of State. To this Fox replied: — 

" Caiiacitv is so little necessarv for most employments that yo i- 
seem to forget that there is one where it is absolutely so— viz., the 
\diniraltv. It is there we want Lord Halifax's active ability. _ . . - 
Now, when the King with difficulty can be brought to open Ins closets 
door to Lord Halifax as head of the Admiralty, do you believe his de- 
dining that ottice will leave a possibility of his being Secretary ot 
State? " 

Tlie great object was to extricate the King and country ^from_ 
their difhculties, and tliis could only be done by i)lacing men " not 
" where thev cliose, l)ut where tliey may best answer the great pur- 
•• pose thev are called upon for." On 2nd April the downfall of the 
ministry was known to be imminent, and Fox was busy arranging 
the administration wliich lie believed it would fall to liis lot to form. 
He offered Dodington (through Hillsborough) the Treasurership of 
the Navy, and had already got Winchelsea's promise to go to the 
Admiralty. ^Matters were not, however, so easily settled, and at the 
beginning of Juiie Dodington wrote: — 

" 1 hear vou are to come to town, but not much more informed of 
the settlement of the administration than the King himself. How long- 
is this gentleman to trifle with his sovereign and benefactor and to keep 
our destiny in sus]ieuse : you r.f too much consequence, I of too little, 
to be trusted with or admitted to the honour of sujiitorting him? " 
To this Fox tlie next day replied tliat it was impossible to recol- 
lect lialf the absurdities lie liad that day lieard. 

Fox's last letter io Dodington at tliis crisis was written on Oth 
June, when Newcastle had l)een to tbe King to know what terms he 
miglit offer ^Ir. Pitt: — 

" Tlie King gave the Duke little encouragement to tliiuk ho wouJcT 
condescend to such terms as thev windd accept, and the Duke gave the 
King as little to imagine that lie would come in without them. His 
grac'e is to l)e at (Joiirt to-morrow, when, according to present appear- 
ances, thev will iKirt for good and all. . . . P-ut th(> very reverse of 
this conjcctiu-e mav prove to be the event. Inrcilus nan prrturhaius, 
1"11 go to dinner. Adieu." 


FolIoAving the Fox letters are several from Lord Talbot and ^J"- <'"1^; 
Horace Mann. _ mL Eyre 

Horace ^faun. writing from Florence in March, l.-)8, evidently jsratchani. 
replies to a lettei- from Dodington describing the " union of 
■"counsels" in the ministry and tlie popularity of the King of Prussia. 
Not) long after this Horace Walpole wrote to Mann: — " Our unani- 
" mity is prodigious. You would as soon hear ' No ' from an old 
"' maid as from the House of Commons." Another letter from 
IMann about this time tells of his efforts to bring about a reconcilia- 
tion between the dowager Lady Orford and her husband, ^Ir. 
Shirley, and a third discusses the probable consequences of the di'ath 
of the King of S]niin and the English success at Guadaloupe. 

On George IIL's accession to the throne, Dodington lost no time 
in applying to Bute for some mark of favour from the yomig King 
and the Princess, who had ever been his most gracious mistress. 
He exerted himself to please Bute by getting " as many members 
as he possibly could (and his parliamentary patronage was very 
large), and by sending him verses of a flattering nature. 

There are many letters from Bute to Dodington and Dodington 
to Bute in the collection. 

In October, 1701, two short notes from Young, the poet, offer 
emendations to Dodington's metrical Epistle to tlic Earl of Bute. 
It has sometimes been stated that this was merely his Epistle to 
IVaJpole altered to suit the circumstances ; but this is an error, as 
they are entirely different. 

The second section consists of letters on Irish affairs (1 725-1 7(V2). 
The earlier letters are chiefly from Lord Chancellor ^Yest, Baron 
\Vainwright, ^Y. Cary, and Dr. Hart, ]^)ishop of Killmore. They tell 
of the amusing plan of the Irish House of Commons in 1725, whicli 
in order to malie an estimate of what the revenue might produce in 
two years, " it being thought necessary to take a wediimi " of what 
it had hitherto produced, it was gravely done by taking one year, and 
that the highest ever known ; of the friction between Lords and 
Commons on tlie question of the " communication of bills " in 
1733-4 ; of the ditflculty in carrying a bill for the relief of the 
creditors of Burton's Bank ; of the plot to oust Wainwright from the 
Exchequer by " kicking him upstairs " ; of the great run on the 
banlcs in 1744 ; of the mischief brewing by the ])apists, and of tlie 
solemn vote of thanks given to a valiant cornet " for his great zeal 
" and intrepedity in rummaging the monasteries, friaries and semi- 
'■' naries of Galway," and carrying off their papers. 

In 1735, John P)Owes, the li'ish Solicitor-Genrral, ai)])ealcd to 
Dodington for hel|) against a bill in the English l^arliammt which 
he feared would tend to promote the growth of popery ; and also 
repeated a speech made against him by " that eternal snarl Swift." 
Alluding to Dodington's place as Clerk of the Pells, and speaking 
of the good nature of his countrymen, Swift had said: — 

■' One Carey, la^t session, introduced a gentleman fi'om England, 
dressed him in a suit of Irish manufactiu'e, whii-li cost thirty shillings, 
and then showed him for a patriot, upon which the good people of 
Ireland gave him seven hundred pounds per annum." 


Var. Co]\. Sir Artliur Acheson tliouglit that too much had been made of 

ivr^', F^- ' ^ small matter. Luke Gardner had been " talking like a great 
Matchau). ' " I'^itriot," and said no gentleman of the country should be forgiven. 
that wore anything but the manufactures of it. The Dean retorted. 
that Gardner had got into employments worth two thousand 
pounds, while he possibly might lay out ten in a suit of clothes^ 
and then made the speech about Dodington, but only in the " way 
'■' of rattling the Dean has always indulged himself in," and which,, 
it is to be feared, " he will never be broke of." 

There was a good deal of opposition to the vote for Dodington's- 
salary. In the end, however, the matter was settled in his favour^ 
and the vote was passed ^\'ithout a division and with only a few- 
words of objection which never " rose to the shadow of a debate." 

A letter from ])r. Lewis Bruce gives an account of the discussion 
in the House of Lords in February, 1756, in relation to the creeds 
of the church ; and one from Bowes (now Lord Chancellor) describes- 
the tmnult in Dublin in December, 1759, on the alarm of an in- 
tended union vv'ith Britain, when the mob broke every door in the' 
Parliament House, and, surrounding the coach in which the Chief 
Justice an.d tlie Chancellor were sitting, insisted on the latter being 
sworn that he was against the Union. To this letter Dodington 
replied very gravely. However di^•erting the sight might be " of a 
" Chief Justice swearing a Chancellor in the hands of an enraged 
multitude " it was a thing which he saw with great concern, and 
the more so because he did not see a remedy. His love of Ireland, he 
continued, made it very distressing to him to see " a Protestant 
".multitude attack a Protestant government, in a country where all 
together do not make a sixth of the whole," and though all was 
said to be quiet again, " methinks we are dancing upon a mine that 
may spring at once, in the very moment that we imagine we are 
"most entertained and entertaining." He congratulates his 
friends, however, iipon their escape, and also sincerely rejoices at 
their safety from foes without, " for had not Hawke been more and 
" Conflans less than a man, Ireland must have been as much lost as 
" ^Minorca." 

Thei'e are other interesting letters from Chancellor Bowes, in 
more than one of which he refers to liOrd George Sackville's court- 
martial. Several other letters from the Cliancellor follow, discussing- 
the political situation in 1700 and 1701, and especially the question 
of sending bills (particularly money bills) over to the English Parlia- 
ment. I'he latest Irish letters in the collection tell of the arrival 
and favourable reception of the Earl of Halifax in 1761, and the 
last of all is from Halifax hiinsrlf, when, after a toilsome six months, 
he was preparing to leave Ireland, where, " what with claret and 
with l)usiness," he decliired, he was almost dead, although he had 
lieen " as sober and l)usy a lieutenant as any of his late predeces- 

II. Tlir ^[SR. of Capfiiin Ihurnrd Tirrnfr RiWT.—Tho manu- 
sf-ripts whifh form the subjcft of this report consist for 
the most part of the official papers and correspondence of William 


Knox, bost known as Under SccTetary for the Colonial Department y^aj\ Coll, 
from 1770 nnlil 17y2, when the oHiee was aholished. Knox ^^'i-^s ^,^ , jj' 'y^ 
born in Ireland, in i7;>'2, and in a memorandum preserved amongst Kuox. 
the papers lie yi\es an account o[ his ancestry. 

The pa[)ers contain nothing wiiich throws light on William 
Knox's early life, but he nuist, as a yoimg man, have shown con- 
siderable capacity and inti'lligence, for, when only four and twenty 
years of age, he was appointed I'rovost Marshal of Georgia by Lord 
Halifax, going out with the new Governor, Henry Kllis, in Decem- 
ber, ITHC. His narrative of his journey to and ])roeeedings in 
Georgia is in this collection. ^Nlanx' names are indicated only by 
initials but tliese are easily identified by the registers of the proceed- 
ings of the Council, the official entries confirming the accuracy of 
Knox's account. At Charlestown, in South Carolina, Knox for the 
iirst time met \Yilliam Henry Lytteltori (then Governor there) 
afterwards one of his most intimate friends. 

In 1700, Knox made up his mind to return to England. Neither 
the climate nor the country of Georgia was agreeable to him, and 
he complained that the whole burden of affairs lay on his shoulders. 
His residence in the colony liad not, however, been without satis- 
factory results, as he had set up a plantation there, with every 
prospect of a good return. 

Not many weeks later his plans received a sudden check- upon 
the receipt of news of the death of his brother and father. As 
the desire of ministering to an aged parent had been his strongest 
reason for wishing to return, he determined to postpone his iiitended 
voyage, if he could acquire something better than his present office. 
His salary and fees together at tins time only amounted to 150/. per 
annum, on which he was expected to keep up his position as a 
member of Council in a land where every necessity of life cost nearly 
twice what it did at home. 

Governor Ellis was, just at this time, going to England, and 
offered to propose Jinox as his lieutenant during his absence, hut 
Knox declined this, partly indeed from the difficulty of carrying on 
the government without suppoi't, hut partly also from lack of means. 
He would have liked the post of English agent with the Indians ,- 
urging his knowledge of the people in general and of the Indians in 
particular, and especially emphasising the need of kindness in the 
treatment of the latter; it " being ridiculous in the highest degree 
" to think of gaining an influence among a people who are as free 
as the wild beasts and as jealous of tlieir liberty, by assuming a 
superiority over them." The expected vacancy, howevei-. did not 

In February, 1702, the legislature of Georgia appointed him their 
agent in England, and he received the King's permission to return. 
He farmed out his office of Provost Marshal, let his plantation and 
negroes, and before the end of April was in England. 

At the end of the year 1702, when the preliminaries of the Peace 
of Paris were under discussion, Knox was brought to the notice of 
Lord Shelburne, as able to give him valuable information and 
assistance in regard to the provinces of Florida and Louisiana the 


atMjuisition of which was treated by the Opposition as a matter of 
no importance. 

Lord Shelburne, soon after, gave him a connnission to execute in 
Paris of " a pretty hazardous nature," it being in fact to procure, 
out of the French King's bureaux, maps and plans of the French 
islands and fortifications in the West Indies ; but, on reaching Paris, 
Knox found that, some short while before, a draft had been pur- 
loined for the Duke of Cumberland, in consequence of which the 
Government had taken precautions, and there was no longer a 
chance of anything being obtained. 

The English statesman whom Knox most heartily admired, and 
with whose views he was in fullest sympathy, was George Grenville. 
His connexion witli Grenville had already began when he returned 
from France, and from that time he never thought of leaving him 
" either in or out of office." 

Two intimate conversations at Wotton are recorded. Knox's 
friends, Lyttelton and Ellis, shared his admiration for Grenville, 
and were greatly pleased by the intimacy. Lyttelton, in 1707, con- 
gratulated him on having paid a visit 

" to a man who will know how to do justice to your talents, and who is 
himself such a fund of useful knowledge that everybody who frequents 
him must improve from his conversation, especially when matters of 
government are in question." 

In June, 1768, Grenville sent Knox a long letter, chiefly on the 
subject of preventing the American Colonies from manufacturing 
their own raw materials, a possibility which filled the minds of 
English statesmen and English merchants with dismay. 

This was followed by another letter on the same subject. Knox 
was in favour of the plan proposed by Franklin, that the taxes 
should be, as it were, compounded for; that each colony should 
furnish a certain quota, and that all taxes sliould cease to be 
imposed, except in case of refusal by any colony to provide its 

" To such a surrender." Grenville wrote, " I can never he a party, 
as I think it the highest sjjecies of treason against the constitution and 
sovereign authority of thi,s kingdom to deprive it of one-fourth of its 
subjects; but tho' I cannot adopt nor approve of such a plan, yet I can 
liubmit to it, . . . and so far I am from thinking, if I had the 
power, that 1 have a right to carry matters to extremity, as you tell me 
it is supposed I woidd . . . that if I were to see the King, the 
Parliament and the people ready io run into extremes on that side, I 
would employ all the nusuis in my powci' to jirevent it." 

?Jany otluT Icttci's follow upon (his subject and otliers allied to 
it. At this time Knox was diligently writing on })olitical matters. 
On 11th September Grenville congratulated him on having almost 
got tbiough the tedious business of correcting for the Press, and 
liopcd soon to liave the i)l('asiu(' of seeing liis " performance upon 
" t]u> State of Die Nation " comphde. 

Ill 17().5 Knox married Letitia, (hiugbtor of James Ford, of 
Dublin, and in citlicr 17(10 or 1707 a son was l^orn, to whom 
Lyitejton stood godfatlier. Tills cliild died in infancy, but in 1768 
a little daugliter arrived, whose " spiritual direction " was under- 


taken by Lord Clare; and in ITO'.l Lyttelton's hope of having another Var. Cull, 
godson to rcphiee the one lie had lost was fultilled. " • • • 

During the summer of 1770 Knox was appointed joint Under Kiiux. 
Secretary for the Colonies with John Townall, and served succes- 
sively under Hillsborough, Dartmouth and Lord G. Germain until 
the suppression of the department in 1782. Germain and Knox 
appear to have worked very harmoniously together. Lord George's 
letters are business-like, but always courteous, and he evidently 
appreciated his subordinate's superior knowledge and experience in 
relation to America. 

In matters of policy or the conduct of the war it is not to be 
supposed that Knox's voice would have great weight. In fact, 
Germain would appear to ha\e been only too ready (with the King's 
support) to undertake tlie control of military operations. It may be, 
however, that he was not personally so responsible as is 
sometimes supposed. There is a letter from liim to Sir 
Guy Carleton, evidently in reply to a protest from that 
commander against the powers exercised by the Secretary 
in regard to military affairs. Business of such importance, 
he assured Sir Guy, received the fullest consideration from 
his Majesty's principal servants, and was then submitted to the 
King, who, after mature deliberation, gave such orders as he thought 
proper. The execution only of these orders belonged to the Secre- 
tary's department, and for the manner, but not for the matter, of 
the desp.atches must he be held responsible. In some cases Ger- 
main went even further, for in July, 1778, after he had received his 
instructions for a letter to the Commissioners in America, and had 
had the draft drawn up and revised it, he desired that Lord North, 
some other ministers, " and in short the whole cabinet if possible." 
should see the despatch before he signed it. 

Knox was by no means so ojiposed to concessions to the colonies 
as was his chief, although he was quite as strongly convinced that 
England's sovereignty over them must be maintained at all costs. 
It has been seen that he advocated the abandonment of all taxation, 
supporting the idea of some voluntai-y proposal as an e(juivalent; 
nay, he went further, and thought that " there were many unjust as 
" well as unpolitic restraints upon the colonies which ought to be 
" taken off." 

Knox's acquaintance with Thurlow began when General Bur- 
goyne called for an enquiry into the cause of his miscarriage at 
Saratoga. Thurlow, then Attorney-General, came to Knox for 
information as to " the motives, measures and failure of the expedi- 
" tion," and the Under Secretary at once put into his hands a precis 
which he had drawn up (according to his annual custom) of the 
letters of that vear. Thurlow examined it and exclaimed: — 

" ' Wliy, this is tlie very tiling I wanted, and ynu have dnnc it ahcady ; 
pray, do tlie minister.s know of this ?' ' Ye-s Sir, tluv liavc all liad mpies 
of it.' 'Then, by God, they have never read it, fur tliiTc is n^t niie of 
them knows a tittle of the matter.' " 

Prom that time Thurlow was alwavs verv civil to Knox, who 


regularly visited him at bis levees after he became Chancellor, and 
ir. time was admitted to a closer intercourse. 

In the spring of 1782 the suppression of the American department 
deprived Knox of Jiis office, while the " fatal revolt of New York 
" and Georgia " had left him without income from his American 
property. After the recovery of Georgia, he had indeed re-estab- 
lished his plantations there, and towards the end of 1783 his private 
fortune had so far recovered itself that he was able to buy an estate 
in Wales, and to ask the King for the baronetcy which his circum- 
stances had not allowed him to demand in compensation for the 
loss of his office in 1782. He claimed to have a definite promise of 
this baronetcy from the King, but the promise was never fulfilled. 
^Moreover, when the time came for settling the compensation to be 
given to the American loyalists, Knox found that his name was 
placed in the class of neutrals, or such as had rendered no service 
" to the King during the war," and this although the State of 
Georgia had passed an Act for the sole purpose of confiscating his 
property, on the ground " that he had always shown himself inimical 
" to the liberties of America, and was then, as Under Secretary of 
" State, counselling and advising the King of Great Britain in his 
arbitrary and tyrannical designs." In 1780, he was appointed 
High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire and offered kniglithood, an offer not 
very gratifying to a man who believed himself entitled to a 

This neglect made Knox very bitter against the Government in 

general and Pitt in particular ; and on 25th May, 1788, he wrote to 

Lord Walsingham, announcing his adherence to "a middle party 

(i.e., Lord Eawdon's) that has sprung up from the inattention and 

" partiality of Mr. Pitt in disposing of offices." 

"Walsingham assured his friend that he did not doubt the purity 
of his motives, but questioned the utility. of his lending his talents 
to men " wlio may not be able to substitute so good an administra- 
" tion as that which it is their ohject to subvert." 

After the " erection " of the Province of New Brunswick in 1784 
Knox was appointed agent, and diligently attended to the guardian- 
ship of its affairs. 

In 1801 he was also appointed agent for Prince Edward Island, 
without salary, but with a promise of at least 60Z. a year, and the 
following year was requested to sit for his portrait ; the said portrait 
to be placed in the first public building hereafter to be erected in 
the colony. The picture was duly painted by the Baroness de Tott, 
but neither money to pay for it nor any remuneration for his three 
years of work was for some time fortlicoming. Eventually, however, 
owing to the energy of the Governor, both were received. 

The latest letter from William Knox contained in the collection 
is dated 0th October, 1800, and addressed to Dr. Herschell. In it 
Knox rather daringly embarks on astronomic onqm'ries, which the 
great astronomer very courteously answered. 

Amongst Knox's friends and correspondents a foremost place 
was held by William Henry Lyttclton, Governor successively of 
South Carolina and Jamaica ; afterwards created Lord Westcote, 


and, in 1794, Lord Lyttelton. In July, 1701, ho wrote from Var. Coll. 
Jamaica on tlio sulijoct of tlio projiosed stamp duty, [)i'aisiiig the ),*- ■ X^i." L. 
part taken by Knox and his fellow agents. Knox. 

In 17()5 Lyttelton lost his wife, and througliout this and the 
following year had much ditliculty \\ith the Jamaica Assembly and 
the " obstinate })eople " conuuitted to his care, lie managed, 
however, to get the Stamp Act " fully carried into execution " in 
his government. In more than one of his letters at this time he 
speaks with affectionate admiration of George Grenville, who, it 
will be remembered, was his first cousin. 

In 17l)7 he returned to England, and was appointed minister to 
Lisbon. Twelve years before, the city had been half destroyed by 
the great earthquake ; and when the new ambassador arrived he 
found ■' a most singular prospect of regular new-built streets, inter- 
" n:iixcd with the ruins of vast edifices, palaces, churches and con- 
" vents," while in answer to his demand for good pictures, as for 
all other things that were lacking, the one answer was: — they were 
lost in the earthquake. Other letters from Lisbon follow in 1768-70, 
and then either the correspondence flagged or the letters have not 
been preserved. But there are two letters written within a very 
short time of each other, in April, 1803. In the earlier of these 
he says : — 

" I am ill mourning for my very old cousin, Lady Cliatliam, who 
survived all her brothers many years. It is no personal loss to me, for 
she lived at so great a distance from me that I have had no society witli 
her fctr a long time past." 
The second letter written a week or two later ends with a frankly 

personal outlook upon puldic affairs, so naive as to be amusing. 

In 1805 he mentions that his much lamented friend Champion 

had left him his library as a legacy. This was Anthony Champion, 

an. old schoolfellow of Lyttelton 's, who edited his poems. 
His last letter is dated 4th January, 1807: — 

" I will not omit to tell you, my very worthy old friend, that I am 
this day completely eighty-two years old, and shall give and partake of a 
cheerful dinner with some of my neighbours. ^Yhat a pleasure would it 
be if I could add you to their number ! Yet I will not propose a journey 
to you in the winter ; I believe I sliall outlive it and shall be happy in. 
your company if you will favour me with a visit in any one of the next 
summer months." 

The old man's belief was well-founded, for he lived until the 
autumn of 1808. 

Next in order amongst Knox's correspondents is Henry Ellis, 
ex-Governor of Georgia, under whom Knox had worked when 
Provost ^Marshal of that province. After leaving America, l^jllis led 
a wandering life, apparently in search of health, and, from the 
summer of 1774, seems to have spent most of his time at Spa. 
His letters give the gossip of that fashionable watering-place, inter- 
mixed with comments and reflections upon public affairs. He was 
a bitter opponent of the Americans, and found it impossible to con- 
ceive that they could hold their own against England. " The ignor- 
ance of people upon the continent," who thought such a thing 
possible, struck him as amazing. He spent the winter of 1778-9 at 


Marseillt-is ■" very agreeably, particularly as none of my own country- 
" folks were there, who are the most restless and discontented 

people upon earth." A general order had excluded all British 
subjects from the ports of France, but Ellis obtained an exception 
from King Louis in his favour, and associated freely with the French, 
who treated him with " uncommon attention." In 1780 the King 
OL Sweden was at Spa, and Ellis, whom he distinguished by his notice, 
pronounced him " one of the most amiable and captivating princes " 
lie had ever seen. Gustavus III. praised the King of England as 

a most worthy and well informed prince," and begged the 
Governor, on his return to England, to assure his Majesty that he 
should never forget the good he had done him. Ellis could not tell 
what this good was, but said it seemed to have made a great im- 
pression on the King of Sweden's mind. 

In the winter of 1780-81 Ellis was again in the south of France, 
where he found the people so " warmly attached to their prince and 

to the honour of their country " that faction dared not show its 
head a moment. Although the effects of the war were pretty 
severely felt, there was no appearance of discontent, and hardly 
any murmuring. So little did he suspect the storm that was soon 
to burst over the land. Some susj)icion had, however, as he said, 
crept in, in relation to Neckar's publication of the state of the 
finances. A few weeks later he mentions Neckar's fall. 

Ellis, like Knox, suffered severely from the loss of his American 
possessions, and the close of his life was clouded by financial 
anxieties in consequence of the threatened failure of the bank into 
which he had put much of his capital. In August, 1805, there was 
a violent earthquake at Naples, where he then was, and he had a 
fall, followed by a paralytic attack. From this he partially recovered, 
Jnit the improvement was only transitory, and he died on 28th 
January, 1806. 

Intimately associated with Governor Ellis was George Cressener, 
who sent Knox letters of news concerning foreign affairs. He was 
a shrewder observer than Ellis, and from the first was doubtful as 
to the issue of the quarrel with America, emphasising especially the 
smallness of the English force there and the need " to ensure success 
"" by numbers." But he was just as bitterly hostile to the insurgents, 
and spoke of the Bostonians as men in a high fever, whom bleeding 
only could In'iiig to their senses. In this same letter he gives an 
anecdote showing' the violent temper of the Prince Royal of Prussia, 
who in the following year became King Frederick William II. 
"' Judge," be concludes, " what a king ho will make, with such a 
" fiery disjjosition." 

Amongst Knox's other correspondents may bo mentioned Lord 
Clare, his fellow Under Secretary, John I'ownall, from whom there 
are many letters in the collection; Lord Hillsborough; Sir Grey 
Cooper; and Lord Paiwdon, from whom there are two long letters 
on the position taken up by himself and his friends in 1789. 

The second section of the papers in this collection contains letters 
and documents relating to Ireland, the earliest writers being Sir 
Lucius O'Brien and Sir John Blacquiere, who in 1776-1778 discussed 


matters of trade, especially in relation to exports and inii)orts and ^'f""- ^-'ijU- 
the fisherv. ' "^'ol. VI. : 

-.,_;. <^'apt. H. V, 

In 1/(8 arc many letters troni Sir llieliard Jlcron on the same Kuox. 
subjects. He also alhidcs to the attempts made at this time to 
relieve the lioman Catholics of Irtdand from their disabilities. The 
most violent opposition was expected "" against repealing the 
" gavelling clause, which tlie l\oinan Catholics al)hor, and their 
opposers — even moderate men — consider as the palladium of 
"Ireland." Dean Tucker, of Gloucester, wrote, somewhat later, 
that as regards the rejieal of the jiersecuting laws, he had one short 
remark to make: " that \\hen the Papists are reforming the very 
worst and most mischievous ptirts of their religion by their open 
disavowal of persecution, some of us, who call ourselves Protes- 
tant, adoi)t those very principles winch they are casting oft"." 
Other correspondents in Ireland are Edmund Pery, General 
Cunningham, William Eden, the Marquis of Buckinghamshire, and 
Archdeacon Hastings, the last, writing in relation to the publication 
of Knox's " Extra Official State Papers." 

The last document relating to Ireland is a paper l)y Knox on 
the question of Emancipation, in which, referring to the doctrine 
of the Real Presence, he ol)serves: — " The only difference is that 
the Catholics believe }norc than the Church of England." 
Following the Irish papers are Re Diuiiticcnccs, Political A)icc- 
(/ofc-s, (I'c. Knox's proceedings in Georgia and his conversations with 
George (irenville have already been mentioned. These are fol- 
lowed by the circumstances of Lord Hillsborough's resignation in 
1772, Anecdotes at Spa, and a memorandum on the proceedings 
attending Lord George Germain's appointment as Secretary of State 
for the Colonies. A difficulty had hitherto been made in considering 
the American Secretary as a Secretary of State at all. Lord Hills- 
borough " was only held to be first Lord of Trade with Seals and 
" Cal)inet." Lord Dartmouth's commission was the same, and Lord 
Weymouth had refused the department on that very account. 
Lord George being a commoner, 

" it became necessary to make some alteration in his commission, for 
the former commission made it a new otlice and consequently excluded 
him from the House of Commons. A commission in the terms of those 
of the other Secretaries obviated this ditiiculty, for there were prece- 
dents of three persons being at the same time Secretaries of State." 

But opposition was expected, especially from Lord Weymouth. 
" The King, by one of those minute strokes for wdiich he is so 
" eminent, removed all difficulty." When Council met, and the 
Lord President moved that Lord Wej^mouth might l)e sworn, the 
King replied: " There are two Secretaries of State to be sworn; let 
"them both be sworn together"; which was done accordingly. 
Lord Weymouth perfectly understood the King, and accepted the 

Next follow papers in relation to America ; a sketch of the King's 
speech to his cabinet on 21st June, 1779 — when " he sat down at the 
" head of his library table, and desired for the first time since he 


Var. Coll. " became King all the ministers to sit down " — and a note on the 
Capt H V P^'opo^t;'^^ changes in July, 1779. 

Knox. -^ quarto copy-book contains a number of personal sketches, 

entitled " Curious Pohtical Anecdotes." The first gives an account 
of an audience of Lord Eockingham, as narrated by the Ejng to 
Lord George Germain 

Lord Eockingham urged the importance of liberty to export 
woollen cloth from Ireland: — 

But," said the King, " I could not help observing how people are 
affected by their particular interest, for I was talking of what Lord 
Rockingham proposed to Lord Hartford, and he said the exportation of 
woollens would do nothing for Ireland ; advantages in the linen were the 
things wanting." 

- Sir William Howe, Lord Hillsborough, William Eden, Wedder- 
burn, Thomas Hussey are in turn the subjects of sketches; followed 
by one on Lord Thurlow, part of which, in relation to Knox, has 
already been quoted. A curious little anecdote is told of Thurlow 
in relation to the proposal to apprehend Hancock, Adams and other 
American leaders. The two Under Secretaries were in the outer 
room awaiting the end of a sitting of the Cabinet when Thurlow, 
then Attorney-General, came out: — 

" ' Well,' cried Pownall, ' is it done? ' ' ISJo,' answered Thurlow, 
' nothing is done. Don't you see,' added he, ' that they want to throw 
the whole responsibility of the business upon the Solicitor-General and 
me, and who would be such damned fools as to risk themselves for such 

fellows .as these. Now if it was George Grenville, who was so 

dammed obstinate that he would go to hell with you before he would 
desert you, there would be some sense in it.' He walked off, and the 
project was dropped." 

An account of a Cabinet meeting on " the Dutch business " in 
1780 .states that Lord North and the President (Bathurst) — 

" fell asleep as soon as the business was opened; Lord Hillsborough 
nodded and dropt his hat; Lord Sandwich was overcome at first, buc 
rubbed his eyes and seemed attentive; Lord Amherst kept awake bai; 
said nothing. Lord Stormont, the reader of these important papers, 
the Chancellor and Lord George Germain only gave them consideration, 
but when the others awoke, they approved of what was proposed." 
There is a long account of the circumstances which preceded 
Lord George Germain's removal in 1782 

After a paper on Lord Thurlow, giving the story of " the Eegency 
" business " in the Chancellor's own words, there follows a sketch 
of Charles Townshend. 

Townshend's manner of reading a book was curious: — 

" He turned over the leaves at the beginning extremely quick, first 
glancing at the middle of eacli page. ' That's all preface,' says he. 
He then ran over the facts with more attention, and when he had gone 
through them, turned over the remainder of the leaves as he had done 
the beginning, saying, ' that's all conclusion, I can do that myself,' and 
he received oral communications in the same manner, always confining 
the narrator to the fact." 

The sketeli closes witli an entertaining account of the advice 
given by Townshend to Yorke, when the latter was offered the 
choice of being Attorney-General or INIaster of the Eolls in 17G4. 
The subject of the last sketch is Lord Lansdowne. 


Some miscellaneous papers, c-liiLtly in relation to American aft'airs, ^/n- ^'"li- 
ars followed by letters ami other documents on the subject o^ (^'.i'3t\i y 
presents to the North American Indians, a business in which Knox Kuox. 
was actively concerned. Tlie value of those sent out in the years 
1775-1771) amounted to about 87,5iK)/., and in 1781 tlie demands 
made by the otlicers charged with their distribution fell little short 
of 55,000/., without reckoning chai'ges of freight or delivery. 

After the text of the present volume was completed, Captain 
Knox found and sent up a packet of letters from i)r. Thilip 
Skelton, which it was thought a pity to exclude. They, therefore, 
form a short suiiplementary report at the end of the volume. 

A fe^\• of the letters calendared in this report are printed, par- 
tially in Knox's " Extra rolitical State Papers," but have been 
included in this volume, in order not to break the contimiity of the 
correspondence, and the rather, as Knox's book has long been out of 

In a small packet with the letters is a silver tinselled, jewelled 
leek, and a note by Lady Dillon, saying " This was given to my 
dear Father by the Prince of Wales on St. David's Day, who took 
it out of his hat, asking my father to give him his in exchange, 
saying they would exchange again next year on St. David's Day, 
but, alas, my dear Father had passed aw-ay before that date." 

III. The MSS. of CornwaUis Wijkcham-Marf!u, Esq.— This V. 
selection of letters addressed to Admiral the Honouralde Sir William Wykeham- 
Cornwallis, G.C.B., although without claim to any very high ini- ^ '^^ ^^' "^* 
portance in a historical sense, possesses interest of various kinds 
naturally arising out of the Admiral's own position and achieve- 
ments. He belonged by birth to two famous English families which 
reached a very high point of renown and prosperity during his own 
lifetime. His long and distinguished services embraced tlie most 
glorious period in the naval annals of Great Britain. And while the 
earlier letters present a most pleasing picture of English family 
life, of union firmly knit by pure affection, governed by high prin- 
ciple, and directed to worthy aim-s, many of those of a later date 
are the unstudied effusions of great seamen, whose deeds lend un- 
dying lustre to our national records. 

Sir William Cornwallis, born on 20th February, 1744, was the 
fourth son and youngest child of the fifth A^iscount and first Earl 
Cornwallis, by a marriage with the eldest daughter of Viscount 
Townshend, a leading statesman in the reign of George I. He 
appears to have entered the navy at the age of eleven. When the 
correspondence opens in April, 1701, we find him sharing as a Lieu- 
tenant of the Thunderer under Captain Proby the glory of a success- 
ful action with a Spanish frigate near Cadiz. There are only a few 
letters to him from his father, all written in the course of that year. 
They are affectionate and full of good counsel, urging him particularly 
to cultivate the esteem and friendship of his superior officers as the 
surest means of professional advancement, and pointing to the 
example of his eldest brother. Lord Brome, who, at the ago of 
twenty-three, already commanded a regiment in Germany with 


Var. Cull. gi't-'at reputation. A letter troin Brome himself, overflowing with 
Vol. VI. : V. fraternal regard and with grief for the recent death of their brother 
3^^'^^!^^''^"'; Harry in Germany, belongs to the same period. The Earl died in 
' "^*^' 1762, leaving his two younger sons, James and William, still minors, 
and but slenderlj^ provided for, under the guardianship of their 
mother. James, who had gone to Alerton College, Oxford, soon 
won a fellowship, and entering the Church under the favouring 
auspices of his uncle, Frederic Cornwallis, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
obtained rapid preferment. Having thus happily got her elder 
charge " off her hands," all Lady Cornwallis 's care and aspirations 
centred in William, her favourite child. All her efforts and resources 
M-ere employed in pushing him forward in the navy. Having 
obtained for liim from Lord Halifax, now at the head of the 
Admiralty, the command of a schooner in which he sailed for the 
West Indies, she set her heart on having him promoted to the rank 
of post-captain before the close of the Seven Years' war. 

It a]ii)ears from a letter written to liim by Admiral 
Keppel that his mother's efforts to have him posted were 
frustrated by some blunder or change of purpose on the part 
of Admiral Burnaby, who commanded in the West Indies. William 
seems to have thought that her eagerness for his promotion outran, 
discretion, and to have asked her to abstain from any further appli- 
cation to the Admiralty on his behalf. Thenceforward she schooled 
herself to a severe control of indiscreet feeling. " All her happi- 
" ness," she told him with touching submission, " consisted in 
" obeying his wishes." In 1765 the Whigs, returning to office for a 
brief period under Lord Rockingham, conferred on him the rank so 
much coveted for him by all his family. 

Some of the early letters of the Dowager Countess give current 
news of social or political events. Notwithstanding her staunch 
loyalty she 'seems to have sympathised with Wilkes in his struggle 
with the Crown. In a letter written in 1763 during the political crisis 
provoked by George Grenville's arrogant lectvu-es to George III., we 
have a striking picture of the Great Commoner passing in his 
" gouty cliair " tlu'ough the crowded park from Buckingham House, 
after a prolonged interview with the King, during which the Prime 
Minister, calling to administer his daily admonition, found the Eoyat 
closet closed against him. In the interval of peace between the 
Seven Years' War and the War of American Independence the corre- 
spondence is broken by long and frequent blanks. Captain Corn- 
wallis seems to liave been for the greater part of this time absent 
from England on foreign service. During the year 1770, his sister 
Mary, who had married IMr. Whitbread, sent him news of the day, 
and contributed to his comfort at sea by liberal supplies of porter 
from her husband's brewery. The evidence afforded by her letters 
oP a most amiable and generous nature leaves a feeling of regret for 
lier premature death. In 1771 Captain Blankett, having " come to 
" peep in London," sent Cornwallis a report of what he heard of the 
particular fortunes of their naval friends, and saw of the general 
society of the capital. Their friend Stott had taken possession of 
Falkland Island, and returned safe to Plymouth. ]\Ir. Banks " was 

" going ou another expedition to the South Sua, taking Cook as N/^r. (nil. 
" cue of his captains. . . Cotton still contimu's idle in regard to w'^.'i.^' ■„'/''■ 
" our service, and is entered into that of a wife i^lhough he denies ^^^l^^i-thl', e's(i. 
" it), which prohahly may he attended with as many storms, 
" hurricanes, and tempests as any frigate in the West Jndies." His 
picture of the general aspect of social life in London at tins time is 
not edifying. " Extravagance," he wrote, ■' luxury, and ganung are 
the fashionable vices ot the town, and it will astonish you on your 
" return to see the vast improvements of the age. d'he Lotorio, 
" Macaroni, White's, Almac's, .ic, are in the most flourishing state, 
and cards in all companies are the only things worth li\ing tor. A 
man of taste must play all the morning, or at least lour or iive 
" games before dinner, which is shortened to give time for the 
excjuisite pleasures of Qiii)izc and ]'i)uii-IJii. In fact, idleness 
and debauchery are so far taken possession of all ranks in society 
that opposition to the King's measures is a })iece of barl)arity 
inconsistent with the manners of the present age. All wit is at 
" Court, all knowledge at the gaming table." 

During the war with the American States and their European 
allies. Captain Cornwallis was constantly on active service, every 
j^ear adding to his reputation as a brave and skilful officer. In 
November, 1777, when in command of the Isis frigate on the 
American station under Lord Howe, he took a prominent part in the 
attack on Fort Island. His ship lieing much damaged, Ca])tain 
Cornwallis retiu'ned in her to England early in 1778. In September 
of that year we have two short but remarkable letters written to 
him by his sister-indaw, Jemima Lady Cornwallis. They paint in 
the gloomiest colours the state of parties in England; an adminis- 
tration, obstinate and incapable, rushing blindly on national disaster; 
an opposition, in which the spirit of faction has killed every patriotic 
feeling, rejoicing in public reverses which must soon overwhelm all 
in common ruin. This picture in some measure reflected the morbid 
melancholy to which the writer liad fallen a victim. She was 
d^'ing of a l)roken heart. In 177() George III. had appointed 
Lord Cornwallis to a prominent post in tlie armv' assembled under 
Sir W^illiam Howe to repress the American revolt. Lady Cornwallis, 
unable to endure the prospect of separation for an indefinite time 
from a husband to whom she was tenderly attached, privately 
contrived, through the influence of their uncle, the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, with the King, to have the appointment cancelled. 
But Cornwallis, though devoted to his wife and strongly op])Osed 
to the colonial policy of the Government, insisted on joining Howe. 
He considered military service in time of war as a call of duty which 
he could not evade without dishonour. At the end of the campaign 
of 1777 he came home for a few months, returning to New York in 
April, 1778. His wife, with their children, accompanied him to 
Portsmouth, where he embarked, and sorrow for tliis second parting 
brought on her an illness which proved fatal. W'hen her husband 
heard of her danger, he threw up his command and hurried back, 
only to see her die. By her express request no stone was inscril^ed 
to her memory, Init a thorn was planted on her grave, as nearly 
(B1720— Gp. 5) I 


as possible over her heart. The bereaved liusband iu a letter dated 
5th xMay, 1771), auuouuced to William, uow commanding the Lion 
mau-ol-war on the West Indies, that he returned to America not 
with views of ambition, but because England had become insup- 
portable to him. All the joy had gone out of his life. 

In the disorderly battle off Grenada, in July, 1779, between the 
English and French fleets, commanded by Admirals Byron and 
D'Estaiug, the Lion, being exposed without support to the whole 
fire of the enemy, was shattered and dismasted. Escaping capture 
by good fortune, the disabled ship drifted on the current to Jamaica. 
However inglorious for the British arms, this fight reflected lustre 
on Captain Cornwallis. Admiral Barrington, second in command 
to Byron, on returning to England in very bad humour with the 
general conduct and condition of the fleet, spread his praises every- 
where. His brother James, already Dean of Canterbury, his uncle 
the Archbishop, and Captain Leveson Gower wrote to assure him 
that his valour and seamanship were the theme of every tongue. 
Lord Cornwallis, still plunged in grief for his irreparable loss, sent 
him cordial congratulations from New York. " God bless you " the 
letter ends, " May success, honour and riches attend you. Mind I 

put honour first, which you will approve of." Later in the same 
year Lord Cornwallis wrote to his mother: " For yourself I have 

in this world neither hopes nor fears. I will endeavour to do my 
" duty to my country and be honest; and then, M'ith perfect resig- 
" nation to His will, I will put my trust in God's mercy." 

Early in 1780, Captain Cornwallis, being in command of a small 
squadron in the West Indies, encountered a stronger French force 
under Admiral La Mothe Piquet, and bore off the honour of the 
day. At a time when the public mind in England was depressed by 
repeated defeat, and hostile fleets rode triumphant in the Channel, 
this partial success to which the official report of Admiral Sir Peter 
Parker did full justice, seems to have caused a considerable sensa- 
tion. At the end of the year Admiral Parker despatched Cornwallis 
to England in charge of a large convoy. 

During these events in the West Indies the mind of the old 
Dowager Countess, as exhibited in her letters, was a constant tumult 
of excitement. Her joy and pride in the rising fame of her favourite 
son, and the compliments showered on him from all quarters, which 
she fondly treasured up in her diary, were mingled with anxiety 
for his safety, and a passionate longing to see him again. 

In 1781, after resting a short time in England, Captain Cornwallis 
applied to the Admiralty for active employment. Sailing again to 
the West Indies in command of the Canada, Cornwallis won addi- 
tional renown early in 1782 by a gallant attempt to save St. Kitts 
from the more powerful French armament of Count D'Estaing. A 
little later he took a leading part in Rodney's l)rilliant victory over 
Count de Grasse, the closing, and for England the most glorious, 
event of the war. His fame was now high, and firmly established. 
Letters from his mother and brothers in England, informing him of 
a change of Ministry and other matters of public or personal interest, 
contained many particulars flattering to himself. James Cornwallis, 


now bishop of LichlicM and Cuveiitn. , wiolc iu rclcruuce to the Var. Coll. 
naval action at ^t. Kitts, •■ the King si)okL' wiy handsomely ot ^^;j'- Y" • •^'• 
■' you the other cUiy to Tonnny Townshend, the i)iesent Secretary of M^i.thi' Esq. 

War." iVnd again, after news liad arri\eil of llodiiey's victory, 
he wrote, " the King made your praise the subject of his conversa- 
tion at the Icvcc. Lord liockingliani was as strong in iiis com- 
mendation of you to me."" Lortl Kodney, too, lauded liim to the 
skies. Lord Cornwallis, now back in Lngland as a prisoner of war 
on parole, sent equally favourable reports. The Dowager Countess, 
grown feeble, and satisfied with the renown William had acc^uired, 
now sighed for peace, and lived only in the hope of having him with 
her again. Hearing that Kodney had offered him De Grasse's 
captured flagship, the ViUr dc Paris, to take to England, she wrote 
on 27th ]\Iay : — "Why did you not accept the Admiral's offer? 
" By all the accounts, you had a very consideral)le share in the 
taldng her. The coming home in her would have been an cdot, 
■" and what is material, I should have the comfort of seeing you 
y soon. Perhaps that would have been an objection to you. If so, 
■" I withdraw my wishes, for they are always governed l)y M'hat you 
■" like. Myself is always out of the cjuestion where you are con- 
■" cerned, and I should be more happy with your l)eing in the West 
" Indies than nearer to me did I know that it was your choice." 
This is her last letter. It gives the finishing touch to a beautiful 
picture of maternal devotion. 

Captain Cornwallis having returned to England with a convoy, 
and the war being now virtually over, the Earl brought him into 
Parliament as one of the members for the family borough of Eye, 
leaving him full liberty to choose his own political line. Shortly 
afterwards Lord ' Cornwallis, being offered the appointment of 
Governor- General of India, tried to obtain the command of the 
naval squadron iu the Indian seas for W'illiam. But Lord Keppel, 
now at the head of the Admiralty, thought Admiral Parker had 
superior claims. And in fact, notwithstanding the old relations of the 
Cornwallis Family with the Whig party, and particularly with 
Charles Fox, and ties of friendship with Lords Shell)urne and 
Keppel, it was only after some delay, and angry complaints from 
William of being overlooked, that Keppel gave him command of the 
Foudroyant. After the fall of the Coalition Ministry Lord Ho\ye, 
on becoming First Lord of the Admiralty under Pitt, seems to have 
conferred on Captain Cornwallis the post of Colonel of marines ; and 
in 1788 Lord Chatham, Howe's successor, made him naval Com- 
mander-in-Chief in the East Indies, with the rank of Commodore. 
During the war of American Independence Cornwallis had formed 
intimate friendships not only with Lord Howe and the Hoods, under 
whom ho served, but also with Captains Jervis, Nelson, Collingwood, 
and other famous seamen of his own rank, whose letters diversify and 
sometimes enliven the correspondence. With Nelson his relations 
were particularly affectionate, and continued so to the end. 

After his arrival in India two objects, suggested by the Governor- 
General's advice or example, appear to have specially occupied the 
Commodore's attention. One was to create a convenient and 
(B172a— Gp. 5) I 2 


Var. Coll. secure station for the British fleet, adequate faeih'ties for which 
W k- 1 ' seemed to be afforded by the Andaman Islands. The second was a 
Martin^ Esq. reform of naval administration, the whole public service of the East 
India Company being at this time -gangrened by fraud and pecula- 
tion. Lord Hood, now first Sea-Lord of the Admiralty, wrote to» 
assui'e the Commodore of the full approbation and support of the- 
Board. And letters from Lord Chatham expressed in very flattering; 
terms the confidence of Government in his advice, and its appre- 
ciation of his exertions. Schemes of improvement were interrupted 
in 1790 by the breaking out of war between the East India Company 
and the Sultan of ^Mysore. During this conflict the Commodore co- 
operated with his brother by keeping vigilant guard over the ports- 
through which the enemy might obtain foreign supplies. Several 
letters from the Governor-General, and from the Eev. Christopher 
Wells, give interesting accounts of the difficulties the former had to 
overcome in the tedious campaigns of 1791 and 1792. On 10th 
February, 1792, Lord Cornwallis announced to his brother the storm- 
ing of Tippoo's camp near Seringapatam. A fortnight later he sent 
him a copy of articles of peace just signed, " which 1 flatter myself, "^ 
he wrote, " you will think advantageous for us." The success had 
been so decisive that the conditions of the treaty, though sufficiently- 
onerous for the vanquished, bore testimony to the moderation of the 
v'ictor. Hardly had the new territorial arrangements arising out of 
this conflict been settled when news reached the Governor-General, 
now Marquis Cornwallis, of the renewal of war between France and 
England. With the help of his brother, now Rear-Admiral, he took 
possession of the French settlements of Pondicherry and Chander- 
nagore. Having thus restored internal tranquillity in India, and 
provided against external attack, he returned home towards tlie end 
of 1793, and was followed by the Admiral a few months later. 

When Admiral Cornwallis arrived in England in 1794, the war 
of the first coalition against the French Revolution was in full 
operation. And already it afforded an example of the striking 
contrast between the extreme caution of British generals and the 
heroic audacity of British admirals which marked it throughout. 
A letter, dated 23rd i\Iay, from Nelson, then serving under Lord 
Hood in the Mediterranean, alludes with veiled sarcasm to General 
Dundas, commanding five British regiments in Corsica, who pro- 
nounced the siege of Bastia utterly impracticable, and held his force 
aloof, while Hood and Nelson, at the head of 1,000 men from the 
fleet, carried the town by storm with little loss. Cornwallis, now 
promoted to be Vice-Admiral, hoisting his flag on the Royal Sovereign 
of 100 guns, soon raised his professional reputation to a very high 
point. When cruising off Brest, in June, 1795, with a squadron of 
five men-of-war and two frigates, he fell 'in with a French fleet of 
twelve men-of-war and twelve frigates, under Admiral Villaret- 
■loyeuse. The English squadron, being over-matched in sailing 
power as well as in force, was in imminent danger of being taken or 
destroyed, when Cornwallis, by a bold and skilful manoeuvre which 
completely deceived his antagonist, checked the enemy's onset, and 
secured for the English vessels an unmolested retreat to Plymouth. 


It would appear from a kltcr of conp;ratulatioii fi'om Lord Howe, Var. Cull. 

dated aoth -June, that Admiral Cornwallis. with the mo.lest reticence Yj^\^7- ' ^'• 

habitual to him \\ hen his own eredit was (•onc,.rn..d, did less than EtinrEsq. 

justice in his ottieial report to his ])crsonal sliaru in this action. But, 

when the full partieulars iiei-anie known, puhhe appi'oval of his 

^-onduet was loud and universal. Comn-atulations ])Oured in on him 

from all quarters, and when Parliament met in Novemher. the 

speaker, .Air. Addini;ton, eonvcvrd to him '■ tln' hi-h and unanimous 

■' sense entertained by the Jlous,_' of Conunons " of his •• judicious 

"^ and gallant conduct." 

Admiral Cornwallis had now proved his ca])acitv foi' hi^h com- 
■mand. The irreatest emi)loyments. the most splendid achievements, 
seemed to lie fairly within his grasp. ]5ut (huhig the five years that 
slapsed between the beginning of ITlMi and the beginning of 1801, 
.a most eventful period of that war, and, as regards British exploits, 
one of the most brilliant in naval annals, he disajipears altogether 
from the scene. Xor does this collection of letters give us the 
slightest hint as to the cause of his professional eclipse. On turning, 
however, to James's " Xttvul Histunj," we learn that Admiral 
Cornv.-allis was a]ipointed Commander-in-Chief in the West Indies 
in Fel)ruary, 17U(). Going out in charge of a convoy, his tlagship, 
the RdijdJ Sovcrrio)!, suffered damage l)y colliding with another 
vessel; and he retvu-neil to England in her for repairs, lea\ing the 
'Convoy to ]nu-sue its course. The Admiralty sent him orders to 
embark at once in the Asfrwn frigate, and rejoin tlie convoy ; but 
he excused himself fi'om obeying by pleading tluit the state of his 
health could not endure the discomfort of a frigate. He was thore- 
iipon tried by court-martial for disobedience of orders, and, altliougli 
acquitted on this charge, was censured by the Court for leaving his 
convoy. He tendered his resignation, which was immediately 
accepted; and during the remaining years of 3.1r. Tift's first adminis- 
tration he obtained no further employment. This authentic account 
of an unfortunate conflict with authority leaves much room for 
conjecture. Various circumstances might be suggested in explana- 
tion of an offence which was visited by such severe punishment. 
On the other hand, we find Lord Cornwallis de]iloring to Colouid 
Eoss, in a letter dated 18th March, ITOG, tlie conduct on this 
occasion of his brother ^A'illiam, who showed liimself to have Irecome 
incapable of listening to rational argument. It ap])ears also that 
the Alarquis had interposed in vain \\ith his colleague Lord S]Knicer 
to prevent a court-martial, from wliich he feared the worst conse- 
quences for his bx-other. We learn from the same source that the 
real cause of Avdmiral Cornwallis's refusal to sail in the Axfrn^a 
frigate was a disniclination to be separated from Cajitain Whitby, 
]iis Flag-Captain, whom he afterwards made his heir. 

Of this long period of forced inaction the colhction tells us little. 
When the Addington administration was formed in February, 1801, 
Lord St. Vincent became First Lord of the Adnn'ralty. and recalled 
William Cornwallis, now full Admiral, to active service as Com- 
tnander-in-chief of the Channel fleet. 

The service of the Channel fleet during the spring and summer of 


Yar. Coll. 1801 was confined to the hard and tedious task of blockading the 
W^vkehaii ^c>ml^iued naval squadrons of France and Spain in Brest harbour, 
Martin,' Fsq. "^vhere the French fleet was neither in a condition nor in a dis- 
position to fight. It lay in inglorious security M'ithin the defences 
of the port until preliminaries of peace, signed in London on 1st 
October, put an end to hostilities with France, Spain and Holland. 

During his short term of service in 1801 Admiral Cornwallis's 
relations with the Admiralty had been of the most cordial character- 
Lord St. Vincent's letters to him evince unbounded confidence; and 
when the peace of Amiens came to an end in 1803, he was called 
on to resume his command, now owing to Napoleon's threats of 
invasion the most im[)ortant, perliaps, under the British crown. 
Admira.l Coniwallis, in command of an inferior force, kept watch 
over the principal na\al division of the enemy ;<t forest with an 
unwearied vigilance which seems to have raised him high in public 

When Pitt returned to office in 1804, Lord Melville succeeded 
Lord St. Vincent as First Lord of the Admiralty. This change did 
not affect Cornwallis's position, or his cordial and confidential relations 
with his official chief. But no exciting incident occurred during all 
that year to relieve the monotony of his harassing employment. In 
1805 came the crisis of the maritime war. 

Of the great victory, of Nelson's death, and of the storm that 
scattered the victorious fleet, Admiral Collingwood sent an account 
to Cornwallis, dated 26th October. 

Earl}' in the year 1806 particulars of the last illness and death 
of his brother, the Governor- General of India, were communicated 
to Admiral Cornwallis by Captain John Gore, writing from the 
Medusa at sea, on 23rd January. " Great Britain," the letter con- 
cludes, " will long mourn the loss of her most brilliant ornament, 
" and the world at large one of its best men." 

Two very interesting letters from Charlotte Nugent, wife o£ 
Admiral Nugent, dated respectively 23rd January and 4th May, 1806, 
give details of the last illness and death of Mr. Pitt and of Lord 
Melville's trial before the House of Lords. 

As may have been gathered from foregoing remarks, readers 
expecting to find in this collection of letters anything even approach- 
ing to ■ a biographical sketch of Admiral Cornwallis \^'111 be dis- 
appointed. It does not contain a line written by himself. He is 
indeed little more than a shadow for us. Nearly all his 
life, apart from periods passed on active service, is left in complete 
obscurity. The professional record itself is broken by long, some- 
iimes perplexing, gaps; and it leaves on the mind of the reader a 
sense of incompleteness, and oven of faihu-o, inasmuch as ir neces- 
sarily omits those crowning achievements and honoui-s of which 
early exploits and rapid advancement gave promise, and which fel! 
to competitors more fortunate, but not of higher desert. 

Admiral Cornwallis appears to havo been a favourite with BritisJr 
sailors. We are told that they called him among themselves " Blue 
" Billy " and " Billy-go-Tigh't. " Naval biographers ascribe those 
sobriqufts to the false suggestions of a jovial presence, a com- 


plexion inclining- to purple. They insist on tlic Admiral's exemplary Var. Coll. 
sobriety. We tiud Lord Howe, afso, in a letter dated ITtli November, ^v \ Y'm *^^'" 
1785, complimenting him on being " a pattern of self-donial." But Marthi'^Esq. 
sobriety and self-denial are terms which vary in signification as 
manners change. There is a passage in tlie CorniralUs Corre- 
spondence which leads one to suspect that the playful satire of the 
sea-dogs may not have been altogether unwarranted. It occurs in a 
letter from Lord Cornwallis to Colonel Koss, dated 12th July, 1802, 
on the subject of a contest for tlie borough of Eye, and runs as 
follows : — 

" The Admiral got very drunk at the ek'ction, and the next day 

insisted on my steward taking r)nO/. towards defraying the election. 

Without having given a vote in the House of Commons for many years 

past, and, perhaps, never intending to give one again, no j-outh of one 

and twenty was ever more pleased at coming into Parliament. 

This volume also contains a note of a letter of General George 

^lonck, a copy of which is in the possession of Lord Oranmore and 

Brown, and of some documents belonging to Mr. K. B. Tighe, of 

Woodstock, CO. Kilkenny. 



The present volume (completing the re-issue of Appendix III. ^Irs. 
to our Ninth Eeport) contains that })Oi-tion of the report by o^"[!^."!y^'. 
the late Air. E. B. Knowles and Air. W. O. Hewlett on y^j jj 
the manuscri})ts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, which relates to 
America and Canada; the other jjortion, consisting of the 
documents relating to the British Isles, the Continent of Europe and 
India, having been re-issued in 1904. 

The papers which relate to the American War of Independence 
range from 1775-1782, and, being in fact State Papers, are the 
most important of the Stopford-Sackville collection. They should 
be read in connexion with the Irwin letters (calendared in Vol. I.), 
which, beginning in 1761, go down to 1784, and form, as it were, a 
running commentary upon the events here dealt with. 

Lord George Sackville, to whom almost all the letters are 
addressed, was Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1775 to 
1782, and consequently received most important despatches from all 
concerned in the war. The papers may be divided into two classes ; 
those from other ministers or officials in England communicating 
despatches which they had received from the seat of war, and those 
directly from abroad. 

Of the first class, there are numerous letters from Lord Suffolk, 
Principal Secretary of State from 1771-1779; Lord Stormont, who 
succeeded him; William Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland, Under 
Secretary for the Northern Province, 1771-1773 ; Alexander Wed- 
derburn,"^ Solicitor General, afterwards Lord Loughborough and Earl 
of liosslyn; Lord North, Sir W'illiam Pulteney, and others. In the 
second class are despatches from General Burgoyne, Admirals 
Pioduey, Arbuthnot and Sir George Collier, the Hon. G. Darner, Sir 
Henry Clinton, Lords Percy and Cornwallis and others. 

Of these, Admiral Rodney's are of the greatest importance. In 


his lettor of 22u(l December, 1780, he lays hare the gross mismanage- 
ment of affairs by those at tlie liead of the army, and the grave mis- 
talves made in the conduct of the war. Another, dated 4th March, 
1781, and marked " private," gives valuable information with regard 
to some of the West Indian Islands, St. Eustatius, St. Martin's and 
otliers, wliich had been tal^en by him, and as to tlie means adopted 
for tlieir reduction. His letter of 15tli April, 1782, announces the im- 
portant victory gained by him over the French fleet (at IMartinique, 
on 10th April). The letters of the Hon. George Damer (a son of 
Joseph, Lord .Milton, by Lady Caroline Sackville, sister of Lord 
George, and who was afterwards Earl of Dorchester) are numerous 
and valuable. One of liis, datjd 2;3rd April, 1780, announces 
Rodney's victory off St. Dominique, another, of 13th October, 1780, 
mentions the capture of the unfortunate Alajor Andre by the rebels, 
while two others, dated resjjectively 27th September and 29th 
October, 1781, deal with Lord Cornwallis's disaster in Yorktown. 

There are also copies and drafts of Lord George Sackville 's 
despatches to America, many of them marked " ])rivate " or " most 
secret," and several papere dealing with the ])roceedings of the 
Co-mmissioners appointed in 1778 to restore ])eace to the Colonies. 

The papers dealing with the war in Canada consist chiefly of 
original letters from Wolfe, Amlierst and others, and contain very 
full details of the campaign. Tliere remains a bundle of letters 
from Lieutenant-Colonel Benjamin Thompson, afterwards Count 
Ptumford, and, in 1780, one of the Under Secretaries of State for the 
American Department, in which office he continued until it was 
finally abolished in 1782. He was a jiersonal friend of Lord George 
Sackville, and raised during the war a troop of dragoons kmown as 
the " King's American Dragoons," with which he did good service 
and received tlie thanks of the Coinmander-in-Chief. 

A large number of additional letters and pa|)ers in relation to 
America will be found in this new edition of the lleport. Tlie most 
considerable addition consists of letters from General Sir William 
Howe CO Lord George Germain and drafts of Lord George's replies. 
These were omitted in tlie ])rev!ous Keport ]irobal)]y because manu- 
script copies of some of them (though by no means of all) exist 
either nt the Public llecoi'd Oflice or at the Itoyal Institution, luit it 
has now been thouglit better to calendar them, in ordt>r not to break 
the continuity of the series of Sackville Papers. There are also 
additional letteis from General l^urgoyne. Admirals Arbuthnot and 
Sir Geo. Collier, Sir -lolin Dalrym])le and others, and many papers 
in relation to the West Indies, including interesting letters from 
Governor DaDing in Jamaica and the l!ev. James Ramsay at St. 
Christoi)liers. Amongst the miscellaneous i)apers now included for 
the fu'st time will be found an interesting account of " the State of 
" the rebel army " in 177-"), by Lieut. -Col. l>enj. Thom])son, after- 
wards Count Piuufoi-d; a " \'iew of the Colonies" in this same 
year by a writer who states that he knows Washington well, and 
believes him to be an lionest man, with a character distinguished by 
extreme coohusss and caution; enquiries in relation to Howe's cam- 
paign in 1770; and observations upon Burgoyne's campaign in 1777. 


A long paper by Sir John Dalryniplo, " Thoughts on Instructions to Mi--^-^ 

the Anicrit-an t'onimissioners " in 1778. fo.itains thr following sug- i^,^'!!!^!M| . 
gestion:— Vol.Vl.' 

■■ From all accounts ol Cleiiera! Wasliiiigtoirs charac-ter, there is a 
resemblance between his character and General Monk's, for he is silent, 
keeps his miud to himself, has plain understanding and is a man of prin- 
ciple. . . . Charles II. uwed his kingdom t.> his personal applica- 
tion to -Alonk, d.'iivered In one of .^b.llk"s own fi-Jeiuls. Might not the 
ministers . . . or the King him-cll. write a i)rivate letter to Wash- 
ington to i-emind him ot the similarity lietweeii his situation and 
Monk's, desiring liim to ask terms In- Amei'ica fair and just, and they 
should be granted, and that the terms lor liimseh' slionld he the (hikedoiii 
given to ^lonk and a revenue to support it, in order to givt; dignity to 
the man \vho generously gave u]) liis own power to save liis country."" 
Dalryniplo ends l)y suggesting a ^h\ Lloyd J)elany, "" the Ijosoru 
friend " of \A'ashington, then in London, to carry tlie letter. 

After tins, there follow: — Secret Instructions to the same Com- 
missioners; an unsigned i)aper upon " The 01)ject of the \Yar in 
1771) "; Queries by Sir Cieorge Lodiiey on his being sent to the 
AVest Indies in December, 177*J, and a lengthy and interesting Eeport 
by Lieut. -Govei'uor Henry Hamilton on his winter expedition in 
1778 from Detroit to St. Ahncennes, six lumdred miles away, by way 
of Lake Erie and the ^iiamis liiver: his defence of Fort Sackville 
and surrender to Col. Clarke, and the subsecpient imprisonment and 
sufferings of himself and his companions in Virginia, until liberated 
on parole in October, 1780. In this document, attention may be 
called to the interesting jiieture of the venerable Tore Potier exhorting 
and blessing the Indians accompanying the expedition; the curious 
account of the way in which beavers made ])ossible the navigation 
of a river; the scene on Hamilton's arrival at St. Vincennes, where 
the peo])le, " kissing a sih er crucifix at the foot of the altar '" in the 
little church, renewed their oaths of allegiance, and the occurrences 
at the time of the surrender of Fort Sack\-ille, in February, 177'.). 


Tlie third ^olume of the calendar of American AISS. in the Loyal American 
Institution coxers a period of nine months, from Juh', 17b2, to ^ISS. at the 

March, 1783. ^ tuiiim '^"'^'" 

Sir Henry Clinton, having returned to England, was succeeded \,,i up 
in New York by Sir Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord Dorchester, 
who had previously served as Governor and Connnander-in-Chief 
in Canada from 1708-1778. Like his jiredecessor. Sir (iiiy held, to- 
gether with his powers as Commander-in-Chief, the authority to act 
with Admiral Digby as Commissioner for restoring peace. Before 
leaving England he was accjuainted with the negotiations for peace 
opened by Lord Shelbiu'ne upon his ap])ointment as Secretary of 
.State, and though on the hrst of the month when this volume / 

opens, the death of the Marquis of Rockingham had closed that 
short administration, yet Lord Shelburne being placed at the head 
of affairs, the negotiations proceeded with but little interruption. 


Aiuerican The military events belonging to these dates are therefore few, but 

MSS. at the ^|^^^ details of this concluding period of the British occupation of 

Royal Iiisti- , • , , 1 . , -Ti , • , , 

tution : tlieir late colonies are not without interest. 

Vol. III. One of the first papers is a state of the arm}' under Sir Guy 

Carleton, giving the total of the effectives as 34,529. 

The evacuation of Savannah took place in July, under a parting 
protest from Governor Sir James Wright. That of Charlestown was 
next proceeded wath, and took much longer to accomplish, the cor- 
respondence with General Leslie, who was in command there, con- 
tinuing to the month of December. The artillery and ordnance 
stores were sent to Halifax, while most of the troops were distri- 
buted in the West Indies, East Florida, Halifax and New York. 
The decision to retain East Florida as an asylum for the loyalists in- 
duced a great number of these with their slaves to remove thither. 
Many other loyal inhabitants went to Jamaica and a few hundreds to 
Nova Scotia. 

On the 20th December Carleton writes: — The evacuation of this 
place (New York) is to commence as soon as possible. 

It was decided that Halifax should be put in the best state of 
defence, and in his letter of the 9th September to Major-General 
Paterson, the Commander-in-Chief intimates that the whole rein- 
forcement of the year was to remain in Nova Scotia. To that pro- 
vince came the civil governor — John Parr — in October, and the cor- 
respondence and arrangements as to providing lands, shelter, and 
provisions for the loyalists, disbanded troops, and others arriving 
there, continue to the end of these papers. The " troublesome 
" post " of Penobscot, as Washington calls it, was also retained for 
the time being. 

The payment of the various provincial regiments by warrants 
issued every two months to their own paymasters is explained by 
Mr. Morgann, secretary to Carleton, as a method introduced by 
Sir Guy on his arrival. Three of these American regiments were 
placed on the British establishment from December, 1782, viz., the 
Queen's Eangers under Lieutenant-Colonel John Graves Simcoe, 
the King's American Regiment under Colonel Edmund Fanning, 
and the cavalry of the British Legion commanded by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Tarleton. 

Delays and difficulties thrown in the way of exchange of prison- 
ers are remarked on in another letter from I\Ir. Morgann to Commis- 
sioner Elliot. The prisoner;^ which remained of the troops under the 
Convention of Saratoga had actually been in captivity since the 
year 1777. Papers in the months of December, 1782, and January, 
February, and March, 1783, describe the sending out from Head- 
quarters of supplies of clothing, money, and other necessaries, con- 
veyed under passport by Captain Armstrong and Major Gordon to 
the various prisoners — British, German, and Provincial — in Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, and the seizure and detention of 
some of these supplies en rcnifr. The action of the Spaniards 
towards the prisoners taken in the capture of Pensacola and West 
Florida calls forth a very angrv letter from ^Major Campbell. 

Depositions of Germans show the efforts made to induce them 


to become American settlers. A letter from Lord Cornwallis re- Ainerican 
garding his personal exehangL' may be noted, as well as some papers p^,'^^^^\^/,,|^l'i^^ 
relating to the release of Cajjtain AsgiU. tiuion : 

Of the unserupulousness of army contractors a gbmpse is given Vol. III. 
in the destruction of certain barrels of flour, which consisted of 
sweepings of storehouses and bakehouses, rags, paper, and old 
" hats." 

Some private bills of the Commander-in-Chief for groceries, 
liaberdashery, &c., show incidentally the ])rices of such articles at 
the time iu New York. 

The situation in the West Indies was an anxious one for the 
various commanders, naval and military, in view of the movements 
of the combined French and Spanish forces at His])aniola, and of 
the known fact that while the negotiations for peace with both 
countries were being conducted in Paris, an expedition was in pre- 
paration at Cadiz of which the French Admiral — Comte D'Estaing 
— was to take command. On the 24th March, however, the French 
minister at Philadelphia communicated to Sir Guy Carleton his 
official news of the signing of the preliminaries on the 20th January 
and consequent cessation of hostilities. 

A few papers at the end of the book may be pointed out as 
showing the exertions of Lieutenant-Colonel Thompson, better 
known as Count Kumford. In August, 1782, he had been publicly 
thanked in General Orders for completing the King's American 
Dragoons. At the end of ]March the papers referred to include a 
scheme to attach four companies of light infantry to that regiment, 
as well as plans for the raising of a corps of volunteers from the 
disbanding provincial forces to serve in the West Indies. 


This fourth and last volume of the Calendar covers the few Vul. IV. 
remaining months of the l^ritish occupation of the late colonies, 
that being now limited to Xew York, St. Augustine, and the small 
post of Penobscot. The correspondence extends from April to 
November, 1783; a few subsistence accounts are made out to the 
24th December ; some papers bearing no month follow, while a few 
to which no definite year has been attached bring the Calendar to a 

Having urged his request to be relieved, and received permission 
to return. Sir Guy Carleton was only waiting the arrival of his 
successor in order to embark. At the end of May he had still to 
complain of the embarrassment caused by the non-arrival of Sir 
Charles Grey, appointed to succeed him. The change of ministry 
had broken off the arrangements with tliat general, wlio, 
besides his political views, had desired active service and had no 
wish to be employed in diplomacy or negotiation. On the first of 
June Sir Guy received from Lord North, the new Secretary of State, 
an earnest appeal to remain and carry out the evacuation. This 
appeal, as Sir Guy answered the following day, left him no choice, 
and the papers in this volume abundantly testify to the way in which 
the trust reposed in him was fulfilled. 


Though preliminaries of peace with America had been signed on 
the oUth November, 1782, they were conditional upon the settle- 
ment of that with France and Spain. These were signed on the 
20th January-, 1783, and the news was immediately transmitted 
from France to the Americans, being received by them before official 
notification from England reached New York. An account of its 
reception at riiiladelphia is given in the opening letter from the 
pen of a British officer — Captain Armstrong, Deputy Quartermaster 
General, who, as shown in the third volume of this Calendar, had 
been commissioned to convey certain stores and money to the 
British and German prisoners of war in Pennsylvania and Maryland. 
In spite of passports these stores were stopped in transit, and repre- 
sentations to the authorities took him to Philadelphia, where he 
•evidently made good use of his opportunities of observation, though 
not daring from his situation to commit anything to writing. On 
his return to Xew York, at the Commander-in-Chief's desire, the 
interesting narrative quoted was set down, and includes the opinions 
of the Americans on the articles of peace, remarks on their relations 
with the French and Spaniards, and on the French Minister, their 
finances and army, General Washington and Congress, parties in 
Pennsylvania, the future union or disruption of the thirteen states, 
trade with England, c(c. 

The last military episode of the war was a successful though 
iielated attempt made in April, 1783, to recover Neu' Providence, 
Bahamas, from the Spaniards, who, assisted l)y some American 
•ships, had captured it in ^lay, 1782. The small expedition started 
from St. Augustine under Major Andrew Deveraux, a provincial 
officer of Soutli Carolina. In General ^IcArthur's words: — " ^Yith 
*' a handfvd of ragged militia and five privateers he took Providence, 
" where were five hundred Spaniards, seventy pieces of cannon, and 
"" six galleys, but unluckily he was nine days too late." By the 
fifth article of the treaty with Spain, Providence and the fiahamas 
had been restored to England. He remained on the island some 
time, together with the Sjxmish governor, and his action was 
rewarded by Carleton with the temporary gratification of 2()s. a day 
to the 24th Decendjer and a strong recommendation to (Jovern- 
ment for a more ])ermanent mark of the King's favour, not only for 
his gallanti'v iu tliis, ])ut for previous services and losses. He and 
others of the same family or name appear at a subsequent date 
iimongst tlie claimants mider the royal con^mission appointed in 
Xiondon to coiiqiensate American sufferers. 

By the cession of East Florida to Spain the minds of the loyalists 
of South Carolina and Georgia who had removed thither were again 
•disturbed. It was boi)ed tliat the P.ahamas might be available ioi 
settlers, and P)rig. -General AlcArthur, who commanded at St. 
Augustine, ^\•as instructed by Carleton to send Lieut. Wilson of the 
Engineers to examine l^rovideiice, and, later, all the other islands, 
to report on theii' nature, soil, harhoui's, defences, c^'C. His plan 
of the harbour and town of Nassau is still amongst these papers. 
The reports of some intending settlers as to Providence were not 
very favoural)le, as the soil was said to be rocky and no tracts of 


land contiguou^^ where negroes could be employed. ^lany, however, Aineriean 
of these southern loyalists did remove to tliat and other islands, J;^^^-,*.*^ ^!'.^ 
antl troni rsew lork more than a thousand persons associated them- tutioii : 
selves to settle at Ahhaeo. 'i'he cpiestion of titles to ungranted or Vul. IV. 
escheated lands was one of the suhjeets submitted l)y Carloton to 
the home government. The islands were put by him for the time 
heing under the military direction of McArthur, who, on tlie I'vacua- 
tion of East Florida, was to take thither the remains of the garrison 
of St. Augustine. Strong representations being made by the 
Governor and Houses of Assembly of East Florida against the too 
early removal of the troops, under ap])rehension of depredations by 
lawless people on the frontiers, a detachment of the Royal Artillery, 
reinforced by three comiianies of the 37t]i llegiment from New 
York, was ordered to remain till the actual delivery of the province 
to Spain. The attachment of the Indians to the British is dwelt on 
by Governor Tonyn, by the Brigadier and by Lieut. -Colonel Brown, 
the Superintendent of Indian affairs: — " The minds of the Indians 
are as much agitated as those of the unhappy loyalists on the 
" eve of a third evacuation, and however chimerical it may appear 
to us, the}' have seriously proposed to abandon their country and 
" accompany us, having made all the world their enemies by their 
" attachment to us." On this point, however, Carleton's orders 
to the Superintendent were decisive, — to discourage the idea as 
destructive and embarrassing. 

A good deal of correspondence occurs over the (piestion of the- 
disbanding of the Eoyal Garrison Battalion stationed in Bermuda. 
Two sets of prisoners remained in the hands of the Americans, 
namely : those of General Burgoyne's army held since the Convention 
of Saratoga in 1777, and those taken at Yorktown in Virginia, by 
the capitulation of Earl Cornwallis in October, 1781. I'y the end of 
May these had nearly all been returned, but in the case of the 
German troops the numbers fell short of what were expected. 
Amongst other reasons, no doubt, it was found that, in consideration 
of money paid for their release from prison, many had become 
indented servants and taken the oath of allegiance to the States,, 
the Americans said " willingly," the Germans themselves said " by 
compulsion." A particular case is cited of about thirty-five who 
were thus indented to a Mr. Faesch at Mount Hope, and to whom, 
on the calling in of prisoners, the following propositions were made 
l)y the x\merican officers. First, to purchase their liberty by the 
payment of 30?. each and become free citizens of America; second, 
to enlist in the American army; and third, on refusal of these, to 
go back to Philadelphia jail. Choosing the latter, they were actually 
marched off, but apparently hesitated and sent for ]\Ir. Ftesch to 
whom they are said to have entered into " a voluntary agreement 
on his paying the 30/. per head required. General Lincoln, the 
American Secretary for War, disclaimed all responsibility, main- 
taining generally that if prisoners did not come in, it was to be 
inferred that they did not wish to return. The Governor of the 
State also declined to act and the matter was said to rest with the 
inhabitants. The conclusion of the case is not given in these papers. 


American but the last mention of Mr. Fiesch is at New York, where he was 

R^f^i InJ'r ^-"^P"^'*®^^ ^° ^® found willing to release his claim to several. 

tution : ^ ^^ ^^^^ letters of reconunendation from Carleton to Governor 

Vol IV. Parr it will be seen that numbers of officers and men of these corps 

took advantage of the permission from the German Princes to quit 

the service and joined the settlers in Nova Scotia, where they 

received grants of land as others. 

With the exception of six of the best regiments, which \^ere kept 
to the last, the German troops with the British invahds were returned 
to Europe as a first embarkation in June and July. 

Amongst the miscellaneous activities of the Commander-in-Chijf 's 
office throughout these months was the establishment of numerous 
boards of commissioners, the most noticeable of which were : that 
to settle and adjust matters of debt, and that appointed, jointly 
with General Washington, to superintend embarkations at New 
York, complaint being made of the shipping of negroes M-ho were 
said to be American property. A careful register and description 
was kept, and is still here, of all the negroes embarked and inspected 
by these commissioners, to be of service in any claims of unlawfij, 
deportation which might be put forward later. There is also in this 
connection a bill of 18?. for a dinner given at Eoubalet's tavern by 
the British Commissioners in return for one given by the American 
Commissioners at Black Sam's tavern, as well as some accounts 
of Captain Gilfillan and others, presumably in the same capacity, 
for dinners and suppers, in which the entry " a large chicken paye 
at a cost of over 21. figures more than once. Another subject is the 
disposal of the prisoners in the provost, many being recruited for 
service in the West Indies ; in the case of the worst criminals sent 
thither an opportunity was to be taken of dispatching them 
to the coast of Africa. Orplum children in the Orphan 
House were sent to Halifax in the care of a minister 
of religion. Pul^lic records were handed over and property delivered 
up. jNIilitia was organized for the Bermudas, the Bahamas and 
Nova Scotia, and stores and money transferred there. The people 
of the civil departments of the army were assisted to Nova Scotia; 
other clerks received six weeks' pay to enable them to get to their 
homes. Towards the end, as the city fund got low, even the ques- 
tion of a supply of oil for the lighthouse had to be submitted fco' trhe 
General. Several accounts of wages to his own servants and " chore 
" women " remain, in one of which is this item: " Bought by the 
■" Commander-in-Chief's orders, clothing for two poor children, 51." 
But that which lends to this evacuation its peculiar interest is 
the spectacle of the enforced emigration of the thousands of loyal- 
ists of all classes, who, after the peace, found that they were still 
under existing laws of proscription, banishment, and confiscation of 
property, and that any attempt to return to their homes or native 
States met with maltreatment and threatened death. Carleton 
writes of the leaders of the Americans as elated and intoxicated by 
the peace and as having cast off all desire to be reconciled to the 
loyalists, and refers to associations forming to prevent restitution of 
property and renewed intercourse, which associations were quite 


uncontrolled by the States, lie suggests to Clinton, the Governor Auierican 
of the State of New York, that "seeing tlie hostile dispositions J\^^^|^-^=^J^^^J^; 
"' of the eonnnitteemen, the legislature might give some direction t,ition : 
■"to a more desirable spirit by repealing laws made during Vol. IV. 
" the war." To Lord North he writes: " It is utterly impossible 
'' to leave exposed to the rage and violence of these people men of 
" character whose only offence has been their attachment to tlu' 
■" King's service," adding that " the proceedings are not to be 
'■ attributed to i)olitics alone — it serves as a pretence, and under 
'■ that cloak they act more boldly, but avarice and a desire of rapine 
" are the great incentives." So many loyalists were driven to the 
necessity of seeking fresh homes that the tonnage available at New 
York was wholly inadequate. In the official return 1)\ 
Brook Watson, Commissary General, dated two days l)efort 
the troops finally left, the total number gone from New 
York to Nova Scotia is given as 29,244. Adding those 
from Penobscot and Carolina, part of the Gamson Bat- 
talion from Bermuda, and troops discharged at Halifax, the 
result is 32,224, while those to Abbaco number 1,458 and to 
Quebec, 1,328, the latter not including those who went there by 
way of the Lakes. No complete return appears here of those who 
went to Britain. Copies of the almost daily letters of recommenda- 
tion written by Sir Guy Carleton to Governor- Parr on belialf of 
individuals or parties are preserved, as well as those to the Secretary 
of State for such as went to England, and to the Governors of 
Bermuda and the Bahamas. In calendaring the appeals addressed 
to him for relief and assistance it was found impossible to narrate 
the circumstances of each claimant, but one or two entries are sug- 
gestive : — A refugee from New Y^ork has signed to go with his wife 
and family to Nova Scotia " and cannot command as much money 
" as would purchase either of them a pair of shoes." Another is 
" without a shilling," and a third family formerly " lived in plenty 
" and even fashion, but lately have been nearly in want of bread." 
That class of loyalists which had taken up arms, spoken of 
throughout these volumes as the Provincial Troops and British 
American forces were now to be disbanded and also settle in Nova 
Scotia. By royal order given early in the year each non-commis- 
sioned officer was to receive 200 acres, and each private 50 acres, 
exclusive of what he should be entitled to in right of his family, 
with rations for one year. ]\Iany of the regiments in New Y^ork 
had, by their agents, selected lands in the vicinity of St. .John's 
Piiver, and, on the 12th September, transports conveying seventeen 
corps sailed direct to that place, where they were to be disbanded 
and hut during the winter on their own lands. One of the trans- 
ports, the Martha, on which were the Maryland loyalists and part 
of the 2nd Battalion of Delancey's Brigade, was wrecked on Seal 
Islands in the Bay of Fundy, and one hundred lives lost, six officers 
.and seventeen persons being saved. Strict orders were issued for 
the preservation of peace and regularity amongst so many disbanded 
soldiers, and names of officers fit to act as justices of the peace were 
recommended to the Governor. 


By the exertions of Lieuteuant-Colonel Benjamin Thompson, of 
the King's American Dragoons, whose letter recounting his efforts 
on their behalf, the oflticers of the Provincial regiments became en- 
titled to half-pay. Colonel Thompson himself a native of America, 
and was proscribed and banished as a loyalist by the State of New 
Hampshire. As Count Rumford or Von Rumford, his brilliant 
career is well known, and it is worth noticing that he was the pro- 
jector of the Eoyal Institution, in which this collection of MSS. is 
now deposited. 

Only a hint is given in these pages of the Royal Commission 
established by Act of Parliament in July of this year in London to 
afford compensation to loyalist sufferers. Its history belongs to the 
next few years, the papers relating thereto being in the Public 
Record Office. 

On the 21st to 22nd October the evacuation of New York by the 
British troops began in earnest, having only been delayed, as Sir 
Guy pointed out to the Americans, by the necessity of first seeing 
the loyalists in safety. Fifteen days later the last of the Hessian 
regiments followed, together with the Royal Artillery and the ord- 
nance ships. On the 25th November the remaining loyalists and 
the troops were withdrawn from the city " without the smallest 
" circumstance of irregularity or misbehaviour of any land." By 
arrangement with Governor Clinton and his Council, Staten Island 
and a few other convenient points were reserved till the transports 
which were daily expected arrived to remove about two thousand 
of the troops still left. Sir Guy himself embarked on His Majesty's 
ship Ceres. Though not in this collection, it is chai-acteristic that 
his last letters, dated off Staten Island on tlie 29th November, are 
both in connection with the loyalists — the one, a recommendation of 
certain memorials of widows of Provincial officers ; the other, con- 
cerning lists and statements on behalf of the officers themselves. 



Three volumes of this valuable and interesting report have been 
published, namely. Vols. VI., VII., and VIII. 

These are prefaced by elaborate and closely reasoned historical 
introductions which cannot be satisfactorily summarised, the follow- 
ing extracts from which, however, will serve sufficiently to indicate 
the extent and matter of the report. 


Vol. VI. The letters and reports contained in this Volume embrace a 

period of one year and five months — from 1st November, 1799, to 
31st March, 1801. They conclude the histories, so far as 
these are related in Lord Grenville's confidential corre- 
spondence, of the second coalition against France, and the passing 
of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland, begun in 
Volume IV. and continued in Volume V. Volume IV. records the 
formation of the coalition, and the abortive attempt to carry an 


Act of Uuion through the Irish I'arliameut early in ITllO. Volume Dropmore 

V. relates mainly to the Continental campaigns of 17UU. Volume ^^'^'^■Jy 

VI. deals with the secession of liussia from the coalition; the new 
•ulliance of Great Britain and Austria; the abolition of the Irish 
Xiegislature in 1800; the negotiations and military operations of 
Bonaparte and of the allies during the same year; the peace of 
Luneville and the resignation of Pitt's first ministry, in February, 

The radical weakness of the coalition, its want of cohesion and 
.concord, was explained in the Introductions of the two preceding 
volumes; how the British and Austrian Governments, while both 
leaning on the support of the Tzar, formed their plans not only 
■without mutual communication, but in a spirit of antagonism to 
fiach other. Owing in large measure to Russian aid, Austrian plans 
were crowned with success beyond all expectation; British plans, 
notwithstanding Russian aid, ended in complete failure. We shall 
now see how that success and that failure contributed about equally 
to the disruption of the coalition as originally formed ; and how 
by their mutual antagonism, the British and Austrian Governments 
not only flung away a fair opportunity of accomplishing all their 
aims in conflict with the French Revolution, but gave the Revolution, 
in its completed form of military despotism, an opportunity of estab- 
lishing its supremacy in Europe for fifteen years. 

The discord of England and Austria which had such disastrous 
results was the outcome of forty years of political estrangement, 
followed by four years of distrustful and unprosperous alliance during 
"which the dislikes, suspicions, and prejudices of unfriendly tradition 
became incarnate in two able and strong-willed foreign ministers 
of the two monarchies. The transference of the Spanish Nether- 
lands to the Emperor by the treaty of Utrecht, and the Dutch 
Barrier Treaty four years later, were arrangements made in the 
'.nterests of England and the Dutch Republic, to secure the Belgic 
provinces against annexation by France. But Austrian statesmen 
from the first regarded the acquisition of those provinces as a burden 
and a danger. . . . Partly as a means of escape from this 
situation, also, perhaps, in the hope of being enabled by the aid of 
France to exchange the Belgic provinces for Bavaria with the 
Elector Palatine, the Empress-Queen Maria Theresa, under the 
guidance of Prince Kaunitz, entered into the ill-omened alliance 
with Louis XV., which was cemented by the marriage of the Dauphin 
with her daughter, Marie Antoinette. This new grouping of 
European powers proved in various ways hurtful to England. It 
took away from her an old and powerful confederate against France ; 
-and the security it afforded for continental peace allowed the French 
Government, during the war of American Independence, to diminish 
its army and enlarge its navy. At the same time it encouraged the 
Emperor Joseph II. to give free rein to the ill-regulated ambition 
and restless spirit of innovation which, in a few years, brought the 
Austrian monarchy to the brink of ruin. . . . The fatuity of 
bis proceedings, which imperilled the chief l^onefit derived by 
England from Marlborough's victories, was only fully seen a few 
(B1720— Gp. 5) K 


Dropmore years later, when the French Eevolution assumed a mihtant and 
Vol^'I t'ggressive character under Girondin guidance; and Joseph's suc- 

cessor, Leopold II., found himself exposed to the first assaults of 
Jacobin hostility. Leopold, an able and prudent ruler, contrived by 
skilful management to convert Joseph's most formidable antagonist,. 
Frederick William II., King of Prussia, into an ally against the 
French Eevolution. But as this statesmanlike policy drew away 
the Prussian King from the Triple Alliance and Pitt's short-lived 
53-steni of non-interference in the internal affairs of France, it gave 
deep offence in England. It is, indeed, a striking proof of the 
strength of English prejudice against Austria that, on the very 
eve of the Eevolutionary war, the most pacific prince, and the most 
conservative in his policy among the sovereigns of his time, figures, 
in Lord Grenville's correspondence as the most dangerous enemy 
of the peace of Europe. 

Leopold died before war broke out, in 1792; Prince Kaunitz 
retired from the political stage; and the reins of Austrian govern- 
ment fell to the hands of Baron Thugut. England joined the 
coalition of German powers after the conquest of the Netherlands by 
Dumouriez in the autumn of 1792, dragging reluctant Holland in 
her wake; and infused a fiercer spirit into the war. From the 
))eginning of their new association against France the relations of 
England and Austria were a perpetual jar. In the campaign of 1792 
the confederate powers, still governed by the spirit of the Emperor 
Leopold, had invaded France as allies of a dethroned sovereign 
against revolted subjects. But memories of the war of American 
Independence were as yet too recent and bitter to allow of any 
feeling of sympathy for the House of Bourbon finding admittance 
into the minds of George III. and the majority of Englishmen. 
They seem at this moment to have regarded France as an old 
and implacable foe in which revolution was only a new phase of 
wickedness; and which, whatever form of government it might 
choose to adopt, must, in the interests of England, be reduced to 
impotence. During the year 1793, George III. would not aUow 
either brother of Louis XVI. to set foot in any- part of his dominions. 
And the British Government was able to stamp its own policy on the 
coalition. The plan of campaign for 1793 proposed at Vienna was 
a combined march of all the forces of the allied powers on Paris to 
crush the Eevolution in its stronghold and dictate terms of peace 
to France. But the English and Dutch Governments insisted on 
making the expulsion of the French from the Netherlands the main 
object of the campaign. A few months later Lord Auckland, at the 
conference at Antwerp, carried a resolution that no peace should 
be made with France that did not provide " indemnity for the past 
" and security for the future." This resolution altered the character 
of the war. Begun in 1792 for the defence of monarchy and the 
order it sj^mbolised, the war l)ecame in 1793 a scheme of partition. 
By this new programme, wlien the French had been expelled from 
the Netherlands, and that country had been more effectually secured 
against future aggression, the British Government was to employ 
its forces in destroying the naval arsenals and commerce, and 


capturing the colonies of Prauce ; while its allies found compensation 1 )roiJiaore 
in stripping the connnon enemy of the territories she had annexed in ^J'"^^- ; 
Europe since the beginning of the reign of Louis XIV. And under ^ "^^- "^ ' 
pressure from England, the Emperor agreed to relinquish all purpose 
of exchanging Belgium for Bavaria on condition that the Belgic 
frontier should be extended to the Kiver Somme. This was JDundas's 
policy, warmly approved by the King, and adopted by the Cabinet. 
The War ^Minister himself advocated it as " the only practical 
policy," ■Mr. Windham afterwards described the system of his 
colleague as one of " plunder abroad, and patronage at home." 
Pushed too far, it saved the French Kevolution. Early in August 
the campaign reached its crisis. France, convulsed with civil war 
from end to end, had no longer a force in the field which could 
resist invasion. The l^oyalists were victorious in the West. In 
these circumstances the Prince of Coburg, Austrian Commander-in- 
Chief, proposed to march with the full strength of the allied forces on 
the French capital, and thus finish the war. But the privateers 
of Dunkirk had been preying on the commerce of London ; and in 
deference to the clamour of the City, Dundas sent positive orders 
to the Duke of York to take that little sea-port, for the benefit 
of England, before engaging in any larger operations. As a result 
of these orders, the allied armies separated in order to fritter away 
their strength and spirit in petty sieges, which brought them 
disgrace. The generals quarrelled and sulked in winter quarters; 
while the Committee of Public Safety worked with revolutionary 
energy, rallying to its standard the patriotism and national spirit 
of France to save the country from dismemberment. The oppor- 
tunity thus lost did not return. And from this date it seems to 
have become a maxim with Austrian statesmen that selfishness was 
the governing motive of all British policy. 

It was only in 1795 that Pitt, having to face the alternative of 
resigning the Netherlands to France, entertained the idea of alliance 
with Austria on any basis of financial aid, and after long hesitation, 
and with manifest reluctance, consented to guarantee an Austrian 
loan of £4,400,000. Help thus afforded at a high rate of interest, 
and asserting a right to criticise and dii'ect the operations of Austrian 
armies, excited no gratitude, and much irritation. And relations 
requiring easy and delicate handling were only too likely to become 
strained to the point of breaking in the tenacious grasp of Lord 
Grenville or Baron Thugut. 

Baron Thugut had risen fi'om low beginnings, by eminent merit, 
the appreciation of successive sovereigns, and good fortune, to the 
highest position in Germany open to a subject not belonging to a 
sovereign house. The Empress-Queen, his earliest patron, as we 
are told, changed his name from Thu-na-gut (do no good) to Thugut 
(do good). His ascent to power was greatly facilitated by an unusual 
dearth of conspicuous talent among Austrian oiificials ; and he seems 
to have been finally lifted into the office of Imperial Vice-Chancellor 
by the strong recommendation of Count Mercy d'Argenteau, whose 
own claims to it, from long and distinguished service, were pre- 
eminent. Here his superior ability, knowledge, and assiduity 
(B1720— Op. 5) K 2 


quickly won for liim tlic entire confidence of the young and inex- 
perienced Emperor Francis II., and complete control over the 
Councils of the Empire. This splendid position M-as not a bed of 
roses. A proud and powerful aristocracy which filled the chief offices 
at Court, and nearly all high public employments, looked with scorn 
and aversion on the low-born adventurer who had climbed into the 
seat of Prince Kaunitz ; and lost no opportunity of thwarting a policy 
which kept him in power. 

We have sketches of Baron I'hugut in Lord Grenville's correspon- 
dence by different hands. There is a general agreement as to the 
leading features of his character, but in some pictures the shading 
is much darker than in others. His career does not entitle him to 
take rank as a great minister with' Kaunitz or Metternich, who 
filled the same office before and after him; but his great ability, 
his unwearied industry, his intense devotion to what he believed to 
be the interests of his sovereign and country, were not denied by 
candid enemies. On the other hand, the exercise of supreme 
authority and the impediments, personal as well as public, which he 
had to encounter, seem to have brought out into greater prominence 
the defects of a strenuous, vehement, astute, but not lofty nature. 
His most pernicious weakness as a minister was, no doubt, an un- 
faltering, but erroneous, belief in his own superior capacity for 
ordering military operations. He aspired to fill the role of Cardinal 
Richelieu, or Lord Chatham, without possessing the qualifications 
of a great war minister. This inordinate lust of sway contributed 
largely to the disasters that overwhelmed Austria in 1800, and 
brought his own political career to an inglorious end. 

Lord Grenville had assumed the direction of foreign affairs in 
England, vmder many disadvantages, at the urgent request, and for 
the convenience of Mr. Pitt. The appointment came as a surprise 
to the oflucial world. He does not appear to have been specially 
marked out for the post by natural or acquired fitness. His tem- 
perament and habits were rather those of a student than of a man 
■of the world. He had never given his mind to the study of 
European politics. Foreign travel had not opened to him oppor- 
tunities of insight into the manners, peculiarities, and interests of 
other countries, or corrected the prejudices of an insular education. 
His diplomatic training did not extend beyond two short missions 
to Holland and France in 1788. Lord Auckland seems to have 
been his chief guide and instructor during the first years of his 
career at the Foreign Office. Owing in a great measure to self- 
distrust, Lord Grenville's influence in shaping the foreign policy 
of England during the earlier years of the Revolutionary War seems 
to have been inferior to that of IMr. Dundas. From their first asso- 
ciation in the Cabinet, these two chief colleagues and advisers of 
Pitt seem to have been in constant conflict. And in the conferences 
of the throe ministers at Wimbledon or Holwood, when all important 
measures of government wore discussed and settled before boing 
nonnnunicntod" to tlie whole Cabinet, Pitt, in all matters bearing 
on tlio conduct of the war, seems to havo almost invariably followed 
the c-ounsels of Dundas. It was not long, however, before great 


ability and imwearied application, always directed and snstainod l>iopiuore 
by conscientious motive, made Lord CIrenx ille master of all tliat y^i'^yi 
could be learned from tlie sources of oilicial information at his 
command. Intercourse also with the many foreigners of distinction, 
such as Count Mercy, Talleyrand, Calonne, Malouet, jNIallet du Pan, 
whom the throes of the French devolution cast from time to time 
on the shores of England, enlarged and enlightened his mind and 
increased his knowledge. \Yitli knowledge came self-confidence. 
And the failure of Dundas's " practical system " to cope with 
revolutionary energy and enthusiasm; tlie entrance into tlie Cabinet 
of leading Whigs, political pupils of Burke, with whom Grenville 
seems to have found himself, on most questions, in close accord ; 
the strength of his convictions and his tenacity in adhering to them 
regardless of personal consequences; and his conspicuous suceoss as 
leader of the House of Lords, gradually raised him to a position in 
the ministry immediately next to that of Pitt. During the last 
three years of that famous administration he seems to have been 
able to make his own views prevail in the Cabinet, on all important 
questions of external policy. In the meantime Pitt's original policy 
of exacting from France " indemnity and security " gave place to 
one, adopted too late and followed too timidly, of co-operating with 
the emigrant princes for a restoration of the French monarchy, 
with the boundaries of 1792. But, however Lord Grenville's per- 
sonal position in the ministry may liave varied, during the whole 
period of his tenure of the Seals as Foreign Secretary all important 
])apers issuing from his office were drafted by himself, and bore 
the stamp of his own character. It was a character thoroughly 
English in its qualities and its defects. Its patriotism was so 
ardent as to inspire a profound belief that the cause of England 
in all its developments, and all circumstances, was the cause of 
right and of civilisation. A high and even haughty s])irit, \\hich 
scorned anything resembling mean trickery or ]X'tty evasion, in- 
formed his public utterances; and guarded well in times of danger 
and discouragement the dignity of the British crown and the interests 
of the monarchy. And he prided himself on maintaining in inter- 
national relations the high standard of rectitude by which he 
governed his private conduct. It may be said that no l^^juglish 
statesman of his time stood higher in public confidence for en- 
lightened views, personal integrity, and fidelity to jtrinciple; 
fdthough, owing, perhaps, to his secluded habits and a want of 
popular fibre in his nature, his personal influence fell short of his 
reputation; and, beyond the limits of his own social circle, he was 
respected rather than loved. On the other hand, the very fervour 
of his patriotism made him often imal)le to appreciate justly the 
character and situation of a foreign ad\ei-sary, or to form a correct 
estimate of forces opposed to him. It made him i^rone to under\;duc 
an antagonist; to class Continental statesmen, bred amidst otlier 
traditions, representing national interests, who did not concur 
in his political views, as " Imaves or fools." For tlie same reason 
he w^as habitually over-sanguine in everything that concerned military 
enterprises in the planning of wliich he took ])art. Pitt sometimes 


interfered by way of suggestion, and with a studious avoidance of all 
appearance of dictation, to tone down passages in Grenville's drafts, 
which appeared to him unwise or unseasonable. In fact, though 
never wilfully unjust. Lord Grenville too often tempered justice 
with severity. His natural bent seems to have been to coercion 
rather than conciliation; and when the combative mood prevailed, 
it was harsh and inexorable. Lord Cornwallis wrote to Colonel 
Boss in 1800 that he had left the Cabinet with little regret, because 
its decisions were so much swaj^ed by Lord Grenville's " unplac- 
" able " temper. 

* * * «■ 

There is reason to doubt whether Thugut, in this apparently 
frank revelation of rapacity, made a full avowal of the ambitious 
designs he had formed in the intoxication of rapid conquest. A few 
months later Lord Keith, commanding the naval forces of Great 
Britain in the Mediterranean, sent Dundas from Palermo the sub- 
stance of what purported to be a memorandum on Italy, presented 
by the Imperial Chancellor to his sovereign. In this document the 
policy is insisted on of bringing all the states of that peninsula under 
the Emperor's sway, either as absolute possessions or as depen- 
dencies. In the latter category figure the Kingdom of Naples, the 
Grand Duch^' of Tuscany, and whatever remnant of territory Austria 
might leave to the Pope. The communication seems to have 
been made to Lord Keith by the Queen of Naples, sister of the 
Empress, both of these ladies being political antagonists of Baron 

The British . Cabinet was quite willing, so far as the Emperor 
Paul could be induced to consent, to give Austria a free hand in 
Italy. It was desirable for British interests that stronger barriers 
should be raised in every quarter against French aggression. Pitt 
even considered that compensation for the King of Sardinia was 
rather a matter of favour than of right. As for the wishes or 
interests of the populations affected by these territorial changes, if 
they entered at all into the calculations of statesmen at that time, 
they weighed as chaff in the balance of political advantage. But 
English distrust of Thugut's methods had not been diminished by 
Dietrichstein's mission to Switzerland and the explanations of it 
given at Vienna. Thugut, indeed, vehemently repudiated all re- 
sponsibility for his emissary's language, but no one seems to have 
attached any credit to the denial. And the British Cabinet, though 
placing a much higher value on Austrian co-operation than it had 
done earlier in the year, still looked on a Paissian alliance as the 
main plank — in fact the only sound plank — of its Continental 
system. Lord Grenville, therefore, instructed Lord Minto to in- 
form Thugut that the British Government would enter into no 
negotiation with that of the Emperor without the concurrence of 
the Tzar, its best ally; and that the financial convention, when 
ratified at Vienna, must be laid before the British Parliament. 
These conditions being satisfied, it would do everything in its power 
to promote Austrian interests in Italy. 

The season for military operations on a large scale in 1799 having 


now passed, the iJritisli CioNcnuneut' prepared a n';V/ plan of ouni- l*i'_'pi>iore 
paign for 18(iO, whieli Lord llreiuille sent to Mr. ^\'ickllanl to be y,'j y] 
laid before iSomorow. l-'ollowing nearly the same lines as that which 
iiad failed so signally, it i)roi»osed to asst'niblc in ^^witzei'land an 
<irmy of 100,000 men in Jn'itish pay, nnder the marshal's eom- 
inand, composed as to two-thirds of llussians, and as to one-third of 
Germans, ISwiss, and I'reneh. JUit to supply dt'lieiencies of the 
JRussian military organisation there was to be an bhiglish eonnnis- 
sariat and a staff of English, (lerman, and I'rciieh ollieers formed 
by Lord Mulgrave, who was to till the post of adjutant- or (juarter- 
master-geueral, besides taking connuand of the Swiss. 
* * * * 

^Meantime Thugut- had ])rodueed his plan of campaign at the be- 
ginning of December. It discarded SouAorow, and excluded Piussians 
from the chief helds of military operations on the Continent. The 
Austrian armies, it declared, would be quite able to expel the 
French from Italy and Switzerland if the British Government re- 
inforced that of the Archduke with the 80,000 German auxiliaries 
Mr. Wickham was about to levy ; or, what would answer better, 
gave a subsidy to the Emperor to enable him to levy them himself. 
Russian troops, it added, could l)e used by the British Government 
with great advantage to the common cause in expeditions to Holland 
and the coasts of France, with which the Austrian armies miglit co- 
operate. In forwarding this sketch to Lord Grenville, Lord Alinto 
reported in cipher that the Austrian Chancellor showed himself 
more eager every day to come to a thorough understanding with the 
English Government. In fact, notwithstanding the dogged obsti- 
iiacy with which he clung to his projects and his antipathies, Thugut 
could not altogether shut his eyes to the peril involved in tlie im- 
proving relations of Eussia and Prussia, or his ears to Lord Grenville's 
repeated warnings against driving the Tzar to extremities. Then, 
again, financial difficulties weighed on him more heavily every day. 
His expectations of relief from the resources of Italy had been dis- 
appointed. Not only had French requisitions im]ioverJshed the 
country, but a spirit of passive resistance, aroused by the arrogance 
and ineptitude of Austrian officials, by old dynastic attachments, 
and by national aspirations, sealed up the ordinary sources of reve- 
nue in some of the occupied States. Slowly and with evident reluc- 
tance diu-ing the early part of December he receded from imtenable 
ground. He reduced the Austrian demand of all Piedmont and 
Savoy to one for the Novarese, including Alexandria and other 
fortresses, for which the King of Sardinia should receive full com- 
pensation from Genoese territory. Pie agreed to make the restora- 
tion of the French monarchy a leading article of the common pro- 
gramme. Finally, he consented to ratify the financial convention 
of 1797. Having thus cleared his ground, he proposed as terms of 
alHance and concert — (1) that the British Government should 
relieve the Emperor of the burden of the last Austrian loan ; (2) that 
it should advance to him £1.000,000, soon afterwards raised to 
£2,000,000, of which £200.000 was required at once for pressing 
needs ; the whole to be repaid from a new Austrian lop.n to be floated 


after tlie close of the war with the help of British credit; (S) that it 
should support the Emperor in the acquisitiou of the Papal Lega- 
tions, the Novarese with its fortresses, and the city and territory oi" 

These proposals of Baron Thugut, coming immediately after the 
Emperor Paul's letter to George III., were followed by a complete 
change in the political attitude of the British Government towards- 
its Imperial allies. The chief agent in effecting this alteration, so 
far as individual influence operated, was Mr. William Wickham. 
His mission to Switzerland in 1796-7 had won for him unbounded 
confidence from Lord Grenville. He returned to that country in. 
1799 invested with extraordinary powers, and instructed to act at 
once on his own judgment in all matters requiring prompt decision. 
Whatever an-arigement Wickham should make. Lord Grenville 
wrote in confidence, he was prepared to approve as the best that 
could be made in the circumstances, and to give it full support . 
In the course of this second mission the British minister foi-med oi' 
renewed intimate personal relations with nearly all the Continental 
leaders of the coalition against France — with Archduke Charles and 
Prince Italiski, with Baron Thugut at Vienna, Count Montgelas at 
]\Iunich, and Advoyer Steiguer in Switzerland ; wath the chiefs of the 
Pioyalist party in eastern and southern France, Pichegrue and 
Willot its generals, M. D 'Andre its most influential and trustworthy 
agent. Count de Precy the heroic defender of Lyons. These con- 
nexions enabled him to throw light on various subjects of high im- 
portance, of which the British ministry had only very imperfect 
knowledge. It was mainly from Wickham 's reports of the defects 
of Kussian military organisation and the open hostility of the Rus- 
sian and Austrian armies, that it learned the impracticability of it® 
plans of campaign in Switzerland. Glowing descriptions in the 
same reports of the superb condition of the Austrian armies, under 
able commanders and staffs of extraordinary merit, taught it to forn^ 
a new and quite different estimate of the comparative importance 
of Pussia or Austria as an ally for accomplishing British aims on 
the Continent. It was also through Wickham that the Cabinet ob- 
tained its most valuable information in regard to the state of France. 

As an adviser under ordinary circumstances, and in matters with 
which his mission was concerned, Wickham appears to have been 
not undeserving of the trust reposed in him by Lord Grenville. He 
was .'ible, zealous, hard-working, and personally devoted to his 
oflficial chief ; an acute judge of men and political conditions, and 
skilful in tvu-ning them to advantage. Unsparing of himself, he was 
by his own confession irritable and exacting in his relations with 
subordinates whose methods did not please him, or wliose labours 
foil l)olow his own high standard of public duty. We may also 
allow liim tlic credit he claims for himself of being patient and wary 
in dealing with adversaries. And although his personal integrity- 
was spotless, he seems, when British interests were to be advanced, 
to have been hardly less hampered by scruples than Count Haug- 
Avitz or Baron Thugut. In fact, his qualities as a public servant 
made him a type of what is called rfjirirncy. He had also the 


defects of ihobc i^ualitu's. His self-eoutideiiee led him to form esti- l>ropmore 
mates, wliieli someliinL's proved exaggerated, of the iiitiuence he " z"^'--,- 
exercised over men and exeiits. Intensely practical, liis mind seems 
to have heen but slenderly endowed with the faculty of imagination, 
and therefore wanting in the insight which recognises genius of a 
high order, witii its jiower of creating resources and opportunities, 
i)ispiring men, moulding events, working miracles. He read Baron 
Tliugut in his changing moods like an open book. He covdd discern 
the great abilities and sterling qualities concealed from ordinary 
observers under the dull aspect of Archduke Charles. The superb 
order, exact discipline, and military pride of the Austrian army, 
the scientific methods of its staffs, " unequalled in Europe, and from 
whom it is more than probable that some of the first generals of 
modern times will spring," appealed so convincingly to him that he 
accepted it, at its own valuation, as practically invincible. But 
Souvorow remained to the end of their intercourse more or less 
of a mystery to him. It never seems to have entered into his 
calculations that the substitution of Melas for the Russian marshal 
as commander-in-chief in Italy could sensibly affect the fortunes 
of the war. Yet Souvorow 's victories had been to a great extent 
instrumental in raising the military spirit of Austria from a state of 
profound dejection to that condition of arrogant self-reliance which 
so moved his admiration. Far more hurtful to the cause for which 
he laboured was Wickham's failure to see any particular significance 
in Bonaparte's return to France to grasp the reins of government. 
It hardly appears to have occuiTed to him that France under Bona- 
parte was a more formidable adversary than under Barras. This- 
was, of course, blindness common to the whole British Cabinet. 
There is nothing more noticeable in Lord Grenville's correspondence 
at this time than the absence of any recognition of merit in Bona- 
parte. He is mentioned only to be depreciated. "When he became 
First Consul, Sa Majestc tres Corse, figures in letters between Lord 
Granville and his brothers as a ridiculous pretender. \A'hen the vic- 
torious Consul had pulverised the coalition, he became to them aU 
an object of virtuous hatred, an incarnation of evil. But for Wick- 
ham, who lived in a broader and less prejudiced atmosphere, and 
who had seen, at the time of his first Swiss mission, all that he had 
been able to accomplish during many months of assiduous labour 
and secret intrigue completely demolished by Bonaparte's marvel- 
lous achievements in Italy, there was less excuse. 

* ^f: * * 

A leading feature of the original Britisli plan of military opera- 
tions for 1700 was the despatch of a body of troops to Brittany in the 
autumn. When the army employed in the expedition to Holland 
returned to England at the end of October, Lord Buckingham urged 
that it should be sent at once to help the French royalists. More 
timid counsels prevailed. Lord Grenville replied that Government 
could not risk the loss of the 30,000 effectives ^\■ho had come back 
from the Helder in an enterprise full of hazard at that late season. 
Its policy must be to nurse the military strongtli of the country 
during the winter, so as to have 70,000 men available for foreign 


service in tiie spring ol 1800. In the meantime liberal supplies of 
money, arms and ammunition should be sent to Brittany to feed 
the insurrection. At the end of November he announced that two 
such consignments had already reached the French coast. 

On 3Uth November, 1799, Lord Grenville officially informed 
Wickham that reports of the disaffection of General Massena and his 
army to the new French Government had reached England, and 
authorised him to purchase their aid on 'any terms that might secure 
it. Wickham was also instructed to induce deserters from the 
Eepublican armies to take service under Louis XVIII. by offering 
them French military pay at the current rates. Count d'Artois, it 
may be stated, had been empowered to recruit the royalist forces 
in western France in the same manner to the extent of 70,000 men. 
A long confidential letter accompanied this despatch. It expressed 
Lord Grenville's " infinite obligations " for intelligence and advice 
which had been " his chief guide and direction " in recent diffi- 
culties, and had saved him from the error of trusting in Souvorow 
aj, the instrument designed by Providence to give victory to Great 
Britain in a final effort against France. For however able the 
British Government might be to carry on a defensive struggle for 
many years, one more Continental campaign was the limit of its 
power for offensive warfare. He felt confident that, even without 
Eussian aid, Austria would be able to reduce France to the frontiers 
of 1780, perhaps to restore the French monarchy, if Thugut could be 
brought to pursue a straightforward course. The English Govern- 
ment on its side was silently preparing for " an immense effort " in 
the following spring to support the royalists of western France. 
Bonaparte could only maintain his power by using French armies to 
repress his Jacobin enemies. This necessity must leave him without 
troops to oppose western insurgents, or Austrian foes advancing 
from the east. His only resource, therefore, lay in a negotiation for 
peace. If this expedient failed him, as it must " if there was a 
■" grain of sense in Austrian councils," he should have to choose 
between deportation to Cayenne and submission to Louis XVIII. 
In order to force the Consul quickly to one of these issues, "Wickham 
"was urged to raise insurrections during the winter in the south and 
east of France, which might distract attention from La Vendee, and 
co-operate with British expeditions in the following spring. In 
carrying out these instructions he was to act on his own judgment 
without fear or delay, and to continue supplying the Cabinet with 
information and advice. 

On 13th December Wickham replied to these communications by 
a public despatch and a private letter. In the former he reported 
that, with the approval of Arcluluko Charles, he had commissioned 
General Pich(^gru to enrol an army of French deserters to act with 
the Austrians in Franche Comte ; and General Willot to collect 
another army of the same material in Dauphin^. Willot would con- 
cert operations with General IMelas, and with the British commanders 
in the Mediterranean. Count de Precy would raise Lyons and the 
surrounding districts. Trustworthy intelligence had enabled him, 
AVickham wrote, to form an estimate of the comparative strength 


of the opposing forces iu the iK-xt campaign. 'J'lie Archduke woukl Dropraon 
have under his orders 100,000 Austrians ou the llhine ; and Melas ygi^yj 
the same number in Italy. To the Ehine army \yickham hoped, by 
Swiss enrolments and German treaties, to add 40,000 men in British 
pay; and 20,000 Saa-dinians might also be taken into British pay to 
reinforce the army of Mehis. On the other hand, the military 
strength of France was greatly exaggerated in official returns. The 
army of Italy, exceeding on paper 60,000 men, had only 30,000 effec- 
tives. Bonaparte by great efforts might be able to place in the field 
from 150,000 to 180, (»0O men altogether, a force inferior to the 
Austrians in number, and still more in (juality and equipment. As 
to financial resources, a leading banker of Paris calculated the extra- 
ordinary aid the Consul might be able to obtain, by using every 
means at his disposal, at three and a half millions sterling; a sum 
utterly inadequate to supply the needs of the French armies. In 
oonclusion, the despatch stated that the new French Government 
would probably have general support for a time. " It seems possible 
"' that the war will be conducted with more talents and energy than 
"' has lately been the case." But Bonaparte " cannot steer long 
-" between Jacobins and Eoyalists." If he fails to obtain peace he 
must lean for support on the former, and forfeit public favour, as he 
can only carry on war by resorting to revolutionaiw methods. 

In his private letter of th> same date Wickham wrote: — The 
question (of carrying on war) is reduced to this: " are you prepared 
" to throw yourselves into the arms of the House of Austria or no? 
" If not, renounce at once every idea of a Continental war against 
" France, for you can neither carry it on without Austria nor force 
■" her to carry it on in any other than her own way." Lord Gren- 
ville,he continued, must alter his methods, must flatter and cajole 
and feign confidence, instead of dictating militai-y operations and 
criticising political action. By doing with a good grace what he can- 
not help, giving Austrian strategists a free hand; by praising and 
occasionally pensioning them ; he can exercise considerable influence 
over the movements of Austrian armies. Above all things, it was 
necessary to avoid showing distrust of Baron Thugut, however 
tortuous and irritating the Chancellor's conduct might be. His 
quarrel with the Russians had fixed him on his throne for ever ; 
reconciling to him his bitterest ill-wishers, the army of the Rhine 
and the states of south Germany, which had hated him for hating 
their favourite, the Archduke. He now reigned without rival or 
possible successor. The British Cabinet followed this counsel, 
though in some respects with halting steps. 
* * ^f * 

With the end of the year [1700] came Bonapai-te's 
letters to the cliiefs of the coalition, proposing peace. 
Lord Buckingham, to whom Lord Grenville sent a copy of 
the Consul's letter to George III., as a new year's gift., 
counselled his brother to return a " moderate " answer, it 
being for the interests of the Ministry to conciliate public opinion, 
which inclined strongly to negotiation. The British reply, or rather 
replies, were wholly written by Lord Grenville, though altered from 


the original form in deference to suggestions from Pitt and Canning-, 
Tlionias Grenville informed Lord Buckingham that the answer to the 
Consul's letter caused a good deal of dissatisfaction even among sup- 
porters of the Government. It was in fact a public declaration of 
the convictions already expressed in Lord Grenville 's confidential 
letters to his brothers and to Wiekham. " His very Corsican 
" Majesty," without adequate resources in men or money for carry- 
ing on war, or independent support from either of the two hostile 
pai-ties that divided France, could only maintain his position by 
making peace. It would be sheer folly, therefore, on the part of the 
allied powers to negotiate instead of crushing him, and thus ending 
the war on their own terms. And this opinion of Bonaparte's ex- 
treme weakness found support in the inaction of the French armies 
during the winter, in striking contrast to the all-conquering energy 
he had hitherto shown in war. But events in France had already 
disproved the assumptions on which Lord Grenville based his train 
of reasoning, making it clear that the great mass of the French 
population were neither Jacobins nor adherents of Louis XVIII. 
They would no doubt have preferred some form of constitutional 
monarchy, such as that accepted in 1791 by Louis XVI., to the feeble 
and corrupt Jacobinism of a Directory which trampled on civil and 
religious rights and prolonged war to serve its own selfish ends. 
But the Frenchmen who would have welcomed back a monarchy of 
divine right, the and en regime with its inequalities and abuses repre- 
sented by the emigrant princes, at the price too of national humilia- 
tion and diminished territory, formed only a small minority of the 
nation. The return from Egypt of the victorious general who had 
dictated the peace of Campo Formio, the most glorious in the 
national annals, awakened in France a sense of profound relief. His 
seizing the reigns of government was sanctioned by general support. 
The conciliatory measures that followed, repealing proscriptive 
decrees, opening the churches for Christian worship, inviting able 
men of all parties to unite in serving the State, increased public 
confidence. With confidence, credit revived, and the great obstacle 
in his way, financial distress, rapidly diminished. Instead of the 
three and a half millions sterling to which his prospect of borrowing 
was limited in the reports sent in by "Wickham, he contrived to raise 
thirteen and a half millions — an amount insuflficent for the needs 
of the Consular government, but enough to give it a fair start. If 
the French people ardently desired peace, Bonaparte also sincerely 
desired it as necessary for France, and for the establishment of his 
own power. But it was peace on lines not too dissimilar from those 
of Campo Formio. He knew well that peace on terms to which the 
British Government would consent must destroy the reputation for 
success on which his authority rested. It is probable, therefore, 
that the haughty and scornful answer returned to his overture to 
George III. was far from unwelcome to him. Meant as a trumpet 
blast to rouse up opposition against him, it appears to have produced 
a contrary effect. It gave Talleyrand an opening for a telling retort. 
It silenced the cry for peace in France ; and it stimulated the 
opinion which, as we shall see, was rapidly gaining gi-ound on the 


Continent — that England, from seliish molivi'S, proloiifJcd a war by l»i"i>niore 
which she alone i)rohted, while all other nations sutfered. y^'^j' yj 

* * •)(■ * 

Negotiation did not retard strenuous i)reparations by all the 
belligerent powers for the renewal of hostilities in spring. Count 
d'Artois having notitied in J)eceiuber his intention of putting himself 
at the licad of the ]3reton insurgents, Pitt agreed to send him with 
a large body of British trooi)s to the peninsula of llhuis in the follow- 
ing spring, on condition that the plan of this expedition prepared by 
M. de Eoziere, a French strategist, provided a safe landing place, a 
defensible position on the peninsula, and adequate facilities for re- 
embarkation in case of defeat. De Roziere insisted that his plan 
fully satisfied these requirements. But General Sir Charles Grey, to 
whom Pitt referred it for advice, condemnecT it in unqualified terms. 
Before any decision was announced, all opportunity of testing the 
?nerits of the project passed away. One of the fii'st matters to which 
Bonaparte turned his attention on becoming Chief of the State was 
the pacification of western France. With this object he offered the 
insurgents full redress of all their grievances in return for submis- 
sion, and authorised General Hedouville to arrange an armistice in 
order that' terms of peace might be discussed. The theatre of civil 
war was divided into two sections by the Eiver Loire. During the 
obstinate struggle for religion rather than for monarchy, ended by 
General Hoche in 1796, La Vendee, to tlie south of the river, had 
been turned into a desert. It still remained in a very impoverished 
state, besides being, during the greater part of the year, shut in 
from extex-nal aid by a treacherous coast. In the departments 
north of the Loire, particularly those of Brittany and Normandy, 
the fire and sword of Jacobin conquest had made much less havoc ; 
and frequent communication with Count d'Artois, and consignments 
of money and arms from England, kept the spirit of insurrection 
from flagging. The disintegrating influence of these differing cir- 
cumstances manifested itself in a conference of Eoyalist leaders 
held at Pouance at the close of the year 1799. The southern dele- 
gates, swayed by the advice of Abbe Bernier, an able and politic 
ecclesiastic who had convinced himself of the stability and good 
intentions of the Consular Government, were for accepting Hedou- 
ville's proposals. Those from districts north of the Loire, following 
irstructions from IMonsieur, stood out for an additional pledge that 
monarchy sliould be restored, and despatched two of their number — 
Hyde de Neuville and Andigni— to Paris to treat with Bonaparte 
on this subject. An interview at the Tuileries effectually dispelled 
any illusions the envoys may have cherished that the First Consul 
intended treading in the footsteps of General Monk. And when, on 
their return, the chiefs at Pouance sought to gain further time by 
■spinning out negotiations, Bonaparte put an (Mid to the armistice, 
and placed General Brune, a red-hot Jacobin, at the head of 00,000 
troops to proclaim martial law and crush tlie revolt. The 
Vendeeans immediately accepted the terms offerfd by HiMlouville. 
The royalists of Anjou, Maine, and Brittany, after a feeble attempt 
at resistance, laid down their arms on the same conditions. The 


Dropmore Normau chief, Count Frotte, who submitted last, was taken and shot 
MSS. : ji2 violation of good faith. The other leaders, with the exception of 

° ■ ■ Georges Cadoudal, who retired to England, accepted the new order 
of things in France with more or less of good will. And the Britisn 
Government found the chief avenue through which it hoped to assail 
the Consular Government effectually closed against it. For 
although it offered shortly afterwards to land Viomenil and his. 
Eussians on the Breton coast, it refused to risk British troops in 
such a desperate adventure. 

In the middle of February the British Cabinet had definitely 
fixed the main lines of its policy for the year 1800 ; and Lord Gren- 
ville communicated its decisions to Mr. Wickham, Lord Minto, and 
Sir Charles Whit worth. Wickham was informed that all his plans 
had been approved and his advice adopted. He was authorised to 
conclude treaties with the Electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, 
and minor states of southern Germany for troops to serve under 
Archduke Charles, at a cost to the British Exchequer of £1,000,000, 
afterwards raised to £1,500,000. £500,000 more was placed at his 
disposal, as secret service money, to defray the expenses of royalist 
armies under Generals Pichegru and Willot. And the British 
Government undertook to send 20,000 British troops to the Mediter- 
ranean to co-operate with Willot. 

4f * * * 

Probably at no other period of its history did the military reputa- 
tion of England, in all respects except bravery in the field, fall so 
low as during Pitt's first ministry. It was not only the Emperor 
Paul who refused to allow his troops to serve under an English 
general; neither Baron Thugut nor General Melas could be induced 
to detach a body of Austrian cavalry to act in France under Sir 
Charles Stuart. Nor was this unflattering judgment 'merely the 
\erdict of foreign opinion. The incapacity of British officers 
specially selected for important duties on the Continent is a subject 
of constant reproach and misgiving in the confidential letters of 
Lord Grenville and Mr. Wickham. ^On 27th I\Iarch, 1800, Wickham 
wrote in reference to British officers sent to organise and pay a 
Swiss army corps — " I have sworn never to have anything to do 
" with your military men again unless they will learn their own busi- 
" ness better before they come abroad, or have a more moderate 
" opinion of their own knowledge, and suffer themselves to be in- 
" structed. Besides, it is not to be conceived (bravery and presence 
" of mind in the field excepted) how very cheap we are holden on the 
" Continent." Again, on 8th May — " Our officers, particularly those 
" that call themselves staff-officers, are totally imfit for anything of 
" the kind ; and it is only since I have meddled with military arrange- 
" ments myself, in consequenco of their evident incapacity, that T 
" have been able to judge of the extent to which that incapacity is 
" carried." Lord Grenville replied on 20th May — " I have long seen 
" reason to judge as you do of the capacity of our officers. Something 
" may be allowed for want of opportunity to learn; but if when that 
" is thrown into their way they will not learn, they are incurable." 
Lord Elgin, British Minister at Constantinople, wrote on 20th 


December, 1799. in reference to officers sent from the Horse Guards ^^'^P^^''^^ 
to train the Sultan's troops in a knowledge of military science — Vol' VI 
" Seeing Englishmen in authority in Turkey takes away all delight 
" in reading Don Quixote." 

s- * * * 

So many miscarriages, and particularly in attempts which had 
seemed to offer all the conditions of easy conquest, caused great 
dissatisfaction in England. Dearth of food and of employment 
produced much misery and turbulence in many parts of the kingdom 
during the year 1800; and George III. seems to have been averse 
to despatching troo}):^ that could ill be spared at home on such 
uncertain ventures. It is evident from some of Dundas's letters 
that his relations, as war minister, with his sovereign, and with 
the Duke of York, involved a good deal of friction in the course 
of the summer. Wo learn also from the diarii^s of ^Ir. Windham 
and Lord IMalmesbury that a little later in this year, the king 
meditated a change of ministry, which would have installed those 
statesmen in the offices of Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville. Dundas, 
however, with little support from the rest of the Cabinet, organised 
the bold and fortunate expedition to Egypt, in which Abercromby 
amply redeemed any discredit that might have attached to him 
from previous ill-success, and closed a meritorious career by a 
splendid victory. Two letters, written in ]\Iarch, 1801, and included 
in this volume, from General John Moore, afterwards victor at 
Corunna, to his father, the author of " Zuleika." give us interesting 
accounts of the landing of the British army at Aboukir ; and the 

subsequent action, in which Abercromby received a mortal wound. 
* * * " * 

Lord Carysfort's confidential letters from Berlin contained in this 
volume are valuable as bringing to our knowledge an important 
element of public opinion on the Continent at this time, in regard 
to which Lord Grenville 's other official correspondents appear to have 
joined in what may be termed a conspiracy of silence. He was an 
amateur diplomatist who had accepted a mission to the Prussian 
Court at Lord Grenville 's request. And his independent position 
and intimate relations with the Foreign Secretary enabled him to 
speak his mind with candour, and tell unpalatable truths without 
fear of consequences. His letters leave little doubt that the show 
of moderation and the pacific efforts which the circumstances of 
France, and his own, dictated to Bonaparte, contrasting forcibly 
with the implacable attitude and the oppressive maritime policy of 
the British Government, had not only arrested the hostile tide of 
Continental feeling against France, but turned it full against 
England as the common enemy of Europe. Instead of the honour 
justly due to the champion of outraged right, ordered liberty, and 
all the hicjhest interest of civilization, which Lord Grenville claimed 
for her, England under his auspices had become odious — not in one 
country alone, nor merely to popular prejudice, but. as Carysfort 
declared, universally, and to educated conviction in its most con- 
servative manifestations, whether political, social, or literary, as a 
sordid monopolist — keeping war alive for her special objects and 


Dropmore particular profit, without regarding the evils her selfish egotisin 
V 1 VT entailed on the rest of the world. It may be mentioned in this 

connection that, when negotiating early in the year with the Em- 
peror, the British Government demanded Austrian support for its 
maritime system, as the condition of English support of an Austrian 
annexation of Genoa and other territory bordering the Mediter- 
ranean, Thugut, as Lord Minto reported, jiref erred relinquishing 
Genoa to incurring the public odium to which compliance with this 
demand would expose his sovereign. Carysfort pi'oposed to employ 
Gentz, a brilliant German publicist, who stood with Burke and 
Mallet du Pan in the foremost rank of literary champions of the 
old order against revolutionary innovation, to combat hostile criti- 
cism, and educate foreign opinion to a juster appreciation of British 
policy. Ill-will, which he thought utterly unreasonable, does not 
appear to have given Lord Grenville much concern ; nor did he care 
much, perhaps, to convert antagonists whom he so frankly despised 
as " fools and madmen." Still he allowed his brother-in-law to 
retain Gentz 's literary services to explain and defend English policy, 
by a pension of £200 a year. An Introductory essay or Mcmoire, 
by the German writer sent to Lord Grenville, and included in this 
\olume, amply confirms Lord Carysfort's representations, and shows 
in what discouraging circumstances Gentz advocated a cause which 
must have seemed well-nigh desperate, until the fears excited by 
Bonaparte's unbridled ambition caused another revulsion of Euro- 
pean opinion. 

* * * * 

After the conclusion of the peace of Luneville Baron Thugut 
disappeared from the political stage on which for ten eventful years 
he had filled so lafge a space. Nothing, perhaps, in his conduct on 
it became him less than his manner of leaving it. His unavailing 
struggles, as described by Mr. Wickham, and with more of sympathy 
and indulgence by Lord Minto, to retain the direction of public 
affairs, wdtlTout enjoying the confidence of his sovereign, or being 
willing to accept arrangements which the welfare of the monarchy 
m.ade imperative, betrayed a lamentable want of personal dignity 
and public spirit. The Emperor broke his fall, and acknowledged 
his services, by the grant of an estate in Galicia. 

On the subject of the political measure whicli involved, as an 
unforeseen consequence, the downfall of Pitt's first administration. 
Legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, the correspondence 
in Volume VT. is significantly reticent. It tells us nothing of the 
means or methods by which failure in the Irish Parliamentary 
session of 1700 was converted to siiccess in that of 1800. Lord 
Grenville. no doubt, was kept well-informed of all essential par- 
ticulars by the Irish Chief Secretary. But Lord Castlereagh, instead 
of committing them to paper, appears to have reserved them for 
personal communication in London. Lord Grenville seems to have 
been equally cautious in his mode of convoyiiig intelligence to the 
Marquis of Buckingham, whose eager interest in the measure chafed 
under this unaccustomed reserve. Brief notes from Mr. Cooke, 
Under Secretary at Dublin Castle, recorded for Grenville 's informa- 


tion the daily progress of the Bill through the Irish rarliament. Dropmore 
These bulletins, though doubtless very acceptable ab the time, pos- y i^yr 
sess little historical interest. The writer's evident anxiety in regard 
to the stability of the Government majority, as numbers rose and 
fell in the division lists during the course of the debates, recalls the 
Lord Lieutenant's statement to General lloss, that half of those 
voting for the measure would be at least as much delighted by its 
•defeat as any member of the Opposition. A temperate letter from 
Lord Farnham, an L'isli peer, dealing with the fiscal part of the new 
settlement, seems to show that the arrangements fixing the propor- 
tion of taxation for each island pressed very unequally on Ireland. 
This communication does not appear to have been answered. Pitt's 
letters contain no allusion whatever to the Act of Union. A still 
deeper silence covers everything bearing on the introduction of 
the measure intended to supplement that Act, by substituting 
Ji political for a religious test as a qualification for public employ- 
ment. Two brief notes from Pitt to Grenville, dated 1st February, 
1801, refer obscurely to differences of opinion between Ministers 
and the King, and serious consequences involved. Lord Bucking- 
ham wrote to his brother on 3rd February warmly approving of the 
course adopted by the Ministry in resigning office. On the 6th 
Lord Grenville wrote to Lord Carysfort announcing the resignation 
of a majority of the Cabinet, in consequence of the King's refusal 
to sanction a Bill for the removal of the religious disabilities of 
the Irish Catholics ; the formation of a new administration by 
iMr. Addington from colleagues and followers of Mv. Pitt ; the 
writer's determination to give the new Ministers zealous support, 
and earnest hope that his personal connexions would follow his 
example. Of the unlocked for dissensions in the Cabinet, or the 
secret intrigues disclosed in Lord Stanhope's Life of Pitt, we find 
no hint whatever. One of the earliest appointments made by Mr. 
Addington gave Lord Hawkesbury charge of the Foreign Office. 
Lord Grenville wrote on 11th February in most cordial and charac- 
teristic terms, to place at his successor's service whatever knowledge 
might have been acquired by the writer in the course of " ten years' 
" observation of those wretched things which are called governments 
** on the Continent of Europe." Then the King's health broke down 
imder the strain of the political crisis ; and the formation of the 
new Ministry was suspended for several weeks. But Lord Gren- 
ville retired to Dropmore ; and beyond responding to Lord Hawkes- 
bury's requests for advice and information, seems to have taken 
no further part, except what was absolutely required by official 
formalities, in the deliberations of the Cabinet, or the transaction 
oE public business. 


The correspondence included in this volume embraces a period Vo^ VII. 
of five years: from February, 1801, to February, 1805. This com- 
parative poverty of material, the three preceding volumes covering 
altogether a period of only three years, is a consequence of the 
change in Lord Grenville 's political situation. From being a leading 
(B1720— Gp. 5) L 


member of the famous administration -which formed, sustained, and 
in a great measure directed two European coalitions against the 
French Kevolution, and the recognised organ of its foreign policy,, 
he figures as the reluctant chief of a small party, strenuously advo- 
cating the same principles in opposition, but divested of official 
authority and cut off from those sources of information which had 
overflowed in his correspondence. Still, however inferior it may 
be to its immediate predecessors in general importance as a his- 
torical record, this volume possesses peculiar interest on account 
of the light it throws on Lord Grenville's own career, of which 
these five years of opposition formed the turning point, and on the- 
domestic politics of Great Britain. Eeaders will find mirrored in 
its pages the various influences, foreign and domestic — fears and 
perils caused by the growing ascendancy of a conqueror of extra- 
ordinary genius and ambition, new motives of action arising out 
of the course of political life in England — under the operation of 
which ties that had bound Pitt and Grenville together for nearly 
twenty years, dissolved; and were, in the case of the latter, 
replaced by a union with statesmen ^ho for the same long period 
had been political foes of both. 

In order to appreciate fairly the circumstances of a separation 
still resented by many who can see no fault in a historical idol, 
it is necessary to bear in mind Lord Grenville's situation in Pitt's 
first ministry and the conditions of Mr. Addington's accession to 
power. A great deal has been said of Grenville's political obliga- 
tions to Pitt; and no one could acknowledge them more fully or in 
more grateful language than did Grenville himself. But Pitt also 
owed a^great deal to Grenville. It has become a habit in our days 
to ascribe to Pitt the merit of everything making for national glory 
or advantage that illustrates his first ministry. Panegyric of this 
sort is more than usually extravagant when applied to him. 
Perhaps no great Minister ever more freely appropriated the ideas of 
others, depended more on the assistance of able colleagues, or was 
more governed by their advice. The Dropmore correspondence 
affords abundant evidence that for considerable periods subordinate 
ministers— Lord Hawkesbury in matters of trade, Mr. Dundas in 
war. Lord Grenville in foreign relations — shaped the policy of the 
country without detracting from Pitt's supremacy. In fact, Pitt 
carried his disposition to accept advice to a fault. Friends and 
foes agreed that it too often resulted in instability of purpose, a 
condition of mind especially fatal to success in war. Where alone 
Pitt showed himself as a Minister inexorably firm and consistent 
was in whatever concerned his own power and supremacy, with 
which, it is only fair to add, in his own belief and in that of a host 
of fervent adherents, the greatness of England was closely identified. 
In his first make-shift Cabinet, all except himself members of the 
House of Lords, he had not from various causes a colleague on whom 
he could rely for efficient support. It was therefore of great import- 
ance to him' to find in a near kinsman an able, assiduous, and devoted 
helper in whom he could absolutely confide. And as the country, 
recovering from the lassitude and exhaustion which resulted from 


the American war, began again to turn attention to its Continental 3>i"pniore 
interests, and Pitt made bis first excursions into tbe field of foreign yl^vxi 
pobtics in whicb be never found bimself quite at borne, tbe need 
and tbe value of Grenville's services sensibly increased. And 
tbere was anotber advantage accruing from tbe association which 
Pitt probably prized more highly. It brought him the support of a 
powerful political connexion. Amidst all tbe selfish aims and 
freaks of morbid egotism which distorted Lord Buckingham's public 
conduct, he never wavered in affection for his youngest brother, 
or in care for bis interests. At various times this tio alone kept 
him steady in bis support of Pitt's administration; and it prob- 
ably to this family influence with its command of votes in tbe House 
of Commons, rather than to bis own merits or tbe Prime ]Minister's 
appreciation of them, that Grenville owed his rapid advancement 
in an official career. Pitt and he, though strongly attached to each 
other, and having some personal traits in common, differed much in 
character and sentiment. Grenville was a Whig aristocrat, after 
the pattern of tbe statesmen who governed England from tbe 
Pevolution of 1G88 to the death of George II., who regarded France 
as a natural enemy, and were equally jealous of tbe Pioyal prerogative 
and of everything that savoured of democratic innovation. Although 
always ready to sacrifice bis position in the ministry to Pitt's con- 
venience, no matter bow the change might affect his prospects or 
inclination, on points involving principle or personal conviction he 
showed himself inflexible even to obstinacy, and incapable of com- 
promise. Pitt's opinions and sympathies were rather those of the 
great mercantile class whose good opinion be sedulously cultivated. 
His intellect expanded in peace and found congenial exercise in 
finance and the development of trade and industry. It seemed to 
shrivel and become sterilized in the breath of war. By nature and 
training he was more liberal than Grenville; more pliant in dis- 
cussion; but also much more prone to make expediency, which 
always kept in view his own predominance in tbe State, the rule of 
bis political conduct. He had talent of a very high order, and 
transcendent gifts as a Parliamentary leader, without a spark oi 
his father's genius. When tbe Whig statesmen who bad separated 
from Fox coalesced with Pitt in 1794, they all, with the exception 
of tbe Duke of Portland, seem to have found themselves in closer 
agreement with Lord Grenville than with their chief, or tbe Tory 
members of tbe Cabinet such as Mr. Dundas and Lord Hawkesbury. 
Lord Spencer and Mr. Windham resigned office with him in 1801 
solely on the Catholic question. All of them seem to have accepted 
indefinite exclusion from office as a consequence of their decision. 
Lord Grenville sold his town house, and retired to Dropmore, with 
the declared intention of restricting attendance in Parliament to 
particular emergencies. Pitt's resignation seems to have been 
due to various causes, of which tbe Catholic question was only 
one. No doubt he would have preferred to make the passing of tbe 
Act of Union the occasion of emancipating Irish Catholics. But 
w^ben after discussion with Lords Clare and Auckland he became 
persuaded that tbe measure might more easily be carried through 
;(B1720— Gp. 5) L 2 


the Irish Parhameut on the old lines of Protestant ascendency, he 
threw the Catholic cause over. He enlisted Auckland's aid in fram- 
ing the financial provisions of the Act on this understanding. 
George III.'s letter to him approving of his sending Lord Corn- 
wallis to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant to pass the Act, expressly 
forbad all further concession to Catholics. Pitt knew from what 
had passed during Lord FitzWilliam's vice-royalty in 1795 that 
this aversion was of the strongest kind, deep-rooted in religious 
scruple. When, however, after an unsuccessful trial, the Irish 
Government assured him that an Act of Union could not be passed 
without the help, or at least the neutrality, of the Irish Catholics, 
the Cabinet under his guidance authorised Lord Castlereagh to 
assure them that it favoured their claims. Armed with this new 
means of influence, Cornwallis passed the Act, but Pitt neither 
informed the King of his change of attitude towards the Catholics, 
nor the Catholics of the King's continued opposition to their claims. 
When the time came to redeem the pledge implied in the assurances 
given by the Irish Government, he hesitated and delayed until the 
secret was betrayed to the King by the Lord Chancellor, who led a 
large minority of the Cabinet in unexpected revolt ; and the agitation 
produced by the revelation in the King's mind forced on an explana- 
tion. As Pitt afterwards told Canning, this loss of supremacy he 
had hitherto exercised in his own Cabinet " obliged him to resign." 
And there appears to have been another which the King and 
Canning thought the principal motive. General distress and dis- 
content caused by a succession of bad harvests, the unpopularity 
of the war, the isolation of the country consequent on the defeat 
of its Continental allies, and the derangement of national credit, 
had convinced Pitt of the necessity of peace with France. But in 
existing circumstances he could not hope to obtain such terms as 
would satisfy Lord Grenville and colleagues who shared Grenville's 
views. As Dundas said, it was desirable in the interests of the 
party that a new administration should be formed to negotiate peace. 
It seems clear, also, that Pitt and his more intimate confidants 
regarded the Addington ministry as a temporary expedient which 
v/ould facilitate his return to the helm under more favourable cir- 
cumstances, and, in the mean time, enable him to remain in power 
though divested of office. Addington, one of his oldest friends and 
followers, only consented to obey the Eoyal command at Pitt's 
earnest solicitation, enforced by an absolute promise of counsel and 
support. The exact terms of this pledge are not on record; but 
Pitt informed Canning that it bound him until Addington himself, 
or the King, or Parliament called on him to form another Govern- 
ment. Before new arrangements were completed in February, 
1801, the King's reason gave way for some weeks under the strain 
of excitement. When his Majesty recovered he sent Dr. Willis with 
a message to Pitt wliich announced to him this restoration to health 
and reproached him with causing the illness. Pitt, in Addington's 
presence, charged Willis with the answer that he would never raise 
the Catholic question again during his Sovereign's reign. George 
III. expressed satisfaction and relief, and for some days Pitt and 


those in close touch witli him, Dundas, Canning, and Eose, oxpected Dropmore 
a Royal refusal to accept his resignation. But tlie King said noth- vI^Vtt 
ing more, and when it was suggested to Addington that he should ' 
advise his Majesty to retain Pitt's services as Prime Minister, 
Addington declined. They could, he replied, offer that counsel 
themselves and take the responsibility of the effect it might have 
on the King's health. Pitt then interfered to curb the zeal of 
impatient adherents and gave up the seals. But he seems to have 
left Lord Grenville in complete ignorance of the pledge he had 
given to the King and the expectations he had founded on it. The 
relations of these two statesmen to the new ministry differed widely 
from the outset. Pitt was its avowed protector and confidential 
adviser. Grenville was a candid friend who extended patronage to it 
on condition of good behaviour. In the minds of personal adherents 
of both it appears to have excited the same feelings of derision and 
distrust. Canning would only promise Pitt not to laugh at the new 
ministers, and seems to have allowed himself some latitude in 
performance. Lord Grenville 's correspondence shows how he failed 
to reconcile his nearest connexions to his own attitude of toleration. 
In fact, in point of ability, the new Cabinet presented a very un- 
favourable contrast to the last. It was composed of the inefficient 
members of the late Cal^inet, Portland, Westmorland, and Chatham, 
and recruits of more or less promise, but selected mainly on account 
of conformity to the King's political views. iVddington himself, an 
admirable Speaker of the House of Commons, had made no mark in 
politics. Lord Hawkesbury, son of the old leader of the " King's 
friends," now Earl of Liverpool, succeeded Grenville at the Foreign 
Office. Lord Loughborough, " an engineer hoist with his own 
petard," found himself, to his great astonishment, notonly deprived 
of the Great Seal which the King gave to Sir John Scott, created 
Lord Eldon, but altogether excluded from the ministry. Lord 
Auckland, Loughborough's reputed confederate, " an eternal intri- 
guer," his Majesty said, again missed his aim of Cabinet office; but 
Lord Hobart, his son-in-law, replaced Dundas as Secretary of State 
for War. ]\Ir. Pelham, who enjoyed an extraordinary reputation for 
statesmanship which his political career hardly justified, joined the 
Cabinet for a short time at the special rec|uest of the King, but 
never seems to have won the confidence of his colleagues, or to have 
acted cordially with them. But though weak in ability, the new 
administration possessed in abundance other elements of political 
strength. Formed on no-Popery and high Tory lines, it enjoyed in 
complete measure the favour of the Crown. Addington was a 
minister after the King's own heart. With Pitt's support he com- 
manded large majorities in both Houses of Parliament. The Whig 
Opposition showed forbearance to a ministry that was known to 
desire peace, and, in advocating peace. Fox now represented public, 
opinion. At the same time Addington 's courteous and conciliatory 
tnanners disarmed personal jealousies and dislikes. 

At the outset also Fortune smiled on the new administration. 
In April intelligence came of two great victories, which lightened 
the depression caused by a long run of disaster. The first was the 


sudden breaking up of the " armed neutrality of the North." Lord 
Spencer had dispatched a powerful fleet under Admirals Parker 
and Nelson to assail this league at Copenhagen, its most vulnerable 
point. News of a battle fought by Nelson against the Danes on 
1st April, was followed in a few days by the receipt of a convention 
concluded by Parker with the Crown Prince of Denmark, by which 
the beUigerents agreed to suspend hostilities for fourteen weeks, 
with liberty, if either thought fit, to renew the conflict at the end 
of that period. 

* * * * 

Following fast on the news from the North came intelligence of 
General Abercromby's brilliant victory of 21st March which de- 
molished French supremacy in Egypt. In this case also military 
skill and valour had been largely favoured by fortune. 

* * * * 

In June, 1801, Dord St. Helens and Count Panin signed a treaty 
at St. Petersburg!! which practically ended the quarrel between 
Great Britain and the Northern Confederacy for the defence of 
neutral trade. Each party made concessions, and the treaty was 
generally held to constitute a reasonable settlement. But when 
communicated by Lord Hawkesbury to Lord Grenville it drew from 
the latter a long letter of severe criticism and unfavourable comment. 

On 1st October, after discussions extending over five months, 
preliminaries of peace between France and England were signed 
in London by Lord Hawkesbury and M. Otto. Lord Hawkesbury 
immediately announced the event to Lord Grenville. " We retain 
" possession," he wrote, " of Ceylon and Trinidad; the Cape of 
" Good Hope is to be made a free port; Malta is to be restored to 
" the Order, under the guarantee and protection of a third Power; 
" Egypt is to be restored to the Turks; the integrity of the Turkish 
" Empire and Portugal to bo maintained; the kingdom of Naples 
" and the Pioman territory to be evacuated by the French armies. 
" I am inclined to hope that, under all the circumstances, you 
" will consider this an honourable peace." On the same day Pitt, 
in announcing the signature of the treaty to Lord Carrington, de- 
scribed the conditions as " highly honourable and advantageous 
" to the country, although not perhaps in every point exactly all that 
" was to be wished." In Lord Grenville they aroused intense indig- 
nation. He denounced the surrender of the Cape and Malta as a 
sacrifice of the honour, interests, and even safety of the monarchy. 
His brothers were equally unmeasured in condemnation. Before 
deciding, however, how the treaty should affect his relations with 
the ministry, he wrote to his principal colleagues in the late Cabinet 
to gather their opinions. Pitt defended it as highly expedient in 
existing circumstances. Dundas's reply, marked secret and confi- 
dential, was characteristic. He emphatically condemned the con- 
cessions to France, but declared his intention to refrain from all 
censure, private as well as public, so as not to weaken an adminis- 
tration acceptable to the King. Lord Spencer and Mr. Windham 
having expressed full concurrence in his views. Lord Grenville gave 
notice to Mr. Addington of his intention to oppose the policy of 


Government in its dealings with Russia and France. He did so Dropmore 
M-hen Parliament met in an elaborate speech, which, after under- ^^^S- '■ 
gomg careful revision, was published by Cobbott, editor of the ^^''^- ^^^ 
Porcupine, the most virulent assailant of Addington in the ranks of 
the press. But it produced little immediate eti'ect. Public opinion 
was almost unanimous for peace. A mere handful of peers followed 
Lord Grenville in the House of Lords. In the House of Commons 
\^mdham did not venture to divide. Henceforth, however, Lord 
Grenville seems to have assailed the ministry with a personal 
animosity which it is not easy to account for, considering that the 
provocation was merely a political difference in which his opponents 
had the nation on their side. Addington and Hav.-kesbury had 
spared no pains to retain his goodwill. They had offered an 
embassy to his brother, and to his brother-in-law, and given appoint- 
ments to Mr. Wickham and other friends whose fortunes he had 
recommended to their care. Even when not agreeing witli him, 
they had invariably shown deference to his counsels. But it would 
-appear from his correspondence that from the moment of their 
opening negotiations with Russia, and more particularly with 
France, he watched their proceedings with contemptuous distrust. 
The fact seems to be that hatred of the French Eevolution, and of 
Bonaparte especially, had mastered his judgment, and distorted his 
political vision. He could only see in the First Consul " a tiger 
let loose to devour mankind," and in the Consular Government 
a band of robbers and assassins " that neither could or would make 
peace. It should be recollected that, at this period at least, the 
Consular Government was probably the best France had seen for 
many centuries. It found the country at war with all the great 
powers of Europe except Spain and Prussia, convulsed by internal 
discord, and in imminent peril of being over-run and partitioned. 
It used the victories it gained to make peace with foreign nations ; 
while at home it reorganised the State, reformed law, re-established 
tranquillity, order, and public credit, and restored religion. 

Having liberated his mind by a public declaration against the 
Government, Lord Grenville retired to Dropmore and found solace 
during several months in literary and rural pursuits. 

x\ddington, while leaning mainly on Pitt, lost no opportunity of 
strengthening his position by conciliating ^Yhig opponents and, if 
possible, converting them into friends. Although Mr. Grey and 
Lord INIoira declined offers of seats in the Cabinet, several of the 
Whig leaders, more conspicuously Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Tierney, 
gave him active support in the House of Commons with the avowed 
purpose of excluding Pitt. During debate on the Budget, a fierce 
attack on Pitt's finance by Tierney, but faintly repelled, as it was 
thought, by Addington, deeply incensed the late Prime ^Minister, 
and brought him up from Walmer in February, 1802, to demand 
explanations of his successor, which apparently allayed his resent- 
ment. While in town he called on Thomas Grenville and ex- 
pressed great apprehensions of the danger threatening the country 
from Bonaparte's hostility and ambition. ]Mr. Grenville, in report- 
ing this conversation to Dropmore, remonstrated with his brother 


for relinquishing by a life of seclusion all opportunity of influencing 
the political action of his old leader. Shortly afterwards a motion 
in the House of Commons reflecting on Lord Wellesley's proceed- 
ings in India, afforded an occasion for consultation which each of the 
estranged statesmen willingly seized. But although in conference 
at Dropmore they thoroughly agreed as to the danger to which the 
monarchy was exposed by Bonaparte's designs, they disagreed in 
regard to the policy that should be adopted. Pitt still thought 
peace highly advantageous if combined with vigilance and prepara- 
tions for war; Grenville saw in it only inevitable ruin. But the 
meeting revived old habits of confidential discussion, and the inter- 
change of friendly visits to Walmer and Dropmore. 
* * * * 

During the summer and autumn of 1802 some of Pitt's intimate 

friends grew daily more urgent with him to resume the direction 

of public affairs. Pitt fully concurred with them that the time had 

come for his return to office, but his pledges to Addington bound 

him hand and foot, as neither the King nor the public, nor the 

Prime Minister himself showed the slightest desire for any change 

of administration. Lord INIalmesbury and Canning therefore set 

themselves to compel or persuade Addington to relinquish his post. 

Pitt had been seriously unwell during the summer. It was arranged 

that he should repair to Bath as well for the restoration of his 

strength as to escape from his compromising position of standing 

counsel to the ministry, whose reputation for wisdom had not been 

raised by Lord Hawkesbury's injudicious meddling in Swiss affairs. 

Before he left Walmer Lord Grenville arrived there, not acting in 

concert with the others, but not less eager that his old chief should 

wrest the helm of state from incompetent hands which were letting 

it drift on political breakers. In the course of discussion Pitt 

sounded Grenville as to their uniting to form a new ministry, which 

should include Addington and some of his colleagues, and exclude 

the Catholic question from its programme. Grenville asked time to 

consult the leading members of the " now Opposition " before giving 

a definite answer. On his part he seems to have converted Pitt 

to his avowed opinion that the safety of the country required the 

permanent, or at least continued, occupation of INIalta, Alexandria, 

and the Cape of Good Hope by British garrisons, in breach of the 

treaty of Amiens. At Bath Pitt found himself surrounded by 

friends intent on paving the way for his return tO' office. With 

the view of preparing the King for a change of Ministers, Lord 

Malmesbury opened the subject in confidence to the Duke of York, 

who expressed warm approbation ; but being too cautious to entangle 

himself in political intrigue, suggested that some man of high. 

political standing, another Duke for preference, should wait on 

Addington and impress on him the expediency of giving place to 

Pitt. The nearest approach to a Duke availal)le seems to have 

been the Lord Chancellor, who, on being asked to undertake the 

mission, required time for consideration. Then Canning, giving 

effect in a more general form to the Duke of York's suggestion, 

drew up an address to the Prime Minister, which, having been 


shown by Alalmcsbury to Pitt, I^ords ]\Iorpctli and Leveson Gower Uiopmore 
carried round to intiuential members of both Houses of Parliament Vol VII 
for their signatures. But the movement had little success, and at 
Pitt's request, was not persevered in. Meantime Lord Grenville 
had informed his brothers of the overture made to him at Walmer. 
Lord Buckingham earnestly deprecated such a coalition as that 
proposed by Pitt on the ground that it must inflict irreparable 
damage on Lord Grenville's public character. And tliis view pre- 
vailing at a meeting of the brothers and Lord Spencer at Stowe, 
Lord Grenville wrote to Pitt declaring himself bound by it, but 
offering to support any administration Pitt might form. Pitt's reply 
expressed deep regret for the decision come to at Stowe. But, he 
added, that he had changed his mind in regard to his own line of 
conduct, since the conference at ^Yalmer. The refusal of the other 
European powers to interfere in Switzerland showed that war with 
France could only be undertaken now under most unfavourable 
circumstances. He thought, therefore, that any measure, such as 
a refusal to evacuate Alexandria, which would certainly provoke 
immediate hostilities should be avoided; and while peace was main- 
tained, he saw no public benefit that could accrue from his resump- 
tion of ol^ce. It may be noticed here that when, in conversation at 
Bath, Lord Malmesbury made some disparaging remark about 
Lord Grenville, Pitt spoke in the highest terms of the qualities 
of lus former colleague, and declared that he could not dispense 
T\-ith his assistance. 

In a hostile atmosphere at Bath Pitt seemed for a time deter- 
mined to break with Addington. He returned, unopened, papers 
submitted to him by Lord Hawkesbury on the plea of want of 
access to other sources of information. But the Prime ^linister 
sent his brother Hiley, and Lord Castlereagh who had joined the 
Cabinet, on missions to his imperious protector, and by these 
marks of deference deferred a rupture. In fact Pitt had no cause 
of complaint against Addington that did not arise almost inevitably 
out of the situation he himself had created. He was impatient of 
Addington 's reluctance to relinquish the position of Prime Minister, 
fully sharing the conviction expressed by Lord Grenville, Mr. 
Canning, and other ardent friends, that he alone could save Great 
Britain from the perils to which it was exposed from Bonaparte's 
ambition. But it was hardly reasonable to expect that Addington 
should see the situation in the same light. Addington had resigned 
the Speakership without compensation, at the earnest request of 
the King, and Pitt's own urgent entreaties, in order, as he seems to 
have believed, to rescue his Sovereign from a situation which 
threatened his reason, if not his life. He was naturally elated by 
the extraordinary marks of Eoyal favour showered on him, by his 
large majorities in Parliament, and by the success of his adminis- 
tration at home and abroad. The condition of the country had 
improved rapidly under his government. He had given no pledges 
to Pitt, and had done nothing to forfeit the benefit of the pledges 
given to himself. For the ministry had deferred to Pitt's counsels 
with a docility, or rather servility, sometimes discreditable to them- 


Dropmore selves and injurious to the State. When he arrived at Bath fresh 
Volfvil ^^'°^^^ contact with Grenville, Pitt advised them to hold possession 
of Alexandria and the Cape. Orders to this effect were immediately 
despatched fi'om London to the officers in command at both places. 
When the order reached Cape Town, the Dutch governor and garri- 
son had lauded; the British garrison had nearly all embarked, and 
rushed back from the transports before the eyes of the astonished 
Dutchmen. From Alexandria, Colonel Sebastiani, a French agent, 
reported to Bonaparte late in November that the British commander 
had no instructions to quit the place, although the time fixed for 
evacuation by the treaty of Amiens had long elapsed. Then Pitt, 
as we have seen, suddenly changed his mind. The ministry, he 
wrote again, should limit their measures of precaution to more 
than ordinary vigilance and preparation. A new arrangement, he 
added, must be made in regard to Malta. The War Office imme- 
diately countermanded its recent orders, and both the Cape and 
Alexandria were evacuated in Februar^^ 1803. The intimation from 
Bath regarding Malta was followed with the same implicit obedience. 
Addington's finance was another sore point with Pitt. Two 
plentiful harvests had now followed seasons of dearth in England. 
Discontent calmed down. Trade and revenue flourished, and the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer's statement, in introducing his Budget, 
exhibited a picture of national prosperity in some respects over- 
coloured, and apparently unfair to his predecessor. Pitt also seems 
to have resented the complacency with which Addington listened to 
compliments from Opposition leaders, and especially to Sheridan's 
brilliant speeches, bristling with invective against the late ministry, 
as want -of loyalty to himself. But then, as Addington's friends 
remarked, it was his own intentional absence from Parliament for 
the purpose of avoiding close communication with the ministry which 
had deprived him of opportunities for rectifying mistakes, and 
answering personal attacks, as he alone could. At Christmas Pitt 
left Bath, and after brief visits to Lords Malmesbury and Grenville, 
went on to Bromley to stay with Mr. Long, a common friend of 
Addington and himself. He appears to have been still in favour 
of maintaining peace. A few years more of tranquillity, he told 
Lord INIalmesbury, would so improve the financial condition of 
England as to enable the country to bear the strain of war, no 
matter how prolonged. At Bromley he met Addington, apparently 
on their old friendly footing, and he spent some days at Eichmond 
Lodge which the King had given to his favourite minister for life, 
as a country residence. But Addington, though he must have 
known of the movement for Pitt's return to office, avoided allusion 
to the subject, except by a hurried word at parting, which signified 
nothing. Pitt went back to Walmer decidedly out of humour with 
this unexpected reticence. And, excepting a confidential letter of 
advice to his brother Lord Chatham, held no communication with 
any member of the Government during the next two months. 
* * * * 

Pitt's action in the House of Commons in dealing with the 
motion of want of confidence in the ministry was deeply resented by. 


Addington and liis friends, miicli as they exulted in its conspicuous Dropmore 
failure. They regarded it as a stab in the back ironr one pledged ^p'--^ 
to support them. Addington, they complained, though head of 
an administration which enjoyed the undiminished confidence of 
the King and the Parliament, had offered to make way for Pitt, 
yet Pitt had dealt it a treacherous blow because it declined to 
coalesce with declared foes, whose enmity had been incurred by 
following his advice. Their resentment found expression in an 
anonymous pamphlet, which must have stung Pitt to the quick. A 
paper war followed, from which Lord Grenville conceived hopes 
of working again in thorough co-operation with his old friend and 
leader. In conference, their views and feelings seemed to coincide 
exactly. They agreed that the situation of the country was peri- 
lous ; and that the peril was greatly enhanced by an incompetent 
administration. But when it came to a question of combined action 
for placing the direction of public affairs in more capable hands, 
Pitt drew back. He would heap scorn on the ministry, or damn it 
with faint praise as an independent critic, but do nothing to dis- 
lodge it from otSce. This attitude greatly puzzled and disheartened 
the " New Opposition." They began to doubt whether, while pro- 
fessing to respond with equal unreserve to the entire frankness 
with which Lord Grenville laid bare his views and intentions, Pitt, 
governed by secret ties or motives, was not playing a game of his 
own. An unlooked for disclosure did much to stimulate this grow- 
ing distrust. During a visit to Lord Carj-sfort at Eltham in the 
month of October, the Bishop of Lincoln told his host of the letter 
given or dictated by Pitt to Dr. Willis for the King, in Addington's 
presence, undertaking to lend no further countenance to the 
Catholic claims during his Majesty's reign; and the hopes founded 
on this communication of Pitt's remaining in office, which the Bishop 
thought had been blasted by Addington's secret machinations. The 
knowledge of this incident coming as a surprise to Lord Grenville 
and his friends, did much, apparently, to shake the confidence of the 
party in Pitt's sincerity. 

As autumn faded into winter the political aspect grew darker 
without anything like correct appreciation by the British Ministry 
of the magnitude of the danger to which the kingdom was exposed. 
In fact, neither Lord Hobart, Secretary of State for War, nor any 
of his colleagues, was capable of rising to the full height of the 
emergency, because none of them was able to conceive what was 
possible for extraordinary genius and energy having absolute com- 
mand of the strength and resources of such a powerful state as 
France had now become. Moreover, they seem to have swallowed 
with avidity Lord Whitworth's encouraging assurances that Bona- 
parte was universally hated and despised, and utterly without means 
of engaging in naval warfare. It was the old story of mistaking 
the whisper of faction for the voice of a nation. No doubt war 
with England was intensely unpopular in France. But the refusal 
of the English Government to fulfil the treaty of Amiens enabled 
Bonaparte to shift on to it the odium of hostilities. It was a 
challenge which, as he said, could not be declined without loss of 

Vol. VII, 


DMpmore honour, and in taking it up he had the support of all the great 
bodies of the State, and the vast majority of the French people 
His financial difficulties were serious, but not insuperable. A rapid 
revival of national prosperity under his rule, and a more skilful 
and economical management of public resources, had brought up the 
annual revenue of France to 24,000,000/., which amply covered 
ordinary expenditure in time of peace. This equilibrium, however, 
had been disturbed by a costly and disastrous expedition to St. 
Domingo. And war with England on the scale which he now 
designed required an additional annual expenditure of about 
8,000,000/. Though French credit had greatly improved, the 5 per 
cent, rente, which fell below 10 under the Directory, had not yet 
reached 50, so that he could only borrow on usurious terms which 
his economical temper rejected. But by selling Louisiana to the 
United States for 60,000,000 of francs, he disarmed American 
jealousy which his colonial policy had aroused, and improved his 
financial position. He commuted the aid in soldiers and vessels 
of war Spain was bound to furnish to France by the treaty of St. 
Ildefonso for a considerable monthly subsidy. And these supplies, 
augmented by voluntary contributions from France, forced contri- 
butions from dependent republics, and an improved system of 
taxation enabled him to begin preparations for a descent on England 
with his usual secrecy and vigour. 

In the same credulous spirit the ministry eagerly encouraged 
schemes of the emigrant princes for the overthrow of the Consular 
Government, which exposed itself to much obloquy and ridicule, 
had tragic issues for the House of Bourbon, and opened a way for 
the great enemy of that House to the summit of his ambition. 
* * * * 

The Editor confidently appeals to correspondence contained in 
this volume as completely clearing Lord Grenville from aspersions 
cast on him by modern worshippers of Pitt, who can see nothing 
to blame in their hero, and make Grenville the scapegoat for 
faults and failure which darkened the melancholy close of a great 
career. " It was from a sense of loyalty to Grenville," it is said, 
" that Pitt had suffered the negotiation for his return to office in 
" 1803 to fall through, and now when the two statesmen could return 
'' together, and when, if ever, a strong government was needed, 
" either a quixotic sense of honour or wounded pride induced Gren- 
" ville not only to stand aloof from the now administration him- 
" self, but to do his utmost to prevent others from giving it theii 
" support." It was not from loyalty to Grenville, but because 
he could not form an efficient administration without the statesmen 
of the " New Opposition " who had given such strength and 
character to his first ministry, that Pitt broke off negotiation with 
Addington in 1803. Neither was it a quixotic sense of honour or 
wounded pride that induced Grenville to stand aloof from Pitt's 
last administration. He could not have acted otherwise except in 
plain violation of principle and good faith. Moreover, he had 
specially warned Pitt that neither he nor any of his political friends 
would consent to accept office contrary to the King's inclinations. 


Grenville's letters to Pitt are frank disclosures of the writer's views 3>i"opniore 
and purposes, animated by warm affection for liis old leader, and y^i^yu 
strong disinclination to separate from him which onl}- a deep sense 
of public duty and urgent remonstrances from the friends who had 
followed him into opposition were able to overcome. They boar 
the impress of sincerity, and carry a conviction of it to the mind 
.of the reader; and however prejudiced or intemperate some of the 
views expressed in them may appear, there is no trace in them of 
secret motive or personal ambition. Pitt's conduct, as revealed 
in his letters to Grenville, was that of a man hampered by un- 
avowed pledges, playing a political game of his own, and conse- 
quently, sparing of confidence, uncertain and ambiguous in action. 
On points concerning the security of the monarchy, about which they 
had disagreed, Pitt in the long run came round to Grenville's views. 
But even when expressing full concurrence he refused, no doubt 
from unwillingness to offend the King, to join in any attempt to 
give practical effect to those views by constitutional action in 
Parliament, until Grenville took that responsibility on himself 
by independent movement, wdiich finally carried him into a political 
connection incompatible with Pitt's personal objects, and there- 
fore made separation inevitable. As for the charge that Grenville 
did his utmost to prevent the Whigs from joining Pitt, its sole 
foundation seems to be unworthy, certainly uiifriendly, conjecture. 
No evidence is alleged for it. Lord Stanhope, who frankly avows 
a strong bias in favour of Pitt, founded on hereditary affection and 
gratitude, gives it no countenance. There is not a hint of it in the 
Whig memoirs of the time. All the known circumstances tell 
against it. Separate meetings of the two branches of the Opposi- 
tion to consider Pitt's proposals, were held at the same time. The 
Whigs met at Carlton House, the Grenvillites at Camelford House, 
and appear to have deliberated and decided with entire indepen- 
dence. Nearly all the leading Whigs agreed with Fox in disliking 
and distrusting Pitt, and, as plainly appeared a year later, would 
not consent to serve under him. In Grenville's own party there was 
no difference of opinion as to the line of conduct imposed on them 
by the dictates of duty and honour. All Lord Grenville's corre- 
spondence, all that is known of his character from trustworthy 
sources, show him to have been incapable of anything savouring of 
base and secret intrigue; and that too against one for whom, as this 
volume amply testifies, his gratitude and affection burned brightly 
to the last. Lord Brougham's emphatic testimony to the great 
increase of public reputation accruing to the Whigs from Lord 
Grenville's connection w'ith them is well known. In the last 
volume of the Memoirs of the Whig Party, edited ])y Lord Ilchester, 
Lord Holland refers in the following terms to Grenville's separation 
from the Whigs in 1819: " It is painful that so honourable a career 
" should end by a separation from many connected with and 
" attached to him. The termination, however, like the course of it, 
^* was manly and direct. There was nothing sordid, nothing per- 
" sonal, nothing even inconsistent in it, on either side. I, for one, 
^ feel that among the rare gratifications of a public life, the reflec- 


Dropmore " tion of having known and acted with such a man as Lord 
^^^•^; " Grenville is not the least. . . . Mr. Fox gave me his true 

"character in one word in 1805, when he said, 'I like Lord 
Grenville. He is a direct man.' " The political divergence 
which has been so unfairly criticized, and which dated from 1801, 
w^as the result of a difference of ruling motive. Grenville 's domi- 
nant idea M-as' the welfare of the monarchy, without alloy of per- 
sonal aim; Pitt's was the welfare of the monarchy guided or 
governed by himself. In the circumstances of the State, Pitt'& 
intense egotism and love of power became a public calamity. To 
stand in the way of his ambition was an offence that seems to have 
erased from his mind the longest record of friendship and service. 
For that offence, he treated Grenville as he had treated Addington; 
not only discarding him as a friend, but even withholding fi-om 
him the courtesy due to mere acquaintance. Had he been willing, 
as Fox was, to take office under a chief acceptable to both, the 
strong administration desired by all parties, and demanded by the 
public interests, might have been formed. As was seen after his 
death, the King must have given way when he had no longer a 
great minister ""s personal ambition to fall back upon. These 
dominating characteristics also became a misfortune for himself. 
In the early vigour of life, with a good cause, the favour of the 
Crown, and the support of the people, they had helped him along 
a path of peaceful reform and development, most favourable to the 
exercise of his great powers, to a height of fame and authority few 
English statesmen have reached. In the last stage of his career, 
when, in broken health, having lost public confidence, deriving 
little support from King or Cabinet, he found himself pitted in 
mortal strife against one of those men of all-embracing genius who 
appear at long intervals to dazzle and subdue the world, they led 
him, blindfold, from humiliation to humiliation, fi'om disaster to 

The measure, styled the Additional Forces Bill, brought in by 
the new Government to secure the country from invasion, and 
supply the shortcomings of its predecessors in office, proved a 
conspicuous failure. Assailed by all the parties in opposition, 
it exposed Pitt to the same taunts of incapacity he had so freely 
flung at Addington. Amidst the jeers of Addington's followers his- 
majority in one important division fell below 30; and though he 
got through the session without actual defeat, he could no longer 
hope to bear up long against the increasing responsibility of his 
situation, without some notable acquisition of strength. He had 
also to contend against disadvantages arising out of the King's 
recurring malady, now complicated by incipient blindness; and dis- 
sensions in the royal family. Interesting details in connexion with 
the former subject may be found in Lord Buckingham's letters to 
his brother, the information they contain being derived from General 
Grenville and Mr. Freemantle, intimate friends of the Marquis, who 
filled confidential posts at Court. In regard to the latter subject, 
it may be stated that the King had refused an application from the 
Prince of AA'ales for high command in the territorial forces raised 

to repel invasion. Incensed by what he considered an insult, the Drojnaore 
Prince absented liimself from Coui-t. Shortly after the change of ^ ^^VTT 
ministry in May, one of the more dangerous crises that periodically 
marked the course of his father's disorder, and an omission to 
publish the medical bulletins, led him to imagine that a regency 
was necessarily impending. In this persuasion he summoned to 
Carlton House Fox, Grenville, and other leaders of the coalition, 
constituted them his Privy Council, and by their advice addressed a 
letter to the Lord Chancellor challenging the conduct of the 
ministry in carrying on government during the sovereign's inca- 
pacity without authority from Parliament. The Chancellor replied 
that ministers stood on their constitutional responsibility, and 
enclosed the bulletins, which hardly justified the Prince's indictment. 
When the King got better Pitt sought to reconcile him with his 
son, by inducing the latter to accede to his Majesty's desire of bring- 
ing up under his own immediate care the Princess Charlotte of 
Wales, eventual heiress to the Crown, then living at Carlton House. 
The Prince expressed his willingness to meet his father's wishes, 
and authorised Lord Moira to explain to Pitt and Lord Eldon, repre- 
senting the King, the conditions on which his consent would be 
given. These appear to have been (1) that his wife, now living 
apart from him, should not be suffered to interfere in any v>ay with 
their daughter's education, and (2) that he himself should have full 
liberty to choose his political connections. At this stage of the 
business, marks of favour publicly bestowed by the King on the 
Princess of Wales so enraged her husband that he broke an appoint- 
ment for an interview with his father, and all hope of agreement 
seemed at an end. Through the continued good offices of Pitt and 
INIoira, the interview took place later in the year at Kew, and was 
followed by a short visit of the Prince to Windsor Castle. During 
these meetings the King treated his son with cold civility, refrained 
from all allusion to his grand-daughter, and after the Prince's de- 
parture from Windsor paid another visit to his daughter-in-law at 
(jreenwich. He then ordered the Lord Chancellor to transmit to his 
son a memorandum of the arrangements he proposed for the educa- 
tion of Princess Charlotte. This paper contained no notice of the 
conditions laid down by the Prince, who returned it to the Chan- 
cellor, and refused to discuss his father's proposals, except through 
Lord Moira, then absent in Scotland. When Moira returned to 
London in December, 1804, his communications with the Lord 
Chancellor were resumed, and were continued at uncertain intervals 
during the whole of 1805. In the end the Prince of Wales seems to 
have had his way. It was arranged that the young Princess should 
live for half of the year with her grandfather, and for the other half 
with her father, and that her education should be carried on under 
their joint control. For the greater convenience of readers all the 
letters on this subject have been brought together in the 

* * 

Having failed to recruit his political strength at the expense 
of the Whig party, Pitt had two courses before him; to open the 


Dropmore way by resignation for the formation of a stronger Government, or 
Vol VII *° ^^®^ assistance from Addington, whom he had treated with such 
contumely, but who retained in opposition a considerable following 
in the House of Commons. His wisest friends counselled the 
former course. The King, however, brought all his influence to 
bear in promoting the latter; and Addington, who had also to over- 
come strong objections on the part of leading adherents, consented 
to join the administration with Lord Buckinghamshire and Mr. 
Vansittart, on certain specified terms. This junction so . far 
answered Pitt's purpose as to enable the ministry at the opening of 
the session of 1805 to command a sufficient majority in the House 
of Commons. But Pitt's jealousy of power made real union im- 
possible. Addington having submitted, after a long struggle, to 
quit the chamber from which he derived political consequence, 
found himself, as Lord Sidmouth and Lord Privy Seal, a mere 
cipher in the Cabinet and the House of Lords. He had to share 
responsibility for important measures about which he was not 
consulted, nor allowed any share in shaping. As he smarted under 
a sense of his mortifying position, controversy arising out of the 
charges preferred in the House of Commons against his colleague 
Lord Melville made it still more irksome. Lord St. Vincent, First 
Lord of the Admiralty in the Addington administration, had 
appointed a commission to investigate and report on irregularities in 
the accounts of the navy during the period when Melville held 
the office of Treasurer; and Sidmouth had stipulated on joining 
Pitt that this commission should have the support of Government, 
and that himself and his followers should enjoy full liberty of action 
in connection with its reports. The 10th Keport of the Commission, 
issued in February, 1805, incriminated Lord Melville. Sidmouth, 
who thought the evidence conclusive, proposed that Melville should 
at once resign. Pitt, on the other hand, thought that the Govern- 
ment should stand or fall in defence of Melville's innocence. 
Neither opinion seems to have prevailed in the Cabinet; but when 
Mr. Whitbread's resolution, carried in the House of Commons by 
the casting vote of the Speaker, drove Melville from office, Pitt, 
instead of appointing Lord Buckinghamshire First Lord of the 
Admiralty as Sidmouth had every reason to expect, gave the vacant 
post to Sir Charles Middleton, a veteran admiral, who was regarded 
at the time as a mere stop-gap. Sidmouth, Buckinghamshire, and 
Vansittart sent in their resignations. But as the session was at its 
height, the support of the seceders could not be dispensed with. 
By the personal intervention of the King, and explanations and 
promises from Pitt, they were induced to resume their posts. Some 
weeks later Mr. Bond, a leading adherent of Sidmouth in the House 
of Commons, carried a motion against Pitt's most strenuous opposi- 
tion, for Melvillo's prosecution by the Attorney-General. Though 
they had only acted with the liberty accorded to them on crossing 
over to the Ministerial benches, Pitt now declared his intention of 
" marking " the conduct of Bond and others of the Addington party, 
by withholding from them offices lately promised ; and at the close of 
the session Sidmouth, in spite of the King's renewed solicitations. 


finally severed a connection wliic'n brought neither credit to himself Dropmore 
nor advantage to his friends. MSS. : 

Lord Melville's fall was a calamity for Pitt. It deprived him of ^'^^' ^^^' 
his ablest and most experienced colleague, whose high Tory prin- 
ciples and pliant temper made him a favourite at Court, and greatly 
facilitated the transaction of thorny business with the King. Pitt 
stood manfully by his old friend, and by persuading the House of 
Commons to rescind its vote for his prosecution by the Attorney- 
General, and substitute one for impeachment, probably saved him 
from judicial condemnation. But he could not shield him from 
disgrace, and by vain attempts to do so forfeited public confidence. 
Melville's political trimming after his resignation of office in 1801 
had been a series of blunders, which raised up for him hosts of 
enemies. An unprovoked attack on Lord Grenville for translating 
into action opinions in which ]\Ielville privately concurred, gave 
indelible offence to old colleagues composing the " New Opposition." 
Grenville repaid the injury by abstaining and advising others to 
abstain from affording any countenance to the proceedings in Parlia- 
ment against his assailant. But the whole party stood aloof from 
Melville in tacit condemnation. His short alliance with Addington, 
from whom he accepted a peerage, surprised and seems to have 
offended Pitt. His sudden desertion of Addington on a vote of 
want of confidence made him specially obnoxious to that minister's 
adherents. In his mode of meeting the grave charges preferred 
against him by the Naval Commission he showed himself equally 
injudicious. His defence at the Bar of the House of Commons, 
according to the impartial testimony of Wilberforce, strengthened the 
case against him ; while the arrogant tone in which it was delivered 
hardened the hearts of opponents, and alienated the sympathies of 
many members who bore him no ill-will. The Whigs gave no quarter 
to a bitter and, as they thought, unscrupulous foe. And public 
opinion was vehemently expressed in petitions from the City of 
London and other great centres of trade throughout the kingdom, 
for his banishment for ever from the King's presence and councils. 
It may be said, however, that Melville's conduct in the last stage of 
his political career did not fairly represent his character. It 
brought into undue prominence the defects of his qualities. Besides, 
he had always been too conspicuously partial to his own countrymen 
in the distribution of enormous official patronage, not to have in- 
curred great unpopularity in England. 

Pitt's health now began to give way visibly under the increasing 
burthen of his anxieties. His friends seem to have generally felt 
that he could no longer carry on the government with credit, and 
that it had become necessary in the public interests to form a wider 
administration on the principles advocated by the Opposition. Lord 
Camden opened the matter informally to Lord Grenville; while 
Sturges Bourne and minor lights of the Ministerial party in the 
House of Commons discussed it eagerly with Lord Temple. Gren- 
ville, however, cut short Camden's approaches by an announcement 
that the Opposition chiefs would only express their views on the 
situation when direct proposalr; were made to them by Pitt, with the 
(B1720— Gp. 5) M 


^^opi"c>it' Kings authority. Then, it was understood that Pitt intended to 
Vol Vll ^>ring the subject of a comprehensive INIinistry again under his 
Majesty's consideration during a visit to Weymouth early in the 
autumn. There were gatlierings of the Opposition for consultation, 
in anticipation of such an event, at Stowe, Dropmore, and St. 
Anne's Hill, to which the Prince of Wales invited himself with 
great perseverance; and it appears to have been a recognised con- 
dition of a new arrangement on a broader basis that Pitt should not 
hold in it tlie position of Prime INIinister. At these meetings the 
Opposition chiefs came to know each other better. Their personal 
relations became more intimate, but strong differences of opinion 
were revealed. While Grenville seems to have approved of the 
foreign policy pursued by the Government, Fox, with wider know- 
ledge and deeper insight into continental conditions, condemned 
it as premature and reckless. Speculations of coming change were 
suddenly ended at the close of September by an announcement 
that Pitt had abandoned all idea of negotiation with the chiefs of 
the Opposition. He clung to office in the hope, M'hich his sanguine 
temper informed, but which was, in truth, mere illusion, that the 
approaching triumph of the European coalition against France which 
his lavisli subsidies had forced intO' unhealthy maturity, would win 
back public opinion in England to his side, and give him a new 
lease of power. 

■K- * * * 

In the meantime M. D'Oubril had arrived in London with the 
treaty of Potsdam. The British Government rejected the demand 
of Hanover as " inadmissible "; but accepted the alternative of an 
alliance with limitations as proposed by the King of Prussia. Lord 
Harrowby therefore offered Baron Hardenberg to subsidize 180, OOC 
Prussian troops, to be employed during the year 1806 in expelling 
the French from North Germany and Holland. Before any agree- 
ment was concluded, news reached Berlin of the battle of Austerlitz. 
Hardenberg at once assumed a reserved attitude ; and when pressed 
by the Austrian and Russian ambassadors to carry out the treaty 
of Potsdam, took refuge, with evident embarrassment, in absolute 
silence. Count Haugwitz returned to Berlin after Christmas, butthrew 
no light on the situation ; and wlien the Grand Duke Constantine 
complained to the King of the mysterious conduct of his ministers, 
Frederic William declared his intention of making a personal com- 
munication to the Czar. Meantime Lord Harrowby fell ill, and got 
leave to return to England. It was only on the eve of his depar- 
ture, early in January, 1806, that Baron Hardenberg informed him, 
with unconcealed shame and grief, that the King of Prussia had 
entered into an agreement with Napoleon to occupy Hanover till 
peace should be signed between France and England ; but guaran- 
teed the safe embarkation of Lord Cathcart's troops on condition 
that they abstained from all further hostilities against the French 
garrison of Hamelin. 

Lord Harrington, whose mission to Austria had been cut short 
by the armistice which followed the battle of Austerlitz, remained 
at Berlin to fill the place of Lord Harrowby, till all the British 


troops in Xortli Gerinuuy re-emharked for England in February, Uropmort 

1800. ' vfvn. 

William I'itt was the most illustrious victim of Austcrlitz. He 
had gone to Bath early in Deeember, suffering from gout, but in 
high spirits and full of confidence in the political outlook. The cure 
worked well, and promised to renew his strength for the conflicts 
of the approaching session of ]\arliament, when the shock caused 
by the sudden crash of all his hopes drove hack the disease, with 
fatal effect, into his system ; and he retvu'ned to Putney Heath in 
January, only to die. In the? meantime the leaders of parties in 
Opposition had been at variance among themselves. During u 
gathering at Dropmore early in December, the views expressed by 
Whigs and Grenvillites on the question of the war differed so widely 
as apparently to forbid hope of any common plan of action against 
the Ministry. Lord Grenville, agreeing with Pitt rather than with 
Fox, had allowed his sympathies to take form in a neutral line of 
conduct, which exposed him to remonstrances from Thomas Gren- 
ville as being incompatible with liis duty as chief of a party, and 
with the principles on which that part}' was founded. The battle of 
Austerlitz cleared the way for a better understanding, by merging 
personal partialities in a common sense of public danger. But it 
was not till the very eve of the meeting of Parliament in January 
that the various sections of the Opposition found a basis of union. 
In the course of a conference with Thomas Grenville at St. Anne's 
Hill on 12th January Fox stated that, however much he condemned 
the origin and conduct of the war, he considered that the interests 
and honour of England now required that it should be pursued with 
the utmost vigour, and that all engagements with foreign allies 
shoiild be strictly observed. This announcement satisfied Lord 
Grenville, and left ground of attack open on which the Opposition 
could combine; Whigs, Grenvillites and followers of Lord Sidmouth 
being equally disposed to censure the measures of Government, 
offensive and defensive, against Napoleon as ill-judged and inade- 
quate. Parliament had actually met, and a hostile motion against 
the Ministry had been framed, before the critical state of Pitt's 
health became generally known. His medical advisers, almost to 
the last, held the hopeful view that the only alarming symptom of 
his condition was extreme debility, which chiefly needed complete 
rest and freedom from worry. It was from Lord Wellesley, who 
had just returned from India, and paid a short visit to Putney 
Heath, that Lord Grenville learned the desperate case of the Prime 
Minister. Thenceforward the Bishop of Lincoln and Sir Walter 
Farquhar sent him daily accounts of the illustrious patient's rapid 
decline — Pitt died on 23rd January, 1806. Prostrated by grief Lord 
Grenville retired to Dropmore in order to escape from discussions to 
which he found himself unequal. None of his published letters, 
perhaps, place his character, whether as a statesman or as a man, 
in such an admirable light as those written by him during this brief 
period of seclusion. His advice to the Opposition, conveyed in a 
letter to his brother Thomas, was equally wise and high-minded. 
The deep affection and earnest solicitude for the honotir of a lost 
(B1720— Gp. 5) M 2 


Dropuioie friend aud leader displaced iu others drew a warm and grateful 

Vol VII acknowledgement from Lord Chatham. 

The King, after many fruitless efforts to avert the inevitable, 
authorised Lord Grenville to construct a new administration on 
Opposition principles. And the correspondence on the last pages of 
this volume is chiefly concerned with the formation of tlie Ministry 
of '• All the Talents." 


Vol. VIII. The correspondence contained in this volume covers a period of 

eleven months — from the beginning of February, 180G, to the end of 
that year. It deals only with a part of the brief life of the " All 
" the Talents " Ministry. For although the entire existence of that 
Administration did not quite extend to sixteen months, the papers 
left by Lord Grenville to illustrate its various aims, phases, and 
aspects exceed the compass of an ordinary volume. This Preface is 
therefore only a survey of the points of its foreign and domestic 
policy which chiefly claim the reader's attention during the year 

Perhaps no ^Ministry was ever formed in England under greater 
difiiculties, arising partly from its own discordant elements, partly 
from other conditions of the political situation. Fox and Grenville 
had been strenuously opposed for twenty years on the two main 
questions of British policy during that period — the course pursued 
by Great Britain in regard to the French Revolution, and in regard 
to Ireland. And although a common sense of the public needs had 
led them to combine against the Addington administration, yet when 
Pitt returned to office to carry on war with greater vigour against 
Napoleon, the old divergence of opinion on foreign policy revived in 
full force. A letter written by Lord Grenville to the Marquis of 
Buckingham on 7th January, 1800, on the very eve of the meeting 
of Parliament, expresses the intense repugnance with which he 
shrank from a pro]iosal to join Fox in turning out Pitt and forming 
a new Ministry. It was only, indeed, on learning a few days latei 
Fox's view that England, since the defeat of Austerlitz, had no 
longer any option but to pursue the war, that he yielded to the 
proposal, in deference to the advice of his brother and other political 
friends. Again, both Fox and Grenville had treated Lord Sidmouth, 
whom they now invited to join them on the principle of giving the 
new government the widest possible basis, with an avowed contempt 
which had been deeply resented by him and his followers, and which 
it was not easy for even a good-natured but vainglorious political 
leader to forgive. Moreover, they both differed from him irrecon- 
cilably on Irish policy, the most urgent and important domestic 
question of the day. The new INTinister could expect little support 
from the King. This was one of the worst aspects of the situation. • 
The whole tenor of his reign must have brought clearly to their ' 
minds that an English administration distasteful to George III. was 
a house built on the sand. And his dislike of the one which had ' 
now been forced on him sprang from personal as well as political 


motive. His liutred of Fox was a plant of ancient growth with Dropmore 
many and deep roots. Lord Grenville's imperious and unbending y'l'^yTTT 
temper had often chafed his own during the last years of Pitt's great 
ministry. It seems to have brought vividly to his Majesty's mind 
the intolerable yoke of George Grenville in the early days of his 
reign. Not only had Fox and Lord Grenville championed the cause 
oi Catholic emancipation, their political programme included as a 
prominent feature the reform of military administration, bringing 
that department of public business more directly under the control 
of a responsible Minister. But the King resented such an interfer- 
ence with the army as an invasion of the royal prerogative. It was 
only, indeed, on receiving an explicit assurance from Lord Grenville 
tliat no change of the existing system would be attempted without 
his previous concurrence, that he accepted the new Administration, 
which found in his favourite son, the Duke of York, a vigilant 
enemy, entrenched at the Horse Guards. Its accession to office the 
Duke declared to be "a pubHc calamity." Nor could it hope to 
derive much advantage from the ostentatious patronage of the Prince 
of Wales. The Prince's unpopularity, his unstable character, his 
manifest desire to use the Ministry for his own ends, and especially 
to rid him of his wife, whose indiscretions had already become 
notorious, made his favour, to Lord Grenville at least, more often 
embarrassing than helpful. Then in regard to the distribution of 
offices, as the number of candidates with valid claims far exceeded 
the places available, selection necessarily provoked jealousies and 

It was perhaps with the view of assuaging the pangs of exclusion 
by spreading them over a wider area that the Cabinet was limited at 
first to eleven members. His great position and unrivalled qualifi- 
cations assigned to Fox the lead of the House of Commons and the 
conduct of foreign affairs. An equally unanimous call compelled 
Lord Grenville to take the Treasurj^ much against his will. There 
v,'as nothing of political coquetry in this reluctance. For, besides 
his deep and even painful sense of the want of some of the qualities 
that go to the making of a leader of men, there was a peculiar cir- 
cumstance which seemed even to not unfriendly critics to disable 
him from filling the office. Twelve years before, he had accepted 
fiom Pitt the permanent post of Auditor of the Exchequer on the 
understanding that he should not draw its salary in addition to his 
emoluments as Secretary of State. It was a provision against 
retirement from active service. The Auditorship had been created, 
as Mr. Rose pointed out in the House of Commons, to form an inde- 
pendent check on public expenditure, and therefore its duties could 
not properly be discharged by a First Lord of the Treasury. But 
as Lord Grenville had little private fortune of his own, he could not 
afford to give it up. After some unpleasant wrangling in the House 
of Commons, Mr. Percival, the Attorney General, suggested a way 
out of the difficulty, which Fox adopted. Parliament passed a Bill 
appointing a trustee responsible to itself for the discharge of the 
functions of Auditor and responsible for the official income to Lord 
Grenville. This impediment being removed, Lord Grenville became 

Vol. vni. 


Dropmore Prime Minister, aud other vucaucies were gradually filled up. Fox 
^/'^**^-^;^^^ brought iuto the Cabinet Mr. Grey, soon afterwards known as Lord 
Howick in consequence of an earldom being conferred on his father, 
as First Lord of the Admiralty ; Lord Moira as Master of the Ord- 
nance; aud Lord Henry Petty, a younger son of his old antagonist 
the Marquis of Lansdowuc, as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord 
Grenville introduced his old colleagues Lord Spencer as Secretary 
for Home Aii'airs, and Mr. Windham as Secretary for the Colonies 
and War. Both leaders welcomed Lord FitzWilliam as President 
of the Council. The high office of Lord Chancellor having been 
refused by the Master of the llolls aud by the Chief Justice, Lord 
Ellenborough, fell to Mr. Erskine, a somewhat unsteady Whig, the 
most famous advocate at the English Bar, but in low repute as a 
lawyer. Lord Sidmouth, having a considerable following in the 
House of Commons, claimed two seats in the Cabinet. He intended 
them for himself and his principal adherent Lord Buckinghamshire, 
who had sat in the Addington Cabinet as War Secretary, and after- 
wards with him for a few months in the Cabinet of Pitt. But Lord 
Buckinghamshire seems to have incurred such general dislike, with- 
out acquiring reputation as an efficient Minister, that he was shunted 
by general consent to the subordinate post of Joint Postmaster with 
Lord Carysford ; and to satisfy the claims of Sidmouth, now Lord 
Privy Seal, Lord Chief Justice Ellenborough was selected to com- 
plete the Cabinet. This arrangement, for which the case of Lord 
Mansfield was thought to afford a not too remote precedent, pro- 
voked sevtTe conuncut in both Houses of Parliainent, and added 
little to the strength of the Government. In regard to employments 
below Cal)inet rank, Lord Grenville showed himself mindful of old 
obligations, and contributed to his own ease at the Treasury, by 
making Lord Auckland President of the Board of Trade. The ar- 
rangement satisfied Auckland's personal expectations; and his wide 
knowledge of matters of commerce and finance, and imusual 
acquaintance with political eddies and undercurrents, enabled him 
on many occasions to give useful advice to the Prime Minister. But 
many other politicians of great note had to accept posts inferior in 
rank to their just expectations, or to remain outside the ofl&cial 
circle. Neither Sheridan, as Treasurer of the Navy, nor Lord Minto, 
as President of the Board of Control, had a seat in the Cabinet. 
Whitbread, Tierney, Francis, even Thomas Grenville, who more 
than any other might fairly regard the new Government as his own 
handiwork, remained in the ranks. And the extravagant pretensions 
of Lord Sidmouth 's followers, nearly all, with the exception of Mr. 
Vansittart, who became Secretary of the Treasury, men of little 
ability or weight, excited much angry murmuring among excluded 
Whigs and Grenvillites. In fact, it required Fox's singular gifts 
and powers as a political leader, and Grenville 's absohitc sincerity, 
and determination at every personal sacrifice to make the experiment 
a success, to bring their comprehensive non-party system of govern- 
ment into working order. When e9ta])lished it had to face an out- 
look in the last degree discouraging. The battle of Austerlitz on 
'2nd December, followed immediately by the retreat of the 


Kussian Emperor to St. Petei-sburg ; the treaty of Vienna I>iupiiiore 
between France and Prussia on lotii December; and that of Presburg^vni 
between France and Austria on 28th December, had laid the Con- 
tinent at the feet of Napoleon. The French Emperor, now relieved 
by victory from the financial embarrassments which had so severely 
hampered his former efforts, was a more formidable adversary than 
ever. On the other hand, Pitt's lavish war expenditure had strained 
national credit, without increasing reserves of national strengtli to 
repel invasion. In Ireland the Act of Union had aggravated all 
the causes of disaffection, and put the old machinery of govern- 
ment out of joint. 

These various disadvantages were matters of public notoriety. 
There were other circumstances deriving force from Lord Grenville's 
personal character and environment, and known to few outside the 
Ministerial circle, which made for discord, and sometimes even 
imperilled the stability of his Administration. Although cold and 
reserved in general intercourse, Lord Grenville's relations with his 
own family and with one or two particular friends were informed by 
affection of unusual depth and sensibility. His devotion to Lord 
Buckingham, to whose early and constant assistance he attributed 
mainly the prosperous course of his life, time and the severest trials 
had only served to augment. The friends to whom he was most 
attached appear to have been Pitt and INIarquis Wellesley. Curiously 
enough, private sentiment in each of those three cases acted as a 
disturbing element in his new political relations. Lord Bucking- 
ham's character is easily read in the pages of the Dropmore Corre- 
spondence. To some amiable and even admirable qualities it 
united many narrow prejudices which he cherished as principles, 
a querulous, exacting temper, and an intense egotism which in- 
vested his personal aims with all the importance of great public 
objects. These aims, or rather claims, had been for many years a 
dukedom, or as a step to that dignity, a seat in the Cabinet. The 
former he reluctantly deferred, after repeated refusals by the King. 
The latter Pitt, warned by a short but painful experience of Lord 
Buckingham as a colleague in the early days of his first Ministry, 
contrived to evade by sending him to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, 
decorating him with the Garter and a marquisate, and making his 
youngest brother Secretary of State. Fox at the formation of the 
" All the Talents " Ministry won the good-will of the Marquis by 
offering him a seat in the new Cabinet. Fortunately for all con- 
cerned, his family dissuaded him from accepting the proposal on the 
ground of his failing health. But as chief of the Grenville interest, 
in return for this self-denial and his constant solicitude for their 
advancement, he jealously expected from his brothers, what they 
indeed willingly gave in all ordinary circumstances, entire confidence 
in regard to their public views and aims, general deference to his 
advice, and a large share of the official patronage at their disposal. 
This habit of mind took no account of Lord Grenville's altered posi- 
tion as Prime Minister, of the absorbing anxieties of a man morbidly 
conscious of its responsibilities, and reticent from a sense of its 
obligations. The silence of official preoccupation and restraint soon 

Vol. VIII 


Dropmore aroused in the Marquis uujust suspicions of ingratitude, which 
found vent in bitter reproaches. Lord Grenville's answer discloses 
a state of mental agony under this treatment which is almost 
incredible. He solemnly protests before Heaven that it was only 
in del'erence to the ]\Iarquis that he had accepted an office which 
had proved to be a bed of torture, and which he would quit at the 
first opportunity. And in a touching appeal he implores his brother 
not to aggravate his misery by depriving him of the fraternal affec- 
tion which had been the chief happiness of his life. Lord Temple, 
the Marquis's eldest son, appears to have shared his father's feeling 
of discontent. But Thomas Grenville, who, although inferior to the 
Prime Minister in ability, excelled both his brethren in amiability 
and in generous instincts, and who now served the Ministry from 
which he had been excluded with unselfish devotion, exerted all his 
influence as peace-maker; and seems gradually to have brought 
Lord Buckingham, for a time at least, to a more rational frame of 

As to jars produced by collision between Lord Grenville's affec- 
tion for Pitt and the political views of some of his colleagues, it 
will perhaps surprise some readers of this volume to learn that, 
owing to what Fox termed his " unreasonable personal delicacies," 
he was quite prepared to break up the new Government rather than 
suffer any slur to be cast, even by implication, on the administrations 
of his old leader; not only on the first, of which he had himself been 
a member, but even on the second, to which he had been publicly 

* * * -x- 

Pitt was only a passing difficulty among Ministers new to each 
other and to office : Lord Wellesley was a permanent cause of strife, 
that never ceased from troubling the Administration. He was Lord 
Grenville's earliest and most intimate friend; the most highly 
gifted by nature, the most richly endowed by education and taste, 
of a remarkable Irish family. Nearly of the same age, close com- 
panions at Eton and Oxford, William Grenville and Lord Morning- 
ton had both entered public life in the dawn of manhood. And 
when Grenville began his official career as Chief Secretary of his 
eldest brother Lord Temple, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, under 
the Shelburne Ministry, Mornington, who then figured in Irish 
politics as a patriot of the school of Grattan, linked his political 
fortunes with those of the English party to which his friend belonged, 
and became the exponent of its policy in the Irish House of Lords. 
Grenville introduced him to Lord Temple and to Pitt, both of whom 
were captivated by his brilliant and attractive qualities. Through 
the interest of Temple, now Marquis of Buckingham, he obtained 
a seat in the British House of Commons. Pitt rescued him from 
the slough of Irish politics, by placing him at the Treasury Board 
and at the Board of Control; and finally sent him to India as 
Governor-General. Nor was this all. If a somewhat obscure 
family, without wealth or political influence, could boast of the 
unique distinction of four brothers obtaining six English and two 
Irish peerages, ranging from baron to duke, for eminent services 


to the Crown, this result was, in the three most couspicuous cases, Diopmore 

■ MS8. : 

Vol. viir. 

due in large ineasiu:e to Greuville's steady friendship, which opened ■'^^'^^' 

to them opportunities of service and advancement in the earher 
stages of tlieir careers wlien such help was most needed. Lord 
JMornington's letters in this collection overflow with grateful acknow- 
ledgment of favours thus conferred. 

* * * * 

At length, in 1804, a terrible reverse, which, through a blunder of 
Lord Lake, the Cominander-in-Chief, befel the Britisli arms in 
conflict with the Mahratta chief Holkar, exhausted the forbearance 
of the East India Company. Pitt found it necessary to recall 
Wellesley. And at the united solicitation of the British Govern- 
ment and the Board of Directors, Lord Cornwallis, now old and 
worn with long service, returned to India to repair a misfortune 
which threatened the most disastrous consequences. 

It should be said, however, that although his craving for applause 
betrayed a certain want of strength and elevation in Wellesley's 
character, there was nothing in it mean or sordid. He never in- 
dulged his weakness at the expense of any who co-operated loyally 
in his labours. In his dealings with subordinates, he showed him- 
self generous alike in awarding praise for success, and in assuming 
responsibility for failure. And although he may have expended 
the revenues of the Company with, as they thought, too profuse a 
hand, no suspicion attached to him of diverting a fraction of them 
to enrich himself or serve any purpose of his own. In fact his 
personal disinterestedness passed the bounds of prudence. He 
refused a grant of 100,000L made to him by the Company from 
the spoils of Seringapatam, in order not to diminish the prize-money 
of the army employed in the siege. Lord Cornwallis was able to 
say in one of his letters that after providing liberally for every 
expense that concerned the dignity and splendour of his great 
office, he had been able to save 90,000L from its appointments. 
Wellesley went to India poor, and after remaining as Governor- 
General for an equal period, returned no richer than he went. 

Wellesley arrived in England barely in time to take a last leave 
of Pitt. His subsequent career was a long course of disappoint- 
ment. Autocratic rule had, in fact, unfitted him for the rough 
struggles of English party life, with its limited aims, its constant 
checks, and partial successes. Coming home with a dominating 
sense of the great part he had played, the little interest his arrival 
aroused beyond a large circle of private friends, mortified him 
exceedingly. Englishmen in general, engrossed by the stupendous 
conflict which convulsed Europe, in those days of Ulm, Trafalgar 
and Austerlitz, had little attention to spare for remote and obscure 
struggles in Asia. Lord Grenville at once invited the help of his old 
friend in forming an administration, and Wellesley accepted a seat 
in the new Cabinet. At first there seemed to be no obstacle to this 
arrangement. But the cause of the native princes found an advocate 
in Mr. Paull, an almost unknown member, w'ho had recently returned 
from India deeply impressed by the wrongs of the Nabob of Oude. 
Lord Wellesley contended that this attack on his government was a 


mere outcome oi euvy and malice, luiviug as organ an obscure 
adventurer — " the tailor " Wellesley called him — who aimed at 
forcing himself into notoriety by an unpatriotic appeal to popular 
ignorance and prejudice. Lord Grenville, and his nephew Lord 
Temple, Wellesley 's leading champion in the House of Commons, 
adopted this view of the case without reserve. They wished to 
quash the charges at once as undeserving of consideration. Neither 
Lord Sidmouth's followers nor members of the late Ministry lent 
any countenance to Paull. But Fox, Windham, and other antago- 
nists of Warren Hastings saw the matter in a different light. With- 
out pronouncing an opinion on the case, they held that, in the 
pubhc interest, grave charges of misgovernment, to which the East 
India Company lent tacit sanction, should be investigated; and that 
Paull should have a fair hearing. This opinion, which had much 
independent support in the House of Commons, including that of the 
little band composed of Wilberforce, Banks and others known as 
" the Saints," ])revailed; and excluded Wellesley from the Cabinet 
until the issue had been determined. During all this time Lord 
Wellesley 's intense irritation, working incessantly on the sympathy 
of the Prime Minister, was a constant peril to the harmony of the 

* * -x- * 

On the whole, however, its early course was smooth. It had 
the support of public opinion. Opposition in Parliament was dis- 
organised. There was no member of Pitt's last Cabinet sufficiently 
eminent to fill the vacant place of leader. Many, indeed, of the 
most considerable men of the Tory party, such as Lords Lonsdale 
and Carrington, and even Canning, in spite of his restless ambition, 
looking on Lord Grenville as Pitt's most fitting successor, were 
willing to give his political experiment a fair trial. Age and in- 
firmity depressed the King's energies and made him desirous of 
repose. Being unable to form another administration, and having 
received satisfactory explanations in regard to their projects of 
army reform, he frankly accepted his new advisers, and discoun- 
tenanced intrigue against tliem. Grenville had one able and im- 
placable personal foe, who plotted against the new Government 
with a hostility that never slept till he wrought its overthrow. This 
was the Earl of Malmesbury. They had lived many years in close 
official relations without being friends. But Malmesbury's active 
enmity was aroused in 1800 by what he regarded, not without 
reason, as a public slight offered to him by the Foreign Secretary 
at the close of a long and higlily distinguished diplomatic career. 
During the Conference at Lille in 1797 Malmesbury, representing 
Great Britain, had secretly concerted with Pitt to accept terms of 
peace with France precluded by Grenville 's official instructions. 
When the question arose in 1800 of another Congress at Luneville, 
Grenville, not taking sufficient account of Malmesbury's services 
and expectations, silently passed him over, and named his brother 
Thomas Grenville to represent George III. Malmesbury asked an 
explanation from Pitt, who made him an Earl. But Lord Gren- 
villc's offence rankled in tlie old diplomatist's mind, and all inter- 


course between them ceased, lu this feeUng of aversiou origiuated Diopmore 
the theory aunouuced in .Mahiiesbury's Diary that Grenville's y '^^yjtt 
political course after Mr. Addiugton's accession to office was 
governed by an ungrateful desire " to be emancipated from Pitt's 
supremacy "; that under this " ruling motive," stronger than 
ties of blood and past obligations," he formed a connexion with 
Fox as opening freer scope to his personal ambition. Malmesbury 
grounds this surmise solely on his own observation. It was, how- 
ever, the observation of a stranger, and a hostile critic. It had no 
countenance from Canning, Lord Camden, Lord Chatham, the 
Bishop of Lincoln, or any other common friend of Pitt and 
Greuville. The conjecture and tlie conclusions built on it are dis- 
Ijroved by the correspondence published in Volume VII. of the 
Dropmore Papers. 

* 7r * * 

Fox was ill when he took office; but attacks of his malady were 
intermittent, and its grave character was still unknown. Early, 
however, in the session of 180G the strain imposed by the lead of 
the House of Commons and the conduct of foreign affairs over- 
taxed his failing strength, and the disease which proved fatal to 
him in the following autumn began to develop with alarming 
rapidity. For some months he spoke occasionally in debate with 
undiminished power. But he was unable to give the constant 
attendance, or to exercise the close supervision which the orderly 
progress of public business required. His colleagues in the House 
of Commons, engrossed by the work of their own departments, 
gave him little efficient help ; and the Tory Opposition gathered 
courage from a state of confusion occasionally hinted at in Lord 
Auckland's confidential letters to his chief. Passive at first, 
Opposition now leaped up in spasmodic activity, better sustained 
after Lord Melville's acquittal by the House of Lords had given it a 
temporary leader. Lord Henry Petty 's Budget offered few points 
for adverse criticism. But Windham's Army Bill, intended to 
supply the admitted failure of Pitt's Additional Forces Act, sub- 
stituting limited service for life service, paring down the extrava- 
gance and jobbery of the existing military system, after encounter- 
ing strenuous obstruction in its initial stages from the Duke of York, 
was fiercely assailed both in parliament and in the country. Not- 
withstanding, however, the clamour industriously raised against 
it as unjust and injurious to the Volunteers, and what Thomas 
Grenville termed the " particular impracticalities " of the War 
Minister, it became law after a severe struggle. A still more signal 
success of the Ministry was the celebrated resolution abolishing 
the slave trade. The difficulties in its way seemed at first sight 
almost insuperable. A similar motion made by Wilberforce in the 
previous session, and supported by both Pitt and Fox, had been 
rejected even in the House of Commons. Powerful commercial 
and colonial interests, a great body of conservative and even of 
religious prejudice, which enlisted the King's thorough sympathies, 
were arrayed against it. But the government of the country was 
in the hands of men who not only championed the cause with heart • 


aud couviction, as Pitt had done, but who prized fidelity to prin- 
ciple more than place and power. A resolution in favour of aboli- 
tion, moved by Lord Grenville in the Lords, and by Fox, at Wilber- 
force's special request, in the Commons, and thus adopted for the 
lirst time as a government measure, passed triumphantly through 
both Houses. I'ress of business caused a Bill giving the resolution 
effect to be deferred till the beginning of the next session. This 
was the last and crowning achievement of Fox's public career. One 
reverse, however, caused him deep mortification. The Govern- 
ment, acting within its rights, revoked the temporary appointment 
of Sir George Barlow, a permanent servant of the East India 
Company, as Governor-General of India, and nominated the Earl 
of Lauderdale for that high office. The board of directors resented 
this step. Acting also within their rights under Pitt's dual con- 
stitution, and irritated, as Lord Grenville thought, by the favour 
shown in high official circles to Lord Wellesley, they rejected the 
nomination. Whatever the dominant motive, the blow fell with 
especial severity on Fox, Lauderdale being one of his dearest friends. 
Having thus asserted its independence, the Company accepted the 
nomination of Lord Minto, President of the Board of Control, as 
successor to Barlow. This arrangement opened a vacancy in the 
administration for Thomas Grenville, who, to the great satisfaction 
of his own family, and with Fox's particular goodwill, was also 
taken into the Cabinet. But although a man of good counsel and 
of fair general abihty, the new President of the Board of Control 
did not shine in the House of Commons. His accession to office 
gave little relief to his overworked leader. 
* * * # 

A crisis in Fox's illness completely disabled him from trans- 
acting business. Official communications between London and St, 
Potersburgh had been much interrupted of late by adverse weather. 
And although Count Stroganoff seemed confident that D'Oubril 
would be disavowed, Lord Grenville, on whom the conduct of nego- 
tiations had now virtually devolved, entertained strong doubts on 
the subject. " I have been too long used," he wrote in a despond- 
ing vein to Lord Buckingham, " to the total debasement of all 
" Continental Courts to rely much on any such hope." He, how- 
ever, acted with promptitude and vigour. A despatch was sent 
to St. Petersburgh, protesting against the breach of faith involved 
in D'Oubril 's separate treaty, and appealing to Alexander to repu- 
diate it. Other despatches from Downing Street conveyed a severe 
reprimand to Yarmouth for disobeying his instructions, and forbad 
him to make any further concession without the concurrence of 
Lord Lauderdale, who was about to join him in Paris. This 
announcement of the approaching arrival of a second English envoy 
was received with great ill-humour at the French Foreign Office. 
Talleyrand, Yarmouth wrote, cliarged the British Government with 
wilful delay and disclaimed responsibility for the consequences. 
But Grenville retorted with great effect, by showing, what Yarmouth 
had left unsaid, that whatever delay had occurred was attributable 
solely to the refusal of the French Government to adhere to its 


own proposals. In view of the doubt that hung around the inten- Dropmore 
tion of the Emperor Alexander as to the disposal of Sicil3% Lauder- y^j^j^i 
dale was authorised to discuss the question of an exchange of terri- 
tory, on the condition that the indemnity offered should be entirely 
acceptable to the Bourbon King. In other respects he was to insist 
on the terms of peace originally offered through Lord Yarmouth. 
He had been only a few days in the French capital when informa- 
tion from various sources which he could trust convinced him that 
Talleyrand and Yarmouth, acting in corrupt concert, had been 
using the negotiation for the purpose of speculations on the Paris 
Bourse and the London Stock Exchange. His confidential letters 
to Lord Grenville on the subject, printed in this volume, pp. 270-8. 
were laid by the Prime ]\Iinister before the Cabinet. Lord Yar- 
mouth was immediately recalled on the pretext of satisfying the 
objection of the French Government to the employment of a second 
British negotiator at Paris. It speaks well for the patriotic reti- 
cence of the Cabinet that this disgraceful episode in the history of 
British diplomacy should have remained so long undivulged. 
Talleyrand, of course, to borrow his own description of the French 
pcrc dc famille, M'as capable de tout. 

* * * * 

A vivid and authentic picture by a master of his art, of the 
confusion that I'eigned in Prussian councils, military and political, 
during the fortnight preceding the battle of Jena may be found in 
the Appendix of this volume. It is the journal of M. de Gentz, the 
most brilliant, powerful, and well-informed political writer of this 
time. In the early days of the French Eevolution Gentz had been 
a Prussian official, using his pen with great effect under the pro- 
tection of Count Schulemberg to stem the diffusion of French prin- 
ciples in Germany. When Count Haugwitz and the neutral policy 
he represented acquired ascendancy at the Court of Berlin, Gentz 
migrated to Vienna and pursued his work there under the patronage 
of the Emperor Francis II. The main object of his numerous pub- 
lications was to create a national spirit in Germany which should 
unite Austria and Prussia in close alliance with each other and 
with Great Britain; it being his firm belief that by this union only 
could French aggression be repelled. Lord Carysford, when British 
ambassador to Berlin, in furtherance of this patriotic aim, and more 
particularly in the hope of reconciling, by Gentz 's assistance, 
German opinion to the privations inflicted on the Continent by the 
maritime policy of Great Britain, had, as has been already related, 
prevailed on Lord Grenville to retain, not ungrudgingly, Gentz 's 
literary services by the grant of a small English pension of 2001. a 
year. It is to Gentz 's writings that the anti-Gallican feeling 
which compelled Frederick William III. to sign the Convention of 
Potsdam in November, 1805, must in large measure be attributed. 
And it was for the crime of selling them in June, 1800, that 
Napoleon caused Palm, the Nuremberg bookseller, to be shot. 
Towards the end of September, 1806, Gentz, then at Dresden, 
received a pressing invitation from Count Haugwitz to visit the 
headquarters of the Prussian army at Erfurth. He had hitherto 


Ihnpiiinif l.^Hjii iiuTi'dulous ill n.'gurd to the danger of war between France 
Vol' Vni "'^'' I'nissia. That the astute and experienced statesman who had 
so long guided Prussian policy should have shrunk from a conflict 
with Napoleon in the previous December when all the circum- 
stances were so much more favourable to Prussia, only to plunge 
recklessly nine months later, under every disadvantage, into a 
single-handed struggle with the same aggrandised antagonist, was 
a ])rol)lem which completely puzzled him. And it was as much 
from the curiosity of a political student intent on solving this 
mystery, as from a patriotic desire to serve the German cause 
that he obeyed Haugwitz's summons. Of the chief personages 
assembled at Erfurth, Haugwitz, Lucchesini, Lombard the King's 
confidential secretary and for many years past the real inspirer 
of J'russian policy, among civilians, the Duke of Brunswick, 
Generals Kalkreuth and Ruffel among the leaders of the army, 
courted his advice, and treated him with flattering confidence. 
And although he did not see the King, Queen Louisa, of whom he 
speaks in tlie language of enthusiastic admiration, opened her 
mind to him without reserve in the course of a long interview. 
Haugwitz had two main objects in desiring his presence — to make 
use of his pen against Napoleon, and secondly, of his influence 
at the Austrian Court to reconcile the two great German Powers. 
He placed his pen freely at the service of the Prussian Govern- 
ment; but his knowledge of the state of affairs and of public feel- 
ing at Vienna led him to decline the second task. During his stay 
at the Prussian headquarters he made full use of the exceptional 
opportunities offered him of collecting information. He compared 
and corrected with insight and candour different versions of the 
events leading up to the present emergency ; supplying the reticence 
of one statesman or warrior by information skilfully extracted from, 
another, until the whole situation, with its manifold blunders, 
furious discords, and pitiful illusions, lay bare before his eyes; and 
filled his mind uith painful forebodings, only too prophetic of the 
tragedy that followed. This journal of M. de Gentz, in which he 
jotted down his experiences day by day while consciously oppressed 
by the deepening gloom of a catastrophe which was about to over- 
whelm in common ruin the Prussian monarchy and his own hopes 
of German freedom, is a historical document of singular interest and 

Fox died on l;)th September. " Regretted by all," Lord Mai- 
mesbury records; " the last period of his life brought him great 
" and just honour." The unbridled passions which had dominated 
his glorious faculties, obscured his natural virtues, and more than 
once wrecked his political fortunes in earlier life, evaporated as 
years went on, leaving a too short period of mellow strength, just 
enough to show the world how supremely great his career might 
have been had his early training been less unfortunate. For the 
Ministry it was an irreparable loss. "Whether as leader of the House 
of Commons, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, or mediator in a Cabinet 
containing such jarring elements, there was no one left who could 
supply it. Tlie reader notes, not without astonishment, how com- 


pletely, iu the court^w of a few mouths ol' intimate association, liis Piopnioio 
coimiuiuding talents, sound sense, and genial nature established an " j' yiiT 
ascendency over such old political foes, so opposite to himself too 
iu character and habit of life, as Lords Grenville and Sidmouth. 
On the former of these statesmen, union with him, had, for the 
time at least, a most boneticial effect; broadening his mind, softening 
its asperities, making it more tolerant. Even the rooted dislike of 
tlie King seems to have yielded to the charm Fox exerted in personal 
intercourse. Lord (rrenville's letter announcing Fox's death to 
Lord Lauderdale is a tribute of genuine sorrow and affectionate 
admiration. The feeling evoked by the event in old friends of Fox 
who had adhered to him with unswerving devotion in good and evil 
fortune, is expressed in Lauderdale's re])ly. Lord Sidmouth seems 
to have been deeply affected. Whatever slight chance of peace still 
remained vanished with the Whig leader. To firmness of purpose 
and a wide knowledge of Continental affairs, he alone united freedom 
from international prejudice, preference for friendly relations with 
France, and the disposition to exclude invective from diplomatic 
discussion especially necessary in treating with Napoleon. Within a 
fortnight after his death the French ruler virtually brought nego- 
tiation to an end by suddenly leaving Paris for Germany, taking 
with him Prince Talleyrand and General Clarke. It was not, how- 
ever, till 8th October that Lord Lauderdale succeeded in ol^taining 
passports and returned to England. 

Fox's old enemy Lord Thurlow, whose force and readiness in 
debate and awe-inspiring aspect made him such a redoubtable 
antagonist in Parliament, died on 12th September. Even in the 
zenith of Thurlo\^•'s power as dictator of the House of Lords and 
privileged adviser of George III., Fox used to insist that the grim 
Chancellor was an imposter. " No man," he declared, " could 
" possibly be so wise as Thurlow looked." Common enmity to Pitt, 
and the good offices of the Prince of Wales brought those old foes 
into more amicable relations during the last years of their lives. 
Thurlow 's death was a piece of good news for Lord Auckland, which 
Lord Grenville hastened to communicate. It meant the falling in 
of a rich sinecure, of which the reversion had been given by Pitt to 
Auckland's eldest son. . 

Not the least unfortunate result for the Ministry of Fox's death 
was a more decided exercise of Lord Buckingham's influence over 
Lord Grenville, which the deceased statesman's authority had held 
in salutary check. The Marquis had never been satisfied with what 
he considered the inadequate representation in the coalition Govern- 
ment of the Grenville element, representing war with France and 
existing order at home, in passive resistance to the Whig programme 
of peace, and progressive as distinguished from radical reform. He 
now became urgent with Prime Minister to make the conservative 
interest in the Administration predominant, by asserting the per- 
sonal pre-eminence among English statesmen to which his brother 
succeeded when Pitt and Fox disappeared from the political stage. 
As early as July, 1806, Lord Grenville, in order to mitigate a 
calamity which even then appeared inevitable, had sought by nego- 


tiation to draw an accession of strength from the Opposition in the 
House of Commons, where the blow would be most felt. Lord 
Howick's claims to succeed Fox as leader in that House were not 
disputed; but the age and feeble health of Earl Grey made Howick's 
removal to the House of Lords an immediate danger; and no one 
else in the ministerial ranks was considered eligible for the post. 
This may sound strange when we recollect that two of the most 
prominent politicians and most splendid orators of that great age 
of political genius, Sheridan and "Windham, sat on the Government 
bench ; and that in the ranks behind tliem were Tierney, Whitbread, 
Francis and others who had won renown in debate. But Sheridan 
owned allegiance only to Fox, and that in an independent fashion 
of his own. His relations with the Grenvillcs were those of mutual 
aversion and distrust. Windham, whose noble and chivalrous nature 
and shining intellectual gifts made him one of the brightest orna- 
ments of English public life, Was the victim of a morbid scrupu- 
losity; and occasionally indulged a Quixotic humour which unfitted 
him for the practical work of party leader. Whitbread held radical 
opinions which made Lord Buckingham shudder, and were too 
advanced for the most liberal Whig. Tierney had not sufficient 
personal weight to atone for a want of political connexion. Lord 
Henry Petty, although a debater of considerable promise, was too 
inexperienced for the office of leader, and too modest to accept it. 
In these circumstances Lord Grenville had authorised Marquis 
Wellesley to make an overture to Mr. Canning, whose political views 
were in general harmony with their own. The inducements Wel- 
lesley held out for co-operation would seem to have been a seat in 
the Cabinet for Canning, and some high legal appointment for Mr. 
Perceval. Canning appears to have been not unwilling to accept ; 
but it is doubtful whether in any circumstances the bait offered 
would have tempted Perceval, whose ambition had now taken a 
loftier flight. By this time, however, the principal members of the 
late Ministry had come to a working agreement among themselves, 
under the nominal leadership of the Duke of Portland. Their claims 
to office could only be satisfied by reconstruction and change on a 
much larger scale than was compatible with Lord Grenville 's 
engagements to his Whig colleagues. A letter from him to Lord 
Wellesley, and a statement of Mr. Canning to Lord Lowther, 
printed on pages 387-301, throw light on this abortive negotiation, 
which lingered on until the death of Fox. Lord FitzWilliani now 
resigned as President of the Council, but consented to remain in the 
Cabinet without office. It only remained for Lord Grenville to fill 
the gaps in his Administration by selections from the Ministerial 
ranks. Lord Howick, as chief of the Whigs, the strongest section 
of the Ministerial forces, succeeded Fox at the Foreign Office, and 
a> leader of the House of Commons. But Lord Buckingham insisted 
that Thomas Grenville, not Windham, should lead the Grenville 
wing of the party in that House as Secretary for the Home Depart- 
ment, and next "in official standing to Lord Howick. This arrange- 
ment' had the public advantage of allowing Lord Spencer, now 
Home Secretary, to return to the Admiralty, which he had formerly 


ruled with extraordinary clticieiicy. But as by tlic Civil Lint Act Dropmore 
ouly two Secretaries of State could sit in the House of Commons, y^i^Viir 
it would also compel AViudhaiu, tiie Secretary for War, to take a "" 
peerage or give up his office. \\'iudham had carried through Parlia- 
ment the most important measure of the session for the reorganisa- 
tion of the military forces of the country. As his reiiutation as an 
administrator was in a measure bound up witli its success, he 
naturally desired to bring it himself into operation. He had sat in 
Pitt's first Cabinet from the time of the Whig secession from Fox 
in 1794 to 1801, in particular connexion with Lord Grenville ; had 
adhered to Grenville in opposition to Addington and I'itt as a per- 
sonal as well as a political friend ; and whether in ottice or in opposi- 
tion was ■■ a bright particular star " in a galaxy of Parliamentary 
talent wliich shines through the ages with a lustre all its own. 
Grenville knew well that all Windham's aims and interests and 
happiness in public life were centred in the House of Connnons. 
But Lord Buckingham had taken a strong dislike to the War Secre- 
tary, and wished to expel him from the ^Ministry, or, if he remained 
in office, from the Llouse of Commons. Two days before Fox's 
death Lord Grenville wrote to Windham on the subject of the diffi- 
culties that must attend a new arrangement of offices. He sug- 
gested that Windham might help him to overcome them by accept- 
ing a peerage, but added: " it is a question on which the slightest 
intimation of your wishes either way must outweigh in my mind 
•" all other considerations. The object of this letter is only that of 
bringing the subject under your own consideration, that you may 
'■■ yourself decide upon it." Windham replied at once that public 
-and private motives forbad him to entertain the proposal. This 
should have settled the question as it regarded him. But a few days 
afterwards, in a family council, Lord Grenville seems to have 
abandoned Windham to Lord Buckingham's private spite and 
ambition. Ho drew up a statement declaring his inability to form 
a new Government unless the War Secretary made way for Thomas 
Grenville l)y moving up to the House of Lords ; and he asked his 
principal colleagues to join with him in persuading Windham to take 
this step as a sacrifice to the common interests. His colleagues, 
under stress of what they were assured was " indispensable 
" necessity," acceded to this request; but Lord Howick, much to 
his credit, and the more so as Windham belonged to the Grenville 
not the Whig section of the Ministry, wrote: " I feel we are not 
" acting kindly to him, and if he should reject this proposal, I 
■" cannot concur in pressing it to his exclusion from office." Wind- 
ham again refused, questioning the necessity or even advantage 
of the change proposed, and expressing his determination to resign 
office rather than consent. Then Lord Grenville, somewhat 
ashamed probably of the line he had taken, sent a common friend, 
William Elliott, Chief Secretary for Ireland, to explain confidentially 
to the War Minister circumstances of the situation which could not 
be set down on paper. Windham adhered to his resolution, but 
wrote in most friendly and even affectionate terms to express his 
regret. Lord Howick and Lord Spencer proposed new arrange- 
(B1720— Gp. 5) N 


Dropmore meats in a self-denying spirit, with the view of promoting recon- 
Vd H'lII ^truction, but they were not needed. When Lord Buckingham saw- 
that he could not cany his point without breaking up the Govern- 
ment, the " indispensable necessity " vanished of itself. Thomas- 
Grenville accepted the office of First Lord of the Admiralty without 
any worse consequences, apparently, than those which might result 
from Lord Buckingham's exercise of naval patronage. Lord Sid- 
mouth mounted up from the post of Lord Privy Seal to that of 
Lord President of the Council. Lord Holland entered the Cabinet 
as Lord Privy Seal. Mr. Tierney succeeded Thomas Grenville at the 
Board of Control, and Lord Sidmouth's brother-in-law, Mr. Bragge- 
Bathurst, became Master of the INIint. It cannot be said that in 
the course of this political shuffle Lord Grenville acted a dignified 
or a generous part. He was, no doubt, coerced into his harsh 
dealing Math Windham by a threat of Lord Buckingham to with- 
draw his support from the Ministry unless his scheme of recon- 
struction were adopted. Their correspondence shows that at a later 
period of Lord Grenville 's career, his brother used this threat with 
decisive effect in nearly analogous circumstances. We may safely 
infer that it was not personal ambition made Lord Grenville play 
what must be considered an unworthy part on this occasion, but 
habitual submission to family influence. There is no reason to doubt 
his repeated assertions that his own inclinations led him to prefer 
the lettered ease of Dropmore to political turmoil in high office ; 
and that he would abandon office unless sustained in it by the- 
support of his brothers. 

The Government being again in working order, Lord Grenville 
suddenly dissolved Parliament at the end of October, having removed 
some objection to this proceeding raised by the King in consequence 
of a misunderstanding. A great part of the correspondence for the 
last months of the year 1806 is devoted to the business of the 
elections. The task of adjusting claims to the same seat put 
forward by candidates belonging to the three parties composing the 
administration, and alike seeking official support; and especially 
the conflicting pretensions of jobbing peers in Ireland which Dublin 
Castle cautiously referred to Downing Street, appear .to have occupied 
the Prime Minister's attention much more than the overthrow of the 

Prussian monarchy. 

* * * * 

A financial project whicli he devised to enable Great Britain 
■' to carry on many years of war without new taxes " also occupied 
Lord Grenville 's mind during the last month of 1806. It was 
apparently intended to supersede Pitt's famous scheme of a sinking 
fund, borrowed from Dr. Price, and, as Price complained, spoiled 
in adoption, w^hich was now. generally admitted to be a costly 
failure. In working out his plan, Lord Grenville called to his aid 
Lord Auckland and Mr. Vansittart, Secretary of the Treasury, both 
of them able financiers They gave him zealous co-operation; but, 
finding his calculations too sanguine, they suggested various modifi- 
cations with the view of giving his idea a more practical shape. 
Discussions on the subject, in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer 


took part, seem to have been contiiiueJ without Jeliiiite result to the Diopiuore 
end of the year. MSS. : 

The rupture of negotiations with France having been popular 
throughout the country, and particularly aiuong tlie connnercial 
classes, the general election in November added considerably to 
the strength of Government in the House of Connnons. " I reckon 
the new Parliament," Lord Grenville wrote on 2nd December, 
'■ at from 430 to 5U0 friends, from 120 to 130 contrary, and all the 
" rest doubtful or absent. "' What chietly arrests attention in con- 
nexion with this general election is the unreserve with which a 
Prime Minister so politically pme and scrupulous as Lord Grenville 
undoubtedly was, resorted, in those times of rotten boroughs, re- 
stricted suffrage, and official patronage, to systematic bribery in pur- 
chasing seats with public money, and to intimidation of public 
servants in order to bring his supporters into Parliament. Even 
Windham, the fearless asserter of the right to differ on matters of 
principle, invoked the vengeance of Government on every petty 
official who ventured to oppose by speech or action his candidature 
for the county of Norfolk. 

The King in signifying his approval of the reconstructed Ministry, 
had been particularly gracious to Lord Grenville. An intrigue of 
liOrd Eldon and the Duke of Cumberland to prevent the dissolution 
of Parliament had either failed or been abandoned ; and when the 
year 1806 drew to a close the hopes of Opposition had fallen to a 
very low ebb. But although launched on a smiling sea, and wafted 
by favouring breezes, there was a rock immediately ahead of the 
Administration, on which, as Lord Grenville knew well, it might 
probably suffer shipwreck. This was the Irish question. 

The Act of Union up to this time had l:)elied all the promises 
of its authors, and confirmed the evil prophecies of its foes. It 
had dislocated the old machinery of government w'ithout supplying 
new. Absenteeism, with its disastrous effect on industry, trade 
and social order, had become yearly more of a settled habit among 
the great landowners. Anarchy reigned in the Established Church. 
Beneficed clergymen, following the example of landlords, deserted 
their duties and sought more agreeable quarters in England, in 
defiance of bishops and canon law. The peasantry, delivered over 
more completely to the grinding exactions of middlemen and tithe- 
proctors, sank deeper in misery; and social oppression produced an 
abundant harvest of secret societies and agrarian crime. The 
Catholics of the middle class, impatient at finding indefinitely post- 
poned the prospect of a removal of their disabilities with which the 
authors of the Act of Union had purchased their acquiescence in that 
lueasure, now resolved, in spit-e of the dissuasions of the Irish 
Government and of some of their more aristocratic leaders 
who were in closer touch with Government, to resume those methods 
of constitutional agitation which Irish law still allowed. They had 
remained passive during the current year in an attitude of expec- 
tation. Their last petition for relief had been presented while Pitt 
M-as chief Minister, by Fox in the House of Commons ; and in the 
House of Lords by Lord Grenville in a speech of remarkable power, 
(B1720— Gp. 5) N 2 


u-ith a cogency and complcteiicss which aroused uuiversal attentiou. 
He aiul the majority of his colleagues were still staunch advocates 
of Ihcir claims. But it was impossible for them as Ministers to 
introduce an Emancipation Bill in spite of the King's invincible 
repugnance. In fact, what was known as the Catholic question 
was'one of those which liad necessarily been left " open " when the 
Administration was formed. " Open " it must remain if the 
Ministry, or any other founded on the same principle of compre- 
hension, was to remain in office. 

There was another phase of the Irish question not less em- 
barrassing for the Prime Minister himself. Lord Buckingham, 
representing apparently the opinions and disposition of other 
absentee proprietors, insisted that outrages perpetrated in the 
counties of ISligo and Roscommon by incendiaries known as " Captain 

Trasher's " band, were of a political character; smouldering 
rebellion in fact, fomented by tlie French. He urged with all the 
authority of a former Lord Lieutenant primed with confidential 
information, tliat the onh' remedy lay in " systematic and vigorous 

coercion " administered by a new form of military tribunal which 
he proposed to establish in Ireland. Lord Grenville naturally 
inclined to drastic measures in dealing with popular discontent, and 
was much governed by his brother's advice. But the Irish Govern- 
ment, better informed from ofificial sources, and directly responsible 
for public order, could find little or no trace of treasonable corre- 
spondence ; and as the Irish Law Officers considered the ordinary 
process of law sufficient to c|uell local disorder, neither the Duke 
of Bedford, nor his Chief Secretary, William Elliot, nor Lord Spencer 
at the Home Office, would consent to the introduction of any 
system of arbitrary repression. It must also be said that, since 
the passing of the Act of Union, Lord Grenville, under a sense no 
doubt of particular responsibility for that measure, had turned his 
attention more fully to the causes of Irish discontent, and the 
remedial legislation they required. During the course of 1806 he 
more than once urged the Duke of Bedford to prepare some plan 
for relieving Catholic tenants of the excessive burthen of tithes. 
The Duke, like Lord Grenville himself, a zealous member of the 
Church of England, showed himself fully alive to the pressing need 
•of this reform. But he was a very timid politician. He feared that 
the Orange party, which assumed to be the special guardian of 
Protestant interests, should raise against him the cry of the 
" Clmrch in danger " unless he acted in a matter of this kind in 
concert with the Archbishop of Armagh, and other members of the 
episcopal body. His fears, and a want of opportunities for consul- 
tation, seem to have deferred the official expression of his very 
cautions suggestions until the following year. 

Another Irish project lay very near Lord Grenville 's heart; one 
inspired chiefly by Imperial needs, but also having for its objects 
the partial removal of an Irish grievance, and the directing into a 
useful channel of Irish energies now running to waste. Since the 
beginning of the war against the French Eevolution, in 1703, the 
efforts of the British Government against France had been greatly 


hampered by inahility to raise at home sunicifiit troops for foreign Dropniore 
service. Flomishiug in.histri.-s and gave the ^^^^V-ttt 
workmg ckisses of tireat llritain more attractive occupation, j^ ^ --'l- ^ ■^^^• 
Ireknd artificial social con<litions, resulting fioin coiKpicst and penal 
kws, caused a dearth of ci.iployuicnt. And to complete the con- 
trast, abundant nuiterial tor adnnrable soldiers was turuished by a 
teeming population of men only too willing to escape from sordid 
poverty and enforced idleness by endiracing a ndlitarv lite. ]^ut 
here religions intolerance barred the way. J]y an Act of the Irisli 
Parliament, passed in 17<i;5, Catholics were allowed to hold all com- 
missions iu the army up to the rank of general on the staff. At 
this time the Irish army was a separate force, limited in number to 
18,0()() men, which eoidd only be moved from the islan.l l)y the 
consent of the Irish Tarliament. The Act of I'nion abolished the 
Irish army and did not give the Irish Act of 1798 validity in other 
parts of His Majesty's dominions. The consequence was that, wdien 
Irish regiments were moved over to England, Catholic officers lost 
their commissions, and Catholic soldiers were compelled to attend 
Protestant worship. This intolerant spirit completely checked 
recruitinLT in most parts of Ireland, and cost the Government dear. 
Year after year various expedients, one more costly and ineffective 
than another, were adopted by the Imperial Parliament to enable 
^^linisters to fidfil their engagements to foreign powers or despatch 
expeditions for national objects. These difficulties seem to have 
suggested to Lord Grenville the idea of raising in Ireland Catholic 
regiments with Catholic ol^cers for ser\iee in Malta, Sicily, T*ortngal, 
South America or any otlier country where their religion prevailed. 
By this means he thought the effect intended might be given to the 
Irish .\ct of 179o, the military needs of Government miLrht l)e amply 
supplied and the elements of agrarian disorder in Ireland consider- 
ably weakened. The project, however, received but little encotu'age- 
ment from the Irish Government. It would create a distinction, 
Bedford thought, likely to arouse jealousies and suspicions among 
the Protestants, and invidious to the Cat'holics tliemselves. wdio 
aimed at equality of civil and ]iolitical rights ^^ith their fellow-citizens 
of the dominant creed. Could not Grenville, he suggested, induce 
the military authorities to give Windham's Act a fair trial liy allow- 
ing freedom of worship to Catholic soldiers? But Lord Grenville, 
now bent on the conquest of Mexico, clung to his idea with character- 
istic tenacity. Writing on 29th December to congratulate the Lord 
Lieiitenant on the repression of outrage in Connaught, he again irrged 
the adoption of his scheme of raising Catholic regiments as a 
measin-e not only beneficial to Ireland, but of great importance to 
tlie interests of the whole Empire. 


A full account of the manuscripts of the Dean and Chapter of Dean and 
Wells is given in the introduction to the first volume of the Calendar. Chapter of 
The second volume completes the Report. yjj jj 


Dean and This Eeport is a much ampHfied version of the Eeport prepared 

WdS^^ *'^ for the Commissioners by the late Kev. James Arthur Bennett, 
Vol. IT. rector of South Cadbury, issued in 1885. The arrangement of 

the documents in the present volume differs from that adopted by 
Mr. Bennett, it having been considered that a strictly chronological 
arrangement is more useful to students, inasmuch as all the docu- 
ments dealt with, though separate in form, are really parts of one 
whole, and relate to one set of transactions. Accordingly all the 
documents (except new charters) will be found in chronological 
order, the accounts being placed at the end of the year, when 
documents other than accounts also exist. 

Obviously the charters do not fall in conveniently with this plan 
and they have been placed together at the end of the volume as 

The documents referred to in this volume are: — 

1. Accounts. — Communar's Accounts, between 1327 and 1560. 
Escheator's Accounts, between 1372 and 1501. Fabric Accounts, 
between 1390 and 1550. Various items of interest extracted from 
the later accounts and cash books down to 1750. 

2. Act Books, between 1486 and 1744.— The loss of the Act 
Books prior to 1486 is much to be deplored. There are also two 
gaps, 1514-1571 and 1066-1083, which are most unfortunate: the 
earlier hiatus leaves us in the dark as to the troublous times of 
Henry VIII. and ^Nlary and the early years of Elizabeth, while 
the 1666-1083 period, especially the early part of it, would have 
shown us the Chapter once more settling down to regular routine 
after the enforced absence from 1045 to 1000. We must be thankful 
for two years of this period, 1004-1000, but it is clear that much 
remained to be done. 

The Act Books later than 1744 have not been examined. 

3. Ledger Books, 1533-1505. — These two volumes have been 
dealt with very fully because there are no Act Books for the period. 
They show very clearly the extraordinary and scandalous traffic 
that went on in connexion with both Episcopal and Capitular 

The later Ledger Books have been examined down to 1813 and 
various items of interest extracted, chiefly for the purpose of clearing 
up some topographical uncertainties with regard to the Canons' 
Barn, Montroy College and certain canonical houses. 

4. Charters. — The accounts of the three spending officers, the 
Communar, the Escheator, and the Master of the Fabric are very in- 
complete, particularly those of the Master, Keeper, or Clerk of the 
Fabric. The earlier documents of each set are extracted nearly in 
full, but in the later ones constantly recurring items are omitted, 
while after 1500 only items of special interest are extracted. 

Tho nature of the Faliric Rolls is sufficiently explained by their 
title. The income of tlie Master of the Fabric was made up of 
rents of various properties and some pensions from churches, 
oblations in the various pixes in the cathedral, other gifts and 
legacies, collections made by the Brotherhood of St. Andrew through- 
out the diocese, the income payable by prebendaries to their vicars 


•vvlien tliero \\cie no vicai's serving those particular stalls, fees for ^^'-"^ f^n'l , 
burials, and receipts l.y the sale of sui.erlhious l.uihling material, ^y^W'^^*;'' ''^ 
-stone,, lead, ghiss. \e., and of !j;ills aiKl le^aeies in kind. A\,l. I!. 
His exjienditure iueluded exei-ythiiii; connected with the inaiutenance 
of the fabric and turniture. except such items as \\,re paid by the 
Conminnar out of the receipts from l^iddisliam and liarlynch. 

The Communar was, as his name implies, the .-dmniistrator of 
the ci>i)nninia or connnon ftnid of the canons residentiary. This 
fund, the main source of the income of the establishmtnt as u 
whole, was derived from the I'eceipts from the Cha[)ter's manors 
while they were in hand, by the resj)ective rei'xes, and tr.e rent 
of sucdi manors when they were let to farm, ]xiid t)y the res|)ective 
farmers, the profits of the markets of T.ydeard and Stogumlier, paid 
by the Serjeants, pensions from impro[)riated churdies (Aic-arage-^) in 
respect of the rectorial rights of the Chapter, payments from the 
bailiff of the Hundred of North Curry, rents of shops and houses at 
AA'ells, the income of vacant churciies, lines and heriots, fees of the 
seal [i.e. fees for affixing the Chapter seal to deeds of various 
kinds), sales of corn, stone, Mootl. S:c. 

The first charge on the fund was the payment to the bishop, 
canons, vicars and other officers, of money for their sustenance, 
their commons, often called "■ cotidians " or " quotiddans "; these 
liad^ at one time been provided in kind to some extent, but the 
whole was converted to a cash jiayment by Bish.op Jocelin in 1212. 

-Vfter payment of the money for conunons, th.' Connnunar sets 
down a very miscellaneous collection of items of expenditure, includ- 
ing stipends of minor officers, outside fees to advocates, attorneys 
iind suchdike. ])rocnrations. clerical subsidies to the King, pensions 
to retired dignitaries. ]xiyments to chantry-priests in respect of obits, 
for oil, wine and bread tised in cathedral services, for repairing 
buildings belonging to the Chapter other than the cathedral, and 
for the general working expenses of the Chaj^ter. Tlie balance of 
the common fimd was divided yearly among the canons residentiary. 

The income from the Biddisham property had been assigned to 
the Communar for the repairs of the cathedral and the purchase 
of ornaments. The accounts for this fund are entered separately 
from the general fund : they show that the original inu'pose was not 
very strictly adhered to, since payments were made to the master 
of the schools, the sacrist, the keeper of the organs, and so on. 

A third fund received by the Communar, and also entered 
separately, was the pension paid by the prior of Barlynch. Its 
primary purpose seems to have been to provide for certain obits. 
but payments M-ere also made for wax candles and other pur])0ses 
in connection with the services. 

The name and functions of the Escheator are less obvious. The 
name may perhaps be derived from the fact th;it the income of 
prebends vacant by death was payalile to him for the first year 
after the occurrence of the vacancy; the primary meaning of 
" escheat " (ex-caderc) is anything falling in to a person, not 
necessarily by forfeiture or failure of heirs, as in its narrower 
meaning. The royal escheator dealt not only with property falling 


to tlie Crown hy failure of lieirs or forfeiture, but also v/itli the 
Crouu rights in the case of minority of the heir, and with the 
King's ■■ year and a day " wliere the forfeiture fell to a mesne lord, 
lioth of which present some analogies to the income of vacant 
prebends at Wells. 

These sums from vacant prebends formed the princii)al source 
of the Escheator's income. They were paid by a custom already 
described as " ancient " in 1320, and wliich was initiated b\ 
Bishop Eobert and confirmed l)y J^ishop Jocelin in 1213; two-thirds-- 
of the income belonged to the canons; one-third, " the deceased's- 
'' portion," appearing so often in the Escheator's accounts, belonged 
to the representatives of the deceased for the payment of debts and; 

Other sums received ])y the Escheator were the rents of certain: 
land and houses at Wells, moneys or other endowments given for 
the celebration of obits and anniversaries, oblations, burial fees, and 
monej^s derived from the sale of mortuaries. 

His expenditure was almost entirely in connection with obits and 
anniversaries, payments to vicars, chaplains, choristers and others 
for conducting such services, and for bread distributed to the poor 
on these occasions. 

Many curious words occur in the accounts and elsewliere, a list 
of which will be found in the index under " Words." Some of 
these have not lieen traced in any dictionary or glossary. 
Among these is " cawet," " cawete " or " chaAvet," which occurs; 
about fifteen times. 

There were eight or nine of these " cawetes " at Wells; the 
Communar, the Escheator and the Clerk of Blessed ]\Iary eacb 
liad one; there was one at St. John's altar, one at St. Stephen's-, 
altar, one in the Treasury, two in the choir, behind the high-altar, 
and another behind the high-altar to keep graduals and books in. 
The two l^ehind the high-alt-ar were probably wooden cupboards, 
presses, or ambries for the keeping of relics, plate, Xc, and were very 
probably similar to the beautiful specimens of 15th centiu-y wood- 
work destroyed in the disastrous fire at Selby Abbey Church in lOOG. 
Those at the other two altars, the Clerk of St. Mary's, the one in tlie 
Treasury and the one to keep books in, were no doubt of a similar- 

But it seems clear that the Communar 's and Escheator's 
cawetes were something different; they could not have been mere 
ambries. Thus, the Communar's cawete was large enough to hold 
a muniment chest and a till or " exchequer," a money chest, and he 
apparently sat witliin it to receive payments ; the Escheator's cawete 
had a window in it. Tlieso details suggest something in the nature 
of inclosiu'cs forming small I'oonis, used for offices as well as for 
storage. Tliey were probably timlier-framed inclosures, parcloses, 
having doors and windows; the door of the Communar's cawete 
opened in two sections, an ui)i)cf and a lower, a convenient arrange- 
ment if he received and paid money there. There is no indication 
where the Communar's and Esclioator's cawetes were situated, but 
any vacant wall space (and there must have been plenty) would 


Attention may be failed to an item in the first Connnunar's l»ean and 
acconnt whieli was oniitteil in the transcript beeausr it is cancelled, ^-^l^i'ipter of 
After •• ohit of ^Jr. Klc-hard Korde '• occurs •• Ohit of Mr. liobert y^'l H 
'■ Baldok. 4;i weeks. 1/. r>s. l,/.'- A line is rudely drawn througli 
this, and a eurious story lirs behind it. l''or .Master Kobert I'jaldok 
was the Lord t'haneellor of Mnghmd wlio i'uin<'d Mdward II. He 
Mas prebendary of Yatton. Wdien he was raptured with Kdward II. 
in November, 1;]2(), J^ishoi) Drokensford at onee filled up his pre- 
bend, putting in his nephew, llichard <le ] )rokeiisfoi-d, whom lie 
collated afresh when Uobert Baldok "s death was known in ]^Iay, 
lo-27. Thus the entry is of interest, and its cancelling of more 
interest still, the auditor refusing to allow it to stand in the Com- 
nnniar's account. 


I. BisJiop of London. — The records of the Bishop of London are Var. Coll., 
preserved in two depositories, one in the Becord Booms in St. Paul's \."'- ^^^• 
Cathedral, the other in the ^luniment Boom at Bulham I'alaee. j^l^J^Z-.^ 
The former contains the fjishops" Jiegisters and the documents of 
the Consistory Court; the latter, the records of the Bishop's manors 
and a mass of modern correspondence. 


I. — The Becouds ix St. Baul's C.vthedkal. 

The series of Bishops' Begistehs l.)egins with the year 1300. 
Their contents are descriljed in Bichard Xewcourt's Rcpcrforiinn 
ccclcsiasticuDi parucliialc , 1708, pref., pp. iv. v, vii. The 
registers of Bishops Bichard Bintworth, Balph Stratford, ami Michael 
Xorthburgh (_1338-1361), William Courtenay (1375-1381), and George 
"Montaigne or ^Mountain (1021-1028) are missing. In the Bishop's 
Begistry in Dean's Court is a small folio volume, lettered Index tv 
BisJwps' Books, and headed on p. 1, " Index to the Installations, 
" Consecrations, Consolidations, Letters i'atent. Leases, &:c., &c." 
This contains a separate index to each volume of the Bishops' Begis- 
ters, and a second " Index to the Institutions and Collations to. 
" Ecclesiastical Benefices." The last index includes the pontificate 
of Bishop Blomfield running as far as 1829. The volume ends with 
a General Index to the former series of indexes. 

The other records preserved in these rooms consist of documents. 
and books relating to the Bishop's immediate jurisdiction and to 
that exercised through his vicar-general and the Judge of his Con- 
sistory Court. These may be enumerated together. They include 
allegations for marriage licences (from 1597), marriage licence bonds 
(from 1090), depositions in the consistory court (from 1407), con- 
sistory acts (from 1540), books of corrections (from 1554), citations 
(from 1000), vicar-general's books (from 1084), libels, sentences, &g. : 
acts of causes at the instance of the judge in the archdeaconry of 
London (1005-1094); books of ordination (from 1550), books of sub- 
scription (from 1027), visitation books (from 1554), and papers pre- 
sentations, inventories, terriers, tithe-rolls, &c. Lnder the statute 


20 and 21 Victorise, c. 77, i 89 all documents " relating exclusively 
'■ or ])riucipally to matters or causes testamentary " were required 
to be transmitted to the Court of Probate and to be deposited in the 
Principal Registry. Consequently in 1858 the wills formerly pre- 
served at St. Paul's were removed to Somerset House; and with 
them the old Vicar-General's books (down to 1684). The latter 
also contain marriage-licences from 1520-1521. After 1587 the entries 
from the Vicar-General's books are combined with the allegations at 
St. Paul's, but only a selection is given. The registers of the Fleet 
Prison (1678-1754) were also transferred to Somerset House. Other 
registers which remain at St. Paul's, besides many transcripts of 
marriage-registers from parishes in the diocese, include registers of 
baptisms, marriages, and burials at the Cape of Good Hope (1796- 
1803) and Gibraltar (1807-1812), at the British factories in Russia 
(1706-1815) and at Oporto (from 1716), and at Cronstadt (1807-1824), 
Geneva (1817-1829), and the British embassy at Paris (from 1816). 
There are also papers relating to East Indian chaplaincies (from 
1813) and to chaplaincies on the continent of Europe ; certificates of 
papists (1706), and of dissenting places of worship. 

There is also a vast accumulation of transcripts of parish regis- 
ters, almost all of the nineteenth century, scattered through both the 
record rooms in complete disorder. 

In the Bishop's Registry in Dean's Court is a modern " List 
"of Sundry Documents, Papers, &q., .1c., contained in Bundles 
" marked 1, 2, 3, 4 [altered from A, B, C, D] Deposited in St. 
" Paul's," ranging in date from 1602-1709. The list is alpha- 
betically arranged. Two other similar lists, which have been 
recently copied, deal with Bundles 5 and 6, and Bundles 7, 8, and 9, 
which contain documents respectively from 1640-1800 and from 
1658-1809. They consist of miscellaneous papers, those in the 
first bundle being almost entirely official papers of Bishop Juxon. 

II. — The Muximext Room at Fulh.\m Palace. 
In the ]\Iuniment Room in Fulham Palace are three large presses 
containing documents, besides two upper presses containing the most 
modern papers. There is a " Catalogue of the ]\Iuniments preserved 
" in the Chaplain's Room at Fulham I'alace, January 1859," to 
which title is added in Bishop Tait's handwriting, " Prepared for 
" me by Mr. Hamilton of the British Museum. A. C. London." 
This was Mv. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, of the Department of Manu- 
scripts. They fall under the following classes, no distinction being 
made between volumes and single documents: — 

1. Court rolls, court books, (Ic, relating to the Bishop's manors 
of Fulham, and of Stevenage, Rickmansworth, and JMuch 
Hadham in Hertfordshire. 1566-1706. 

2. Leases, surrenders, conveyances, ilc. Sixteenth to eigh- 
teenth century. 

3. Eighteen account l)Ooks of the Bishop's bailiffs and receivers- 
general (not continuous). 7 Hen. VII. -4 Jac. I. Thirty- 
three account books (also not continuous). 4 Car. II. -11 Anne. 



4. Rentals and similar act-ounts. ir)'.iS-172(). Var. Coll., 

5. Letters patent an<l other docunR'nts under the cri'eat seal. ^,."\- ^ ^^: 
^^4.^ ^ml bishop of 

1^40-ibJ4. London. 

C. Episcopal patents, containing apiioiutinents of ollicers. 1029, 

7. Drafts of acts of parliament, seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 

8. ^Miscellaneous papers, \c. Among these are: — 

Xo. 150. A folio ^■olume containing " Charges of worke 
•• done for tlie repaire of the West end of the Cathedral! 
'• church of S'. Paules London," 1 October, 1639-30 Sep- 
tember, 1040. Signed at the end of each month by Inigo 
Jones, ]Mi. Grigg, and Edward Carter. 
Xo. 163. A bundle of decrees of the court of judicature 
touching claims in respect of houses burned in the fire of 
London. 1668-1670. 
Among miscellaneous books may be mentioned : — 
A copy of the Statutes of St. Paul's Cathedral, written by 
W. Hall, secretary to Bishop Compton, and afterwards rector 
of Acton, and presented by him to Bishop Gibson, 24th July, 
1724, in whose hand is a memorandum within the lioards of 
the book. At the other end of the volume, reversed, are 
transcripts of appointments to the offices of commissary, vicar- 
general, apparitor-general, and registrar. 1663-1683. 
A volume lettered: '" Letters Patent, &c." contains ordinances 
" super donatione ct coJhitionc Episcopatus Lnnclon." 
(1 April, 4 Edw. VI.; 2 March, 1 Mary, &c.), with other 
documents relative to the Bishop's property and patronage 
(ending 6 George I.). 
A large folio volume entitled, "' A Booke Wherein is declared 
" sondry ordres. and deuties, to l)e understood, practized, 
"and obeyed, in an honorable well governed Houshold ; 
" Sett downe for the better orderinge, and direction of ye 
" House of the Eight Honorable Lionell, Lord baron of 
" Cranfeild, Earl of Midle-Sex. . . . Beegonn thee 21 
■" of January Anno 1021 ; and finished the 22 of September, 
" Anno 1622, by ^lorgan Colman, a poore decaied gentle- 
" man; one of thee fraternitie of His Ma''^ : Hospitall, 
" at y« Charterhouse," and signed by him at the end. In a 
handsome leather binding (much worn) with green silk ties. 
About sixty-four cardboard boxes contain letters on diocesan and 
other official business, classified under headings. They are all 
modern. Among them, three boxes of Ajisicers to Queries concern- 
ing Papists include returns by incumbents in the diocese as to the 
numbers of Pioman Catholics in each parish, 1765-1777. 

A number of papers which were written by or belonged to Bishop 
Porteus, when he was bishop of Chester, and have accidentally 
found their way to their present place of deposit. They include 
tables of the " Xumber of Papists in the Diocese of Chester, 1780," 
and in 1779, with notes in the bishop's hand for a speech in 
the House of Lords on the subject, ^Monday, 12th March [1781]. 


From the same source come papers relative to Swedenborgianism ia 
Manchester in the box lettered Sects. 

In another press are many Inmdles of private letters, mostly 
written by persons connected with the diocese of London. The 
bundles have not been found to include any matter, except auto- 
graphs, of general interest. 

The peculiar position which the Bishop of London held as exercis- 
ing spiritual authority over British subjects settled abroad, wliether 
in plantations or colonies within the king's dominions, or in factories- 
or other settlements in foreign states, has naturally led to the accu- 
mulation of a large number of papers, — letters, reports, memorials, 
and statistical returns, — in the muniment room at Fulham Palace. 
Those which relate to the colonies which came to form part of the 
United States of America, and some of those relating to the West 
Indies, have been calendared by JNIiss F. G. Davenport in the Guide 
to the Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to 
1783, in the British Muscinn, ilc, pul)lished by the Carnegie Institu- 
tion of Washington, in 1908. 

Of the thirty-two boxes in which the colonial series of documents 
is preserved, twelve are composed of papers relating exclusively to 
what are now the LTnited States of America, one consist of papers 
relating to Canada and Newfoundland, six of papers relating to the 
West Indies, and thirteen are miscellaneous. The documents go 
back to the reign of Charles II., and include at least two transcripts 
of documents of the reign of Charles I. ; but by far the greater part of 
them are concerned with the eighteenth century, while for the West 
Indies they extend on into the nineteenth. The registers of baptisms, 
marriages, and burials in the parish of St. George, Nevis, 171G-1723, 
have been printed by I\Ir. Phillips. 

II. Dean and Canons of St. George's Chapel, Windsor. — The 
muniments of the Dean and Canons of the Free Iioyal Clia])el of 
St. George in Windsor Castk' art- preserved in the Erary, or Treasury, 
of the College, an upper (•liaiid)er approached through the Chapter 
lioom. The Erary retains many of its original fittings, and most of 
the presses in which the documents are stored appear to date from 
the fifteenth centui-y. 'The collection is in admirable order : the 
documents are classified and mimbered ; and a manuscript catalogue 
gives easy access to tliem. 

Part I. 

and IV-IX and a 

J, and K, and II, 

The presses marked F, 
the exception of I, p., c, f 
1-4, which, as will be mentioned in due course, 
with documents) are mainly stored with boolvs. 
pository is press XV, containing 63 drawers, in 

t X (with 
K, and X, 

large clic 

B, r, and 

contain l)oxrs Hlled 

The ])riiicipal de- 

01 of wliidi docu- 

ments are stored, mainly according to a local classification. They 
relate to the property of the Chapter and to legal business connected 
with it. Outside the numeration stands a large volume, half-bound 
in morocco and lettered P.\p.\t. Bitj.s RKLATixr, to tiif. Fiu;h PiOyat. 
Ch.\pkl of St. George, Windsor, etc. 

uoliced are : 

■_ Viir. Coll. 
Vol. Vll. : 

gwilly in C; 

St. George': 
irtnartlieiisliire, c'luipel, 
e, and All Can- Wiudsor. 


lOlli;- llu'lii ; 

;ire tlirce early 

to proiJiTly 

at Aldewortli 

)K, or Till'; 


of the eolh 

-e, U17-1452; 


Documents whicli may be specially i 

I. G.— lU Wills, 1390-1038. 

I. J. — 24 documents relating to Aber; 
Llangorse, in Brecknockshire, Austey in > 
nings and Urchfont in Wiltsliirc. Am 
thirteenth-Century documents relative 1 
in Berkshire. 

IV. B. 1. — The Arundel White ]3o( 
Book, begun by John Arundell, warden 
a chartulary with some miscellaneous elements. 

IV. B. 2, 3. — Dextox's Bl.\ck Book; a chartulary drawn up for 
James Denton, steward of the college, 1517. 

IV. B. 4. — FsiTn's IxEGisTER, Or Liber Collegii, a collection of 
documents, rules, precedents, memoranda, \c., relative to the free 
i-oyal college. This was begun in 1014. 

IV. B. 5. — Frith 's New Register, containing an account of his 
\'isitations of the property of the college, 1024. 

IV. B. 0. — Howell's Tr.\xscript, a copy of a rental known as 
Howell's, made by Dr. Durell (1004-1083). 

IV. B. 7. — Dr. Derham's Book, a survey of the college property, 
made in the eighteenth ceutiu-y. 

IV. B. 10. — Cat.\logue of Wardens axd Deans [to 1720] and 
OF THE Canons [down to 1082]. 18th century. 

IV. B. 10, 17. — Dr. Evans's Book, a commonplace book of notes 
of deeds and memoranda of events relating to the college. 1701. 

A^I. B. 2-0. — Register of Ch.apter Acts, 1590-1840. 

Among the rest are translations of statutes, surveys, attend- 
ance books (two of the time of Eichard II. and Edward IV.), 
lease books (from 1000), poor knights' cheek books (from 
1772), and sundry account books. 

In the Chest X, are four boxes, marked " Eoyal Grants 
containing 50 documents ; a stipplement to them is placed in 
Press XI, p, and contains 21 documents. Among them are some 
miscellaneous documents apparently selected on account of their 
^special interest. This chest also contains twelve volumes of statutes 
and ordinances of the order of the Garter, copies of the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centin-ies. 

Press XL a. — 32 documents concerning the property and 
exemptions of the warden and college of the king's free chapel at 
Windsor, or the king's dean and canons of Windsor. 

XL B. — 51 documents concerning the vicars and Poor Knights, 
vergers, organists, and choristers. 

XL D. — Papers relating to the order of the Garter and to tlte 
feast of St. George, and to the chapel of St. George. 

XL H. — Papers relating to the Poor Knights. Seventeentli and 
eighteenth century. 

XL M. — Foiu' volumes containing transcripts of court rolls of 
"South Tawton, Bramley, Isleworth, Haseley, and various other 
places where the college held manors. 15th-17th century. 

XV. 3. — 44 accounts, valors, and rentals, ranging from the time 
of Edward III. to that of Charles II. 


G. — Leases and court rolls, i^c, of Isleworth and Twickenham, 
fi-om 1502 to the nineteenth century. 

8. — 81 documents relating to the lands granted to Edward 
Seymour viscount Beauchamp, afterwards duke of Somerset (the 
prior}- of Eston in Wiltshire, the prebends of All Cannynges and 
Urchfont, and divers other benefices), and papers concerning 
those portions of his property which were granted to the dean and 
canons of Windsor. 

9. — 13 court rolls of Leighton P.uzzard in Bedfordshire, from 
the reign of Henry VII. to that of Charles I. 

15. — 56 deeds, court rolls, &c., relating to Wycombe, Bassets- 
bury, and Long Crendon, in Buckinghamshire, 1395-18th century. 

19. — Miscellaneous papers unsorted and uncatalogued. They 
include bonds, papers concerning legal proceedings, petitions, 
counsel's opinions, rentals, and accounts, chiefly of the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries. 

24. — ^Miscellaneous deeds, mostly of modern date, but including 
a good many documents of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
Among them are a few notes of the college muniments. One, No. 
112, is "A Short Account taken by Thomas Hatch Chapter Clerk 
" in the Year 1782 of what is contained in the several Boxes in the 
" Errery." 

3. — 71 Treasurers' roJls, beginning with the accounts 
of William de Polmorva, 1st December, 36 Edw. III. — 23rd Septem- 
ber [1362-3], and of Stephen Blanktre and John Loryng for the 
complete year to Michaelmas, and ending at 1408. 

55. — 33 court rolls of Euer [Iver in Buckinghamshire] from 1288 
to 1507, with some other documents. 

56.-77 rolls of precentors' accounts, 1363-1681. 

57. — 51 bills and memoranda relative to expenses, e.g., of the 
warden travelling on the business of the college, of repairs of build- 
ings in the college and on its manors, of legal proceedings ; together 
with petitions for payment : ranging from the fifteenth to the seven- 
teenth century. 

58 c. — 29 foundations of chantries and anniversaries, and other 
documents concerning them, 1453-1538. 

59. — 44 rolls of treasurers' accounts from 1502, a series con- 
tinuing that in XV. 34. 

61. — Modern stewards' accounts, from 1663; and bailiffs' 
accounts from the fifteenth century : in all 101 documents. 

III. Diocese of Glourr^ifrr. — In the Diocesan Eegistry a mass 
of papers was recently found which had been for many years over- 
looked, lioth bound and unbound, in great confusion and many of 
them mutilated and damp-stained. Upon the Bishop becoming 
acquainted with the discovery his Lordship requested the Commis- 
sioners to authorise further and fuller investigation. Of this the 
following report furnishes the results, which show that there have 
now been lirought to light some of the earliest records of the see 
founded by King Henry VIII. 

1542. — A brief record, in a paper book, of the primary visitation 


of the first Bishop of Gloucester aud hist Abbot of Tewkesbury, y;^i"- <_;oll- 
John ^Vakenlan, held in May, 1542. "^ Diocele oV 

The record is very scanty, and consists cliietiy of entries, under Qi^^ie^ster, 
the several deaneries, of the attendance of the Chancellor on 
specified days in May and June, with in most instances nothing 
further. ^Vhel•o anythiiii: is added, it is only in notes of cases of 
ecclesiastical prosecution in the promotion of " Officiurn domini "; 
and here and there, as in the deanery of Xeweiit, the names of the 
churchwardens and some others are given. Jiut on the first two 
leaves there is a copy signed " per me Johainiem Tailer," the Regis- 
trar, of the answers of l^rebendaries. to si^ecial articles of enquiry 
respecting the Cathedral, which show how at once on its first founda- 
tion gross irregularities had crept in. 

At the end of the book is a coi)y of an ordinance made in 1304 
by Bishop William [de Geynesburgh] of Worcester regarding the 
endowment of the vicarage of Wick wan (.-iic), a church which had 
been appropriated to the abbey of Beddesley. 

1548. — Visitation by Bishop Wakeman in the seventh year of 
his episcopate, 28th May-19th November. At the close, attendance 
is summoned to be made in the chamber of the Bishop called " the 
" Square Chamber." To the note of the last meeting, on 19th 
November, these memoranda have been added in the margin by two 
hands of the latter part of the century: " Mr. T^eane sworne. The 
" Statuts read to the officers and members of the Colledge at the time 
" time of Yisitacion and shewed to the Bjip." The volume com- 
with xxxvii Articles of Enquiry addressed to the clergy of the diocese 
in general. 

The rest of this volimie, after the general visitation of the diocese 
15 taken up with the Acta of the Consistorial Court from June, 1551, 
to June, 1553. 

A Visitation Piegister of Bishop Hooper in the years 1551-2 fol- 
lows Wakeman 's, but unfortunately it only contains the record of 
the persons summoned in the parishes of the several deaneries, with 
no notes of presentments or proceedings. Of the latter record no 
portion, not even a fragment, of the original appears to be in exist- 
ence, but an eighteenth century transcript is preserved in Dr. 
Williams' library in Gordon Square, London. 

But there is still preserved a curious series, perhaps unique in 
character, on nine leaves, of returns of the election in January, 155f , 
of two proctors in Convocation (or as it is said in three returns, 
" in Parliament ") by the clergy in seven deaneries. The return 
from Campden is accompanied by the mandate for the election, 
signed by John Williams, LL.D., Chancellor of the Diocese. For 
Williams himself there was an unanimous vote ; others nominated 
were Nicholas Oldysworth and Guy Eton, chaplain to Bishop 
Hooper. The signatures to the returns are in almost all cases those 
of the voters themselves. 

Some further records of Hooper's episcopate have fortunately 
been lately found. For among the Office Books of the Bishop's 
Court, there is the record of cases tried from 13th June, 1551, to 
17th June, 1553, in an unbound paper volume, comprehending 


nearly the whole period. The courts were held with great fre- 
quency, often two or three times in the week, but Hooper was 
always present at all the sittings up to October, 1551, and very often 
in 1552, thus affording evidence of his continual residence at that time 
at Gloucester. ^Mention is occasionally made of examinations and 
sentences being deferred until he should visit the deanery in which 
the cases occurred, and his own non-appearance at courts in 1558 
may be accounted for by his holding Visitations, and by his being 
also at that time Bishop of Worcester. 

The Piegisters of Visitation, both ei)iseopal and archidiaconal, 
following Wakeman's and Hooper's, are hi a very imperfect series, 
and in more or less tattered condition, from 15G3 onwards. The dis- 
ordered state of things necessarily consequent upon the religious 
change is abundantly illustrated. The whole of this record, which 
fills a thick volume, is, of course, full of matter of great, and more 
than local, interest. 

1580. — In the first of a long series of volumes, damp-stained and 
often imperfect, containing the records of suits and ordinary pro- 
ceedings in the ecclesiastical courts from the time of Queen Eliza- 
beth (with, occasionally, casual entries of earlier date), there are two 
leaves at one end and three at the other end, almost illegible through 
damp and partly mutilated, which contain notes of a second metro- 
political Visitation of the Cathedral in October 158 [0], while the see 
was vacant. 

Upon this Visitation of the Cathedral there follow notes of a 
Visitation of St. Bartholomew's Hospital. 

Registers of episcopal Visitations of 1581, 1584, 1594, 1597, and 
1599, are very meagre, often furnishing little more than the names 
•of persons summoned. The same is the case in 1605-6, except that 
in this year there was a question between the Bishop and the Dean 
and Chapter as to the ownership of an old hall and of a water-course. 
A debate tliereon continued for several months. From the year 1597 
there had been a dispute w'ith the Dean and Chapter as to their 
being subject to the Bishop's visitatorial power unless he came by 
royal mandate, and they were frequently pronounced contumacious 
for non-a])])earance. But on 17th October, 1606, they appeared and 
admitted that they were subject, and animo dcJihcroto submitted 
themselves. A statement of the controversy (continued in 1607), in 
a hand of the latter half of the 17th century, is in a volume con- 
taining the Visitation in 1662. 

The Visitations in 1612-13, 1619, 1622, 1625, and 1628 are 
recorded with very few entries besides the names. To that of 1622 
is prefixed a printed copy of Bishop Myles Smith's Articles of 
Enquiry, printed at London by John Legatt; and a MS. list of nine 
preachers appointed for the several deaneries, for the mornings and 
afternoons, signed by the Bishop. A table of fees is noted. 

The Visitation in 1635 is similarly recorded, but thirteen injunc- 
tions given by the judge are entered under each deanery : the wearing 
canonical dress, none to preach unless they are licensed, prayers on 
V.^cdnesdays and Fridays ; sermons not to be above an hour, not to 
be contentious or against particular persons ; ministers to choose one 


churchwarck'U, r.r.d to use the cross iu baptism and the riug iu mar- Vnr. ('.)11. 
riage ; perain'mlations to be observed, aud Irrriers to be yearly made ; !''• ^ ^^■■ 
and sent to the Jnsho[> s registry m parchment; tlie Communion qj^^^^.^^^^j. 
table to be set north aud south, and railed l)t'tore it or round about 
it, to keel) it from anuoyaiiee ; all imiek-hills aud sinlvs to l>e removed 
out of ehureiiyards ; ealechisiugs instead ot sermons in 
the afternoon on Sundays; nhnister tliriee a year to exlioit in 
sermons to obedience. From this year there appears to be no 
record of Visitation iluring the remainder of the reign of King 
Charles I. 

Of post-Kestoration i)apers there is a small but \ery interesting 
parcel, relating to the Cathedral, which contains the following docu- 
njents : — 

i. In IGGl a court is held in the Chapter House on lOtli October, 
at whicli all the members of the cathedral body appeared except the 
sub-dean Washbourne and Dr. Thomas \Varmestr\- ; the singing-men 
and boys, janitors, sextons, and almsmen are all duly entered; and 
then adjournment is made to the 22nd. 

ii. A copy of seventeen Articles of Enquiry exhibited by Bishop 
William Nicholson at his first Visitation iu Feljruary, l(')G2/3, with 
many alterations and additions when re-issued in KiOr). They 
enquire minutely respecting the duties and the observance of them 
on the part of all the members of the cathedral liody, the care of 
the church, the provision of sufficient Bibles and of Prayer Tioobs 
" of the last edition with the alterations made and lately confirmed 
" by Act of rarliament,'! and of sufficient singingdoooks for the (juire, 
i^c. The ans\Aers, made by John Ch'egory, " archididascalus," and 
I'rancis Hanslape, precentor, follow, dated 4th February. 

Of the same date there is the reply of Piobert Muddin and Pilchard 
Elliot, two of the lay clerks. 

There is also a petition to the Bishop, signed by seven lay clerks, 
Richard Bradgat, Piobert Muddin, Pichard Elliott, William Jen- 
ninges, John Tyler, John Painter, and John Paine, respecting the 
insufficiency of their salaries. 

iii. In December, 1G65, there is a very full answer by Dr. Thomas 
Washbourne, sub-dean, and Thomas Vyner, prebendary, to the 
articles as then issued. There were then two petty canons ; tlie 
stipend of tlie two vacant places was applied to the increment of the 
salaries of other ministers and to re])airs. " We liave an organist 
" [soil. P'hojnas Low] competently skilful to |)erforme his duty 
'■ required l)y statute, and we hope our future experience of him 
" may inable us to give our commendation of his diligence in teacli- 
" ing the choristers. The office of sacrist is not in all partes of it 
useful to our church, but those partes of it that remayne in use, 
being tlie inferiour ministeries of that office, are performed by the 
" sexton." 

iv. List of those summoned to attend a visitation of tlie hospitals, 
held at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, 14th January, 1GG8/0. Ordered 
on 30th March that Mr. Fox, the minister, shall do his duty in 
reading prayers according to the statute ; and as long as he continues 
minister shall hold the house wherein he now dwells, but afterwards 
(B1720— Gp. 5) o 


Var. Co!'. that part which formerly belonged to the phj'sician shall be allotted 
T)- f' ^^ ^^^^ physician then present. 

Gloucester. Under date of llth December, 10G9, there is a full statement by 

Dean William Brough of " Considerations to remove all misunder- 
standing," with " due respect and reverence to the power of the 
Lord Bishop of Gloucester at some times to visit us," as to the 
limits of that power. 

V. In 1673 there are four presentments made. At a Visitation 
held 29th July, Dr. Washbourne and Abraham Gregory, canon, give 
short answers to some articles, in which the only noticeable particu- 
lars are that there are four petty-canons " which are as many as 
have been in the memory of man," who receive the full salary of 
six and 20L over, and that it is intended to enquire further respecting 
the ringers exacting more than the ancient dues and to regulate 

vi. In 1676 Bishop John Prickett issues 24 articles of enquiry. 
One is respecting the wearing of surplices, and, in the case of the 
clergy, of the hoods of their respective degrees. 

To these articles there are three sets of replies: — 

1. By Edward Jackson and John Deighton, minor canons. 

2. By Dr. Thomas Washbourne and Abraham Gregory. 

3. By John Wells and John Painter, lay clerks. 

vii. In 1679 the same Bishop issues 24 articles, with some small 
variations from the previous enquiries. To these Washbourne and 
Gregory reply. 

viii. In 1707 Bishop Edward Fowler signs 26 articles, mostly 
repetitions of those of former years, except that it is asked whether 
preachers in their prayer before sermons pray for the Queen and 
Princess Sophia by name. An extract from the statute " de Visita- 
" tione EcclesiiE " accompanies these, with a protest and reservation 
of rights by the Dean and Chapter, since " for many years past 
" there has been no visitation ": exhibited 28th April, 1707. Luke 
Beaulieu, B.D., Treasurer, and John Newton, A.M., Prebendary, 
give long answers, without prejudice and with much reservation, 
dwelling on the impossibility of now observing the original statutes, 
while declaring that they have no cause to fear the Bishop's power in 

There are three volumes of presentations and institutions to bene- 
fices. I. Contains some mixed entries of earlier dates than the 
foundation of the diocese, and extends from 1521 to about 1566. At 
folio 9 is the record of the induction, installation and inthronization 
of Bishop Hooper, by proxy, in the person of John Huntley, pre- 
bendary, on 27th March, 1550/1. At the end is a list of persons or- 
dained who had signed the Articles of 1562, with their autograph 
signatures, and of others, also with autograph signatures, who having 
been " made by other forme than was appointed in the tyme of Kyng 
" Edwarde the Sixte or in this tyme " of Queen Elizabeth, had 
subscribed the Articles. II. From 1570-1620, with entries, at 
the end. of 1627 and 1630. At the beginning are lists of persons 
ordained in 1570, and memoranda of, as it seems, the Bible exami- 
nation of candidates. At the end are some mutilated leaves with 


lists of ])ersons ordained in IGOG and lOlt-lOlS. III. A clirono- \:ii'. < '""• 
logical abstract of all the like documents " now extant in the Regis- j)i'^gggg Jf' 
ter's office," from 1541 "' to the time oi liishop Benson's conse- (-jiyycester. 
*' cration, 19th January, 1734/5. 

Court-book of the manors of Hopesmeleyshull, Preston, Brompton 
and Hay, De^A'church and Kilpeck, Ullingswick, Dulas and Ewyas 
Harold," U Hen. VH.-ll Hen. VUI. 1499-1519. 

A paper book of twenty leaves contains proceedings in the Con- 
sistorial Court before the Chancellor, John Williams, in 1541-1542, 
registered by John Taylor. 

Inhibition by Francis Baker, Chancellor of the Diocese, to church- 
wardens, forbidding their obeying a mandate of the Archdeacon to 
bring in second bills of presentment, which is an unheard-of innova- 
tion, and invasion of his office ; dated 14th September, 1632. 

Decree by Bishop Godfrey Goodman in a case of dispute with Sir 
Thomas Sackville, knight, respecting the Church-house at Bibury ; 
dated 5th October, 1635. 

Copy of the decree of Bishop William Nicholson annexing the 
church of All Saints in Gloucester, which had been in great part 
destroyed in the time of the late war and rebellion, to that of St. 
Mary de Crypt. 

Letter from Bishop Robert Frampton to the Chancellor of the 
Diocese, directing him to enquire when churchwardens give in their 
presentments how far the injunctions given at the last Visitation are 
observed ; dated 10th Octobe"r, 1684. 

IV. Corporation of Beccles, Suffolh. — The early records of this Bei'clef^, 
ancient town have unfortunately been lost. As in various other cascb Sutiolk. 
it is supposed that they either perished in a disastrous fire which 
occurred in 1586. or, as appears more probable, in tlie course of long 
disputes respecting the ownership of the Fen. The only remaining 
documents are concerning the Fen, from which the town was called 
Beccles Fen, which had been part of the possessions of the Abbey 
of St. Edmund's Bury, and which on the Dissolution was happily 
])urchased by the inhabitants by means of the funds of a gild, which 
otherwise would, as well as the Fen, ere long have been confiscated. 
There followed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth a law-suit respecting 
the land which resulted in the maintenance of the town's right to it, 
and in the grant of a new charter in 1584 (superseding one granted 
by Hen. VIII. , 10th March, anno 31, 1540) which incorporated the 
inhabitants by the name of the Provost of the Fen of Beccles, three 
Supervisors or Surveyors, and the Commonalty of the same. Of 
this charter a confirmation was granted by James I., 19th May, 
1605, the original of which, with the Great Seal (broken), is pre- 
served in its own wooden box. The history of the Fen is told, with 
a translation of the Charter, in a small book entitled Ayi Account of 
the Corporation of Beccles Fen, draivn up in 1807 for the use of the 
Corporation, which was reprinted, with notes and additions, in 1826. 
This volume also contains a translation of the letters patent of 
Charles II., dated 14th October, 1674, granting to the Corporation 
the ruinous buildings and the lands of the ancient Hospital (granted 
(B1720— Gp. 5) o2 


in lOO.j to Thomas Kerrichj ; and of this grant the original 
is preserved, but without tlie seal. In order to acquire this grant 
it was resolved at a meeting of the Corporation on lOtli November. 
1673, that the help of the Bishop of Norwich should be invoked, and 
on 21st January in the next year thanks were returned to Sir John 
Pettus, knight, for his great care and pains about the procuring it. 
For the whole history of the town and neighbourhood, very large 
manuscript collections were made by Mr. S. W. Eix, at one time 
.Mayor, gathered from all available sources; and these on his death, 
in 1894, were purchased by Dr. W. Aldis Wright, of Trinitv 
College, Cambridge, and presented to the Corporation. They form 
o5 volumes in quarto. 

The earliest document now in the custody of the Town Clerk;. 
is a release from John llede of Weston, Suffolk, esquire- 
and Thomas Eede, his son and heir, to the inhabitants oi 
Beccles, of all their right in the marsh and pasture commonly 
called Becclis Fenne or Becclis Comon, estimated to contain l,40l'» 
acres; dated 4th March, 1584-85, anno Eliz. 27. 

[1608] 5th February, Jas. I. — Grant from the King to Thomas 
Kerrich of the office " of the Guider and Guydershipe of the hospitall 
in Beccles." 

The first book of records is a parchment volume of 18 leaves in 
a parchment cover, marked A, containing the " Constitucons for 
" Beclys Fenen " (noted in a later hand as being of the year 1552j^ 
made by Sir Richard Riche, Chancellor of the Court of Augmenta- 
tions, and William Kede, merchant, and Thomas his son. Most of 
these regulations are repeated, in more or less varied form, in the- 
following book of 1613, but the last chapter but one prohibits shoot- 
ing in more stringent terms, that no manner of person, being a 
dweller within the town or out of the town, shoot with a " hand- 
" gonne " within any part of the Fen. And the book ends with a 
chapter recording the assent of 55 inhabitants, by name, together 
with the four Fen Reeves, to these ordinances. 

A second book, containing 11 paper leaves, in a parchment cover, 
m.arked B, contains orders made in 1585, with supplemental orders- 
in 1587 and 1598. 

A third book, bound in rough calf, marked C, contains, on 13 
parchment leaves, a collection of the laws of the Corporation in 
1618, with the names of the forty members ; followed on three leaves, 
by an ordinance made in 1719, with a like list of names, and further 
orders made in 1740, signed with 35 autograph signatures, of which 
two are by marks. The orders of 1613 are printed in the Account 
to which reference is made above. 

Of the yearly accounts of the Fen Reeves there is a thick paper 
volume in fairly good condition beginning at 1543 and ending at 

A paper book, of eleven leaves, contains abstracts of the leases 
granted by the town from 1608 to 1628. 

A series of Tax (called " Tanl-c ") Books, made in the years 
1576, 1593, 1671, 1679, and 1682, is succeeded by a bound volume, 
now called a " Tax Boole," in 1792. 


Among loose pajiers relating- to the law-snits i\'specting the Fen Var. Coll. 
are the following:- Betll!^' 

i. I'art of a statement of claim bv the inhabitants against j\Ir. Si,rtblk' 

ii. A memorandum that on Stli November, 7 Eliz. [15G3], 
'' there was browght into this Courte a cheste of weinscott with 
■" twoo lockes and twoo keves, wherein is conteyned the Lettres 

pateutes for Beccles Femie graunted to \Yilliam Eeed decesed 
"' and the orders made by the Kight honorable the Lord lliclie, lord 

Chaunselour of England, towchinge the vse of the said Feunes, 

and the Common Seale of the said towne, by William Iteed, sonne 

of the said William Reed deceased, here to remayne indefesentl;/ 

for the said towne and the said William Eeed." 
Of the Minute Books of the Corporation seven volumes extend 
t'rom 1670-1841 (of which the first ends in 1700) and a large 
volume of accounts extends from 1741-1812. The loss of the 
-earlier records, including the Red Book mentioned f^iipni, is greatly 
tj be regretted. Hence, for all the periods of special historical 
anterest there is nothing to be found. 

The old seal of the Corporation represents what is supposed to 
lie the Town-house, with a yen or pound in front, enclosing cattle. 
The inscription is " Sigilum [sic] coe Nove Incorporacois d 'Beccles 
"'reiie" 1584." The seal adopted on the re-constitution of the Cor- 
poration under the provisions of the Municipal Reform Act, in 1830, 
•exhibits a representation of the south porch of the grand parish 
C'hnrch, with the inscription " Sigillum Concilii iMunicip. Becclesiae. 

1836." This seems to indicate that the supposed origin of the 
name as standing for " l^eata Ecclesia " was then recognised as 
correct by the authorities. There ai-e two small but elegant, 
sergeants' maces, silver-gilt, ten inches long, having at the 
top the royal arms with E.R. and the date ir)84. and 
round their rims the excellent motto, " For mayntenance of truthe 
" and righteousness, and not to execvte wronge or malice. Beccles 

Fenne." A mayor's chain of gold was given in 1882. The 
insignia are described in Messrs. Jewitt and Hope's Corporation 
Plate, 1895, vol. H, p. 330. 

In the private possession of Mr. Angell, the Town Clork, are 
TT'any documents of much local interest, chiefly of the 17th and 
18th centuries, which he rescued from destruction under circinn- 
stances^ which only too clearly show how carelessly and ignorantly 
such things have frequently been dealt with, and how easily the dis- 
appearance of records may therefore be accounted for. Passing 
along a street in the town about ten vears ago he met a boy wheeling 
n harrow with well-filled sacks, from one of which he saw a ])iece jf 
•^•ellum protruding with a seal attached. Stopping tlie bov he asked 
v.-hither he was going with his sacks, and was answered : To tlie gas- 
works to empty them for burning as rubbish. ^Iv. .Angell then in- 
quired who sent him, and found it was a rosiden.t in an oflice he had 
-taken, which had formerlv been occupied l;)y a land agent and sur- 
veyor. To him therefore Mr. .Angell wont, and l)ef:n-ed that he might 
have this refuse, which was willinglv given ; and he thus rescued 


from immediate destruction a mass of papers and deeds of great 
local interest. Amongst rent-rolls, wills, terriers, leases, &c., there 
are the following special items: — 

i. Letters patent of Henry VI., dated 12th July an. 24 [1440],. 
granting to Robert Prior of Bridelyngtone and the Convent, full and 
ample privileges. 

ii. Various deeds relating to Monk Soham, Laxfield, Brandestoii 
and Worlingham, cliiefi}' between the times of Eich. II. and Hen. VI. 
Grant by Sabina, daughter of Walter de Halle, to Geoffr.ey 
de St. Edmund, for ten marks, of all that part of the marsh and 
pasture called le Park in Werlingham which came to her on the 
death of her brother Philip de Halle. 

iii. Court Polls of the manor of Wathe Hall in the times of 

Henry VI. and Henry VIII., and of Sotterley in that of Henry VI. 

iv. A very minutely kept book of household and farm accounts 

in the time of Charles II, in whicli unfortunately the name of the 

writer or of the estate does not appear. 

V. The Chief Constable's account-book of assessments levied 
upon the hundred of Looes from 1649 to 1701. 

vi. Overseers' account-book for the parish of Kessingland froirj 
1G76 to 1702, with a list of overseers commencing at 1658. 

vii. A note to a tenant signed Elis. JNIole is endorsed with a 
memorandum that she was a sister of Sir John Duke and formerly 
wife of Nath. Bacon " who raised a rebellion in Virginia ',' [in 1756]. 
She appears to have married for her second husband Thomas Jarvis, 
a merchant in Virginia, a copy of whose will, " late of Virginia and 
" now of London," dated 4th April, 1084, and proved 18th April 
(in which he directs his estate in Virginia to be sold) is endorsed 
with a memorandum that his widow married ]\Ir. Mole, as her third 

viii. A petition to the House of Lords, evidently in support of 
Sir S. Eomilly's bill for relaxation of penalties in the Criminal Code, 
and specially with regard to forgery, which, from its being found 
here, cannot have been presented, and is probably absolutely unique 
in its character, being in verse ! It is si^med by 105 inhabitants of 
Woodbridge, and as the third in the list of signatures is that of 
Bernard Barton, it may be very certainly conjectured that the 
verses exhibit a specimen of the Quaker poet's powers. The petition 
runs thus: — " The humble petition of the undersigned inhabitants 
" and householders of Woodbridge and its vicinity interested, as 
" ]\Ien, Englishmen, and Christians, in the amelioration of our 
" Criminal Code, more especially as respects its existing enactments 
" against Forgery, Humbly shewetli % 

" That your Petitioners behold with awe ■ 

The infliction of a sanguinary law, ;■ 

Wniich makes tlio ennin'd Judge u|)on his seat 
Pieluctantly its dire awards re])oat, ■ , 

And causes, by its ruthless interdict, 
Juries to be as tardy to convict : 
While e'en the injiu-'d Party fears to take 
That Law's redress, for Human Nature's sake. ,il 


That your retitioners regret to learn Vni'vu' 

So slight a mitigation of this stern l'„.,(K's 

And Spartan law should be the only meed Suttolk. 

For which Philanthropy may ho{)e to plead ; 

A mitigation which but does away 

What had been obsolete for many a day, 

And leaves the full infliction of its force 

To take its old accustom 'd barbarous course. 

That therefore your Petitioners implore 

Your Honorable House to waste no more 

Vain pruning on a tree which bears such fruit 

But lay the axe at once unto its root. 

Too long it hath encumber 'd English ground, 

And, like the Upas, shed its poison round ; 

But most unlike the shadows of that tree 

Emblem of England's glory wont to be, 

The British Oak, whose giant arms displayed 

Brighten the verdure underneath its shade. 

Thus should our Country's Laws be typified, 

A Christian nation's safeguard and its pride." 

V. The Dissolved Corporation of Dumvich. — There is much of Du nvicb, 
romantic interest attaching to the remaining records of this Suffolk ■'^ii:5"lk. 
town, once in far-off days the seat of a Saxon Bishop, and in later 
times a seaport of importance on the east coast, able to contribute 
to the naval service of the realm and sending representatives to 
Parliament, but now only a village with some hundred and fifty in- 
habitants. Slowly but by sure degrees harbour, churches, town 
hall, woods, have been submerged by the continual incursions of 
the sea, until at length the almost last witness to the old existence 
of a populous town is seen in the fragments of one ruined church out 
of a former seven, crumbling away year by year on the edge of a 
low disintegrated cliff. But happily some of the materials for its 
history have been preserved. In a massive, curiously painted, iron 
chest, of which the ponderous lid when let down automatically 
closes the four bolts of a lock of which the key can only be turned 
with the help of an iron bar, there are Registers which commence 
at tlie year 1595. The chest appears to be contemporaneous in date, 
and to be of Dutch make, and is traditionally believed to have been 
washed up on Dunwich beach from some wrecked vessel. It is now 
kept in a room which is used as the village reading-room, but was 
until recently in a neighbouring cottage, which used to be employed 
as the Town Hall for declaration of Parliamentary elections until the 
borough was disfranchised in 1832. 

The early Piegisters appear never to have been examined, and 
several of the earliest have been lost. In 1596 there is a reference 
to two pages in a " first " Assembly Book, in 1C>0H fnur books of 
Orders are mentioned, and in 1692, in what is now vol. IV., an 
order is made for the production of four Assembly Books, which 
shows that then there were four in existence besides that in which 
the order is entered. T. Gardner, when writing his valuable history 


Var. Toll. of Dunwicli, JJlvthinu-gh, and Southwold in 1754, said that be 
D^iiw' •! I'ound, to his surprise, the town's "' archives ransacked of all re- 

Sutfolk. ' " cords, except the Common Court books, and those too close con- 
■' lined for my due inspection." He clearly suggests that there had 
been wilful abstraction, and it may be hoped that the lost volumes 
may eventually be found in some private collection. The records are 
now in the custody of Trustees appointed by the Charity Commis- 
sioners, and the presence of a Trustee is required whenever they are 
produced for examination, and during the whole time that they are 
in use. 

The fishing trade is found to have been carried on far beyond 
the English coasts. In 1G34 there were four vessels going to the 
North Seas, and paying the {own dues customary on each " adven- 
" ture "; in 1640, one called the William and Fortune, was lost. 
From 1()04 to lOGO we find mention of single ships going to Iceland, 
of which one, in 1G40, was called the l^ohcrt. In 1634 and in 1643 
one vessel goes to the Faroe Islands. 

Some justification of the great com])]aints made by the men of 
Aldeburgh in the time of James I. of the harm done to their trade 
by privateers from Dunkirk is alTorded also hj the experience of 
the men of Dunwich ; the Bailiffs' accounts have frequent mention 
of relief given to persons captured or robbed by " Dunkirkers." 
But in 1602 charitable relief is afforded, upon an Admiralty appli- 
cation by the levying of a rate, to nine prisoners from Dunkirk, who 
are to be repatriated. The cruelties inflicted upon captives by Turk- 
ish pirates are sadly illustrated, men who have had their tongues cut 
out by them being not seldom objects of relief. 

The accession of James I. and the union of the two Crowns is 
marked at once by the coming of many Scottisli mendicants, wlio 
do not fail to gain some help. And from 1629 onwards the number 
of Irish applicants for charitable aid, including ministers and their 
families, is large. During the Civil War period there is little sign 
of any disturbance ; the eastern counties being Parliamentary strong- 
holds, and Eoyalist forces rarely (if at all) crossing their borders, 
occasional relief to soldiers is all that tells of the great strife. And 
from 1015 to 1G53 the entries in the Eegister are few and unim- 

None of tlie oiiijinal chartfrs arc now extant. But of some of the 
later there are copies. 

AssKMBTA' Books. 

Six volumes in folio, and two in quarto. 

Vol. I, 1505-1610 //. 326.— In the oi 
ing. Noted on a fly-]e;if as having 

Chancel y in 1715, and on another fly-le; 
repaired by tlio instrumentality of ])r. F. H. Vertue, of Pied Ho'use, 
Southwold, who also re-inserted at the beginning of the volume some 
leaves which he had found lying loose among other papers. Unfortu- 
nately he did not take pains to ascertain their true places in the 


vellum l)iiid- 


exliibited in 

:f as 

having been 


■\-oIume and their sequence, and lienee the lirst sixteen leaves are ^ar. ('oil. 
very mueli niisiilaeed. Tiie volume really l)e^Mns with an Assemblv !)*■* \^,i^.i|' 
held 27tli Oetober, ;37 Kliz. (1595). ' Suflblk '' 

Vol. II, containiiig 180 lea\es in the original parclmient cover; 
somewhat mutilated, and injured hy damp. Jvvteuds from 
December, ll')27, to August, 1(')5;). 

Vol. III. — Folio, in a vellum wrapper [which appears to have 
been given in 1885 by 1\ H. \'ertuej containing the proceedings at 
Assembly meetings Irom l(i54 to ICu'.). The ri'gister occupies tifty- 
two leaves, and follows ui)on copies of the arguments of Mr. 
Littleton and John Selden at conferences of the Commons witli the 
House of Lords [in April, 1G28,] " touching the libertie of the 
person of everye free mau. " The first two leaves are fragments 
of the conclusion of another argument [that on Sir Dudley Digges ?] , 
marked at the close " Ex[aminatur] per Jo. j\I." 

Upon these arguments follow, i. a copy of the Grand Eemon- 
.strance. ii. Address of the Lords and Commons to the King, 
on occasion of the appointment of a public fast, concerning matters 
of religion, with his answer, iii. On the subjects' proprietary right 
in their goods, without tax save by their own consent in Parlia- 
ment, with notes of Sir Edw. Coke's argument 26th March, 1628. 

Up to the year 1661 the minutes of meetings are of the briefest 
kind, recording only admissions of freemen and barest occasional 
summaries of accounts. 

Vol. IV. — Large folio, bound in black calf, containing 86 leaves; 

Vol. v.— Large thick folio, l)ound in dark calf; 1694-1790. 

The Eegister begins with various entries of meetings very fully 
attended from 12th May, 1694, to 26th October, 1695, within the 
period recorded at the end of the preceding volume, including 
attendance of persons who in the last volume are mentioned as 
being removed from olBce. It is clear, therefore, that (as at Alde- 
burgh from 1693 to 1700) there was a schism in the Corporation, and 
a double Eegister was kept. Apparently rival parties claimed to 
act under different charters, including that of James II, and the 
differences were, it may be, composed l)y the new Cliarter in 1698. 

Vol. VI. — Folio, bound in rough calf, partially paged and 
indexed, 1790-1865. — This volume contains little besides the 
appointments of officers and the returns of unopposed elections for 

1799, 29th September. — A part of the Dry Common, containing 
about sixty acres, ordered to be enclosed; but on 7th Octol^er the 
plan is relinquished. 

Among the annual appointments of officers that of Ale-founder 
is found up to the year 1863, but not afterwards. 

Vols. VII, VIII.— In quarto: from 11th September, 1829, to 
29th September, 1846, and from 30tli August, 1847, to 29th Sep- 
tember, 1888. 

A folio volume of the Chamhcrla'in' s Accounts extends from 
1819 to 1849. 


In a folio volume there are a few, stamped, admissions of free- 
men in 1720 and 1747-88. 

Two folio volumes contain the Declarations on taking office, in 
1829-1845, and 1845-1862. 

St. James' Hospital, 

Eleven tattered leaves of Accounts of the Hospital of St. Jamos 
for the years 1633-7. 

The insignia of the Corporation are in the Eecord Chest. Tht-N 
are these : — 

1. Silver mace, 11 inches long; weight, llj (or llf) oz. There 
is no hall-mark, but probably it dates from the 17th century. On 
the base is a shield bearing a three-masted ship with three fishes 
swimming below, impaled with the royal arms of England, quarterly 
1 and 4 {sic, not 2 and 3), three leopards, 2 and 3 three fleurs-de-lis. 
On the top is the ship with a crowned figure sitting. 

2. Silver escutcheon, bearing the Town arms; a three-masted 
vessel, with flag ; a figure sitting in the ship, apparently helmeted 
and beckoning with an upraised hand ; in the upper corners of the 
plate, the sun and moon; in the sea, four fishes. 

3. Silver seal ; crowned figure in a boat, a star on either side, 
and the sun and moon above. Inscr., " Sigillum Ballivorum de 
" Doneswico." 

4. The same seal in brass, with the inscription " Sigillum Ad- 
" miralitatis Donewico " (sic). For this " new Admiralty seal 
three guineas were paid to Thomas "Woolner in 1830. 

VI. Soutlnmld, Suffoll-. — The records of the Corporation of this 
town, once of some importance among the fishing-towns of the East 
Coast are unfortunately but scanty. In 1659, on 25th April, a fire 
destroyed, it is said, some 238 houses, and amongst them the Town 
Hall, when all the early documents were consumed, with one excep- 
tion. This one is a small parchment slip containing an order, in 
French, from Thomas, Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England, 
son of Edward I., to Nicholas Bonde, the steward of his 
lands in Suffolk, dated at Framlingham under his privy seal (now 
lost), 24th March, " I'an quart." The date of this writ is 1330, 
4 Edward III. 


Of the various old Charters granted to the town there are now- 
only copies in existence, as contained in a Confirmation and Ex- 
emplification granted by King William and Queen Mary, 23rd Janu- 
ary, anno 1 (1689/90). 'Hiis begins with, i. Confirmation by 
Charles I., 8th May, anno 10 (1634), of (ii.) James I., 14th May, 
anno 2 (1604); iii. Elizabeth, 12th June, anno 1 (1559); iv. Edward 
VI., 22nd June, anno 1 (1547); v. Henry VIII. , 1st March, anno 1 
(1510), reciting the original Charter of Henry VII., 12th July, 
ayino 20 (1505), which was granted in pursuance of an Acl 


of l\irliauicnt mack' in January, M'.H), in vefereuce *^ y;^]' y'll ' . 
disputes between the luon ot J)un\vicli, as a corporate town, v^^„ji,^y,,i\(^ 
and those of Soutliwold, tlien not coiporate. ]^y the Suffolk. 
Charter of Henry VII. the manor of ISouthwold was granted in- 
corporation, with the usual francliises and priviU>gfs of corporations, 
as well as a Court of Admiralty exempt from the jurisdiction of the 
Admiralty of the realm. 

There is also a fresh Charter of incori)oration granted by James 
II., 5th February, (Viuo 1 (lOSO) in pursuance of his scheme for re- 
modelling the government of all corporate towns. In this no refer- 
ence is made to any preceding grant. 


These begin with a folio book, in a parchment cover, marked 
" B. Dole and Common Book." This contains miscellaneous 
entries of accounts, charities, debts, regulations for the common 
and marshes, and occasional minutes of the Court of Admiralty of 
Southwold and of Assembly meetings; 1658-1824. Several leaves 
are wanting at the beginning of the volume, where there is a memo- 
randum inserted by I)r. F. H. Vertue in 1887, that, finding it with 
the covers nearly off and many leaves loose, thumbed and dog- 
eared, he had taken some pains to repair it. 

In a series of parchment rolls, now preserved in three tin cases, 
are copies of Ordinances made at Assembly meetings from the time 
of Henry VIII. to 1688. In the earliest of these the date of the first 
meeting entered is omitted, but it is conjecturally assigned to 1513. 
It contains regulations respecting shipping going to Iceland and the 
herring fishery. The letting of houses in the town to strangers is 
strictly forbidden. Copies are also entered of the orders at meetings 
on 26th September, 4 Elizabeth (1562), 12th September, 5 Elizabeth 
(1568), 15th March, . . . (year omitted), 16th September, 
6 Elizabeth (1564), 31st December, 12 Elizabeth (1569), 6th Decem- 
ber, 18 Elizabeth (1575), and 11th December, 1586. 

The next, a long roll on two skins, is dated 6th December, 
4 James I. (1606). Orders are made that (in accordance with a 
former ordinance) no one go to sea with spurling nets or lay lines 
upon Sunday before 12 o'clock, having been at divine service at the 
Church, upon pain to forfeit 5/. ; and that no butcher have his shop 
window open or sell any flesh upon Sunday, upon pain of five shil- 
lings. Brewers must sell a wine-quart of beer or ale for a half- 
penny, upon pain of imprisonment, according to a former ordinance 
(16th September, 6 Elizabeth, where it is added " if they have half 
" a barrel of beere or ale in their howses "). No victualler or ale- 
house keeper to keep open house upon Sunday to serve any one 
except he be a traveller, and he only for a repast before service time, 
on pain for ever\' householder of ten shillings and every other person 
twelve pence. 

Orders. 6th December (St. Nicholas' Day, the day of the annual 
meeting), and subsequent orders in 1626, chiefly regarding the pas- 
turing of cattle. 


Var. Coll. 
Vol. VII. : 

Orders, Oih December, 1030. 

Orders, 0th December, 1031, chiefly respecting fishing and 

Orders, 0th December, 1008, a paper roll. Chiefly regarding the 
duties payable on all imports and exports, and the tolls. Signed by 
iill the members of the Assembly. 

Of the Chamberlains' Accounts there are few before the 18th 
century, and apparently none earlier than 1000. Those before 1700, 
and some of later date, are injured by damp, and partially tattered. 
The account for 1007, the year when the Dutch fleet sailed up the 
Thames and Medway, contains many entries of payments for work 
at the fort and at a trench, for shot, for keeping up a fire at the 
guard, &c. The spirit excited by danger is shown by payments 
being made for beer and tobacco to voluntary workmen at the fort. 

Sessions Papers. — Eour parcels extend from about 1070 
to the reign of William IV. There is, however, very little 
of general interest in them, as they only consist of writs, 
pleas, and the like in ordinary trivial cases, with jury lists, and 
declarations in qualification for office. 

The records of the Admiralty Court from 1782 to 1833 (in which 
year the Court was abolished) are contained in two books. They 
are chiefly concerned with cases of waifs and wrecks. 

A bond from Eeighnould Keylock of Waynford, Suffolk, to 
Robert Julians of Easton Bavent, dated 24th October, 1058, is 
noticeable because it relates to a messuage and two pieces of land 
in Easton Bavent, a parish which is now almost entirely swallowed 
up by the sea. 

There is a copy of a letter from tlic Coi-poration [to the Board of 
Ordnance], in objection to an order for surrender of the town guns; 
dated 12th February, 1810. 

A " Catalogue of books and documents belonging to [the] Cor- 
■" poration of Southwold " was compiled by John Eustace Grubbe, 
mayor for twenty years, and was printed (occupying 33 folio pages) in 
1871. All the leases of the town-property are specified with their 
•dates, with particulars of all tlie modern documents up to the time 
of its compilation. 

The Corporation insignia consist of two silver maces, set in oaken 
stems ; the total length is 35 inches, of which the silver portion is 
13 inches. On tlie older one, which has no hallmark or maker's 
initials, and wliicli may have been remade with obliteration of 
marks, there is a cup-shaped top with a beautifully chased rim of 
crosses alternating with an uncertain ornament (a fish?), together 
with the old borough seal, \\z., a crown transfixed with two arrows, 
on either side of which there is a fish. The other mace has a plain 
top, with another form of the same seal, and is dated 1042. Tlie 
Mayor has a gold chain (purchased in 1895 by subscription) with 
fifteen sliiolds charged witli the liorougli arms, and a large badge 
bearing tiio same charge. 

ThetforA. "^'IT. Cnrpnrnlinn of Thrt(nr,l, .Yor/o//.-.— Considering that Thet- 

Norfolk. fcrd was once the seat of tlie P>ishops of East Anglia before the 


translation of the see to Xorwicli in the twelfth century, and after- ^z"'' ^'J^.^' 
uards was niaintain^'d in dignity and inii)ortaiice by thr gi'eat Cluuiac rj^|jJj-foj.j' 
I'riory, which was often visited by Henry VI. as well as earlier Norfolk.' 
sovereigns, while the town itself was visited by CJueen J'^lizabeth and 
her successor ^^wliose honse, completely niodei'iiized, is still called 
TIte King's House), one might expect to find in it a store of docu- 
ments ranging througli long periods. ]Uit unhappily this is not the 
case; with the important exception of a Cai-fulary of the Priory, 
there is nothing earlier than the reign of f^lizabeth, excei)t that in 
one volume there are copies of some monastic charters. And for 
the i)eriod of the Ci\il AYar and Commonwealth there is nothing 
Mliatever to be found. Nevertheless there is much of interest in 
what does still exist. 

Of the Eoyal Charters the only original one now in the possession 
of the Corporation is that of William and ]\Iary, dated 18th February, 
anun ;"). It is an exemplification of a charter granted by Queen 
FJizabetli, 12tli March, afuio 10 [1574]. It occupies four shins of 
Aellum, and is contained in a tin box; the great seal is broken. 

A copy of Queen Elizabeth's chai'ter is in a volume of transcripts. 
A large folio volume, bound in parchment, containing 360 num- 
b.ered pages, besides others not numbered. It contains transcripts 
by various hands made in the 16th century, of numerous documents 
of various dates relating to the possessions of the Priory and other 
ecclesiastical foundations in Thetford, and to the transfers after they 
came into lay hands. A memorandum is prefixed bj^ Mr. G. B. 
Burrell (who supplies a copious index of the contents) stating that it 
^Aas once the property of the Dukes of Norfolk, and that being found 
in a house in Thetford, where it had lain concealed for many years, 
it was presented to him by the finder 22nd October, 1810. He notes 
also that he had seen a very fair copy in the possession of John 
Wright, Esq., of Kilverstone, Norfolk. 
Among the items are: — 

i. Ground-plot of the royal warren of Meth wold surveyed by Crown 
Commissioners in 1580, and walked over by them, with jvn-ors, and 
ancient inhabitants of the several towns mentioned in the plot, 
iii. A plan of " Bagots hogge hethe and pasture grounds." 
V. " A brief boundarye of the franchese of Thettforde." 
vi. Index, made temp. Elizabeth. 

ix. Fnlmerston deeds with conveyances froin the Duke of Norfolk 
and Dulce of Somerset. 

xi. Possessions of the Priory of Thetford and charges thereon, 
xiii. Grants from and concerning the Priory and deeds relating 
thereto, with lists of evidences. 

Computus of the bailiff. 1537. Foundation cliarters, and con- 
firmations, c^-c. 

xiv. Demesne lands of the Duke of Lancaster in Thetford. 
xxi. Tithes of the Prior of Buttle of Eylverson. 1270. 
xxiv. Lands that belonged to the Nunnery. 

xxvii. Notes of some ordinances made in the Courts at Thetford, 
1485-1507, relating to fishing, highways, market, proceedings in 
courts, itc. 

Var. Coll. Inserted at the end of tlie volume are these plans: — 

Th tf 1 ' ^' 1*^^^ °^ ^^^^ pastures at Great Barton belonging to Sir J. 

iS^orfolk. ' ^\"illialnson's charity, by J. Parker, 20th May, 1777. 

ii. Plan of lands at Farnhajn All Saints belonging to the poor of 
Thetford, by \Yilliam Warren, 10th June, 1803. 

iii. Plan of Methwold Warren ; a duplicate of that at the begin- 
ning of the volume. 

iv. A very careful plan of the road from Thetford to Watton, and 
of that to Swaffham, by James Pai'ker, jun., 1790. 

V. Of various roads from and round Buckenham, by James 
Parker, 1787. 

vi. From Thetfoi'd to Bury, by James Parker, jun., 1790. 

vii. Of the property of James Mingay, Esq., in the town of 
Thetford, by J. Parker, October, 1789; with orders of Justices, &c., 
for stopping up an old road and making a new one. 

viii. Of roads from Watton to Brandon, kc, by Buckenham, by 
James Parker, 7th December, 1786. 

ix. Of Mr. Henry Cocksedge's enclosed lands in Thetford, by 
W^illiam Warren, April, 1734, on vellum. 

X. Terrier of the Chapel farm in Croxton belonging to the School, 
by John Parker, 1762 [plan wanting]. 

A small folio volume of twenty-three leaves of vellum, written 
in the fifteenth century, bound in rough calf, contains a Register of 
grants to the Priory extending from 1311 to 1471. In 1705 it was 
in the possession of Peter Le Neve, Norroy, who has marked in the 
margin of all the documents " Posted." It came afterwards into 
the possession of John Ives, and thence to the Duke of Grafton, 
by whom it was given to the town " by James Mingay, Esq., 14th 
" October, 1800." 

A small quarto volume of transcripts, bound in parchment, con- 
tains also various notes and extracts made by Gregory Faux, Town 
Clerk, at the beginning of the 19th century, including the Charter of 
W'illiam and Mary in 1693, and the bye-laws made in that year ; 
with a history of proceedings under the Navigation Act for the river 
<"alled the " Lesser Ouze," to the year 1810. 


Of these there are now five volumes remaining out of nine. The 
earliest extends from 6th September, 1577, to 13th December, 1583, 
with two entries on the last leaf of 1586-7, overlapping partly the 
time comprehended in the next volume ; it is marked on its parch- 
ment cover, by Mr. G. B. Burrell, formerly Town Clerk in the first 
lialf of the nineteenth century, as " No. 1." It is in good con- 
dition, and consists of 86 paper leaves, and it is shown to have lost 
no part of its original contents by the following certificate of the 
Town Clerk, Antliony Frere, or Fryer, at the foot of the last leaf: 
" Mem. this xii. of Julyc, 1596, 38 Reg. Elizabeth. I Anthonie 
" Frere delyvered this booke to Mr. Mills with 86 leaves in yt. Per 
me, Anthonie Frere. 86 leaves." It has been incorrectly paged 
as having only 170 pages instead of 172. 

The volume ends with an entry of 29th October, 1583, and then 


ou the verso of fol. 80 there are two unuiii)ortant notes ou 10th and Vai'. (\>\\ 
11th March, 1580-7. These are i'ollowed Oy a hst of the town's ^,j'^'^-^^^.^^ _5- 
yearly proiits and payments; the hitter are, to the Queen 81. 6s. 8d., Norfolk.' 
to Sir EJw. Clere, 0/. O.s., to the Mayor for his diet, 2U/., and to the 
Eecorder for his fee, 4/. 

" No. 2." A vokime in good condition, hound in parchment, 
containing 275 numbered pages, besides six at the beginning not 
iiumbered. It has been carefully examined and marked by Mr. 
Eurrell, former Town Clerk, who has added at the end a table of 
contents. It exhibits the record of the proceedings of the Coqiora- 
tion from 22nd April, 1571, to 1601, with some brief entries extend- 
ing to 1622 ; but the record has been very imperfectly kept, and is 
written very confusedly and often indistinctly. Some miscellaneous 
documents, such as writs and warrants, have been occasionally in- 
serted, apparently by Mr. Burrell, for preservation. 

Entries of the Petty Sessions appear throughout the volume and 
occupy at intervals a considerable part of it. They chiefly concern 
the enrolment of servants, specifying the term engaged for, and the 
sum " pro salario," often with addition of livery. The money rates 
\ary from 33.s. to IGs. 8d. per year. In the case of w^omen it is 
sometimes " pro omnibus necessariis sibi inveniendis." A shoe- 
maker's apprentice is engaged for eight years, and is to have at the 
end of the term a double fitting-out in everything, twenty shillings, 
"■' and all necessar.y toles for a coi-dwyner. " 

The third remaining volume, which extends from 1639 to 1642, is 
numbered " 7." It contains 61 leaves, and is bound in parchment. 
It is not, however, a Eegister of the Acts of the Corporation, but only 
ar entry-book of cases heard in the Mayor's Court from 16th Sep- 
tember, 1639, 15 Charles I., to 5th September, 1642. In October, 
1639, there is a return of there being only one prisoner in the gaol, 
and he for many debts to various persons. 

The fourth volume, numbered " 8," contains a collection of tran- 
scripts of various documents relating to the town from the time of 
Henry VIII., made by George Burrell, and dated 1801. Prefixed is 
" A list of deeds and evidences belonging to the Corporation of 
" Thetford, in my possession," which have not at present been 
found, nor are they known to be in existence. Then, a list of mayors 
from 1272 to 1338, taken from Mayors' accounts and " Piolls of 
*' fairs," which also have not been found, but which from their date 
and possible character ought to be of some special interest. Next, 
*' A list of the ancient writings, &c., contained in this book," but 
these have with one exception been all cut out (there being a gap 
in the middle of the volume), and have shared the fate of the others. 
Amongst these was a warrant from Oliver Cromwell for the apprehen- 
sion of William Lodge, dated 11th March, 1653, and an order ap- 
pointing the Post House or OfBce to be at the Bell Inn, 15th Janu- 
nz-y. 1663, which is now affixed to the cover of the sixth volume, 
marked 9, and is printed in the description of that volume. 
Some of the less important documents, together ^\•ith many writs, 
have been inserted in blank spaces in the Pegisters, as mentioned 
above. The one original paper remaining in this volume consists of 


V;ir. Coll. tltree tattered fragments of a draft of a petition, in English, to 
rr/ Af {■ ■ llenr^- VIII., for some grant in help of the town, which is not unlike, 
Norfolk.' 't is said, [to be] in extreme desolation and decay " by meene of 
" meny offycers and many fermors." There is also a list by Burrell 
of " writings relating to the advowson of Santon, presented to me 
" by the Eev. Harry Charles Manning, the present -Eector." And 
at the end of the volume he has affixed to the cover twelve seals of 
eleven High Sheriffs of Norfolk cut from writs directed to the ]\Iayors 
of Thetford in the time of Queen Elizabeth. 

The next volume, numbered " 9," bound in parchment, is chiefly 
filled with entries of Sessions of Peace for the borough. 

i. Sessions' entries from 17th September, 8 James I., 1610, to 
Pth July, 5 Charles I., 1029. 

ii. Entries of bonds, chiefly those of victuallers and alehouse 
keepers, from 1619 to 1629. Up to 1022 the l)onds arc signed by the 
persons bound, almost entirely by marks. 

iii. Entries of the Court of Record of the borougli from 1702 to 
1767, with a plea in 1772. 

iv. Entries of Petty Sessions for hiring of servants in 1755-1706. 

V. Several receipts for payments, including one for burial in linea 
in 1079. 

vi. Admissions of freemen, 1720-1750; with an index of names. 

The sixth volume is also numbered as " 9." It contains the 
meetings of the Corporation from 22nd ]March, 1081-2, to 9th 
December, 1718, in 351 numbered pages. 

At the end of the volume are inserted: — 

i. Opinion of counsel, H. Partridge, on a case of parisli liability 
for charge of a child, dated 22nd March, 1779. 

ii. " Schedule of rules and orders, Xc, relating to the binding 
" charity of Thetford," 1801. 

iii. Letter from James Mingay, dated from Eastey's Hotel, 
Southampton Street, Covent Garden, 22nd January, 1807; address 

iv. Order by Cliarles Abbott, Speaker of the House of Commons, 
for the attendance of George Bird Burrell in the matter of the 
petition of Thomas Creevy, Esq., respecting an undue election, 
20th January, 1807. 

V. Copy of a like order to Thomas ]\Iann, to liring all books anc? 
accounts showing any charges for meat, drinks, Sec, furnished in 
his house on 24th October and 5th November last; 20th January, 

vi. Warrant for ro-arrosting Ed\^-ard Challis [coroner'], who on 
30th June was rescued by about forty persons when in custody for 3 
debt of 400/. at the suit of William Craske ; 20th July, 1704. 

At the beginning there is pasted on the cover, in torn and muti- 
lated condition, the appointment of a post-office, dated 15th 
June, 1003. " Theso are to give notice that the Bell 
" inn at Thetford from henceforth is to be the common post- 
" house for tlie receiving of all letters, and that William Harper 
'■ there hath undertaken to receive all such and carefully to have 
'■ them carried and delivered according to the various persones and 

'■ places heretofore respectively . . that all letter shall be re- Var. Coll. 
•' eeived. . . money unlesbe they be endorsed, Post paid. By the ^^'^- ^^^- * 
'• order of Mr.... Betterton of Norwich, postnuister for the stage." NorMk^' 

The Corporation insignia are very fine, 'i^he old mace, mentioned 
several times in the preceding extracts from the Registers, was lost, 
possibly during the Commonwealth period, and a \ery fine one, silver 
gilt, bearing the arms of England and of the donor, surmounted by a. 
crown and cross, was given In Sir Joseph Williamson in 1C.78. JTe 
<nJso gave a very liandsome sword, in an embroidered case, supi)lving 
the place of the old one also lost. Two small silver sergeants' maces, 
US inches long, are of older date, probably of the time of James I.', 
as they bear the royal arms as (piartered in his reign ; there is no hall- 
mark visible. A cup witli a cover, and a salver, of silver gilt, were 
given by James Sloa.n, M.P. for the town, in 1007. On the bottom 
of the cup the words " Prosperity to Thetford " are engraved. There 
"is also an elegant silver-mounted staff, six feet in length, which was 
given by James Mingay, Mayor, in 1800, as the IVIayor's badge of 

There are two seals. One is ancient, bearing the representation 
o'' a castle, with figures of a man holding a sword erect on one 
corner-tower, and a man blowing a liorn on another, with the in- 
scription, " Sigillum cn)i>muiir hurgcncium de Tlicfford." The 
more modern one, much smaller, bears the same representation, 
with the inscription, " Antiq. Burg, de Thetford." 

The insignia are all described, with illustrations, in a pamphlet 
printed in 1002, by James Millington, J. P. (Mavor in 1007) entitled 
Ihe Hisfnrg of the GmJdhaU, Thetford. They are also described in 
the e.xluaustivc worlc on Corporation Insignia in England and Wales 
V'y O. Jewitt and W. H. St. John Hope, published in ISO.") Vol II 
pp. 20o-G. ■ ■' 

yill. Buhe of Xorfolh. —Ancient Deeds belonging to the Duke Duke of 
of Norfolk, relating chiefly to :\Ianors in the Counties of Norfolk and Norfolk. 
Suffolk, including— Alburgh, Bacton and Witton, Banham, Beck- 
ham, Bessingham, Bowness (Cumberland), Calthorpe, Cardurnock 
(Cumberland), Cringleford, Dickleburgh, Gedney (Lincolnshire), 
Hales, Hardley, I\Ioulton (a large number), Norwich, Seething,' 
Shropham, Sprowston, Swafield, Tacolneston, Trowse, Walpole,' 
Walsham, Waxham, Weston, Winterton, and many others. 

IX. Sir Hervey Bruee.— This collection is preserved at Clifton Sir Hervey 
Hall, Nottingham. It is reported upon in two parts, some addi- Bruce, 
tional manuscripts having been brought to the notice of the Commis- 
sioners after the report on the first section had been printed. It 
consists : — 

1. Of private deeds, c^-c, the more ancient of which serve to 
illustrate the history of a corner of Nottinghamshire which, despite 
the researches of Thoroton and Paine, still remains somewhat 
obscure. The localities include— Bawtrv, Blvth, Carlton-in- 
Li^ndrick, Hodsock, Oldcotes, Rock Abbey, Stvrrup, Warmsworth- 
(lorks), Woodhouse (Yorks), and others. 

(B1720— Gp. 5) p 


"Var. Coll. There are also copies of some wills of the 17th century, including 

Vol. VII. : ti^Qgg of sij^. Anthony Thorold and Sir Gervase Clifton. 
Bruce^ ^^^ ^- ^Miscellaneous letters and papers for the period 1558-1G50, in- 

cluding some correspondence of Sir Gervase Clifton and Sir Anthony 
Thorold ; a letter from Penelope Ladj- Rich to Queen Elizabeth on 
behalf of her brother the Earl of Essex ; account of the reduction in 
1612 of Elfsborg by the Danish and English forces ; a proposition 
made by the States of Bohemia, in 1619, in their assembly at 
Prague, upon the election of a King, the 16th of August, being the 
birthday of the Prince Elector Palatine ; account of the Coronation 
of Frederick, Prince Elector Palatine, and the Lady Elizabeth, as 
King and Queen of Bohemia, in October, 1619 ; an abstract of that 
which the Prince of Transylvania by his ambassadors required from 
the States of Bohemia and the incorporated countries ; news letters 
from Niirnberg and the Hague, 1619-1620 ; a letter from Viscount 
Wentworth to Sir Gervase Clifton, dated at Dublin, Eebruary, 1634 
N.S., and other correspondence of Sir Gervase Clifton between 
1634 and 1648. 

3. Correspondence, &c., of Sir Gervase Clifton from 1600 to 
1642, and a few later papers. This section includes a letter from 
John Marston, the dramatist, a description of the entertainment of 
King James in Scotland in 1619, and of the country itself ; letters 
from Lord Wentworth, his brother-in-law, the Earl and Countess of 
Exeter, Sir Harry Vane, the son, Gervase Clifton, the Earl of 
Kingston, Lord Clifton, and others, between 1630 and 1640. 

Earl of X. Tlie Earl of Essex. — The documents dealt with in this Eeport 

Essex. have been selected from the collection of the Earl of Essex preserved 

at Cassiobury Park. They have been arranged in two sections: — 

I. Manorial documents and early deeds and papers, chiefly re- 

lating to the various estates of the Capells in Hertfordshire, 
Essex, Norfolk, and other counties. 

II. Miscellaneous documents, arranged chronologically. 

The manorial documents — court rolls, account rolls, rentals, ex- 
tents, surveys, &c. — which form the great bulk of the collection, date 
from the reign of Edward I., and have been arranged as far as 
possible in counties, under the headings of the various manors to 
^^^lich they belong. None of them relate to any estates held by the 
Capells prior to the time of Sir William, the famous London mer-. 
chant and second founder of his family. His first appearance in 
. the court rolls is in June, 1485, when the manor of Porters Hall, lu 
Stebbing, belonged' to him and his co-fooffees. It had been pur- 
chased by him a few years earlier, in 22 Edward IV. Save in a 
few cases, only such information has been extracted as might be of 
value in tracing the descents of the several manors. 

The number of early deeds is considerable, and a good many of 
the thirteenth century are comprised among them. All have been 
examined and arranged in counties under the parishes to which they 
relate, and, in the case of those which are of more interest than 
mere grants of land, short abstracts of their contents have been 
given. All Seals of Arms have been described. 


There are however three charters of a much earlier date which Var. Coll. 
call for special notice. These, which all relate to Stebbiug, in Essex, ^,;jjj J^- 
will be found printed in cwtcitso. The first, a very early instance of gggex. 
a dated charter, is a grant of all his land of Stebbing made 2Gth 
September, 1139, by Kobert " Comes de Notingham." Now, Robert 
Ferrers, second Earl of Derby, whose father, Eobert the first Earl 
died in this year, is known to have sometimes styled himself 
*' Comes junior de Notingham," an ex})ression which has given rise 
to some speculation. There seems, however, to be no record (apart 
from this charter, if such it be) of his having ever omitted the 
" junior," and the absence of the ^A■ord here suggests the possibility 
of its being his father who made this charter, a month or so before 
his death. Had the latter ever styled himself " Comes de Noting- 
" ham," the description " Comes junior de Notingham ' in the case 
of his son would be more intelligible ; there are, however, no records to 
show that he ever did do so. ]\Ioreover, the language used in the two 
other charters, both somewhat later, though undated, and relating to 
the same estate as the first, when compared with that employed in 
the first, certainly suggests that their author, Robert, second Earl of 
Derby, " Comes de Ferrariis," was the same man as the author of 
the first; and this is probably the case. 

These two later charters are of great interest owing to the fact 
that in both of them mention is made of the Earl's wife, ]\Iargaret. 
It has always been supposed that one of the first three Earls of Derby 
married Margaret, daughter and heiress of William Peverel, but up 
till now nothing has been found to show which, if any, of them did in 
fact do so. That the first and third Earls were known to have had 
wives named I'espectively Hawise and Sibyl made it appear probable 
that the Peverel heiress was the wife of the second Earl. These 
chai-ters, by proving that the second Earl had in fact a wife named 
]\rargaret, afford valuable corroboration, which, even in the absence 
of any direct evidence as to her parentage, may almost be taken to 
have decided the matter. The subject cannot be further discussed 
here, but it is interesting to notice, in view of the fact that in early 
times the two manors in Stebbing were held, one by the family ,of 
Ferrers and the other by that of Peverel, that the estate there with 
^hich these charters deal was stated to be the dower of the Countess 
INIargaret. It does not, however, seem possible, looking at the 
charters, to support the tempting argument that the estate was her 
dower in the sense of her paternal marriage portion ; everything 
indeed points to its having been the Earl's own estate which had 
been granted by him as dower to his Countess. 

Another early deed is of interest, being a grant of land in the year 
1341, by John Capel, of Peddington, in Gloucestershire. It is prob- 
able, however, that this man was not a member of the family of 
Capell of Stoke by Nayland, in Suffolk, from which the Earls of 
Essex are descended, but one of the Capells of How Caple, in Here- 
fordshire, a quite distinct family. It is an isolated deed, the '- • 
presence of which in this collection is probably accidental. 

On p. 332 of the Report will be found extracts from 
the accounts of the receiver of William, Lord Ferrers of 
(B1720— Gp. 5) P 2 


Var. Coll. Groby, relating to the marriage, in the summer of 1427, 
X • y.^-^- ■ of Margaret Ferrers, in all probability his daughter, and 
Essex. Hiehard, Lord Grey of Wilton. It has been supposed that such 

a marriage took place, but there appears to have been hitherto 
r.othing to prove it. They relate also to the mamage of Edward, 
younger son of Lord Grey of Euthyn, with Elizabeth, daughter and 
heiress of Henry Ferrers (then deceased), the only son of Lord 
William. Upon the death of his wife's grandfather Sir Edward 
Grey became in her right Lord Ferrers of Groby. He died in 1457, 
and his widow then married (as his first wife) Sir John Bourchier, 
who, as appears from the Stebbing court rolls of 19-22 Edward IV., 
styled himself Lord Ferrers of Groby. The fact that his wife 
Elizabeth is mentioned in these rolls does not prove that the Ferrers 
heiress was still living then, as Sir John's second wife was also 
named Elizabeth. 

The documents comprised in Section II. are of a very miscel- 
laneous character. One of very considerable interest is a deed made 
ii: June, 1322, three months after the death of Humphrey de Bohun, 
Earl of Hereford, containing an inventory of armour and other goods 
belonging to him in the Castle of Pleshey. These were handed over 
by Sir Nicholas de la Beche, knight, late constable of the castle, to 
John le Porter, of Stebbing, probably on behalf of the Crown, the 
Earl having fallen fighting for the rebels at Boroughbridge. This 
deed should be compared with an inventory of the same Earl's goods 
at Walden Abbey, made a few days after his death, extracts from 
which are printed, together with his will, in Tlic Arclueological 
Journal, II. 339. 

The Valor of Peterborough Monastery, made in 31 Henry VIII., 
is also an important document, being no doubt the original minister's 
account made after the Dissolution. What should have brought it 
into this collection it is not easy to see. 

Practically the only correspondence of interest among the papers 
i.5 the long news-letter of Sir Richard Morrison, Ambassador to the 
Emperor Charles V. of Germany, addressed to the Privy Council 
from Augsburg. It is unsigned and seems never to have been sent ; 
its proper place would be among other letters of his in the Calendar 
of State Papers, Foreign, 1547-1553. 

A good many early papers relating to the sequestration of Lord 
Capell's estates were found, and the more interesting of these have 
been abstracted. From them appear the names of some of the 
members of one or two of the earlier county committees. 

The only other document which calls for special attention is the 
list of the Danish nobility, with their territorial qualifications and 
employments. It was probably compiled for Arthur Capell, first Earl 
of Essex, who went as Ambassador to Copenhagen in the year 1669; 
it may be found useful for purposes of identification. 

Col. Fiewen. ^^- Colniirl Frciven. — This little collection, preserved at Brick- 
wall, Northiam, Sussex, consists of fifty-two deeds, of which all but 
four relate to land in the parisli of Northiam, in the county of 
Sussex, in which parish the ancestors of the owner have resided 


since the time of Queen Elizabeth. It is scarcely }ioss:ble to regard p^l' ^i'^^^^' . 

them as of more than local interest; but coxerhig, as they do, with (j^j ' pi.^wen. 

very few breaks of any Imgth, a })eriod of ."iOO years lioui the end of 

the lyth to the end of the 10th centuries, a good deal may be learned 

from them concerning the successive owners of land in the parish. 

Two families may be mentioned — that of Goat ley, which hgures the 

most prominently up to the middle of the l.lth century, when their 

manor of Cioatley was conveyed to Jolm I'iers, of fAvliiu'st, and that 

ot Hore, \\-hicli is conspicuous in tlie earlier deeds. A seal of arms 

of Henry Hore, exhibiting a family shield hitherto unrecorded, is 

described at p. 'd55. A number of tlie place-names which occur may 

still be found, or their modern equivalents recognised, upon the ma]). 

The deeds have been noticed in strict chronological order. 

XII. H. C. Stairnton, Esq. — The documents which form the sub- h. C. Staun- 
ject of this lieport are the property of Henry Charlton Staunton, ton, Esq. 
Esq., of Staunton, Nottinghamshire. They were examined in tiie 
seventeenth century by Piobert Thoroton, who employed them in liis 
" History of Nottinghamshire," published in 1()77 ; some of them 
bear endorsements in a hand of tlie ])eriod, whicli may, perha])s, 
be his. Towards the close of the eighteenth century most of the 
deeds relating to Nottinghamshire were copied by Charles Mellish, 
Esq., of Blyth, who projected a history of the county : his transcrii)ts 
are now in the possession of Henry Mellish, Esq., of Hodsocl^ 
Priory, Notts. In 1825 the Kev. Dr. Staunton caused an abstract of 
the collection to be made, now in the ])ossession of the Staunton 
family. Between Thoroton's time and that of Charles ]Mellish the 
collection had sustained some losses ; it has remained intact since 
the eighteenth century. 

Most of tlie documents relate to tlie manor of Staunton and to a 
group of adjacent villages on the eastern border of Nottinghamshire. 
There are, however, a number of Lincolnshire deeds, and some iso- 
lated charters, which refer to other parts of Nottinghamshire. For 
the manorial history of the county two of the latter, the Danethorpe 
and Grimston charters, are of much importance, giving information 
which was overlooked by Thoroton. There are five documents of the 
twelfth century, and a considerable number belonging to the close of 
the thirteenth. The abstracts which follow are arranged in the 
alphabetiiL'al order of the villages to which they relate. 

The collection also comprises a small number of papers relating 
to the Civil War in Nottinghamshire, including various commissions 
signed by the King or the Earl of Newcastle. Reference may be 
made to a warrant signed by Charles I. at Welbeck on 16th August, 
1645, instructing Colonel Staunton to draw his regiment out of the 
garrison of Newark and to march to Tuxford and so forward under 
the convoy of Lieuteriant-General Villiars. 

There are also the court rolls of tlie prebcndal manor of Hus- 
thwaite, with Carlton, co. York, 1652-8 ; and of the manors of 
Staunton and Staunton Haverholme, co. Nottingham, 1647-1665. 
There are isolated rolls of the manor of Kilvington, co. Nottingham, 


Var. Coll, for the years 18 Henry VII., 31-33, and 36 Elizabeth, and there is a 
H°C Staiin- ^^^"^^^ °^ extracts from the rolls of Staunton extending from 20 
ton, Esq. Henry VII. to 16 Elizabeth. There are lists of persons owing suit to 
Staunton court in 1596 and 1600, divided into freeholders, tenants, 
resiants, and villeins in gross — this last class comprising four 
persons of the same name ; and there is a minute survey of the 
meadows of Alverton in 1575. 

F. Mertten.s, XIII. F. Merttens, Esq., of Rothley Teviple, Leicestershire, and 
•^^^1- Bilton Rise, Warwickshire. — The documents noticed in this report 

are the property of F. Merttens, Esq., lord of the manor of Rothley, 
CO. Leicester, and hitherto have followed the descent of this estate. 
The collection, as a whole is of much value for Leicestershire topo- 
graphy, but it includes few early documents relating to the manor 
'- ' of Eothley itself. The original of the famous custumal of the soke 

of Rothley is included in the series, but as this record has already 
been printed it is omitted from this report. With this exception, 
the most notable document in the collection is the original charter 
of John, as count of Mortain, to the Templars, who had obtained 
the manor and soke of Rothley, royal demesne in Domesday, from 
Henry II. A large number of documents illustrating the survival 
of the courts of this soke until the last century are also preserved 
but are described in detail. 

The rolls and rentals of the manor of Rothley are of unusual 
interest owing to the survival, until a recent period, of the soke to 
which the place gave name. From the beginning of the reign of 
Elizabeth the series of rolls 'is almost complete, but only isolated 
documents of the kind are preserved from an earlier time. The 
earliest roll is dated 8 Richard II. A rental of 25 Henry VIII. 
exists in the collection, together with two copies of the thirteenth 
century custumal of the soke (Archaeologia xlvij). There is also a 
complete series of rolls of the ecclesiastical court of the peculiar of 
Rothley extending from 1615 to 1625 ; and a large number of late 
documents relating to this jurisdiction are included. Apart from the 
Rothley series, there is an isolated roll of the courts held for the 
prince in a number of Leicestershire villages in May, 21 Edward IV. 
(1481). The villages are Thorpe Langton, Ullesthorpe, Queeni- 
borough, Rearsby, Rotherby, Brooksby, and Cossington. 



The Report on Lord Polwarth's Manuscripts, having to do chiefly 
with general history, has been summarised in its chronological place 
{see pp. 106-113 supra). 



(1287— 10*)9.) 

The Laing Manuscripts lu-re dealt with are part of a collection Laing MSS, 
■formed by the late David Laing, LL.D., who for many years was ^*^^- ■'■• 
Keeper of the Library of the Writers to the Signet, Edinburgh, and 
was one of the most distinguished and assiduous antiquaries of his 
day. He was the second son of \Yilliam Laing, a bookseller in Edin- 
burgh, and was born on 20th April, IT*.)."). At first he followed his 
father's calling and often went abroad in search of rare and curious 
books, for the discover}- of wliicu he developed great skill. He asso- 
ciated himself with the publishing societies known as the Abbotsford, 
]3;uniatyne and Spalding Clubs, and also with the Wodrow Society, 
all of which were instituted for the publication of manuscripts or the 
resuscitation of old texts, and his own contributions to these and 
■other publications were numerous ; and for vei-y many years he acted 
as Secretaiy to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. He became 
librarian to the Society of Writers to the Signet in 1837, and held 
that position until his death in 1878. During his whole life he was 
an indefatigable collector of manuscripts, the bulk of which he be- 
queathed to the University Libran- of Edinburgh. When these 
manuscripts came to be sorted out, they were found to consist of 
manuscript books and printed books with manuscript additions, deal- 
ing with all varieties of subjects, and also of an immense mass of 
•documents, parchment charters. ])aper deeds and correspondence. 
A kind of general arrangement of the whole was made by the late 
Piev. John Anderson, afterwards Curator of the Historical Depart- 
ment in the General Register House, Edinburgh. He separated the 
parchment charters from the others and jnade abstracts of each, 
which were published in a large volume entitled The Laing Charters. 
Of the other books and documents, he m.ade a brief catalogue con- 
taining a list of the manuscript books to the numl^er of 780 and 
another list of the historical documents, letters and miscellaneous 
pai)ers, in two divisions, the first extending to 350 numbers and 
the second to 654, but in the second division most of the numbers 
relate to bundles of deeds and not merely to separate documents. 
The present report treats only of the historical documents in tliese 
collections, and is therefore not an exhaustive calendar of tlie whole 
of their contents, although it is believed it will give a fair idea of 
the nature of the collection. 

How Dr. Laing came to amass such a collection is an interesting 
story in itself. He not only constantly attended sales of manu- 
script books and documents and purchased freely, but, being on 
veiy friendly terais with a waste-paper merchant in Edinburgh, Mr. 
Gilbert Adcock, whose premises were in South St. Andrew Street, 
he often visited these when intimation was made to him of a con- 
signment of waste-paper in which it was expected that there might 
be material interesting to him. Of such opportunities he gladly 
availed himself. Thus many original documents containing valu- 
able information were preserved by Dr Laing's industry. 

The papei's dealt with in this Eeport are arranged in ch.rono- 
logical sequence and in this first volume extend to the end of the 


Lainj? MSS. seventeenth century. They relate to an immense vai-iety of subjects, 
^*^'- ^' and although the most of them are concerned with Scottish affairs- 

there are many afi'ecting England and Ireland, while not a few refer 
to matters in foreign lands. 

For Scottish life and history papers will be found more or less 
illustrative of every reign from the time of King James I. to that 
of King William III. In the time of King James IV. there is a 
royal warrant signed by him dealing with the drawing away of the- 
water from a mill lade, showing how even the Sovereign was brought 
into some of the petty disputes of the people ; and we are reminded 
of the tragic fate of that King by the act in favour of the heirs of 
those who fell on Flodden Field. There are several letters dealing 
with affairs during the regency of Mary of Lorraine, mother of 
]\Iary, Queen of Scots, but very few relating to that Queen herself, 
only a Spanish account of her death, a reference to the same event 
by the Scottish ambassador, and the English Court's defence of their 
action in putting her to death. There is also a Latin copy of the 
Dctcctio, written by George Buchanan and iirst [)rinted about 1571 
(not 1580, as in the text). 

For the long reign of King James VI. from 15G7 to 1C25 the 
papere in the Ileport include correspondence with Queen Elizabeth 
and the members of her Government, with notes of embassies and 
negotiations about many matters, such as the preservation of order 
upon the Borders between the two kingdoms, where trouble was. 
never wanting. One document enumerates no fewer than thirty- 
seven distinct forays across the Border into England by the men of 
Teviotdale in less than four months, between ]\Iay and August, 1587. 
There is an interesting paper on the raid of Piuthven, the con- 
fession of Sir James Edmonstone of Duntreath, in which the plans 
of the conspirators are revealed, the intention being, if necessarv', to 
seize the King, convey him to one of the islands in Loch Lomond, 
and there to keep him until the rebels in England should come and 
receive him, or, if necessity should require it, even to take the King's: 
life. Wlien the time came for the succession of King James to the 
Crown of England in 1603, there is an account for renovation of the 
crown jewels for use at his coronation, which, including certain 
jewels for some of the courtiers, extends to 1,374?. 14s. Id. sterling, 
but tliis the auditors reduced to 1,800?. Tlicre is also an account 
for repairing the King's houses in various parts of England, and 
anotlier for weapons and other thingK necessary for the holding of a 
tournament on the occasion of the Coronation ; likewise a note of the 
horses bought about the same time for the King's use. Many docu- 
ments will also be found illustrative of the government by King 
James in England ; and particular attention may be drawn to the 
speech for his opening of the English Parliament in person in Kil k 
Other documents show how the King carried out his policy of govern- 
ing his atu-icnt kingdom of Scotland from his English Court by ineans 
of the |)cn. Some interesting information is given concerning the 
treatment of foreign ambassador's by King James. 

The papers during the reign of King Charles T. reflect the stormy 
aspect of his time. In an account by his apothecary whilst he was 


yet a youth there are references to sweets, perfumes, and rosewater, Laing MSS. 
&c., supplied for the Trince's use. There are a goodly number of ^ "'• ^• 
papers relating to English Parliamentary affairs, and mention is 
made of a loan of "i.OOO/. by Lord Dunsmorc in eoniu'xion with the 
fleet sent for the relief of IJochelle. JUit in ruffrenee to Scotland 
liis first trouble arose in connexion with his " Itevoeiition ' and 
the " Surrenders "' of Church lands, both of whii'h measures were 
engineered by Sir Thomas Hopt', thcMi Lord Advocate, several letters 
by whom and liy others toucliing upon that business will be found. 

The great trouf)le, however, so far as Scotland was concerned, 
arose upon tlie attempt of King Cliarles in 1G87 to impose Laud's- 
Service Book upon Scotland. This residted in a general opposition 
on the part of all classes, the renewal of the National Covenant by 
the country in l()o8, tlu' overtln-ow of l"'.i)iscopa('\' in Scothuid, and a 
state of warfare with the Iving which, hap])ily, did not long continue. 
1'hese events brought the control of aff'airs in Scotland into the 
hands of the Covenanters for a period of several years until the 
incident known as the " Engagement " for the release of King 
Charles I. from Carisbrooke ; but the passing of tlie Acts of Classes- 
in 1(U() and 1649 caused a division in their rank's. The concern 
aroused l)y tlie passing of these Acts is shown l)y the numerous, 
petitions which were sent to Parliament from all parts of the country 
in reference thereto. During this ]ieiiod notice is drawn in one paper ' 
(where the date is mistakenly given as c. 1630, instead of c. 1643) 
to the alleged jilot by the ]\larquis of Hamilton to seize the Scottish 
throne, wliich was first asserted by James, Lord Stewart of Ochiltree, 
c. 1630, and for which he was still at this time a prisoner in Black- 
ness Castle. The unfounded charge was now again revived, but 
quickly disposed of. During this reign also we find reference to the 
colonising of New PZngland in a petition by the Council there in 1635 
foi the drawing of their patents ; and there is an interesting journal 
by Thomas Cunningham Conservator of the Scots' privileges at 
Campvere, during fifteen years of his official sojourn in Holland, 
illustrating the relations then subsisting between the Netherlands 
and the British Isles. In connexion with Charles T.'"s death, there is 
an account by his late ^Majesty's shoemaker for making 111 
l^airs of shoes, 18 pairs of boots, and 4 pairs of rich slippers for the 

Before leaving this period attention may be called to the exist- 
ence in this Collection of a third :\IS. of the second part of AVishart's 
Ldtiii Mrwoii-.s of Montrose, which appears to have escaped the 
notice of Canon ^Murdoch and :Mr. ]Morland Simpson when editing 
their translation of Wishart's work in 1893. This ]MS. is written in a 
17th century hand, except the whole of Chapter I. and a small part 
at the beginning of Chapter IT., which, according to a note attached 
by Dr. Laing, is added from Wodrow's MS. Owing to this imperfec- 
tion it cannot ho the folio MS. from which AVodrow made his copy, 
though most of the pages contain over forty-one lines; but it has also 
the same hiatus in Chapter VI. as is found in the two manuscripts in 
the Advocates' Library used by these editors. 

Papers for the Commonwealth period are numerous and interest- 


ing. In letters to his wife from Mr. James Wood, who was one of 
the deputation to The Hague to invite King Charles II. to come to 
receive the Crown of Scotland, we have some note of the negotia- 
tions with the King. After the King came to Scotland in July, 1G50, 
he found the restraints of the Covenanters so irksome that he made 
an ineffectual attempt to escape from their control. The incident 
known as " The Start " is referred to in a letter from Sir Alexander 
Erskine of Dun to Lieutenant-General Middleton. An order from 
Alexander, Earl of Leven, the famous general of the Scottish Army, 
to Sir John Drummond, to raise the men of Perthshire and come to 
his assistance at Alyth in Perthshire, notes the final effort of the 
Scots to keep the field against Cromwell. 

Among the chief papers of the interregnum period may be noted a 
lengthy discussion by letters between Sir Archibald Johnston of "War- 
riston and Cromwell relating tO' the Scottish National Piegisters, 
which the latter had seized in violation, as "Warriston alleges, of 
several promises for their safety and safe conducts 
for their transport. Cromwell seems to have disregarded 
these because one of his spies had been captured 
and put to death by the Scottish army. Another matter 
to which reference is made is the proposed union between Scotland 
and England. Also the somewhat oppressive measures used by the 
Commonwealth Government, as represented in Scotland by General 
George Monck, are illustrated in various documents, especially in a 
petition by the inhabitants of Leith for the opening of their Church 
doors (which Monck had caused to be closed because their ministeif 
prayed for the King), so that they might no longer be compelled to 
worship in the open fields. 

The incident of the preservation of the Scottish regalia during 
the period of the Commonwealth is the subject of a considerable 
correspondence, which seems to be additional to what has already 
been printed on the matter. These letters and papers detail how 
they were kept from the English invaders. As is well known they 
w^ere officially under the care of William, Earl Marischal, who, as 
the English continued to penetrate northwards, conveyed them to 
his stronghold of Dunnottar, where it was thoaight they would be 
safe. But as that fortalice was about to be invested, the Earl, on 
being captured at Alyth, sent the key of his cabinet where they 
lay to his mother, who immediately went to Dunnottar and en- 
joined George Ogilvie of B arras to take some means for ensuring 
their safety. Barras delayed until the hazard became extreme, and 
then took counsel with Mr. James Granger, minister at Kinneff, 
whose wife was so cool and courageous as to bring the whole, except 
the sword, out of the castle and through the English lines without 
their being discovered. For the sword, Mr. Granger went to Dun- 
nottar by boat. The whole were brought to his church at Kinneff 
and buried at night under the pavement, where they remained until 
the Restoration. When the castle was taken and the honours could 
not be found, Barras, who was keeper under the Earl of Marischal, 
was imprisoned for nearly a year, along with his wife. On the re- 
covery of the honours at the Restoration Barras hastened to Court 


and claimed the whole credit of their safe preservation, with such Laiug MSS« 
success that he obtained a baronetcy and an annual pension of 2001. ^° ■ ^• 
Representations, however, were made on behalf of Mr. and especi- 
ally Mrs. Granger, who was really the person to whom their safety 
was due, and Parliament awarded her the meagre monetary acknow- 
ledgment of 2,000 marks (about 112^ sterling), which, moreover, 
she never received, as at a considerably later date her grand- 
daughter, then the widow of a vintner in Dundee, made application 
to the Barons of Exchequer for its payment. 

Post Restoration papers to the Revolution and those for the reign 
of King William III. occupy the remainder of the volume. The 
correspondence, which includes a considerable number of letters to 
the Earl, aftei-wards Duke of Lauderdale, is full of the measures 
taken by the ruling party to suppress the strict Presbyterians and 
Covenanters, the first of whom to feel the effects of the vindictive 
resentment of Charles II. was Archibald, Marquis of Argyll, who 
had placed the crown on the King's head, but whom the King had 
determined to destroy. This is manifest from the letter by Andrew 
Gilmour to the Earl of Middleton, in which his sycophantish sub- 
serviency is as largely in evidence as his specious legal pleas. 
References to the proceedings against the Covenanters occur 
throughout, but several of the letters show that both on the part of 
some of the nobles and also of some of the ministers who remained 
in the Church the proceedings of Arehbishop Sharp were frequently 
resented and opposed ; and that Sharp himself, notwithstanding his 
apparent success, did not find his position always a bed of roses, is 
shown by his letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The sequel 
of his death on Magus Muir is given in two petitions to the Lords 
of Exchequer by the city of St. Andrews for payment of its expenses 
in connexion with the execution of five men at the place of his 
slaughter (although none of them had anything whatever to- do with 
it), the bill for which, and for the subsequent execution of Hackstoun 
of Rathillet, extended to 444Z. Scots, which the town was unable 
to pay : this amount these Lords order to be paid out of the 
forfeited estates of such as were in the late rebellion. Another of 
the men who were prominent in the persecution of the Covenanters 
M-as Lord Advocate Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, who for 
these services earned for himself the appellation of " the Bloody 
Mackenzie." A letter from him complains of the want of recog- 
nition of his ser^dces, in which he says, " if soldiers who killed one 
man at most in two years were well paid, should not I, who killed 
hundi'eds, and much more justly and without any self-defence as 
" they did, expect some acknowledgment." Others of the states- 
men and soldiers who distinguished themselves in the sanguinary 
proceedings of these times are also represented in these pages. The 
battle of Killiecrankie is celebrated in some Latin verses. Among 
letters of a gossipy nature concerning affairs in both Scotland and 
England, attention may be drawn to one from Lady Anne Mackenzie, 
Countess of Balcarres, afterwards Countess of Argyll, to the Earl 
of Lauderdale, and to several from George Scot, of Pitlochie, who 
was at London in 1675, in one of which he mentions the launch of a 


Laing MSS. large frigate at Portsmouth, at which King Charles II. and his Court 
Vol. I. were ju-esent. On this occasion a great storm arose which drove 

the ship in which the King was towards the Isle of Wight, and for 
two days there was considerable doubt whether he had not been 
lost, but he returned in safety to Portsmouth. There is a reference 
to the illness and death of King Charles II. in a letter fi-om Sunder- 
land, and a note of the illegitimate offspring which he left. 

The papers during the brief reign of King James II. occupy only 
a few pages. A warrant by the English Privy Council sets forth 
the equipment of the King's Champion for the Coronation, the 
champion on this occasion being Sir Charles Dymock. The chief 
events of this reign of which notices occur are the INIonmouth Rebel- 
lion, Argyll's Rising, and the efforts to legislate in favour of the 
Roman Catholics. There is a list of Popish vestments and relics 
seized at Traquair House on the outbreak of the Revolution, at the 
end of which it is added that they were " all solemnly burned at the 
" cross of Peebles." There is a letter from James, Earl of Perth, 
Lord Chancellor of Scotland, to the King, in which he suggests the 
measures which might he taken for keeping the Scottish people in 
subjection, and in which ho indicates that his Majesty need not be 
too scrupulous with regard to these as he has in the writer himself 
and others men '\\lio are ready to carry out any measures which will 
suit the King's views. 

A number of documents in the collection specially relate to 
English affairs, some being connected with the Treasury and Ex- 
chequer, and others with military matters in various counties. 
Papers dealing witli the estates and manors of Lynford and Crawley 
in the county of Buckingham will be found refeiTcd to. A consider- 
able number of copies of Parliamentary papere and proceedings find a 
place in this Collection, while in some of the letters there are refer- 
ences to the doings of the Parliament at Westminster. 

Relations with Ireland are illustrated by several papers. In 
1580 there is a Treasury order for buying corn for the English forces 
in Ireland, and from time to time mention is made of the preparation 
of soldiers in England for dispatch thither. It having been reported 
at the English Court that the Scots were assisting Shane O'Neil 
with troops against these soldiers, the Scottish ambassador to Queen 
Elizabeth was instructed to deny it. A MS. history of events in 
and concerning Ireland for the years 1(312-1615 is noted, and there 
are several papers and letters referring to the settlement in Ulster 
of a number of Scotsmen, conspicuous among whom is Sir Claud 
Hamilton, brother of the Earl of Abercorn, concerning wliom 
the Collection contains a number of papers ; one of which 
(noted inadvertently under tlic year c. 16()1, but wliich 
must be about 20 yeai's earlier), sliows that his death 
left liis young family in a. state of financial distress. 
There are several letters during tlie administrations of 
Viscounts Ealkland and Wentworth and later ; also an echo 
of tlie siege of Londonderry in a crown warrant for a grant out of 
vacant stipends in Scotland to the widow of a minister in Ireland 


who had sustahied great loss there; and mention may be made of a Laing MSS. 
royal warrant by King James II. permitting the introduction of 
several iaiuilies from Holland to set up industrial factories in 

Among a number of letters and papers relating to French affairs, 
dating from 1515 to 1700, special attention may be called to the 
interesting notebook which had belonged to I\Ir. Howard of Corby 
Castle, Carlisle, in which he describes in particular a collection of 
letters on State affairs which in 1738 were at the Chateau de 
Fourguex aux. A reminder of the exile of Andrew ]\Ielville to France, 
^vhere he spent his time profitably as professor of theology at 
Sedan, is furnished by a receipt signed by him tliere. Notice of 
various embassies to and from France will be found ; letters from 
residents ; and a passport for a number of horses for the service of 
Scots Guards in France in 1G67. 

To Spain occasional references occur, but perliaps the most in- 
teresting item is the description given of Donna Maria, the Infanta, 
whom it \\"as ])ro])osed Prince Charles should marry in 1023. There are 
also at least two letters relating to Portugal, one intimating the death 
in IGGO of Dom Emanuel, Prince of Portugal, the other being a 
request in 1G67 from King Alphonso VI. of Portugal to King Charles 
II. for the release of two gentlemen detained in this country. 

To Denmark, in 1592 or thereabouts, King James sent an envoy, 
and his instructions in no way do honour to the King's reputation 
for honest dealing either with England or Scotland. They show him 
directly encouraging the Spaniards in their designs to bring Britain 
once more under the jurisdiction of the Pope, and also that, not- 
withstanding his assurances given to Queen Elizabeth to the con- 
trary, if he was not an encourager of Border raids he did not mis- 
like these incursions into England. In the reign of King Charles I. 
there was a British regiment in Denmark under Sir George Keith, 
the exi)ense of raising which was defrayed by a debt of 700?. sterling 
due by Charles to the King of Denmark, who in this way secured 
payment of the money. 

With regard to Dutch affairs generally, there are a considerable 
number of references from as early as 1586, when payments were 
being made from the Exchequer towards the carrying on of the 
war in the Low Countries. There is word of a treaty in progress 
between the two countries in 1641 ; but trouble is threatening in 
1661, and war is in progress in 1665, and one letter, two years later, 
speaks of a visit by the Dutch to the coast of Shetland and a re- 
ported blockade of the Thames by them. Affairs in Holland in 
1G84 are set forth in two letters of which the writer is unknown. 

Military matters such as the raising, disbanding and adminis- 
tration of troops, dealing with fortifications and garrisons and also 
actual war, are of frequent occurrence throughout the Report. There 
are frequent Treasury orders for payments to troops, and as early 
as 1505 there are muster rolls of the French King's Scottish body- 
; Maritime matters and naval questions are frequently dealt with. 


iaing MSS PerliaiDS the most intei'esting paper is the pay-sheet for Chatham 
^^- ^' Dockyard for the month of May in 1601, amounting in all to about 

94:4:1., which includes also charges for material and other expenses. 
The question of abuses in the Navy is the subject of a commission in 
1608, and there is also a letter regarding the supplying of two ships 
to Scotland for service in the narrow seas there. 

There are also a number of papers relating to administrative 
work such as taxation and customs, c^c, and some early valuation 
rolls, viz., a copy of that compiled in the thirteenth century by 
Boiamund de Visci, known as " ]3agunont's Eoll," one for 1479 of 
certain portions of the shire of Midlothian and others for the year 
1554 for different parts of Scotland both in the south and north. 
Reference is made to several of the special taxations imposed on 
Scotland in 1600 and 1634, and a querulous note is heard during 
the Commonwealth of the exceeding great disproportion between 
the taxation of Scotland and England, in which the latter is men- 
tioned as being 35,000L monthly, and that of Scotland 6,000L An 
Exchequer audit in Scotland in 1636 reports not only that the 
Treasurer's accounts are all " just and fair," but notes with satis- 
faction that a new form of book-keeping has resulted in an in- 
creased revenue. Important entries for those interested in the fiscal 
affairs of the country will be found in a number of bullion books and 
Custom House papers between 1686-1715. A list of " pensioners " 
receiving royal gratifications from the State in 1615 is noted, and 
particular instances of pensions occasionally occur. In this con- 
nexion mention may be made of the Post Office, a receipt in 1661, 
when it was farmed out to Henry Bishop, showing it to be a source 
of revenue to his Majesty to the amount of 1,850L a year. 

Some early protocol books of notaries appear in this Collection. 
One, described in the report as *' Registrum Epistolarum," is, 
apparently, the precedent book of John Prophete, keeper of the 
Privy Seal under Henry IV. and Henry V. Another was kept by 
David Spens, 1541-1547. On tlie same page of the report will be 
found a reference to the Sederunt Books of the Court of Session at 
the period of its institution, and later references to the Coui't occur. 
Sir John Gilmour of Craigmillar became its President in 1661, and a 
few years later was called upon to assert the claim of the Lords of 
Session in a matter of precedency. Sir John Gilmour continued to 
be President until 1671, when, on account of ill-health, he demitted 
the office, and Sir James Dalrymple of Stair took his place. Gilmour 
died in August of the same year. 

A singular episode in the history of the Court of Session is 
brought up by some papers in the case of the " Outed Advocates." 
It arose through an appeal being taken on the decision of a certain 
case to Parliament as the Court of last instance in Scotland, which 
the Bench refused to entertain, but which a large portion of the 
faculty supported. Upon their insistence in the matter the judges 
debarred " a large number of the advocates from their employ- 
ment, and the matter being taken before the Privy Council and the 
King, they were further ordered to remove from Edinburgh and not 


come within twelve miles of the city. The incident is fully dealt Laing MSS. 
with in the Eegister of the Privy Council of Scotland for 1675. 

Among documents in the Collection relating to the Scottish Uni- 
versities there is a copy of the agreement made in 1444 by Bishop 
James Kennedy between the members of the University of St. 
Andrews and the citizens of that town, and some other interesting 
documents connected with that University occur. There is a list of 
students and some accounts, 1580-1502 ; a letter from King James 
in March, 1607, intimating his having imprisoned Mr. Andrew 
IMelville in London and deprived him of the principalship of the 
New College of St. Andrews, to which as his successor he appointed 
Mr. Robert Howie ; a document relating to the dismissal of a master 
of St. Salvator's College for drunkenness and other misdemeanours, 
and lastly a commission granted in 1673 by the Senatus to Dr. 
James Gregory, professor of mathematics there, to proceed to 
London and purchase instruments necessary for the establishment 
of an astronomical observatory in connexion \^'ith the University. 

Regarding Edinburgh University there is a reference to a collec- 
tion of theses in Latin and Greek by graduates in 1684-9 ; also letters 
by Mr. Robert Rollock, Principal of the College and formerly parson 
of Forteviot, demitting that parsonage in favour of St. Salvator's 
College of St. Andrews in 1586 ; a certificate in 1624 in favour of a 
student, IMr. Robert Fairlie, who was a grandson of Mr. John Craig ; 
and the question of the filling up of the Chair of Humanity in 1665 
already alluded to. Glasgow University is represented by a diploma 
of Master of Arts issued thence in 1619 to Mr. Hugh Muir of Row- 
allan, who afterwards became rector of Burston in Norfolk ; and by 
two Latin letters from Principal John Cameron on theological 
questions in 1621-2. An illustration of young Scottish gentlemen 
going abroad to study in foreign universities is afforded in a letter 
of 1564. 

Ecclesiastical affairs bulk very largely, and are chiefly post-Refor- 
mation. Only a few references occur to earlier dates and two of 
these relate to the Friars Minors ; others to the Hospital at Nurem- 
berg, the Convent of Cologne, the Priory of North Berwick (in con- 
nexion with which there is an inventory of twenty Papal Bulls), 
some accounts relating to the teinds of Fife and Lochleven, c. 1437, 
and letters concerning the Pope and certain prelates about the same 
time. For the stormy and chequered times of the first and second 
Reformation periods the documents are too numerous to particular- 
ise, but they illustrate almost every phase of the ever changing situa- 
tion and shed sidelights on many incidents and ministers and men. 
For the ecclesiastical statistician also there are a number of docu- 
ments relating to ministers and their stipends with the sources from 
which these were drawn, which were sometimes from old church 
erections and sometimes from teinds or tithes. Regarding the process 
of teinding, which was often a very oppressive matter for the tenants 
of the ground, there is a document which records an attempt on the 
part of Sir Claud Hamilton, c. 1610, to come to an arrangement with 
the feuars of Rutherglen. How sometimes the teinds were dealt 


Laing MSS. witli to the despoiling of the ministers is shown in a report on the 
Vol. I, cliurches in the presbytery of Forres, in which, deahng with the 

parish of Kafford, it is stated that the Laird of Burgie, who was for a 
short time also minister of the parish, disponed away the whole 
teinds, great and small, passing them from hand to hand among his 
friends until they at last returned again to himself, and he then sold 
most of them to some other heritors. This was by no means a soli- 
tary case. There are many papers and letters by Johnstone of War- 
riston and others dealing with the particular controversies of their 
respective times ; and three large collections of papers, embracing 
several hundred documents, more particularly relating to the 
Covenanters in the " killing times," are mentioned. 

The changes brought about by the Eevolution of 1688 in the re- 
establishment of Presbyterianism in Scotland brought sorrow to the 
Episcopalian clergy, and their condition enlisted the sympathy and 
interposition of their brethren in England so far at least as to lead 
them to petition the King to make some provision for them. Several 
Church records or portions of such also appear among these papers. 
There is a part of the Minutes of Mouswald Kirk Session, and parts 
of those of some of the city parishes of Edinburgh ; also a collection 
of certificates of character addressed to the Session Clerk of Edin- 
burgh in 1G76 for enabling certain persons to be married there. The 
duties connected with the Church courts in pre-Eeformation times in- 
cluded the taking up and confirming the inventories of deceased 
persons, dealing with cases relating to slander, divorce and such 
like, the execution of which was entrusted to the Official or Bishop's 
Commissary. After the Reformation this work was transferred to a 
special court called the Commissary Court, the oversight of which 
we find resumed in 1610 by an assembly of the archbishops and 
bishops of Scotland, who then set down rules for the operation of 
these Commissary Courts and fixed the fees to be charged therein. 
These are given at length. 

There are also references to ecclesiastical matters in England. A 
letter of 1556 denounces Bishop Bonner. A letter from the Arch- 
bishop of York to Lord Cranbourn in 1604 regrets that imder his 
Majesty, King James, while severe measures are being 
taken against Puritans, who are yet most loyal subjects, the Papists 
are let alone and are thereby taking courage to become more bold. 
A number of papers relating to the Society for Propagating 
Christian Knowledge, with others referring to the work of the 
Scottish Church in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, will also 
be found. 

There is a copy of an interesting medical work in Latin, written it 
is said by the physicians of Salerno for the use of Richard Coeur de 
Lion, which also finds a place in this Collection, and there are several 
accounts by the Royal apothecaries for " phisicall stuff," perfumes, 
powders and sweets for the use of the members of the Royal house- 
holds. Matthew Litster is named as the King's physician in 1647. 
Some prescriptions for the treatment of certain troubles will be 
found. A memorandum of King Cliarles II. in a case between the 


surgeons and the physicians of Scotland in 1G82 reminds us that b\ l^ MSS. 
this time both bodies had become incorporations. " ' " 

Among the various masses of correspondence in this Collection 
there are sections relating to distinct families, as Cecil, Gray, 
Hamilton, Primrose, Srmpk' of ]>eltrees, Gordon of Earlston and 
Gordon of Gordonston, and a collection of 170 letters written to John, 
Duke of Lauderdale, already alluded to. There are also inventories 
of writs dealing with particular families and estates, as Murray, 
Earls of Anuandale, the Earls of Crawford. We(lderl)ui-u of Gosford, 
Dalrymple of North f^erwick, Purves of Purveshall, Thomson of 
Duddingston, S.c. ; and in England there is a deed relating to the 
affairs about 1623 of the family of Sir Henry Broimcker. Other 
papers yield some genealogical information about the Napiers of 
Wrightshouses and about the Cuthberts of Castlehill in a Birthbrief 
supplied to one of the descendants of that family who rose to dis- 
tinction in Erance. 

Several diaries covering between them the period lt)01-172G will be 
found. A fragment of one gives some incidents which occurred in and 
about Edinburgh 1G81-5. The writer's name does not occur, but as 
he saj'S he was admitted a notary on 21st November, 1G84, he is evi- 
dently Archibald Kerr, a writer in Edinburgh, then aged 29, who is 
the only person recorded in the Piegister of the Admission of 
Notaries upon that day, and Henry Trotter of ^lortonluall is cautioner 
for liim on the occasion. As this person is mentioned as a friend 
in the Diary, the authorship seems fairly well established. 

Other interesting items of Edinburgh history occur in 
several documents relating to the city's affairs and to the sanctuary 
at Holyrood Abbey in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and 
in a little volume recounting the chief evidents of the town written 
out in 1G40 from the large Inventory in the Clerk's Chamber ; also in 
several letters dealing with the elections of magistrates between 
1G73 and 1G78, in connection witli whicli ^Ir. James Pioughead was 
ordered by the King to be turned out of his office of town clerk. 
Two documents relate to Holyrood Palace and repairs to be 
executed upon it. 

On some social custoins light is thrown from many of the docti- 
ments, but reference can be made to only a few. The bringing up 
of an orphan child in Sussex is the subject of an agreement in 1559, 
in which provision is not only made for bed and board, apparel and 
education, but also for such " chastesment as may seme mete for the 
" education and bringing up of an honest yeoman's child." Tlic 
ties of clanship and blood which obtained in Scotland led even some- 
what remote kinsmen to expect that all connected by blood or 
friendshi}) would maintain each other in any legal or other kind of 
contest with outsiders, an instance of which is seen in a letter from 
John, Earl of Athole, in 1597, to the Laird of Inverquharitie, in 
which he refers to a lawsuit he has with the Laird of Balfour, and 
demands to know on what side he and others of the Ogilvies are 
disposed to range themselves. Clothing and apparel of the various 
periods are illustrated by several accounts containing descriptions 
(B1720— Gp. 5) ' Q 


of what was worn ; and as a specimen of the diet indulged in, even 
by the nobility, there is an account of a present sent to a 
cousin by Jean, Countess of Wigtown, of Westland herrings and 
Glasgow whisky to digest them. Instances of marriages occasionally 
occur, and one document illustrates a custom which obtained in 
Scotland of the Session Clerk demanding a pledge on the registration 
of the banns of marriage that the parties would refrain from each 
other until the marriage ceremony was duly performed. These 
pledges, which were usually retained for about a year, consisted of 
money, jewellery or such other goods as the party might have, some- 
times a plaid or a web of cloth. In this case it was auing, and there 
is a request for its return. The method of taking seisin of a house 
in England is explained in a letter, and the daily wages of a gardener 
and his man in the Eoyal service at Hampton Court, c. 1600, are 
given as unitedly 2s. lOd. Keferences will be found to the burials of 
Queen Anne (of Denmark) in 1619, of Archbishop Usher in 1656, 
and of the Earl of Eglinton in 1661. 

A large number of the papers are without dates, and it has not 
always been an easy matter to assign such to their proper place. 

As at present arranged in the Library of the University of Edin- 
burgh, the Laing Historical Papers are in two divisions and the 
Manuscript Books, &c., are in a third. The contents of these three 
divisions are each numbered separately in conformity with a 
Catalogue prepared by the Eev. John Anderson. The location of 
the respective deeds mentioned in this Keport will be found by the 
reference at the end of each to its special division and number. 

I. refers to the Historical Documents which are inlaid and bound 
in several large volumes in terms of Mr. Anderson's Catalogue, 
pp. 53-81 ; 

II. refers to the Historical Documents of a miscellaneous nature, 
mostly in bundles as noted in his Catalogue, pp. 82-135 ; and 

III. refers to the Manuscript Books, &c., there listed, pp. 1-52. 


I. Robert Mordaunt Hay, Esq. of Duns Castle. — The Manu- 
scripts of Eobert Mordaunt Hay, Esquire, of Duns Castle, Berwick- 
shire, have reference rather to lands which were once in the 
possession of the family, than to those which now form the estate. 
The most interesting of them, indeed, relate to lands not in Ber- 
wickshire at all, but in Upper Tweeddale. The collection is not a 
large one ; nevertheless it contains many documents which throw 
considerable light on the life history of several old families whose 
habitat was by or near the Tweed. The earliest of the charters 
belong to lands in Peebleshire ; and this suggests the arrangement 
of the whole Manuscripts into the two general divisions following: — 
First, Documents relating to the counties of Peebles and 

Selkirk ; the latter consisting of a few charters of the lands of 

P»odono ; and 

; 248 

Sc\3ond, Documents relating to the town and lands of Duns ^/^J' ^}'l'' 
and several other lands in the county of Berwick. j.' ^j;_ '^.^y^ 

In point of antiquity the first place may be given to the charters Esq. 
of the lands and barony of Drumelzier in Upper Tweeddale. They 
go back at least to the year 1300, and so touch the history of these 
lands while they were yet in the possession of the ancient family of 
Fraser. From the Frasers these lands passed to the Tweedies, and 
formed their chief possession for fully three hundred years. Of 
these documents Nos. 1-10 inclusive present a series of the beautiful 
charters of the period of the Bruces, most of them being elegant 
specimens of the charter caligraphy of that day. 

The Frasers owned Drumelzier in the loth century, but the 
charters here reported on introduce us to only one Lord of Drumel- 
zier of the name, Sir "William Fraser, whose relationship to his 
predecessors has not been ascertained. His mother ''s Christian 
name was Eda, for as such she appears as a witness to one of her 
son's charters. In No. 1 William Fraser, Lord of Drumelzier, 
receives a grant of the lands of Haukerston in the tenement of 
Balintrodo and sheriffdom of Midlothian. Balintrodo was a temple 
land, and is practically identical with the district now known as 
Temple. The full naine of the holding of old was the temple land 
of Balintrodo, but in the lapse of time Balintrodo has disappeared, 
and the once merely descriptive adjunct of Temple has become the 
recognised designation. 

The grant of a house and some pasturage within Drumelzier by 
^Yilliam Fraser to Bernard called Sutor, and the transference thereof 
by Bernard's son, Pioland, to Eoger, son of Finlay of Twedyn (Nos. 
2 and 4), seem to have been the first introduction of the Tweedies to 
Drumelzier, and attention may be called in these charters to the 
minuteness, somewhat unusual for the time, with which the con- 
ditions of pasturage are set forth. From Sir William Fraser himself 
this Eoger acquired a large part of Drumelzier (No. 5), and the grant) 
was confirmed by King Piobert the Bruce. It is stated on very 
competent authority that in 1326 Sir William Fraser, Lord of 
Drumelzier, resigned his estate of Drumelzier into the hands of 
King Eobert Bruce for a regrant thereof to be given to Eoger, son 
of Finlay, and if so, this would complete the transfer of the whole 
of Drumelzier to this ancestor of the Tweedies of Drumelzier. It 
has been supposed by some that Eoger Tweedie obtained Drumelzier 
by marrying the daughter of Sir William Fraser. Of this, however, 
there is no evidence in these charters, unless we may infer some 
such relationship from the terms of No. 12, in which Walter of 
Tweedie calls Thomas Fraser of Frude his beloved cousin. 

The first notice we have of Eoger, son of Finlay, is in No. 3, 
where he is the recipient from King Eobert the Bruce of the lands 
within Cumnock, in Ayrshire, which belonged to John of Seton, who 
with some of his relatives had deserted Bruce and gone over to the 
English King, and in so doing had carried off the contents of 
Eoger's stables. The gift was meant to indemnify Eoger for his loss 
and damage, or at least was to remain as a pledge until Seton mada 
(B1720— Gp. 5) Q 2 


Var. Coll. tliis good, from which it would appear that Bruce did not think that 
r*^M^TT iSeton's defection would long continue. The fact that in this deed 
k' ■ of gift Eoger's appellative is merely " son of Finlay," and that in 

the later documents connected with the acquisition of Drumelzier 
there is the addition of " de Twedyn," might almost lead some to 
the supposition that this additional designation was then assumed 
to mark his new association with these estates on the banks of the 
Tweed. But such a theory is negatived by the fact that this very 
designation was borne by others at this time. There is mention of a 
William Tuedin as receiving a gift from King Eobert the Bruce of 
some tenements in Skirling which had been forfeited by Gilbert 
Lindsay ; of a Walter Tweedy who appears as a witness in 1302 ; and 
even earlier still, in 1296, of Finlay of Twedyn, doubtless no other 
than the father of Roger himself, who swears fealty to King 
Edward I. of England for his lands in Lanarkshire. In the parish of 
Stonehouse in that county there was and still is an estate which 
bears the name of Tweedie, and from it, therefore, it may bo 
infen-ed the surname of Tweedie was really derived. 

About the same time as he acquired Drumelzier, Eoger, son of 
Finlay of Tweedies, took a lease from William de Mauchan of the 
lands of Edestoun, considerably farther down the Tweed (No. 7) ; 
while also he is seen in No. 8, expanding his possessions in his own 
barony of Drumelzier. It was probably his son .James that in 1355 
obtained the charter of protection from Eobert, the Steward of 
Scotland (afterwards King Eobert II.), which was confirmed a few 
years later by King David II. (Nos. 9, 10) ; and his later descend- 
ants, for the next three centuries, with perhaps a slight break at the 
beginning, are from generation to generation well vouched for by the 
charters which follow. 

The Tweedies, as a Border family, appear to have been quite as 
turbulent as any of their neighbours. That they were of consider- 
able power, and that they possessed in their fortalice of Drumelzier 
a stronghold of considerable local importance appears from what is 
narrated in No. 14, wherein King James II., finding it expedient to 
retain their services and the benefit of their castle, grants to them 
his royal bond of maintenance. They soon multiplied in the district, 
and therewithal ousting their neighbours, became possessors of not 
a few of the neighbouring estates, whence they were always ready to 
rally round Drumelzier at the call of their chief. An instance of 
this is seen in No. 19, where evidence of this spreading out is given ; 
and in addition to the lands there named among others, Frude, long 
a Eraser possession, indeed one of their last in Tweeddale, was also 
acquired b}' the Tweedies (Nos. 12, 13, 18). It has been said that 
they acquired this Eraser possession also by the marriage of ar> 
heiress, but there is nothing to support that tradition here. One other 
acquisition may be mentioned on account of its curious tenure de- 
scribed in No. 35. This was the land called Hornehunterland at 
Tnnerleitlien, which the Tweedies held of the Crown for the annual 
payment of 15/. Scots and the giving of four blasts of a horn for the 
rousing of the King and his ]iiini(>rs when tliey came to liunt in tlie 


Misfortune overtook tlie Tweedies in the reign of King Charles I. ^^'-^/'^j 
Becoming involved in (K'hts whieli they were unable to meet, tho;r j, .^j ^, 
lands were apprised Itoiu tlieni hy their creditors, and ])runielzier, jr,s(j. 
w ith others, was acquired hy Jolm. Lord Hay of Tester, afterwards 
iirst Earl of Tweeddale, who ga\e them to his second son, tlit> Hon. 
^Yilliam Hay, ancestor of tlie present proprietor of Duns t'astle. 

The lands of Harcus, Skiprig, Northsliiels and others, situated 
in the White Ixu-ony of Eddleston, in another part of reehleshire, 
form the subject of the second section of tliis division, Nos. l-lr-liH. 
Harcus appears as a ])Ossession of tlie family of Lowis of .Manor, 
held of tlie See of (ilasgow, and disponed by the Lewises to thi> 
Horsburglis of tliat ill\, wliose successor was Mr. James Tja\\son of 
Cairnmuir, a cadet of tlie family of Lawson, of Hiei'igs. I'etween 
I'lim and the neighbouring proprietor. Sir Alexander JMurray of Black- 
barony, there was made in H)o9 the Convention (No. 50) by which 
in order to temiinate disputes the marches of their respective pro- 
perties were defined. Skiprig and Northshiels, which were also 
affected by this agreement, M'ere formerlj^ also a fief of the See of 
Glasgow in the possession of the Lawsons of Hierigs. Some docu- 
ments relative to a dispute as to the tliirlage of these lands wdll be 
found in Nos. 50-03, while No 08 deals with a right of way upon 

A third section of these Tweeddale writs res[)ect the lands of 
Ilalmyre, Deanshouses, Stanhope, Torpedo and others. The charters 
here referred to are no longer in the Duns Castle Charter Chest, 
but in place of them there is an excellent inventory compiled about 
the year 10"20, and from it the notes of tlie documents contained in 
this section of the reiport are taken. 

Tiie lands of Fiodono in Selkirkshire form the concluding section 
of the first division of this Pieport. They were given in 1535 by the 
Abbot of 3*lelrose to the eldest natural son of King James V., and 
failing him to his three natural brothers mentioned in the charter 
(No. 120). The three eldest of these sons were each named James, 
and the youngest Robert. The eldest James having died, the suc- 
cession devolved on his next brother natural, James, Commendator 
of Kelso and IMeh'Ose, afterw^ards Earl of Murray, and still better 
Icnown as the Regent IMurray ; but he, having failed in obedience to 
a charge from the Court of Session to serve himself as heir to his 
brother, was declared to have lost his right to the lands. This right, 
iiowever, he speedily reasserted, and in 1505 he sold Rodono to 
William, Lord Hay of Tester. 

The second general division of the manuscripts deals with sub- 
jects in Berwickshire. Unfortunately the ancient charters relating 
to Duns are no longer in the Charter Room at Duns Castle, the 
earliest now extant being that granted by King James IV. to George 
Home of Ayton, by which the town of Duns was created a burgh of 
{)arony. Indeed this charter also was long missing, and was but 
recently recovered from the repositories of a deceased lawyer and 
restored to Duns Castle by the exertions of Mr. J. Ferguson, Solici- 
tor, Duns, the present factor of Mr. Hav of Duns Castle. This 


Charter will be found described in the printed Register of the Great 
Seal under its date, 23rd February, 1489-90. There are a few writs 
in the Report, one of the 15th and several of the 16th centuries, 
which yield some particulars about the family of Lyle of Staniepeth 
and other ancient denizens about Duns ; and which also throw some 
light on the tenures of their day; while in No. 138 we have the 
transfer to the Homes of Ayton in 1577 of certain lands in the lord- 
ship of Duns which were at one time tlie joint property of Robert 
Logan of Restalrig, and George Ogilvie of Dunlugus. 

Coming to the eighteenth century, but still dealing with docu- 
ments relating to Duns, a discharge by the eminent Scottish divines- 
Mr. Thomas Boston, minister of Ettrick, for part of his stipend, will 
be found at No. 145. The immediately following papers detail some 
lively incidents in the history of the baronial burgh, due to a some- 
what prolonged friction between the baron-bailie and the burghers. 
So far as these papers show, it commenced in 1724 in a well-inten- 
tioned effort on the part of the bailie to promote the morals and the 
peace of Duns by stopping the game of football in which the burgh- 
ers annually engaged on Fasten 's eve. Of coui-se such an attempt 
could only have the result set forth in the bailie's complaint. If in 
the interval the tension subsided it was renewed in 1729 over a 
question as to the payment of a clock and bell whieli liad been 
placed in tlie tower of Duns Tolbooth by Mr. Hay of Drumelzier. 
In terms of an agreement the burghers were to pay a certain pro- 
portion of the expense, which they alleged they had hquidated, and 
the bailie insisted they had not. The papers show how the contro- 
versy was conducted, and how, at last, the bailie took the somewhat 
strong step of depriving the Skinners of Duns summarily of certain 
water privileges which they had enjoyed from time immemorial ; 
and the dispute finally drifted to the Court of Session. A case of 
the alteration and shutting up of some old roads by the County 
Justices of the Peace appears in No. 159; while Nos. 160-165 are 
documents in a local agitation which had for its object the exchange 
of Duns for Greenlaw as the head burgh of the shire of Berwick, the 
last being a pithy letter from Hugh, third Earl of Marchmont, con- 
taining his sentiments on the proposal, wliich, it may be added, did 
not succeed. 

The lands of Blackhills, as the property of the Homes of Ayton, 
while proprietors of Duns, form the subject of a few charters No. 

The lands of Edington with some adjuncts, while still the posses- 
sion of the Edingtons of that ilk in the middle of the fifteenth 
century, and sold by them in 1504 to Sir George Ramsey of Dal- 
housie, arc noticed in Nos. 171-181. They afterwards became the 
property of the Landers of Fountainhall, and gave a territorial 
designation to a son of Sir John Lauder, George Lauder of Tdington. 
He died without issue, and his property was inherited by his two 

Another section, of rather moi-e interest, is that which relates to 
the Kirklands of Ellem, Birkenside and other lands (Nos. 182-194). 


In the end of the fifteenth century on a precept by Edward Cock- ^f^r- Coll. 

bui-u, [Master of the Hospital of Mary Magdaknic of Duns, John jj°j^j_ ^ay, 

Home, the eldest sou of George Home of Avion, was infeft in the Esq. 

lands of Birkenside, Kidcseuch and three acres in Duns. These 

lands with the kirklands of Ellem were annexed to the Deanery of 

Eestalrig by King James V. in 1527, and later formed the subject of 

a lengthened Papal process in connection with the installation of 

Mr. John Sinclair as Dean of Eestalrig. This dean was a younger 

son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Eoslin, and on account of his learning 

and ability attained to great eminence. Wlien Eector of Snaw he 

was a Lord of Session and afterwards became Lord President. He 

was also created Bishop of Brechin. John Knox speaks of him, 

however, as " that perfyt hypocryte," and as being " blynd of aue 

" eie in the body but of boith in his saule." He died of fever on 

9th April, loOG. The documents show that Sinclair with his brother 

prebendaries granted these lands to Home of Ay ton, from whom 

they were acquired by the Cockburns of that Ilk. 

The concluding papers of the Eeport, Nos. 195-107, show the 
infeftment of Archibald Douglas of Whittingham, in his lands of 
Whittingbam in 1596 ; the marriage of John, Lord Yester, and Lady 
]\Iary INIontgomerie in 1640 ; and the pi'ocess of executing a charter 
in the early half of last century as detailed in a somewhat curious 
lawyer's account of that time. 

II. Sir AirhihaJJ Edmonstone of Duntreath. — The family papers Sir A. Ed- 
belonging to Sir Archibald Edmonstone of Duntreath, baronet, pre- "lonstone. 
served at Duntreath Castle in Strathblaue, are of the three-fold 
character usually found in Scottish charter rooms — parchment title 
deeds, papers of a more miscellaneous nature, and domestic corre- 
spondence. The collection at Duntreath Castle is richest in parch- 
ment deeds, but these, with some few exceptions, are not dealt with 
here. The family correspondence for the most part is of a private 
nature and therefore not of general historical interest ; • but among 
the papers of a miscellaneous kind there are many of historical value 
and importance, and of these and such of the letters as deal with sub- 
jects of public interest the report is composed. 

The Edmonstones of Dmitreath form a branch of an older stock 
which in early times was planted in Midlothian, where there still 
exists, a few miles to the south of Edinburgh, the estate of Edmon- 
stone with its mansion. That is supposed tO' have been the original 
habitat of the Edmonstones of that ilk. But in addition to this the 
family settled in Lanarkshire and Berwickshire, in eacli of whicli 
counties there are lands of the name of Edmeistoun, and it was also 
connected with Ednam in Eoxburghsliire, and later with Culloden 
near Inverness. It was from Culloden they came to Duntreath in 
the county of Stirling. The Edmonstones are in evidence 
in Scotland so early as the reign of King Alexander II., 
and from that time they have held an honourable posi- 
tion in the kingdom. They were connected by marriage and 
otherwise with many of the most influential houses of the time, and 


several of the Lairds obtained their wives from the Royal family. 
Sir John Edmonston married Lady Isabel Stewart, daughter of King 
Piol)ert II., when she was the widow of James, Earl of Douglas and 
:\lar ; while Sir William Edmonstone of Culloden, and the first Laird 
of Duntreath, espoused (as her fourth husband) Lady Mary Stewart, 
second daughter of King Eobert III., and she at her death was buried 
in the church at Strathblane. 

The lands and barony of Duntreath were acquired by the family 
about her time. They had belonged to the Earls of Lennox, and 
when King James I., after his return from captivity in England, 
wreaked his vengeance upon Murdach, Duke of Albany, and the aged 
Duncan, Earl of Lennox, his father-in-law, this portion of the latter's 
forfeited estates was given to William Edmonstone, then of Culloden. 
There is a Charter by Isobel, Duchess of Albany and Countess of 
Lennox, confirming these lands to William Edmonstone and his wife, 
Matilda Stewart (who was the illegitimate granddaughter of 
]\Iurdach, Duke of Albany), dated in 1445, printed in this Report. 
Since that time the lands have remained in the possession of the 
family in an unbroken descent from father to son for the last five 

At one time the lands of Duntreath were wadset or mortgaged to 
the owner of the neighbouring property of Kilsyth, but the mortgage 
was redeemed, and at a later period the Laird of Duntreath in turn 
acquired by purchase the estates of Kilsyth, which now belong to Sir 
Archibald Edmonstone. This accounts for the circumstance that a 
considerable number of the papers dealt with in the Report relate to 
the family of Livingston, of Kilsyth, these documents having been 
transferred with the estates and their title deeds. 

The papers dealt with in this Report are of a very miscellaneous 
nature. Among the earliest are several charters relating to lands in 
Berwickshire, including one or two giving some important informa- 
tion about the Gordon family. An interesting record of proceedings 
at coui'ts of the Knights Templars in connexion with the temple 
lands of Letter will be found at pp. 80-84 ; followed by grants of 
these lands made by the head of that Order in Scotland. The vassal- 
age of the Lairds of Duntreath to the Earls of Lennox 
is shown by a Bond of jMaintenance granted by Matthew, 
Earl of Lennox, to William Edmonstone, of Duntreath. 

An order by King James IV. to William, Lord Living- 
stone, to send some of his young men tO' France for the assist- 
ance of the French King in 151B is an example of the strong 'entente 
cordinle which subsisted, between these lands in those far-off days. 
Yet documents of the same period show that in his own house and 
domain Lord Livingstone had need of the support of his own depen- 
dents against the assaults of his eldest son, who seized his house of 
Callander and held it against his father. This family jar, however, 
did not continue long, as agreements entered into between them 
show. A discharge by the Queen Dowager, Mary of 
Guise, to Sir William Edmonstone of Duntreath reminds us 
of the position he held as Steward or Chamberlain of Menteith, 


includins:^ the keepiM-sliii) of tlio Castle of l^otme, an ol'lice wliicli had V'ar. Cul 

Vol V • 
heen in a manner liereditai'v in the faniilv, Iml llic luhnonstones ^^\, j^ '^j, 

having been supplanted in the oftiee by Sir James Stewart of Beath, „„mstoiif. 
aneestor of the Earls of ^loray, there arose a feud between the two 
houses, in which Sir James Stewart was slain. This feud was after- 
wards staunched by an agreement between parties. 

One very interesting letter is from Mary, Queen of Scots, a[)par- 
ently when in her twelfth year. It is written to her mother. After 
congratulatii;g her on the submission made to her by the J)ul\e of 
Chastelherault and the other Scottisli nobles, slie stati's that her 
uncle, the Cardinal, has advised her to recei\e the Sacrament I'or the 
first tiiue, and she humbly begs grace to do this. 

Several letters and papers relating to State and international affairs 
are in the lieport. Among these are i)apers connected with the em- 
bassies of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to France in 1559 and 1563, in- 
cluding a letter from Catherine de IVIedici and a passport from King 
Charles IX. of France; also papers connected with his embassy to 
Scotland in 1507 to remonstrate with the Scottish nobles upon their 
treatment of Queen ]\Iary at that most critical juncture of her reign 
Later occur instructions given to Thomas Wylkie, one 
of the Secretaries of the English Privy Council, to proceed to France 
and intimate the displeasure of Queen Elizabeth and lier Council at 
the dilatoriness of King Henry IV. in the prosecution of the war for 
wliicli they had lent him their soldiers. The removal of 
King James VI. of Scotland to London in 1603 to assume the Crown 
of hhigland upon the death of Queen Elizabeth is noticed in three 
letters, one of which in French by the Due d'Entraigns is congratu- 
latory upon the event, and another is a permit for Sir William and 
John Livingston to proceed to London and there wait upon His 
Majesty. The creation of tlie order of baronets by King 
James gave rise to the supplicatory protest by some of the English 
nobility against the dignifying of people of no standing promiscuously 
which indicates that while they do not deny the royal prerogative to 
be the sole fountain of honour to all the subjects, they desire to be 
excused from recognising these persons. 

Other letters from members of the nobility and others may be left 
to tell their own stories. Attention, however, may be drawn to one 
written, according to internal evidence, in 1640, by Pope Urban 
VIII. to the Jesuit, Tobias Matthew, sending him to England to aid 
with his state craft Count Rosetti, the Papal Nuncio ; also to 
which he narrates some events which were then taking place in tlie 
east of Europe. An inventory of the royal diamonds, as 
delivered by Spencer, Lord Compton, in 1625, after the death of 
King James VI., will be found at p. 123. Among the letters which 
illustrate the reign of King Charles I. are three referring to George, 
Duke of Buckingham, and his sisters, and a reference to the 
Thirty Years' War and the rumoured defeat of Tilly in the autumn 
of 1627, occurs in a letter by John Hamilton. There is also 
a license by the King to George. Lord Livingstone, to go abroad ; and 
a passport by Louis XIII. of France to the Earl of Leicester, the 

Sir A. Ed 



Yar. Coll. English Ambassador, for returning to England. A little later he 
y.^^'T^, brought a letter to the King from Anne of Austria. 

A number of papers and letters during the time of the Civil Wars 
and the Commonwealth show, hiter alia, how severely and repeatedly 
Kilsyth suffered during these civil commotions. Other papers of 
more general interest relate to policy, including some proclamations 
and letters by General Monck. In the post-Kestoration period there 
are but few documents of historical merit, but attention may be 
drawn to the Declaration of the Presbyterians in arms in the West of 
Scotland in 1679. 

Among the papers are a few which shed light on the domestic and 
family life of olden times. A case of alleged slander between two 
ladies, Lady Glorat and Lady Ballincloich, was brought before the 
court of the Archbishop of Glasgow and his assessors in the Synod of 
Glasgow. Lady Ballincloich alleged that Lady Glorat had sent a 
messenger to her imploring her to give her a cure for her sickness and 
relief from her pains, thus implying that she used the art of sorcery, 
and conveying the imputation that she was a witch. Lady Glorat's 
defence was a denial, and that if she did so it was when she was 
raving with fever and was irresponsible. This was the view taken 
by the judges, who dismissed the case. 

Among the early settlers in the Ulster plantation carried out by 
King James VI. were some of the Edmonstone family, including 
William Edmonstone, the eldest son of Sir James Edmonstone of 
Duntreath. He acquired Eedhall and Broadisland in the county of 
Antrim, and was made a Justice of the Peace. A number of the 
letters written to and from Ireland in connexion with this colonisa- 
tion are given in the Keport, and include letters written by Eandal, 
Earl of Antrim, and the Viscounts of Clanboye. 

The ecclesiastical life of Strathblane and Stirlingshire has at 
least a side light thrown upon it. There are numerous deeds deal- 
ing with the teinds of the lands from early times, but these have 
not been noted. More to the point in the way of encouraging the 
spiritual life of the community is a mortification by the minister of 
Campsie, in 1601, when he, regretting the growing coldness of 
people towards the poor, is moved to " schewe sum spunk of liberal- 
" itie and cheritable work " after his death, and therefore mortifies 
40s. yearly, being the rent of some houses and lands in Campsie, 
for the behoof of the poor there. Later, in 1627, his suc- 
cessor, Mr. John Crichton, testifies the spirit of the disciple by 
yielding up a field to Lord Kilsyth over which they had for some 
time carried on a dispute. The apportionment of the kirk 
of St. Ninians in seats and burial places in 1639 is noticed, 
and in 1653 the minister of St. Ninians, Mr. George Bennet, pleads 
with the Laird of Kilsyth about the arrears of stipend due to him 
both from the Laird and his tenants, and expresses the hope that see- 
ing he is not minded to enforce his claim by legal means, the Laird 
wall by his example bring about a speedy settlement. 

The concluding deeds in the Eeport embrace a letter from 
Simon, Lord Lovat, in 1716, in which he refers to his having been 


pardoned bv the Kinfr, and that he had received the thanks of his Var. Coll. 
Ministers. There are letters from William Pitt, Henry Dundas, v^j'^, ^^ ^^ 
and several from King George III., and William, Duke of Clarence, luonstone.' 
afterwards King William IV. ; likewise naval orders from Admiral 
Xelson and Admiral Collingwood, and letters from George Can- 
ning, the Duke of Wellington, William Wilberforce, Sir Walter 
Scott, and Lamartine, the French poet. 

III. Sir John Graham, of Fhitnj. — The manuscripts calendared Sir John 
are the family papers of the Grahams of Fintry, one of the oldest Graham, 
branches of that great Scottish house. The parent stem of the 
Dukes of Montrose, Viscounts of Dundee and Grahams of Fintry 
is reached by going back to the reign of Eobert III., when Sir 
William, Lord of Grahame, was the head of the family. By his 
first wife, Sir William had a son, who was the ancestor of the house 
of Montrose. His second wife was the King's daughter, Mary or 
INIariota Stewart. By this princess he had a son Robert, from 
whom both the Grahams of Fintry and the Grahams of Claverhouse 
traced their descent, the former through the marriage of Eobert 
Graham with Janet, daughter of Sir Richard Lovel of Ballumbie ; 
the latter through his second marriage with Matilda, daughter of 
Sir James Scrimgeour of Dudhope. 

There are no early original charters or deeds in this collection,, 
the first being an indenture of the year 1460, arranging an " excam- 
'■' bion " or exchange of lands. In the next deed, dated five years 
later, " Eobert Graham of Balargus " has become " Eobert 
" Graham of Fintry," the title by which this branch of the family 
was hereafter known. 

In the earlier half of the eighteenth century, a zealous searcher 
into the history of the Grahams wrote a series of notes, which are 
interesting as a specimen of what may be called the amateur anti- 
cjuarianism of that day. His notes are, however, full of inaccuracies, 
and towards the end of them he gets very much confused, and 
contradicts what he had said at the beginning. 

Under date 7th August, 1476, is a copy of the indenture by which 
it was agreed that the younger Eobert of Fintry should marry Eliza- 
beth Douglas, daughter of Ai-chibald Earl of Angus (Archibald 
" Bell-the-Cat "), with proviso in case of death, that the place 
of bride or bridegroom should be taken by a sister or brother, as 
the case might be. This proviso proved to be unnecessary, as 
Eobert Graham and Elizabeth Douglas were duly married. This 
indenture is a copy, probably made from the original deed amongst 
the Douglas Charters. 

To it follows an account of the resignation and re-grant of 
certain vestments and church ornaments, dated 20th May, 1690. 

The second Eobert Graham of Fintry was succeeded by his 
eldest son David, who married a daughter of the first Earl of 
]\Iontrose. He was followed by his son William, who took to wife 
Catherine Beaton, sister of the great Cardinal and Chancellor. 

David, William's heir and successor, was knighted by James VI. 


He married firstly Margaret, daughter of James, fourth Lord Ogilvie, 
;;iid secondh% ^Margaret Hunter. His sons were David, William and 
James. A notarial instrument, drawn up in 1551, relates how he 
had reason to suspect a grant made by his ancestors, " becaus 
" their was new walx put about the seill of the auld walx." 

As regards the fourth Lord Ogilvie, father of Sir David Graham's 
first wife, a somewhat interesting point is raised in these papers. 
In the older Peerages he is stated to have died " about 1554," 
thus surviving by some years his son, the JNIaster of Airiie, who was 
killed at the battle of Pinkie, 10th September, 1547. Later genea- 
logists have shown that the date given for the fourth lord's death 
cannot be correct, and that he must have died before July, 1548, 
when he is spoken of as the late lord. The last time he is mentioned 
as alive, in the State Papers, is in a letter of intelligence from 
Ninian Cockburn, dated 27th November, 1547, where his name 
occurs in a list of lords at Droughty Castle. ]3ut from a letter from 
the fifth Lord Ogilvie (of which there is a copy amongst these 
papers) it would seem that he believed his grandfather and father 
to have been killed " all in one day." It is possible that a wrong 
name might have slipped by carelessness into Cockburn's list, but 
it is not credible that Lord Ogilvie 's death in the battle should 
have remained unknown. The expression " in one day " is prob- 
ably, therefore, used figuratively, but it would certainly mean that 
Lord Ogilvie did not long survive his son. The statement about 
the child's age very nearly corresponds with tlie accepted date of 
" about 1541 " as the time of his birth. 

Sir David Graham lived to be an old man, and in 1584, King 
James gave him a licence, on account of his age and infirmities, 
to be freed from all military service, provided he sent his son with 
his servants in his stead. He was still alive in January, 1585-6. 

His son and heir, David, was convicted of being concerned in 
the supposed plot of the Earls of Huntley and Erroll in 1592, and 
was executed at Edinburgh Cross in the following January. As 
regards the proselytism, it is very questionable whether the 
Grahams had ever forsaken the old faith. Amongst the later 
letters in this collection is one a])parently from Dr. Thomas Innes, 
the historian, which unhesitatingly states that " the Catholic 
" religion had continued till those times in the family," and that 
David (Jraham the younger " under pretext of a plot " was put to 
death, •" to which King James VI., who had both kindness for 
" and great confidence in him, was forced to connive by the Presby- 
" terian party that domineered." This unfortunate member of the 
house of Fintry married Barbara, daughter of Sir James Scot of 
Balacarie. David's younger brother James is probably the James 
Graham who served in the French King's Scottish guard in the 
early years of the seventeenth century, when it was under the 
nominal command of little Prince Charles, the Duke of York. He is 
also perhaps the Cijptain James to whom the Earl of jMontrose wrote 
in 1614, praying him to acconi])any him to the baptism of the 
Earl of Perth's infant son. 


The family estates were forfeited upon David Graham's execu- V'^i'- <^t)lL 
tion, and granted to the Earl and Countess of JNIar, hut on 10th June, gij'.'j^i'n 
1594, they were regranted to his son Daviil, who tlius l)ecame the Giaham. 
seventh Laird of Fintry. and who married Mai-y, danglilrr of Sir 
James JTalihurton of Pitcur. 

His name first ai)i)cai-s in a dfed hy Lord JSalnicriuo in 1018, 
granting him and his heirs a certain part of the titluss ol Liulathen. 
David Graham of Fintry took tlie King's side in the Civil Wars. 
The position of the Laird of Fintry's hrotlicr. JaniL's of Monorgan, 
is more doubtful. At the beginning of the Civil War lie api)uars to 
have taken the side of the Parliament, or at any rate did not venture 
to oppose it, hut if at any time he inclined to the Parliament i^arty, 
his sympathies soon veered round, like those of so many of his 
countrymen, to the side of their Stuart King. In the sununer of 
1048, when Hanu'lton., now supreme in the Committee of Estates, 
was planning his advance into England, Lauderdale was sent to 
])ersuade the Prince of Wales to come at once to Scotland. He 
succeeded in his mission, and arrangements were in progress when 
the news of the defeat at Preston on 17th August reached them and 
crushed all their hopes. 

The ]Marquis of ^Montrose was at this time abroad, having left 
Scotland after laying down his arms, by the King's orders, in 1040. 
He left his estate in the hands of his relations, but his enemies 
made their stewardship a difficult office, being determined, as he 
indignantly declared, not only to ruin him, but his friends also. 
The following year, 1048 (being then in the Emperor's service), 
he wrote from Vienna to James Graham of ]\Ionorgund, thanking 
him for his pains, and especially committing his chihh'en to his 

In l^eeember of this year, his eldest son petitioned the General 
Assembh' for leave to go to College, wdiich he was not allowed to do 
without their warrant. In deference to their views, he spoke of his 
father as the " late Earl of jNIontrose." After ^Montrose had fallen 
in his King's cause, some difficulties arose about money matters, 
and letters of horning and poinding were granted against the 
Grahams, as cautioners for the Marquis. 

The young ^Marquis received back his inheritance, but en- 
dangered it again by joining in Glencairn's rising in 1053. With 
him went his cousin, James Graham the younger, but the quan-els 
anaongst the chieftains prevented anything decisive being attempted, 
and soon afterwards Montrose came to terms with the English, in 
which James Graham was included. 

While the young ]\Iarquis of [Montrose was the especial charge of 
James Graham of Monorgan, another youthful chief of the house, 
hereafter destined to make a figure in the world's history, was more 
particularly mider the care of David Graham of Fintry. In 1050. 
the Laird of Fintry figures as " tutor testimentar " of John Graham 
of Claverhouse. 

Some time before the summer of 1007, James Graham of 
Monorgan died, leaving a daughter Agnes, who married David 


Lindsay of Edzell. The lairdship passed to Monorgan's nephew 
James (second son of David of Fintry), who in time duly paid his 
cousin Agues her portion of 30,000L Scots and " all other goods, 
" gear and money due to her as her father's only daughter." This 
younger James of Monorgan appears to have been a thrifty and 
prudent person. The family historian says that the estate of the 
family had gone to utter ruin had not it been in some measure 
recovered through his industry. The unnamed " other brother " 
is said to have married a daughter of Col. John Hay. In much of 
this, the wi-iter was certainly in error. 

The second Marquis of Montrose died in 1669, and as the first 
Marquis had left his son in the particular charge of James Graham 
of Monorgan the elder, so does the second Marquis appear to have 
especially confided his children to the care of Monorgan the younger. 

After the Marchioness's death,, her daughters evidently lived 
under Lady INIonorgan's charge. In a letter probably written in 
1676, the Marquis thanks her for the extraordinary care she had 
had of his sisters' education. At this time negotiations for the 
settlement of Lady Anne were in progress. In December, 1678, 
the young Marquis " attained his full age of twenty-one years," 
and gave a formal discharge to the noblemen and gentlemen (mostly 
Grahams) who had been curators of his person and estate during his 

To return to the history of the Fintry family: — In December, 
1669, probably soon after his father, David of Fintry 's death, 
James Graham of Monorgan succeeded to part of the Linlathen 
estates, and in the same month was made major of a foot regi- 
ment to be raised in Forfarshire, of which some years later he 
became the Lieut. -Colonel. His commissions, under the sign 
manual of Charles II., are amongst these papers. 

In 1678, Lauderdale's intolerant proceedings in the west of 
Scotland had roused the people to a high pitch of indignation, 
which was further increased by Claverhouse's harrying of Conven- 
ticles in the spring of 1679. On the news of "an insurrection and 
" rebellion in some western shires " reaching Edinburgh, the Lords 
of the Council decided that the country must " put in a posture," 
and sent orders to the Forfarshire Eegiment accordingly. The 
Earl of Airlie also summoned Monorgan, urging him to bring oVer his 
companies to Bruntisland as quickly as possible. Of the course of 
the insurrection, the insurgents' success at Drumclog and their 
defeat at Bothwell Brig, these papers say no word; but that 
Monorgan had taken an active part in the affair is evident from a 
letter to him written by Eothes, the Chancellor, in the following 
year, expressing the King's hearty thanks for his great readiness 
in calling out the Forfar men, and for their good service in the 

The family historian states that the David Graham who was 
laird of Fintry in the early part of the seventeenth century was 
the son of a Ijrother of John of Fintry and James of Monorgan, which 
brother was himself never the laird. But there seems no doubt that 


James of Monorgan succeeded bis brother Jobn, and tbat David Var. ('oil 
was bis son and beir. Tbat the Laird of Fintry's name towards ^.'^ V ,"". 
the end of tbe seventeentb century was James, is sliown by an Q^.^hjuu. 
indenture on p. 215, and by tbe letters of bis mercbant sons, 
Tbomas and Wilbam. And more positive evidence is fortbcomiug 
in tbe Eegister of tbe Great Seal. 

James Grabam's daughter Margaret married Sir David Kinlocb 
of tbat illi. After Sir David's death, it is evident tbat proposals 
were made to her by Graham of Totento, at that time beir to bis 
cousin David third Viscount of Dundee. His cousin Anna Graham, 
wife of Robert Young of Auldbar, wrote to him in August, 1700, 
protesting against this marriage on the ground tbat Lady Kinlocb 
was not likely to have any more children, and stating her con- 
viction that tbe lady's brother, rintry,_ was promoting the marriage 
in hopes of securing the reversion of the title to the Graliams of 
Duntroon. The third Viscount is believed to have died in 1700. 
In August of tbat year, as we here see, both he and Potento were 
alive, and the latter must have died first, as tbe Viscount was 
succeeded by David of Duntroon, father of tbe Will Grahame men- 
tioned in the letter. 

David Graham of Fintry married Anne, daughter of Sir Robert 
Murray of Abercairnie, and sister of Maurice Murray, the well- 
known Jacobite. jNIaurice died in 1740, leaving bis sister. Lady 
Fintry, bis executrix and beir. 

The Laird of Fintry voted steadily against the Union in the 
Scottish Parliament (see Lockhart Papers), and in June, 1708, 
be was a prisoner in the Tolbootb of Edinburgh, probably in con- 
nexion with the abortive Jacobite descent upon Scotland just 
before. He was released on bail. He probably took no active part 
in tbe rising of 1715. In September, soon after tbe Pretender's 
standard was raised at Braemar, he was appointed deputy-governor 
of Dundee, under Viscount Dundee, " conform to bis Majesty's 
" Order," but be either declined to act or speedily made bis peace, 
for on the 4th of tbe following January, tbe very day that James 
abandoned bis own cause and escaped fi-om Scotland, David 
Graham of Fintry received a protection for all bis bouses from tbe 
Duke of Argyle. 

Fletcher of Balinsbo, who had married Fintry's sister Jean, 
was less fortunate, and had to go into biding. He had a good 
friend, however, in bis wife's brother William, who himself in good 
favoxir with tbe Government, was zealous in aiding bis friends in 
their misfortunes. Not only Stanhope but Sunderland was 
influenced on Balinsbo's behalf, and he happily escaped without 
losing life or liberty. 

Following this episode are some letters to him and to his wife, 
one being a curious little note signed Geile Clephane, possibly the 
wife of Col. William Clepbam. The " Harry " mentioned in the 
letter is perhaps Harry Maule of Kellie. Balnamoon is Alex. 
Carnegie, who was captured after the '15, but pardoned. His 
property was confiscated, and just at this time his wife Margaret, 
one of Fintry's daughters, was in London, petitioning for her dower 


Var. Coll. lands. Who is meant by the Cardinal does not appear. Count- 

J.°/- \- • G b iu the following letter is probably Count Gillenbor'' the 

Gral.ain. b^vedish Envoy. 

David Graham of Fintry probably died towards the end of 1728, 
as Eobert, his eldest surviving son, was " infeft and seased " of 
the estate of Fintry in January, 1729. In 1735 he married Margaret 
JNIurray, daughter of Sir William Murray of Auchtertyre, and of 
Catherine Fraser, daughter of Hugh, Lord Lovat. Lady Fintry 's 
brother, Sir Patrick Murray, and his son, had both been out in the 
'15, and were taken prisoners. Sir Patrick escaped on the way to 
his trial at Carlisle, and the young laird was pardoned by the 
influence of his relatives. 

Piobert Graham of Fintiy died in October, 1750. Amongst these 
papers are bills in relation to his " funeralls " and Lady Fintry 's 
inourning. His eldest son llobert was then a inere boy. He was 
sent to Haddington School, and in 1763, to St. Andrew's University. 
His college bills show that he attended the courses of the pro- 
fessors of Greek, Logic, Ehetoric and Mathematics, took lessons 
in French and in fencing, jilayed golf, and occasionally went to a 

In 1767 he is mentioned as paying feu duty to Edinburgh Castle, 
as his ancestors had done before him, but his circumstances became 
embarrassed ; he began to alienate the family estates, and at length 
sold all the lands of Fintry, bargaining, however, that he should 
retain the designation of Fintry, while the new owner, Mr. Erskine, 
took that of Linlathen. His eldest son was murdered in India, 
and he was succeeded by his second son John, who served in the 
Peninsular W'ar, and afterwards gained great distinction in the wars 
with the Kaffirs in Cape Colony. He was succeeded in 1821 by his 
son Kobert, who was for many years in Government service at the 
Cape of Good Hope, and raised a troop of horse, bearing his name, 
in the Kaffir war of 1851-2. His eldest son John, now Sir John 
James Graham, K.C.JNI.G., is the present owner of the family 

Many of the deeds in this collection are in relation to the lands 
of Linlathen, lying on the north side of the river Dighty, in the 
parish of Monyfeith. The first notice of them is in a deed of 1542, 
when the reversion of a part of these lands was assigned to Cardinal 
Betoun by the Eynds of the Carse. After the Cardinal's murder, 
this reversion fell to his brother and heir, Walter, Archdeacon of 
Lothian, but was bought from him by David Betoun of Melgund, 
the Cardinal's natural son, and from him passed to the Ogilvy family. 
Other portions were held in the sixteenth century by the Kers, Hays 
of Sandfurd, Scrimgeours of Dudhope and Graham of Fintry. In 
1595, these various portions were bought by Sir William Graham of 
Ballowny and Claypotts, and he disposed of them to David Graham 
of Fintry, in whose family they long remained, being usually held 
by a brother or son of the head of the house. 

Other deeds in the collection, in relation to lands, money or 
family arrangements, are signed by the Earls of Perth and of Tulli- 


bardiue, the " tiai- " of Ocbtcrt^re, the secoud Marquis of Montrose, Var. (A.ll. 
John Earl of AtlioU ami Sir Johu Druiumond of Logie Almond, \"'A' ' 
and bring in the names {inter alia) of Jolin Earl of Mar and Lord (^j,.jji,;ini. 
Erskine his son, the Earl of Erroll, Sir James Drummond of 
Inverquharity, the Master of l\ollo, Sir James Colquhoun of Liss, 
Lord Balfour of Burghley and Sir James Halkctt of Pitkerran. 

In addition to the family deeds and corresi)ondence, there are 
in this collection a certain number of pajiers relating to affairs of 
State, and some copies of verses. Of the State Papers, the follow- 
ing may be selected for mention: — A letter from the Scottish Com- 
missioners " to the well-affeeted," on tlieir return from the Treaty 
of Ripon: an important letter from the Episcoi)alian ministers of 
Scotland to WiUiam III., in answer to a letter from the King, at 
the beginning of 1G92 (the King's letter is at the Public Record 
Office, but not this answer to it); an account of the fight at Gleu- 
shiel; and two letters from the Old Pretender, " James III.," the 
eai-lier written in 1720 to the people of England, the second in 
1722 to the Archbishop of Canterbmy. 

Two or three of the sets of verses are interesting from their 
subjects. The earliest is a bitter attack upon the ritual attending the 
consecration of Alex. Burnet as Bishop of Aberdeen in 1663, with a 
counterblast from the Episcopal party; following this is a short poem 
on the Commissioners for the Union; a longer one entitled " A Fable 
" of the Widow and her Cat," (almost certainly) on Queen Anne 
and jMai'lborough, and a lament " Upon a late defeat," i.e., the 
battle of Culloden. 


Tile Reports already summarised contain many references to 

Mak(^uess of Ormonde. 

Volmnes I and II of the Report on the Ormonde Manuscripts 
published respectively in 1895 and 1899 remained for some years un- 
indexed. In 1899 this defect was remedied by the issue of a volume 
of index, thus making this section of the Report of much greater 
utility to the historical student. 

Of the new series of this Report, three volumes have appeared 
since 1907, Nos. Y, VI and VII, covering the period 1679-1088. 


The portion of the correspondence of the first Duke of Ormond Manjues.s <.f 
comprised in this volume covers a period of exactly two years. Ormoudf : 
For the reasons already given in the Introduction to the fourth •'•' ' 

volume of this series, the papers preserved at Kilkenny become 
increasingly numerous, in comparison with those relating to earlier 
(B1720— Cip. 5) n 


M;ll>lue^s uf pt'iioJb, towards the close ol the public career of the great Duke. 
Oniiomle : \^^j qj,^. ^y\^Q \^ familiar with Carte's biograi)liy of Orinoiul, or is 
■' ■' ^ ■ ■ fairly conversant with the history of the time, would pretend that 
the last years of Ornionds third tenure of tlie Irish goveruinent 
are the most interesting in the crowded life of that illustrious 
ca\alier — to adopt ]\lacaulay"s felicitous description of the Duke. 
The special prominence which these years receive in these pages 
is the result of the quite accidental circumstances that Carte dealt 
in less detail with this i^art of the subject than any other, and 
therefore had no occasion to include many of the Duke's later letters 
in the materials to which ho helped himself so liberally. 

Ormond's priucii)al and most voluminous correspondents in the 
present volume are his sons, the Earls of Ossory and Arran, mIiosc 
letters are maiidy conversant with the details of Irish government 
and with the coiuse of politics in England; INlichael Boyle, who as 
Archbishop of Armagh and Lord Chancellor combined in his own 
person the chief offices both of the Cluirch and of the Law in 
Ireland; Col. Edward Cooke, an intimate personal friend, whose 
letters from England detailing the movements of political intrigue 
at Westminster are lightened by much agreeable sporting gossip 
from Xe-SAmarket ; Henrj- Coventry, A\hose retirement from the 
office of Principal Secretary of State occurred in 1G80, and whose 
letters to Ormond both before and after that event contain a note 
of personal intimacy which is lacking in the communications of 
other officials; John Fell, Dean of Christ Church and Bishop of 
Oxford, whose letters mainly relate to Ormond's grandson, and 
ultimate successor in the Dul^edom; Francis Gwpi, who as Clerk 
to the I'rivy Council in England became, after the resignation of 
Coventry, the principal medium of official communications from 
the English Secretary's Office; the Earl of Longford, whose 
voluminous and verbose epistles relate mainly to the management 
or mismanagement of the Irish Eevenue; and Roger Boyle, 1st 
Earl of Orrery, whose death in the autumn of 1679, removed a 
somewhat querulous critic of Ormond's administrative manners and 

In so far us these letters throw liglit u[)on the personal history 
of Ormond, they are chiefly valuable for the references they contain 
to his eldest son, Thomas, Earl of Ossory, whose premature and 
imiversally deplored death took place on 29th July, 1680, and is 
referred to in terms of obviously sincere grief by several of Ormond's 
correspondents. Ossory died of a malignant fever, probably typhus, 
on the eve of his intended departure from England to take up the 
command of the troops at Tangier. This disorder is described in 
the report of the physicians attending the patient, among them 
Ferdinand :\Iendaz, the physician ol; Queen Catherine, and in a 
certificate signed ))y the doctors wlio made a poxt viortrm oxainina- 
tion of the remains, as well as in a leiler I'lom Tlichard Mulys, 
Ossory's private secretary-, to Henry Gascoigno. The syjnptoms 
suggest the worst form of typhus fever. The letters of condolence 
^vl•i^ten to On.ion.l on this occasion by Cliarles IT., and by Queen 


Catherine, to whose service Osbory hud been particukirly attached Mar(im'ss of 

as her Chaniberhiiu, have akeady been 2)ul)Iished in the first series l-t'''!""v''i 'v 

of this report. Otliers here printed are from Arlington, whose" ' ' 

close intimacy with Ossory A\as strengthened through the marriage 

of the two men to two sisters; Sir Arthur- Forl)es, Viscount Granard, 

the head of the army in Ireland; Dr. John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, 

who, as Dean of Christchurch, had charge of the education of 

Ossory "s son, afterwards second Duke of Ormond; James, Duke 

of York, afterwards James 11.; Primate Boyle; Louis Duras, Earl 

of Faversham; Sunderland, the statesman; and Sir William 

Temple. The tributes paid to Ossory in the corresi>ondenec now 

printed exhibit him as a personage fully worthy alike of the sonorous 

eulogium passed by Dryden in Ahsuloni and Achitophcl, and of the 

unaffected sorrow exhibited by Evelyn. Perhaps the particular 

condolence which sets Ossory's character in the highest light is 

the remarkable language of Henry Coventry, one of the Secretaries 

of State, who in conveying to Ormond a very genuine expression of 

sorrow observed that " it is a very strange thing in so very bad an 

age to see so good a man lamented by so many of all sorts." The 

somewliat chill philosophy of Sir William Temple's condolences is 

tempered by a feeling allusion to his own then recent loss of his 

onlj?^ daughter. 

The education of Ossory's eldest son, James, afterwards second 
Duke of Ormond, which is referred to several times in the letters 
printed in Vol. IV., continued to absorb much of the old nobleman's 
attention. The Bishop of Oxford continues to report pretty fre- 
quently on the lad's demeanour at Oxford; and several letters from 
the lad's governor, Dr. ])relincourt, and others, are occupied with 
the same topic. The reports of the young Oxonian's conduct were 
not uniformly favourable; and occasionally the authority of tutors 
and governors had to be reinforced by the direct admonition of 
Ormond himself. A letter dated 27th September, 1679, addressed 
by Ormond at Kilkenny to his grandson at Oxford, is an admirable 
example alike of the style appropriate to such a relationship, and of 
Ormond 's stately conception of the obligations of a great position. 

Several letters bear witness to Ormond 's personal tastes, and 
particularly to his fondness for field sports. His friend Col. Cooke, 
whose fi-equent letters describing the course of politics at West- 
minster are among the most interesting in the volume, was enjoined 
not to omit reference to sporting topics from his communications 
on more serious matters; and in more than one of his many letters 
he took his patron at his word. Thus, writing on 29th March, 1679, 
from liondon, Cooke occupies much of his space with an answer 
to " those material questions proposed in your (Ormond's) letter 
" of 20th jNIarch concerning hawks, hounds, and horses "; giving 
a faithful account first of his sport in Gloucestershire with " a 
" single goshawk and a single quarry of pheasants, — so cruel a 
" pheasanter that we wire fain io ol)]i^f o\hs('1vi's not to kill above 
" fniu- brace in a day, that wc iniglit Iciigtlicu out our sjiort all 
" winter." Cooke goes on to describe a day w itli the liounds in 
(B1720— Gp. 5) R 2 


of the same county;; and concludes with some anecdotes of his horse- 
• racing ex])loits which may perhaps provide a hint for the historian 
* of the turf: — " I have the famous beautiful Burnett in my stable, 
" who serves but to pick up Gloucestershire plates (of which we 
have abundaaice) and get foals finer than which never any stallion 
yet got. He is allowed by all his Newmarketarians as the 
*' handsomest horse now in England, comes eleven, and is sound 
to all intents and purposes." It seems a pity that this Saint 
Simon of the seventeenth century should have no place in the stud 
book. This is by no means the only reference to sport which 
Cooke's letters contain. The last letter in this volume describes 
Charles the Second's enjoyment of a race run at Burford, near 
Oxford, for one of the King's Plates; as well as a day spent by the 
monarch in hawking at Oxford. Coursing was another form of 
sport in which Ormond and his correspondent were interested; and 
another of Cooke's letters gives a capital account of a day's cours- 
ing at Hampton Court in presence of the Sovereign. 

The purely political portion of the correspondence is occupied 
mainly with three topics, viz., the measures taken by Ormond and 
the Irish Privy Council to safeguard Ireland from the dangers 
apprehended as likely to result from the Popish Plot ; the proceedings 
of Charles the Second's third Parliament, including more particu- 
larly the impeachment of Danby; and the fierce controversy pro- 
voked by the Exclusion Bill. Incidentally a good deal of light is 
thrown, in the course of the discussion of these topics, on English 
constitutional procedure. The first of them occupies a relatively 
small space, the anxieties of Ormond and his principal correspon- 
dents being concerned mainly with that ebb and flow of the political 
tide in England by which their own fortunes were dominated; and 
it receives attention chiefly as an item in the frequent indictments 
which Ormond 's enemies at Court were wont to frame against him 
with a view to procuring his dismissal from office. An elaborate 
memorandum dated 5th April, 1679, addressed by the Irish Privy 
Council to the Principal Secretary of State, recapitulates in con- 
siderable detail the measures taken by Ormond from the moment 
of " the discovery of the Plot in England " in September, 1678, 
and shows that the King and his chief advisers steadily adhered 
throughout the difficulties of this trying time to the policy which 
naturally commended itself to Ormond's own judgment, viz., the 
maintenance of order, and the steady enforcement of the measures 
enjoined by royal proclamation in England, coupled with a mild 
and discriminating lenity. 

In "An Account of the Present State of Ireland presented l>y 
the Lord Butler of Moor Park to the House of Lords, 31st March, 
1679," Lord Ossory deals with the same topics, giving in detail a 
summary of the various proclamations and orders issued by the 
Irish Government. In this statement, as in almost every letter 
and document of this period in which the difficulties of the Irish 
administration are explained or referred to, stress is laid on the 
neglect of Ministers in England to concur in the calling together of 


the Irish Parliament, a step wliich from the moment of his acces- M.-uquess of 
siou to olHec m 1077 Onnoii.l liad earnestly desired and constantly U'''"°??VTr 
advocated. ^ •>' N.S., Vol. V. 

Ossory was thoroui^dilv justified by the facts. Indeed nothing 
is more noticeable in the voluminous documents bearing on the 
state of Ireland during the period of the agitation about the Popish 
Plot than the absence of any serious evidence of the existence of 
anything in the nature of a Eoman Cathohc conspiracy in Ireland. 
Carte's observation is indeed fully justified, that it was " a terrible 
" slur on the credit of the Popish Plot in England that after it 
" had made such a horrible noise and frighted people out of their 
senses in a nation whei-e there was scarce one Papist to an 
" hundred Protestants, there should not for above a year together 
appear so much as one witness from Ireland (a country otherwise 
fruitful enough in producing them), to give information of any 
conspiracy of the like nature in that kingdom, where there were 
" fifteen Papists to one Protestant." Several of the papers in 
this volume relate to the plot which for convenience may be called 
David FitzGerald's Plot, a conspiracy which was represented by 
Shaftesbury and the organizers of the agitation in England as 
having been contrived in concert with the conductors of the English 
Plot. But there is certainly nothing in them to substantiate any of 
the suggestions which were founded at the time on FitzGerald's 
unsupported and self-contradictory testimony. Ormond in his 
private communications with his son Ossory, who until his un- 
timely death remained his chief agent and assistant in England, 
was at no pains to conceal his opinion that the supposed plots were 
manufactured by the agents of his own political enemies for no 
better object than to procure his dismissal from the Irish Govern- 
ment. " I do not so much wonder," he wrote in April, 1680, " at 
" the scandals cast upon us now as that it was not done sooner. 
" But it was necessary to amuse the people, as with new plots so 
" with new actors in them; and we were not forgotten but 
" reserved to the last. The discoveries now on foot in the north 
" and west of this kingdom can come to nothing by reason of the 
" extravagant villainy and folly of the discoverers, who are such 
" creatures that no schoolboy would trust them with a design for 
" the robbing of an orchard. ]\fy Lord of Essex's tool is a silly 
" drunken vagabond that cares not for hanging a month hence if 
" in the meantime he may solace himself with brandy and tobacco. 
" Mvirphy is all out as debauched, but a degree wiser than the 
" others. The other fellow brought by Lord Shaftesbury to the 
" Council broke prison, being in execution, and now the sheriff or 
" jailer are sued for the debt. This is their true character; but 
" perhaps not fit for you to give of them. If rogues they must 
" be that discover roguery, these must be the best discoverers, 
" because they are the greatest rogues." 

Ormond's letters at this period show that he was fully alive to 
the gravity of the attacks made upon him by the ultr? -Protestant 
party in England, supported by the leaders of that interest in Ireland, 
of whom Lord Orrery and the members of the Boyle family were 


Maniiuvss uf porliaps liis most roniiidable oj)poneuts. But though iu several 
NS 'v.'.l A' I*''^'^^'o'^''' ^'^ exhibits a certain weariness of the perpetual anxiety 
and eoiiflict to whicli liis position exposed him, a weariness natural 
to his advancing years, he also shows a fine determination not to 
\h' ch-awn by intrigue or obliquy from a situation in \vhieh he 
honestly believed himself capable of rendering useful service to his 
Sovereign. The trend of his personal inclinations at this time are 
frankly stated in a private letter to his friend Henry Coventry, 
who had just retired from office, and so was " in some degree 
'■ gotten out of the storm." In it Ormond frankly states the nature 
of the considerations which obliged him to retain his place : — 
I will not conceal from you the reasons that keep me in it, when 
a few lines importing a desire to retreat could help me out of it. 
My first reason is that methinks the Crown and Monarchy and 
my })Ountiful Master are too apparently threatened for a man 
that pretends to honour and gratitude to make a voluntary resig- 
nation, at least while he has vigour or vanity enough to per- 
" suade him he can contribute considerably to serve an interest 
he is ol)liged unto. The next is that I have a little stomach left 
yet that rises at the thought of giving some men their will just 
" where they would have it of me. And in the last place it may be 
thought that the grandeur and emolument belonging to the 
" station may be of force; and I will not deny but it is. But if I 
know myself it would not prevail against the quiet of body and 
" mind that it may reasonably be believed I wish for at these years 
" and might hope for in a retreat." Nevertheless so little con- 
fidence had Ormond in being sufficiently supported to enable him 
to hold on, and so probable did it seem that " this place and I 
" must part," that he concludes this letter by begging his friend to 
look out for a suitable residence for him within reach of Coventry's 
own lodge. 

In the religio\is strife of the times, and in his attitude towards 
the rival clerical factions, Ormond occupied throughout his whole 
career a middle position to which, notwithstanding that his was the 
usual fate of the peacemaker, and that he continuously drew upon 
himself the maledictions of all the combatants, he adhered steadily 
to the end. How great were his difficulties, and of what natul-e 
they were, very clearly appears in one of his letters in the present 
volume. Defending himself in a letter to the Earl of Longford 
against the charge reported to him by his correspondent of not 
having exhibited sufficient activity in the suppression of the Plot 
and its sympathizers, he makes vigorous protest against tlie 
campaign of calumny with which he was assailed. 

The changes and developments of the British Constitution for 
which the reign of Charles the Second was remarkal)le are illus- 
trated in several of the letters in this volume, notably in those of 
Col. Cooke and Heni-y Coventry. Thus a long letter from tJae 
first-named of these correspondents, dated 22nd April, 1679, is 
taken up with an account of the change in the composition and 
functions of the Privy Council which was accomplished at the 
instance of Sir William Temple: — " Sunday the 20th, was a day 


" ol' great, siifpn'scs. The King suimiM.iiiiig his I'livy (\)uii<vil , f 

'• dissolved theui; derlaivd he took ii.. .xcrpt ions a( any' man, hut ^,^.''^""'i''; • 

" thanked them \\ell for their sorviees: (old them ]u- was resolved ' ■^'' ' 

"for the future to have no Cahiiict C'ouneil; and (o r.'dnee the 

" Trivy Couneil to the usual luuiihcr ot thirteen, besides a Presi- 

" deut, vheu there should he any, and the Secretary ot Scotland 

" when here, and those ol' the Mood, as Prince liupert." The 

letter goes on to describe in detail the prvsonncl of the new Couneil, 

and concludes with the statement that •' there is great expectation 

" of great advantage from this change." Several other letters 

refer to this important constitutional experiment; and it is ol' interest 

to learn fi-om two among them that it was intendfd to ivform the 

Irish rrivy Council on somewhat similar lines. 

But though Ormouil was willing to concur in a reduction of the 
numbers of the Council, he had evidently other objections to the 
]U'oposaI, with which a suggestion communicated by Sir Cyril 
\Vyclie, to the effect that under the new system it was intended to 
place the Lord Lieuteiiancy of Ireland in commission, may have 
had something to do. His criticisms are not formulated in any 
of the letters here printed; hut it appears from a letter written 
him by Sir William Tem])le that Oiinond had indicated them in a 
conversation with that statesman's brother. Sir John Temple, and 
in a letter to Temple himself, in Mhich he pointed out that a reduc- 
tion of the number of the Coimcil was inopportmio in view of the 
then contemplated mleeting of the Irish Parliament. Temj^le's 
own plan was so shortdived, and his influence in the royal counsels 
so quickly shattered, that the delay occasioned by the hesitation of 
the Viceroy was sufficient to jirevent the application of his system 
to Ii-eland. 

Other constitutional questions which are canvassed in the course 
of this correspondence are the relations between the two Houses of 
Parliament, as illustrated by the frequent conferences between 
Lords and Commons concerning the arrangements for the impeach- 
ment of Danby, and the trial of the Five Lords. The many letters 
relating to these topics show how great was the strain on the work- 
ing of the constitution at this period. Among the most hotly con- 
tested points of procedure were the right of the Lords spiritual to 
sit and vote on such occasions, a question which, however, was left 
misettled when the sudden prorogation of the Parliament in May, 
1070, followed by the imexpected disolution in July, put an erid to 
the controversy. 

The principal to[)ic of political discussion in the latter part of 
the volume is provided by the Exclusion Bill; and the Duke of York 
makes a frequent figure in the correspondence. Most of Ormond's 
relatives and friends were, like himself, warmly attached to the 
heir presumptive to the Crown;; and Ossory in particidar, who had 
served with James in the sea-fights with the Dutch, was de\otodly 
attached to his person. A letter from one of Ormond's intimates. 
Sir Thomas Wharton, gives an interesting account of the progress 
of the Duke of York and his Duchess from London to York in 
the autumn of 1679, on their way to Scotland, to which kingdom 


Afarquess of James had been bidden by his royal brother to retire. The con- 
N "'"vITi V *'®'^*'^^^^^ °^ which the Duke of York was the centre have an im- 
' ■*■■' ■ ■ portant place in the correspondence, several letters from Cooke, 
(iwyn and others dealing with the debates on the Exclusion Bill. 
One from Gwyn, dated 16th November, 1680, describes the con- 
cluding debate in the Lords when that measure was rejected, giving 
the name of the i^rincipal peers in favour of it, and mentioning 
Halifax as its most powerful and impressive opponent. 

Several letters in this volume have reference to affairs in 

Scotland in 1679, when the murder of Archbishop Sharp and the 

movements of the Covenanters gave occasion for the strengthening 

of the military forces in the north of Ireland. An Order in Council, 

dated 13th June, 1679, directed Ormond " to give immediate order 

for the marching towards the north of Ireland of so many of his 

Majesty's forces there, as well horse as foot, as his Grace thinks 

may conveniently be spared without hazard to the peace and 

safety of that kingdom, there to remain and attend further orders, 

if occasion shall be for their being employed in the assistance of 

his Majesty's subjects of the kingdoms of Scotland for suppressing 

the Eebellion there." Lord Granard was despatched to Charle- 

mont, and some Irish troops were certainly despatched to Scotland 

in pursuance of this order, though no particulars of their number 

or services are given in the correspondence on the subject, which is 

chiefly interesting for its references to Graham of Claverhouse ; 

whose reported death is thus commvmicated by one David Maxwell : 

— " We had news yesterday that the Laird of Clavers, an honest 

" gentleman in Scotland, captain to a troop of horse, who hath 

" done good service against the rebels, was killed by them; but 

these gentlemen affirm the contrary." 

The Duke of Monmouth, who is mentioned witli approval in 
connexion with his humane treatment of the Covenanters, is less 
favourably spoken of later in the volume in relation to his preten- 
sions to the succession. The attachment of Ormond and Ossory 
to the Duke of York was too ardent to suffer them to give the 
sliglitest countenance to the young Duke's pretensions; and when, 
at the lieight of the young Duke's brief popularity in 1679, 
nil the courtiers were vying with each other in attentions to him, 
Ossoi-y wrote to his father that " all the world now visits the Duke 
" of Monmouth; but considering how affairs now are between the 
King and him I consider it not respectful in me towards his 
" Majesty to make that compliment " — an attitude which Ormond 
cordially approved. A letter from Col. Cooke to Ormond, dated 
2nd December, 1679, gives an account of the removal of Monmouth 
from all his civil and military appointments, and of the state of 
public feeling regarding him. 

The present volume is not as abundant as some others in 
occasional communications from persons of eminence or distinction 
on topics lying outside the general scope of the correspondence. 
An exception is, however, supplied by a letter addressed by John 
Evelyn to Lord Ossory with reference to a negotiation for the 


purcliase of Clielsoa Mouse 1)\ Oiiiiond, wliicli was strongly rccoin- Marqnrss <.t 

Oiiuondc : 
N.8., Vol. V. 

mcuded by the writer, Oimond. 

Evelyn's encomium was supported by " A Particular of Chelsey 
House," furnished by Sir Stephen Fox, in whicli the mansion was 
represented as in perfect repair, and the grounds as comprising 
sixteen acres of ground with several large gardens and courts 
all walled in and planted with the choicest fruits that could be 
" collected either from abroad or in England." Evelyn evidently 
considered the place dirt-cheap at the price named. Ormond, how- 
ever, though not usually economical, was at this period soinewhat em- 
barrassed by the many expenses of his family, and he declined 
this offer of what a modern house-agent would term a highly 
eligible residence; causing Ossory to be informed in language of 
somewhat tart reproof that " as to the house at Chelsey, how good 
" soever the bargain may be, the purchase is not agreeable to his 
" condition, and he (Ormond) wonders that he hears nothing of 
" your lordship's affairs in Holland." 


Volume VI. contains a further instalment of the corre- ^'•'^•. 
spondence of the first Duke of Ormond during his third tenure of " ' 
the otiice of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The history of this period 
of Ormond 's career occupies only a small space in Carte's monu- 
mental work, and the raid which Ormond's biographer made on the 
Kilkenny muniment room left the material for a complete account 
of the events with which Ormond was associated in the last years 
of his life, in a great measure intact. Undoubtedly Carte exercised 
a wise judgment and much perspicacity in not overloading his work 
with a full consideration of subjects which cannot be compared in 
historical importance with those treated of by him at greater length, 
and which add little to om- knowledge of Ormond's attainments and 
character; but at the same time he left at Kilkenny in the corre- 
spondence now appearing in this Calendar, information necessary 
for the true reading of the history of that time, and it seems possible 
that if the duration of his stay in Ireland had permitted an examina- 
tion of their contents, some of these letters might have been added 
to the collection which bears his name in the Bodleian. Such a 
conjecture gains support from the fact that a vast increase in the 
number of letters at Kilkenny occurs suddenly, and is continued 
mitil the termination of Ormond's third viceroyalty. The present 
volmiie, although it contains only seventy pages less than the 
last one, is filled by the correspondence of a period of similar 
length, from 25th ]\Iarch, 1G81, to 24th March, 1682-3. 

During the first of these years Ormond was in Ireland, where 
his own castle at Kilkenny was his chief abode ; and during the 
second he was in England, where his attendance in the capacity 
of Lord Steward upon the King, necessitated his almost continuous 
residence in London. His principal correspondent was his only 
surviving son, the Earl of Arran, mIio during the first year from 
London, and during the second year from Ireland, where he acted 


Maniuis.s of ;,s Lord J^Lputj in Onuouds al>ticuee, kopt up a coustitnt corro- 
Ormona.-: spoii(knco with his father. Next to the Earl of Arran, in the 
Vol.'vi. importance and volume of their letters, came the episcopal Lord 

Chancellor, Archbishop Boyle, and the Earl of Longford, who was 
connected with Ormond otiicially through his office of ^Master of 
the Ordnance and privately through his marriage to the widow of 
Ormond 's third sou the Earl of Gowran; and amongst less frequent 
correspondents will be found, Sir Leoline Jenkhis, the English 
Secretary of State in charge of Irish affairs, the Earl of Arlington, 
Chief Justice Keatinge, who appears in a light very different from 
that in whicli he is generally regarded. Sir Cyril "Wyche, and Colonel 
Edward Cooke, a prince amongst news-mongers and sportsmen. 

Throughout the incidents which give rise to the correspondence 
in this volunne, Ormond 's loyalty to his sovei'eign and devotion to 
the public service are conspicuous, and are seen to carry him through 
every discouragement and anxiety that the subterfuges of Charles 
11. , and the intrigues of that monarch's ministers could impose 
upon him. At the time the correspondence opens a strenuous 
agitation was being earned on in the Coiu-t circle against Ormond 's 
government of Ireland. To the demand for enquiries the King 
lent so far as could be seen a most ready ear, and not a word 
escaped him publicity to show^ that Ormond still retained his con- 
fidence. But fearing that the strain might prove too great even 
for that faithful servant, and that Ormond might desert his post, 
which was the last thing that would have suited the royal policy 
at that moment, the King took an opportunity of sending him 
privately in April, 1681, a letter in the following terms: — '"The 
impertinent and groundless report being now revived again of 
your being recalled, is the pure invention of your enemies and 
" mine; there never having been the least occasion given for such a 
" report. For I assure you I value your services there too much 
'■' to think of any alteration. The bearer, Fitzpatrick, will tell you 
" more at large, and give you a good account how all are here. 
" And therefore I will say no more, only to assure you that you 
may be so much assured of my kindness to you, as I am of 
" yours; which is all I can say. Charles Rex." Amongst the 
information to l)e imparted to Ormond by his brother-in-law, Fitz- 
patrick, not the least important point was the King's desire that the 
utmost secrecy should be perserved about this letter, and it was 
not until Fitzpatrick returned to London three months lat^r that 
Ormond ventured even to acknowledge its receipt. 

INIeantime the English Privy Council had begun to debate the 
arrangements to be made for the collection of the Irish revenue, on 
tlie expiration of a contract for its farm which had been entered 
into during the viceroyalty of the Earl of Essex with Sir James 
Shaen and others. With the approval of the King, who was con- 
stantly present at the discussions and brought forward himself a 
proposal for a new undertaking, the proceedings were conducted 
without any reference to Ormond, who was treated as a person 
not wortliy to l>e entrusted witli a Icnowledge of the negotiations 


(liat were taking place. Uiiiioiiil"s IV'elings at tliat time may he Mhi<iu(;s> ..f 
gathered from tlie following passage in a letter which he addressed '''[I"""''' ' 
on the 28th ot Nox ember in that year to Lord Arran : — " With a y,",i"'yj_ 
letter ot the f'ith from my Lord Kauelagh 1 received the hoads 
of the new contract and of his papers of objections. I did not 
expect that I should from him have had the tirst information of 
a transaction, wherein this kingdom and myself in all my capaci- 
ties, are so highly concerned; nor can 1 forbear to say that no 
government under the Crown of England was ever so much 
slighted and affronted as this has been in the whole course of 
that affair, that is if the matter shall be finally concluded without 
imparting it to us whilst others less concerned and less knowing 
are determining our safety or destruction." This allusion is 
further developed in a subsequent letter in which Ormond refers 
to " the clerks, lawyers, and scribes " let into the secret so care- 
fully kept from the Irish governmeufc. But at the same time he 
says that anyone who imagined he would think of " quitting the 
" government " because he did not lilce any bargain the King 
chose to make for his own revenue, must consider him " a very 
giddy old fellow and a yqvj silly undutiful ass." 
These proceedings regarding the revenue had a close connexion 
with intrigues to supplant Ormond in the Lord Lieutenancy of 

In addition to the charges against his present government of 
Ireland to which the intrigues for his supei-session gave rise, Omiond 
was caused great annoyance at that time by the reflections cast 
upon his first viceroyalty in the historical disquisition then pub- 
lished by the Earl of Anglesey, as well as in the works of Whitelocke 
and Borlase. With respect to these criticisms, Ormond addressed 
towards the close of the year 1G81 a remonstrance to Lord Anglesey, 
which was published, and became the occasion of heated passages 
between Anglesey and Ormond's friends. As the dispute seemed 
not unlikely to afford a pretext for removing Lord Anglesey, who 
was no longer in favoiu-, from the charge of the privy seal, the 
King derived much gratification from Ormond's letter, and discon- 
certed Lord Anglesey not a little by saying " in his pleasant way " 
when his lordship called for paper at the Council table, " My Lord, 
" you shall have none, for pen, ink and paper, are dangerous tools 
" in your hands." 

At the beginning of the year 1682 the King's attitude in regard 
to the affairs of Ireland still gave ground for rumours that Ormond 
was not likely to hold the sword in that country for long. In a 
private interview with Lord Longford the King professed satis- 
faction with Ormond's government, declaring his distrust of anyone 
connected with Shaftesbury or Essex, and exclaiming: "God's 
" fish! if we do not keep them under they will ruin ns;" and in 
the secrecy of his closet he replied to Mr. Secretary Jenkins when 
that statesman mentioned the Conway intrigue: " Pish! do they 
" take me'for a fool and a mad man, that I do not know and under- 
" stand when I am well;" but of the proceedings respecting the 


M:ii(iiu->s of ii-i^ii leveuue Orinond was still Jcept in ignorance, and the Ivinsr 

Ormoude : ,■ -\ ,,-,■, ^ •, 

X.S., continued to act m the Council as il his interests were not safe in 

Vol. VI. Ormond's hands. Suddenly, however, in the summer of that 
year, one of the kaleidoscopic changes which occurred so fre- 
quently in the reign of Charles II. came over the scene, and 
Ormond appears as the statesman whose influence was pre- 
dominant at Court, and whom it was the King's delight to honour. 
The cause of this change was Ormond's arrival in" London. Accord- 
ing to Carte his journey thither was undertaken in response to a 
summons from the King, but the correspondence in this volume 
shows that it originated in negotiations which were then being 
carried on for the marriage of Ormond's grandson, the Earl of 
Ossory, to a cousin of the Earl of Arlington. Although the young 
man was then only seventeen, the question of his marriage had 
been for some years the subject of anxious consideration, and the 
Earl of Arlington, who as a brother-in-law of the young man's 
mother, was a principal adviser in all that concerned him, had 
revived an idea of this alliance which had been originally sug- 
gested by the King to the young man's father. The inducement 
for its consummation, which however failed to tempt Ormond, was 
the prospect of immense wealth, and this would appear not to have 
been exaggerated, as a correspondent in announcing the death of 
the young lady's father some months later, says that she had 
become " one of the greatest fortunes in England, being worth at 
" least in lands and money 150,000L" 

To Ormond there had been accorded on his journey from Chester 
and on his entry into London, a reception which showed that his 
popularity in England had not been diminished by his long absence, 
and his enemies, perceiving that his power could not be lightly 
disregarded, and possibly not a little overawed by the magnificence 
of his equipage and the great extent of his retinue, were for the 
time silenced. The effect was visible the moment Ormond pre- 
sented himself at Court. His surroundings in England were not 
calcvilated to cause Ormond to regard with favour an undistin- 
guished alliance such as was proposed for his grandson by Lord 
Arlington, and the negotiations with respect to it were quickly 
l^roken off and others oj^encd for the marriage of the young man to 
a daughter of the Duke of Newcastle. But unexpectedly a new 
development is disclosed in the correspondence, Captain George 
Mathew, Ormond's step-brother and financial brains-carrier, is sum- 
moned in haste to London about settlements which are to be drawn 
up without loss of time, and in little more than two months after 
Ormond had left Ireland, his grandson was married to Lord Hyde's 
daughter, who had only been suggested a few weeks before as an 
eligible partner for the young Earl of Ossory. This alliance, which 
was arranged by the young lady's uncle the Duke of York, had an 
important political bearing, and secured for Ormond, as his son 
expressed it, " the main stroke " in all government business that 
concerned him. Notwithstanding a friendship that had 'existed for 
a great portion of their lives there had been much misunderstanding 


betweeu Onr.oud aud Hyde lu their otficial relations, and when Mai(iii.'ss of 
Ormond"s journey to England waa firbt announced the Court gossips ♦^'■j;"-'!'^^*^ ■ 
had given out that Hyde's management of the Treasury would be viil.'vi. 
called in question, and that Ormond was coming over " iuU 
" fraught with revenge against him for his proceedings in relation 
to the farm." But now all was changed: the proposals in the 
new contract were laid before Ormond, and when it was found 
that they were not considered by him advantageous, the contractors, 
of whom Sir James Shaen was found to be again one, " were dis- 
■' missed with very severe rebukes for having departed from what 
" they had formerly agreed unto," and " amongst all the lords 
none was more sharp upon them than my Lord Hyde, as having 
" deluded him more than the rest." At the same time Lord 
Anglesey was called upon by the Council to explain such passages in 
his book as seemed to reflect upon the memory of Charles I., and as 
he failed to do so, the privy seal was taken from him. 

It had been Ormond's intention to return to Ireland that 
autumn, and he was prepared to resist any pressure which the 
ministers might put upon him to remain in England by requiring 
that the expense of his son's establishment as Lord Deputy, which 
he was then bearing, 'fehould be defrayed by the Crown, but the 
King himself spoke, and all considerations of personal convenience 
were forgotten by Ormond. The King's desire for Ormond's 
presence in England was connected with the effort that was then 
being made to bring the government of the City of London into 
conformity with the royal policy, and arose evidently from the 
King's conviction that Ormond's generosity and hospitality would 
go far to gain his ol:)ject. During the remainder of the corre- 
spondence covered by this volume Ormond appears in attendance 
on the King, maintaining a princely establishment, and transport- 
ing " the table " which it was his privilege to keep at his own 
expense as Lord Steward, to Winchester and Newmarket when the 
King visited those places. Some idea of the cost of serving his 
royal master may be gathered from the letters of the controller of 
Ormond's household, who accounts for the disappearance of 15,000/. 
by laconically observing that " you cannot have your cake aud 
" eat yom' cake," and from a rueful letter addressed by Ormond 
himself to his step-brother, George Mathew, in which he says 
that " the King's affairs go on well and as he is told not the worse 
" for him, but if his own decline as fast it will be hard to rc])air 
" them;" and adds, which would seem rather obvious, that the 
English dukedom, which was then conferred upon him, was " of 
" no other advantage than precedency." 

Of the Earl of Arran, who is so conspicuous a figure through- 
out this volume, the correspondence conveys a pleasing impression. 
Even in the dry details of official business, with which his letters 
are almost entirely occupied, an affectionate admiration for his 
father is always perceptible, and no effort seems to have been 
spared by him to maintain his father's honour and promote his 
interests. The fatal illness of his eldest, and then his only, son 


ill Iiclaud wlule lie was in Loudon drew out all that was best in 
Airan, and a touching passage in one of the lettei-s which he wrote 
at that time to his father, is specially noteworthy. 

That Arran was also not without considerable talent for business 
is evident from a letter addressed by Archbishop Boyle to Orniond 
soon after he had gone to England. But Arran 's abilities and 
character do not bear comparison witli tliose of his father. Either 
from indolence, or as he says himself, from want of skill, much 
information that his father wished to be sent was omitted from his 
letters, and in the settlement of the Irish revenue there is indica- 
tion that he was not altogether uniniluenced by the expectation of 
personal advantage. His reputation for self indulgence cannot be 
lightly set aside, and owing apparently to extravagance on the part 
of his wife as well as of himself, his domestic affairs did not always 
run smoothly. In the gay life of the Court he was a participant, 
rivalling the finest there in the gorgeousness of his apparel, and 
numbering amongst his friends the Duchess of Portsmouth and 
Nell Gwynn, who writes hoping that for her sake Arran, as Lord 
Deputy, will give " a speedy despatch " to the business of her 
pension. In the power of the Duchess of Portsmouth, Arran was 
evidently a firm believer, and it was through his influence that his 
father became at that time " so much a courtier " as to visit her, 
an attention which it must have been then more than ever difficult 
to induce Ormond to pay, as the Duchess had apparently obstructed 
the negotiations for his grandson's marriage by spreading reports as 
to the young man's life at Oxford, and had delayed the presentation 
of a magnificent bracelet or collar which Queen Catherine gave 
about that time to the Duchess of Ormond. 

During the period covered by the greater portion of the corre- 
spondence in this volume the political situation was governed by 
the Tory reaction which set in after Oates's plot. In the opening 
letters some lively accounts will be found, however, of the proceed- 
ings of the short lived Parliament — or convention, as Sir Cyril 
Wyche thought it ought to be called — at Oxford. " Though I have 
" seen the distractions and rejections of routed armies, a prospect 
" dismal euougli," writes Colonel Cooke, " yet nothing ever 
" equalled this day in this place at the surprising dissolution of this 
" Parliament," but it is evident from a previous letter of this 
doughty warrior, that everyone was not unprepared, as has been 
generally represented, for tliis sudden termination to the debates. 
The trials of Archbishop Plunkett and Edward Fitzhan-is, with 
which the prosecutions originating in Oates's discoveries concluded, 
come also under notice. Amongst the witnesses called by Fitzharris 
was the Earl of Arran, to whom he was personally known and whose 
host he had been at dinner the day before his ari-est, but both 
Ormond and Arran seem to have been convinced that his conviction 
was just. At the same time Ormond observes with respect to the 
trial of Archbishop Plunkett: " I wish for the honour of the justice 
" of England that the evidenco against Plunkett had been as con- 
\iticiiig as lliat against the other was; for we must expect tliat 


" rapists at Iioiiic aud abroad will take his trial to pieces and make Maniuess of 

" malicious remarks upon every part of it, and some circumstances -[^^^'"° 

" are liable to disadvantageous observations." Meantime the con- Vol.'v^T. 

flict between the Court and the City of London liad begun on the 

occasion of the presentation to the King of an address praying that 

a new Parliament might be sunuiioned. The address had been 

carried in the Common Council only by a small majority, and the 

Lord Chancellor administered on the part of the King a severe 

reprimand to the delegates who presentc^d it, telling them that " the 

" smallest village in England might with as much right take the 

" confidence to address for the sitting of Parliaments as they." 

Tlic subsequent refusal of tlie city juries to find bills against College, 

the Protestant joiner, and Lord Shaftesbury, is animadverted upon 

iii strong terms by all Ormond's courtly correspondents, and the 

decision to put the laws in execution against the l^issenters and to 

sujjpress their conventicles is hailed with delight. At that time the 

Jvirl of Longford was in London, and as, in the words of Ormoud. 

he was in writing " as copious as Arran was thrifty of his pains," 

there is a full and very interesting account of the various incidents. 

But on the great exertions made by Ormond in the following year to 

obtain the election of members of the Court party to the civic offices, 

to whicli Carte alludes, the correspondence in this volume does not 

throw much fresh light. 

The attitude of Charles II. to the Duke of York and the Duke of 
jMonrnouth was the subject of constant curiosity and conjecture. 
During the residence of the Duke of Yorlv in Scotland there was a 
very circumstantial account that he had renounced the Roman 
Catholic religion and attended the services of the Church of 
]%ngland, and there is reference by Ormond to his taking the oaths 
of allegiance and supremacy there, " winch, I think, are at least as 
" full and binding as those in England," says Ormond, " aud for 
the taking whereof I do not believe the Pope will dispense." 
According to popular report an annuity of five thousand pounds a 
year settled by the Duke of York upon the Duchess of Portsmouth, 
who became suddenly " zealous in all his affairs," paved the way 
for liis restoration to full favour, but in Ormond's opinion the Duke 
of ]\Ionmouth's injudicious conduct was the chief cause of the 
breach between him and the King, and of the recall of 
the Duke of York to Court. In the autumn of 1862 a visit 
paid by the Duke of Alonmouth to Cheshii-e, ostensibly for the 
|)urpose of liorse racing, created great alarm. Orders were sent to 
the Earl of Arran to be prepared to send troo])s from Ireland in case 
the Cheshire militia were unable to cope with such disturbance as 
might arise, and a riot actually occurred in Cheshire where, as an 
old cavalier writes, the mayor, being " a creature " of the Duke of 
Monmouth, permitted bonfires " on every idle occasion " and en- 
coni-aged tin' rabble in " their insufferable licentiousness." To 
Cbailes 1 1 . "s ministers there is constant allusion in the correspond- 
ence, and especially to the first Lord of the Treasury, Viscount 
Hvde, who was then " the greatest man in favour at Court," and 


^f to the Secretaries of State, Sir Leoliue Jenkins, who is said to have 
been slow in business, and the Earl of Conway, who from his con- 
nexiou with Ireland seems to have frequently interfered in Irish 
ati'airs, although these were in the department of his brother secre- 
tary. Amongst other statesmen, who are mentioned as in attend- 
ance on the Kirg, are Edward Seymour, who is represented as a 
man of boundless ambition, and the Earl of Kanelagh. 

Of plots and counter plots, and of conspirators and informers, 
the letters tell with a diffusedness that becomes at times somewhat 
wearisome. In a curious communication from an anonymous cor- 
respondent to Ormond there is a long list of persons whom the Earl 
of Essex, Lord Howard, and others are said to have designed to 
impeach as promoters of " a Presbyterian sham plot." The Earl of 
Arran's name is in " the catalogue," but Ormond's name does not 
appear, although, as he remarked, this was an omission likely to be 
rectified in due time. In connexion with the alleged " Presbyterian . 
" sham plot," one William Smith, a prisoner for debt in Dublin, 
alleged that he had been asked to accuse a dignitary of the Church 
of Ireland and a Dissenting minister of endeavouring to induce him 
to give evidence of the existence of a Popish plot; but Ormond had 
no doubt of the genesis of Smith's statements, and that his affidavit 
had been " principally contrived and limited " for the service of the 
Earl of Shaftesbury, who had shortly before been sent to the Tower. 
Of the witnesses who were so ready to swear informations, Ormond 
speaks in no uncertain terms in a letter to the Earl of Arran which 
has been already printed by Carte. 

But the main subject, of which the letters in this volume treat, 
is the collection and apportionment of the Irish revenue. Although 
the farm to Sir James Sliacn and his partners had existed for five 
years, the account of a previous farm to the Earl of Eanelagh and 
others had never been closed, and were further complicated by the 
accounts of Lord llanelagh as a Vice-Treasm*er of Ireland. This 
position led to endless correspondence between the English Treasury 
and the Irish government, and in connexion with it the rival merits 
of a farm and of a management are discussed, especially by Chief 
Justice Keatinge, who was evidently an authority on finance, and 
the miserable system under which the army and government officials 
were left at the mercy of " bankrupt knaves " is laid bare. In the 
end it was decided to place the revenue under management, and 
for that purpose five commissioners were appointed, the chief being 
the Earl of Longford, wlio seems to have been excellently qualified 
for the post from the experience which he had gained in his domestic 
affairs of making a scanty income meet a lavish expenditure. 

The Universities of Oxford and of Dublin engaged Ormond's care 
from time to time in his capacity as chancellor. A project to 
transfer the Dublin collegians to the hospital then being built at 
Kilmainham for old soldiers, and the pensioners to the halls of 
Trinity College, and the reasons for that proposal, make a new 
chapter in the history of Dublin University. One of the subjects 
touched upon in the letters from Oxford is the fees paid to Ormond's 


secretaries when his signature was required. Judging from refer- Marquess of 
ences in other letters, as well as in those, no attention was to be ex- >; s. ' 
pected without gifts on the most liberal scale to his entourage, and v,,!. VI. 
the University began to murmur at some of the exactions. 

The constitution of the episcopal and judicial benches of Ireland 
in the period covered by the correspondence left much to be desired. 
By endeavouring to act as head of both, Archbishop Boyle failed 
to do justice to the great abilities which he possessed, and his repu- 
tation rests on his talent for statesmanship. Of the other bishops 
mentioned in this volume, Anthony Dopping and Narcissus Marsh 
are alone noteworthy. Of some of their brethren the less said the 
better. An effort was made by Ormond to raise the standard by 
inducing John Tillotson to accept an Irish see, but the latter, who 
was then Dean of Canterbury, did not wish to move. Of the j'.?.dges, 
the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, John Keatinge, and one of 
the justices of the King's Bench, Sir Richard Reynell, are the only 
striking personalities. Keatinge, who had attained to a great prac- 
tice at the Irish bar, and had been promoted at an early age direct 
from it to the chief seat in the Common Pleas, has been held up to 
odium on account of his conduct while James II. was in Ireland, 
It is, however, to be borne in mind that men of such varied views as 
Essex, Qrmond and Clarendon were impressed by his character as 
much as by his abilities, and, a fact not so generally known, that it 
was intended to reappoint him to a seat on the Irish bench after 
the battle of the Boyne when his prematui-e death intervened. 
Eeynell, who united with professional attainments social qualities 
of a high order, was as well known in England as in Ireland, and 
■during the reign of William and Mary occupied a seat in the English 
House of Commons while filling the position of Chief Justice of 
Ireland. Before this volume opens he had been created a baronet 
and in some of the letters there is mention of his being placed on 
the Privy Council — a position which had not been occupied by a 
puisne judge since the reign of Elizabeth. Friendship with the 
Ormond family played a large part in the promotion of Chief Justice 
Davys, Judge Lyndon and Judge Turner to the judicial bench. The 
last, who was a son-in-law of Colonel John Jeffreys and had suc- 
ceeded his father-in-law as constable of the Castle of Dublin, was a 
dying man when his appointment took place, and only survived for 
two years. The value of the bishoprics in Ireland was then ex- 
tremely small ; the bishopric of Kildare is said to have been only 
worth two hundred pounds a year. The judges were equally under- 
paid, and as Keatinge says, it was difficult " to get any gentleman 
" of parts or practice to change the bar for the bench." They had 
to undertake " long and uncouth journeys with ill and chargeable 
" entertainment," and were not unexposed t*> danger from the state ^ 

of the court-houses, as appears fi'om the following passage inserted 
parenthetically in an account Chief Justice Davys sends of a trial 
before him while holding the assizes at Cork: " but as the Court 
" was going to call upon another evidence, it happened that a great 
^' part of the floor of the court fell down, and with that a great 
(B1720— Gp. 5) s 


Marquess of" luiinber of people, many of whom were severelj^ bruised, others 
" wounded, and one or two killed, as we are informed. The con- 
" fusion, you may imagine, was very great; such as were not hurt 
" were forced to get out of windows, and among them Mr. Baron 
" ^Yorth and I dropped down into the people's arms, who stood 
" ready to receive us." 

There is frequent reference to the prosecution of the Secretary 
of State in Ireland, Sir John Davys, a brother of Chief Justice 
Davys, for complicity in " the Popish plot." The allegations- 
against him seem to have been mainly promoted by James "Nlorley, 
a gentleman of good estate in the county of Meath, who in a long 
statement which he made exculpating Sir John Davys from all the 
charges, expresses sorrow for his " precipitateness in entertaining 
" an ill opinion of Sir John upon the misinformations of certain evil 
" persons," and his belief that he is " a loyal subject and a true 
" Protestant, and that he never acted in anything derogatoiy from 
" these characters of him." With respect to Sir Richard Stephens^ 
who was dismissed from the position of a serjeant-at-law for dis- 
loyalty to the Church of England, it may be remarked that he 
became afterwards a justice of the King's Bench in Ireland, and 
with respect to Mr. Herbert, who while presiding in the court of the 
Eegalities of Tipperary, is said to have exhibited indiscretion and 
passion, it may be added that he was Edward Herbert, aftenvards 
well known as James II. 's Chief Justice of England. 

The pursuit of " the Tories," who gave much trouble in the 
north of Ireland to the government at this time, gives occasion for 
letters which are very painful reading. Treachery and cruelty,, 
especially in regard to Redmond O'Hanlon, are very manifest, and 
as an officer says, " very sad and great wrongs " were then done. 

Turning to matters that concern Ormond's domestic affairs, 
attention may be called to letters from the Earl of Longford, which 
describe statues and a fountain made under his direction for Kil- 
kenny Castle, and iron gates designed by Grinling Gibbons, as well 
as to a list of tapestry hangings sent fi'om Kilkenny to cover the- 
walls of Ormond's London liouse. Ormond's intention at one time 
to build a residence in Needwood Eorest is also mentioned, and there 
is frequent reference to Tullow in the county of Carlow as the 
favourite retirement of the Earl of Arran, while acting as Lord 
Deputy. To Ormond's hawks, horses and hqunds there are many 
allusions, and while tied to a London house we find him solacing 
himself with cards, trick-track and basset being the games men- 
tioned. A weakness for salads may now be added to his well- 
known love for a boiled leg of mutton. 

In conclusion there should not be overlooked the information 
given with respect to foreign affairs, and in this connexion a letter' 
from Sir Cyril Wyche about " the persecution of the Protestants " 
in France seems especially deserving of attention ; the det^ls re ■ 
specting the murder of Mr. Thynne and the trial of Count Konigs- 
mark ; the repeated rumours of the King's intention to summon 
both the English and the Irish Parliaments ; the precautions taken in 

view of the ])ossil)ilitv of an invasion of Ireland bv tlie French; and Marquess-'cf 


the schemes to Ijuild a suitable residence for the Lord Lieutenant ot ^/JI' 
Ireland. Vol.'vL 

In the period covered by Volume \11., namely, from 2ath IMarch, N.S., 
1083, to July, 1088, the correspondence of the first Duke of Ormond ^°'- 
IS concluded. More than half of it is tilled by the correspondence of 
the last two, years of his third term of ofhce as Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland, and the remaining pages carry the correspondence down to 
his death, and contain extracts from inventories of his furniture, 
plate and pictures, and a catalogue of his books. 

With the exception of the last six months of his employment as 
Viceroy, Ormond was during the hve years resident in England, and 
the letters to him are almost entirely occupied with Irish atfairs. 
As long as he held the position of Lord Deputy, the Earl of Arran 
continued to be his father's chief informant, with help in regard to 
legal questions from the Lord Chancellor, Archbishop Boyle, and 
the Solicitor-General, Sir John Temple. Erom the time he was 
superseded in the government by Ormond 's return to Ireland until 
ills own death, Mhich occurred little more than two years later, Arran 
had, however, seldom occasion to write to his father, and during the 
remaining 3^ears of Ormond's life, in addition to Archbishop Boyle, 
who governed Ireland for ten months after Ormond laid down the 
sword, and Sir John Temple, Ormond's most frequent correspondents 
were the fifth Earl of lloscommon, who commanded Ormond's regi- 
ment, the Earl of Longford, the first Viscount Mountjoy of the 
Stewart creation, and Sir Cyril Wyche, who acted during Ormond's 
short stay in Ireland in the capacity of his chief secretary. There 
are also in this volume a number of letters to An-an from John 
Keatinge, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Piobert Reading, 
an ancestor of the Duke of Abercorn, Lemuel Kingdon, a commis- 
sioner of the Irish revenue, and others. 

Ormond had been kept in London, whither he had gone for the 
purpose of contracting an alliance for his grandson, by command of 
the King, and his stay appears to have been now further prolonged 
by a combination of private and public motives. Although there are 
allusions to one or two severe attacks of illness, Ormond enjoyed on 
the whole good health until the time of his death, but the Duchess of 
Ormond's condition was then a source of anxiety. Four months after 
the correspondence in this volume commences she went to Bath 
" rather to have an opportunity of dying out of her husband's sight 
" than out of any hopes she had of a recovery," but the waters 
proved beneficial, and in the autumn Ormond wrote that she was as 
well as he had ever known her at that time of year. A country house 
at Little Chelsea was provided as a retreat for her, but she remained 
by her husband's side until the following summer, when, on Satur- 
day, 20th July, her death took place. In the end it came unex- 

What her loss meant to Ormond may be gathered from a letter 
fB1720-Op. .5) g2 


Marquess of of eondoleucc seut to liiin by Archbishop Boyle 

You have lost 

the noblest person, the wisest friend and the best of wives that 
ever lived; one of such an universal goodness that her death doth 
worthily challenge not only your Grace's but the kingdom's 
lamentation. ... If my computation fails me not, it is about 
fifty-five years that you have been happy in each other. What an 
age of mercies have you possessed together ! How have you sup- 
ported each other thi*ough all the changes and varieties of fortune, 
and have made even your sufferings easy to you both by your 
mutual assistances ! ' ' 
A mouth before the Duchess of Ormond's death the King had 
decided that Ormond should return to Ireland. Apparently it had 
been Ormond's intention to remain in England until the following 
spring, and the change of residence before that time was not alto- 
gether agreeable to him. The origin of the order was no doubt to be 
found in the wish of the King's advisers to remove him from the 
Court. A year before he had written to Arran that dissatisfaction 
v.-as once more expressed in regard to the government of Ireland, and 
these reflections he had rightly conjectured had reference no less to 
himself than to his son. It was Ormond's fate to please neither 
party in the state, and the attack came now from the Duke of York 
and his friends, who had become predominant with the King, and 
centred round a charge that disaffection was rife in both military and 
civil life in Ireland and was countenanced by the executive in that 
country. So long as Ormond was near the King the Duke of York 
and his friends found it impossible to advance their policy as they 
wished, and as a first step they secured his removal to a distance. 

That they had not overestimated the effect of his presence the 
result proved. On the 5th of August Ormond set out from Windsor 
for Ireland, arriving in Dublin a fortnight later, and on the 19th of 
October the King acquainted him with his determination " to put 
" that government into another hand." Although warnings had 
reached him of the probability of such an event, the actual notifica- 
tion took Ormond by surprise. Five days before it reached him he 
had despatched Arran to wait upon the King with an account of 
Ireland that he had every reason to expect would be pleasing to his 
Majesty. His confidence that he was able to pursue a policy in 
accordance with the King's wishes is seen from the letter of which 
his son was the bearer. 

But the changes which the Duke of York and his friends required 
were such as Ormond could never have been brought to recommend 
or to concur in. Their extent is made plain in the King's letter 
conveying to Ormond his dismissal, a letter in which Charles II. 
takes no pains to disguise his own fickle character. 

Ormond seldom criticised the conduct of his sovereign, but on 
that occasion he gave vent in more than one letter to his sense of the 
injustice that had been done him. To his son in particular he com- 
municated with much freedom his private thoughts, and gave in 
detail the allegations that had been made in order to secure his 


In reply to the King's letter Ormond had intimated his intention Marquess of 
when he laid dowii the sword ol returning to London to perform the ^ g^ 
duties of the otiiee of Lord Stewai'd, which by "his Majesty's Voh'vil. 
'• bounty " was still left to him, and had asked that his removal 
should not fall in the winter, " an unfit season for an old man to 
" travel in, or for any man to make provision for his future resi- 
" denee." In the interval the death of Charles II. took place. Some 
weeks before Ormond had learned that restrictions as to the exercise 
of patronage were to be imposed on his successor which had never 
been customary in his own case, and as this intimation had gi'eatly 
mitigated his feeling of chagrin he was able to give expression to 
whole-hearted sorrow for one whom his extraordinary loyalty to the 
Crown led him to style " the best King, the best master, and the best 
" friend that ever man had." The accession of James II. made no 
change in the arrangements for Ormond 's departure from Ireland 
except that the government was to be transferred to Lords Justices 
instead of to Lord Eochester. Although he had been at one time 
willing to make an exception in that nobleman's favour, Ormond was 
reluctant to accept the humiliation of surrendering the sword in 
person, a position in which he had never been previously placed, but 
owing to his representations on that subject being delayed in transit, 
it was arranged that his successors should be swoi'n into office before 
he left Ireland. From that country he set sail, never to return, on 
28th March, 1685. 

The rule of James II. cannot but have been regarded by Ormond 
from the first with grave misgivings, and it brought to him unhappi; 
ness and loss of income. As letters in this volume show, he viewed 
with deep distress the removal of officers who had formerly been 
attached to his person from the Irish army, and of friends from posi- 
tions in civil life to which he had himself promoted them. In several 
letters he alludes to his own circumstances, but especially in a re- 
markable one to his step-brother and financial adviser, Captain 
Mathew. But Ormond was inclined to blame the King's advisers 
for M'hat was amiss rather than the King himself, and was constant 
in his attendance at Court until a year before his death. He re- 
moved then to Kingston Hall in Dorsetshire, where on 21st July, 
1688, he died. Of his life in the country a glimpse is caught in a 
letter from the faithful controller of his household to his steward at 
Kilkenny, written in the autumn of 1687. 

In the present volume there are several references to the Earl of 
Arran which confirms the statements as to his habits of self-indul- 
gence and show that his conduct while he held the office of Lord 
Deputy did not always become a chief governor. The " track of 
" goodfellowship," which was followed by him at that time, was 
used as one of the excuses for urging his father's removal, and prob- 
ably was more than ever pursued after his connexion with the Irish 
Government ceased, and was accountable in a large measure for his 
premature death. Here and there in his letters passages show, how- 
ever, the abilitcy which gained for him at first such high enconiums, 
and although his relations with his wife do not seem to have been 

of al\\avs of the most liappy kind, his affectionate nature inconspicuous 
in re.i^ard to his parents and his children. Two sons had replaced the 
one lost in 1G81, Lord Tullow and Mr. James, " the finest child," 
observes a member of An-an"s household, " I ever saw," but they 
li\ed only a short time. His daughter Charlotte, the only one of his 
children that survived him, was Arran's constant companion, and in 
cue of his letters to his father there is a pretty excuse for some 
scribblings made by her on the back of the sheet on which he wrote. 
Owing to the extravagance of his wife and himself he had become 
much embarrassed in his circumstances and was beset by " the 

clamour of hungry folks at not having been paid." " Never was 
" any man," says his friend, Chief Justice Keatinge, " so misled and 

made a prey of by his own servants." His straitened condition 
had probably some part in an idea of his volunteering for service 
against the Turks, or obtaining employment as Viceroy of New 
England. Fair friends, who drew Arran away from the ties of home 
and business in Dublin, particularly Bell Stephens in all her glory, 
receive occasional notice in the correspondence, and " rolls of music 
papers " sent to him from time to time by the celebrated Dr. Stag- 
gius were not the least anxiously expected communications from 
London. To Chief Justice Keatinge the news of Arran's death, 
which occurred in London on 26th January, 1685-G, in his forty- 
eighth year, came as no surprise, and in his letter of condolence 
Primate Boyle makes no reference to his death as a public loss, but 
dwells entirely on Ormond's- sorrow. 

To his grandson and successor, the Earl of Ossory, Ormond alludes 
in the early part of the correspondence in this volume with reserve, 
and as if his future was a source of anxiety to him. In the spring 
of 1684 the young man went to the Netherlands to gain " honour and 

experience " in the militan' operations then pending before Luxem- 
bourg, an expedition which Ormond thought was likely to prove more 
chargeable to him than instructive to his grandson, but in less than 
two months was recalled by Ormond in order to accompany him to 
Ireland. In the o])inion of his aunt. Lady Cavendish, it would have 
been to Ossory 's advantage to have stayed longer abroad, but accord- 
ing to her " nothing of that kind " had ever happened to him. Both 
Ossory and his wife went with Ormond to Ireland, and it was ar- 
ranged that they were to remain there with her father. But even if 
Rochester had come to Ireland as Vicei'oy, the arrangement was 
destined not to be carried out, for on 25th January, 1684-5, Lady 
Ossory, who had only completed her seventeenth birthday three days 
before, died. Ormond deeply lamented her loss, but thought it his 
duty to rouse himself from his sorrow to seek a fresh alliance for his 
grandson. Within a month of the first Lady Ossory 's death he was 
in communication with Sir Robert Southwell regarding a daughter 
of the Duke of Beaufort, and before eight months had elapsed Ossory 
was married to her. Ossory was attacked by smallpox when return- 
ing to England with his grandfather, but took part in June in the 
suppression of Monmouth's rebellion. After his second marriage he 
seems to have lived on more cordial terms with his grandfather, and 


a letter from him to Ormoud betokeus affectionate devotion on his Marquees of 
wife's part as well as his own. K.S., 

Several letters will be found in the present volume from the ninth Vol. VII. 
Earl of Derby, who was married to a sister of Lord Ossory. They 
are concerned chiefly with his regalities in the Isle of Man, and the 
suppression of dissent, in which Derby was not over zealous. There 
are also some letters from Ormond's son-in-law, the second Earl of 
Chesterfield, and some references to Chesterfield's only daughter, 
Lady Betty Stanhope. 

So far as England is concerned the Eye House Plot and the politi- 
cal situation created by it are the subjects most fully treated of in 
the present volume. 

The Plot led to much activity in Ireland against the Dissenters. 
Arran ordered at once " some troops of horse northward '.' and sent 
also " some intelligent persons " to ascertain how far the Plot had 
extended in that part of the country. Two of the conspirators, 
Eumbold and "Walcot, had connexion with Ireland, whither they were 
at first believed to have fled, and Colonel Eichard Lawrence, a resi- 
dent in Ireland well known as a writer on economic subjects, and 
often alluded to in this correspondence, was suspected of being 
cognizant of their movements. The excitement led to many false 
reports. In consequence of Arran 's efforts conventicles were sup- 
pressed to an extent that was " not expected or scarce hoped for " 
and " the law of twelve pence a Sunday for those who come not to 
" church " was enforced. In the opinion of Ormond fvu'ther severity 
was. however, necessary. " Dispersing of conventicles," he says, 
" if nothing more follow that may make them weary of meeting is 
" no better than scattering a flock of crows that will soon assemble 
" again, and possibly it were better to let them alone than to let them 
" see the impotence of the government upon which they will pre- 

But the main subject touching Ireland of which the correspond- 
ence between Ormond and his son treats is the Irish army. The 
commands in it had begun to fetch exorbitant prices, and the traffic 
in commissions had become notorious and caused much dissatisfac- 
tion in high quarters. Projects for its regulation were also con- 
stantly under consideration, and the delay in the payment of arrears 
gave rise to frequent complaints. There are also many references 
in Arran 's letters to the collection of the revenue and to disputes 
between the Commissioners and their predecessors, the Farmers, and 
much criticism, in which Arran had the assistance of the Primate 
and Sir John Temple, of a commission of Grace for the Eemedy of 
Defective Titles which was appointed in the last year of Charles II. 's 

As regards Ireland interest will, however, centre in the letters 
written from thence after the accession of James II. Foremost 
amongst these are the letters from Archbishop Boyle, to whom in 
conjunction with Lord Granard the government of Ireland was com- 
mitted on Ormond's departure. In one of his earliest letters in the 
present volume Ormond bears testimony to Boyle's judicial rectitude 


Marquess of and abilities, saying that nothing less than " the conviction of hid 
" :nost infallible senses or palpable demonstration " would ever per- 
suade him that Bojde could be tempted " to swerve from the rules of 
" justice," or " to employ the authority of his place, or the great 
" force of his reason, to the oppression of great or small," and from 
a letter of the Earl of Kochester, Ormoud would appear to have him- 
self recommended the appointment of both Boyle and his brother 
Lord Justice. But Boyle proved too ready to acquiesce in the new 
policy in Ireland to please Ormond. He saw no reason to complain 
of the disbanding of the horse and battle-axe guards which Ormond 
considered an injustice to the officers who had bought their commis- 
sions, and he allowed a general disarming of Protestants to be carried 
out without an official remonstrance, until told by Ormond that " if 
" he went out of the government without leaving behind him some 
" public manifestation of his care and concern for the loyal Protest- 
" ants of Ireland, he would not leave the world with that character- 
" he had lived in it." 

But the chief som-ce of Ormond 's dissatisfaction was the sub- 
servience of the Irish administration to the Earl of Tyrconnell. In 
this particular the principal responsibility was, however, laid at the 
door of Boyle's co-Lord Justice, Arthur, first Earl of Granard, in 
regard to whose somewhat tortuous career considerable information 
will be found jn this volume. Accusations which were brought 
against him of having assisted the Earl of Argyll to escape, and of 
having been concerned in the scheme for an insurrection at the time 
of the Eye House Plot, indicate at least that his associates then were 
not the friends of the Duke of York, but during a visit to the Court 
in the last months of Charles II. 's reign his views appear to have 
imdergone a change simultaneously with his promotion to an earl- 
dom, and these letters show that for a time he was little more than a 
creature of the Earl of Tyrconnell. Although Ormond had a kindly 
feeling towards him from a recollection of his ser\-ices to Charles L, 
Granard was not one of his intimates and is mentioned in this volume 
as a rival of his son as well as of his brother-in-law, FitzPatrick, 
whom Granard challenged to fight a duel. 

With the Earl of Clarendon, whose arrival in Ireland as Lord 
Lieutenant in January, 1686, terminated the reign of Boyle and 
Granard, Ormond was on more friendly terms, and exchanged the 
use of Kilkenny for that of Cornbury while Clarendon was Viceroy. 
Ormond felt the utmost sympathy for him in the unenviable position 
in which he was placed, and the substitution of Roman Catholics for 
Protestants in the Irish army and proposed repeal of the Act of 
Settlement gave rise to some correspondence between them. On 
Clarendon's return to England in February, 1687, Ormond wrote ta 
him that his conduct of the Irish government had won the prayers 
of good and loyal men, and as a mark of his own approbation ap- 
pointed him High Steward of the University of Oxford. 

In the opinion of Ormond the evil genius of James II. 's reign 
was the Earl of Tyrconnell, of whom he never says a good word. He 
had incurred Ormond 's disfavour not only by his policy but by per*- 


soual acts of discourtesy in the removal of old members of Ormond's Marquess of 
bouseliold from the army and oppression of those who were known to Ormonde : 
be Ormond's friends. Even during Clarendon's viceroyalty, Ormond Yqj''viI. 
found it impossible to excuse James II. 's toleration of Tyrconnell, 
and could only find comfort in the hope that his employment was a 
temporary expedient. After TyrconnelFs appointment as Lord 
Deputy in room of Clarendon only five short letters from Ormond 
are pi-eserved. In one of them he expresses his intention of having 

writings and goods " brought to England, evidently for the purpose 
of ensuring their safety, and in another he says that the account 
which he receives of his affairs in Ireland is very bad and what 
makes the conditions of landlords like himself " the sadder is that 
'■ there appears no possible remedy in prospect, at least none tliat 

they can hope will be applied to their relief." 
Of the death of Charles II., which fell upon his Court " unex- 
" pectedly and suddenly," Ormond's correspondents give some parti- 
culars. To the sayings of that monarch another is added in one of 
Ormond's letters, namely, that an excuse is " seldom without a 
" little mixtm-e of a lie." There are also several references to- tlie 
marriage of the future Queen Anne to Prince George of Denmark. 
Its probability is mentioned in May, 1683, by Ormond, who says 
that " those that are resolved to like nothing of the Court, give out 
"■ that it is a French match and contrived to earn- on that interest." 
It was thought that the Princess's fortune would prove an irresist- 
ible attraction to the Prince, who is described by Ormond as a good 
soldier and a " brisk man." A letter from the Prince of Orange 
testifies to the value which he placed upon the friendship of the 
Duke of Ormond and his family, but the allusions to him in Ormond's 
letters have only reference to his part in foreign affairs. Of 
Ormond's connection with, the Com-t as Lord St-eward we are fre- 
quently reminded by long lists of the appointments to the household 
as well as by observations on the " Bedchamber Orders " and state- 
ments as to the " Succession of the Officers Below Stairs in the 
" King's House " and " Accommodation for White-staves and 

Officers of the Green-cloth," but excepting as regards Lord 
Eochester, whom it is evident Ormond never entirely trusted, little 
information is to be gathered about the English ministers. 

Turning again to the sister island much light is thrown in the 
letters on the position of the various religious denominations in that 
country during the period covered by this volume. So long as 
Pioman Catholics did not make an open profession of their faith it 
would appear that at the close of Charles II. 's reign they were allowed 

the exercise of their religion," but the entry of two nuns " into 
" their habits," with great pomp and formality, at Galway and the 
" building and fitting up of no less than four chapels " at Kilkenny 
led to official remonstrance, while even severer measures were taken 
against some nuns and " a mad friar " at Burrishoole. Before the 
death of Charles 11. the increase of Eoman Catholic bishops and 
clergy, and the freedom permitted to them, had excited the alarm 
of the dignitaries of the established church, and even the Earl of 


Marquess of ryrcounell appears to have thought his co-rehgionists would do well 
Ormonde : •• to be more discreet. The reluctance of Charles II. to call a 
Vol.' VII. Parliament in Ireland was attributed by Ormond to the King's fear 
of the measures which might be proposed against Eoman Catholics, 
and the King's apprehensions on that point proved evidently too 
strong for Ormond to attempt to combat. After the accession of 
James II. the position of Eoman Catholics in Ireland is illustrated 
by a curious and most interesting account of the foundation by them 
of a University in Kilkenny, and a request addressed to Ormond from 
Waterford to recommend the appointment as bishop of that see of 
the Reverend Father John Everard, regular of St. Francis's 
Order," whose loyalty to. Charles II. had earned for him the sobri- 
quet of " John for the King." 

As regards the social and economic condition of Ireland 
information is to be obtained from letters of Lord Longford and 
Lemuel Kingdon, who in the capacity of Revenue Commissioners 
made " circuits " through the covmtry, and from correspondence 
relating to the discoveries of one Isaiah Amos in the county of 
Tipperary, and the trial of some of. the inhabitants of Borrisokane 
for unlawful assembly. There is also to be found in these pages an 
interesting supplement to the story of the Brennans, the famous 
gang of robbers and gaol-breakers. While on the Leinster circuit in 
the summer of 1683 Chief Justice Keatinge reported their deprecia- 
tions in that part of the country and in the county of Limerick, and 
suggested that they might be captured if " a desperate follow " on 
M'hose " conduct and courage " they depended were promised a 
pardon. Then in the autumn of that year they appeared at Chester 
" in greater splendour and plenty than belonged to any of their 
" race," having apparently assumed the name of Ormond's own 
family, and were taken into custody by the Mayor. But they soon 
escaped by means of judicious bribery, in which it is evident from 
an intercepted letter they w^ere proficient, and, judging by the pro- 
posals of an informer for their discovery, within a few months were 
pursuing their trade once more in Ireland. Three years later they 
descended upon the castle at Kilkenny, which was their headquarters, 
and carried off plate to the value, as was currently reported, of 
1,000L, belonging to Ormond and his step-brother. Captain Mathew. 
The latter with whom the recovery of the plate was evidently the 
first consideration used an " authority of protection," which Lord 
Clarendon entrusted to him in favour of the Brennans themselves, 
who accused other persons of the robbery and made allegations 
against one Christopher Ramsey which could not be sustained. From 
a report of Ramsey's trial it would appear that after Ramsey's 
acquittal Mathew was bound over to prosecute the Brennans for 
perjury, but a few months later he figures as their advocate in an 
application to the Earl of Tyrconnell after his appointment as Lord 
Deputy for an indemnity of all their transgressions under Tyrcon- 
nell's own hand which Tyrconnell to his credit absolutely refused. 
Ormond, who was " somewhat out of countenance " that after all his 
services one company of foot could not be spared to protect his 


<;astle, was evidently no \na-i\ to his step-brother's proceedings and Marqia-ss of 
was advocating at tliis time very different methods in dealing with J^j^'JU^^e : 
" outlaws and rogues." The exploits and capture of a Tory called y^^l/vxi. 
Power, who was hanged, are also recounted ki much detail, and " a 
" bold but pleasant passage," told by no less distinguished a narrator 
than Primate Boyle, shows how he held up a wedding party and after 
drinking the bride's health marched off " quietly and softly " with 
601. Mhich the guests gave him on his demanding the bride's portion. 
A further illustration of the state of the country will bo found in 
the correspondence that ensued on tlie assassination of Captain 
^Villiam Hamilton, Mhich so far as tlie evidence in the letters goes 
would seem to have been entirely due to his unrelenting pursuit of 
the Ulster Tories. 

There are several references to ecclesiastical and legal personages 
in Ireland, principally in connexion with actual or expected vacan- 
cies. In one case Archbishop Boyle recommended for promotion to 
the episcopal bench a prelate, whose conduct failed to secure the 
approval of some of his brethren, but judging by his letters to 
Ormond on the death of the Duchess and of Arran, Boyle was not 
wanting in the piety becoming one in his position. Amongst legal 
persons Chief Justice Keatinge and Samuel Gorges, who was pro- 
moted from the Pecordersliip of Kilkenny to a seat in the Conamon 
Pleas during the period covered by the present volifme, are those of 
whom most information is to be obtained, but there are also refer- 
ences to the Chief Bai'on, Henry Hene, and his puisne, William 
^Yorth, as well as to Sir Ptichard Eyves and Henry Echlin, who 
were subsequently promoted to the bench. 

The last subject that occupied Ormond's attention was the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, and throughout the volume lists of dispensations 
granted to the students and graduates will be found. As regards 
Dublin University the chief references are to the appointment of 
an Oxford alumnus, Robert Huntington, as Provost of Trinity 
College, which was due in a great measure " to the violent animosi- 
ties which appeared amongst domestic competitors." The 
foundation of the hospital for decayed soldiers at Kilmainham in 
Dublin occasioned frequent correspondence, and there are several 
allusions to the erection of the chapel which was expected to be 
one of the finest in the King's dominions. 

From the inventories at the close of the volume much informa- 
tion is to be obtained as to Ormond's houses, furniture and estab- 
lishment. There are also many allusions to them in the 
correspondence. His London residence in St. James's Square and 
his temporary abode at Hampstead, which Arran considered " an 
unwholesome air " on account of its proximity to a bog, come 
under notice, and a list of arms which were hung up in the hall of 
his town house at the time of the Eye House Plot affords a graphic 
picture of the insecurity felt then, even in the great centres of 
population. But not the least curious survival is the list of pro- 
visions used in Dublin Castle during the first year of Arran 's rule 
&s Lord Deputy. The references to Ormond's hawks and hounds 


Marquess of are frequent, and show that even to the close of his life field sports 
^imoncle : y^y^^e his chief pleasure. His indulging in basset and trick-track, at 
Vol.'vil. which he lost heavily, was due probably more to his circumstances' 
than his inclination. An allusion to " the Butlers' weather " shows 
that Ormond and his family enjoyed the same fortune that attends 
the royal family to-day, and references to Ormond's solicitude about 
his papers explain the origin of the noble manuscript collection at 
Kilkenny and in the Bodleian. 

Finally, attention must be drawn as regards Ireland to the details 
of the fire that alinost consumed Dublin Castle while Arran was 
Lord Deputy and to references to the Whitefriars in that city which 
afforded him temporally shelter, as well as to frequent mention of 
the Phoenix Park, the viceregal lodge at Chapelizod, Kilkenny, and 
the Curragh ; as regards the wider field of foreign politics to the 
letters from Sir Richard Bulstrode, the English resident at Brussels, 
and to numerous newsletters ; and as regards the customs of the 
time to two curious instances of the libatorv habits in high circles. 


Earl of 'J-'he Second Volume of the report on the collections of the Earl 

Egmont, of Egmont coi^tinues the calendar of the letters and papers of 
Vol. IT. general interest from the beginning of the reign of Charles II. ta 

the end of that of Anne. It carries on the fortunes of the Perceval 
family, but owing to the fact that it covers a period of less historical 
interest, and one during which the successive heads of the Perceval 
family were either minors or too young to take a prominent position 
in public affairs, it is not of equal importance to the earlier volume. 
The greater part of the letters and papers refer to the management 
of the Perceval estates in Ireland by trustees and agents, and are 
not of general interest, although they occasionally throw some light 
upon the condition of that country. , 

There is a small collection of papers relating to Sir John Per- 
ceval, the first baronet, whose biography, however, is dealt with in 
the first volume and the introduction to that volume. As a man of 
some note in his day, he held important offices in Ireland under 
Cromwell. He was a friend of the Protector's family, particularly 
of Henry Cromwell, and it is said, though with what degree of 
truth is uncertain, that by this intimacy he was able to induce 
Henry Cromwell, then Lord Deputy of Ireland, to acquiesce in the 
restoration of the royal house. By this service he is supposed to 
liave ingratiated himself with the royal party. In any case, at the 
Piestoration, he was in favour at court, being sworn of the Privy 
Council and created a baronet. His patent of creation, dated 1661, 
contains a singular clause — that each heir apparent upon attaining 
his majority may receive the order of knighthood from the king. 
Sir John about this time obtained grants of several offices. His 
father had held the very lucrative office of clerk and registrar of 
the Court of Wards in Ireland, which is said to have produced an 
income in 1G40 of 7,500^, and to have yielded on an average not 


less than 3,4U0/. a year {House of Yvcnj, II., p. 351). Although Karl uf 
there was little protit iroui it during the Couinionwcalth, the ^^t^pj'J'^' 
abolition of the Coiu-t of Wards in 1062 was a serious blow to 
Perceval. Possibly in part recompense of his loss Perceval received 
a grant of the offices of general registrar, chief clerk and examiner 
to the Commissioners for the Settlement of Ireland, said to have 
been granted to him by Charles I., but which were claimed by Sir 
James Shaen. His father had also held the offices of clerk of the 
crown, prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas, and Keeper of 
the Public Accounts, and these Sir John Perceval also claimed, 
and to them his sons were afterwards appointed. He was also made 
one of the foiu' counsellors to the President of Munster, and had a 
grant jointly with Sir Eichard Lane of the profits of all markets and 
fairs in Ireland which had become forfeited by the rebellion. 

According to the custom of the time these offices were served by 
deputies, who received some small remuneration, while the titular 
holder took all the profits. In the case of the offices of registrar, 
chief clerk, and examiner of the Court of Claims, Thomas Kennedy 
acted as deputy and executed the office while Perceval received 
two-thirds of the profits. Thus it may be imagined that Perceval in 
a settled condition of affairs in Ireland had potentially a very large 
income derivable from the many offices he held. The traffic in 
offices was openly carried on at this time as a common practice both 
in England and Ireland. 

Sir John Perceval resided at Dublin, and led an active life as 
member of Parliament for the County of Cork, and as a leader in 
many political and charitable works. He distributed the charities 
granted by the Hon. Kobert Boyle to the poor ministers of the 
County of Clare, and as a member of the Council of Trade for 
Ireland he took a prominent part in the opposition to the Act 
prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle into England. In con-, 
nexion with this Act he urgently pointed out that the consequences 
of it would be to beggar Ireland. In this cause it is said he went to 
England in June, 1665, crossing by the Dartmouili frigate to Mostyn, 
thence by Chester to Gloucester, and so on to Bath. He was at 
this time in a bad state of health from gout and dropsy, and found 
that the journey by road was so injurious that he procured the use 
of a barge, probably down the Severn, which he described as a 
feather bed, " for I was so bad that no coach or wain could have 
" been endured." At Bath he obtained some slight relief; but in 
July he appears to have been unable to use his hands for writing. 
Valentine Savage quaintly urged him to forbear drinking wine and 
strong liquors, " for as strong liquors break naturally through my 
"" face and elsewhere, it gets into your joints and limbs." 

Sir John remained in England until the autumn, when, fearing 
his illness might prove fatal, he hastened back to Ireland, and died 
at Dublin on 1st November, 1665, at the early age of thirty-six. 
He was a capable and amiable man, given perhaps, like his family, 
and according to the ways of the times, to self-interest. His solici- 
tude for the comfort and safety of his wife when travelling from 


Earl of Cork to Dublin, and more particularly his anxiety with regard to 

Egmont, ^jj.^ Dillon's little daughter, exhibit a tender and affectionate side- 
of his character. 

Sir John Perceval's heir, Sir Philip Perceval, was but a boy of 
nine years of age at the date of his father's death, and the manage- 
ment of the estates was put into the hands of Robert Southwell, 
Lady Perceval's father, and Valentine Savage, the family lawyer 
and agent. Lady Perceval and her daughters lived with her father 
at Kinsale, and the three sons, Philip, Eobert, and John, were sent, 
to school and the Universities in England. Questions arose with 
regard to the properties left by Sir John, titles were disputed, and 
some of the estates were consequently lost. Difficulties were like- 
wise experienced about the offices, and some of them were also lost. 
Piobert Southwell, notwithstanding the advantages of a time when? 
Ireland enjoyed comparative quiet, had considerable trouble in. 
managing the estates, which had not recovered from the disturb- 
ances of the time of the Commonwealth. 

It had been the intention of Sir John Perceval to build a house at- 
Burton, Co. Cork, and he employed William Kenn, an architect, in 
1665 to design and make estimates of its cost. By Sir John's death, 
however, the project was delayed, but in 1669 Eobert Southwell 
again opened negotiations with William Kenn, and a year or two 
later many details of the house which was then built are given. 
This was the house which was burnt to the ground during the Irish 
rebelHon of 1690. 

Eobert Southwell died in 1677, just as his grandson. Sir Philip- 
Perceval, had reached his majority. Sir Philip after leaving Oxford 
was entered a student at Lincoln's Inn. An interesting description 
of him is given by his grandfather when he was eighteen years of 
age in reply to a proposal of marriage from Sir John Champante 
for a lady whose name is not divulged. His estate was then said to 
be worth about 3,000L a year, a very large fortune for that date, 
and as to a suggestion " if he might not be made an earl," the grand- 
father adds " that both his father and grandfather if they had lived 
" were resolved to have taken some titles of honour upon them more 
" than they had, and you know it is no difficult matter to enter into 
" that station when the person finds himself fitly qualified for it."" 
Dr. John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, described Sir Philip as " a young- 
" gentleman of a very vigorous spirit, and if ever there be business 
" to be done in the nation he will not fail to be in the head of it, 
" which renders it exceeding desirable that he should have all ad- 
" vantages of principles." 

When Sir Philip was nineteen years of age it was thouglit desir- 
able that he should travel. He at first made a tour through England 
into Ireland, and left London in June, 1676, travelling by slow stages- 
to Windsor, Chichester, Salisbury, and eventually to Bristol, where 
he and his tutor crossed to Cork and then to Kinsale. They stayed 
in Ireland for two months, and returning to London for a few weeks, 
they crossed from Dover to Calais on 1st October, and then went to 
Angers. Some curious details are given of Sir Philip's residence in 


Frauce. He took lessons in geography, law and languages, and Earl of 
learnt dancing and fencing, ills greatest inclination was, however, y^^yij '' 
towards music, and he spent niucli time in practising on the flute, 
guitar, flageolet and virginals, lie met with English society, and 
among those with wliom he asso<-iatcd was the young Lord King- 
ston, who stayed at the same iicnsioii with him. It was with Lord 
Kingston that he apparently committed some excesses. His tutor, 
John Gailhard, a Frenchman, reproved him for these and his ex- 
travagances, which caused a diit'erence hetween them, and neces- 
sitated the appointment of a new tutor, ^Monsieur De Rasigdac. Sir 
Philip was joined by his mother and sisters in the autunm of lt)77, 
and having settled them at Sauinur he travelled into Italy, and 
remained in Fome for some time. He rejoined his mother in Paris, 
and returned to England with her at the end of March, 1679. He 
went with her to Kinsale, where he remained till her death in 
August following, and then settled either at Kinsale or at his home 
at Burton till his death in Septemher, 1680. His death is supposed 
to have been caused by ]ioison, but there is little positive evidence 
on the point. 

Sir Philip I'erceval was succeeded by liis youngest brother, John, 
his next brother Kobert having been murdered. Eobert seems 
always to have been wild. He was at Christ's College, Cambridge, in 
1671, and was entered a student at Lincoln's Inn in the same year. 
Two years later his conduct evidently gave his uncle, Sir Eobert 
Southwell, some uneasiness, and he was put under the charge of the 
Bishop of Landaff, with whom he lived for some time at Mathern, 
in [Monmouthshire. Here it was hoped he would be reclaimed by 
a course of study of TJtc IMiolc Duty of Man, Hooker's Ecclesias- 
tical Polity, and other like works, which did not probably appeal 
to a high-spirited and wayward youth. He apparently returned to 
London early in 1677, and in March he had chaitibers in Cursitors 
Alley, removing shortly after to Lincoln's Inn. On 6th June, 1677, 
he was found dead near the Maypole in the Strand, and it was dis- 
covered he had been killed by a rapier wound. Various persons were 
suspected of the murder, among them Beau Fielding, with whom 
it is said Perceval had a quarrel at a play, but the murderer was 
never found. As he was apparently a gambler, and it was reported 
he had been engaged in nineteen duels before his death, \lhich 
occurred when he was only nineteen years of age, he probably had 
many enemies. 

John Perceval, who succe#ded his brother Philip at the age of 
twenty, led an exemplary life at school and college. He was his 
mother's favourite, and was the. example held before the eyes of his 
unfortunate elder brother Eobert. At Westminster school he was 
in the good graces of the famous Dr. Busby, then head master, and 
his letters from Christchurch, Oxford, at the age of sixteen, leave 
somewhat the impression of a j'outhful prig. They are full of 
moral expressions as to his own conduct and that of his elder 
brothers. He was of a cautious disposition, and seldom spent 


anything " unless it- is on those things which are lasting, profitable, 
" and show me a gentleman." 

He left Oxford in 1679 to study law at Lincoln's Inn. He went 
o\er to Ireland, and was with his mother at the time of her death in 
August of that year. After being with Sir Robert Southwell at 
Spring Gardens for a time he settled at Lincoln's Inn in December. 

He and his brother Robert had obtained in May, 1677, jointly 
for their lives the reversion of the offices of Clerk of the Crown, 
I'rothonotary and Chief Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas in 
Ireland, and of the office of Gustos or Keeper of the Records of the 
same Court, which their father had held before them, and in August 
following, after the death of his brother Robert, the grant was made 
to John Perceval and William B lath wait. 

The most important correspondence in this collection is that of 
Robert Southwell, and of his more famous son. Sir Robert, which 
reaches the period of its greatest interest at about this time. Robert 
Southwell, whose father, Anthony, had settled at Kinsale in the 
time of James I., was father-in-law of Sir John Perceval, the first 
baronet. Although Robert had helped to provision the fleet under 
Prince Rupert while it was blockaded by Blake, he obtained employ- 
ment under the Commonwealth, and at the Restoration received in 
1006 a grant of the forfeited estates of Philip Barry Oge in Kinsale. 
In the following year he was instrumental in strengthening the 
fortifications of Ringcurran, near Kinsale, in anticipation of an 
attack by the Dutch fleet. Of this fort he was made governor, and 
in 1670 he was appointed vice-admiral of Munster. 

Robert Southwell, the father, died in 1677, aged seventy, leaving 
an only surviving son, Robert, a man of considerable ability and 
a staunch adherent of the Whig party. His kinsman, William 
Dobbyns, in 1656, when Southwell was about twenty-one years of 
age, described him " as well a fashioned and handsome young gentle- 
" man, and of a mild, good disposition and very modest and civil, as 
" I have seen." In his younger days he suffered from ill-health, 
but travel in France and Italy seems to have strengthened his con- 
stitution. At the time at which this volume opens he had just 
returned from Italy, and in September, 1664, was appointed clerk of 
the Privy Council in England. He kept his brother-in-law% Sir 
John Perceval, informed of events in England, and assisted in pro- 
curing him the office of Registrar to the Commissioners for Settling 
Ireland. He was appointed envoy to the Court of Portugal in 
November, 1665, and in December following was knighted. He 
carried out his mission satisfactorily, effecting the treaty of Lisbon 
of 13th February, 1668. His wife Elizabeth, who was daughter of 
Sir Edward Dering, joined him at Lisbon in 1666, as he found it 
necessary to entertain largely. He returned early in 1668, but he 
liad been at home only two or three months when he was a second 
t»ime appointed envoy to Portugal, and started out again to Lisbon in 
June of that year. The royal appreciation of these embassies is 
set out in the preamble to a warrant for Sir Robert, dated 27th 
February, 1679-80, for a discharge of 151. quit rent from his lands 


in Irelaud. He came back to England in August, 1GG9, and visited Earl of 
his father in Ireland. In the autumn of 1071 he was appointed |^"j5f' 
envoy to Brussels, but was only out of England till the spring of 
1G72. He settled at Spring Gardens about this time, and took a 
keen interest in his nephews, the young Percevals, of whom, by 
January, 1672-3, he had undertaken the entire tutelage. This was 
by no means a nominal task, for they poured out to him their 
troubles, ailments and successes at school and college, and he 
advised them in all as the best of fathers might have done, and 
with considerable kindness and tact. His public position as a poli- 
tician and diplomatist on the Whig side caused him many enemies, 
against whom he was frequently obliged to defend himself. Eefer- 
ence to these attacks upon him will be found in the correspondence. 

In April, 1677, he stated his intention of purchasing Kings 
Weston, near Bristol, and on 14th July, 1679, he wrote to his 
nephew that he did not purpose to seek re-election to the new Parlia- 
ment, " that so I may be free to look after mine own occasions, which 
" I have hitherto for many years neglected." With this object in 
view he surrendered his office of Clerk of the Council to Francis 
Gwyn for the consideration of 2,500/. on 5th December, 1679, pur- 
posing to settle with his family at Kings Weston in the following 
spring. His intention of retirement from public life was soon frus- 
trated, for early in 1680 he was called upon by the king to go as 
envoy extraordinary to the Elector of Brandenburg. He describes 
his appointment as a " matter of great inconvenience to my own 
" private concerns as you may well judge, but whenever death or the 
" king do call they must be obeyed." The object of his mission was 
to sound the German courts about a defensive alliance against 
France. His instructions, dated 1st March, 1679-80, will be found 
in this collection, and they show how marvellously little the English 
ministry at that time knew about tlie condition of the courts of the 
German St^ates, even as to the ages and families of their rulers, and 
even as to the character of the Prince of Orange. Sir Robert sailed 
for Holland on 3rd March. While at the Hague he transacted busi- 
ness with the Prince of Orange, when he probably laid tlie founda- 
tion for a future intimacy. The Elector, Southwell wrote on 25th 
May, 1680, " is resolved to stand neuter, and so will not enter into 
"the alliance that I had proposed; bvit he hath refused also the 
" same offer made to him from France." 

Sir Piobert remained at Berlin for some months longer without 
being able to effect the object of his mission. He was then ordered 
to go on to Dresden, but as the plagu? had broken out there and the 
Elector of Saxony was said to be dying, this service was dispensed 
with. He remained, however, until the end of the year, and in 
October he again met the Prince of Orange near Berlin. 

On his return to P]ngland he retired for a time from public life 
to his house at Kings Weston. He visited Cork and Kinsale in 
August and September, 1681, and then settled down with his family 
to look after his private affairs. On 16th IVIay, 1682, he wrote to his 
nephew, Sir John Perceval, a long and most important letter setting 
(B1720— Gp. 5) T 


out the condition of Ireland, where Sir John was about to take up 
his residence. Sir Robert took the liveliest interest in the happiness 
of his nephew and nieces, between whom there was a very strong 
affection, and wrote constantly giving them advice. 

Upon the ascendancy of the Tory party under the Earl of 
Rochester in 1681 further attacks were made upon Sir Robert as to 
his unsuccessful embassy to Berlin. This evidently caused him con- 
siderable annoyance, and in the autumn of 1683 he proposed to 
obtain some fresh public employment to give him the opportunity of 
vindicating his character. He was for a time in London probably 
with this in view, but he again retired to Kings Weston till May, 
1685, when he went to London, on the accession of James II., in 
order to serve in the first Parliament of that reign. During his 
attendances at Parliament Sir Robert frequently communicated 
the news of London to Sir John Perceval up to the time of Sir 
John's death in 1686. After this date the letters of Sir Robert 
Southwell on public matters cease in this collection. 

When Lady Perceval, his sister-in-law, became a widoM', she and 
her children went to live with him at Kings Weston, and Sir Robert 
acted as their guardian till the time of his death, on the 11th 
September, 1702. As a staunch Whig he was in favour with William 
III., who made him Commissioner for managing the Customs in 
1689. He entertained William III. at Kings Weston on that 
monarch's return from Ireland in 1690. Sir Robert was appointed 
Principal Secretary of State for Ireland in that year, and about the 
same time he was elected President of the Royal Society. He was 
a man of great tact and prudence, upon whom his party could un- 
swervingly rely, and to whom its leaders frequently appealed. His 
generosity and unselfishness are amply exemplified in this volume. 

Sir Robert Southwell had a high opinion of his nephew. Sir John 
Perceval, the third baronet, which he expressed on many occasions, 
and when he went as envoy to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1680 
he left with John Perceval, then but a youth, a copy of his will, 
together with full instructions regarding his affairs and a request 
that he would look after his son Ned. 

Shortly after he succeeded to the title on the death of his 
brother, in February, 1680-1, Sir John married privately Katherine, 
daughter of Sir Edward Dering, of Surrenden, Kent, and sister-in- 
law of Sir Robert Southwell, thus strengthening the alliance 
between the two families. The match, however, met with some 
opposition from Sir John's grandmother on account of disparity in 
age and fortune. 

Sir John remained in London for a short time after his marriage, 
but in the summer of 1681 he pa'd a visit to Burton, the family seat 
in the county of Cork, returning to London in January, 1681-2, while 
alterations were being made in the house at Burton. He went, 
however, to take up his residence permanently in Ireland in May, 
1682, visiting Sir Robert Southwell at Kings Weston on the way. 
While at Burton he was principally occupied with family affairs in 
proposals of marriage for his eldest sister, Katherine, who finally 


selected, aftev various negotiatious with others, William, son and Earl of 
heir of Sir Emmanuel Moor, and in restraining his sister Helena ^gmon^ 
from an engagement to his brother-in-law. Colonel Daniel Dering, to 
whom, however, she was married immediately after her brother's 

When the troubles in Ii-elaud began on the accession of James II., 
Perceval, who had a clear-headed view of the state of affairs, took 
a prominent position in suppressing the Tories and quieting the 
district adjoining his property. He was evidently trusted by the 
Lords Justices and Lord Lieutenant, and had he lived he might 
have played an important part in the suppression of the Irish 
rebellion. His death, however, occurred on the 29th April, 1686, at 
the age of twenty-six, just as the rebellion was beginning. 

Sir John's eldest son and heir. Sir Edward Perceval, was four 
years old at his father's death, and only survived him some five 
years. He was succeeded by his brother, another Sir John Perceval, 
fifth baronet (afterwards first Earl of Egmont) of whose education 
at Westminster and Oxford some information is given in this 
calendar. Like other members of the family he was fond of music, 
and after travelling on the Continent and in Italy he patronised 
the Fine arts. His correspondence with Gouge and Laurence 
Magnolfi, the painters, and James Gibbs, the architect, will be 
found in this calendar. 

The most interesting letters in the latter part of this collection, 
however, are those by Francis Parry and Peter Le Neve suggesting 
itineraries for Sir John and giving particulars of the places in 
the southern and eastern parts of England which he ought to visit, 
much of the detail in which is of considerable value for topo- 
graphical purposes. 

Although as it has been already mentioned, the collection for 
the period dealt with in this volume does not afford so much material 
of historical interest as that referred to in the earlier volume, yet 
the correspondence throws some light on the condition of Ireland. 
The people of that country generally welcomed the Kestoration, 
which was followed by some twenty-five years of comparative peace 
and prosperity, mainly attributable to the tactful rule of the Duke 
of Ormond. Notwithstanding the difficulties arising out of the Act 
of Settlement and the Explanatory Act, beyond the Limerick Plot 
and other like abortive conspiracies there were few disturbances, 
and those that occurred were more in the nature of riots than rebel- 
lions. We have mention of the Mutiny at Carrickfergus in June, 
1666, which the Duke of Ormond took immediate steps to suppress, 
hanging nine of the mutineers and sending the remainder to the 
Barbadoes. Again, in 1675, twenty-four tories and other prisoners 
broke the gaol at Armagh, killed the keeper and gagged his wife, 
then, with proverbial Irish humour, instead of making good their 
escape, they broke open the Sessions House, appointed a judge and 
other officers of the court, and commenced the mock trials of one 
another. Some troopers hearing of what had occurred surrounded 
the Sessions House and made all the tories prisoners again. Other 
(B1720— Gp. 5) T 2 


like distui-bances, not probably of a political character, seem to have 
happened, and bands of tories are occasionally referred to, but they 
do not seem to have made themselves a serious nuisance to the 

The proposals previous to the Act of Explanation of the Act of 
Settlement and the Act of Settlement itself are discussed, and im- 
portant correspondence on the subject will be found. The report 
by Robert Southwell as to the Hon. Robert Boyle's charity gives 
interesting particulars regarding the condition of the Protestant 
clergy in 1672 in that part of the province of Munster where the 
Hon. Robert Boyle held the impropriations. 

The desire by the English landowners in Ireland during the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to obtain English tenants is 
reiterated time after time in this correspondence. The complaints 
about the Irish were that they were improvident agriculturalists. 

The increase of prosperity about 1665-1680 attracted a consider- 
able number of English settlers, both farmers and tradesmen, to 
Ireland. Sir Philip Perceval, writing on 1st August, 1679, stated 
that people were " mad for land, and will rather give any rent for it 
" than go without it. Some think the reason of this may be the 
" great number of English which have come into Ireland within 
" these ten or fourteen years. I have got eight or nine new English 
" tenants, and we do not consider that a very considerable business." 
And again, about a month later, he wrote that he was going to 
Kilkenny to meet a party of English tradesmen who wished to 
settle at Kanturk, which he hoped to make into as pretty an 
English plantation as any on that side of the country. He had 
people flocking to him for farms from all parts, and four competitors 
for every farm on his estate. 

"When Sir John Perceval took up his residence in Ireland in 1682 
Sir Robert Southwell wrote a highly interesting letter on the con- 
dition of the country from the point of view of an English Whig 
at the close of the reign of Charles II. Sir Robert gave copious 
reasons for showing that Ireland had increased in prosperity. The 
great danger lay from the dispossessed Irish landlords, for the labour- 
ers and farmers " never saw such days as under the English 
" Protestant, for the one knows what he is to receive and the other 
" what he has to pay, where the Irish landlord was a sort of tyrant, 
" and by the style of the country commanded at pleasure the 
" labour and the industry of all that were about him." The priests 
sympathised with the dispossessed lords, urging the people to con- 
tribute to their maintenance, and it was in the influence of the 
priesthood that Sir Robert considered the mischief lay. 

The period of peace and limited prosperity in Ireland was broken 
shortly after the accession of James II. by the proclamation of the 
Lords Justices issued on 20th June, 1685, for securing the firearms 
of the militia. This proclamation immediately raised an alarm 
among the English Protestants and hopes among the Irish. Some 
twelve days later it was known in England that disturbances were 
probable. Lawrence Clayton, writing from London to his cousin, 


Sir John Perceval, said that some would be glad to see the English Earl of 
stir in Ireland. He lioi)ed, however, their expectations would be y^j^jj ' 
blasted, and " that no considerations whatever will induce the Pro- 
testants to swerve from their allegiance." The Irish gentry, it was 
stated openly, spread reports that the arms had been called in to be 
given to them, and charged all the English with complicity with 
Monmouth's Pebellion and with being unfit to be trusted by the 
King. There was much jealousy between ^he two parties, " inas- 
" much each saj' they are afraid the other will cut their throats." 
Some spoke of sermons being preached in many places by the friars 
upon the fifth, sixth, and seventh verses of the ninth chapter of 
Ezekiel. Perceval, however, could not find any evidence of this. 
Disturbing elements such as these so paralysed the country that 
trade was at an end, and as a consequence there was no money 
current, so that Perceval could not obtain a sixth part of his rent in 
coin, but was obliged to accept the rest in beef or corn, or go without 
it. His friends urged him for his security to go t-o England, or at all 
events to send some of his children there. The merchants wez'e 
further dejected at the revival of the Act prohibiting them from 
trading directly with the Plantations and from carrying hides and 
tallow into England. 

In accordance with the proclamation of Sir John Perceval certified 
on 23rd July that all the carbines of his troops had been delivered 
into his hands, but the pistols having been paid for by the men 
themselves were left in the men's hands; " this part of the country 
being at this time so infested with Power, the proclaimed robber, 
" and a great number of his associates, as that they are every day in 
" danger from them as well on the road as in their houses." The 
militia were not, however, permitted to retain their pistols, and on 
the 16th October Sir John Perceval certified that in pursuance of a 
later order from the Lords Justices and the Council the pistols, 
amounting to twenty-three cases, had been delivered into his custody 
and handed over to the storekeeper of Cork. 

The statement that the country was infested with robbers was no 
exaggeration as will be seen by the letters here noted. Bands of 
tories overran Munster, committing frequent robberies and occasion- 
ally murders. The troop under Captain Aungier sent to keep order 
was quite inadequate. The justices of the peace did what they could 
to put down the disorders, l)ut being unsupported by the central 
authority their efforts proved fruitless. 

Sir John Perceval showed much zeal in the suppression of the 
tories, and information with regard to this subject will be found in 
his correspondence up to the time of his death on 29th April, 1086. 

Little more in this calendar relates to the condition of affairs in 
Ireland. ^Yilliam Taylor, the agent of the Percevals in Ireland, after 
the death of Sir John and the retirement of the family into England, 
invited some of the Irish militia to Burton House to defend it from 
rapparees, but the house was plundered and much damage done. 
After the battle of the Boyne, Burton House, being in the spliere of 
influence of the forces of James, was burnt, together with about fifty 


substantial houses and smaller habitations and the villages of 
Kauturk and Churchtown. A little before this last event William 
Taylor gives a dismal picture of the state of the country. " There 
" is not one Englishman in the County of Kerry," he writes on 
24:th April, 1689, " that has the value of sixpence left, neither do I 
" believe twenty Englishmen are left in the county. Our stock in 
" this county is also destroyed, and so it is all over the province, 
" so that I fear there will be a famine for that there is such a de- 
" struction of all sorts of provisions." The condition of the country, 
he adds, was growing worse and worse every day. 

Sir Robert Southwell, shortly before his death in September, 
1702, wrote a letter of advice to his nephew, Sir John Perceval, the 
fifth baronet, upon his taking up his residence in Ireland. This 
letter, however, does not give that picture of Ireland which the 
letter sent on a similar occasion to the third baronet depicts. It 
is filled with good advice as to Perceval's conduct, and repeats the 
warning " that English tenants are best and safest for you even at 
" ten in the hundred cheaper than the Irish." 

The racial and religious difficulties had not much abated in the 
early part of the eighteenth century. A general scheme for educa- 
tion whereby " the Irish youth miay soon have English habit, and in 
" one or two generations be true sticklers for the Protestant Church 
" and interest " was propounded by Mr. Rice in 1703, but history 
knows nothing of its success. There is also some correspondence 
relating to the Irish Money Bill of 1709, and here the political history 
of Ireland, so far as this calendar is concerned, ceases. 

Among other important matters in this volume are the resolu- 
tions presented by the presbyters to the King in 1661 touching 
church ceremonies and government. These differ from what is given 
in Baxter's Life and Times. The rhyme which Robert Bowyer 
quotes in a letter to Robert Southwell, dated 9th July, 1667, as 
relating to the death of " Tom Hyde," son of the Earl of Clarendon, 
is identical with that which Thackeray in the Fovr Georges attributes 
to Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died in 1751. 

Some interesting observations relating to the Flannel Acts of 1678 
and full particulars as to the death of Charles II. from the medical 
point of view, will be found. 

All of which we humbly sul)mit for Your Majesty's gracious 

COZENS HARDY, Chairman. 






ALFRED E. STAMP, Secretary. 

Sth October, 1916. 





{Size, Fcap to Xinth Report, Part HI., inclusive ; after that Sro.) 
(Dates in parentlieses show years of Keprints.) 


First Eeport, with Atpendix 

England. House of Lords ; Duke of Eut- j 
land ; Duke of Manchester ; Marquis of I 
Lothian ; Earl of Winchilsea and Netting- | 
ham ; Earl of Coventry ; Earl of Maccles- 
field ; Eail St. Gerniains ; Earl of Zetland ; 
Viscount Midleton ; Lord Mostyn ; Lord 
Herries ; Lord de Tabley ; Earl of Shrews- 
bury ; Sir John Salusbury Trelawney, 
Bart. ; Sir Thomas Winnington, Bart. : j 
Richard Almack ; T. E. Lefroy ; G. F. 
Luttrell ; Col. Napier ; W. Phelips ; John 
Tollemache ; F. Whitgreave ; John Har- 
vey ; Cambridge Colleges, viz., Christ's, 
Corpus Christi, King's, Pembroke, 
Queen's, St. John's, St. Peter's, Trinity ; 
Registry of the University of Cambridge ; 
Registry of the Bishop of Norwich ; Dean j 
and Chapter of Norwich ; St. Mary's , 
College, Oscott ; Salisbury Cathedral ; | 
Ushaw College ; Registry of the Bishop of 
Wells ; Dean and Chapter of Wells ; 
We.stminster Abbey ; Dean and Chaj)ter 
of York ; Dean and Chapter of Bristol ; 
Hospital of Christ at Abingdon ; Corpora- 
tions or towns of Abingdon, Bridgwater, j 
Cambridge, Coventry, Glastonbury, \ 
Norwich, Nottingham, Wells, York ; i 
Corporation of Merchant Adventurers of 
York ; Yorkshire Philosophical Society. 

ScoTi,AND. Manuscript Mateiials for His- ! 
tory in Scotland ; Duke of Hamilton ; ' 
Duke of Richmond ; Manjuis of Lothian ; 
Earl of Dalliousie ; Buckie MSS. ; Library 
of Catholic Bishop of Edinburgh ; Univer- 
sity of Edinburgh ; City of Edinburgh ; 
Advocates' Library, Edinburgh ; Burgh of 
Aberdeen ; Corporation of Glasgow. 

Ireland. Earl of Charlemont ; Earl of 
Rosse ; Lord Talbot de Malahide and 
J. W. Bayly ; Thomas Hewitt and Richard 
Caulfield, LL.D. ; Corporations of Cork, 
Dublin, Kilkenny, Limerick, Waterford. 

Beidelberg. T^niversity Tabrary. I 


Appendix I — continued. 



Report, Name of Owner of MSS., &c. 

No. of 


Second Report, with Appendix, and Index 
TO THE First and Second Reports. 

England and Wales. Duke of Bedford ; 
Countess Cowper and Baroness Lucas ; 
Earl of Daitniouth ; Earl Spencer ; Earl 
of Mount Edgcumbe ; Earl Cathcart ; 
Earl of Bradfoi'd ; Earl Cawdor ; Viscount 
Dillon ; Lord Camoys ; Lord Arundell of 
Wardour ; Lord Lyttelton ; Lord Cal- 
thorpe ; Lord Wrottesley ; Lord Leigh ; 
Hon. G. M. Fortescue ;' Sir Charles W. 
Dilke, Bart. ; Sir Henry Diydeu, Bart. ; 
Sir Baldwin Leightoii, Bart. ; Sir George 
Osborn, Bart. ; Sir R. Puleston, Bart. ; 
Miss Aiuslie ; J. C. Antrobus ; W. R. 
Baker ; C. M. Berington ; Colonel Myd- 
delton-Biddulph ; Colonel Carew ; Mrs. 
Coliis ; Richard Corbet ; W. Bromley- 
Davenport ; C. Cottrell Dormer ; J. R. 
Ornisby Gore ; John Harvey ; H. B. 
Mackeson ; F. Peake ; Mrs. Prescott ; 
J. J. Rogei-s ; W. T. McCullagh Torrens ; 
W. H. Turner ; Mrs. WiUes ; W. W. E. 
Wynne ; House of I^ords — Specimen 
Calendar of Papers relating to first Parlia- 
ment of Charles I. ; House of Lords — 
Specimen Calendar of Papers relating to 
Archbishop Laud's Visitation ; St. Law- 
rence's College, Ampleforth ; Cambridge 
Colleges, viz., Clare, Gonville and Caius, 
Jesus, Trinity Hall ; Dean and Chapter 
of Cai'lisle ; St. Mary's College, Oscott ; 
Oxford Colleges, viz., Corpus Christi, 
Exeter, Jesus, Lincoln, New, Oriel, 
Queen's, Trinity, Worcester ; Stoneyhurst 
College ; Woodchester Monastery ; Cor- 
poration of Abingdon ; Liner Temple 
Library — (Petyt MSS.) ; Chetham Library, 
Scotland. Duke of Montrose ; Duke of 
Sutherland ; Marquis of Huntly ; Earl of 
Crawford and Balcarres ; Earl of Morton ; 
Earl of Strathmore ; Earl of Dalliousie ; 
Earl of Airlie ; Earl of Stair ; Earl of 
Rosslyn ; Earl Cawdor ; Lord Forbes ; 
Lord Torphiclien ; Sir J. H. Burnett, Bart.; 
J. Guthrie ; A. F. Irvine ; J. F. Leith ; 
Aberdeen University ; Blairs' Catholic 
College ; Trinity College, Glenalmond ; 
Royal Burgh of Montrose ; St. Andrew's 
Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; Earl of 
Granard ; Eail of Rosse ; The O'Conor 
Don; Major-(ieueral F. P. Dunne; Dr. 
R. D. Lyons (Abp. King's CoHection) ; 
Rothe's Register of Kilkenny. 

C. 441 


ArPEXDiX I — cont'niiictl. 



Report, Name of ( )\vner of MSt 

No. of 


Third REroRx, with Appexdix and Index 

ExGLASD AND Wales. House of Lords ; 
Duke of Devonshire (Bolton Abbey) ; 
Duke of Devonsliire (Hardwicke Hall) ; 
Duke of Northumberland ; Marquis of 
Lansdowne ; Marquis of Salisbuiy ; 
Marquis of Bath ; Marquis of Bute ; 
Marquis of Noilhampton ; Manjuis of 
Westminster ; Earl of Devon ; Earl of 
Shaftesbury ; Earl De la Warr ; Earl 
Fortescue ; Earl of Chichester ; Earl of 
Effingham ; Lord Gage ; Lord Whainclifte ; 
Lord De L'Isle and Dudley ; Bishop of 
Southwark (Roman Catholic) ; Sir H. 
Bedingfield, Bart. ; Sir C. Bunburv, Bart. ; 
Sir W. Cope, Bart. ; Sir P. de M. Grey- 
Egertou, Bart. ; Sir E. Filmer, Bart. ; 
Sir G. Fitzgerald, Bart. ; Sir Wm. H. N. 
Ffolkes, Bart. ; Sir H. Gunning, Bart. ; 
Sii' T. Hare, Bart. ; Sir C. Isham, Bart. ; 
Sir R. Knightley, Bart. ; Sir John Lawson, 
Bart. ; Sir N. W. Throckmorton, Bart. ; 
W. Dod ; C. J. Eyston ; Rev. F. Hopkin- 
son; J. H. Lee/W. J. Legh ; H. S. Le 
Strange ; T. C. Marsh ; R. Orlebar ; Miss 
Othen ; F. Peake ; Calendar of Phelips' 
MSS. ; Rev. W. Sueyd ; R. E. Egerton- 
Warburton ; G. F. Wilbraham ; M. Wilson ; 
Corporation of Axbridge ; Coiporation of 
Berwick - upon - Tweed ; Corporation of 
Bridgwater ; Cambridge Colleges, viz., 
Downing, Sidney ; Parish of 
r;heddar ; Corporation of Kingston-on- 
Thames ; County of Somerset ; Stony- 
lurst College; Corporation of Totnes ; 
City of Wells ; Dean and Chapter of 
Wells ; Vicars Choral of Wells ; Dr. 
Williams' Library. 

Scotland. Duke of Montrose ; Marquis of 
Bute ; Earl of Seafield ; Earl of Glasgow ; 
Lord Rollo ; Sir A. Edmonstone, ]>art. ; 
Sir P. K. Murray, Bart. ; James Dundas ; 
Robert Dundas ; Lieut. -Col. W. Ross King ; 
C. H. D. Moray ; John Webster ; E. G. E. 
Wemyss ; Glasgow University. 

Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; Earl of 
Granard ; Historical Memoirs of the 
Geraldine Earls of Desmond ; Pailiamen- 
tai-y History of Ireland, by Hugh Howard ; 
Black Book of Limerick ; Chief Baron 
Willes' Memoranda on Ireland. 

C. 673 



Appendix I — continued. 

1873 Fourth Report, with Appendix. Part I. ... C. 857 
England and Wales. House of Lords 
(Archbishop Laud's Visitations) ; House 
of Lords (John Durye's Mission) ; House 
of Lords (Depositions, &c., relating to the 
" Incident ") ; Westminster Abbe.y ; Mar- ' 
quis of Salisbury ; Marquis oi Bath ; 
Marquis of Hertford ; Earl of Denbigh ; 
Earl De la Warr ; Lord de Eos ; Lord 
Bagot : Lord Colchester ; Lord Mostyn ; 
Lord Fitzhardinge ; Sir Juhn Lawson, 
Bart. : W. Beaumont ; Lieut.-Col. Carew ; j 
J. R. Pine-Coffin ; J. R. Ormsby Gore ; j 
Col. Macaulay ; M. Ridgway ; J. J. Rogers ; 
Col. Towneley ; G. F. Wilbraham ; Cam- 
bridge Colleges, viz., Emmanuel, St. 
Catharine's ; Cinque Ports ; Parish of Hart- 
land ; Corporation of Hythe ; Corporation 
of New Romney ; Oxford Colleges, viz., ' 
Balliol, Queen's, Magdalen, St. John's ; 
Parish of Parkham. 
Scotland. Duke of Argyll ; Countess of 
Rothes ; Marquis of Breadalbane ; Earl of 
Kinnoul ; Earl of Fife ; Earl of Selkirk ; 
Lord Wharncliflfe ; Lord Monboddo ; Hon. 
Mrs. Erskine-Murray ; Sir M. R. S. 
Stewart, Bart. ; James Buchan ; C. Dal- 
rymple ; Col. Farquharson ; Col. McDouall ; 
Col. Rattray ; A. Wauchope ; Burgh of 
Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; Viscount 
Gormanston ; Sir R. O'Donnell, Bart. ; 
Trinity College, Dublin ; College of Irish 
Franciscans (Louvain) Dublin. 

1873 Ditto. Part IL Index C. 857-i 

1876 Fifth Report, with Appendix. Part I. ... C. 1432 

England and Wales. House of Lords ; 
House of Lords (Protestations) ; Duke of j 
Sunderland ; Maiquis of Lansdowne ; I 
Marquis of Salisbury ; Marquis of Ripon ; \ 
Lord Hatherton ; Sir Edmund Lechmere, 
Bart. ; Sir John Mary on Wilson, Bart. ; 
Sir John Lawson, Bart. ; Sir Henry Mild- 
may, Bart. ; Sir Alexander Malet, Bart. ; 
Sir Gerald Fitzgerald, Bart. ; Lewis 
Majendie ; Rev. H. T. Ellacombe ; W. C. 
Strickland ; Reginald Cholmondeley ; 
Stanhope Grove ; Evelyn P. Shirley ; 
J. R. Pine-Coffin; Rev.' Edmund Field; 
A. C. Ramyard ; Miss Conway Griffith ; 
R. W. Prideaux ; Dean and Chapter of 
Canterbury; Roman Catholic (!liapter of 
London ; Cardinal Arclibislidp Manning ; 
Oxford Colleges, viz., Univeraity, Wadham ; 

s. d. 

6 8 

2 G 


Appendix I — rout in /'>■(/. 

Fifth Report, &c. — cont. 

England and Wales — co/tf. 

Cambridge Colleges, viz., Magdalene, 
Pembroke ; Corporation of Rye ; (, or- 
poration of Lydd ; Corporation of New 
Romney ; Borough of High Wycombe ; 
Corporation of St. Albans ; Corporation 
of Sandwich ; Parish of Hartlaud ; Cor- 
poration of Weymouth and Melcombe 
Regis ; Corporation of Weymouth aud 
Melcombe Regis (Mr. Sherren's Collection) ; 
Corporation of Folkestone : Parish of 
Mendlesham ; Parish of Alwington ; Cor- 
poration of Dartmouth ; Corporation of 
Scotland. Marquis of Ailsa ; Marquis of 
Bute ; Earl of Aberdeen ; Earl of Lauder- 
dale ; Earl Wharncliffe ; Lord Kinnaird ; 
Sir John Bethune, Bart. ; Sir William 
Forbes, Bart. ; Mrs. Barclay-AUardice ; 
A. D. R. Baiilie Cochrane ; A. J. W. H. K. 
Erskine ; W. Cosmo Gordon ; Miss M. E. 
Stirling ; Mr. and Mrs. Maxwell Witham ; 
Roval Burgh of Perth. 

1876 Fifth Report. Part IL Index 

1877 Sixth Report, with Appendix. Part I. 

England. House of Lords ; Duke of 
Northumberland ; Mai'quis of Exeter ; 
Marquis of Lansdowne ; Marquis of j 
Ripon ; Marquis of Salisbury ; Earl of 
Denbigh ; Lord Lecontield ; Sir Frederick 
Graham, Bart. ; Sir Reginald Graham, ' 
Bart. ; Sir A. Acland-Hood, Bart. ; Sir j 
Henry Ingilby, Bart. ; Sir Edward ' 
Strachey, Bart. ; Sir George W. Dasent ; j 
F. Brumell ; P. B. Davies Cooke ; Miss 
Ffarington ; F. Bacon Fiank ; P. Wyke- 
ham-Martin ; T. Stamford Ratties ; Cor- 
poration of Bridport ; Black Book of the [ 
Archdeacon of Canterbury ; Carisbrooke ' 
Registers ; Corporation of Faversham ; ! 
St. Bartholomew's Hospital, Hythe ; | 
Lambeth Palace ; Corporation of Launces- j 
ton ; Corporation of Morpeth ; Court 
Books of the Corporation of New Romney ; 
Oxford Colleges, viz., Merton, Pembroke, 
Queen's (God's House at Southampton 
Records) ; Corporation of Tenterden ; | 
Corporation of Wallingford ; Corporation : 
of Winchester. ! 

C. 1432- 

C. 1745 

I. d. 

3 6 

8 6 


Appendix I — continued. 





Sixth Eeport, &c. — cont. 

Scotland. Duke of Argyll : Earl of 
Moray ; Lord Monboddo ; Sir William 
Gordon Gordon Cuniming, Bait. ; Sir 
Robert Menzies, Bart. ; Family of Car- 
ruthers of Holmains ; H. Mackay Gordon ; 
King James' Hospital of Perth ; George 
Ireland. Marquis of Oiuuonde. 

Sixth Report. Part II. Index 

Seventh Report, with Appendix. Part I. .. 
House of Lords : Marquis of Salisbury ; 
Earl of Denbigh ; Earl of Egmont ; Lord 
Sackville ; Sir Frederick Graham, Bart. ; 
Sir Alexander Malet, Bart. ; Sir Harry 
Verney, Bart. ; Ayscough Fawkes ; G. H. 
Finch ; G. E. Frere ; G. Alan Lowndes ; 
Capt. St. John Mildniay ; W. More 
Molyneux ; Sidney E. E. Bouverie-Pusey ; 
Rev. Thos. Webb ; County of Somerset. 

Ditto. Part II. with Appendix and Index .. 
Duke of Athole ; Earl of Southesk ; James 
Douglas of Cavers ; T. Fenton Living- 
stone ; W. Oliver Rutherford ; Marquis of 

Eighth Report, with Appendix and Index. 
Part I 

{Reissv^d as Stationery Office publications.) 
Report and Appendix, Part I., Section I. 
1907. 8vo. :— 
Duke of Marlborough ; Earl of Ports- 
mouth ; Earl of Jersey ; House of Lords ; 
Lord Emly ; Ralph Bankes ; Geo. Wing- 
field Digliy ; Royal Coljege of Physicians ; 
Corporation of Trinity House. 
Ap])endix, Part I., Section II. 1908. 8vo. : — 
Magdalen College, Oxford ; Corporation of 
Pontefract ; Lord Braybrooke ; Viscount 
Arbuthnott ; Earl of Glasgow ; Miss 
Hamilton, of Barns and Cochno ; Alex. C. 
Stuart, of Eaglescai'nie ; Dean and Chap- 
ter of Canterljury ; Corporations of Ches- 
tei- and Leicester ; The O'Conor Don ; 
Loid Talbot de Malahide ; Marquis of 
Appendix, Part I., Section 111. 1909. 8vo.:— 
Earl of Denbigh ; Trinity College, Dublin ; 
Ewelme Almshouse ; Queen Anne's 
Bounty ; Edw. Hailstone ; Church of St. 
Andrew, Worcester ; Bishop Bubwith's 
Almshouses, Wells ; Derry Diocesan 
Library ; G. H. Finch ; and Index. 

s. d. 

C. 2102 

C. 2340 

1 10 
7 6 

C. 2340-i 

C. 3040 

3 6 

Out of 

4 6 


Ari'EXDiX I — contiiuuJ. 


No. of 


Report, Nanif of ( )\viilt df MSS., &(_•. 



*-. d. 


Eighth Eeport. Part II. Appexdix axd Index 

C. 3040-i 

Out of 

Duke of Manchester. 


{Reissued, as a Stativivrt/ OtH<'<' pvJdication, lOlC 

3 6 



Ditto. Part III. Appendix and Index 

C. 3040-ii 

Out of 

Earl of Ashburnhaiu. 



Ninth Report, with Appendix and Index. 

C. 3773 

5 2 


Part I. 

Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's ; Dean and 
Chapter of Canterbury ; Corporation of 
Canterbury ; Diocesan Registry of Carlisle ; 
Corporation of Carlisle ; Corporation of 
Barnstaple ; Ewelme Almshouse ; Cor- 
poration of Ipswich ; Corporation of Ply- 
mouth ; Wardens of Rochester Bridge ; 
Corporation of Rochester ; Corporation of 
Stratford - upon - Avon ; Corporation of 
Wisbech ; Corporation of Great Yar- 
mouth ; West Riding of Yorkshire ; North 
Riding of Yorkshire ; Eton College ; 
Hunstanton Vicarage. 


Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index 

C. 3773-i 

6 3 


House of Lords ; Marquis of Ormonde ; 
Lord Elphinstone ; Sir R. A. 0. Dalyell, 
Bart. ; Sir Archibald Grant, Bart. ; 
Hon. H. C. Maxwell Stuart ; Duke of 
Leinster ; Marquis of Drogheda ; Lord 
Macartney ; Rinuccini Memoirs ; Earl of 
Leicester "; Earl Manvers ; Earl of Pem- 
broke ; Chandos Pole Gell ; Earl of Devon ; 
Alfred Morrison ; Rev. W. Pyne and the 
Rev. A. J. Woodforde. 


Ditto. Part III. Appendix and Index 

C. 3773-ii 

Out of 

Mrs. Stopford Sackville. 

[Reisstied, 1904, revised and extended, as Cd. 


1 10 

1892. Svo.-] 


Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Mar- 


quis OF Salisbury, K.G. (or Cecil MSS.). 

Part I. 1306-1571 

C. 3777 

3 5 


Part 11. 1572-1582 

C. 5463 

3 5 


Part III. 1583-1589 

C. 5889-v 

2 1 


Part IV. 1590-1594 

C. 6823 

2 11 


Part V. 1594-1596 

C. 7574 

2 6 


Part VI. 1596 

C. 7884 

2 8 


Part VIL 1597 

C. 9246 

2 8 


Part VIII. 1598 

C. 9467 

2 8 


Part IX. 1599 

C. 928 

2 3 


Part X. 1600 

C. 2052 

2 3 


Part XI. 1601 

C. 3134 

2 10 


Part XII. 1602 

C. 5291 

3 3 


Part XIII. Addenda Part 1. (— Eliz.; 

C. 7842 


Appendix I — continued. 



Eeport, Name of Owner of MSS., 










Tenth Eeport 

(Reissued as a ."Stationer// Office publiradon, 
This is introductory to the following 
Appendices and Indexes : 

(1.) Earl of Eglinton, ; Sir J. S. Maxwell, 
Bart. ; C. S. H. JX Moray ; C. F. Weston 
Underwood ; G. W. Digby. 

(2.) The Family of Gawdy 

(3.) Wells Cathedral 

[Reisstied, as Vol. I., 1D07, revised and e.rtended, 
as Cd. 2810 ^^ 

(4.) Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart, 
of AUtyrodin ; Nevil Story Maskelyne ; 
Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throckmorton ; 
Sir P. T. Mainwaring ; Misses Boycott, of 
Hereford ; Lord Muncaster ; Capt. J. F. 
Bagot ; George Browne, of Troutbeck ; 
Earl of Kilmorey ; Stanley Leighton ; 
Earl of Powis ; R Jaspar More ; W. F. 
Plowden ; Alfred Salwey ; J. L. Parkin- 
son ; Rev. John Walcot ; E. Lloyd Gatacre ; 
S. Zachary Lloyd ; Rev. f . S. Hill, 
Rector of Thorington ; Rev C. R. 
Manning, Rector of Diss ; Rev. W. H. 
Sewell, Vicar of Yaxley ; Corporations of 
Bishop's Castle, Kendal, Weulock, Bridg- 
north, Eye, Plymouth ; County of Essex ; 
Stonyhurst College. 
[Reissued as a Stationery Office prihlication, 

(5.) Marquis of Ormonde ; Earl of Fingall ; 
Corporations of Galway and Waterford ; 
Sees of Dublin and Ossory ; the Jesuits in 

(6.) Marquis of Abergavenny ; Lord Braye ; 
G. F. Luttrell; P. P. Bouverie; W. Bromley 
Davenport ; B. R. T. Balfour. 

Eleventh Report ... 

This is introductory to the following 
Appendices and Indexes : 

(1.) H. D. Skrine ; Salvetti Correspondence .. 

(2.) House of Lords, 1678-1688 

(3.) Corporations of Southampton and King's 

(4.) Marquis Townshend 

(5.) Earl of Dartmouth 

(6.) Duke of Hamilton 

(7.) Duke of Leeds ; Marchioness of Water- 
ford ; Lord Hothfield ; Francis Darwin of 
Creskeld ; Hamon Le Strange, of Hunstan- 
ton Hall ; A. W. Saville, of Rutford 
Abbey; Bridgwater Trust Office ; Reading 
Corporation ; Inner Temple Library. 

No. of 
Paper . 

C. 4548 

C. 4575 

C. 4576-iii 
0. 5476-ii 

C. 4576 

C. 4576-i 

C. 5242 

C. 5060-vi 

C. 5060 
C. 6060-i 
C. 5060-ii 

C. 5060-iii 

C. 5060-iv 

C. 5060-v 

C. 5612 


Appendix I — continued. 

Date 1 


Eepol•^, Name of Owner of MSS., &c. 

No. of 


s. d. 


Twelfth Report 

This is introductory to the following 
Appendices and Indexes : 

C. 5889 



(1.) Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at Mel- 
bourne Hall, Derby) Vol. I. 

C. 5472 

2 7 


(2.) „ „ Vol.11 

C. 5613 

2 5 


(3.) „ „ Vol. Ill 

C. 5889-i 

1 4 


(4.) Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. I. 

C. 5614 

Out of 


{Reissued as a Stationery OMce publication.) 



(5.) Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. II. 

C. 5889-ii 



(6.) House of Lords, 1689-1690 

C. 5889-iii 

2 1 


(7.) S. H. le Fleming, of Rvdal 

C. 5889-iv 

1 11 


(8.) Duke of Athole, K.T. ;' Earl of Home ... 

C. 6338 



(9.) Duke of Beaufort ; Earl of Donough- 
more ; J. H. Gurnev ; W. W. B. Hulton ; 
R. W. Ketton ; G. A. Aitken ; P. V. 
Smith ; Bishop of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, 
Gloucester, Lincoln, and Peterborough ; 
Corporations of Gloucester, Higham 
Ferrars, and Newark ; Southwell Minster ; 
Lincoln District Registry. 

C. 6338-i 

2 6 


(10.) First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. 

C. 6338-ii 

1 11 


Thirteenth Report 

This is introductory to the following 
Appendices and Indexes : 

C. 6827 



(1.) Duke of Portland. Vol.1 

C. 6474 



(2.) „ „ Vol. II 

C. 6827-i 

2 6 


(3.) J. B. Fortescue, of Dropmore, Vol. I. ... 

C. 6660 

■2 7 


(4.) Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and 
Hereford ; Captain F. C. Loder-Symonds ; 
E. R. Wodehouse ; J. Dovaston ; Sir T. B. 
Lennard, Bart. ; Rev. W. D. Macray ; Earl 
of Dartmouth (Supplementary Report). 

C. 6810 

2 4 


(.5.) House of Lords, 1690-1691 

C. 6822 

2 4 


(6.) Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. ; the Delaval 
Family, of Seaton Delaval ; Earl of 
Ancaster ; General Lyttelton-Anneslev. 

C. 7166 

1 4 


(7.) Earl of Lonsdale 

C. 7241 

1 3 


(8.) First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. IL 

C. 7424 

1 11 


Fourteenth Report 

This is introductory to the following 
Appendices and Indexes : 

C. 7983 



(1.) Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. III. 

C. 7476 

1 11 


(2.) Duke of Portland. Vol. III. (Harlev 
MSS. i.). 

C. 7569 

2 8 


(3.) Duke of Roxburghe ; Sir H. H. Camp- 
bell, Bart. ; Earl of Strathmore ; Countess 
Dowager of Seafield. 

C. 7570 

1 2 


(4.) Lord Kenyon 

C. 7571 

2 10 


(.5.) J. B. Fortescue, of Dropmore. Vol. II. ... 

C. 7572 

2 8 

Appendix I — continued. 



Report, Name of Owner uf MSS., &c. 

No. of 


s. d. 

Fourteenth Report — coat. 

Appendices and Indexes— co?;;'. 


(6.) House of Lords, 1692-93 

Mamiscripts of the Home of Lords, 1003-1605 

Vol. I. (A'ew Series). See ILL. Ao. (5) of 

1900. Price 2s. M 
Ditto. 1695-1697. Vol. IL. See H.L. No. (IS) 

of 1903. Price 2s. 9d. 
Ditto. 1697-1699. Vol. ILL See H.L. 

No. (1 75) of 1 905. Price 2s. 
Ditto. 1699-1702. Vol. LV. See H.L. 

No. (7) of 1908. Price 2s. 9d. 
Ditto. 1702-1704. Vol. V. See H.L. 

No. (62) of 1910. Price 2s. Sd. 
Ditto. 1704-1706. Vol. VI. See H.L. 

No. (142) of 1912. Price 2s. Id. 

C. 7573 

1 11 


(7.) Marquis of Ormonde 

C. 7678 

1 10 


(8.) Corpoi-ations of Lincoln, Bury St. Ed- 
munds, Hertford, and Great Grimsby ; 
Dean and Chapter of Worcester, and of 
Lichfield ; Bishop's Registry of Worcester. 

C. 7881 

1 5 


(9.) Earl of Buckinghamshire ; Earl of 
Lindsey ; Earl of Onslow ; Lord Emly ; 
T. J. Hare ; J. Round. 

C. 7882 

2 6 


(10.) Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. II. (American 

C. 7883 

2 9 


Fifteenth Report 

This is introductory to the following 

C. 9295 



Appendices and Indexes : 


(1.) Earl of Dartmouth. Vol.111 

C. 8156 

1 5 


(2.) J. Eliot Hodgkin 

C. 8327 

1 8 


(3.) Royal Irish Academy of the gift of 
Charles Haliday, of Dublin (Acts of the 
Privy Council in Ireland, 1556-1571) ; Sir 
William Ussher's Table to the Council 
Book ; Table to the Red Council Book. 

C. 8364 

1 4 


(4.) Duke of Portland. Vol. IV. (Harley 
MSS. ii.). 

C. 8497 

2 11 


(5.) Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe 

C. 8550 



(6.) Earl of Carli.sle 

C. 8551 

a 6 


(7.) Duke of Somerset ; Marquis of Ailes- 
bury ; Sir F. G. Puleston, Bart. 

C. 8552 

1 9 


(8.) Duke of Buccleuch and Qucensberry, at 
Drumlanrig Castle. Vol. 1. 

C. 8553 

1 4 


(9.) J. J. Hope Johnstone, of Annandale ... 

C. 8554 



(10.) (Corporations of Shrewsbury and 
Coventry ; Sir W. 0. Corbet, Bart. ; 
Elar of Radnor; P. E. Tiilard ; J. R. 
Carr-Ellison ; Andrew Kingsmill. 

C. 9472 


Ari'ENDix I — (vntinunL 


Hfp.ut, Xaim- of Uwiier of MSS., &«•. 

No. of 



Maxuscripts in the Welsh Language : 




Vol. I. Lord Mostvu, at Mostvii Hall 

C. 8829 




Vol. L Part IL— Peniarth .'. 

C. 9468 




Vol. L Part III.— Ditto 

C. 2443 



Vol. II. Part 1. Jesus College, Oxford ; 

C. 1100 



Free Library, Cardiff ; Havod ; Wrexham : 

Llanwrin ; Merthyr ; Aberdar. 


Vol. II. Part II. Plas Llan Stephan ; Free 

C. 1692 



Library, Carditt". 


Vol. II. 'Part III. Panton ; Cwrtmawr ... 

C. 2444 



Vol.11. Part IV. British Museum 

C. 5353 



Duke of Buecleuch and Queensberrv, at Monta^'i: 

C. 9244 



House, Whitehall. Vol. I. 


Vol. II. (Part L) 

C. 930 




Vol. IL (Part 11.) 

C. 930-1 




„ „ At Drumlam-ig Castle. Vol.11. 

C. 1827 




Marquess of Ormonde, K.P., at Kilkenny Castle. 

C. 9245 


Vol. IL 


Index to Vols. I. and II. . . 

C 4774 



„ „ New Series, Vol. I 

C. 929 




Vol. IL 

C. 1691 




Vol. III. 

1 G 1963 



Vol. IV. 

1 C. 3008 



Vol. V. 

C. 4116 




Vol. VI. 

C. 5288 




Vol. VIL 

, C. G255 




Mrs. .Stopford-Sackville, Vol. I 

C. 1892 




„ „ Vol. II 

C, 5038 




Duke of Portland. Vol. V. (Harley MSS. iii.)... 

C. 9466 




„ Vol. VI. (Harley MSS iy., with Index to 

C. 676 



Harley MSS.). 


Vol. VII 

C. 783 




Vol. VIII 

C. 3475 




J. M. Heathcote 

j C. 9469 




J. B. Fortescue, of Dropmore, Vol. Ill 

C. 9470 




Vol. IV 

1 C. 2233 




Vol. V 

i C. 2211 




Vol. VI 

! C. 3670 




Vol. VII 

C. 5290 




Vol. VIII 

C. 5732 




Vol. IX 

C. 7105 




F. W. Leyborne-Popham 

C. 9471 




Mrs. Frankland-Russell-A.stley 

C. 282 



Lord Montagu of Beaulieu ...' 

C. 283 




Beverley Corporation 

C. 284 



■ Report on Various Collections. Vol I. 

C. 784 


Corporations of Berwick-on-Tweed, Bur- 

ford and Lostwithiel ; Counties of Wilts 

and Worcester ; Bishop of Chichester ; 

Deans and Chapters of Chichester, Canter- 

bury and Salisbury. 


Report on Various Collections. Vol.11. 

C. 932 



Sir George Wombwell ; Duke of Norfolk ; 

Lord Edmund Talbot (the Shrewsbury 

Papers) ; Miss Buxton ; Mrs. Harford ; 

Mrs. Wentworth, of WooUey. 

(B1720— Gp. 5) 


Appendix I — continned. 














Report on Various Collectious. Vol. HI. 
T. B. Clarke-Thornhill ; Sir T. Bariett- 
Lennard, Bart. ; R. Pelhaiu ; W. Papillon ; 
W. Cleverley Alexander. 
Report on Various Collections. Vol. IV. 
Bishop of Salisbury ; Bishop of Exeter ; 
Dejin and Chapter of Exeter ; Earl of 
Leicester ; Sir W. Clayton, Bart. ; Major 
Money-Kyrle ; F. H. T. Jervoise ; Glem- 
ham Hall ; Corporations of Salisbury, 
Orford, and Aldeburgh. 
Report on Various Collections. Vol. V. 

Colonel Mordaunt Hay, of Duns Castle ; Sir 
Archibald Edmonstone, of Duntreath ; 
Sir John Graham, of Fintry, K.C.M.G. 
Report on Various Collections. Vol. VI. 

Miss M. Eyre Matcham ; Captain H. V. 
Knox ; C. Wykeham-Martin ; K. B. 
Tighe ; Lord Oranraore and Browne. 
Report on Various Collections. Vol. VII. 
Bishop of London ; St. George's Chapel, 
Windsor ; Corporations of Beccles, Dun- 
wich, Southwold, and Thetford ; Duke of 
Norfolk : Earl of Essex ; Sir Hervey 
Bruce: Col. Frewen ; H. C. Staunton; 
F. Mertfceus. 
Report on Various Collections. Vol. VIII. ... 
Hon. Frederick Lindley Wood ; M. L. S. 
Clements ; S. Philip Unwin. 
The Stuart Manuscripts at Windsor Castle, belong- 

ing to His Majesty the King. 

Colonel David Milne-Home, 

Castle, N.B. 
Marquess of Bath, at Longleat, 

Vol. I. 
Vol. II. 

Vol. in. 

Vol. IV. 
Vol. V. 
Vol. VI. 
)f Weddeibui 

Vol. I 

Vol. II 

;; ;; „ voi. nr. 

(Prior Papers.) 
American Mauu.scripts in the Royal Institution of 
Great Britain. Vol. I. 


Vol. Ill 

Vol. IV 

SiXTEKNTii Report (containing a list of the 
owners of Manuscripts upon whose collections 
Reports have Ijcen made to July, 1904). 

Earl of Mar and Kellie, at Alloa" House, N.B. ... 

Lady Du Cane... 

C. 1964 

C. 3218 

C. 6639 

C. 927 

C. 2189 
C. 3430 
C. 5046 
C. 6163 
C. 7104 
C. 931 

C. 2201 

1 6 

C. 4600 1 4 

C. 4382 I 2 3 

C. 6722 I 2 4 

C. 2209 

C. 2190 
G 2367 

2 9 

2 11 

2 9 
2 10 

2 9 

3 1 
3 9 
1 4 

C. 2048 1 9 

C. 3474 1 

C. 3849 1 2 5 

C. 2897 i 2 6 
C. 3669 i 1 11 
C. 4773 ! 2 3 


2 7 
2 6 


Al'l'EXltlX I — iuiiitliiiiril. 



Eei).)it, Name of Owner of MS.S., &L-. 


0. of 





Maniness,,f Lntliiaii, at lilicklin.^ Hall 



,s-. ,1. 


Earl (if Emiiont. V(,l. 1. |>art' I 



1 8 


Vol. ]. Part II 



1 9 


Vol. 11 



1 3 


Duke of Kuthuul. Vol. IV 



2 9 


Earl of Verulaiii 



1 4 


EraiK'iscau ]\I>SS. at the Convent, Merchants' 
Quav, Dublin. 



1 4 


Dean and Chapter of Wells. Vol.1 



2 11 


Vol. II 



3 10 


Earl of Anoaster, at Grimsthorpe 




Sevextkexth Eeport (containing a list of the 
owners of Manuscripts upon whose collections 
Reports have been made to June, 1907). 





Lord Polwarth. Vol. I 



2 11 





2 10 


Earl of Denbit^h. (Part V.) 



1 7 


Lord Middleton 





Pepys' MSS. at Magdalene College, Cambridge ... 



1 7 


Allan George Finch. Vol.1. 



2 8 


Laing MSS. in the Universitv of Edinburgh. 
Vol. L 



2 6 


City of Exeter 



2 3 


Guide to the Reports on collections of Manuscripts 
issued by the Royal Commissioners for His- 
torical Manuscripts. Part I. — Topographical. 




(JU720— (.Ip. 5) 




Abercairiiy, Crieff, Perthshire, MSS. at. See Moray, C. Stirliiig- 

Aberdar MSS. See Welsh MSS., Vol. II., Part I. 
Aberdeen, Burgh of. First Report, xii. ; and App., 121-123. 

University of. Second Pveport, xix. ; and App., 199-201. 

Aberdeen, Earl of. Fifth Pteport, xix. ; and App. 608-610. 
Aberdona, Clackmannanshire, ]\ISS. at. Sec Erskine-Murray, Hon. 

Mrs. Isabella. 
Abergavenny, Marquess of [18th cent.]. Tenth Pteport, 23-25 ; and 

App. VI., 1-72. 
Abergeldie, Aberdeen, MSS. at. See Gordon, Mr. Hugh Mackay. 
Abingdon, co. Berks, Corporation of. First Pteport, App., 98 ; Second 

Peport, XV. ; and App., 149-150. 

Hospital of Christ at. First Peport, App., 98. 

Aboyne Castle, Aberdeenshire, MSS. at. See Huntly, Marquess of. 
Acton Peynald, co. Salop, MSS. at. See Corbet, Sir W. 0., Bart. 
Ailesbury, Marquess of [I7th-18th cent.]. Fifteenth Report, 18-21 ; 

and App. VII., 152-306. 
Ailsa, Marquess of. Fifth Report, xix. ; and App., 613-617. 
Ainslie, Miss. Second Report, xii. ; and App., 68. 
Airlie, Earl of. Second Report, xvii. ; and App., 186-188. 
Aitken, Mr. C^. A. [18th cent.]. Twelfth Report, App. IX., 334-3-42. 
Aldeburgh, co. Suffolk, Corporation of. Seventeenth Report, 124, 125 

Various Collections, A^ol. IV., 279-312. 
Alexander, Mr. W. Cleverly [17th cent.]. Various Collections, Vol. 

IIL, 259-264. 
Allardice. See Barclay- Allardice. 
Alloa House, Clacknumnansliire, MSS. at. Sec Mar and Kellie, 

Earl of. 
Alltyrodyn, Llandyssil, C(j. Cardigan, MSS. at. Sec Stewart, Captain 

Almack, Mr. Richard. First Report, x. ; and App., 55. 
Alnwick Castle, co. Northumberland, MSS. at. See N"orthuml)erland, 

Duke of. 
Alwington, North Devon, Churcli IJooks of tlie Parish of. Fifth 

Report, xvi. ; and App., 597. 
American MSS. in tlie Royal Institution of Great Britain. Seventeenth 

Report, 103-109; and Vol. I., 1747-1779; Vol. II., 1779-1782; 

Vol. III., duly 1782-Marcli 1783 ; Vol. IV., April-Nov., 1783. 

Names of Owners of Manuscuii'Ts, ^^-c. — continued. 309 

Amherst, Lord. CorrespoiuUnice. .SVf Aiuerican MSS. in the Royal 

Institution, ^'ols. I and II. 
Ampleforth, near Gilling, co. York, ]\ISS. in the Lil)rary of 

St. Lawrence's ColIe_i;-e. Second Report, xiii. ; and A}»p., 109. 
Ancaster, Earl of [IGth-LSth cent.]. Thirteenth Report, 31 ; and 

App.VL, 203-1^)1. Seventeenth Report, 41-54; and one Vol. (1907). 
Anglesey, Earl of. Correspondence [17th cent.]. Scr Lecontield, 

Diary [17 th cent.]. See Lyttelton-Annesley, Lieut. - 

Annandale, AVilliani first ]Mar4uess of. Correspondence, 1G90-1715. 

See Hope-Johnstone, Mi'. J. J. 
Anne (Queen). Papers relating to. Ser Stuart Papers [Vol. [.]. 
Anne's (Queen) Bounty, MSS. in the possession of the Governors of. 

Eighth Report, 632-635. 
Annesley. See Lyttelton-Annesley. 

Ansford, co. Somerset, MSS. at. Ser Woodforde, Rev. A. J. 
Antrobus, Mr. J. C. Second Report, xi. ; and App., 69. 
Apethorpe, qo. Northampton, MSS. at. Sn: Westmorland, Earl of. 
Arbuthnott, John, Viscount. Eighth Report, xvii. ; and App., 

Ardoch, co. Perth, MSS. at. Sfc Moray, Mr. C. Stirling-Home- 

Areley Hall, near Stourport, co. Worcester, ]\ISS. at. See Lloyd, 

Mr. S. Zachary. 
Argyle, John Campbell, Duke of. See Stuart Papers [A'ols. I.-VI.]. 
Argyll, Duke of [14th-18th cent.]. Fourth Report, xix. ; and App., 

470-492. Sixth Report, xvi. ; and App., 606-634. 
Argyll family letters [17th cent.]. See Menzies, Sir Robert, Part. 
Ariey Hall, co. Chester, MSS. at. See Egerton-Warburton, Mr. R. E. 
Arlington Letters. See Buccleuch and Queensberry, Duke of (at 

Montagu House, Whitehall. Vol. I.). 
Arniston, Gore bridge, Midlothian, MSS. at. See Dundas, ]\Ir. Robert. 
Arran, Richard Butler, Earl of. Correspondence. See Ormonde, 

Marquess of [N.S., Vol. IV.]. 
Arundel College, co. Sussex, Revenue Account-Rolls of, 1383-1 ">41 

See Norfolk, Duke of. 
Arundell, Lord, of Wardour. Second Report, xii. ; and App., 33-36. 
Ashburnham, Earl of. Eighth Report, App. III., 1-127. 
Ashfield Lodge, Cootehill, co. Cavan. MSS. at. See Clements, Mr, 

M. L. S. 
Astle, Thomas, MSS. of. See Ashburnham, Earl of. 
Astley. See Frankland-Russell-Astley. 
Athole, Duke of [15th-18th cent.]. Seventh Report, xv. ; and App., 

703-716. Twelfth Report, 48-51 ; and App. VIII., 1-75. 
Athole, Earl of. Correspondence [17th cent.]. See Ros, Lord de. 
Atterltury, Francis, Bishop of Rochester. Correspondence, &c. Sec 

Stuart Papers [Vols. V., VI.]. 
Auchmacoy, co. Aberdeen, MSS. at. See Buchau, Mr. James. 
Audley End, Satfron Walden, co. Essex, MSS. at. Sec Braybrooke, Lord. 
Axbridge, co. Somerset, Corporation of. Tiiird Report, xx. ; and App., 


310 Names of Owners of Manuscripts, &c. — continued. 

Bacon family, Papers relatina to the. 8ce Wodehouse, Mr. E. E. 
Badminton, co. Gloucester, MSS. at. Sec Beaufort, Duke of. 
Baginton Hall, eo. Warwick, .MSS. at. See Davenport, ]\Ir. W. 

Bagot, Lord. Fourth Eeport, xiv. ; and x\pp., 325-344. 
Bagot, Captain Josceline F. Tenth Eeport, 16; and App. lY., 318- 

Baillie family. The. Sec Cochrane, Mr. A. D. E. liaillie. 
Baillie, Eobert. Correspondence [17th cent.]. Sec Eidgway, Mr. 

Baker, Mr. AV. E. [17th and 18th cent.]. Second Eeport, xi. ; and 

App., 69-72. 
Balcarres Papers. Sec Edinburgh.— Advocates' Library. 
Balfour, Mr. B. E. T. Tenth Eeport, 22 ; and App. VI., 252-258. 

Thirteenth Eeport, 56. 
Balfour, Sir James, Collection by. Sec Edinburgh.— Advocates' 

Balfour, Lieut.-Col. Nisbet. Correspondence. See American MSS. in 

the Eoyal Institution. Vol. II. 
Balmerino Papers, The. See Moray, Earl of. 
Bankes, Mr. Ealph. Eighth Eeport, xiii. ; and App., 208-213. 
Barclay-Allardice, Mrs. Fifth Eeport, xx. ; and App., 629-632. 
Barker Correspondence [17th cent.]. Sec Field, Eev. Edmund. 
Barns and Cochno, co. Dumbarton, MSS. at. Sec Hamilton, Miss. 
Barnstaple, co. Devon, Corporation of. Ninth Eeport, x. ; and Ai)p. 

L, 203-216. 
Barrington, Lord, Secretary (it War. Correspondence. ^SVr American 

MSS. in the Eoyal Institution. Vol. I. 
Barrington Hall, co. Essex, MSS. at. See Lowndes, Mr. C A. 
Basset" Down House, Swindon, co. Wihs, MSS. at. See Story- 

Maskelyne, Mr. Nevil. 
liath, Marquess of [17th and 18th cent.]. Third Eeport, xiii., xiv. ; 

and App., 180-202. Fourth Eeport, xi. ; and App., 227-251. 

Sixteenth Eei)ort, 56-59. Vol I. (1904). Seventeenth Eeport, 

35-45 ; and Vol. II. (1907). Vol. III. (Prior Papers), 1908. 
Bayfordbury, co. Hertford, MSS. at. See P>aker, Mr. W. E. 
Bayly, Mr, J. W. First Eeport, xii. ; and App., ] 28. 
Beale, liobert, Papers of. Sec Calthorpe, Lord. 
Beamont, Mr. William. Copies of papeis in the museum at AVarring- 

ton. Fourth Ee])ort, \v. ; and App., 368. 
Beaufort, Duke of [17th cent.]. Twelfth Eeport, 12; Aj.p. IX., 1- 

Beaulieu, co. Hants, ]\ISS. at. See Montiigu, Lord, of T'eaulicu. 
Beccles, Suffolk, Corporation of. Various Collections, A'ol. VII., 70-79. 
Bedford, Duke of. Second Eeport, ix. ; and App., 1-4. 
Bedingfeld, Sir Henry, Bart. [Hhh cent.]. Tliird Eeport, xvi. ; and 

App., 237-240. 
Belasyse family. Papers of the. See Wombwell, Sir George, Bart. 
Belasyse, John, Lord. A brief relation of his life and memoirs by his 

secretary, Joshua Moone. See Ormonde, Marrpiess of [New Series, 

Vol. 11.]. 
Belfast, MSS. at. See Macartney, George, Lord. 
Belhus, CO. Essex, MSS. at. Sec Lennard, Sir Thomas Barrett, Bart. 

Names of Owners of Manuscripts, &c. — continued. 31 1 

Belmont, co. Perth, MSS. at. Sre Whaniclifle, Eail of. 

Belvoir Castle, co. Leicester, MSS. at. Src Kutlaiul, Duke of. 

Beringtoii, Mr. C. M. Second lieport, xii. : and App., 7:^. 

Berkeley Castle, co. Gloucester, MSS. at. See Fit/havdinii,e, Lord. 

Berkeley, John. Lord. Coi'respondenct'. S<c lUiccleuch and Queens- 
berry, Duke of (at Montai^u Hou^e, Whitehall). \\A. IF. 

Berkeley, George, afterwards Dean (jf Dcrry and Ihsho]) of Cloyne. 
Copies of Letters of. Src Egniont, Earl of. 

Bertie Papers. *SVc Ancaster, Earl of. 

Berwick, Duke of. Papers relating to. Sec Stuart Pa}»ins [Vols. 

Berwick-upon-Tweed, Corporation oh Third Peport, xxi. ; and 

Ap])., .'-)0(S, 309. Sixteenth Peport, 93. Various Collections, A'ol. 

1., 1-1>8. 

MSS. at. aSVc Ainslie, Miss. 

Bethune, Sir John, Bart. Fifth Peport, xxi. ; and App., 623-628. 
Beverley, co. York, Corporation of. Sixteenth Peport, 91-93, and 

one Vol. (1900). 
Biddulph. Sec Myddelton-Piddulph. 
Binns, The, co. Linlithgow, :\1SS. at. Sec Dalyell, Sir P. A. 0., 

Birch Hall, co. Essex, MSS. at. See Pound, Mr. James. 
Birr Castle, Parsonstown, King's County, MSS. at. Sec Posse, Earl 

Bishop's Castle, co. Salop, Corporation of. Tenth Picport, 18: and 

App. IV., 399-407. 
Bitterley Conrt, co. Salop, MSS. at. Sec AValcot, Pev. John. 
Blair Castle, Blair Athole, co. Perth, MSS. at. Sec Athole, Duke of. 
Blair-Drummond, co. Perth, MSS. at. See Moray, Mr. C. Stirling- 

Blairs, Ponian Catholic College of. Second Peport, xx. ; and App 

Blaithwayt, William. Correspondence. See Buccleuch and Queens- 
berry, Duke of (at Montagu House, WHiitehall), Vol. II. 
Blenheim, co. Oxford, MSS. at. See Marlborough, Duke of. 
Blickling Hall, Aylsham, co. Norfolk, MSS. at. See Lothian, Mar- 

Cjiiess of 
Blithtield Hall, co. Stafford, MSS. at. See Bagot, Lord. 
Blythburg, co. Suffolk, Augustinian Priory of. See Hill, Pev. T. S. 
Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount. Correspondence, &c. See 

Stuart Papers [Vols. I.-VI.]. 
Bolton Papers [17th ceut.]. See Bridgewater Trust Office, MSS. 

at the. 
Bolton Abbey, co. York, MSS. at. See Devonshire, Duke of 
Borden Wood, co. Hants, MSS. at. Sec Hare, Mr. Theodore J. 
Bouverie, Mr. Philip Pleydell [ICth and 17tli cent.]. Tenth Peport, 

22 ; and App. VI., 82-98. 
Bowtell (The) Collection of MSS. /SVe Cambridge. — Downing College. 
Boycott, Misses [17th cent.]. Tenth Peport, 4; and App. IV., 210- 

Boyle, Michael, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, ArchhisJiop uf JJuhlin. 

Correspondence. See Ormonde, Marquess of [New Series, Vol. IV.]. 
Boyle, Poger, Earl of Orrery. Correspondence. See Ditto. 

312 Names of Owners of Manuscripts, &c. — continued. 

Bradford .Earl of [18th cent.]. Second Keport, ix. ; and App., 30. 
Bradford, CO. York, MSS. at. Sec Unwin, Mr. S. Philip. 
Bradsliaw, Kichard. Letters [17th cent.]. Sec ffarington, Miss. 
Bramshill House, co. Hants, ]\ISS. at. Sec Cope, liev. Sir WilUam, 

Bravhrooke, Lord. Eighth Eeport, xii. ; and App., 277-296. 
Braye, Lord. Tenth Eeport, 21 : and App. VI., 104-252. 
Breadalbane MSS. Sec Jamieson, Mr. G. Auldjo, 
Brecliin Castle, co. Forfar, MSS. at. Sec Dalhousie, Earl of. 
Breretou Papers [IGth cent.]. Sec Bridgewater Trust Ohice, MSS. 

at the. 
Brickwall, Northiam, Sussex, MSS. at. See Frewen, Colonel. 
Bridgewater Trust Office, Walkden, co. Lancaster, MSS. at the. 

Eleventh Eeport, 24 ; and App. A^L, 126-167. 
Bridgnorth. Corporation of. Tenth Eeport, 20 ; and App. TV., 424- 

Bridgwater, co. Somerset, Corporation of. First Eeport, App., 99. 

Third Eeport, xix. : and App., 310-320. 
Bridlington Priory, co. York, Eegister, &c. See Ingilhy, Sir Henry, 

Bridport, co. Dorset, Corporation of. Sixth Eeport, App., 475- 

Bristol, Dean and Chapter of. First Eeport, App., 97. 
Cartulary of St. Augustine's Monastery. Sec Fitzhardinge, 

Brittas, Queen's County, MSS. at. See Dunne, Maj.-CTen. F. Plunket. 
Brogyntyn, co. Salop, MSS. at. See Ormsby-Gore, Mr. J. E. 
Brough Hall, co. York, MSS. at. See Lawson, Sir John, Bart. 
Browne MSS. [17th cent.]. Sec Braye, Lord. 
Browne, Mr. George. Tenth Eeport, 17 ; and App. IV., 347-358. 
Bruce, Sir Hervey Juckes Lloyd. Various Collections, Vol. VIL, 

247-296, 389-433. 
Brumell, Mr. F. Sixth Eeport, App., 538-540. 
Brunswick, Charles, Duke of. Correspondence. See Fortescue, 

Mr. J. B. [Vol. IV.]. 
Brymore, near I^ridgwater, co. Somerset, MSS. at. Sec Bouverie, 

Mr. P. Pleydell. 
Buccleuch and Queensberry, Duke of. MSS. at Drundanrig Castle 

[14th-17th cent.]. Fifteenth Eeport, 43, 44: and App. VIII. 

(Vol. I). Sixteenth Eeport, 117-122. Vol. II. (1903). 
MSS. at Montagu House, Whitehall [IGth-lSth cent.]. 

Sixteenth Ee])ort, 29-47. Vol. I. (1899), and Vol. II., parts I. and 

IL (1903). 
Buchan, Mr. James. Fourth Ee])ort, xxiii. ; and App., 528, 529. 
Buchanan Castle, co. Stirling, MSS. at. See Montrose, Duke of. 
Buckhurst, co. Sussex, MSS. at. See De-la-Warr, Earl. 
Buckie, Banffshire, MSS. at. First Eeport, App., 120. 
Buckingham Correspondence. See Moray, Mr. C. Stirling-Home- 

Buckingham, Earl of, MSS. of the. Sec As]d)urnham, Earl of. 
Buckingham, Marquess of. Corresi)ondence with Lord (Jrenville. 

See Fortescue, Mr. J. B. [Vols. IV.-IX.]. 
Buckinghamshire Papers (The). See Lothian, Marquess of (1905). 

Names of Owners of ^Iaxusckipts, &c. — continued. 3l:> 

Buckinghamshire, Earl of [ISth cent.]. Fuiirteentli J{e[)ort, 23-25; 

and App. IX., 1-154. 
Buckland House, Farinudon, eo. lieiks., :\ISS. at. So' Throckuiorton, 

Sir N. W. 
Bunbmy, Sir Charles, r>art. [17lli-l!Hh cent.]. Third Keport, xvi. ; 

and App., 240-242. 
Burford, co. Oxford, Corporation of. .Sixteenth Report, 94, 95 ; 

Various Collections, Vol. h, 29-64. 
Burghley House, near Stamford, eo. Xortluunpton, ]\ISS. at. Sec 

Exeter, Marquess of. 
Burgoyne, Lieut.-Oen. John, ('orrespondenee. Src American ]\ISS. 

in the lioyal Institutitui, Vol. I. 
Burley-on-the-Hill, co. Kutlaud, MSS. at. Srr Fincli, Mr. (r. H. and 

Mr. A. G. Finch. 
Burnett, Sir James Horn, Bart. Second Rei)ort, xix. ; and App., 197. 
Burton Manor, co. Stattbrd, MSS. at. Sec Whitgreave, Mr. Francis. 
Bury, CO. Suffolk, MSS. at. Sec Bunbury, Sir Charles, Bart. 
Bury St. Edmunds, Corporation of. Fourteenth Ee})ort, 41 ; and 

App. VIIL, 121-158. 
Bute, Marquess of [17th and 18th cent.]. Third Beport, xiii., xxii. ; 

and App., 202-209, 402, 40:1 Fifth Ptcport, xix.; and App., 617- 

Butler, James, 12tli Earl and 1st Marquess and Duke of Ormonde, 

Sec Egmont, Earl of [Vol. I. and II.]. 

," , 2nd Duke of Ormonde. Sec Stuart Pajjors [Vols. 

I.-VL] ; Underwood, Mr. C. Fleetwood Weston. 

Richard, Earl of Arran. Correspondence. *sV'' Ormonde, 

Marquess of [New Series, Vol. IV.]. 
Buttes family, PajDcrs relating to the. Sec Wodehouse, ^Ir. E. l\. 
Buxton, Miss [16th-18th cent.]. Sixteenth Report, 105-107 ; 

Various Collections, Vol. II., 227-288. 

Calder House, Midlothian, MSS. at. Sec Torphichen, Lord. 
Calthorpe, Lord. Second Report, x. ; and App., 39-46. 
Cambridge, Corporation of. First Report, App., 99. 

^Christ's College. First Report, App., 63. 

Clare College. Second Report, xiii.; and App., 110-116. 

Corpus Christ! College. First Report, App., 64-67. 

Downing College. — Th<:^ Bowtell Collection. Third Report, 

XX.: and App., 320-327, 
Emmanuel College. Fourth Report, xviii. ; and Ap[)., 417- 


-Gonville and Caius College. Second Rei)ort, xiv. : and 

App., 116-118. 

Jesus College. Second Report, xiv. ; and App., 118-121. 

— King's College. First Report, App., 67-69. 

Magdalene College. Fifth Report, xv. ; and App., 481-484. 

Pepys MSS. at, [16th and 17th cent.]. 

One Vol. (1911). 

Pemln-oke College. First Report, App., 69-72. Fifth 

Report, xvi. ; and App., 484-488. 
Queen's College. First Report, App., 72, 73. 

31-1 Xa.mes of Owners of Manuscripts, &c.—contimial. 

Cambvi(lji-e, St. Catherine's College. Fourth lieport, xvii. ; anci Ap})., 


St. John's College. First Eeport, App., 74-77. 

St. Peter's College. First Pieport, App., 77-82. 

Sidney Sussex Colleiie. Third .Ive})ort, xx. : and App., 327- 


Trinity College. First Keport, App., 82-80. 

Trinity Hall. Second Report, xiv. ; and App., 121-123. 

■ liegistry of the University. First Report, App., 73. 

Camoys, Lord. Second Report, xii. ; and App., 33. 

Campbell, Sir Hugh Hume, Bart. [14th-18th cent.]. Fourteenth 

Report, 47-49; and App. TIL, 56-173. 
Campsall Hall, co. York, MSS. at. Sec Frank, ]\Ir. F. Bacon. 
Canons Ashby, co. Xorthampton, AISS. at. Srr Dryden, Sir Heniy, 

Canterbury, Dean and Chapter of. Fifth Report, xii. ; and App., 

426-462. Eighth Report, xiv. : and App., 315-355. Ninth 

Report, viii. ; and App., I., 72-129. Sixteenth Report, 99, 100. 

Various Collections, Vol. L, 205-281. 

Black Book of the Archdeacon. Sixth Report, App., 498. 

Corporation of. Ninth Report, ix. ; and App., I., 129-177. 

Capel, Henry. Correspondence. See Buccleuch and Queensberry, 

IJuke of (at Montagu House, Whitehall), Vol. II. 
Capesthorne, co. Chester, MSS. at. See Daven})ort, ]\Ir. W. Bromley. 
Carbery Papers [17th cent.]. See Bridgewatei Trust Ofhce, IMSS. at 

the. ' 
Carberry Tower, Musselburgh,' co. Edinburgh, MSS. at. >SV(' Elph in- 
stone. Lord. 
Cardiff Free Library, Welsh documents at [formerly the Philipps 

MSS.]. See Welsh MSS., Vol. II., parts 1 and 2. 
Carew, Colonel. Second Report, xiii. ; and App., 74-76 ; and Fourth 

Report, XV. ; and App., 368-374. 
Carisbrooke, Isle of Wight. Registers of the Paiisli Church. Sixth 

Report, xiv. ; and App., 499. 
Carleton, Sir Guy, C'ominander-in.-Chi<f in Amei-iea. Correspondence. 

See American MSS. in the Royal Institution [Vols. II-IV.]. 
Carlisle, Earl of [17th-19th cent.]. Fifteenth Report, 27-30; and 

App., VI. 
Carlisle, Dean and Cliapter of. Second Re^jort, xiii.; and Ap})., 123- 

1 25. 

^Dioccsun Registry. Ninth Report, ix. ; and A})p., 177-197. 

^Cor])oration of. Ninth Report, ix. ; and Apo., I., 197-203. 

Carmarthen Pa})ers, [18th cent.]. See Leeds, Duke of 

Carr-Ellison, Mr. J. R. [18th cent.]. Fifte(>nth Rci-ort, 40, 41 : and 

App. X., 92-100. 
Carreglwyd, Anglesey, MSS. at. Sn^ Ciillith, Miss Conway. 
Carruthers of Holmains, MSS. of tlic family of. Ser iMurray, Mr. A. 

Carryll Papers. Sn Dilke, Sir Charles W., Bart. 
Carton, Maynooth, Ireland, MSS. at. See Leinster, Duke of. 
Cassiobury Park, Watford, MSS. at. Ser Essex, Earl of. 
Castle Forbes, co. Longford, MSS. at. Srr Granard, Earl of. 
Castle Hill, co. Devon, MSS. at. Sec Foilcscue, Earl. 

Names of Owners of ^Manuscimits. &c.—(viifi)n'cd. ."no 

Castle Howard, :\Ialt(in. en. York, MSS. at. Sn Carlisle, Earl of. 

Cathcart, Earl [l<Sth cmmH.]. Secon.l Ke))<)il, x : .uu\ A\)]x, 24-30. 

Caultield, .Mr. llicliard. First Ileport, xii. ; and A})]i.. 129. 

Cave MSS. ,%, Wvnyo, Lord. 

Caveiulish Papers. >SVv rorllaud, Duke of. 

Cavers, o. RDxhuroli, :MSS at. S,r Don-las, Mr. dames. 

Cawarden MSS. .sVc Molynenx-, Mi-. W. M. 

Cawdor, Earl of. Second Report, viii.. xvii. : and A])]*., ?>]. ]'.):\. 

Cecil MSS. Str Salisbury. Manpu'ss of. 

Chainbre Faniilv, Letters of llic. »sVr Lodcr-Svnionds, Cajitain 

F. C. 
Chandos-Pole-Gell, ]\Ir. Henry. Ninth Eejiort, xvii. : and A}^p. IT., 

Charleniout, Earl of [KStli cent.]. First Pieport, xii. : and App., 12G, 

127. Twelfth Report, 52 : and App. X. Thirteenth Rieport, 50 : 

and App. VIII. 
Charles I., at Oxford. His table and cellar l)ook, 1(343-4. >SVv Ormonde, 

Marquess of [New Series, A^ol. II.]. 
Charlton House, Kent, MSS. at. Set^ Wilson, Sir John ]\Iaryon. 

Charlton Mackerel and Pitnev, co. Somerset, ]\ISS. at. Xy Pvne,- 

Rev. W. 
Cheatle, Mr. T. H., MSS. of the Cori)oraticn of lUuford in bis 

possession. >Stv' Burford. 
Cheddar, co. Somerset, Parish of (1612-74). Third Report, xix. ;• 

and App., 329-331. 
Chelmsford Shire Hall, MSS. at. ^SV- Essex, Custos Kotulorum. 
Chequers Court, co. Buckingham, MSS. at. S<r Frankland-Russell- 

Astley, ]\Irs. 
Chester, Corporation of. Eiglith Report, xv. : and App., 355-403. 
Chevalier, Jean. " Journal et recueil des choses les plus remarcju- 

ables en I'isle de Jersey." Second Report, 158-105. 
Cheyne Papers [16th and 17th cent.]. Ser Biidgewater Trust Office, 

MSS. at the. 
Chichester, Bishop of. Sixteenth Report, 96. 97. Various 

Collections, Vol. I., 177-186. 
Dean and Chapter of. Sixteenth Report. 97-99. Various 

Collections, Vol. I., 187-204. 
Chichester, Earl of [18th cent.]. Third Report, xv. ; and App., 221- 

Chicksands, co. IJedford, ]\ISS. at. Sec Osborn, Sir (leorge, Bart. 
Chipping Wycombe. Sir Wycombe, Higli. 
Chirk Castle, co. Denbigh, :\ISS. at." S>e Myddelton-P.iddulph, 

Cholmondeley, Mr. Reginald. Fifth Iie})ort, x. : and Ap]"., .");'>3-360, 
Cinque Ports, MSS. of the. Fourth Report, App., 428. 
Clandon Park, co. Surrey, MSS. at. See Onslow, Karl of. 
Clarke Papers [17th aiid 18th cent.]. See Leyl>orne-Poi>liam, :\Ir. 

F. W. 
Clarke-Thornhill, Mr. T. B. [16th-17th cent.]. Sixteenth Report, 

112-116. Various Collections, Vol III., 1-154. 
Claverhouse Correspondence [1682-5]. So: Buecleuch and Queens- 
berry, Duke of (at Drumlanrig Castle). Vol. I. 

316 Names of Owners of Manuscripts, &c. — contimted. 

Claverton Manor, co. Somerset, MSS. at. See Skrine, Mr. H. I). 
Claydon House, co. Buckingham, MSS. at. See Yerney, Sir Harry, 

Clayton, Sir William, Bart. Seventeenth lieport, 130. Various 

Collections, Vol. IV., 326-341. 
Clements, Mr. M. L. S. Various Collections, Vol. A'lll., 196-568. 
Clitlbrd Correspondence [17th cent.]. See Hothfield, Lord. 
Clifton Hall, Nottingham, MSS. at. See Bruce, Sir H. J. L. 
Clinton, Sir Henry. Correspondence. See American MSS. in the 

Royal Institution [Vol. I.] ; Lothian, Marquess of (1905). 
Clive MSS. See Strachey, Sir Edward, Bart. 
Clonalis, co. Eoscommon, MSS. at. See O'Conor Don, The. 
Clyst St. Cleorge, co. Devon, MSS. at. See Ellacombe, Ptev. H. T. 
Cochrane, Mr. A. D. E. Baillie. Fifth Eeport, xx. ; and App., 632. 
Cottin, Mr. J. E. Pine. Fourth Eeport, xix. ; and App., 374-379. 

Fifth Eeport, xiv. ; and App., 370-386. 
Coke MSS. [16th-18th cent.]. See Cowper, Earl. 
Colchester, Lord. Third Eeport, xi. Fourth Eeport, xiv. ; and App., 

Collis, Mrs. Second Eeport, xiii. ; and App., 76, 77. 
Colzium, CO. Stirling, MSS. at. See Edmondstone, Sir Archibald, Bart. 
Condover Hall, co. Salop, MSS. at. See Cholmondeley, Mr. Eeginald. 
Coningshy Papers, The. See Webb, Eev. T. W. 
Cooke, Mr. P. B. Davies. Sixth Eeport, xv. ; and App., 418, 426. 
Cope, Eev. Sir AVilliam, Bart. Third Eeport, xvi. ; and App., 242- 

Corbet, Mr. Eichard. Second Eeport, ii. ; and App., 77. 
Corbet, Sir Walter 0., Bart. Fifteenth Eeport, 40 : and App. X., 60- 

Cork, Corporation of. First Eeport, App., 128. 
Cornwallis MSS. [18th cent.]. See Ijiaybrooke, Lord ; AVykeham- 

Martiii, Mr. Cornwallis. 
Cornwallis, Earl. Correspondence. See American ]\ISS. in the Eoyal 

Institution [Vol. II.]. 
Cortachy Castle, co. Forfar, MSS. at. Sec Airlie, Earl of. 
Cossey Hall, co. Norfolk, MSS. at. See Stafford, Lord. 
Coughton Court, near Eedditch, co. Warwick, MSS. at. See Throck- 
morton, Sir N. W., liart. 
Coventry, Earl of [17th cent.]. First Eeport, x. ; and App., 34. 
Coventry, Sir Henry, Seeretctrij of State. Corres])ondence. See 

Ormonde, Marrpiess of [New Series, Vol. IV.]. 
Coventry I'apers [17th cent.]. See Bath, Marquess of. 
Coventry, co. Warwick, Corporation of. First Eeport, Ai)p., 100-102. 

Fifteenth Eeport, 43 ; and A]))). X., 101-160. 
Cowper, Earl [16th-18th cent.]. Eleventh Eeport, 10. Twelfth 

Eeport, 34, 35 ; and A])])S. I-III. 
Cowper, Countess, and Baroness Lucas. Second Eei)ort, ix. ; and 

App., 4-9. 
Craighall, co. Perth, ]\fSS. at. See Eattray, Colonel James. 
Crathes Castle, co. Kincardine, MSS. at. See Jjurnett, Sir James 

Horn, Bart. 
Crawford, William, Earl of. Correspondence (1689-1698). See 

Hope-Johnstone, Mr. J. J. 

Names of Owners of MAXUsritii'Ts, ^^c. — continnaL '^\l 

Crawford and Balearres, Earl (if. K^eeoud lie])()rt, xvii. ; and App., 

181, 1S2. 
Crawtnrd l^'iorv, FitVshiiv, :\[SS. at. So' Clas^^niw, Karl of. 
Creskeld, co. York, :\ISS. at. See Darwin, Mr. Francis. 
Cressett, James. Currt'spoiideiico (1(J!);!-1703). Sec Macclesfield, 

Earl of. 
Crome Court, co. "Worcester, MSS. at. See Coveiitiy, I^arl of. 
Cromwell Tapers, See Euniont, Earl of [Vol.!.]; Treseott, ]^Irs. ; 

Webb, Eev. T. W. 
Crowconibe Court, co. Somerset, MSS. at. See Carow, Colonel. 
Cullen House, Banffshire, MSS. at. See Seatield, Earl of : Seafield 

Countess Dowager of. 
CumberLnul Correspondence [I7tli cent.]. See Hotlitield, Lord. 
Curnming, Sir W. (xordon Gordon, Bart. Sixth lte})ort, xix. ; and 

App., 681-688. 
Cutts MSS. [17th and 18tli cent.]. See Frankland-Bussell-Astley, Mrs. 

Dacre, The Lords, Possessions of (1200-1536). See Norfolk, Duke of. 
Dal housie, Earl of. First Keport, xii. ; and App., 117-119. Second 

Report, ix., xvii. ; and App., 186. 
Dalmahoy, Midlothian, MSS. at. See Morton, Earl of. 
Dalrymple, Mr. Charles [18th cent.]. Fourth Report, xxii. ; and 

App., 529-533. 
Dalyell, Sir R. A. Osborne, Bart. Ninth Report, xix.; A\)\). IL, 

Danby Papers [17t]i cent.]. ^sVc Leeds, Duke of; Lindsev, Earl of 

Hodgkin, Mr. J. Eliot. 
Dartmouth, Earl of [17th cent.]. Second Report, x. ; and App., 

[r7th-19th cent.]. Eleventh Report, 19-23; and App. V. 

Thirteenth Report, 32 ; and App. IV., 495-506. Fourteenth 

Report, 25-27 ; and App. X. (American Papers). Fifteenth Report, 

30-35 ; and App. I. 
Dartmouth, co. Devon, MSS. at. Sec Prideaux, ]\Ir. R. AV. 

Corporation of. Fifth Report, xvi. ; and Apj)., 597-603. 

Darwin, Mr. Francis. Eleventh Report, 23 ; and App. VIL, 90-93. 
Dasent, Sir G. Webbe. Sixth Report, xiii. ; and App., 407-418. 
Davenport, Mr. W. Bromley. Second Report, xi. ; and A])p., 78-81. 

Tenth Report, 20 ; and App. VL, 98-103. 
Davis, Sir Paul, Clerk of the Council of Ireland. Papeis and Letters. 

See Egmont, Earl of [Vol. I]. 
Delamere House, co. Chester, MSS. at. See Wilbraham, ]\Ir. G. F. 
Delaval Family, MSS. of the [17th and 18th cent.]. Tliirteenth 

Report, 47 ; and App. VL, 186-202. 
De la Warr, Earl [17th and 18th cent.]. Third Report, xv. ; and 

App., 217-220. Fourth Report, xiii; and Api>., 276-317. 
De LTsle and Dudley, Lord. Third Re])oit, xvi. ; and App., 227- 

Denbigh, Earl of [17th and 18th cent.]. Fourtli Re])ort, xvi. ; and 

App., 254-276. Sixth Report, xi ; and App.