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Public Law 601 

(Section 121, Subsection Q (2) ) 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 

MAY 10, 1948 

74481 WASHINGTON : 1948 

'!.. f tr f 


J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey, Chairman 

KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia 

JOHN Mcdowell, Pennsylvania JOHN E. RANKIN, Mississippi 


RICHARD B. VAIL, Illinois P. EDWARD HEBERT, Louisiana 

Robert E. Stripling, Chief Investigator 
Benjamin Mandbl, Director of Research 




Introduction -^ "ro"",' I 

Devotion to principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and btalin 5 

Basic Communist documents advocating force and violence: 

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels 10 

Vladimir I. Lenin 12 

Marxism and Uprising 20 

Joseph Stalin 29 

History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 35 

Communist International 43 

Lenin School 62 

Communist Party of the United States of America 65 

Denials and misconceptions 76 

Communist discipline 80 

The world Communist movement 83 

Resort to force and violence by foreign Communist Parties: 

State Department correspondence 86 

China - 88 

Greece 96 

Czechoslovakia 105 

H ungary 112 

Rumania 117 

Bulgaria 120 

Poland 123 

Yugoslavia 129 

Italy 133 

Miscellaneous countries 137 

Legal determinations as to the Communist Party and its advocacy of over- 
throw of Government by force and violence: 
Supreme Court decisions — 

The Schneiderman case 138 

The Bridges case 138 

Federal Court decisions — 

Antolish v. Paul et al 139 

Skeffingion v. Katzef 139 

United States ex rel. Abern v. Wallis 140 

United States ex rel. Georgian v. Uhl 142 

Dunne et al. v. United States 141 

Turner v. Williams 142 

Findings of fact by Attorney General Biddle in the Harry Bridges 

case 143 

Historical precedents as to the Communist Party's advocacy of the 

overthrow of the Government by force and violence 145 

Excerpts from brief of the United States Government in the Schneider- 
man case 145 

Legal action by Government agencies against parties advocating over- 
throw of the Government by force and violence 151 

Definitions 152 

The Smith Act (Public, No. 670, 76th Cong.) 156 





The Communist Party of the United States of America advocates 
the overthrow of our Government by force and violence. As docu- 
mentary proof of this, the Committee on Un-American Activities sub- 
mits the following report. 

The committee hopes that this report will dispel any confusion on 
the question that may presently exist in tlie mind of the American 
public, demonstrate the urgent need for enforcing existing legislation 
dealing with the Communist Party, and illustrate the voluminous evi- 
dence available for such enforcement. 

This report will show that — 

1. The teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin constitute the 
credo of the Communist Party, U. S. A. — in fact of the Communist 
movement throughout the world. The doctrine of forceful and vio- 
lent overthrow of anti-Communist governments is a basic premise of 
these teachings. 

2. The model party of the American Communist is the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union, whose history forms a basic "guide" or 
textbook for American Communists on the practice of force and vio- 

3. The American Party is now and always has been under the direc- 
tion of an international Communist organization dominated by the 
leaders of the Connnunist Party of the Soviet Union.^ This was true 
under the Communist International and now under the Communist 
Information Bureau. This world movement has consistently advo- 
cated forceful and violent measures against anti-Communist govern- 
ments. It is no mere coincidence that in every one of the countries 
recently overthrown by such Communist violence, leaders of the Com- 
munist International have seized positions of power. 

4. The Communist Party, U. S. A., and its leaders, both present and 
past, are on public record as advocates of the forceful and violent over- 
throw of the American Government, despite their recent disavowals. 
Many of these leaders have received training in Moscow on the prac- 
tical application of such methods. 

5. The Communist Party, U. S. A., has encouraged, supported, and 
defended, without a single deviation, the ruthless measures of foreign 
Communist parties to overthrow their legally constituted governments 

^ Kvidenoc that the American Communists are mere cogs in the international Com- 
munist macliine is presented in greatly abbreviated form in this report. Documented 
proof of this particular aspect of the Communist Party may be found in the report of 
the Committee on Un-American Activities, published as H. Kept. No. 209. April 1 1947, 
titled "The Communist Party of the United States as an Agent of a Foreign Power." 


by force and violence. In other words, Avliat the Chinese or Greek 
Communists are doino- today is what the American Communists plan 
to do tomorrow under similar circumstances. 

6. AVliile the United States Supreme Court has not yet made a ju- 
dicial determination on the question, numerous lower Federal courts 
have, with unusual consistency, handed down decisions which charac- 
terize the Communist Party, U. S. A., as an advocate of overthrowing 
our Government by force and violence. 

Tlie threat offered to our national security by the continued, almost 
unrestricted operation of such a movement within our own borders 
should be obvious to everyone. 

Communism today, far from being the weak, isolated movement it 
once was, is a powerful force for evil whose influence is being exercised 
in virtually every country in the world. Under the leadership, sup- 
port, and inspiration of the Soviet Union, a communistic dictatorsliip 
has been forced u]5on one nation after another in Europe by the ruthless 
use of force and violence. These outbursts of Communist violence — 
all obviously aimed at paving the way for eventual subversion of the 
entire world to Moscow dictation — ^liave also occurred in Asia and in 
our own hemisphere. Each of these subjugated countries constitutes 
a bridgehead from which forcible and violent attacks can be launched 
against the United States either directly or in cooperation with the 
American Communists. 

Communist violence manifested on April 9, 1948, in Colombia should 
give us all cause for thought. If a handful of Communists could 
achieve such effectiveness in a neighboring country, far removed from 
the Soviet Union, we cannot continue to blind ourselves to the menace 
of our own Communists who form a greater proportion of our popula- 
tion than the Colombian Communist in the Colombian population. 

The administration, in its request for a stronger air power, large 
Army, and other national-defense measures, has recognized the march 
of Communist aggression as a threat to our national security. It has 
failed, however, to appreciate and understand the potentialities of 
Communist agents within our Nation. The harm that can be done 
by the internal Communist movement in the event of a national emer- 
gency must not be minimized. The potentialities for injury at the 
hands of some 75,000 Communist Party members and their hundreds 
of thousands of supporters in the United States is not to be judged 
in terms of their numerical strength. Modern society has become so 
intricate that it is conceivably possible for a comparatively small, 
closely knit, and determined group, located in strategic and sensitive 
points and dedicated to the use of force and violence, to create serious 
confusion, to dislocate and perhaps even paralyze the machinery of 
our economic and social life. It has been established that the Ameri- 
can Communists have for years concentrated on infiltrating strategic 
areas of our economy, especially at the vital parts of the American 
military machine. The advances of modern science have made avail- 
able to each individual Communist forces of destruction which would 
have been inconceivable years ago. Moreover, the advantage which 
the Communists hold in being able to work in secrecy makes us twice 


as vulnerable to a sudden Communist strike or coup which will find us 
utterly unprepared. Communists reaped the full benefit of such sur- 
prise tactics in Bogota. 

The problem of our Communist minority is doubly serious in view 
of its basic belief that sabotage, terrorism, armed insurrection, civil 
war, and any other measures of force and violence are justified in pro- 
moting the cause of the Soviet Union. As this report will show, such 
tactics have been hammered into the American Communists by their 
international leaders ever since the movement in America was started 
in 1919. A virtual blueprint for revolutionary action under such 
slogans as : Learn how to use arms ! Acquire arms ! Break up the 
armies ! Seize the factories ! Use terror ! Kill the leaders ! Smash 
the state machine ! is provided in the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin. These works are gospel to the American Communist: 
movement and to the movement in every other part of the world. To 
those who would dismiss this as mere theory, we say that the Com- 
munists mean business, here as well as everywhere else in the world. 
And we are receiving daily examples from numerous foreign Com- 
munist Parties who are appljnng these tactics in amazing conformity 
with the blueprint laid down by the Communist theoreticians previ- 
ousl}' referred to. 

It should be noted carefully that the teachings of the international 
Communist leaders constantly reiterate the instruction that all Com- 
munist Parties must "defend the U. S. S. R. * * * by every pos- 
sible means" in the event of a war against the Soviet Union. The prin- 
cipal means recommended by these leaders for such defense of the 
Soviet Union is the same means they recommend for the achievement 
of the overthrow of the American Government — civil war. This civil 
war, in their own words, "is unthinkable without the worst kind of 
destruction, without terror and limitations of formal democracy." 
The chairman of the American Communist Party, William Z. Foster, 
is on public record as endorsing such revolutionary tactics despite his 
recent disavowals. 

The committee is aware that the Communists have deliberately pro- 
moted confusion regarding their belief in violent overthrow of the 
American Government in order to lull the American people into a false 
sense of security and to avoid prosecution under the law. The com- 
mittee hopes that this report will remove any doubts that may have 
been created on this point in the mind of the American public. 

The committee also hopes that this report will demonstrate the 
urgent need for enforcement of existing laws against the Communists 
and indicate the wealth of documentary evidence that is available to 
enforcement authorities as a basis for prosecutive action. 

Among the existing laws under which Communists can be called to 
answer in courts of justice are : 

The Smith Act (printed in full at end of this report), which pro- . 
vides penalties up to 10 years in jail and a $10,000 fine for persons 
who — 

knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise, or teach the duty, necessity, de- 
sirability, or propriety of overthrowing or destroying any government in the 
United States by force or violence * * * 


The Voorhis Act, wliich requires organizations to register with the 
Attorney General if the organizations are subject to foreign control 
or if — 

one of the purposes or aims of which is the establishment, control, conduct, 
seizure, or overthrow of a government or subdivision thereof by the use of force, 
violence, military measures, or threats of any one or more of the foregoing. 

A vigorous enforcement of both laws, based on the true character 
of the Communist Party, sliould be instituted by the executive branch 
of the Government without further delay. To hesitate any longer 
will be to sacrifice our national security. 



It is difficult to find a comprehensive document published by the 
Communist Party, U. S. A., which does not express the party's devo- 
tion to the teachings of one or all of its leading theoreticians, Marx, 
Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. Despite every fluctuation of the party line 
and despite changes in the personnel of its leadership, these principles 
remain as the avowed and fundamental theoretical basis of the organi- 
zation. We will later show that their teachings advocate overthrow of 
government by force and violence. 

The constitution of the Communist Party, U. S. A., adopted on July 
28, 1945, and presently in force, declares in its preamble : 

The Communist Party of the United States is the political party of the American 
working class, basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialism, Marxism- 

Political Affairs, formerly known as The Communist, ''a magazine 
of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism published monthly by 
the Communist Party of the United States of America," now calls it- 
self "a magazine devoted to the theory and practice of Marxism- 
Leninism." Its chief editor is Eugene Dennis, executive secretary of 
the party; and its editorial board consists of Mr. Dennis and V. J. 
Jerome, Alexander Bittleman, Max Weiss, and Henry Winston, all 
members of the national board of the party. 

In its February 1948 issue, on pages 110 to 118, in an article entitled 
"The Communist Manifesto Lives !" Political Affairs not only em- 
phasizes the present validity and authority of the Communist Mani- 
festo but also stresses its common inspirational character with Com- 
munist Parties throughout the world. The article shows that Lenin 
and Stalin were primarily inspired by the Communist Manifesto and 
states that — 

the Manifesto has become, to quote Lenin, "a handbook for every class-conscious 
worker." Today, sixty years since these words were written, wherever the fight 
for freedom is on the agenda, the Manifesto is a manual of procedure * * * 

In France and Italy, millions of workers, farmers, and professional people 
struggle under the banner of Marxism, held aloft by the giant Communist Parties. 

In China, millions, fighting for a free, independent, democratic life, are in- 
spired by the teachings of scientific Communism. In the people's republics of 
Viet Nam and Indonesia ; in Korea, in Africa, in the Western hemisphere, the prin- 
ciples of the Manifesto are being studied in the heat of struggle. The Greek 
people, resisting American imperialist oppression, are fortified by the indestruc- 
tible ideas of the Manifesto * * * 

The greatest verification of the predictive power of the Manifesto is the Union 
of Socialist Republics * * * 

It was in line with this struggle that Lenin and Stalin built the working class 
party of a new type, the Bolshevik pai"ty. It was by fully mastering essence 
and the method of Marxism that Lenin and Stalin, by applying its teachings to 

2 Constitution of the Communist Partv of the United States of America, published bv the 
Communist Partj-, U. S. A., national office, 35 East Twelfth Street, New York 3, N. Y., 
September 1945. Inserted into the hearings of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
on February 20, 1948, by Benjamin J. Davis in behalf of the Communist Party, U. S. A. 



the specific world conditions and the conditions of Russia in 1017, led the masses 
to the succcssfid overthrow of ('zarism and the abolition of capitalism. It was- 
under the haiuier of Mai-xisni-I>eninism that the toilers of Russia, having estab- 
lished the Dictatorship of the I'roletariat, achieved the highest form of democ- 
racy, Socialist democracy. 

As late as September 1947, on the occasion of the one hunch^edth an- 
niversary of the writino; of the Comminiist Manifesto, William Z. Fos- 
ter, present chairman of tlie Communist Party, U. S. A., reaffirmed his 
fealty to the founders of Communist doctrine, indicating at the same 
time that the Communist Parties of other countries were fundamen- 
tally the same in their loyalty. He declared : 

As the Marxists-Leninists of the world celebrate during this year the 100th 
anniversary of tlu; writing of the Communist Manifeiio by Karl Marx and Fred- 
erick Engels, the great principles of social development laid down in that im- 
mortal document are being dramatically confirmed by the course of history and 
by the present state of the world. 

Mr. Foster hails "the big growth of Communist Parties in various 
countries, and the rapid development of Marxist -Leninist ideology 
among the workers of the world." He advises the leaders of labor 
unions and of the progressive movement "to study carefully the scien- 
tific principles laid down by Marx and Engels a century ago in the 
famous Communist Manifesto." ^ 

In preparation for Lenin memorial meetings arranged by the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A., throughout the country, the Worker of Jan- 
uary 18, 1948, page 5 (magazine section), official organ of the party, 
carried a feature article entitled "Lenin's Legacy Honored," from 
which we quote : 

Peoples of many lands during the past and coming weeks are honoring the 
name and achievements of Vladimir Ilyitch Ulyanov (1870-1924), the great 
Marxist and revolutionary statesman who under the popular and widely-known, 
name of Lenin, led the forces which establislied Soviet power in the old Russian 
Empire and found the U. S. S. R. 

Accordingly memorial meetings are occurring during this period in the principal 
cities of America. 

In the November 1947 issue of Political x^ffairs, pages 1040-1046. 
William W. Weinstone. New York State educational director of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A., laid down a list of recommended readings 
for party members on the occasion of the one hundredth anniversary 
of Marxism, which establishes still further the current adherence of 
the party to the teachings and principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and 
Stalin. Among other works he urges the reading of the following: 
Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto ; Engels' Socialism ; Utopian 
and Scientific; Lenin's State and the Revohttion; Lenin's Imperial- 
ism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism; Marx' The Eighteenth Bru- 
maire of Louis Bonaparte; Marx' Civil War in France; Stalin's Foun- 
dations of Leninism ; Lenin's The Three Sources and Component Parts 
of Marxism ; Lenin's Karl Marx ; Kherzentsev's Life of Lenin ; Kher- 
zentsev's Life of Stalin; Engels' Anti-Duhring; Engels' Origin of the 
Family, Private Property, and the State; Engels' Peasant War in 
Germany ; Lenin's What Is To Be Done ; Lenin's Collapse of the Sec- 
ond International; Lenin's Left- Wing Communism; Stalin's Lenin- 
ism; Stalin's Marxism and the National Question; Engels' Ludwig 

2 Marxism and American "Exceptionalism," by William Z. Foster, in Political Affairs^ 
September 1947, p. 794. 


Feuerbach; Karl Marx' Selected Works; Marx* Wage-Labor and 
Capital, also Value, Price, and Protit, and also volume I of Capital; 
N. Krupskaya's Memories of Lenin; Pleklianov's Fundamentals of 
Marxism ; Mehring's Karl Marx. 

New Century Publishers is an official Communist Party publishing 
house, which has published the works of William Z. Foster and Eugene 
Dennis, Communist Party chairman and executive secretary, respec- 
tively, as well as the theoretical magazine of the party known as Politi- 
cal Affairs and the Constitution of the Communist Party, U. S. A. In 
its latest catalog of 19-16, the following works by or about Marx, En- 
gels, Lenin, and Stalin are offered for sale : 

Marx and the Trade Unions, by S. A. Losovsky. 

History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, by Joseph Stalin and 

History of the Russian Revolution, by Stalin and others. 
The Russian Revolution, by Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin. 
The Road to Power, by Joseph Stalin. 

Fundamental Probleuis of Marxism, by George Plekhanov. 
Handbook of Marxism, by Emile Burns, major selections from Marx, Engels, 

Lenin, and Stalin. 
What Is Leninism? 

Theory of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, by Lenin. 
Theory of the Proletarian Revolution, by Lenin. 
Strategy and Tactics of the Proletarian Revolution, by Lenin. 
Marxism-Leninism Versus Revisionism, by William Z. Foster. 
History of the Communist Manifesto, by V. Adoratsky. 
Marx, Engels, and Lenin on Ireland, by Ralph Fox, 
Marxism and Modern Art, by F. M. Klingender. 
Marxism and Modern Idealism, by John Lewis. 
Mastering Bolshevism, by Joseph Stalin. 
Marxism Versus Liberalism, by Joseph Stalin. 
Lenin on the Agrarian Question, by Anna Rochester. 
Marxism Economic Handbook and Glossary, by W. H. Emmett. 
New Data for Lenin's Imperialism, by E. Varga and L. Mendelsohn. 
Marx as an Economist, by Maurice Dobb. 
Value, Price, and Profit, by Karl Marx. 
Wage-Labor and Capital, by Karl Marx. 
Capital, volume I, by Karl Marx. 
The Civil War in France, by Karl Marx. 
Class Struggles in France, by Karl Marx. 
Critique of the Gotha Programme, by Karl Marx. 
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, by Karl Marx. 
Founding of the First International, documents of Marx and others. 
Letters to Kugelmann, by Karl Marx. 
The Poverty of Philosophy, by Karl Marx. 
Selected Works of Karl Marx. 

Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, by Frederick Engels. 
Anti-Duliring, by Frederick Engels. 

Condition of the Woi'king Class in England in 1844, by Frederick Engels. 
Dialectics of Nature, by Frederick Engels. 
Engels on Capital. 

The Housing Question, by Frederick Engels. 
Ludwig Feuerbach, by Frederick Engels. 
The Peasant V/ar in Germany, by i rederick Engels. 
Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by P^rederick Engels. 
The Civil War in the United States, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 
Correspondence of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 
The German Ideology, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 

The Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 
Marx and Engels on Reactionary Prussianism. 
Revolution in Spain, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. 



The Prerequisites of the First Russian Revolution (1894-99). 

The StrugRle for the Bolshevik Party (1900-1904) . 

The Revolution of 1905-07. 

The Years of Reaction and the New Revival (1908-14). 

Imperialism and the Imperialist War (1914-17). 

From the Bourgeois to the Proletarian Revolution (1917). 

After the Seizure of Power (1917-18). 

The Period of War Communism (1918-20). 

The New Economic Policy: Socialist Construction (1921-23). 

The Communist International (please note that this work is sold 3 years or 

more after the alleged dissolution of the Communist International). 
The Theoretical Principles of Marxism. 
Theory of the Agrarian Question. 
The Iskra Period. 

Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. 
The Imperialist War. 
The Revolution of 1917. 
Toward the Seizure of Power. 
From 191G to March 1917. 
From Spring 1918 to Spring 1919. 
Imperialism — the Highest Stage of Capitalism. 
"Left-Wing" Communism : An Infantile Disorder. 
Marx-Engels Marxism. 

The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky. 
The State and the Revolution. 

Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution. 
What Is To Be Done? 
Lenin on Engels. 

Lenin on the State. . _' 

Lenin on the Woman Question, by Clara Zetkin. 
A Letter to American Workers. 
The Teachings of Karl Marx. 
The War and the Second International. 
Paris Commune. 

Letters From Afar. 

"Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution. 
April Conference. 

"The Threatening Catastrophe and How To Fight It. 
Will the Bolsheviks Retain State Power? 
On the Eve of October. 
Lenin — Three Speeches by Joseph Stalin. 
Foundations of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin. 
Problems of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin. 
Woman and Society. 
War and the Workers. 
The Young Generation. 
Marxism and Revisionism, by V. I. Lenin and Joseph Stalin. 


Dialectical and Historical Materialism 

Marxism and the National and Colonial Question 

Marxism and the National Question 

The October Revolution 

Selected Writings 

Stalin's Early Writings and Activities, by L. Beria 

The War of National Liberation 

In Praise of Learning, by Joseph Stalin and V. M. Molotov 

Interview With Foreign Workers' Delegations 

From Socialism to Communism in the Soviet Union 

The Lenin Heritage 

The Soviets and the Individual 

The Stalin-Howard Interview 


Stalin on the New Constitution 

To the Collective Farm Shock-Brigade Workers 

Life and Teachings of V. I. Lenin, by R. Palme Dutt 

Life of Lenin, by P. Kerzhentzev 

Our Lenin, by Ruth Shaw and H. A. Potamkin 

Reminiscences of Lenin, by Clara Zetkin 

Stalin, by V. M. Molotov, K. Voroshilov, and others 

Vladimir Lenin, a Political Biography 

Karl Marx, His Life and Work, by Paul Lafargue and Wilhelm Liebknecht 

Lenin and Krupskaya, by C. Bobrovskaya 

That this devotion to the precepts of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and 
Stalin is no accident, nor the whim of some leader or faction of theh 
Communist Party, U. S. A., but rather part of an international policy 
emanating from Moscow, is demonstrated by the following descrip- 
tion of the training of Communist Party and Soviet personnel, from 
an official report of G. Malenkov representing the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union before the Conference- 
of Communist Parties held in September 1947 in Poland : 

The training and perfection of Party and Soviet personnel is one of the vital 
problems on the solution of which the Party is now working. This training is 
aimed at helping millions of Party and administrative workers to master Marx- 
ist-Leninist science. 

In addition over 90 million copies of Marxist-Leninist classical works have 
been published since the end of the war.* 

That the doctrines expounded in the Communist jManifesto are 
held in highest regard by the C(jmmunist Parties of the world is indi- 
cated by a statement appearing in the official organ of the Cominf orm, 
successor to the Communist International, as follows : 

The working class and the Communist Parties of the world are celebrating a. 
notable date — the centenary of the "Communist Manifesto" of ^Nlarx and 
Engels * * * The "Communist Manifesto" is one of the great landmarks 
of the working class struggle for liberation from the yoke of capitalism * * * 
Lenin and Stalin are the direct successors and inheritors of the ideological 
treasure of Marx and Engels. Thus, the practical experience of a number of 
countries has also vindicated the vitality of the "Manifesto" and the brilliant 
genius of Marx and Engels who founded the theory of scientific Communism, 
and who equipped the working class of the world with a mighty and invincible 

Thus the doctrines of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin have con- 
stituted the very basis upon which the Communist movement was 
founded throughout the world, the very basis upon which it operates 
at the present time. We shall show that advocacy of overthrow of 
government by force and violence is an organic and inescapable part 
of these doctrines. 

* The Activities of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 
(Bolsheviks), in the publication known as For a Lasting Peace, For a People's Democracy, 
December 1, 1947, p. 2, Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in 

5 Centenary of the Communist Manifesto, by P. Yudin in For a Lasting Peace, For a 
People's Democracy, February 15, 1948, p. 2, Organ of the Information Bureau of the 
Communist Parties, published in Belgrade. 



In presenting- the programmatic directives of the leading oracles of 
the Communist movement snch as Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vlad- 
imir I. Lenin, and Joseph Stalin, of the Communist International 
and its successor, the Cominform, and of the Communist Party of 
the Soviet LTnion and the Communist Party of the United States, we 
shall by no means exhaust all their utterances dealing with force and 
violence which are scattered through a large number of vohnninous 
works. We have sought merely to present typical views on the neces- 
sity of resort to force and violence, at the same time showing their 
validity and authority over a period of years down to the present time. 

For purposes of precision and proper interpretation of these views, 
it might be well to note that Alexander Burrill in his Law Dictionary 
and Glossary defines force as "unlawful violence offered to persons 
and things." Bouvier's Unabridged Law Dictionary delines violence 
as "force which is employed against common right, against the laws, 
and against public liberty." We hold that advocacy of civil war, 
armed uprising, and insurrection may properly be included under 
these heads. 

In presenting citations showing advocacy of overthrow of govern- 
ment by force and violence, the committee has withheld references 
which do not openly so advocate but which might be interpreted as 
carrying such advocacy by implication. We have therefore omitted 
references limited merely to advocacy of "revolution," "revolutionary 
overthrow," "conquest of power," "expropriation of property," "class 
struggle," and similar expressions, without necessarily implying that 
such aims do not entail the use of forcible and violent means. 

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels 

Karl Marx was a German philosopher who formulated the prin- 
ciples which constitute the basis of the world Communist movement 
at the present time. His best known works are The Communist Mani- 
festo and Capital. The Manifesto was written in 1847 in behalf of 
the League of the Communists. Together with Friedrich Engels, his 
close collaborator in writing these works, Marx was the founder of 
the International Working Men's Association, otherwise known as the 
First International. The association was founded in London in 1864 
and was dissolved in 1876. The Second International was known as 
the Socialist International, from which the Communists split to form 
the Third or Communist International. The ]\Iarx-Engels Institute 
in Moscow has published an exhaustive bibliography of INIarx and 
Engels' writings and has begun the issue of a collected edition of their 
writings in 42 volumes. 




Violent over- 
throw of the 

Forcible over- 
throw of all 
existing social 

1. The following passage is taken from the Communist Mani- 
festo : 

In depicting the most general phases of the development of civil war 
the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war raging 
within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks 
out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of 
the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the pro- 
letariat * * *. 

If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is 
compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a 
class; if, by means of a revolution it makes itself the ruling 
class, and, as such sweeps away by force the old conditions of 
production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept sweeps away by 
away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and force the old 
of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own ^"^^(.^^"^'^"^ 
supremacy as a class * * * 

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They 
openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forci- 
ble overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling 
classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians 
have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to 
win * * *.* 

2. "Brutal conflict" and "bloody struggle" are confidently pre- 
dicted by Marx in the following passage from his Poverty of 
Philosophy : 

In the meantime, the antagonism between the proletariat and 
the bonrgeoisie is a struggle between class and class, a struggle 
which, carried to its highest expression, is a complete revolution. 
Would it, moreover, fce matter for astonishment if a society, based 
upon the antagonism of classes, should lead ultimately to a Brutal conflict, 
brutal conflict, to a hand-to-hand struggle as its final denoue- hand-to-hand 
ment? * * * struggle 

It is only in an order of things in which there will be no longer 
classes or class antagonism that social revolutions will cease to 
be political revolutions. Until then, on the eve of each general 
reconstruction of society, the last word of social science will 
ever be: 

"Le combat ou la mort ; la lutte sanguinaire ou le neant. C'est 
ainsi que la question est invinciblemcnt posee." — George Sand. 

"Combat or death; bloody struggle or extinction. It is thus Bloody 
that the question is irresistibly put." " ^ "^"^^ ® 

3. To offset any possible illusions as to the possibility of resort 
to constitutional means, Marx and Engels declare: 

The working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready made 
state machinery and wield it for its own purposes.^ 

4. In his letter to Dr. Ludwig Kugelmann on April 12, 1871, 
Marx indicated that to attain power the proletarian revolution 
be no longer, as before, to transfer the bureaucratic-military ^^*^'^?*'*^ *" jj._ 
machine from one hand to another but to smash it, and that is taiy\urea™' '' 
essential for every real people's revolution on the Continent." cratic machine 

« Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (published by 
International Publishers, New York, 1932, and originally published in 1848), pp. 20, 21, 
31. 44. 

' The Poverty of Philosophy, by Karl Marx, a translation of Misere de la Philosophie, by 
Karl Marx with a preface by Friedrich Engels (Charles H. Kerr & Co., Chicago, 1920), 
pp. 190 and 191, originally published in 1847. 

"Civil War in France, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (International Publishers, 
Xew York, 1940), p. .'54, which first appeared as a series of articles in 1848. 

''Letters to Dr. Kugelniann (International Publishers, New York, 1934), p. 123. 

Vladimir I. Lenin 

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov Lenin was an avowed disciple of Karl 
Marx. He headed the Bolslievik or majority wing of the Social Demo- 
cratic Party of Russia under the Czarist regime. In November 1917 
he led an armed insurrection which overthrew the democratic govern- 
ment established by Alexander Kerensky. Lenin was the outstanding 
theoretician and founder of the Communist International. He w^as 
the first Premier of the Soviet Government. Lenin's pamphlets and 
collected works have been published and republished both in the 
United States and in Moscow. They are accepted as unreservedly 
authoritative b}^ Communist Parties throughout the world. 

Much of this material was written during the period prior to 1917 
when Lenin was a leader of the Communist (Bolshevik) faction of the 
Russian Social Democratic Party, or Socialist Party, prior to the 
foundation of the Russian Communist Party. 

5. We cite first from the classic work by Lenin, The State and 
the Revolution, on the role of force and violent revolution: 

Fifthly, in the same work of Engels, from which every one 
remembers his argument on the "withering away" of the state, 
there is also a disquisition on the significance of a violent revolu- 
tion. The historical analysis of its role becomes, with Engels, 
a veritable panegyric on violent revolution. 

Here is Engels' argument: 
* * * That force, however, plays another role (other than that 
of a diabolical power) in history, a revolutionary role; that, in 
the words of Marx, it is the midwife of every old society which 
is pregnant with the new; that it is the instrument with whose Role of force 
aid social movement forces its way through and shatters the 
dead, fossilised political forms — of this there is not a word in 
Herr Duhring. It is only with sighs and groans that he admits 
the possibility that force will perhaps be necessary for the over- 
throw of the economic system of exploitation — unfortunately! 
because, all use of force, forsooth, demoralises the person who 
uses it. And this in spite of the immense moral and spiritual 
impetus which has resulted from every victorious revolution! 

We have already said above and shall show more fully later 
that the teaching of Marx and Engels regarding the inevitability 
of a violent revolution refers to the bourgeois state. It cannot be 
replaced by the proletarian state (the dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat) through "withering away" but, as a general rule, only 
through a violent revolution. The panegyric sung in its honour 
by Engels and fully corresponding to the repeated declarations 
of Marx (remember the concluling passages of the Poverty of 
Philosophy and the Communist Manifesto, with its proud and y. , 
open declaration of the inevitability of a violent revolution.) revolution 

The necessity of systematically fostering among the masses 
this and just this point of view about violent revolution lies at the 
root of the whole of Marx's and Engels' teaching. 

The replacement of the bourgeois by the proletarian state is 
impossible without a violent revolution. * * * 




Overthrow the capitalists, crush with the iron hand of the Igt^^^ifh^ron 
armed workers the resistance of these exploiters, break the bu- jfand^of armed 
reaucratic machine of the modem state. * * * workers 

But the dictatorship of the proletariat, — L e., the organization of 
the vanguard of the oppressel as the ruling class for the purpose 
of crushing the oppressors — cannot produce merely an expansion 
of democracy. * * * 

We must crush them [the exploiters] in order to free humanity Crush capital- 
for wage-slavery; their resistance must be broken by force. '^ ^ '' ""* 

6. Lenin preached the necessity of civil war when he was still a 
member of the Russian Socialist Party. His preachment was 
presented as a guide to the Communist Party, U. S. A. in its official 

The opportunists had long been preparing the collapse of the 
Second International by renouncing the Sccialist revolution and 
substituting for it bourgeois reformism; by rejecting the class 
struggle, which at certain moments necessarily turns into civil 
war, and preaching instead the collaboration of classes, by (^j^jj ^^^ 
preaching bourgeois chauvinism and defense of the fatherland, 
under the cloak of patriotism, and rejecting the elementary truth 
of Socialism expressed long ago in The Communist Manifesto, 
that the workers have no fatherland; by confining themselves 
in the struggle against militarism to a sentimental phiiistine 
point of view instead of recognizing the necessity of a revolu- 
tionary war of the proletarians of all countries against the 
bourgeois of all countries; by making a fetish of the necessity 
of utilizing bourgeons parliamentarism and bourgeous legality, 
forgetting that in time of crisis illegal forms of organization 
and propaganda are imperative. 

The slogans of Social-Democracy must now be: First an all- 
embracing propaganda of the Socialist revolution, to be extended 
also to the army and the area of military activities; emphasis 
to be placed on the necessity of turning the weapons, not against Necessity of 
the brother wage slaves of other countries, but against the re- ons"a"airisT^' 
action of the bourgeois governments and parties in each coun- bourg^ois^ 
try; recognition of the urgent necessity of organizing illegal government 
nuclei and groups in the armies of all nations to conduct &mh 
propaganda in all languages; a merciless struggle against the 
chauvinism and patriotism of the philistines and bourgeoisie of 
all countries without exception.'^ 

7. Lenin insisted on the inevitable connection between the class 
struggle and civil war and branded as opportunists those who 
denied this view. 

Civil wars are also wars. Those who accept the class struggle 
must accept civil wars, which, under certain circumstances, are a 
natural and inevitable continuance, development and accentua- 
tion of the class struggle in every society based on class division. 

* * * To deny or overlook civil wars would mean becoming a 
victim of the most hopeless opportunism and abandoning the 
social revolution.'- 

Civil war and 

the class 

'"State and R^evolution, by V. I. Lenin (International Publishers. New York, 1935), pp. 

"Excerpts from The Communist, a magazine of the theory and practice of Marxism- 
Lenmism published monthly by the Communist Party of the United States of America, 
Aut^ust 1934, vol. XIII, No. 7, p. 751-754. From an article entitled "The Tasks of Rev- 
olutionary Social-Democracy in the European War", by V. I. Lenin 

1- Excerpt from .^n article entitled '-Socialism and War," by V. I. Lenin, published in the 
Daily \\orker, April 8, 1933, p. 5. 

74481—48 2 


8. Again and again in his writings he stressed the need of turn- 
ing a so-called "imperialist war" into civil war. 

But if in 1914 failure to understand that the imperialist war Turn imperial- 
must inevitably be turned into a civil war was merely philistine cH-iYwa'"*" 
stupidity, now, in 1919, it is already something v.'orse. It is 
treachery to the working class. For civil war both in Russia, and 
in Finland, and in Latvia, and in Germany, and in Hungary is a 

9. Lenin emphasized and developed Marx' theory about the 
necessity of smashing the democratic state machine by force. 

In his notes on Marx' Critique of the Gotha Programme, Lenin 
refers to "the 'smashing' of the bureaucratic-military machine*' Smashing the 
and to the necessity of "crushing of the resistance of the rich by „"iiTta"y'****^ 

force." " machine 

10. One of the heroes of the international Communist movement, 
eulogized by Lenin, was Karl Liebknecht, the German Socialist 
who urged the German workers to turn their guns against their 
own government during the First World War. 

Karl Liebknecht called upon the workers and soldiers of Ger- Turn guns 
many to turn their guns against their own government. Karl governmelit 
Liebknecht did that openly from the parliamentary tribune (the 
Reichstag). * * * 

Those who confine themselves to "demanding" that the 
bourgeois governments should conclude peace or ''ascertain the 
will of the peoples for peace," etc. are actually slipping into re- 
forms. For, objectively the problem of war can be solved only 
in a revolutionary way.^^ 

11. Lenin showed that the possibilities of civil war were not 
limited to Russia but could be extended to include the most de- 
veloped capitalist countries. 

Civil War has become a fact, not only in Russia, but also in the Civil war in 
most developed capitalist countries of Europe, for example, taUst'ctnintri'es 

12. Similarly the thesis turning "imperialist war" into civil 
war could be extended to nations outside of Russia. 

Now, the transformation of imperialist war into civil war Transfcrmation 
has become a fact in a number of countries, not only in Russia, war"into'civH 
but also in Finland, in Hungary, in Germany, and even in neu- war 
tral Switzerland, and the growth of civil war is observed, is felt, 
is palpable in all advanced countries without exception." 

" Lenin on the Historic Significance of the Third International (Martin Lawrence, 
London, 1934), p. 22. 

" Lenin on the Critique of the Gotha Programme, from liis notebook, Marxism on the 
State (January-February 1917). published in Critique of tlie Gotha Programme, by Karl 
Mars (International Publishers, New York, 1938), pp. 50 and 56. 

15 rpije Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution, Draft of a Platform for the Proletarian 
Party, from a speech delivered by V. I. Lenin on April 23 (10), 1917, and published in 
the Communist International, by V. I. Lenin (International Publishers, New York, 1938), 
pp. 7 and 9. 

^^ Ibid., Speech at the Opening of the First Congress of the Communist International, 
March 2, 1919, p. 26. 

" Ibid., The Tasks of the Third International, p. 48. 


13. Lenin time and again pilloried those who opposed propa- 
ganda calling- for the defeat of the capitalists through civil war. 

The lackey souls of the Berne International never think of 
imbuing the masses with the consciousness of the inevitability inevitability 
and necessity of defeating the bourgeoisie in civil war * * *.^^ " """^ ^^'^ 

14. He leveled his sharpest criticism against those who coun- 
seled reliance upon constitutional means instead of civil war. 

Comical pedants ! They failed to understand that voting 
within the limits, the institutions, the customs of bourgeois 
parliamentarian is part of the bourgeois state apparatus which state apparatus 
must be broken and smashed from top to bottom in order to »'"«* ^e broken 
effect the dictatorship of the proletariat, in order to pass from ^" smasie 
bourgeois democracy to proletarian democracy. 

They failed to understand that, generally speaking, it is not 
voting but civil war that decides all serious questions of politics Chil war de- 
when history places the dictatorship of the proletariat on the " *^ """^^ '""^ 
order of the day.^" 

15. The task of accomplishing the violent overthrow of the state 
was pointed out by Lenin in outlining the fundamental tasks of 
the Communist International. 

Only the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation Violent-over- 
of its property, the destruction of the whole of the bourgeois state bourgeoisie and 
apparatus from top to bottom — parliamentary, judicial, military, state apparatus 
bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc., right up to the very 
wholesale deportation or internment of the most dangerous and 
stubborn exploiters * * * only such measures can ensure 
the real subordination of the whole class of exploiters."" 

16. Lenin openly scoffed at legality and as early as 1920 held 
that America was entering the stage of civil war. 

In nearly all countries in Europe and America the class struggle 
is entering the stage of civil war. Under the circumstances, the Civil war 
Communists can have no confidence in bourgeois legality."^ *" America 

17. Prior to World War I, Lenin urged the necessity of turning 
the weapons of the army against the government itself as essen- 
tial for the social revolution. 

The slogans of Social-Democracy must now be: First, an all- 
embracing propaganda of the Socialist revolution, to be extended 
also to the army and the area of military activities : emphasis to be 
placed on the necessity of turning the weapons, not against Turning weap- 
the brother wage-slaves of other countries, but against the ons against 
reaction of the bourgeois governments and parties in each eo^'^rnment 
country, * * * =* 

18 Ibid., p. 49. 

^Ibid., p. 51. 

20 Theses on the Fundamental Tasks of the Second Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional, delivered .July 4, 1920, ibid., p. 164. 

-1 The Conditions of Affiliation to the Communist International, ibid., p. 202. 

" The Tasks of Revolutionary Social Democracy in the European War, Collected Works 
of V. I. Lenin, vol. XVIII, The Imperialist War (International Publishers, New York, 
1930), p. 63. 


18. He proposed the slogan of civil war instead of peace. 

The slogan of "peace" is incorrect, as the slogan must be: 
changing the national war into civil war. (This change may take fi|)n"f^"*'int„ 
a long time, it may and will demand a number of preliminary ^j^^ ^^^ 
conditions, but the work must be conducted along the line of such 
a change, in this spirit and in this direction.) "^ 

19. He advocated systematic preparation of the armed forces 
for civil war. 

As to ourselves, we must prepare a mass (at least a collective) 
action in the army, not of one nation alone, and conduct all the -^'^j^rnatTon 
work of propaganda and agitation in this direction. To direct alonT 
the work (stubborn, systematic work that may require a long 
time) in the spirit of transforming the national war into civil 
war — this is the whole issue."^ 

20. Lenin was a ruthless opponent of those who advocated re- 
form instead of civil war. 

The opportunists had long been preparing this collapse by 

rejecting the Socialist revolution and substituting for it hour- |^'"^f,^^^,"^^'*^ 

geois reformism; by repudiating the class struggle with its in- Jrlnsformed 

evitable transformation into civil war at certain moments * * *.^° into civil war 

21. According to Lenin the policy of transforming an "imperial- 
ist war" into civil vv^ar, which he advocated, was founded upon 
principles established by the Paris Commune. 

The proletariat exposes this swindle (of national war) in 
that it raises the slogan of transforming the imperialist war into Transforming 
civil war. This very slogan was suggested by the Stuttgart and |nto"ivil w^r**^ 
Basle resolutions, which had in mind not war in general but pre- 
cisely the present war, and which spoke not of the "defence of 
the fatherland" but of "hastening the collapse of capitalism," 
of utilizing for this aim the crisis created by the war, and of the . 

example of the Commune. The Commune was a transformation afan exampl"^ 
of war between peoples into civil war.*' of civil war 

22. He speciiically laid down, as the task of the Communist In- 
ternational, civil war against the capitalist class of all countries. 

Work directed toward transforming the war of the peoples 
into a civil war is the only Socialist work in the epoch of an 
imperialist armed conflict of the bourgeoisie of all nations. 
Down with the sentimental and foolish preacher's yearnings for 
a "peace at any price!" Let us raise the banner of civil war! 
* * * If not today, then certainly tomorrow; if not dur- Raise the 
ing the present war, then after it; if not in this war, then in the banner of 
following one, the proletarian banner of civil war will rally not "^^ ^^^ 
only hundreds of thousands of enlightened workers, but also cj^ji ^^^ 
millions of semi-proletarians and petty bourgeois * * *, against 
The Third International is confronted with the task of organiz- capitalists _ 
ing the forces of the proletariat for a revolutionary onslaught of alf countries 
on the capitalist governments, for civil war against the bour- 
geoisie of all countries * * *."' 

23 Ibid., p. 74. 

"* Ibid., p. 7.5. 

-s Ibid., p. 80. 

2« Ibid., p. 87. 

-'' Ibid., pp. 88 and 89. It should be noted that the Russian Communists (Bolsheviks) 
were in 1914, when this article was written, members of the Social Democratic Labor Party 
of Russia. 


23. Quoting Engels, Lenin pointed out cunningly how to place 
the blame for violence and civil war upon what he called the ruling 

Engels wrote in 1891, advocating, most correctly, the use of 
bourgeois legality by us revolutionists in the period of so-called 
peaceful development. Engels* idea was perfectly clear; we class- 
conscious workers, he said, would be the next to shoot ; it is Choose the 
more favourable for us to choose the moment for changing the moment for 
ballots into bullets (to pass to civil war) when the bourgeoisie baUotslnto 
itself has broken the legal basis created by it."* bullets 

24. Lenin had no use for those who advocated civil peace, indi- 
cating clearly his preference for civil strife with arms in hand. 

To turn the present imperialist war into civil war is the only Turn imperial- 
correct proletarian slogan following from the experience of the J-ivn war"*** 
Commune, indicated by the Basle (1912) resolution and dic- 
tated by all the conditions of an imperialist war between highly 
developed bourgeois countries. 

Civil war to which revolutionary Social- Democracy calls at the Arms in hand 
present period is a struggle of the proletariat, with arms in hand, 
against the bourgeoisie for the purpose of expropriating the 
capitalist class in the advanced capitalist countries * * *. 

As the first steps towards changing the present imperialist 
war into civil war, we may indicate * * *. Complete break Against civil 
with the policy of "civil peace" * * *. Support to every kind peace 
of revolutionary mass action of the proletariat in general."' 

25. As a preparation for civil war, Lenin proposed every pos- 
sible measure for weakening the government, including the army. 

The struggle against the government that conducts the impe- 
rialist war must not halt in any country before the possibility of 
that country's defeat in consequence of revolutionary propa- 
ganda. The defeat of the governmental army weakens the gov- Defeat of the 
ernment, aids the liberation of the nationalities oppressed by it, pr^aration 
and makes civil war against the ruling classes easier.'" for civil war 

26. Lenin called attention to the importance of military re- 
verses as a means of facilitating civil war. 

Revolution in war time is civil war. Transformation of war 

between governments into civil war is, on the one hand, facili- (-j^jj ^^^ 

tated by military reverses (defeats) of the government; on the facilitated 

other hand, it is impossible to strive in practice towards such a by military 

transformation without at the same time working towards mili- ''^^^^^^ 
tary defeat.^' 

27. He urged that advantage be taken of the difficulties of the 
government in order to break civil peace. 

The only policy of a real, not verbal, breaking of "civil peace," 
of accepting the class struggle, is for the proletariat to take 
advantage of the difficulties of the government and its hour- Breaking 
geoisie with the aim of overthrowing them.'" civil peace 

28 Ibid., p. 95. 
2« Ibid., p. 147. 
so Ibid., p. 149. 
31 Ibid., p. 198. 
« Ibid., p. 200. 


28. He further stressed civil war and mass action as the onlj^ 
possible road to socialism. 

Do not trust any high-sounding programmes, we say to the 
masses; rely on your own mass revolutionary actions against 
your government and your bourgeoisie, try to develop such ac- 
tions; there is no escape from barbarism, there is no possibility civil war for 
for progress in Europe outside of civil war for Socialism."' socialism 

29. Lenin proposed that civil war be incorporated into the party^ 

In our opinion the Left must come forth with a general dec- 
laration of ideas which would * * * offer a programme of 
revolutionary actions (whether to say civil war or revolutionary reviiuttonary 
mass action is not so important after all) * * * si j^^^g^ action 

30. It was Lenin's opinion that all consistent class struggle \tl 
time of war leads inevitably to civil war. 

Our duty is to help make these (revolutionary) sentiments 
conscious, to deepen them and give them form. The only correct 
expression of this task is the slogan "Turn the imperialist war 
into civil war." All consistent class struggle in time of war, all leading to 
"mass actions" earnestly conducted must inevitably lead to this.^" civil war 

31. Lenin's support for the policy of ushering in civil war during 
a so-called imperialist war dates back to his agitation within the 
Russian Socialist Party. 

It is the chief task of the Social-Democratic opposition 
at the present moment to raise the banner of revolutionary 
Marxism, to tell the workers firmly and definitely how to look MaraS mass 
upon imperialist wars, to put forth the slogan of mass revolu- revolutionary 
tionary action, i. e., to turn the period of imperialist war into the action, civil war 
beginning of a period of civil wars."" 

32. Lenin envisaged the use of armed force against other non- 
Communist states by the country in which the revolution had 
been successful. 

The victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated 
the capitalists and organized Socialist production at home, would 
rise against the rest of the capitalist world, attracting the 
oppressed classes of other countries, raising among them revolts Use of armed 
against the capitalists, launching, in case of necessity, armed attack 0*11 
forces against the exploiting classes and their states."' capitalist world 

33. In the plainest terms Lenin advised members of the armed 
forces to use their weapons against their own government. 

Tomorrow you are deprived of the election ballot, you are given 
a rifle and a splendid machine gun equipped according to the 
last word of machine technique — take this weapon of death and 
destruction, do not lister to th? sent:nent?.l whircrs who are 
afraid of war. Much has been left to the world that must be 
destroyed by fire and iron for the liberation of the working class. 
And if bitterness and despair grow in the masses, if a revolu- 

33 Il)i(L, p. 207. 
^ Ibifl., p. 20s. 
=5 Ibid., p. 232. 
2« Ibid., p. 248. 
37 Ibid., p. 272. 


tionary situation is at hand, prepare to organize new organiza- ^^fj^g*"^™^ 
tions and utilize these so useful weapons of death and destruc- y^m. „„.„ 
tion against your own government and your bourgeoisie.''^ government 

34. The continuity and modern validity of Marx' and Engels' 
advocacy of force and violence is shown by Lenin in the following 
passage : 

:Marx and Engels, in 1847, while living abroad * * * ap- 
pealed for revolution; they openly and directly spoke of applying 
force. * * * Either we are really and firmly convinced that 
the war is creating a revolutionary situation in Europe, that all 
the economic and social-political circumstances of the imperialist 
epoch lead up to a revolution of the proletariat — then it is our 
bounden duty to explain to the masses the necessity of a revolu- Forceful strug- 
tion, to appeal for it, to create befitting organizations, to speak gle and its 
fearlessly and in the most concrete manner of the various methods techniques 
of forceful struggle and of its "technique * * *." ^^ 

35. Lenin has explained clearly the functions of the Soviets as 
organs of insurrection. 

Soviets of Workers' Deputies, etc., must be looked upon as Soviets as 
organs of insurrection, as organs of revolutionary power.^" hllfurrection 

36. He categorically rejected the possibility of a peaceful seiz- 
ure of power. 

This essence of the matter is that at present power can no 
longer be seized peacefully." 

37. Lenin outlined historically the role of an armed and or- 
ganized minority in imposing its will upon the unorganized 

A revolution, furthermore, is distinguished from the "normal 
situation" in a state in that the controversial state questions 
are decided directly by the struggle of classes and masses, in- Armed uprising 
eluding the armed uprising. It cannot be otherwise, once the 
masses are free and armed * * * Beginning with the Peasant 
War in the Middle Ages in Germany, through all the large-scale 
revolutionary movements and epochs up to 1848 and 1871, and 
further up to 1905, we see innumerable examples of how the more 
organized, more class-conscious, better armed minority forces its Armed minority- 
will upon the majority and is victorious over it. versus 


Friedrich Engels particularly emphasized the lesson of the 
experiences which to some degree make the peasant uprising 
of the sixteenth century identical to the 1848 Revolution in Ger- 
many, namely the desultory character of the actions, the absence 
of centralization among the oppressed masses, which is due to 
their petty-bourgeois status in life. Approaching the matter 
from this angle we arrived at the same conclusion. A plain 
majority of the petty-bourgeois masses decides nothing, and 
can decide nothing. * * * 

It is well known that in the long run the problems of social 
life are decided by the class struggle in its bitterest, sharpest pl^ss struggle 
form, namely, in the form of civil war. *= dvi? w*^" 

^ Ibid., p. 316. 
^ Ibid., pp. 346, 347. 
"oibid., p. 357. 

" Collected Works of V. I. Lenin, vol. XXI, hook I, Toward the Seizure of Power (Interna- 
tional Publishers, New York, 1932). p. 45. Translated bv Moissave J. Olgin. 
*- Ibid., pp. 68 and 69. 


38. Mentioning the reference of Karl Marx to uprising as an 
art, Lenin recalled the need of popularizing armed uprising. 

What we are concerned with is not the "day" of the uprising, 
not the "moment" of the uprising in the narrow sense of the 
word. This will be decided by the common voice of those who are 
in contact with the workers and soldiers, with the masses. * * * 

What matters is that we must make the task clear to the 
party, place on the order of the day the armed uprising in Pet- 

rograd and Moscow (including their regions), the conquest of Preparations 

power, the overthrow of the government. We must think of f*"" armed 

how to make propaganda in favor of this without committing "u^prefs'^' 

ourselves in the press. commitment 

We must recall and ponder the words of Marx on uprising: uprising as 
"Uprising is an art," etc.** an art 

39. He adds the following from a letter to the Centra! Commit- 
tee of the Social-Democratic Labor Party of Russia, of which he 
was a member : 


(Letter to the Central Committee of the Social-Democratic Labor Party) 

Among the most vicious and perhaps most widespread distor- 
tions of Marxism practiced by the prevailing "Socialist" parties, 
is to be found the opportunist lie which says that preparations 
for an uprising, and generally the treatment of an uprising as an uprising as 
art is "Blanquism." * * * an art 

To accuse Marxists of Blanquism for treating uprising as an 
art! Can there be a more flagrant distortion of the truth, when 
there is not a single Marxist who denies that it was Marx who 
expressed himself in the most definite, precise and categorical 
manner on this score; that it was Marx who called uprisings 
nothing but an art, who said that uprising must be treated as an 
art, that one must gain the first success and then proceed from 
success to success without stopping the offensive against the 
enemy and making use of his confusion, etc., etc." 

To refuse to treat the uprising as an art means to betray Marx- 
ism and the revolution. * * * 

Having recognized the absolute necessity of an. uprising of the 
workers of Petrograd and Moscow for the sake of saving the 
revolution and of saving Russia from being "separately" divided 
among the imperialists of both coalitions, we must first adapt our 
political tactics at the conference to the conditions of the matur- 
ing uprising; secondly, we must prove that we accept, and not 
only in words, the idea of Marx about the necessity of treating 
uprising as an art. * * * 

And in order to treat uprising in a Marxist way, i. e. as an art, 
we must at the same time, without losing a single moment, organ- 
ize the staff of the insurrectionary detachments; designate the j^gu'^rectionary 
forces; move the loyal regiments to the most important points; detachments 
surround the Alexander Theatre; occupy Peter and Paul For- 
tress; arrest the general staff and the government; move against 
the military cadets, the Wild Division, etc., such detachments as 
will die rather than allow the enemy to move to the centre of the 
city; we must mobilize the armed workers, call them to a last 
desperate battle, occupy at once the telegraph and telephone sta- 
tions, place our staff of the uprising at the central telephone sta- 
tion connect it by wire with all the factories, the regiments, the 
points of armed fighting, etc. 

"3 Ibid., p. 222. 

■** The definition of uprising as an art is given in Revolution and Counterrevolution in 
Germany ; the book was written not bv Mars, as was thought for a long time to be the case, 
l)ut bv Engels (footnote No. 83), ibid., p. 300. 



Civil war as 
sharpest form 
of class 

Of course, this is all by way of example, to illustrate the idea 
that at the present moment it is impossible to remain loyal to the 
revolution without treating uprising as an art. — N. Lenin."^ 

40. He analyzed the nature of civil war from the eighteenth 
century on, urging the futility of reliance upon parliamentary 
means, as shown by this analysis. 

This experience, in full accord with the experience of all the 
European revolutions, from the end of the eighteenth century on, 
shows us that civil war is the sharpest form of the class struggle, 
it is that point in the class struggle when clashes and battles, 
economic and political, repeating themselves, growing, broaden- 
ing, becoming acute, turn into an armed struggle of one class 
against another class. Most often — one may say almost always — 
there is to be observed in all more or less free and advanced 
countries a civil war between those classes whose contradictory 
positions towards each other is created and deepened by the entire 
economic development of capitalism, by the entire history of 
modern society the world over, namely, between the bourgeoisie 
and the proletariat. * * * 

Such are the facts. Such is the history of our own revolution. 
We must learn most of all from this history, we must ponder most 
of all on its course and its class meaning. * * * 

A comparison of the data concerning "parliamentary" elec- 
tions with the data concerning the above-named mass movements, 
fully corroborates, as far as Russia is concerned, an observation 
often made in the West, namely, that the strength of the revo- 
lutionary proletariat, from the point of view of influencing the 
masses and drawing them into the struggle, is incomparably 
larger in the extraparliamentary than in the parliamentary strug- 
gle. This is a very important observation as regards civil war.^ 

41. The following exhibit presented as a model and guide, shows 
the precision with which Lenin prepared for armed uprising. 

(Letter to I. T. Smilga, chairman of the Regional Committee of 
the Army, Navv and Workers of Finland (in Helsingfors) by 
Lenin, October 10, 1917:) 

I think you must utilize your high position, shift to the as- 
sistants and secretaries all the petty routine work without wast- 
ing time on "resolutions," but giving all your attention to the 
military preparation of the troops in Finland plus the fleet for 
the impending overthrow of Kerensky. You must create a secret 
committee of trustworthy military men, together with them 
discuss matters thoroughly, collect (and personally verify) the 
most accurate data concerning the composition and location 
of troops near and in Petrograd, the transfer of troops in Fin- 
land to Petrograd, the movement of the navy, etc.^' 

42. Lenin advised a sudden attack from several strategic points 
and the armed seizure of certain key buildings. 

The victory of the uprising is now secure for the Bolsheviks; Armed uprising 
(1) we can * * * (if we do not "await" the Soviet Congress) 
launch a sudden attack from three points, from Petrograd, from Sudden attack 
Moscow, from the Baltic fleet; (2) we have slogans whose sup- 
port is guaranteed; down with the government that suppresses 
the uprising of the peasants against the landowners; (3) we have 


preparation for 

"5 Ihifl., pp. 224. 227. 228, and 229. 

^8 Ibifl., pp. 2.31 and 2.'?4. 

■•T Ibid., pp. 265 and 266. Lenin advised Smilga to burn this letter. Smilga kept the- 
letter, only tearing from it the name of the sender, out of consideration of conspiracy 
(footnote), ibid., p. 303. 


a majority in the country; (4) complete disorganization of the 

Mensheviks and S.R.'s; (5) we are technically in a position to 

seize power in Moscow (which might even be the one to start, 

so as to deal the enemy a surprise blow) ; ((>) we have thousands seizure of 

of armed workers and soldiers in Petrograd who can seize at public buildings 

once the Winter Palace, the General Staff Building, the telephone 

exchange and all the largest printing establishments. * * * 

If we were to attack at once, suddenly from three points, in 
Petrograd, Moscow, and the Baltic fleet, there are ninety-nine 
out of a hundred chances that we would gain a victory. * * * 
If with chances like the present, we do not seize power, then all 
talk of Soviet rule becomes a lie.*^ 

43. Again Lenin repeats his emphasis on the nature of the 
Soviets as organs of insurrection. 

The question, then, is: What is to be the work of the Soviets 
of Workers' Deputies? We repeat what we once said on No. 47 
of the Geneva Social-Democrat (October 13, 1915): "They must ^. 
be regarded as organs of insurrection, as organs of revolution- organs of 

ary power." *® ■ insurrection 

44. Here Lenin shows how Marx' advice to smash the ready- 
made state machinery was actually carried out. 

The proletariat, however, if it wants to preserve the gains of 
the present revolution and to proceed further to win peace, bread, of*state *"" 
and freedom, must "destroy," to use Marx' word, this "ready- machinery 
made" state machinery. * * * 

I have said that the workers have smashed the old state ma- 
chinery. To be more precise: They have begun to smash it. 
* * * The police of Petrograd and many other places have 
been partly killed off, and partly removed."" 

45. Lenin specifies that in the course of shattering the govern- 
ment apparatus, the army, the police, and the bureaucracy be 

In the foregoing letters the tasks of the revolutionary prole- 
tariat of Russia have been outlined as follows * * * (4) it 
must shatter and completely eliminate the old government ap- 
paratus prevailing in all the bourgeois countries, the army, the 
police, the bureaucracy, putting in its place (5) not only a mass Eliminate 
organization but an organization of a universally armed fiYbourgeois'" 

people * * *." states 

46. During World War I, Lenin showed that the Soviet Govern- 
ment must be the initiator of civil war in other countries. 



Comrade-Workers : 

* * * The imperialist war, i. e., the war for the division of 
spoils among the capitalists, for the crushing of weak peoples, 
has begun to change into civil war, i. e., a war of the workers civil war 
against the capitalists * * *. 

The honor and the good fortune of being the initiators of the 
revolution, i. e., of the great, the only legitimate and just war, 

^ Ibid., pp. 277 and 278. 

^"Collected Works of V. I. Lenin, vol. XX, book I, The Revolution of 1917 (International 
Publishers, New York, 1929), translated by Jcshua Kunitz and Moissaye J. Olgin, p. 49. 
^ Ibid., p. 50. 
^1 Ibid., p. 63. 



Overthrow of 




the war of the oppressed against the oppressors, has fallen to Russian workers, 
the lot of the Russian workers/" the initiators 

47. Lenin counseled the overthrow not only of kings but also 
of democratic governments which he called bourgeois. 

We must tell the workers and soldiers in a simple, popular 
language, free of learned words, that it is their duty to over- 
throw not only Wilhelm, but the English and the Italian kings 
as well. That is the first thing. Secondly and chiefly, it is their 
duty to overthrow the bourgeois governments * * *J'^ 

48. Again and again he tried to drive home Marx' dictum re- 
garding the necessity of smashing the state machinery. 

Marx teaches us, on the basis of the experience of the Com- 
mune of 1871, that "the working class cannot simply lay hold ^^gh^j'ifg^^tate 
of the ready-made state-machine and make it serve its own ^chine*^*^ 
purposes." ^* 

The proletariat must smash this machine (the army, the police, 
the bureaucracy). It is this that the opportunists are denying 
and minimizing. This is the most important practical lesson to 
be learned from the Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution 
of 1905 * * *. 

But we differ from the opportunists and the Kautskians in that 
we insist that we do not need a "ready-made" state-machine as it 
exists in democratic bourgeois republics, but actual power in the 
hands of the armed and organized workers. This is the state that 
we need. In their essence the Commune of 1871 and the Soviets 
of Workers' Deputies in Russia in 1905 and 1917 were just such a 
state. * * * It (the Soviet of Workers' Deputies) declares 
that it has no confidence in all the bourgeois governments. It 
calls upon the workers of the world to overthrow their govern- 

49. Lenin presents here a clear definition of a Soviet Govern- 
ment as distinguished from other governments to show that it is 
not based upon law but outright seizure of power. 

What is the class composition of that other government (the 
Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies)? * * * It is a 
revolutionary dictatorship, i. e., it is a power based not on laws 
made by a centralized state power, but on outright revolutionary 
seizure. * * * It is a power quite different from that of the 
ordinary type of parliamentary bourgeois-democratic republic 
that is still prevalent in the advanced countries of Europe and 
America. * * * xhe fundamental characteristics of this kind 
of power are: (1) Its origin is not in a law previously considered 
and passed by Parliament, but in the direct initiative of the 
masses from below, everywhere; in outright "seizure," to use a 
popular expression. * * * ^* 

50. Lenin repeatedly held out Karl Liebknecht as a model to 
revolutionists throughout the world because the latter had urged 
German soldiers to turn their guns against their own government. 

Karl Liebknecht called upon the workers and soldiers of Ger- 
many to turn their guns upon their own government. * * * 

Soviet dictator- 
ship based upon 
outright revolu- 
tionary seizure, 
not upon law 

52 Ibid., p. 64. 

B3 Ibid., p. 72. 

^ Karl Marx, The Civil War in France, p. SO, noted ibid., p. 356. 

== Ibid., pp. 80 and 81. 

" Ibid., p. 115. 


Liebknecht alone represents Socialism, the proletarian cause, the Turn guns upon 

proletarian revolution." own government 

51. In a manner similar to the American Communist Party of 
today, Lenin pointed out that under certain conditions the civil 
war slogan may be set aside, but only temporarily. 

One must know how to look from the Marxist standpoint which 
says that the imperialist war will turn into civil war as a result Setting aside 
of objective conditions and not as a result of subjective desires, temporarily^'*" 
For the time being we lay aside this slogan, but only for the time 

52. Designating the Soviets as agencies based upon direct and 
open force rather than law, Lenin called them the central force 
of the revolution. Today we find similar bodies being set up in 
various countries on the eve of revolutionary coups and known as 
"action committees." 

The Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, spreading the 

network of their organization over all of Russia are at this Soviets of 

moment the central force of the revolution. * * * Such power Workers and 

is a dictatorship, i. e., it rests not on the law, not on the formal Soldiers rests 

will of the majority, but on direct and open force. Force is the nonaw*^"' 
instrument of power."^** 

53. While Lenin did not completely disapprove of the policy of 
the Paris Commune of 1793 in guillotining the rulers of France, 
he thought that mass arrests would be sufficient in the twentieth 
century. His present-day exponents have not hesitated, however,, 
to resort to methods similar to those of the Paris Commune. 

The Jacobins of 1793 were the representatives of the most 
revolutionary class of the eighteenth century, the city and coun- 
try poor. Against this class that had actually (not merely in 
words) done away with their monarch, with their landowners, 
with their moderate bourgeoisie by means of the most revolu- 
tionary measures, including the guillotine, against this truly 
revolutionary class of the eighteenth century the combined mon- 
archs of Europe were waging war. * * * This example of the 
Jacobins is instructive. It has not yet become obsolete, except 
that it should be applied to the revolutionary class of the 
twentieth century, to the proletarians and semi-proletarians. 
For to this class, in the present twentieth century the enemies 
of the people are not the monarchs, but the landowners and the 
capitalists as a class. * * * 

The "Jacobins" of the twentieth century would not guillotine 
the capitalist ; following a good example does not necessarily 
require imitating it. It would be sufficient to arrest from fifty Arrest 
to one hundred magnates and bank leaders. * * * "" capitalists 

54. Communist philosophy and theory calls for the establish- 
ment of a dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin defines such a 
dictatorship as based upon force and unrestricted by law. He 
specifically shows that this approach applies to America. 

Dictatorship is rule based directly upon force and unrestricted 
by any laws. 

s'' Ibid., p. 148. 
w Ibid., p. 279. 
58 Ibid., p. 281. 

«» Collected Works of V. I. Lenin, vol. XX, book II, The Revolution of 1917 (International 
Publishers, New York, 1929), p. 226. 






Application to 

Dictatorship of 

The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is rule won .jroktariat 
and maintained by the use of violence by the proletariat against ";Xnrp"„^nre'' 
the bourgeoisie, rule that is unrestricted by any law. '' stricted by law 

The proletarian revolution is impossible without the forcible 
destruction of the bourgeois state machine. * * * 

And, the question having been put, there can be no doubt as 
to the reply: the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is 
violence against the bourgeoisie; and the necessity for such vio- 
lence is particularly created, as Marx and Engels have repeatedly 
explained in detail (especially in The Civil War in France and 
in the preface to it), by the existence of a military and a bureauc- 
racy. But it is precisely these institutions that were non-existent 
in England and America in the 1870's when Marx made his ob- 
servations (they do exist in England and in America now.) ' ' 

55. Lenin's teachings were used as a guide in teaching the need 
of insurrection to American workers. By way of example we cite 
the following from a pamphlet published by the Trade Union 
Educational League, then headed by William Z. Foster, who is 
now chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A. The author of 
the pamphlet is A. Losovsky, now director of the information bu- 
reau attached to the Soviet Council of Ministers, who was then 
head of the Red International of Trade-Unions: 

Lenin conceived of the revolution as of something that was 
moving right upon us, and not as soraething lying in a far-off 
distance. Because of this he never tired of insisting that we 
must prepare ourselves daily for the revolution, even politically 
and technically. The political preparation consisted in training 
the masses for action thru everyday struggle. Lenin used to 
say: "The most important thing is to bring the masses in motion, 
thereby enabling them to accumulate experiences within a short 
period of time." The revolution confronts us directly with the 
problem of armed insurrection. And to speak of this with- 
out proper technical preparations, is merely to mouth empty 
phrases. He who wants the revolution must systematically pre- 
pare for it the broad masses, who will, in the process of prepara- 
tion, create the necessary organs of the struggle. * * * 

The Mensheviks were fond of ridiculing the idea of technical 
preparations for an armed insurrection. According to their con- 
ception the center of gravity would lie in the sphere of propa- 
ganda, of arming the minds of the workers. To this Lenin's reply 
was: "He who refuses technically to prepare for the insurrection 
ultimately rejects the insurrection itself, and transforms the pro- 
gram of the revolution into an empty phrase." ^- 

56. Lenin was no mere theorist in his advocacy of force and 
violence. He insisted upon his followers learning the use of arms 
and actually using them. 

for armed 

An oppressed class which does not strive to learn how to use 
arms, to acquire arms, deserves to be treated like slaves. We 
cannot forget, unless we become bourgeois pacifists or oppor- 
tunists, that we are living in a class society, that there is no way 
out, and there can be no way out, but the class struggle. * * * 

Our slogan must be arming of the proletariat in order to van- 
quish, to expropriate and to disarm the bourgeoisie. These are 
the only possible tactics a revolutionary class can adopt; these 

Use of arms by 

" v. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. XXIII, 1918-19 (International Publishers, New 
York, 1945), pp. 354, 355, and 356. 

«2 Lenin, The Great Strategist of the Class War, hv A. Losovskv (Trade Union Educational 
League, 1113 West Washington St., Chicago, 111.; September 1924), p. 17. 


tactics follow logically from the whole ohjective development of 
capitalist militarism, and are dictated by that development."" 

57. Lenin envisaged the necessity of forcefully suppressing 
those opposed to the Communist dictatorship. 

History teaches that no oppressed class has ever come to power 
or could have come to power, without going through a period 
of dictatorship, that is the conquest of the political power and 
the forceful suppression of the desperate, savage resistance Forceful 
which is always offered by the exploiters and which stops at expfo^Uers"" "^ 
nothing — not even the greatest crimes.'** 

58. Lenin outlined the course of revolutionary development 
from strikes to armed uprising and civil war. 

In the matter of tactical leadership of the revolutionary 
struggle, the proletariat must be guided by two basic theses. In 
the first place, Leninism does not limit the movement to any 
one particular form of struggle but rather strives to master all 
forms. Various forms of proletarian struggle are the strike 
movement, demonstrations, parliamentary struggle, revolution- 
ary utilization of parliament when the situation demands it and 
also the higher forms of struggle; armed uprising, civil war, Armed uprising 
dictatorship of the proletariat. In the second place, Leninism civil war 
approaches the problem as to what particular form of struggle 
is to be utilized, historically, in connection with and taking into 
consideration the entire concrete situation. In the choice of 
means it is necessary to show the greatest flexibility."^ 

59. In the following passage Lenin showed the continuity of the 
doctrine of the use of force and violence from 1848 to 1915. The 
volume cited herewith, it should be noted, was published by Inter- 
national Publishers, American Communist publishing house, in 
1943, long after the adoption in 1938 of the constitution of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A., which sought to imply denial of the 
use of force and violence. 

* * * the famous Manifesto of the Communist Party, called 
for revolution ; they openly and directly spoke of using force ; Using force 
and they declared the attempt to hide revolutionary aims, tasks 
and methods of struggle to be contemptible. The Revolution 
in 1848 proved that Marx and Engels alone had approached the 
events with correct tactics. Several years before the 1905 Revo- 
lution in Russia, Plekhanov, then still a Marxist, wrote an un- 
signed article in the old Iskra of 1901, expressing the views of all 
the editors on the coming insurrection, on ways of preparing Coming 
for it, such as street demonstrations, and even on technical de- insurrection 
vices, such as using wire in the fight against the cavalry. The 
revolution in Russia proved that only the old Iskra-ists had ap- 
proached the events with correct tactics. Now we are faced with 
this alternative; either we are really and firmly convinced that 
the war is creating a revolutionary situation in Europe, that all 
the economic and social-political circumstances of the imperial- 
ist epoch are leading to a revolution of the proletariat — in that 
case we are in duty bound to explain to the masses the need 
for a revolution, to call for it, to create the necessary organiza- 
tions, to speak fearlessly and in the most concrete manner of the 
various methods of violent struggle and of its "technique." 

"' Lenin, The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution, reprinted in The Com- 
munist, vol. XIV, January 1935, p. 26. 

•5^ Lenin on Bourgeois Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship, op. cit., The Communist, 
vol. X, No. 4, April 1931, p. 360. 

''^ v. Adoratsky on the Theoretical Foundations of Marxism-Leninism, The Communist, 
vol. XI, No. 5, May 1932, p. 469. 


In Russia, nobody places the beginning of the 1905 Revolu- 
tion before January 22 (9), 1905, whereas revolutionary propa- 
ganda, in the very narrow sense of the word, the propaganda 
and the preparation of mass action, demonstrations, strikes, bar- 
ricades, had been conducted for years before that.'"' 

60. Citing- Marx and Engels as his authority, Lenin made a 
central point of the need for smashing the army. 

Engels wrote that in France, after each revolution the workers 
were armed. The armed workers were the embryo of a new 
army, the nucleus of the organization of a new social order. The 
first commandment of every victorious revolution, as Marx and 
Engels repeatedly emphasized, was: smash the old army, dis- 
solve it and replace it by a new one. In rising to power, the Armed workers 
new social class never could, and cannot now, attain power or Smash the army 
consolidate it except by absolutely disintegrating the old army.*'' 

61. Lenin excoriated his fellow Socialists prior to 1917 for fail- 
ing to appreciate the merits of revolutionary violence. His words 
are reprinted by the Communists today as the acme of wisdom. 

Hence, to talk about "violence" in general, without examining 
the conditions which distinguish reactionary from revolutionary 
violence means being a petty bourgeois who renounces revolu- Violence 
tion, or else it means simply deceiving oneself and others by 
sophistry. The same holds good about violence against nations. 
Every war is the exercise of violence against nations but that 
does not prevent Socialists from being in favour of a revolu- 
tionary war.** 

62. Explicit rules and instructions dealing with what he termed 
the art of insurrection were laid down by Lenin. 

Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other 
and subject to certain rules of proceeding, which, when neg- 
lected, will produce the ruin of the party neglecting them. Those insurrection 
rules, logical deductions from the nature of the parties and the »» ^n art 
circumstances one has to deal with in such a case, are so plain 
and simple that the short experience of 1848 had made the Ger- 
mans pretty well acquainted with them. Firstly, never play with 
insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the conse- 
quences of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefi- 
nite magnitudes the value of which may change every day; the 
forces opposed to you have all the advantage of organization, 
discipline, and habitual authority; unless you bring strong odds 
against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the insur- 
rectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest deter- 
mination, and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of 
every armed rising; it is lost before it measures itself with its 
enemies. Surprise your antagonists while their forces are scat- 
tering, prepare new successes, however small, but daily; keep up 
the moral ascendancy which the first successful rising has given 
to you ; rally those vacillating elements to your side which always 
follow the strongest impulse, and which always look out for the 
safer side; force your enemies to a retreat before they can collect 
their strength against you; in the words of Danton, the greatest 
master of revolutionary policy yet known, "de L'audace, de 
L'audace, encore de L'audace I" (Germany: Revolution and 

«« Selected Works, V. I. Lenin, vol. V (International Publishers, New York, 1943), 
Revolutionary Marxists at the International Socialist Conference, September 5-8, 1915, 
pp. 228 and 230. 

" Ibid., What Is Internationalism, p. 174. 

<=8lbid.. p. 175. 

^^ Ibid., Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power, pp. 291 and 292. 


63. On August 20, 1918, Lenin sent a letter addressed to "Ameri- 
can workers" which was widely distributed by the Communists in 
the United States and has since been reprinted a nuraber of times. 
We quote from this letter : 

For the class struggle in revolutionary times has always inevi- 
tably and in every country taken on the form of a civil war, and 
civil war is unthinkable without the worst kind of destruction, Civil war 
without terror and limitations of formal democracy in the inter- ""^ terror 
ests of the war. 

The American people has a revolutionary tradition adopted by 
the best representatives of the American proletariat, who gave 
repeated expression to their full solidarity with us, the 

But now, when we are confronted with the vastly greater task 
of the overthrow of capitalist wage slavery, the overthrow of the 
rule of the bourgeoisie — now the representatives and defenders call to Ameri- 
of the bourgeoisie, as well as the social-reformists, frightened by can workers 
the bourgeoisie and shunning the revolution, cannot understand 
and do not want to understand the necessity and the legality of 
civil war. 

The American workers will not follow the bourgeoisie. They 
will be with us for civil war against the bourgeoisie.'" 

64. The well-known reporter of the New York Times, Cyrus L. 
Sulzberger, has shown the continuity of the Leninist line on force 
and violence as applied at the present time. 

At a party congress in 1919, Lenin proclaimed: ''We are living 
not merely in a state but in a system of states, and the existence 
of the Soviet republic side by side with imperialist states for a 
long time is unthinkable. 

"One or the other must triumph in the end. And before that 
end supervenes, a series of frightful collisions between the prightful col- 
Soviet republic and the bourgeois states will be inevitable." lisions with 

In 1920, Lenin addressing the Moscow Communist Party nu- 
cleus said: "* * * As soon as we are strong enough to defeat 
capitalism as a whole, we shall take it by the scruff of the neck.'-* '^ 

bourgeois states 

■"> A pamphlet published by the International Publishers, New York, Second printing, 
1935, in an edition of 100.000 : A Letter to American Workers, V. I. Lenin, pp. 16 and 17. 

'1 New York Times of October 16, 1947, p. 8, from an article by C. L. Sulzberger, entitled 
"World Reds Show Continuity of Adherence to Leninism." 

Joseph Stalin 

As Prime IVIinister of the Soviet Government and as the secretary- 
general of the leading Communist Party of the world, the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin occupies a post of undisputed 
authority in the international Connnunist movement. The attitude 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., toward him is one of complete 
idolatry, as indicated bythe following statements of its leaders: 

In the whole past period, Joseph Stalin has made the most invaluable con- 
tributions toward helping the American Communists become the best representa. 
tives of the interests of the American proletariat. It was Stalin's profound con- 
tribution to the discussion of the problems of the American working class which 
armed our Party in the struggle against the treacherous and splitting intrigue 
of the Lovestone clique. * * This prepared our Partv politJcall" |'> '^"ke 

the lead in gathering the forces of the working class for effective organization 
and struggle. * * * 

In the course of doing this, Stalin enriched our Party's understanding of the 
fact that proletarian internationalism is based on the common international 
iFeatures of capitalism and the struggle against it. * * * 

As against the reactionary efforts of Social-Democracy to chain the working 
class to support of the imperialist war, the policy of the Soviet Union, led by 
Joseph Stalin, teaches the workers in the capitalist countries to struggle against 
the imperialist war, to develop their own independent class policy, to strengthen 
their orsranizatio'^s and positions, and to develop the struggle against imperial- 
ism, and for socialism." 

In June 1980 and in May 1988, Joseph Stalin was elected to the 
honorary presidium of the Connnunist Party, U. S. A, The March 
194:3 issue of the Communist carries greetings to Joseph Stalin as 
"Supreme Commander in Chief" of the Red Army and as "Lenin's 
best collaborator, his continuator and successor," and as "the greatest 
of war captains of our time."* The greeting is signed by Earl Brow- 
der, then general secretary of the American party. 

The leading article in the January 1940 issue of The Communist on 
Sixteen Years With Lenin, refers to Joseph Stalin as "Lenin's great- 
est disciple and closest collaborator," who vowed to "build and 
strengthen the Communist International," a vow which "sounded like 
a clarion call" to which the "struggling masses in all countries 

65. The following citations on force and violence are quoted 
from the standard works of Joseph Stalin. In large measure 
they reiterate the utterances of Marx, Engels, and Lenin. 

I quote Lenin once more: 

"The dictatorship of the proletariat is a peculiar form of class 
alliance between the proletariat (the vanguard of all those who 
labour) and the various strata of the non-proletarian labouring 
masses (the petty bourgeoisie, independent artisans, peasants, 
members of the intelligentsia, etc.) or with the majority of these; 
it is an alliance against capital; an alliance aiming at the com- 

'- Lenin ami Proiotarian Intprnationalism, by Max Weiss, member, National Committee, 
Communist Party, U. S. A., in The Communist, January 1941, pp. 31 and 34. 

74481—48 3 29 



plete overthrow of capital, at the crushing of bourgeois resist- 
ance and the frustrating of any attempt at a bourgeois resto- 
ration; an alliance designed for the establishment and the defi- 
nitive consolidation of socialism. This peculiar form of alliance 
is entered into under special circumstances at a time when civil 
war is raging; it is an alliance between the convinced supporters 
of socialism and its wavering allies. (Some of the allies may be 
'neutrals,' and then an agreement to fight may be replaced by 
an agreement to maintain neutrality). It is an alliance between 
classes which differ economically, politically, socially, and ideo- 
logically" (Works, Russian edition, vol. xvi, p. 241). 

With reference to the crushing of the exploiters, as one of the 
chief aims of the dictatorship, Lenin writes: 

"Scientifically defined, a dictatorship is an authority based 
directly on force, an authority which is absolutely unrestricted 
by any laws or regulations. * * * The dictatorship means 
(let the cadets grasp the fact once for all !) power, unlimited 
power, based on force and not on law. When civil war is raging, 
the authority of the victors cannot be anything but a dictator- 
ship. * * * (Works, Russian edition, vol. xvii, pp. 355 and 

Of course, the dictatorship of the proletariat does not mean 
force and nothing else, although a dictatorship cannot be main- 
tained except by force. To quote Lenin: 

"The dictatorship does not mean force alone, though it is im- 
possible without force. It likewise betokens a higher organi- 
zation of labour than has previously existed" (Works, Russian 
edition, vol. xvi, p. 222). 

"The dictatorship of the proletariat * * * jg jy^^ merely the 
exercise of force against the exploiters, and indeed does not 
chiefly consist in the use of force. The economic basis of this 
revolutionary force, the guarantee of its vitality and success 
is that the proletariat represents and realizes a type of social 
organization of labour higher than that represented and realized 
by the capitalist system. That is the main point. Herein lies 
the source of the strength of communism; wherein we find assur- 
ance of its inevitable victory * * *" Works, Russian edition, 
vol xvi, pp. 247-248). 

Let us turn to Lenin. In August 1915, more than two years 
before the October revolution, he said: 

"Irregularity in economic and political development is an in- 
variable law of capitalism. It is, therefore, possible for social- 
ism to triumph at the outset in a small number of capitalist 
countries, nay, even in one alone. The victorious proletariat in 
such a land, having expropriated the capitalists and having or- 
ganized socialist production, would rise against the remainder 
of the capitalist world, winning over to its cause the oppressed 
classes in other lands, inciting them to revolt against the capi- 
talists, and even, when needs must, having recourse to armed 
intervention against the exploiting classes and their States 
(Works, Russian edition, vol. xiii, p. 133).''^ 

Civil war 

based on force 

Incitement to 
revolt and 
armed interven- 
tion against 
capitalist world 

66. Again, Stalin, the present undisputed dictator of the world 
Communist movement, validated the dicta of Marx, Engels, and 
Lenin on the necessity of force and violence to accomplish the 
Communist revolution. The United States is specifically men- 
tioned as no exception to this formula. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot arise as the out- 
come of the peaceful development of bourgeois society and bour- 
geois democracy. It can only arise as the outcome of the de- 

" Leninism, by Joseph Stalin (International Publishers, New York, 1928), pp. 25, 26, 27, 
58, and 59. 



struction of the bourgeois State machine, the bourgeois army, 
the bourgeois bureaucracy, and the bourgeois police force. 

Marx and Engels, guided by the experience of the Paris Com- 
mune, wrote: 

"The working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made 
State machinery and wield it for its own purposes" (The Civil 
War in France, Truelove, London, 1871, p. 15). 

Again writing to Kugelmann in 1871, Marx said: 

"The aim of the proletarian revolution is no longer (as used 
to be thought) to transfer the bureaucratic and military machine 
from one set of hands to another, but to smash that machine. 
This is the indispensable prerequisite for any genuine folk-revo- 
lution on the continent. 

Marx's reservation "on the Continent" has given the opportu- 
nists and Mensheviks of all lands the chance of shouting in 
chorus that at any rate as regards certain countries that were not 
on the continent of Europe (Britain and the United States) he 
conceded the possibility of the peaceful development of bourgeois 
democracy into proletarian democracy. 3Iarx did, in actual fact, 
admit this possibility and he had good reason for doing so in 
regard to the Britain and the United States of the early seventies, 
before the days of monopolist capitalism and imperialism, and 
at a time when in those countries (owing to the peculiar condi- 
tions of their development) militarism and bureaucracy were but 
little in evidence. That was at an epoch when imperialism was 
in its infancy. But several decades later, changed, when impe- 
rialism had grown to its full stature and was dominant in all capi- 
talist countries without exception, when militarism and bureauc- 
racy had become established in Britain and the United States as 
well as on the continent of Europe, and when the exceptional 
conditions favourable to a peaceful development in the English- 
speaking world has passed away — then Marx's reservation "on 
the Continent" had become obsolete, and what he said of conti- 
nental Europe applied with equal force to Britain and the United 

In 1917, Lenin wrote: 

"Nowadays, in the epoch of the first great imperialist war, 
Marx's reservation lapses. Britain and the United States, which 
have been up till now (thanks to their exemption from militarism 
and bureaucracy) the last and greatest embodiments of Anglo- 
Saxon 'freedom,' have at length come, like the other nations, to 
wallow in the foul and bloody mire of bureaucratic and militarist 
institutions, which establish a universal tyranny. Today in 
Britain and the L^nited States, no less than elsewhere, the smash- 
ing, the destruction of 'the ready-made State machinery' (which 
in those lands has during the years 1914-1917 achieved the same 
imperialist perfection as on the continent of Europe) 'is the indis- 
pensable prerequisite of any genuine folk-revolution'." (Works, 
Russian edition, vol. xiv., pt. II, p. 327) 

In other words, as far as the imperialist countries are con- 
cerned, we must regard it as a universally applicable law of the 
revolutionary movement that the proletarian revolution will be 
eflfected by force, that the bourgeois State machine will have to 
be smashed, as an indispensable preliminary to the revolution. 

No doubt in the distant future, if the proletariat has triumphed 
in the chief countries that are now capitalist, and if the present 
capitalist encirclement has given place to a socialist encirclement, 
it will be possible for a "peaceful" transition to be effected in 
certain capitalist countries where the capitalists, in view of the 
"unfavourable" international situation will deem it advisable "of 
their own accord" to make extensive concessions to the prole- 
tariat. But this is to look far ahead, and to contemplate ex- 

Smash govern- 
ment machine 

United States 

Force against 
bourgeois state 



Forcible de- 
struction of 
bourgeois State 

Procedure after 
seizure of power 

tremely hypothetical possibilities. As concerns the near future, 
there is no warrant for any such expectations. 

That is why Lenin is perfectly right when he says: 

"The proletarian revolution cannot take place without the forci- 
ble destruction of the bourgeois State machine ami its replace- 
ment by a new machine." (Works, Russian edition, vol xv., p. 

"The question of power is the fundamental question of the rev- 
olution" (Lenin). Does this mean that the only thing required 
is to seize power? No, it does not. The seizure of power is only 
the beginning. For a number of reasons the bourgeoisie over- 
thrown in one country remains for a considerable time stronger 
than the proletariat which has overthrown it. Therefore, the 
important thing is to retain power, to consolidate it and make 
it invincible. What is required to attain this end? At least 
three main tasks confronting the proletariat "on the morrow" 
of victory must be fulfilled. They are : 

(a) To break the resistance of the landed proprietors and cap- 
italists now overthrown and expropriated by the revolution, and 
to liquidate every attempt they make to restore the power of 

(b) To organize construction in such a way as will rally all Liquidation of 
toilers around the proletariat and prepare the way for the liqui- •^'^^^'^s 
dation, the extinction of classes; 

(c) To arm the revolution and to organize the army of the rev- 
olution for the struggle against the external enemy and for the 
struggle against imperialism.'" 

Arm the 

67. Stalin considered the overthrow of our system as inevitably 
the result of resort to violence. For strategic and propagandistic 
reasons he places the responsibility for such measures upon those 
who oppose the Communist revolution. 

Capitalism is decaying but it must not be compared simply with 
a tree which has decayed to such an extent that it must fall to 
the ground of its own accord. No, revolution, the substitution 
of one social system for another, has always been a struggle, a 
painful and a cruel struggle, a life and death struggle. And every 
time the people of the new world came into power they had to 
defend themselves against the attempts of the old world to 
restore the old order by force; these people of the new world 
always had to be on the alert always had to be ready to repel the 
attacks of the old world upon the new system. That is why the 
Communists say to the working class: Answer violence with vio- 
lence; do all you can to prevent the old dying order from crushing 
you ; do not permit it to put manacles on your hands, on the hands 
with which you will overthrow the old system. As you see, the 
Communists regard the substitution of one social system for 
another, not simply as a spontaneous and peaceful process but 
as a complicated, long and violent process. Communists cannot 
ignore facts.^" 


"Ibid., pp. 116, 117, lis. 

'= Ch. IV from Foundations of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin, pnl)lisbpd by the International 
Publishers, New Yorli. 1932. pp. 44. 45. 

'•' Marxism versus Liberalism — An Interview of Joseph Stalin, by H. G. Wells (Interna- 
tional Publishers, New York, 1935), pp. 16, 17. 



68. He endorsed Lenin's prediction as to the sanguinary, vio- 
lent, and military phases of the struggle for the dictatorship of 
the proletariat. 

That is why Lenin declares: "The dictatorship of the proletariat 
is the fiercest, sharpest and most merciless war of the new class 
against its more pov/erful enemy, the bourgeoisie, whose re- 
sistance is increased tenfold by its overthrow. * * * xhe 
dictatorship of the proletariat is a stubborn struggle — sanguinary 
and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educa- 
tional and administrative — against the forces and traditions of the 
old society." ("Left" — Communism). * * 

We must, therefore, regard the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
the transition from capitalism to communism, not as a fleeting 
period replete with "super-revolutionary" deeds and decrees, but 
as an entire historical epoch full of civil v/ars and external con- 
flicts, of persistent organizational wo k and economic construc- 
tion, of attacks and retreats, of victories and defeats." " 

Violent phases 
of struggle 

and civil war 

69. Stalin gave his full endorsement to Marx' prediction re- 
garding the necessity for many years of civil war. 

Marx said to the workers: "You will have to go through fifteen, 
twenty, fifty years of civil wars and conflicts of peoples, not only Marx on civil 
to change the conditions, but in order to change yourselves and "^^^ 
to make yourselves capable of wielding political power."" 

70. Stalin reiterated that the dictatorship of the proletariat can 
only come about through violent revolution. He completely dis- 
counted the possibility of peaceful change in this direction. He 
called for the smashing of the state machine in all its parts. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat does not arise on the basis 
of the bourgeois order; it arises while this order is being torn 
down, after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, in the process of 
the expropriation of the landlords and capitalists, during the 
process of socialisation of the principal instruments and means 
of production, in the process of violent proletarian revolution. 
The dictatorship of the proletariat is a revolutionary power based 
on violence against the bourgeoisie. 

To put it briefly: the dictatorship of the proletariat is the 
domination of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie untrammeled 
by law and based on violence and enjoying the sympathy and sup- 
port of the toiling and exploited masses (Cf. Lenin State and 

Second deduction: the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot 
come about as a result of the peaceful development of bourgeois 
society and of bourgeois democracy; it can come only as the result 
of the destruction of the bourgeois state machine, of the bour- 
geois army, of the bourgeois civil administration, and of the 
bourgeois police.' ' 

based on 




■• Cli. IV from Founrtations of Leninism by Joseph Stalin, published bv the International 
Publishers, New York. 19::!2, p. 47. 

■^^ Ibid., published by International Publishers, New York, 1934, in an edition of 100,000, 

•'"'ibid., pp. 50, 51, 52. 



Smash military- 

71. He repeated that the necessity for smashing the government 
military machine applies in the United States. He considered the 
law of violent revolution as an inevitable part of the law of revolu- 
tion in such countries as the United States. 

In his letter to Kugelmann (April 12, 1871) Marx wrote that the 
task of the proletarian revolution must "be no longer, as before, 
to transfer the bureaucratic-military machine from one hand to 
another, but to smash it, and that is essential for every real 
people's revolution on the Continent" (Letters to Dr. Kugelmann 
International Publishers, p. 123). 

Marx did in fact concede that possibility, and he had good 
grounds for doing so in regard to the England and the United United statea 
States of the seventies of the last century when monopoly cap- 
italism and imperialism did not yet exist and when these coun- 
tries, owing to the special conditions of their development, had 
as yet no developed militarism or bureaucracy. That is how mat- 
ters stood before developed imperialism made its appearance. 
But later, after a lapse of thirty to forty years, when a state of 
affairs in these countries had undergone a radical change, when 
imperialism was developing and was embracing all capitalist coun- 
tries without exception, when militarism and bureaucracy ap- 
peared in England and the United States also, when the special 
conditions of peaceful development in England and the United 
States had disappeared — then the qualification in regard to these 
countries could no longer apply. 

Lenin said "Today, in 1917, in the epoch of the first great im- 
perialist war, this exception made by Marx is no longer valid. 
Both England and America, the greatest and last representatives 
of Anglo-Saxon 'liberty' in the whole world in the sense of the 
absence of militarism and bureaucracy, have today plunged head- 
long into the all-European dirty, bloody morass of military bu 
reaucratic institutions to which everything is subordinated and 
which trample everything underfoot. Today, both in England 
and in America, 'essential for every real people's revolution' is 
the break-up, the shattering of the 'ready-made' state machinery 
(brought in those countries, between 1914 and 1917, to general 
'European' imperialist perfection)" (State and Revolution, Little 
Lenin Library, p. 34; Collected Works, vol. XXI, book 11, p. 180). 

In other words, the law of violent proletarian revolution, the 
law of destruction of the machinery of the bourgeois state as a 
condition precedent for such revolution, is an inevitable law of 
the revolutionary movement in the imperialist countries of the 
world. * * * 

Lenin is therefore right in saying: "The proletarian revolution 
is impossible without the violent destruction of the bourgeois 
state machine and its replacement by a new one" (The Prole- 
tarian Revolution and Renegade Kautsky). 

The Soviet Power is the State Form of the Dictatorship of the 
Proletariat. The victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat 
signified the suppression of the bourgeoisie, the break-up of the 
bourgeois state machine and the displacement of bourgeois de- 
mocracy by proletarian democracy. That is clear.**" 

Shattering of 
State machinery 
in United States 




s^Ibid., pp. 53, 54, 55. 



Communist literature is replete with references to the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union as a model party, as "an example for the 
Communist Parties of all countries." ^^ William Z. Foster, present 
chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A., has extolled the CPSU 
as the "leading party" of the Communist International, "by virtue 
of its great revolutionary experience." ^" It is therefore highly sig- 
nificant that the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
which explains in great detail how that party seized power by resort 
to force and violence, is a subject of required reading and study for 
Communist Party members, for Comnnniist schools, and is presently 
on sale at Communist bookshops throughout the United States. 

The Communist Information Bureau, modern version of the Com- 
munist International, has given the following clear directive to all 
Conununist Parties : 

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Party of Lenin-Stalin, which 
has a membership of many millions, serves as a great example to the Communist 
Parties of other countries who see in the CPSU (B) the foremost cnampion for 
peace, freedom and the independence of peoples.^^ 

New Century Publishers, official American Communist publishing 
house, in its most recent catalog dated 1946 has listed the History of 
the Communist Party of tlie Soviet Union as "A classic work of 
historical and dialectical materialism." 

The Jefferson School of Social Science, cited by Attorney General 
Tom C. Clark as an "adjunct of the Communist Party," announced 
in its spring 1947 catalog, a course entitled "History of the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union," in which the book "History of the CPSU" 
was to serve as "the basic text." 

On March 1, 1939, when 100,000 copies of the English edition of this 
work were released for publication as the "greatest story of this gen- 
eration," Earl Browder, then general secretary of the Communist 
Party, U. S. A., said : 

This is no ordinary book to be skimmed through and then laid aside on a 
bookshelf. It is a scientific textbook to be studied and mastered, not a collection 
of dogmas to be memorized, not for mechanical quotation of extracts, but to 
understand the essence of the theory of Marxism-Leninism so that it can be 
applied to the most varied and different problems and situations, so that this 
theory can be enriched with new experiences of the revolutionary working class 
movement also of our country.'* 

The December 1938 Plenum of the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
stressed the importance of this volume even more emphatically, and 

Our gi-eat brother Party, the Communist Party of the S'oviet Union, which 
gave to the world the supreme example of the Communist program translated 

SI Dally Worker, March 5, 1939, reprint of cabled editorial from Moscow Pravda. 

«= Toward Soviet America, by William Z. Foster (Coward-McCann, Inc., New York, 1932), 
p. 259. 

^ For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, Organ of the Information Bureau of the 
Communist Parties, published in Belgrade, February 15, 1948, p. 1. 

" Daily Worker, March 1, 1939, p. 3. 



into life, has also now pi'oviilod us with a great iiistniinoiit for onr ideological 
rt'armaiiH'iit. It is the new book, A Short Course in the History of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union, prepared under the directiim of its Central 
Committee, with (he personal participation and leadership of Comrade 
Stalin. * * * 

In this connection the followino: steps for popularizing the publi- 
cation were announced by tlie Central Committee of the CPUSA: 

A campaign has been launched to get the book into the hands of every member 
of the Communist Party and through them, to their friends. * * * 

Each district is called upon to organize at least one mass meeting at which 
a leader of the Party should lecture on the book. * * * 

The national educational department of the Communist Pai'ty is preparing 
an outline to aid in the study of the book. 

The Comnuinist press will run a series of articles by Communist leaders on 
various phases of the book.*^ 

As recently as November 1947, in the maoazine Political Affairs, 
William W. Weinstone, New York State educational director of the 
Communist Party, recommended the History of the CPSU for both 
intermediate and advanced stages of study of Marxism-Leninism. 

In the INIarch 11)48 issue of Political Affairs, official Connnunist 
Party monthly theoretical organ, Eugene Dennis, general secretary of 
the party, insisted that the part}^ — 

must acquire a new and more profound grasp of the theory and lessons to be 
learned from such Marxist classics as * * * the History of the CPSU as 
well as from such authoritative ^larxist political .iournals as the new publication 
of the Comnmnist Information Bureau, For a Lasting Peace, For a People's 

The following citations on force and violence are taken from the 
Historv of the CPSU serving as a clear instruction and guide to all 
members of the Communist Part}^, U. S. A. : 

72. This basic guide for American Communists reiterates the 
principles of Marx and Engels regarding the impossibility of ac- 
complishing the socialist revolution by other than violent means. 

Marx and Engels taught that it was impossible to get rid of 
the power of capital and to convert capitalist property into impossibility of 
public property by peaceful means, and that the working class capUaHsm by 
could achieve this only by revolutionary violence against the peaceful means 
bourgeoisie, by a proletarian revolution, by establishing its own 
political rule— the dictatorship of the proletariat— which must ^ollence*"""^^ 
crush the resistance of the exploiters and create a new, classless. 
Communist society/" 

73. As a type study the Historj^ of the CPSU calls attention to 
the armed revolt on the Russian battleship "Potemkin," the first 
revolutionary action in the Russian armed forces. 

In June 1905 a revolt broke out on the "Potemkin," a battleship 
of the Black Sea Fleet. The battleship was at that time stationed 
near Odessa, where a general strike of the workers was in prog- Revolt in 
ress. The insurgent sailors wreaked vengeance on their detested the Navy 
officers and brought the vessel to Odessa. The battleship "Potem- 
kin" had gone over to the side of the revolution. * * * 

^ii Daily Worker. February l.S. 1939, p. 6. 

*" History of the Conimmiist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks'). Short course. 
Edited by a commission of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B). Authorized by the 
Central Committee of the CPSU (B). International Publishers, New York, copyright, 
1939, p. 9. 



Lenin attributed immense importance to this revolt. He con- 
sidered it necessary lor the Bolsheviks to assume the leadership 
of this movement and to link it up with the movement of the 
workers, peasants and local garrisons. * * * 

The "Potemkin" revolt was the first instance of mass revolu- 
tionary action in the army and navy, the first occasion on which 
a large unit of the armed forces of the tsar sided with the rev- 
olution. * * * 

The workers' recourse to mass political strikes and demonstra- 
tions, the growth of the peasant movement, the armed clashes ^,"jj*p„f/c^e''*'^ 
between the people and the police and troops, and, finally, the g^j troops 
revolt in the Black Sea Fleet, all went to show that conditions 
were ripening for an armed uprising of the people.^' 

74. Time and again it stressed the importance of armed uprising. 

Armed uprising 

Organize for 

Lenin considered that the most effective means of overthrow- 
ing tsardom and achieving a democratic republic was a victorious 
armed uprising of the people. Contrary to the Mensheviks, 
Lenin held that ''the general democratic revolutionary movement 
has already brought about the necessity for an armed uprising," 
that "the organization of the proletariat for uprising" had al- 
ready "been placed on the order of the day as one of the essential, 
principal and indispensable tasks of the Party," and that it was 
necessary "to adopt the most energetic measures to arm the 
proletariat and to ensure the possibility of directly leading the 

To guide the masses to an uprising and to turn it into an up- 
rising of the whole people, Lenin deemed it necessary to issue 
such slogans, such appeals to the masses as would set free their 
revolutionary initiative, organize them for insurrection and 
disorganize the machinery of power of tsardom. He considered 
that these slogans were furnished by the tactical decisions of 
the Third Party Congress, to the defense of which his book "Two 
Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" was 

75. The book reiterates the necessity of armed force to accom- 
plish a successful revolution. 

A decisive victory of the revolution over tsardom is the revo- 
lutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peas- 
antry, Lenin said: "* * * Such a victory will be precisely a 
dictatorship, i. e., it must inevitably rely on military force, on the 
arming of the masses, on an uprising and not on institutions of Military force 
one kind or another, established in a lawful' or 'peaceful' way." 

The Bolsheviks called the workers to arms, to prepare for 
armed uprising.^" 

76. The History of the CPSU then describes in detail Lenin's 
preparatory steps for the armed uprising. 

The bulk of the sailors and soldiers in revolt did not yet clearly 
realize the necessity for the overthrow of the tsarist government, 
for the energetic prosecution of the armed struggle. They were 
still too peaceful and complacent; they frequently made the mis- Armed struggle 
take of releasing officers who had been arrested at the outbreak 
of the revolt, and would allow themselves to be placated by the 
promises and coaxing of their superiors. * * * 

*" Ibid., ijp. GU, 01. 

88 Ihid.. p. 70. 

89 Ibid., pp. 70 and 78. 



The revolutionary movement had approached the verge of 
armed insurrection. The Bolsheviks called upon the masses to 
rise in arms against the tsar and the landlords, and explained to 
them that this was inevitable. The Bolsheviks worked indefati- 
gably in preparing for armed uprising. Revolutionary work was 
carried on among the soldiers and sailors, and military organiza- 
tions of the Party were set up in the armed forces. Workers' 
fighting squads were formed in a number of cities, and their mem- 
bers taught the use of arms. The purchase of arms from abroad 
and the smuggling of them into Russia was organized, prominent 
members of the Party taking part in arranging for their 

In November 1905 Lenin returned to Russia. He took a direct 
part in the preparations for armed uprising, while keeping out 
of the way of the tsar's gendarmes and spies. His articles in the 
Bolshevik newspaper, Novaya Zhizn (New Life), served to guide 
the Party in its day-to-day work. 

At this period Comrade Stalin was carrying on tremendous 
revolutionary work in Transcaucasia. He exposed and lashed the 
Mensheviks as foes of the revolution and of the armed uprising. 
Speaking at a meeting of workers in Tiflis on the day the tsar's 
Manifesto was announced. Comrade Stalin said: "What do we 
need in order to really win? We need three things: first — arms, 
second — arms, third — arms and arms again !" ^ 


Lenin and 
armed uprising- 

Stalin calls 
for arms 

77. The volume describes the participation and the leadership 
of the Russian Communists in the armed revolt. 

in armed 

As by that time the armed uprising had already begun in 
Moscow, the conference, on Lenin's advice hastily completed its Communist role 
work and dispersed to enable the delegates to participate per- 
sonally in the uprising. * * * 

In reply to this, the Moscow Bolsheviks and the Moscow So- 
viet of Workers' Deputies which thej' led and which was con- 
nected with the broad masses of the workers, decided to make 
immediate preparations for armed uprising. On December 5 (18) 
the Moscow Bolshevik Committee resolved to call upon the 
Soviet to declare a general political strike with the object of 
turning it into an uprising in the course of the struggle. This 
decision was supported at mass meetings of the workers. * * * 

When the Moscow proletariat began the revolt, it had a fight- 
ing organization of about one thousand combatants, more than 
half of whom were Bolsheviks. In addition there were fighting 
squads in several of the Moscow factories. In all, the insurrec- 
tionaries had a force of about two thousand combatants. The 
workers expected to neutralize the garrison and to win over a 
part of it to their side. * * * 

The uprising assumed a particularly stubborn and bitter char- 
acter in the Krasnaya Presnya district of Moscow. This was 
the main stronghold and centre of the uprising. Here the best 
of the fighting squads, led by Bolsheviks, were concen- 
trated. * * * 

The uprising was not confined to Moscow. Revolutionary up- 
risings broke out in a number of other cities and districts. There 
were armed uprisings in Krasnoyarsk, Motovilikha (Perm), 
Novorossisk, Sormovo, Sevastapol and Kronstadt. * * * 

The oppressed nationalities of Russia also rose in armed 
struggle. Nearly the whole of Georgia was up in arms. A big 
uprising took place in the Ukraine, in the cities of Gorlovka, 
Alexandrovsk and Lugansk (now Voroshilovgrad) in the Donetz 
Basin. A stubborn struggle was waged at Latvia. In Finland 
the workers formed their Red Guard and rose in revolt. * * * 

»« Ibid., p. 81. 



"On the contrary," Lenin said, "we should have taken to arms Le^jn „„ 
more resolutely, energetically and aggressively; we should have taking arms 
explained to the masses that it was impossible to confine our- 
selves to a peaceful strike and that a fearless and relentless 
armed fight was indispensable." "^ 

78. This revolutionary textbook then recalls Marx' definition 
of force. 

"Force," said Karl Marx, "is the midwife of every old society Force 
pregnant with a new one." "^ 

79. In full support of the line laid down by Lenin this authorita- 
tive work rejects the moderates' plea for civil peace and urges 
civil war in preference. 

In opposition to the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary 
renunciation of revolution and their treacherous slogan of pre- 
serving "civil peace" in time of war, the Bolsheviks advanced the 
slogan of "converting the imperialist war into a civil war." This 
slogan meant that the labouring people, including the armed 
workers and peasants clad in soldiers' uniform, were to turn 
their weapons against their own bourgeoisie and overthrow its 
rule if they wanted to put an end to the war and achieve a just 
peace. * * * 

In opposition to the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary 
policy of defending the bourgeois fatherland, the Bolsheviks 
advanced the policy of "the defeat of one's own government in 
the imperialist war." This meant voting against war credits, 
forming illegal revolutionary organizations in the armed forces, 
supporting fraternization among the soldiers at the front, or- 
ganizing revolutionary actions of the workers and peasants 
against the war, and turning these actions into an uprising 
against one's own imperialist government. * * * 

Lenin held that the policy of working for the defeat of one's 
own imperialist government must be pursued not only by the 
Russian revolutionaries, but by the revolutionary parties of the 
working class in all the belligerent countries."^ 

Civil war vs. 
civil peace 

against own 

Policy applica- 
ble to all bellig- 
erent countries 

80. The conversion of "imperialist war" into civil war is practi- 
cally the theme song of this work. 

At the front, the Party agitated for fraternization between 
the soldiers of the warring armies, emphasizing the fact that 
the world bourgeoisie was the enemy, and that the war could 
be ended only by converting the imperialist war into a civil war 
and turning one's weapons against one's own bourgeoisie and 
its government. Cases of refusal of army units to take the 
offensive became more and more frequent. There were already 
such instances in 1915, and even more in IBIG."** 

81. The volume describes how the police and armed forces were 
either disarmed or distintegrated. 

Turn weapons 
against own 

On the morning of February 26 (March 11) the political strike 
and demonstration began to assume the character of an uprising. 
The workers disarmed police and gendarmes and armed them- 
selves. Nevertheless, the clashes with the police ended 
with the shooting down of a demonstration on Znamenskaya 
Square. * * * 

»i Ibid., pp. 82, 83, 84. 
»2 Ibid., p. 130. 
»3 Ibid., p. 167. 
s^Ibid., p. 172. 



On February 26 (March 11) the 4th Company of the Reserve 
Battalion of the Pavlovsky Regiment opened fire, not on the 
M^orkers, however, but on squads of mounted police who were 
engaged in a skirmish with the workers. A most energetic and 
persistent drive was made to win over the troops especially by 
the working women, who addressed themselves directly to the 
soldiers, fraternized with them and called upon them to help the 
people to overthrow the hated tsarist autocracy."^ 

82. The arrest of ministers at the direction of the leaders of the 
Central Committee in the Communist Party is described together 
with the steps tov/ard mutiny in the armed forces. 

On February 26 (March 11) the Bureau of the Central Com- 
mittee issued a manifesto calling for the continuation of the 
armed struggle against tsardom and the formation of a Provi- Armed struggle 
sional Revolutionary Government. * * * government 

The workers and soldiers who had risen in revolt began to ar- 
rest tsarist ministers and generals and to free revolutionaries 
from jail. The released political prisoners joined the revolution- Arrest of 

ary struggle. * * * ■ ministers 

In the streets, shots v/ere still being exchanged with police and 
gendarmes posted with machine guns in the attics of houses. Firing on 
But the troops rapidly went over to the side of the workers, and p"''" 
this decided the fate of the tsarist autocracy. * * * "'' 

83. Lenin's precept that the Soviets (now known as action com- 
mittees in certain countries) are the actual organs of armed up- 
rising, is given added emphasis. 

The Revolution of 1905 had shown that the Soviets were organs Soviets organs 
of armed uprising and at the same time the embryo of a new, Unfurl.^ 
revolutionary power. 

84. The volume then describes the detailed instruction for the 
armed uprising given by Lenin to the Central Committee of the 
Russian Communist Party. 

The Bolsheviks began intensive preparations for the uprising. 
Lenin declared that, having secured a majority in the Soviets of 
Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies in both the capitals — Moscow 
and Petrograd — the Bolsheviks could and should take the state 
power into their own hands. Reviewing the path that had been 
traversed, Lenin stressed the fact that "the majority of the people 
are for us." In his articles and letters to the Central Committee 
and the Bolshevik organizations, Lenin outlined a detailed plan 
for the uprising showing how the army units, the navy and the 
Red Guards should be used, what key positions in Petrograd Plan of 
should be seized in order to ensure the success of the uprising, «»"«'"«: 
and so forth. * * * 

On October 10, 1917, the historic meeting of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Party took place at which it was decided to launch 
the armed uprising within the next few days. The historic reso- 
lution of the Central Committee of the Party, drawn up by Lenin, 

"The Central Committee recognizes that the international posi- 
tion of the Russian revolution (the revolt in the German navy 
which is an extreme manifestation of the growth throughout 
Europe of the world Socialist revolution; the threat of conclusion 
of peace by the imperialists with the object of strangling the 
revolution in Russia) as well as its military position (the indubi- 

'■"■ Il)i(l., p. 173. 
»« Ibid., p. 176. 
»' Ibid., p. 177. 


table decision of the Russian bourgeoisie and Kerensky and Co. 
to surrender Petrograd to the Germans), and the fact that the 
proletarian party has gained a majority of the Soviets— all this, 
taken in conjunction with the peasant revolt and the swing of 
popular confidence towards our Party (the elections in Moscoav), 
and, finally, the obvious preparations being made for a second 
Kornilov affair (the withdrawal of troops from Petrograd, the 
dispatch of Cossacks to Petrograd, the surrounding of Minsk by 
Cossacks, etc.)— all this places the armed uprising on the order 
of the day. 

"Considering therefore that an armed uprising is inevitable, 
and that the time for it is fully ripe, the Central Committee 
instructs all Party organizations to be guided accordingly, and 
to discuss and decide all practical questions (the Congress of 
Soviets of the Northern Region, the withdrawal of troops from 
Petrograd, the action of our people in Moscow and Minsk, etc.) 
from this point of view."'^ 

85. A clear description is given of how the Central Committee 
of the Russian Communist Party directed the armed revolt in 
both the Army and the Navy. 

The Pre-parliament Mas dissolved. The Smolny, the head- 
quarters of the Petrograd Soviet and of the Bolshevik Central 
Committee, became the headquarters of the revolution, from 
which all fighting orders emanated. 

The Petrograd workers in those days showed what a splendid 
schooling they had received under the guidance of the Bolshevik 
Party. The revolutionary units of the army, prepared for the Pa'ty prepares 
uprising by the work of the Bolsheviks, carried out fighting uprlsing'^ 
orders with precision and fought side by side with the Red Guard. 
The navy did not lag behind the army. Kronstadt was a strong- 
hold of the Bolshevik Party, and had long since refused to recog- 
nize the authority of the Provisional Government. The cruiser 
Aurora trained its guns on the Winter Palace, and on October 25 
their thunder ushered in a new era, the era of the Great Socialist 

On the night of October 25 the revolutionary workers soldiers 
and sailors took the Winter Palace by storm and arrested the 
Provisional Government.*' 

86. Joseph Stalin here describes the Communist (Bolshevik) 
Party as a party of a new type particularly suited to the struggle 
for power in a period of sharp collisions. 

The history of the Party teaches us that only a party of the 
new type, a Marxist-Leninist party, a party of social revolution, 
a party capable of preparing the proletariat for decisive battles 
against the bourgeoisie and of organizing the victory of the 
proletarian revolution, can be such a party. * * * 

The Bolshevik Party in the U. S. S. R. is such a party. 

"In the pre-revolutionary period," Comrade Stalin says, "in the 
period of more or less peaceful development, when the parties of 
the Second International were the predominant force in the Party con- 
working class movement and parliamentary forms of struggle trasted w_ith 
were regarded as the principal forms, the party neither had nor peace7u? period 
could have had that great and decisive importance which it ac- 
quired aftervvards, under conditions of open revolutionary battle." 

"But matters have changed radically with the dawn of the new 
period. The new period is one of open class collisions, of revolu- 

9^ Ihifl., pp. 204 and 205. 
»» Ibid., p. 208. 


tionary action by the proletariat of proletarian revolution, a 
period when forces are being directly mustered for the overthrow 
of imperialism and the seizure of power by the proletariat. In Seizure of 
this period the proletariat is confronted with new tasks, the tasks power 
of reorganizing all party work on new, revolutionary lines; of 
educating the workers in the spirit of revolutionary struggle for 
power; of preparing and moving up reserves; of establishing an 
alliance with the proletarians of neighbouring countries; of 
establishing firm ties with the liberation movement in the 
colonies and dependent countries, etc. etc." '" 


^o* Ibid., pp. 353, 354. 


The Communist or Third International was founded in Moscow on 
Marcli 2, 1919, under the leadership of Vladimir I. Lenin. The Com- 
munist Party of America, predecessor of the Communist Party, IT. S. 
A., held its first convention in Chicago from September 1 to 7, 1919, 
in response to the "clarion call of the Third International." The 
American Communist Party in all its stages, has been openly and 
avowedly affiliated with and has accepted the guidance and discipline 
of the Communist International until November 16, 1940, when it 
formally decided to — 

cancel and dissolve its organizational affiliation to the Communist International 
* * * for the specific purpose of removing itself from the terms of the so-called 
Voorhis Act. 

This Act requires such organizations to register. 

On May 30, 1943, the Communist International (Comintern) was 
formally dissolved, to be succeeded by the Information Bureau of the 
Communist Parties (Cominform) established in September 1947 with 
headquarters in Belgrade. 

There is every reason to believe that the Communist International 
was never actually dissolved and that the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
is as completely subordinated to the discipline of this Moscow-domi- 
nated world party, as it ever was. This belief is based upon the 
following characteristics of the American party prevailing during its 
affiliation with the Comintern and today : 

1. Rigid adherence to policies parallelling in every respect the line 
of Moscow. 

2. Interlocking affiliations and support of other Communist Parties 
throughout the world. 

3. Devotion to the teachings and principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin. 

4. Acceptance of press, radio, and other services from Moscow and 
Communist-dominated puppet states. 

5. Sending of leaders to Moscow for guidance and instruction. 

6. Glorification of Joseph Stalin. 

7. Collaboration of representatives of the Soviet Government and 
its subsidiary puppet states with American Communist organizations. 

8. Enforcement of Comintern statutes, discipline, and general pro- 

9. Authority of Moscow-designated representatives. 

The authority of the Communist International, presently known as 
the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties, is both unchal- 
lenged and continuing, as the following statements of outstanding 
Communists will show: 

(a) Joseph Stalin at the Second Congress of Soviets of LT. S. S. R. 
(1924) : 

Departing from us, Comrade Lenin adjured us to remain faithful to the prin- 
ciples of the Communist International. We vow to j'ou, Comrade Lenin, that 



we will not siiare our lives to slrongthen iiiid extend the miion of the toilers of 
the whole world — the ("oiiununist International!"" 

{h) AVilliiun Z. Foster, present chairman, Communist Party, 
U. S. A., in 1932 : 

The Conmumist I'arty of the United States * * is the Ameriean section 

of the Coinmunist International * * *. The Coiimmnist International is a 
disciplined world party * * *."'' 

(c) The Communist Party — A Manual on Organization, in 1935 : 

We do not question the political correctness of the decisions, resolutions, etc., 
of the Executive Committee of the C. I. (Communist International)."^ 

(d) Walter G..Krivitsky, former Cliief of the Soviet Military Intel- 
ligence for Western Europe, in 1939 : 

The Communist International is not an orjjanization of autoiKUuous parties. 
The Communist Parties are n(»thing more than branch otfices of the Russian 
Communist I'arty. The Communist International that operates in Moscow is 
nothing more than an administrative body which transmits the decrees reached 
by the political Bureau of the Central Connuittee of the Communist I'artv of 

(e) Testifying on September 29, 1939, before the Special Committee 
on Un-American Activities, William Z. Foster admitted that he was 
at that time a member of the executive connnittee of the Conununist 
International and of its Presidiiiui. Mr. Foster could not recollect 
a single instance in which the Community Party, U. S. A., had violated 
any of the statutes of the Comintern. He admitted that he considered 
the program of the Communist International as "a guide to general 
policy," which he acce])ted. 

(/) Louis Francis Budenz, former managing editor of the Daily 
Worker, official Comnninist Party U. S. A., organ, former member of 
the national Committee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., in 1946 : 

Now, I want to get here to the dissolution of the Communist International. 
* * * And it was agreed (by the National Committee) that Mr. Berger 
(Gerhart Eisler) should write this piece which he did write, in order to show 
to our comrades that internationalism still lives — "internationalism still lives" 
was the phrase used — even with the dissolution of the Communist International. 
And in order to drive that home, it was decided to put in (The Communist) a 
prominent article by Dmitri Manuilsky * * * because every trained 
Communist knows that Dmitri Manuilsky represents leadership of the Com- 
munist International even to this day. That was the understanding which 
prompted his open threat to the United Nations recently of the power of the 
Cmumunist Parties throughout the world. That is the speech that is putting 
every party on its toes and was the signal from the Communist International.^"^ 

For more than 15 years prior to the adoption of the so-called Trojan 
Horse policy, the Daily Worker proclaimed itself on its masthead as 
the ''Official organ of the Communist Party, U. S. A., section of the 
Comnumist International." The following citations are taken from 
official documents of the Communist International indicating that 
resort to force and violence is an integral part of its })rogramatic 
directives to the Communist Parties of the World including the 
Communist Party, U. S. A. : 

1"! History of the Cl'SU. p. 269. quoting The Lenin Heritase, bv Joseph Stalin (Interna- 
tional Publisliers, New York. 1939). 

!»■- Toward Soviet Ainerit-a, l),v William Z. Foster (Coward-MeCann, Inc., New York, 1932). 

^"^ The Coniminiist Party — A Manual mi Organization, by .1. Peters, with an introfluction 
by Jack Stachel (Workers Library I'ublishers. New York, July 1935), p. 27. 

i<M Testimony before the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, October 11, 1939, 
hearings, p. 5722. 

1*^ Testimony before the Committee on Un-American Activities on November 22, 1946, 
p. 23. 


87. The Communist Internationa! from its foundation has 
pointed out the futility of resort to legal channels for its revolu- 
tionary purposes and the need of destroying the state machinery. 

The bourgeois parliaments, which constitute one of the most 
important instruments of the state machinery of the bourgeoisie, 
cannot be won over by the proletariat any more than can the ^^°;^^^„«i^"P^t^ 
bourgeois order in general. The task of the proletariat consists machinery 
in blowing up the whole machinery of the bourgeoisie in destroy- 
ing it, and all the parliamentary institutions with it, whether they 
be republican or constitutional monarchial. 

The same relates to the local government institutions of the 
bourgeoisie, which theoretically it is not correct to differentiate 
from state organizations. In reality they are part of the same 
apparatus of the State machinery of the bourgeoisie which must 
be destroyed by the revolutionary proletariat and replaced by 
local Soviets of Workers' Deputies. '" 

88. A fundamental tenet of the Comintern policy has been the 
need of resort to armed uprising. 

The working class cannot triumph completely over the bour- 
geoisie through the use of only the general strike and the tactics 
of "crossed arms." The proletariat must have resort to armed Armed uprising 
uprising. Those who understand this must also understand that 
out of this inevitably flows the necessity of an organized political 
party, and that the formless labor associations are insufficient 
for tiiis purpose.^"' 

89. An armed struggle for the overthrow of democratic govern- 
ments and for the establishment of an international Soviet Re- 
public is the aim set down by the Third (Communist) Interna- 
tional in 1920. 

The Communist International makes its aim to put up an armed 

struggle for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and Armed struggle 

to create an International Soviet Republic as a transition stage troVii Soviet 

to the complete abolition of the state."* republic 

90. This gathering also called for the violent defeat of the mid- 
dle classes including business and professional men and the an- 
nihilation of the governmental apparatus of democracy. 

Only a violent defeat of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation of its 
property, the annihilation of the entire bourgeois governmental 
apparatus, parliamentary, judicial, military, bureaucratic, admin- Violent defeat 
istrative, municiiJal, etc., even the individual exile or internment bourgeoisie 
of the most stubborn and dangerous exploiters, the establish- 
ment of a strict control over them for the repression of all 
inevitable attempts at resistance and restoration of capitalist 

106 Thesis, Communist International Second Congress, 1920, republished in The Com- 
munist, vol. XI. No. 2. Pebruai-y 1932, pp. 186. 187. 

'"^ The Second Congress of the Communist International, Published Papers, U. S. State 
Department, 1920, p. 90. 

los Theses and Statutes of the Third (Communist) International, published by the Pub- 
lishing: Office of the Communist Internatiouii Moscow, 1920, and reprinted by the Unitf' 
Communist Party of America, v>. i. 



slavery — only such measures will be able to guarantee the com- 
plete submission of the whole class of exploiters.'"' 

91. The assembly stressed that questions at issue must be settled 
by force of arms. 

That which before the victory of the proletariat seems but a 
theoretical difference of opinion on the question of "democracy" 
becomes inevitably on the morrow of the victory a question which 
can only be decided by force of arms."" 

Force of arms 

92. The Communist International called the present an epoch 
of civil war. 

The World proletariat is confronted with decisive battles. We 
are living in an epoch of civil war. The critical hour has struck. Civil war 
In almost all countries where there is a labor movement of any 
importance the working class, arms in hand, stands in the midst 
of fierce and decisive battles. Now more than ever is the work- Arms mhand 
ing class in need of a strong organization. Without losing an 
hour of invaluable time, the working class must keep on indefati- 
gably preparing for the impending decisive struggle.'" 

93. It repudiated the notion that reforms can be achieved 
through parliamentary or legal means and stated that parlia- 
mentary institutions must be destroyed. 

Parliament at present can in no way serve as the arena of a 

struggle for reform for improving the lot of the working people. Break and 

as it has at certain periods of the preceding epoch. It is the destroy parlia- 

immediate historical task of the working class to tear this appa- mentary 

ratus out of the hands of the ruling classes, to break and destroy "PP**"»tus 
it and to create in its place a new proletarian apparatus. * * * 

Consequently, Communism repudiates parliamentarism as the 
form of the future; it renounces the same as a form of the class 
dictatorship of the proletariat; it repudiates the possibility of 
winning over the parliaments; its aim is to destroy parliamentar- 
ism. Therefore, it is only possible to speak of utilizing the bour- 
geois State organizations with the object of destroying them. 
The question can be discussed only and exclusively on such a 

94. According to the Comintern Congress, the Communist Party 
is to constitute the general staff of the civil war. 

The elementary means of the struggle of the proletariat 
against the rule of the bourgeoisie is, first of all, the method of 
mass demonstrations. Such mass demonstrations are prepared 
and carried out by the organized masses of the proletariat, un- Real nature of 
der the direction of a united, disciplined, centralized Comma- civil war 
nist Party. Civil war is war. In this war the proletariat must 
have its efficient political officers, its good political general staff, 
to conduct operations during all stages of that fight. * * * 

The mass struggle means a whole system of developing dem- 
onstrations growing ever more acute in form, and logically lead- 
ing to an uprising against the capitalist order of government. 
In this warfare of the masses developing into a civil war, the 
guiding party of the proletariat must, as a general rule, secure 
every and all lawful positions, making them its auxiliaries in the 

i"9Ibid., p. 11. 
"»Ibi(l., p. 15. 
"1 rtiid., p. 33. 
"= Ibid., pp. 44 and 46. 


revolutionary work, and subordinating such positions to the plans 
of the general campaign, that of the mass struggle."^ 

95. Communists are instructed to enter parliamentary institu- 
tions, blow them up, and destroy them. 

One such auxiliary support is the rostrum of the bourgeois 
parliament. Against participation in a political campaign one Blow up par- 
should not use the argument that parliament is a bourgeois gov- machin*"y 
ernment institution. The Communist Party enters such institu- 
tions not for the purpose of organization work, but in order to 
blow up the whole bourgeois machinery and the parliament 
itself from within.'" 

96. The Communist International declared that civil war is on 
the order of the day in all countries. 

All over the world civil war is on the order of the day. Its Civil war 
watchword is — All Power to the Soviets! "° « 

97. The Manifesto of the Second Congress of the Communist In- 
ternational in 1920 specifically called for and encouraged bar- 
ricade battles. 

The pariahs have arisen I Their aroused sentiments extend 
eagerly towards Soviet Russia, to the barricade battles in the Barricade 
streets of German cities, to the growing strike wave in Great 
Britain, to the Communist International."" 


98. The Comintern attacked those Socialists who refused to 
support the policy of armed uprising. 

The Socialist who aids directly or indirectly in maintaining the 
privileges of one nation at the expense of another, he who ac- 
quiesces in colonial slavery, he who draws a line of distinction 
between races and colors in the matter of human rights; he who 
helps the bourgeoisie of the metropolis to perpetuate its domina- 
tion in the colonies instead of promoting the armed uprising, the Armed uprising 
British Socialist who fails to support by all possible means the 
uprisings in Ireland, Egypt and India against the London plu- 
tocracy — such a Socialist should not only not get a mandate of 
confidence from the workers but should be shot or any rate 
branded with shame."' 

99. The Comintern accused the moderate Socialists of flinching 
from civil war and terrorism. 

The number of victims required in this struggle is great, 
inasmuch as the conservative Social Democrats still retain their 
influence in the Independent Social Democracy, constantly re- ^-j^jj ^^^ ^^^ 
verting to the Social Democracy of the times of Bebel, failing revolutionary 
to understand the nature of the present revolutionary epoch, terrorism 
flinching from civil war and revolutionary terrorism, and linger- 
ing in the train of events in the expectation of a miracle which is 
to come to the assistance of their inefiiciency."* 

"= Ibid., p. 47. 

"' Ilil(l.. n. 47. 

"^ The Capitali.'^t World and tlie Communist International, manifesto of the Second 
Conjrress of tli" Third Communist International, published b.v the Publishing Office of the 
Third Communist International, Moscow, 1920, American edition, published by the United 
Communist Partv of America, p. 23. 

"« Ibid., p. 25.' 

"■ Ibid., p. 25. 

"^ Ibid., p. 28. 


100. The following citations from the pen of N. Bucharin are 
significant because he was for years the leading theoretician of 
the Communist International next to Lenin. He drafted the pro- 
gram of the Communist International adopted by its Sixth Con- 
gress in the summer of 1928. He explained the official Communist 
attitude on force as follows: 

And so you, Communists, are for force, we may be asked. Cer- 
tainly, we shall reply. But we are for revolutionary force. First 
of all we think that by mere gentle persuasion the working class 
will never attain anything at all. The road of compromise, as 
preached by the mensheviks and the socialist revolutionaries will 
lead nowhere. The working class will achieve liberty in no other 
way except through a revolution, that is to say, through the over- 
throw of the power of capitalism, through the destruction of the 
bourgeois State. But every revolution is a form of violence Revolutionary 
against former rulers. The March revolution in Russia was force force 
against the oppressors, landlords and the Czar. The October 
revolution was force, of the workers, peasants and soldiers, 
against the bourgeoisie. And such force against those who have 
oppressed millions of the toiling masses is not wrong — it is 
sacred. * * * 

But the working class is compelled to use force against the 
bourgeoisie even after the bourgeoisie has been overthrown in 
an open revolutionary fight. * - * 

The proletarian State, similar to other States, is an organiza- 
tion of the dominant class (the dominating class is here the work- 
ing class) and an organization of force over the bourgeoisie, as a 
means of putting an end to (he bourgeoisie and getting rid of 
it. * * * 

He who is afraid of this kind of force is not a revolutionist. 
The question of force should not be regarded from the point of 
view that every kind of force is pernicious.^''' 

101. Bucharin considered the best guarantee of security a bay- 
onet in the hands of the worker. He echoed the words of Frederick 

The best guarantee, the best security for freedom, is a bayonet Bayonet in 
in the hands of the workers. These were the words of one of ^»'''<^rs hands 
the creators of scientific Communism, Frederick Engels.'"" 

102. Bucharin, acting for the Communist International, called 
for revolts and insurrection in so-called imperialist countries, a 
term applied by Communists to non-Soviet countries, like the 
United States. 

We must pursue the tactics of universal support of the Inter- 
national Revolution by means of revolutionary propaganda 
strikes, and revolts in Imperialist countries and by propagating 
revolts and insurrections in the colonies of these coun- 
tries. * * * 

The overthrow of Imperialist Governments by means of armed Armed 
insurrection and the organization of the International Soviet insurrection 
Republic, such is the way to an international dictatorship of the 
working class."' 

119 Prosi";iiiniie of the World Revolution, by N. Bucharin, published by the Contemporary 
Publishing Association, New York, 1920, pp. 18, 19, and 20. 
1-0 Ibid., p. 81. 
1^1 Ibid., pp. 90 and 91. 


103. He insisted that the Socialist revolution could be accom- 
plished only by force of arms. 

The most efficient means of supporting the international revo- ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ 
lution is the organization of armed forces of the revolu- ^^^ revolution 
tion. * * * 

The better we are organized, the better we arm the battalions Arm the 
of workers and peasants, the stronger will be the proletarian workers 
dictatorship in Russia, and the quicker will the cause of interna- 
tional revolution advance. * * * 

In Russia, where the revolutionary struggle and the develop- 
ment of the revolution in October caused the question of Social- 
ism and the overthrow of the bourgeois Government to be settled; 
immediately the dispute betv/een the traitors to Socialism and p^.^g „f ^^ms 
the adherents of true Socialism was decided by .orce of arms.' " 

104. Bucharin scoffed at the possibility of revolution without 
civil war even in advanced countries. 

But there can be no revolution without a civil war. Or do they 
perhaps imagine that in other more advanced countries Socialist 
revolutions will take place without civil v/ar? The example of ^^^^hout c" v,T 
Finland has proved the best evidence of civil war in advanced ^.^j. 
capitalist countries being even more fierce, more bloody, more 
cruel and frenzied than ours proved to be. Now we can foresee 
that in Germany, for instance, the v/ar betvi'een the classes will be 
extremely acute. The German officers are already shooting their 
soldiers ami sailors by hundreds for the slightest attempt at 
rebellion, it is only through civil war and the iron dictatorship 
of the workers that Socialism can be attained. Such is the pro- 
gramme of the Communists.'-^ 

105. In its thesis on tactics the Third Congress of the Communist 
International in 1921 envisaged a long series of civil wars. 

Thesis on Tactics. The Communists were therefore right in 
declaring, while the war was still raging, that the period of 
imperialism was developing into the epoch of social revolution, 
i. e. of a long series of civil wars in a number of capitalist coun- ^ap'i{a'',i"^ '" 
tries and of wars between the capitalist states on one side and countries 
proletarian states and exploited colonial peoples on the other 

106. It further insisted that strikes and political conflicts may 
develop into civil wars. 

The Communist Party must in this manner convince the widest 
circles of the proletariat by word and deed, that every economic 
or political conflict, given the necessary combination of circum- civil war to 
stances, may develop into civil war, in the course of which it conquer state 
will become the task of the Proletariat to conquer the power of p"^^*"^ 
the state. 

The bourgeosie, though apparently conscious of its power and 
actually bragging about its stability, knows through its leading 
governments quite well, that it has merely obtained a breathing 
spell and that under the present circumstances every big strike strikes and 
has the tendency to develop into civil war and the immediate "^'^ *"'' 
struggle for possession of power.'-^ 

1-- Ibifl., pp. 91, 92, and 94. 

^^ Ibid., p. 95. 

i2< Theses and, adopted at the Third World Congress of the Communist 
International (June 22-.Tulv 12, 1921). published by the Contemporary Publishing Associa- 
tion. New York City, 1921, p. 35. 

1^ Il)id., pp. 60, 61. 


107. The Third Comintern Congress urged its followers to se- 
cure military training in preparation for revolutionary battles 
to come. 

The proletariat rejects on principle and combats with the ut- 
most energy, every kind of military institution of the bourgeois 
State, and of the bourgeois class in general. Nevertheless, it 
utilizes these institutions (army, rifle clubs, citizen guard or- 
ganizations, etc.) for the purpose of giving the vt'orkers military 
training for the revolutionary battles to come. Intensive agita- 
tion must therefore be directed not against the military train- 
ing of the youth and workers, but against the militaristic regime, 
and the domination of the officers. Every possibility of providing provide workers 
the workers with weapons should most eagerly be taken ad- with weapons 
vantage of.^" 

108. This gathering also urged the seizure of the factories. 

At a time when the struggle against misery and poverty is the 
order of the day for millions of workers, when the requisitioning 
of bourgeois houses is imperative for the solution of the housing 
problem of the proletariat, when the practical experiences of life 
force the workers to interest themselves in the question of the 
arming of the working class, when the seizure of factories by the 
workers is taking place in various countries, can it be asserted Seizure of 
that in such a period the trade-unions must not take part in such factories 
a struggle and must remain neutral which really means that they 
must serve the bourgeoisie? "' 

109. The Communist International carefully graded all forms 
of direct action all the way from strikes and street demonstrations 
to armed uprising. 

The basis of the tactics of the trade unions is the direct 
action of revolutionary masses and their organizations against 
capitalism. The gains of the workers are in proportion to the 
degree of direct action and revolutionary activity of the masses. 
Under "direct action" we mean all forms of direct pressure of 
the workers upon the employers and the state: boycott, strike, 
street demonstrations, seizure of the factories, armed uprisings Armed uprising 
and other revolutionary activity which tend to unite the working 
class in the fight for Socialism. The aim of the revolutionary 
trade unions is, therefore, to turn direct action into a weapon 
of education and fighting ability of the working masses for the 
social revolution and institution of the dictatorship of the 

110. In its call to the workers of all countries in 1921 the Com- 
munist International urged them to arm themselves. 


* * * Forward to meet new great battles! Arm yourselves Arm yourselves 
for new struggles. Straighten out the general battlefront of the 
proletariat ! "^ 

111. Denouncing the futility of pacifism, the Comintern urged 
the efficacy of force of arms. 

^^ Ibid., pp. 91. 92. 
^ Ibid., pp. 1.H3, 134. 
^8 Ibid., p. 143. 
"» Ibid., p. 192. 


For it would be very detrimental to the proletarian struggle 
for liberation if the working-class were to disarm under the in- 
fluence of such propaganda instead of arming and fighting on 
with increasing energy. 

Nebulous pacifist and sentimental hopes should not displace 
the clear realization that the bourgeoisie is able to rule and ex- 
ploit thanks to the control of the creative and destructive means 
of production. 

The proletariat must acquire the control of both of these if 
it is to free itself from exploitation and serfdom. 

But since its freedom is denied it by force of arms, it must Force of arms 
acquire and defend it by force of arms. It must deprive the 
property-owning class of the military as well as of the political 
machines, and reconstruct them to serve its own demands and 
historical task."" 

Program of the Communist International 

The Program of the Communist International was adopted at its 
Sixth Congress held in the summer of 1928 in Moscow. It is the most 
authoritative programmatic document ever issued by that organiza- 
tion as a guide to Communist Parties throughout the world. It has 
been published and republished in many languages many times and 
it has never been superseded or repudiated despite the alleged dissolu- 
tion of the Comintern. 

Testifying on September 29, 1939, William Z. Foster, now chairman 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., admitted that he accepts the pro- 
gram of the Communist International and that he quoted extensively 
from this source in his book, Toward Soviet America.^^^ Mr. Foster 
was a memlier of tlie presidium of the Communist International. We 
cite from the Comintern program : 

The transition from the world dictatorship of imperialism to 
the world dictatorship of the proletariat extends over a long 
period of proletarian struggles with defeats as well as victories; 
a periol of continuous general crisis in capitalist relationships p , ^ • 
and the maturing of socialist revolutions, i. e., of proletarian civil civU^waVs*" 
wars against the bourgeoisie; a period of national wars and 
colonial rebellions which, although not in themselves revolu- 
tionary proletarian socialist movements, are nevertheless, objec- 
tively, insofar as they undermine the domination of imperialism, 
constituent parts of the world proletarian revolution; a period in 
which capitalist and socialist economic and social systems exist 
side by side in (peaceful) relationship as well as in armed con- Armed conflict 

112. This document called for forcible invasion of property re- 
lationships by the workers. 

Proletarian revolution, however, signifies the forcible invasion Forcible inva- 
of the proletariat into the domain of property relationships of re^atfon^shiprby 
bourgeoise society, the expropriation of the expropriating classes, the proletariat 
and the transference of power to a class that aims at the radical 
reconstruction of the economic foundations of society and the 
abolition of all exploitation of man by man."' 

130 The Worker. New York, Saturday, June 17. 1922. p. 4. Excerpt from the Theses of 
the Enlarged Committee of the Communist International, incorporated in an article entitled 
"Asrainst the Next War the World Revolution." 

^^ Hearings of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, p. 5356. 

^ Program of the Communist International Together With Its Constitution, published by 
Workers Library Publishers, New York, 1936, p. 34. 

"3 Ibid., p. 35. 



Violent over- 
throw of 

Arms in hands 
of proletariat 

113. The Comintern flatly discounted the possibility of captur- 
ing power by peaceful means. 

The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peace- 
fully "capturing" the ready-made bourgeois state machinery by 
means of a parliamentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts to 
every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen 
its predatory property and its political domination. Like the 
feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its 
historical position to the new class without a desperate and 
frantic struggle. Hence the violence of the bourgeoisie can be 
suppressed only by the stern violence of the proletariat. The 
conquest of power by the proletariat is the violent overthrow of 
bourgeois power, the destruction of the capitalist state apparatus 
(bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, the judiciary, 
parliaments, etc.) and substituting in its place new organs of 
proletarian power, to serve primarily as instruments for the sup- 
pression of the exploiters."* 

114. The program of the Comintern pointed out that the Soviet 
state for the establishment of which all Communist Parties strive, 
is an armed proletarian state. In Communist literature Com- 
munist goon squads are usually referred to as the armed prole- 

The Soviet state completely disarms the bourgeoisie and con- 
centrates all arms in the hands of the proletariat ; it is the armed 
proletarian state. The armed forces under the Soviet state are 
organized on a class basis, which corresponds to the general 
structure of the proletarian dictatorship, and guarantees the role 
of leadership to the industrial proletariat.'" 

115. The Comintern called for confiscation of all property with- 
out compensation. In Communist-controlled countries forceful 
means have been used for this purpose. 

In this sphere the Communist International advances the fol- 
lowing fundamental tasks of the proletarian dictatorship: 

"A. Industry, Transport and Communication Services: ^ /- ^• 


"a. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of all pri- "^ private 
vate capitalist undertakings (factories, plants, mines, electric ^•■•'•^*'' ^ 
power stations) and the transference of all state and municipal 
enterprises to the Soviet. 

"b. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of private 
capitalist railway, waterway, automobile, and air transport serv- 
ices (commercial and passenger air fleet) and the transference 
of all state and municipal transport services to the Soviets. 

"c. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of private 
capitalist communication services (telegraphs, telephones and 
wireless) and the transference of state and municipal communi- 
cation services to the Soviets. 

"B. Agriculture: 

"a. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization of all large 
landed estates in town and country (private church, monastery 
and other lands) and the transference of State and Municipal 
landed property including forests, minerals, lakes, rivers, etc., to 
the Soviets with subsequent nationalization of the whole of the 

13^ Ibid., p. 30. 
^« Ibid., p. 39. 



Bloody, violent, 
and military 
phases of 

"b. The confiscation of all property utilized in production be- 
longing to large landed estates, such as buildings, machinery and 
other investory, cattle, enterprises for the manufacture of agri- 
cultural products (large flour mills, cheese plants, dairy farms, 
fruit and vegetable drying plants, etc.)" ' ' 

il6. The Comintern reiterated the definition of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat and called attention to its bloody, violent, and 
military phases. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat is a continuation of the class 
struggle under new conditions. The dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat is a stubborn fight — bloody and bloodless, violent and 
peaceful, military and economic, pedagogical and administrative — 
against the forces and traditions of the old society against ex- 
ternal capitalist enemies, against the remnants of the exploiting dictatorship 
classes within the country, against the upshoots of the new bour- 
geoisie that spring up on the basis of still existing commodity 

117. Armed demonstrations and armed insurrection conducted 
under the rules of military science constitute the climax of the 
various forms of direct action proposed by the Comintern. 

In the event of a revolutionary upsurge, if the ruling classes 
are disorganized, the masses are in a state of revolutionary fer- 
ment and the intermediary strata are inclining towards the pro- 
letariat, if the masses are ready for action and for sacrifice, 
the Party of the proletariat is confronted with the task of lead- 
ing the masses to a direct attack upon the bourgeois state. This 
it does by carrying on propaganda in favor of increasingly radi- 
cal transitional slogans (for Soviets, workers' control of Indus- ggj^m.^ j 
try, for peasant committees for the seizure of the big landed property 
properties, for disarming the bourgeoisie and arming the prole- 
tariat, etc.) and by organizing mass action, upon which all 
branches of the Party agitation and propaganda, including par- 
liamentary activity, must be concentrated. This mass action in- 
cludes: a combination of strikes and demonstrations; a combina- 
tion of strikes and armed demonstrations and finally, the general 
strike co-jointly with armed insurrection against the state power ^™_f£ 
of the bourgeoisie. The latter form of struggle, which is the su- 
preme form, must be conducted according to rules of military 
science; it presupposes a plan of campaign, offensive fighting op- 
erations and unbounded devotion and heroism on the part of the 



118. The Communist International has designated the demand 
"convert imperialist war into civil war" as one of its fundamental 

The fundamental slogans of the Communist International in 
this connection must be the following: Convert imperialist war 
into civil war; defeat "your own" imperialist government; defend 
the U. S. S. R. and the colonies by every possible means in the 
event of imperialist war against them.' ' 

Convert im- 
perialist war 
into civil war 

119. Bringing Marx up to date the Comintern called for the 
forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. 

The Communists disdain to conceal their viev/s and aims. They Forcible over- 
openly declare that their aims can be attained only by the forcible ing^J^dar^'^ ' 
overthrow of all the existing social conditions."'" 


i»o 11)1(1., pp. 40 and 41. 
«' Ibid., pp. 48 and 49. 
138 Ibid., pp. 80 and 81. 
!■■» Ibid., p. 84. 
"» Ibid., p. 85. 


The sixth con*;jress of the Communist International adopted in 
addition to its pro<2;ram, a resohition on "The Strugu:le Against Im- 
perialist War and the Tasks of the Communists", based upon a report 
by Palmiro Ta<i:liotti, then known as Ercoli, who was a member of 
the Presidium of the Comintern, and who is now the active head of 
the Communist Party of Italy. This resolution is singularly relevant 
at the present moment during which the international Communist 
organization is seeking to label every effort to stem the tide of Soviet 
expansionism as a step toward imperialist war. It is a standard 
guide for Communist conduct in the present period, as the following 
exhibits will show : 

120. But the overthrow of capitalism is impossible without Capitalist over- 
force, without armed uprising and proletarian wars against the b^e wlthour^' 
bourgeoisie. In the present epoch of imperialist wars and world force 
revolution, as Lenin has stated, proletarian civil wars against the 
bourgeoisie, wars of the proletarian dictatorship against bour- 
geois states and against world capitalism, and national revolu- 
tionary wars of the oppressed peoples against imperialism, are 
inevitable and revolutionary."^ 

121. The Comintern resolution stated that the Communists 
strive to transform the so-called imperialist war into civil war. 

Although convinced that war is inevitable under the rule of the 
bourgeoisie, the Communists, in the interests of the masses of 
the workers and of all the toilers who bear the brunt of the sacri- 
fice entailed by war, wage a persistent fight against imperialist 
war and strive to prevent imperialist war by proletarian revolu- 
tion. They strive to rally the masses around their standard in 
this struggle, and if unable to prevent the outbreak of war, they 
strive to transform it into civil war for the overthrow of the Transform war 
bourgeoisie.'" '"*» "^'^ ^^'^ 

122. Where strikes and demonstrations do not suffice, the Com- 
intern recommended sharper methods of struggle. 

All the important questions of foreign policy, of armaments, of 
the introduction of new weapons of war, etc., must be brought 
before the masses of the workers and utilized for the organiza- 
tion of revolutionary mass action. In this struggle the Commu- 
nist Party, giving due and sober consideration to its strength, 
must march boldly and determinedly at the head of the masses. 
It must organize demonstrations and strikes against the war 
policy of the imperialist bourgeoisie and, at the proper moment, 
put to the masses the question of the general strike and of still Sharper meth- 

u iL J f i I 113 ods of struggle 

sharper methods of struggle. 

123. The exigencies of civil war proposed by the Communist In- 
ternational require revolutionary mass action in the rear of the 
army and fraternization at the front. 

To transfer the war between the imperialist States into pro- 
letarian civil war against the bourgeoisie, for the purpose of p^". ^,",r . 
establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and Socialism — dlcTatorship of 
this transformation to be achieved by means of revolutionary proletariat 
mass action in the rear, and fraternization at the front."^ 

^^1 The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists, published by 
Workers Library Publishers, New York, second edition, p. 10. 

142 TKl/l « -I O 

"2 Ibid., p. 1.^. 
"2 Ibid., p. 20. 
1" Ibid., p. 21. 



124. The Comintern cautioned against pacifism as a possible 
obstacle to civil war. 

It is the bounden duty of Communists strongly to combat all 
peace phrase-mongering; for at a certain moment, in the war, 
this can be utilized by the bourgeoisie as an extremely important 
ideological weapon to prevent the imperialist war from being 
transformed into civil war."° 

imperialist war 
into civil war 

Armed over- 
throw of 

125. Communists are called upon to show the relationship be- 
tween revolutionary mass action and the final act of armed over- 
throw of the government. 

The Communist must tell the workers that the struggle against 
war is not a single and simultaneous act, and that revolutionary 
mass action on the part of the workers and poor peasants, in the 
rear and at the front, for the armed overthrow of the bourgeoisie, 
is the only proper means of combating war, to which all other 
means must be directed/^ 

126. The Comintern considered the general strike as a transition 
form of activity to the armed uprising. 

Side by side with other revolutionary mass actions (demon- 
strations, strikes in munition works, transport strikes, etc.), the 
general strike — as the supreme form of the mass strike move- 
ment — is an extremely important weapon, and as a transition to 
the armed uprising it constitutes a stage in the transformation 
of imperialist war into civil war."' 

Strike as step 
toward armed 

127. It advised steering the general strike toward the goal of 
armed rebellion. 

The general strike must not be an abstract watchword. It 
must be the aim and the outcome of our general practical activity. 
That being the case, the revolutionary proletariat must be ready, 
in the event of general strike, firmly to steer a course t. .^ards 
transforming the strike into an armed rebellion, if conditions are 
propitious for that."* 

general strike 
into armed 

128. The Comintern opposed boycotting the array and preferred 
the policy of penetrating it in preparation for civil war. 

It means that the Communists, while strongly combating the 
harmful and illusory boycott slogan, must agitate for revolu- 
tionary work and organization in the bourgeois army, for the 
arming of the proletariat and for the transforming of imperialist 
war into civil war."" 


Civil war 

129. The formation of guerilla forces was recommended as a 
preparation for civil war. This policy is now being carried out 
by the Communists in Greece and China. 

i« Ibid., p. 21. 
"« Ibid., p. 22. 
w Ibid., p. 23. 
"8 Ibid., pp. 23, 24. 
"» Ibid., p. 24. 



Civil war 
under normal 

If the s^iK^ral situation is favorable for it, Communists must 
utilize such mass movements for the formation oi" guerilla forces, 
and for the immediate development of civil war. This applies Formation of 
especially to countries where strong national-revolutionary suenlla forces 
movements exist. In such countries the Communists, on the 
declaration of war — especially vv^ar against the Soviet Union — 
or in the course of the war, if the situation is favorable, must 
issue the slogan of national-revolutionary rebellion against the 
imperialists and for the immediate formation of national-revolu- 
tionary guerilla forces.''^" 

130. Significantly the Comintern pointed out that civil war may 
break out in normal or peaceful periods. The necessary condi- 
tions for such rebellion were clearly outlined. 

The civil wars in Germany in 1920 and 1923, in Bulgaria in 1923, 
in Esthonia in 1924, and in Vienna in July, 1927, prove that prole- 
tarian civil war may not only break out in times of bourgeois 
imperialist Mars, but also in the present "normal conditions" of 
capitalism; for present day capitalism intensified the class 
struggle to an acute degree and at any moment may create an 
immediate revolutionary situation. The proletarian uprisings in 
Shanghai in March 1927, and in Canton in December 1927, con- 
tained important lessons for the proletariat, especially in the 
nationally oppressed colonial and semi-colonial countries. 
Events in Shanghai particularly show how proletarian uprisings 
can be utilized as a weapon in a national war against imperialism 
and its lackeys. 

All this makes it incumbent upon the Communists, primarily in 
connection with struggle against imperialist and counter-revolu- 
tionary wars, to put the question of proletarian civil war openly 
to the masses and to study the lessons of the above-mentioned Study lesson 
uprisings. »' uprising 

These lessons are : 

(a) In regard to the necessary conditions precedent for rebel- 
lion. A revolutionary situation must prevail, i. e,, the ruling class 
must be in a state of crisis, for example, as the result of military 
defeat. The misery and oppression of the masses must be 
intensified to an extraordinary degree and the masses must be 
active and ready to overthrow the government by revolutionary 
mass action. A tried and tested Communist Party, having influ- 
ence over the decisive masses of the proletariat, must exist. 

(b) In regard to the preparations for rebellion. The rebellion 
cannot be based solely on the Party; it must be based upon the 
broad masses of the working class. Of decisive importance is the 
preparatory work in the proletarian mass organizations particu- 
larly in the trade unions; to secure their active participation in 
the work of preparing for the rebellion, and the creation of spe- 
cial organizations for rebellion, which shall unite the masses. 
The question of rebellion must be put openly to the masses. 

Persistent and intensified work must be conducted for the 
purpose of disintegrating the bourgeois armies, which work at 
the moment of the uprising will assume the character of a strug- 
gle for the army. 

Activities for organizing rebellion and military preparation 
must both occupy a prominent place in the work among the pro- 
letarian masses and among the tollers i.i the colonies and ;. .mi- 

The time for launching the rebellion will be determined by 
the state of maturity of the objective and subjective prerequisites 
for it. The time can be fixed definitely only if the closest con- 
tact exists between the Party and the masses of the revolutionary 

conditions for 

Preparation for 

the army 

Rebellion in 
the colonies 

Time for 

i=» Ibid., p. 25. 


(c) In regard to carrjing out the rebellion. The rule must ^J^'j,^,/^'J[ 
be: no playing with rebellion. The rebellion once launched must 
be vigorously prosecuted until the enemy is utterly crushed. 
Hesitation and lack of determination will cause the utter defeat 
of the revolutionary armed uprising. The main forces must be 
thrown against the main forces of the enemy. Efforts must be 
made to secure the superiority of the proletarian forces at the 
decisive moment at the decisive place, and without delay the re- 
bellion must be carried over the widest possible territory. There 
is an art in rebellion; but rebellion is not purely a military prob- 
lem, it is primarily a political problem. Only a revolutionary 
Party can lead a rebellion. On the outbreak of the rebellion . 
the Party must subordinate the whole of its activity to the re- 
quirements of the armed struggle.'"' 

131. The Communist International underscored Lenin's predic- 
tion that wars for national independence might serve its purposes 
at times. 

The tendency for national v/ars anl rebellions to become trans- ^u'^fjf "** 

formed into proletarian wars and rebellions led by the prole- "^"^ * "*" 
tariat — a tendency which Lenin predicted already in 1916 — has 
notably increased. ''- 

132. The Communist International agitated for the breaking up 
of the army by the proletariat. 

In imperialist States the attitude of the proletariat tov/ards 
armies is determined by the follovving: 

No matter what their form of organization may be, armies are 
a constituent part of the bourgeois State apparatus, v/Iiich the 
proletariat, in the course of its revolution, must not democratize, Break up 

but break up.'°' armies 

133. This supreme body of the world Communist movement rec- 
ommended the. formation of a Red Guard and Red guerilla de- 
tachments in the period prior to the formation of a Red Army. 

The Military Question During the Proletarian Revolution. The 
main slogans upon which the democratic partial demands are 
based are: disarm the bourgeoisie; arm the proletariat. 

The arming of the proletariat assumes various fo ims at various Arm proletariat 
stages of the revolution. In the period prior to the seizure of *"' ^'"^ 
power, and in the first period after the seizure of pov/er, it takes 
the form of a proletarian militia — a militia of the toilers, the Red 
Guard, and also Red Guerilla detachments. The Red Army is the 
form of military organization of the Soviet Government, i. e., it 
is the army of the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

The demand for a proletarian militia (a militia consisting of 
toilers, a workers' and peasants' militia) in an imperialist coun- 
try is merely another way of formulating the demand for arming 
the proletariat and can be put forv/ard only in the inevitable 
transitional stage in the military policy of the proletarian revolu- 
tion, in the period prior to the organization of the Red Army.'°^ 

134. The function of the Red Guard, or Red goon squads, is 
to be the establishment of the so-called dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat or Communist dictatorship. 

1=1 Ibid., pp. 27. 28. 
i=- I'iid., pp. :!o, ?.0. 
1" Ibid., pp. 40, 41. 
1" Ibid., pp. 4T. 4S. 


The Red Guard is an organ of the rebellion. It is the duty of 
the Communists to agitate for the establishment of such a Red ^ed guard 
Guard and to organize it when an immediate revolutionary situa- 
tion arises. * * * 

The proletarian militia is the armed organization of the pro- 
letariat fighting for the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat or, an organ of the proletarian dictatorship for the 
purpose of suppress i\r; the exploiters.^"' 

135. Officer units of the army are to be liquidated under the 
Communist program. 

With regard to the national armies, the military program of 
Marx and Engels of 1848-1870, i. e., the democratization of these 
armies for the purpose of converting them into revolutionary 
armies, must be applied with certain modifications. In regard Liquidation of 
to the imperialist armies, we can apply only the defeatist pro- ""^""^ oflficers 
gram, i. e. disintegration from v/ithin. In the event of special 
oflBcer units or bourgeois class military organizations existing, 
efforts must be made to isolate and liquidate them."^*^ 

136. With characteristic perfidy the Comintern called its goon 
squads a proletarian militia. These were to be formed to accom- 
plish the actual seizure of power. 

In countries passing through the stage of democratic revolu- 
tion, the slogan for militia will prove inadequate and must there- 
fore be expanded into the slogan: Organize a revolutionary army. 
This, of course, does not prevent the railitia slogan irom being Proletarian 
advanced at the same time, particularly in preparing for rebel- n>>lit'a 
lion. It must be noted that arming the proletariat does not con- 
tradict the demand for the armed nation; in fact, the armed 
proletariat is a fundamental part of the armed nation. While 
participating in the general organizations of the armed nation, it 
is absolutely essential to set up special, proletarian, armed units 
commanded by officers elected by these units. * * * 

The slogan proletarian militia (a militia of the toilers, a work- 
ers' and peasants' militia) takes the place of the demand for a 
democratic militia. When, in the process of the revolution in the 
colonies, the question of armed seizure of power arises, the ques- Armed seizure 
tion of organizing a Red Army must be brought up simultane- ot power 
ously with the organization of Soviets. The old, revolutionary, 
democratic forms of army organization must be substituted by 
class forms, dictated by the proletarian revolution.'" 

137. The Comintern believed in advancing the need of civil war 
prior to the actual outbreak of war. 

Work must be immediately commenced to explain to the work- Explain need 

ers why they must stand for the defeat of their imperialist coun- befoVj"im"e 

try in the coming war. The slogan "transform imperialist war rfaUst" ""''* 

into civil war," must already become the leading idea in our begins 
propaganda, before imperialist war breaks out.'°^ 


155 Ibirl., p. 48. 
i-«Il)i(l., p. 50. 
1" Il)id., pp. 52, 53. 
158 Ibid., p. 66. 


138. The chief target of Communist tactics in conducting a civil 
war is to be what they call "the vital parts of the war machine" 
such as strategic industrial plants, communications, arsenals, etc. 

In fighting against war, the Communist must prepare even now 

for the transformation of the imperialist war into civil war, con- Transformation 

cent rate their forces in each country, at the vital parts of the ^ar"into'eivii 

war machine of imperialism."" war 

139. The Communist Party, U. S. A., reprinted the Comintern's 
demand for the confiscation without compensation of all property. 

The Communist Parties must, with all resoluteness, raise be- 
fore the masses the task of the revolutionary way out of the 
crisis of capitalism. 

Against the quack recipes of the fascists and the social-fascists 
for saving decayed capitalism, the Communists must prove to the 
masses that the ills of capitalism are incurable. Therefore, the 
Communists, while defending in every way the demands of the 
toilers, must untiringly disclose to the masses who are suffering 
from starvation and exploitation the whole truth, viz, that their 
catastrophic conditions will grow worse and worse under the 
blows of the continuous offensive of capitalism, until the toilers 
succeed in uniting their forces for a counter-blow and the crush- 
ing of bourgeois rule. Crushing of 

bourgeois rule 

There is no way out of the general crisis of capitalism other 
than the one shown by the October Revolution, via the overthrow 
of the exploiting classes by the proletariat, the confiscation of Confiscation of 
the banks, of the factories, the mines, transport, houses, the p'^^p*'^**' 
stocks of goods of the capitalist, the lands of the landlords, the 
church and the crown.'"" 

140. The Workers Library Publishers, New York official Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A. publishing house, has reprinted the Com- 
intern's call for civil war aimed at the vital parts of the country's 

In fighting against war, the Communists must prepare even Concentrate at 

now for the transformation of the imperialist war into civil war, war'n^achlne 

concentrate their forces in each country, at the vital parts of for civil war 
the war machine of imperialism.^" 

141. The call for transformation of so-called imperialist war 
into civil war was reiterated by the Seventh World Congress of 
the Communist International in 1935 and reprinted by Workers 
Library Publishers. 

From the Struggle for Peace to the Struggle for Revolution. 
Should a new imperialist world war break out, despite all efforts 
of the working class to prevent it, the Communists will strive to 
lead the opponents of war, organized in the struggle for peace, 
to the struggle for the transformation of the imperialist war Transform 
into civil war against the fascist instigators of war, against the imperialist war 
bourgeoisie, for the overthrow of capitalism.'"^ '"*" *^'^'' ^""^ 

"" The Communist, a magazine of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism, published 
monthly by the Communist Party of the United States of America, February 1934, vol. XIII, 
No. 2. Fascism, the Danjrei- of War and Tasks of the Communist Parties, thesis of the 
Thirteenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, p. 140. 

i«» Ibid., p. 143. 

^^ Theses and Decisions of the Thirteenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of tiie 
Communist International — December 1933, published by Worliers Library Publishers, New 
York, March 1934, p. 13. 

1"° A pamphlet published by Workers Library Publishers, New York, November 1935, 
Seventh World Congress of the Communist International held In Moscow from July 25 to 
August 20, 1935, p. 47. 


142. The same document calls for the victory of the Red Army 
over our own in the event of a conflict. 

If the commencement of a counter-revolutionary war forces 
the Soviet l^nion to set the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army in 
motion for the defense of socialism, the Communists will call 
upon all toilers to work with all means at their disposal and at 
any price, for the victory of the Red Army over the armies of Victory of 
the imperialists/'^' Red Army 

143. Georgi Dimitroff, present head of the Communist govern- 
ment of Bulgaria and former general secretary of the Comintern, 
in his speech to that body in 1935, revived Lenin's teachings on the 
characteristics and lessons of civil war. 

"The school of civil war," Lenin says, "does not leave the people School of 
unaffected. It is a harsh school, and its complete curriculum *"'^' ^^"^ 
inevitably includes the victories of the counter-revolution, the 
debaucheries of enraged reactionaries, savage punishments meted 
out by the old governments to the rebels, etc. But only down- 
right pedants and mentally decrepit mummies can grieve over the 
fact that nations are entering this painful school; this school 
teaches the oppressed classes how to conduct civil war; it teaches 
how to bring about a victorious revolution; it concentrates in the 
masses of present-day slaves that hatred which is always har- 
bored by the downtrodden, dull, ignorant slaves, and which leads 
those slaves who have become conscious of the shame of their 
slavery to the greatest historic exploits." Lenin, "Inflammable 
Material in World Politics", Selected Works, Vol. IV, Page 298. 
International Publishers, New York.^'' 

144. He further stressed the lessons to be learned from the Oc- 
tober Revolution of 1917 led by Lenin as to the necessity for arm- 
ing the revolution. 

The experience of the October Revolution has demonstrated 
patently that the basic content of the proletarian revolution is 
the question of the proletarian dictatorship, which is called to 
crush the resistance of the overthrown exploiters, to arm the Arm the 
revolution for the struggle against imperialism and to lead the "=^"i"t'0" 
revolution to the complete victory of socialism."" 

145. In a history of the Communist International published by 
the Workers' Library Publishers the decisive part played by the 
civil war in Russia is explained. 

On the same day was issued the manifesto of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolshe- 
vik) on the imperialist war. * * * 

The manifesto divulges the treachery of the leaders of the 
Social-Democratic Parties and calls upon all consistent interna- 
tionalists to explain to the masses the real character of the war, 
to. expose the treachery of these leaders, to break off all rela- 
tions with them, to carry on work among the masses under the 
slogan "Down with the imperialist war, transform it into civil Transform 

j.,j .. ,T !• 1 imperialist war 

war directed against your own governments. Long live prole- i^to civil war 
tarian revolution and socialism." 

'«•■' Ibid., p. 48. 

""'' Georjji Dimitroff, poner.'il sooretary of the Comniniiist InterDational. in tlip Hnll of 
Columns. Moscow, at the Sevpntli World Congress of tlip Communist International on 
August 2, IS.'^o. Publislifd hy Workers Library Publishers. New York : second edition, 
September 193.5: also liy International Publishers in Itl.'^S as ch. I in Dimitroff's book, the 
United Front. Dimitroff — Working Class Unit.y — Bulwark Against Fascism, pp. 19, 20. 

i«= Ibid., p. 66. 



A breach was made in the imperialist front, in its weakest spot, 
in Russia the imperialist war was transformed into civil war^ 
and in the conflagration of the civil war the proletarian revolu- 
tion was victorious.''^ 

146. In the same volume is revealed the fact that the Communist 
International formulated one international program for all Com- 
munist Parties in their effort to conduct a civil war against the 
business and professional classes of all countries. 

The Third Communist International had to be in order to give 
to the revolutionary proletariat of all countries one revolutionary 
international programme of action. The character of this Pro- 
gramme was defined by Lenin in 1914 when he confirmed the final 
collapse of the Second International: "The Third International 
has before it the task of organizing the forces of the proletariat 
for revolutionary pressure on the capitalist Governments, for 
civil war against the bourgeoisie of all countries, for political 
power, the victory of Socialism." '"' 

Civil war 
program for 
all countries 

^^\ booklet publishod by Workers Library Publishers, 35 East 125th St., New York 
il929). Ten Years of the Communist International, by I. Komar, pp. 5 and 11. 
i«T Ibid., p. 45. 



The Lenin School in Moscow is used by the Connnunist Interna- 
tional to train its operatives for activity throughout the world. 
Among those who studied in this school were a number of the out- 
standing leaders of the American Communist Party. Our committee 
has fortunately been able to obtain a copj^ of one of the textbooks used 
for this purpose, entitled "The Koad to Victory" by Alfred Lange,. 
from which we quote : 

The armed uprising in the Marxian sense is the rising of the 
masses of the people against the reactionary regime, the begin- Armed uprising 
ning of the armed collision between the revolutionary and ofdvllwar** 
counter-revolutionary classes, the direct fight for the capture of 
the political power through a revolutionary class. 

The concept of "civil war" on the other hand, includes not only 
the fight for the capture of political power, but also the fight be- 
tween the revolutionary ami counter-revolutionary parties for 
power in general, that is to say, for the retention and the defense 
of the power once it has been captured. The armed uprising, 
therefore, is only the initial stage, the first phase of the civil 

147. In this work Lenin's conditions for a successful armed up- 
rising are described. 

Lenin, the greatest theorist and practitioner of the armed 
uprising. * * * The third most important prerequisite for Lenin on armed 
victory is, according to Lenin, the presence of a weakening and "P'^'S'^s 
disunity in the camp of the opponent. The uprising will have 
little chance of success if the ruling class stands united and 
strong and armed with all the means of power of the state op- 
posite the revolutionary class."^" 

148. It pointed out that no dependence can be placed upon 
purely spontaneous uprising and that success can be expected 
only through a planned effort by the Communist Party. 

Experience has taught that a purely spontaneous uprising 
can never start simultaneously everywhere, that the peak of the 
revolutionary movement is reached at different times in different 
areas. A fair chance of success of the revolt however demands Choosing right 
a simultaneous outbreak. This can be achieved only through the "„°,™^"^^"'' 
leadership of a strong party, which understands how to choose 
the right moment for the uprising in the overall situation, how 
to speed up the course of development in backward areas, and 
to keep the more advanced revolutionary forces in check. 

One of the important, often the most important point, is always 
the capital of the country, because of its role as center of the 
enemy's state machinery. For this reason, it will always be cor- f *"^gj „£ s^jj^^ 
rect to pay particular attention to concentration of gigantic machinery 
preponderance at this point. The significance of the adminis- 
trative centers of the provinces is equally important. The only 
general statement which can be made is that the crucial point 
should always be the one where the enemy is the weakest and 
where the crippling blow is to be struck."" 


168 rpjjg Road to Victory, a theoretical discussion of Marxism and revolution, by Alfred 
Lange. Ensilish translation. Chapter I. The Particular Art of the Uprising. 
^<» Ihid. Chapter II. The Choice of the Right Moment. 
"* Ibid., Chapter III. The Concentration of Forces. 




of forces on 
armed uprising 

Seizing initia- 
tive in armed 

149. All efforts of the Communist Party should be concentrated 
upon the armed uprising, according to this thesis. 

The principle of the concentration of forces at the crucial mo- 
ment and the crucial time means that the revolutionary party 
must direct all its energies and its structure towards the armed 
uprising. This does not mean literally that every party member 
should physically storm barricades with a gun in his hand, al- 
though he shoull be prepared to do so. There are other tasks 
also to be performed at the moment of the uprising, above ail 
the agitation, and the questions of food supplies under those 
circumstances. However, all the activities of the party should 
be directed solely and exclusively in the interest of the armed 
uprising. It is a mistake to allow oneself to be diverted in such 
moments by questions of the organization of the economy or the 
proletarian state machinery and to devote more attention and 
strength to such problems during the uprising than is absolutely 

150. This volume derided those who believe that the class enemy 
can be won over by humanitarian methods. It called for the em- 
ployment of terrorist methods. 

These, as well as other experiences of uprising in world history, 
leave no doubt that the rule is right, that determination and en- 
terprise are of primary importance in the success of an uprising. 
Victory can be counted upon only v/hen the revolutioniet manages 
to seize the initiative. This initiative, determination, and enter- 
prise can only be expressed by a daring, desperate, reckless 

The part of the leadership of the masses and the role of the 
party and its leaders in the uprising is becoming clearer. Only a 
firm and determined leadership, which knows how to gamble 
everything on the revolution and how to act accordingly, can 
organize for victory. 

A great lesson of all the previous experiences with revolution 
has been that the enemy can never be influenced or defeated 
through humanitarianism. Only brute strength and power can 
convince him. He knows no chivalry, and if you show him chiv- 
alry he will only use it to surprise you at an opportune moment. 

The avowed enemy of the uprising should be shown only the 
strictest revolutionary discipline, yes, even terror. How much 
terror should be used must be determined on the basis of each 
individual situation. 

To beat the opponent one must strike on his weak and vulner- 
able side. The enemy certainly is not going to show and offer us 
his weak points. We have to search for these points. This 
means that an active attack and the ultimate liquidation of the 
enemy can only be successful if we can liquidate the camps of the 
opposition. And this can be done only by a direct attack on those 

There is only one theoretically possible situation in which 
stalling, after the uprising has once begun, could be beneficial to 
the revolutionists and change the power relationships to their 
advantage namely; the possibility of military support from a 
foreign country, in which the revolutionary class has already 
seized power. In the midst of the conflict help will be welcomed 
by the fighters no matter where it comes from.'" 

Brute strength 
and power 

Use of terror 

Military sup- 
port to revolu- 
tion from a 
foreign power 

151. This treatise described in detail the methods of defeating 
the forces of the government even to the point of killing its 

1" Ibid., ch. III. 

"= Ibid. Cliapter IV. Attack at Any Price. 


Lenin expressed the same principle in the following words: 
"You should strive to surprise the enemy and to use advan- 
tageously the period during which his troops are still scat- 

The art of uprising consists in a large measure in a pre- 
vention of the concentration of the enemy's forces. That means 
the first moment of the uprising must be used at all costs to 
surround the individual greater or lesser portions of the enemy's 
forces, to decompose them with all available means, be it through 
speeches, through physical contact ("Kill the leaders" etc.) or Kill the leaders 
through direct attack on these groups. The important thing is to 
cut oit the enemy's retreat and communications with the outside 
world under all circumstances and to prevent his contact with 
other counter-revolutionary forces. 

It is always correct to concentrate enough forces on an enemy 
pocket that he is kept busy fighting off partisan attacks, even if 
he cannot be kept in one place. Such partisan activities, even 
from very small groups, are useful in confusing the enemy and 
slowing up the speed of his movements and preventing his 
prompt contact with other enemy forces. 

The goal of the uprising should be to defeat the enemy before 
he has a chance to form a front line. If it should get as far as 
the formation of a front line (when for example, a fertile ground 
for the counter-revolution has been created through the neglect 
of political agitation in one or more rural areas) the least that 
should be striven for is to force the enemy to form the line in 
the most unfavorable spot, a spot where he will have as little 
room as possible and as few resources human or otherwise, as 
possible with which to rebuild his army, and to see to it that his 
hinterland does not stay "calm" but is agitated and torn apart 
by partisan forces behind the front lines, etc."^ 

1.52. The author pointed to the need of developing the armed 
uprising from within the army and the police force. 

The unity of the revolutionary party must be a precondition 
of success of the final conflict. Hence, the great revolutionary 
significance of the battle within the revolutionary workers' party 
for unity, the significance of discipline and the principles of the 
democratic centralism which means the subjection of the in- 
dividual to the whole, of the minority to the majority. 

The Social Democratic parties can afford the luxury of allow- 
ing factions and groups within their ranks because they are not 
revolutionary parties, because they want to organize the worker 
not for war but for the renunciation of war. 

A revolutionary workers' party, however, which wishes to 
organize the workers for the actual final end of the armed con- Armed conflict 
flict, must be vitally interested in building up the foundations 
of its organization in the factories. 

An effective fight for the destruction of the armed forces of 
the enemy demands that it be waged not just from the outside 
but also from the inside. This is also the purpose of the "peace- 
ful" propaganda in the stronghold of the enemy's forces, the 
army and police. It Is not hard to see that this task is the best 
preparation for the armed uprising. At the moment of the final 
conflict "peaceful" propaganda work is not enough. Needed is 
an armed fight against the police and the military and a physical Armed fight 
battle for the military, that is to say, an active, desperate fight against police 
with the counter-revolutionary elements for the winning over of ""'* military 
the mass of soldiers. "Peaceful" work means only work in an- 
ticipation of such a battle."* 

^^ Ibid. Chapter V. Prevention of the Concentration of the Enemv. 
^^ Ibid. Chapter VI. A Few Conclusions. 

CoMMUxiST Party of the United States of America 

The Commimist Party of the United States, known also at various 
times as the Communist Party of America, the Communist Labor Party 
of America, the United Communist Party of America, the Workers 
Party of America, the Workers (Communist) Party of America, and 
the Communist Political Association, has clearly espoused resort to 
force and violence, in its official publications or through official spokes- 
men. The fact that there are no recent direct statements along this 
line from officia^ American Communist sources is due to its present 
policy of evading domestic laws which prohibit such advocacy. The 
party has, therefore, limited itself to advocacy and training within its 
own nearest circles through official literature and schools. Since the 
Communist movement relies upon coup d'etat methods effected by a 
trained minority, as has been clemonstrated recently in various coun- 
tries, such limited espousal suits its purposes much more effectively 
than any direct and public avowal of its violent aims. Ample evidence 
exists to show that the American Communist Party is basically at- 
tached to the advocacy of overthrow of government by force and 
violence, from its own documents cited herein. The constitution and 
progi'am of the Communist Party of America stated in 1921 : 

The World War marks an epoch — the epoch of the collapse of 
capitalism and the beginning of the proletarian revolution. With 
the disintegration of imperialism come uprisings among the ex- 
ploited masses in the colonies and in the small independent na- 
tions. The imperialist armies disintegrate. The ruling classes 
are unmasked and their incapacity to further direct the destiny 
of the world's working masses is exposed. Armed insurrection of 
the proletariat, resulting in victorious revolution, as in Russia; 
and a series of open armed conflicts with the state power of the 
bourgeoisie, as in Germany. This is typical of the conditions 
throughout the world."'^ 


Open armed 
conflict with 

153. The original Communist Party of America, acknowledged 
predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States of 
America, openly advocated armed insurrection, civil war, and 
violent revolution. 

The revolutionary epoch upon which the world has now entered 
forces the proletariat to resort to militant methods — mass action, 
leading to direct collision with the bourgeois state. Mass action 
culminates in armed insurrection and civil war. The centralized 
power of the capitalist class manifests itself through control of 
the state machinery — the army, the navy, police, courts, bureauc- 
racy, etc. It is through such means that the capitalist class 
imposes its will upon the workers. Mass action is the proletarian 
revolt against the oppression of the capitalist class. It develops 
from spontaneous activities of the workers massed in large indus- 
tries. Among its initial manifestations are mass strikes and 
mass demonstrations. * * * 

Armed insur- 
rection and 
civil war 

"5 Constitution and Program of the Communist Party of America. Adopted by the Joint 
Unity Convention of the Communist Party and the United Communist Party of America. 
Published bv tlie Communist Party of America, 1921, pp. 6, 7. 


Clash of 


The Communist Party will educate and organize the working 
masses for such direct political action, i. e., mass strikes and mass 
demonstrations, and will lead them in these struggles. These 
struggles form the major campaign of the Communist Party. It 
is through such struggles that the working masses are prepared 
for the final conflict for power. This can be nothing else but a 
direct struggle between the armed forces of the capitalist state 
on the one hand and the armed forces of the proletarian revolu- armed "forces 
tion on the other. In these mass strikes and demonstrations 
large masses of workers are united. New tactics and a new 
ideology are developed. As these strikes grow in number and 
intensity, they acquire political character through unavoidable 
collision and open combat with the capitalist state which openly 
employs all its machinery to break their strikes and crush the 
workers' organizations. This finally results in armed insurrec- Armed 
tion aimed directly at the destruction of the capitalist state and insurrection 
the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. This objective 
cannot be attained unless the entire movement is under the con- 
trol and guidance of the Communist Party. 

The Communist Party will keep in the foreground the idea of 
the necessity of violent revolution for the destruction of the violent 
capitalist state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the revolution 
proletariat based on Soviet power.^'" 

154. It derided the efficacy of parliamentary or legal means and 
declared that the American state machinery should be destroyed. 

The bourgeois parliament, one of the most important instru- 
ments of the bourgeois state machinery, can no more be won by 
the proletariat than the bourgeois order in general. It is the task 
of the proletariat to destroy the entire machinery of the hour- Destroy 
geois state, not excluding its parliamentary institutions.^^ bourgeois state 

155. It supported the Communist International in its advocacy 
of the use of force to create an International Soviet Republic. 

The Communist International. In order to overthrow the in- 
ternational bourgeoisie and to create an International Soviet 
Republic as a transition stage to the Communist Society, the 
Communist International will use all means at its disposal, in- 
cluding force of arms."* Force of arms 

156. The Communist Party of America declared openly that our 
system can be destroyed only by force. 

We know very well that capitalism cannot be abolished with- Abolition of 

, , 1 rr capitalism by 

out the use of force. force 

The capitalist magnates will hand over power to the workers 
only as willingly and as peacefully as the British Crown and 
Feudal Forces handed it over to the American bourgeoisie in 
1776, and as peacefully and as willingly as the Southern slave- 
owners freed their Negro slaves in the Civil War. 

Indeed we openly proclaim that the industrial and agricultural 
workers, who, being the vast majority of the population of this 
country, have a right to establish their own rule, with force if 
need be, against the rule of the small group of trust magnates 
and capitalists generally."" 

"8 Ibid., pp. 18, 19, and 20. 
""^Ibid., p. 21. 
"8 Ibid., p. 39. 

"» The Worker, Saturday, September 16, 1922, p. 4. Excerpt from Manifesto of the 
Communist Party of America. 


157. The Communist Party of America reprinted the official 
position of the Third Congress of the Comintern as its own. 

The official position of the Communist International as adopted 
at its Third Congress, held June 22-July 12, 1921, is as follows: 

With regard to acts of White Terror and the fury of bourgeois 
justice, the Communist Party must warn the workers not be de- 
ceived, during crises, by an enemy appeal to their leniency, but to 
demonstrate proletarian morality by acts of proletarian justice, 
in settling with the oppressors of the workers. 

But in times when the workers are only preparing themselves, 
when they have to be mobilized by agitation, political campaigns 
and strikes, armed force may be used solely to defend the masses Armed force 
from bourgeois outrages. 

Individual acts of terrorism, however they may demonstrate 
the revolutionary rancor of the masses, however justified they 
may be as acts of retribution against the lynch law of the bour- 
geoisie and its social democratic flunkeys, are in no way apt to 
raise the workers to a higher level of organization, or make them 
better prepared to face the struggle. 

We publish this statement for the benefit of our readers. The 
capitalist press will not publish it the next time they launch an 
attack on the Communist movement. We do not expect the hell 
hounds of the system, commonly known as secret service opera- 
tives, to have brains enough to understand it. But the workers 
will learn and act accordingly.^ " 

158. In the Michigan cases in 1923 in which the leaders of the 
American Communist Party were on trial, they defended the use 
of force. 

The Defense does not contend that the Communists say that 
the workers can achieve power and dominate the government 
as the dictatorship of the proletariat, without the use of force, 
either in achieving power or in protecting their rule after it is Necessity of 
established. The Communist viewpoint that great historical Violence 
changes have never come without a resort to force is boldly 
avowed, but is declared that this use of force must resolve out 
of the social and economic conditions, that Communists are not 
bomb throwers nor do they incite the workers to isolated acts of 

159. The American Communist Party has even asserted its right 
to openly advocate the use of force and violence. 

The evidence brought before the jury in the form of the official 
documents of the Communist Party frankly stated in Commu- 
nist viewpoint that the class struggle inevitably develops into an 
open struggle between contending classes and that the ultimate 
phase of the struggle between workers and capitalists would Resort to force 
involve a resort to force. * * * 

What the Communists have done, and what they insist is their 
right, is to express their view, based upon historical precedents, 
that no privileged class has ever given up its power without a 
resort to force and that the class struggle between workers and 
capitalists will follow this historic precedent."^ 

i^«Thp Workpr. New York, March 18. 1922, p. 6. From an editorial entitled "Individual 
Acts of Terrorism." 

181 The Worker. New York. Saturday. April 7. 1928. p. 2. From an article entitled 
■"Communist Principles on Trial In Person of Foster in ^lichigan." 

i^^The Worker. New York. Saturday. April 21, 1923, p. 1. From an article entitled 
■"Foster Verdict Triumph for Communism in United States," by C. E. Ruthenberg. 


160. The Daily Worker, official Communist organ in the United 
States has unreservedly espoused civil war between classes of 

But this social peace means above all, to deliver the working 
class helpless into imperialist war. Nothing can stop the slaugh- Oppose social 
ter of the wars of capitalism except the class war of the workers p^"*^* 
for the overthrow of capitalist government and the establish- 
ment of the workers' government. The cry of the imperialist for 
war between nations can only be answered by the cry of the 
workers for the war between the classes. The imperialist war 
must be turned into the civil war through which the power of the Civil war 
exploiting class shall be broken."^ 

161. The Workers Monthly, official Communist monthly organ, 
acknowledged the fact that the American party was formed in 
recognition of the historical example set by the Russian Com- 
munist Party in conducting an armed uprising. 

The Communist Party came into existence in the United States, 
as elsewhere in response to the ferment caused in the socialist 
parties by the Russian Revolution. It was the historical exam- 
ple, that is, the establishment of a proletarian state through an 
armed uprising of the working masses, the sweeping away of the Armed uprising^ 
old parliamentary form of government the establishment of the 
new workers' government upon the foundation of the Soviets, 
that drove into the socialist parties the wedge which split them 
into two sharply defined groups; those who pretended they could 
achieve a socialist society through forms wrung from the capi- 
talist state and those who saw the only road to socialism, the 
overthrow of the capitalist state and the establishment of the 
proletarian state, the dictatorship of the proletariat. * * * 

The Party was attacked because it taught the workers that 
they could emancipate themselves from capitalism only through 
an armed uprising which would overthrow the capitalist state 
and establish a soviet government. After it was driven under- 
ground the Party considered it all the more its duty to continue 
this propaganda.'*^ 

162. Questioned by New York Aldermanic President McKee, 
William Z. Foster, present chairman of the Communist Party,. 
U. S. A., frankly admitted that his organization teaches the work- 
ers that only by force and violence can the revolution be achieved. 

You cannot cure unemployment except by the overthrow of 
capitalism and the establishment of a Soviet Government in the 
United States. We explain to the workers and we teach all the 
workers that only by violence finally can a revolution be accom- Revolution by 
plished. All revolutions have been accomplished by force and '^'** '"" 

163. Robert Minor, for many years a member of the executive 
committee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., and a delegate to the 
Communist International, made a similar public admission. 

^^ Daily Worker, Chicago, July 5, 1924, p. 6 ; J. Louis Bngdahl and William F. Dunne, 
editors. Excerpt from an editorial entitled "Against Imi)erialist War." 

J»* The Workers Monthly, Chicago. October 1925, vol. IV, No. 12, n. .oSl. 

^^ Statement by William Z. Foster, present chairman of the Communist Party of the 
United States, before Aldermanic President McKee. Daily Woxker, New York, March 15, 
1930, p. 5. 


* * * the Communist Party is the party of the working class, 

leading the workers in the class struggle and recognizing that 

all of history is made up of this struggle which has never been 

solved and never can be solved without violence. It is not a Violence 

question of violence or no violence. It is a question of which 


164. The Seventh National Convention of the Communist Party, 
U. S. A., in 1930, endorsed Lenin's demand to turn "imperialist 
war" into civil war. 

In view of this growing danger of war, the Communist Party 
must carry thru an intensive and continuous campaign for the 
popularization of Lenin's teachings on the struggle against war, 
propagating the slogan of the transformation of imperialist war 
into civil war, the defeat of "our own" capitalist government, for Civil war 
the overthrow of "our own" bourgeoisie."' 

165. Before the House Special Committee To Investigate Com- 
munist Activities in the United States on December 5, 1930, Wil- 
liam Z. Foster, declared under oath that armed struggle was 
necessary for the socialist revolution. 

Only an armed struggle succeeded in eliminating the institu- Armed struggle 
tion of chattel slavery. The same law of history v/ill operate in 
the transition from capitalism to socialism.^^^ 

166. William F. Dunne, former member of the executive com- 
mittee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., delegate to the Comin- 
tern and former editor of the Daily Worker denounced those who 
believe in the possibility of an orderly revolution. 

No "Orderly Revolution." There never has been and there 
never can be an orderly revolution. "Orderly Revolution" means Against orderly 
no revolution. The whole international experience of the working i'^^"*"**"" 
class, immeasurably enriched by the Russian Revolution, proves 
this beyond question.''*' 

167. The following statements advocating the use of force and 
violence for the revolutionary overthrow of American capitalism 
are particularly signficant because of the official position now 
held by the author, William Z. Foster, as chairman of the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A. They are excerpts from his book, Toward 
Soviet America. 

The revolutionary danger to the capitalist system from the 
developing war situation is acute and menacing. If and when 
the imperialist powers launch a great war among themselves we Civil war 
may be sure that in many countries the workers and peasants, 
following the famous strategy of Lenin and under the leadership 
of the Communist International, will transform the imperialist 
war into a civil war against the capitalist system. * * * 

The road to this social development can only be opened by 
revolution. This is because the question of power is involved. 
The capitalist class like an insatiable blood-sucker, hangs to the ^**'*^* 
body of the toiling masses and can be dislodged only by force. 

1^ Soeech by Robert Minor before Mayor James J. Walker, New York, N. Y., Daily Worker, 
New York, March 15. 1930, p. 5. 

'8^ Thesis and Resolutions for the Seventh National Convention of the Communist Party 
of U. S. A., by Central Committee Plenum. March 21-April 4. 1930. 

'^ Statement draftefl by Communist Party of the United States and presented to Fish 
committee by William Z. Foster, present chairman. Communist Party, U. S. A., December 5, 
1930. Workers Library Publishers, New York, p. 31. 

1^ Daily Worker. Novemoer 7, 1932. p. 6 : excerpt from an article entitled "Why Thomas 
Is Being Boosted by Republican, Democrat Press," by Bill Dunne. 



in arms 

Civil war 

By the term "abolition" of capitalism we mean its overthrow 
in open struggle by the toiling masses, led by the proletariat. 
Although the world capitalist system constantly plunges deeper 
into crisis we cannot therefore conclude that it will collapse of 
its own weight. On the contrary, as Lenin has stated, no matter 
how difficult the capitalist crisis becomes, "there is no complete 
absence of a way out" for the bourgeoisie until it faces the revo- 
lutionary proletariat in arms. * * * 

Nevertheless, the working class cannot itself come into power 
without civil war. This is not due to the choice of the toilers; 
it is because the ruling class will never permit itself to be ousted 
without such a fight. "Force," says Marx, "is the midwife of 
every old society when it is pregnant with the new one; force is 
the instrument and the means by which social movements 
hack their way through and break up the fossilized political 
forms * * *." 

When the Ajjierican working class actively enters the revolu- 
tionary path of abolishing capitalism it will orientate upon the 
building of Soviets, not upon the adaptation of the existing cap- 
italist government. The building of Soviets is begun not after 
the revolution but before. The decisions of the Soviets are en- 
forced by the armed Red Guard of the workers and peasants Armed Red 
and by the direct seizure of the industry through factory Guard 
committees. * * * 

In order to defeat the class enemies of the revolution the 
counter-revolutionary intrigues within the United States and the 
attacks of foreign capitalist countries from without, the pro- 
letarian dictatorship must be supported by the organized armed 
might of the workers, soldiers, local militia, etc. In the early 
stages of the revolution even before the seizure of power, the 
workers will organize the Red Guard. Later on this loosely con- 
structed body becomes developed into a firmly-knit well-disci- 
plined Red Army.^^ 

168. In 1934 the Communist Party, U. S. A., was still making no 
bones about its advocacy of the need of an armed uprising and 
civil war. 

But along with the growth of revolutionary mass actions, such 
as demonstrations, strikes in basic industries, munitions works, 
waterside, rail transport, etc., the general strike — as the supreme 
form of the mass strike movement — can be a mighty weapon, and 
"as a transition to the armed uprising it constitutes a stage in 
the transformation of the imperialist war into civil war." ^°' 

Civil war 

169. Many American Communist leaders were given special 
training in Moscow to prepare them for the practical application 
of these theories of force and violence, William Odell Nowell, a 
former Communist Party leader in Detroit, who studied at the 
International Lenin University in Moscow under this training 
program for more than a year in 1931-1932, described the proce- 
dure for the Special Committee on Un-American Activities. He 
said that the Communist Party of the United States and the 
Soviet Government paid his expenses as a student in this training 

190 Toward Soviet America, by William Z. Foster (Coward-McCann, New York, 1932), 
pp. 64. 130. 212. 214. 271. and 275. 

lOT. rpj-jp Communist, a magazine of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism, published 
monthly by the Communist Party of the United States of America ; August 1934. vol. XIII. 
No. 8. p. 709. An excerpt from an article entitled "The Leninist Party as Leader of the 
Struggle Against Imperialist War," by H. M. Wicks. 



Military science 

program, which he stated was aimed at the production of "pro- 
fessional revolutionaries." His account of the training follows: 

We studied how to dismantle the weapons of the leading 
countries, that is, their main weapons, such as rifles or machine 
guns and so on. I also studied secret service codes * * * 
we studied the details of how to develop street fights. I mean, 
how to do barricade fighting, how to seize control of a city, Barricade 
the most strategic, economically and technically strategic fighting 
points, and so on. * * * 

* * * the science of civil warfare was developed down to 
its fine points. And a number of people were sent to the Red 
Army to secure further training in this respect. * * * I 
spent some time in the Red Army myself. * * * 

We were given regular military training. That is, we 
studied military science, strategy, such as is general in almost 
all countries. The strategy is pretty much the same, except 
in countries of different geographical situations, and so on. 
We had target practice and all that. Then we were taught 
what is called partisan warfare, the science of civil warfare, 
revolutionary uprising. It is not done legitimately and openly. 
You don't march in brigades and fight like armies that are 
meeting each other. 

The conspiratory tjpe of warfare. It is related to the bor- 
ing-in process, street fighting, and how to mobile (sic) in 
blocks, the blocks in a city, the workers in a plant; how to de- 
velop a general strike out of a local strike; how to develop a 
general strike into a city uprising, a city uprising into a na- 
tional uprising, coordinating all these different uprisings. Then 
how to lead this thing, once it is raised, once these men are on 
the Avarpath, how to direct them. Then we come to something 
like open warfare. We break these people down into groups; 
we make armies on the basis of the immediate emergency of 
the moment, or whatever the situation may be. We were given 
to know that in a revolutionary situation you cannot follow 
out mechanically any particular plan, only your objective. It 
is a tense situation. Therefore a party having an organiza- 
tion, with its fingers on everything — every portion of the city 
and its population, that it can depend on — is prepared to direct 
all its forces in the way they should be. 

[We were taught to concentrate on] the food supply, the 
warehouses, the utilities, that is v/ater and lights, gas, and all 
those things; the communications, that is the railways enter- 
ing the city, the streetcar service, telephone service, and tele- 
graph ; and all those things. 

[We were instructed in] sabotage; how to wreck trains, at 
this point closing down factories, facilitating discontent to 
raise the mob spirit in order to get the men on the go, and 
various other acts of sabotage, which of course could be at- „ . ^^ 
tempted on a moment's notice. Also the general methods of "a^o^ee 
derailing a train and destroying its cargo. I mean, if it is 
going to be available for the enemy, just put it full speed ahead 
when you know there is another train coming head-on, and 
just step aside.^'" 

1"- Hearings before tlie Special Couiinittee on Un American Activities, vol. XI, Novem- 
ber 30, 1939, pp. 6984-7025. 



Published by the Workers Library Publishers, official Communist 
Party, U. S. A., publishing house in 1935, Why Communism? is an 
outstanding Communist classic by Moissaye J. Olgin, who was, until 
his death in 1939, editor in chief of the Morning Freiheit, official Com- 
munist Party daily in the Jewish language. This book received fea- 
tured notice in the Communist International (magazine) of July 20, 
1935. Besides being a member of Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A., Olgin was its candidate for public office on a 
number of occasions including United States Senate in 1924, New- 
York State Assembly in 1933 and 1936. 

On the occasion of Olgin's death on November 22, 1939, William Z. 
Foster, present chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A., and Earl 
Browder, then general secretary, jointly declared : 

The National Committee of the CPUSA records with the deepest sorrow the 
death of Moissaye J. Olgin * * * whose influence extended far beyond the 
borders of America, as well as (being) a leading member of the Communist Party 
since 1922.'"' 

As late as May 24, 1947, the Daily Worker referred to him as "a great 
American, and champion of labor." We cite the following passages 
from the work Why Communism ? showing advocacy of overthrow of 
the American Government by force and violence : 

We Communists say that there is one way to abolish the capi- 
talist States, and that is to smash it by force. To make Commu- Smash capital- 
nism possible the workers must take. hold of the State machinery jst state by 
of capitalism and destroy it."^ '^^'^^ 

170. Olgin stressed the inevitability of resorting to force and 
civil war in America and preparation for this eventuality. 

If the workers rise in this way against war, the capitalists 
with their armed forces will try to break the deadlock. There 
will be attacks on strikers. The workers will have to ofifer re- 
sistance. We Communists do not close our eyes to the fact that Inevitability of 
this means civil war. But when the masses are organized and "vilwar 
fight in great numbers under revolutionary leadership the victory 
is assured. Part of the army is certain to waver and to join the 
people. There may be victims, but their number can not be com- 
pared to the losses in life and limb that the workers would suffer 
in the imperialist war. 

Victory in the civil war spells the doom of the capitalist State. 
We Communists do not say to the workers that they have to 
begin the civil war today or tomorrow. We say that the civil war 
is the inevitable outcome of long and arduous struggles against 
the capitalists and their State and that these struggles must be 
made the everyday practice of the working class."^ 

171. He described in detail the steps toward the armed uprising 
which display a remarkable similarity to Communist tactics in 
certain countries at the present time. 

A time comes when there is demoralization above, a growing 
revolt below; the morale of the army is also undermined. The 
old structure of society is tottering. There are actual insurrec- insurrections 
tions; the army wavers. Panic seizes the rulers. A general up- 
rising begins. 

'93Dailv Worker. November 23, 1939, p. 1. 

19* Why Communism [ bv M. J. Ogin (Workers Library Publishers, New lork, 193o), p. 32. 

"5 Ibici., p. 43. 


Workers stop work, many of them seize arms by attacking 
arsenals. Many had armed themselves before as the struggles 
sharpened. Street fights become frequent. Under the leadership 
of the Communist Party, the workers organize Revolutionary Workers arm 
Committees to be in command of the uprising. There are battles themselves 
in the principal cities. Barricades are built and defended. The 
Workers' fighting has a decisive influence with the soldiers. 
Army units begin to join the revolutionary fighters; there is 
fraternization between the workers and the soldiers, the workers 
and the marines. The movement among the soldiers and marines 
spreads. Capitalism is losing its strongest weapon, the army. 
The police as a rule continue fighting, but they are soon silenced 
and made to flee by the united revolutionary forces of workers 
and soldiers. The revolution is victorious. Can it be done? It 
has been done more than once.'^'^ 

172. Olgin predicted that the revolutionists would avail them- 
selves not only of rifles but of battleships, poison gas, and planes 
to be turned against the old system. 

What is true is that a revolution cannot win unless the armed 
forces, or at least part of them, join the workers. But once they 
join, the workers have not only rifles and cannon but also airships 
and poison gas and battleships to fight the bosses. Poison gases Use of arms 
are destructive, to be sure, but their destructive power can be 
turned also against the old system. There is no reason why the 
workers should not use them against the enemy when the final 
conflict has arrived.'^' 

173. Olgin did not mince any words on his advocacy of force and 

"But this is force and violence," somebody will contend. "Don't 
you Communists know that the use of force and violence is 
wrong?" We reply to this first, that if being a "red-blooded Force and 
American" means anything, it means that you must not take ^'°""<^^ 
punishment lying down, that you must offer resistance.^"* 

174. He hold out the prospect that armed workers would crush 
American democracy. 

Having crushed the capitalist State, the social revolution, acting 
through armed workers and soldiers, will establish the Soviet Armed workers^ 
State as the instrument of the workers' and poor farmers' "^^^ ®***** 

175. Expropriation of property by force was Olgin's formula 
for the social revolution. 

It is the task of the Soviets to abolish private property in the 
means of production and to establish Socialist production and 

This cannot be accomplished peacefully. The exploiters won't 
give up their loot even after their State power is crushed. They 
will have to be routed. The Soviet government will have to 
expropriate the expropriators by force. The latter will conspire Against peace- 
and plot against the new system; they will organize counter- f«>i means 
revolutionary up-risings. The Soviet State will have to crush 
these with an iron hand. The former exploiters will be given no 
quarter. The old system of robbery with all its rubbish will have 

"« Ibid., pp. 59 and 60. 
'»'Ibid., pp. 60, 61. 
"« Ibid., p. 61. 
"9 Ibid., p. 62. 


to be cleared away. This means that the Soviet State must be 

ruthless; it must destroy the counter-revolutionary forces — the Expropriation 

quicker the better for the workers and for the future of ^ *"^" 


176. Olgin declared that the Communist Party engages in vari- 
ous forms of struggle including open mass combat with the police 
in the streets. 

The Communist Party leads political as well as economic 
struggles. These fights are conducted through literature, 
through mass meetings, through demonstrations and, when occa- 
sion demands, through open mass combat with the police in the JJJi^^^„*^°,'"^"* 

with police 

177. He ridiculed resort to legal or parliamentary means. 

We go to the law-making institutions, not to tinker them up for Against legal 
the benefit of the capitalists, but to be a monkey wrench in their >»«*"« 
machinery, preventing it from working smoothly on behalf of the 

178. Published in 1936, the pamphlet What Is Communism? by 
the then general secretary of the Communist Party, U. S. A., Earl 
Browder, had the following to say regarding force and violence : 

History does not show a single example in which state power 
was transferred from one class to another by peaceful means, 
whether in the form of voting or some other method of formal 

179. As recently as March 31, 1948, Milton Howard, feature 
writer, declared on page 9 of the Daily Worker his lack of faith 
in democratic processes, as follows: 

There is no case in history where the propertied class has 
democratically permitted the nation to vote establishment of 
new property relations which turned the nation's industries 
over to the nation as a whole, taking them out of the hands of 
the private owners. 

180. The belief in forceful repression of those who do not fall in 
with the Communist viewpoint was also demonstrated in April, 
1948, when Dr. Howard Selsam, an avowed Marxist and director of 
the Jefferson School of Social Science, a Communist school in New 
York cited as subversive by Attorney General Tom Clark, told a 
newspaper reporter what would happen when Marxist socialism 
achieved its inevitable triumph in the United States. Selsam, 
who was identified as a Communist with the party alias of "Hill" 
by three former Communist professors in testimony before the 
Rapp-Coudert committee investigating subversive activities in the 
New York public schools, said : -°* 

When labor, the middle classes and farmers have achieved a 
majority in the interest of carrying out an extremely demo- 
cratic control of all peoples, it may be necessary to exercise 
repression against elements who would turn back the clock. 

=»» Ibid., p. 63. 

=" Ibid., p. 65. 

=02 Ibid., p. 66. 

2"^ What is Communism? bv Earl Browder, publi.shed bv Workers Library Publishers, 
New Yorlj : second edition, 1936, Ch. XIV, entitled "Force and Violence," p. 127. 

2»< Report of the Subcommittee of the Joint Legi.slative Committee to Investigate Pro- 
cedures and Methods of Allocating State Moneys for Public School Purposes and Subversive 
Activities, February 11, 1942. 


If an American newspaper opposed Marxism at such a time, 
Selsam said : 

That's a luxury that cannot be allowed. Measures would be 
taken to see that the press supported the general trend toward 
socialism. Noncomplying newspapers would have to suspend 
operation. That's where Marxism is rough about this.-"° 

2"5 Washington Evening Star, April 15, 1948, p. B8. 


In recent years official spokesmen for the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
have gone to considerable pains formally to deny the party's advocacy 
of overthrow of government by force and violence. The duplicity of 
such assurances is made manifest by the fact that the party simul- 
taneously proclaims its continued devotion to the principles of ]\Iarx, 
Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, of which the doctrine of overthrow of 
government by force and violence is an organic and inseparable part. 
The assumption is inescapable that such assurances are promulgated 
to throw dust in the eyes of the American people and for purposes of 
evading the law. It is clear that the American Party is being guided 
by Lenin's advice to make propaganda for armed uprising "without 
committing ourselves in the press." 

In this connection it is well to bear in mind such examples of con- 
scious evasion as the resolution of the National Committee of the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A., adopted on November 16, 1940 to — 

cancel and dissolve its organizational affiliation to the Communist International, 
as well as any and all other bodies of any kind outside the boundaries of the 
United States of America, for the specific purixjse of removing itself from the 
terms of the so-called Voorhis Act.""" 

We have previously shown above and in our Report on the Com- 
munist Party of the United States as an Agent of a Foreign Power 
that there was no actual severance. Similarly the Communist Inter- 
national was "dissolved" on May 30, 1943, as a result of a pronounce- 
ment from Moscow while Russia was our ally, although the subsequent 
continued synchronization of the Communist movement througliout 
the world is proof of the falsity of the alleged dissolution of the inter- 
national organization. 

The policy of deceit is so'inherently a j)art of the Communist move- 
ment that it is reflected in every section and phase thereof, in the con- 
duct of its members who conceal party memoership, in its numerous 
front organizations operating under false labels, in the campaign of 
falsehood against the United States now in effect throughout the world 
through Communist channels and in the flagrant violation of interna- 
tional agreements by the Communist-dominated government of the 
Soviet Union. No better case in point could be cited than the evidence 
contained in the documents on Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1939-11, pub- 
lished by the State Department. In other words duplicity is innate 
in the Communist movement which was advised by Lenin to "resort to 
all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and illegal methods, to evasion and 
subterfuge," """ in order to accomplish its purpose. It is in this light 
that the following Communist denials regarding the use of force and 
violence must be considered: 

(Statement of William Z. Foster, chairman of the Communist Party, 
U. S. A.:) 

Question. Does the Communist Party advocate the overthrow of the United 
States Government by force and violence or by any other unconstitutional means? 

2»«The Way Out, by Earl Browder (International Publishers, New York, 1941), p. 191. 
-"'' "Left-wini;" Communism, An Infantile Disorder, by V. I. Lenin (International Pub- 
lishers, New York, 1934), p. 38. 



Answer. We'll let the Supreme Court of the Uniterl States answer this ques- 
tion for us. In its decision in the Schneiderman case, June 1943, after examin- 
ing exhaustively, on the one haud, the charges that the Communist Party advo- 
cates a violent seizure of power and on the other hand, the practices and doctrines 
of the party, including the writings of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, the Court said: 

"A tenable conclusion from the foregoing is that the party in 1927 desired to 
achieve its purpose by peaceful and democratic means, and as a theoretical mat- 
ter justified the use of force and violence only as a method of preventing an at- 
tempted forcible counteroverthrow once the party had obtained control in a 
peaceful manner, or as a method of last I'esort to enforce the majority will if at 
some indefinite time in the future because of peculiar circumstances constitutional 
or peaceful channels were no longer open." 

We Communists accept this formulation as a fair statement of our attitude 
toward the question of political violence. American Conununists have always 
recognized the historical fact that parties with advanced social programs cannot 
secure governmental power by conspiratorial methods or by minority coups d'etat. 
* * * The danger of violence in such situations always comes from the reac- 
tionary elements, who refuse to bow to the democratic majority will.""^ 

Mr. Foster did not state that the majority opinion in the Schneider- 
man case also dechired that •'This Court has never passed upon the 
question of whether the Party does so advocate, and it is unnecessary 
for us to do so now." ^^ It is generally conceded by legal authorities at 
the present time that the fact that Russia w'as an ally at the time of 
the decision and the pressing need of national and international unity 
for the task of defeating the xVxis Powers, created an atmosphere con- 
ducive to a favorable decision in this precedent -making case, of which 
the Court could not have been unmindful. It is also generally con- 
ceded that the "cold war"' now being waged by the Soviet Union and 
its Communist satellites against the United States and the attitude of 
this group toward its treaty pledges and the democratic rights of 
national groups, has dissipated this favorable atmosphere and has dis- 
illusioned those who may have cherished some hope of Communist 
adoption of democratic and peaceful methods. There is good ground 
for the belief that a future test case before the United States Supreme 
Court will result in a decisive opinion regarding the party's advocacy 
of overthrow of government by force and violence. In publishing this 
report, our committee seeks to aid in clarifying this issue. 

In his pamphlet entitled "Is Communism Un-American?" Eugene 
Dennis, general secretary of the Communist Party of the United 
States, has voiced a similar denial of advocacy of force and violence : 

Question. The party's aim is the violent overthrow of the American system. 

Answer. The position of the Communist Party on this question is definitely 
embodied in the constitution of the Communist Party which states : 

"Adherence to or participation in the activities of any clique, group or circle, 
faction or party, which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, weaken or over- 
throw any or all institutions of American democracy, whereby the majority of 
the American people can maintain their right to determine their destinies in any 
degree, shall be punished by immediate expulsion * * *." 

Force and violence — resistance to the process of basic social change — have 
always been initiated and exercised by reactionary classes bent on maintaining 
their power and privileges against the will of the overwhelming majority."" 

There are a number of cleverly concocted loopholes in these formula- 
tions. Whether it be in a strike against an employer or in an attempted 
invasion of a weaker nation, the forces of international communism 

208 ]s-p^^ York Herald Tribune, .Tanuarv 11, 1948. p. 38. 
=«> Schneiderman v. United States. .320 U. S. 118. at p. 148. 

""Is Communism Un-American? by Eugene Dennis (New Century Publishers, New York, 
March 1947), p. 7. 



have adhered to Hitler's technique of bhiming any resuUant violence 
upon tlie victim of the attack. On May 30. 1037. the Connnunists 
orgfanized and led a riot against the Republic Steel plant in Chicago 
in which a number of persons were injured and 10 were killed. A 
coroner's jury investigation disclosed that the riot had been care- 
fully prepared by the Communists even to the extent of provision 
for Red Cross supplies and motion-picture cameras. The entire 
Communist press then proceeded to place the blame upon the Republic 
Steel Corp, and the Chicago Police force.-" 

Speaking on November 29, 1939, and in defense of the unjustified 
Soviet invasion of little Finland, V. M, Molotov, Soviet Commissar for 
Foreign Affairs, brazenly declared: 

Men and women, citizens of the Soviet Union, the hostile policy pursued by 
the present Government of Finland toward our country compels us to take im- 
mediate measures to insure the external security of our state. * * * in recent 
days abominable provocations have been initiated by the Finnish militarists on 
the frontier between the Soviet Union and Finland. * * * ■•:i2 

This policy of blaming the victim of Connuunist attack for any en- 
suing violence, drew forth the following sarcastic comment from Chief 
Justice Harlan Stone in the Schneiderman case : 

We need not stop to consider the much-discussed question whether this means 
that that force was to be used if established governments should be so misguided 
as to refuse to make themselves over into proletarian dictatorships by amend- 
ment of their governmental structures, or should have the effrontery to defend 
themselves from lawless or subversive attacks. For in any case the end con- 
templated was the overthrow of government, and the measures advocated were 
force and violence.^^' 

As another loophole it should be noted that the Communist con- 
stitution prohibits action against "any and all institutions of American 
democracy, whereby the majority of the American people can maintain 
their right to determine their destinies in anj^ degree." Subversion is 
not prohibited against existing institutions of the American Govern- 
ment. Thus the Communists have only to decide for themselves that 
such institutions are not of a nature "whereby the majority of the 
American people can maintain their right to determine their destinies," 
or decide that a majority is motivated toward force and violence toward 
the institutions of American democracy, and the prohibition immedi- 
ately loses its validit3^ Those who remember the facility with which 
the Communists transformed their conception of the United States as a 
peace-loving democracy' into one of warmongering imperialism im- 
mediately after the signing of the Stalin-Hitler pact in August 1939, 
will therefore place little reliance upon this obvious, face-saving, 
legalistic formula. 

The sincerity and reliability of Mr. Foster's denial of his party's 
advocacy of overthrow of our Government by force and violence are 
seriously impugned by his avowed hostility toward this Government 
as expressed as recently as March 1948 in the party's official monthly 
organ. Political Affairs. Here he refers to the United States as being 
one of two "hostile camps," that of "imperialism, fascism, and war," 

=" Chicago Sunday Tribune, July 25, 1937 ; Cliicago Daily News, July 21, 1937 ; Chicago 
Daily Tribune, July 22, 1937 ; Chicago Daily Times, July 22, 1937 ; Chicago Evening Amer- 
ican. July 22, 1937. 

^'2 U. S. S. R. Foreign Policy by Victor A. Yakhontofif (Coward-McCann, Inc., New York, 
1945) p. 225. 

"3 Schneiderman v. United States, 320 U. S. 118, at p. 190. 


■against which he juxtaposes the U. S. S. K. standing for "democracy 
and peace." He charges the United States with "ruthless determina- 
tion to rule the world," and "a domestic program of general political 
reaction, wild profiteering, and warmongering." He demands that 
"The Anglo-American imperialists must be stopped cold by superior 
democratic mass pressure for peace." Current Communist literature 
is replete with such expressions of antagonism toward the American 

Similarly Mr. Foster's repudiation of "minority coups d'etat" and 
his alleged reliance upon majority rule, must be weighed in the light 
of the historical fact that wherever the Communists have taken over 
power both in Eussia and in the so-called puppet states, it has been 
through the coup d'etat technique everywhere with Mr. Foster's ap- 
proval and that of his organization. The Supreme Court's accept- 
ance of these assurances of jDeaceful intent in the Schneiderman case 
.can well be understood at the time, since the subsequent minority, 
terrorist coups d'etat in Yugoslavia, Hungary, Albania, Bulgaria, 
Poland, Kumania, Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia had not yet occurred. 

Communists, the world over, have displayed a remarkable facility 
in applying their doctrine of "two truths." The disclaimer regarding 
:advocacy of. overthrow of government by force and violence is a 
"truth" intended to disarm and confuse those outside of the Com- 
munist movement. For the Communist insiders the opposite is the 
"truth." In the September 1945 edition of the constitution of the 
Communist Party of the United States of America, in which "acts 
to subvert, undermine, weaken, or overthrow any or all institutions 
of American democracy" are abjured, we find the preamble declaring: 

The Communist Party of the United States is the political party of the Ameri- 
can worliing class, basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialism, 

Thus the party initiate is advised that the basic Marxist-Leninist 
doctrines calling for support of overthrow of government by force 
.and violence, are still in force. 


Although the majority opinion of the Supreme Court in the Schneid- 
erman case held that — 

under our traditions beliefs are personal and not a matter of mere associations, 
and * * * men in adhering to a political party or other organizations do not 
subscribe unqualifiedly to all of its platforms or asserted principles."" 

It is highly significant that William Z. Foster did not repeat this 
statement in his answers to questions in the New York Herald Tribune 
of January 11, 1948. To have done so would have been to repudiate 
the principle of iron discipline which is basic with the Communist 
Party. As late as 1948, No. 31 of the Little Lenin Library, publighed 
by International Publishers, official American Communist Party pub- 
lishing house, published the statement of Joseph Stalin calling atten- 
tion to the need of "iron discipline in the party." -^^ The official pro- 
gram of the Communist International, never repudiated or repealed, 
defines the Communist Party as "a revolutionary organization, bound 
by iron discipline." 

In July 1935, the Workers Library Publishers, official Communist 
Party, U. S. A., publishing house, issued a pamphlet by J. Peters, 
entitled "The Communist Pra-ty, ii Manual oii Organization."' Tu 
establish the authority of this publication, it included an introduction 
by Jack Stachel, who is now a leading member of the National Board 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., chairman of its educational com- 
mission, and a member of the editorial board of the party's theoretical 
organ. Political Affairs, who declared : 

The manual embodies, therefore, the best that is available in the theory and 
practice of organization in our own party and the Communist International. 

This authoritative pamphlet clearly sets down the nature of Com- 
munist Party discipline and the responsibility which each individual 
member owes to the principles and decisions of that organization, as 
follows : 

It is clear, however, that basic principles and decisions, such as, for example, 
the program of the Communist International, cannot be questioned in tlie party. 
* * * We do not question the theory of the necessity for the forceful over- 
throw of capitalism. We do not question the correctness of the revolutionary 
theory of the class struggle laid down by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. * * * 
We do not question the political correctness of the decisions, resolutions, etc., 
of the executive committee of the CI, of the convention of the party, or of the 
Central Committee after they are ratified. * ♦ * 

This disciplinje is based upon the acceptance of the CI and the party pro- 
gram. * * * There can be no discipline in the party if there is no conscious 
and voluntary submission on the basis of a thorough understanding of the 
decisions of the party. "Only conscious discipline can be truly iron discipline" 

=» Fichneiderman v. United States. 820 U. S. 118, at p. l.S6^ 

"6 On the Theory of Marxism by Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, V. I. Lenin, Joseph Stalin,. 




Why Do the Communists Attach So Much iMPOEtANCB to Discipline? 

Because without discipline there is no unity of will, no unity of action * * *. 
The class war is bitter. The enemy is po'^^erful: it has all the m-eans of deceit 
and suppression (armed forces, militia, police, courts, movies, radio, press, schools, 
churches, etc. ) . In order to combat and defeat this powerful enemy, the army of 
the proletariat must have a highly skilled, trained general staff (the Communist 
I'arty), which is united in action and has one will. How can any army fight 
against the army of the enemy if every soldier in the army is allowed to ques- 
tion and even disobey orders of his superior officers? 

Our party cannot lead the masses if there is not unity in action. Unity of will 
and action can be achieved only if all the members of the party act as one — are 

Article III, section 2, of tlie 1945 constitution of the Communist 
Party of the United States of America, declares : 

Any person eligible for membership according to section 1, who accepts the 
aims, principles, and program of the party as determined by its constitution and 
conventions, who holds membership in and attends club meetings, who is active 
on behalf of the party, who reads the party press and literature and pays dues 
regularly, shall be considered a miember. 

If it Avere not clear from the foregoing that we are dealing here 
with a party of "a new type," in which neither differences of opinion 
nor disagreement with basic principles is tolerated, then the long list 
of expulsions and liquidations of the most prominent Communists 
in Eussia and in the United States for alleged deviations from the line 
of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin would certainly clinch the point. This 
is a j)henomenon entirely absent from our traditional political parties', 
which tolerate almost limitless divergence of opinion. The Commu- 
nist Party of the Soviet Union, for example, has eliminated the follow- 
ing members of its controlling committee : Bukharin, Kamenev, 
Lominadse, Kadek, Kykov, Tomsky, Trotsky, Zinoviev, and many 
others. Most recently the eminent Soviet economist, Eugene Varga 
was excoriated. Bukharin, the leading Soviet theoretician after Lenin, 
was charged by Stalin with "departure from the Marxist-Leninist 
theory of the class struggle.'' Trotsky was castigated for his "negation 
of Lenin's theory of the proletarian revolution." ^^ In 1929 Jay Love- 
stone was expelled from his port as executive secretary of the Commu- 
nist Party of the L^nited States and from membership in the party as 
a result of charges made by Joseph Stalin before the Presidium of the 
Communist International that Lovestone was opposed to — 

the line of the Comintern within the ranks of the American party, the idea of 
bolshevizalion of the American party, the idea of struggle against deviations 
from the Marxian position, and especially the Kight deviation, the idea of Leninist 
unity in the party. * * * "' 

In 1945, Earl Browder, general secretary of the Communist Poli- 
tical Association, as the Communist Party" of the United States was 
then known, was summarily expelled following a criticism from 
Jacques Duclos, French Communist leader and former member of the 
executive committee of the Communist International. Speaking be- 
fore the special convention of the Communist Political Association on 

2i« The Communist Party — A Manual on Organization, by J. Peters (Workers Library 
Publishers. New York, 19.35), pp. 8, 26, 27, 28. 

=" Leninism, Selected Writings by Joseph Stalin (International Publishers, New York), 
pp. 2.3 and 98. . /. 

"8 Speech before Presidium of the Communist International on May 14, 1929, by Joseph 
Stalin, submitted in testimony of Jay Lovestone, Hearings, Special Committee" on Un- 
American Activities, vol. 11. p. 7114. 


July 26-28, 1945, William Z. Foster, present chairman of the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A., castigated Browder for his crimes as follows: 

Browder's line is a rejection of the Marxian economic doctrines * * * he 
rejects Marx's theory of surplus value and of the exploitation of the workers. 
* * * Browder's line is a rejection of the Marxian principles of the class 
struggle. * * * Browder's line is a rejection of the Marxian concept of the 
progressive and revolutionary initiative of the working class. * * * Brow- 
der's line is a rejection of the Leninist theory of imperialism as the final stage 
of capitalism. * * * Browder's line is a rejection of the Marxian-Leninist 
perspective of socialism. * * * Fi-qj^ all of this, it should be clear that 
Browder is preaching anti-Marxism, in fact "a notorious revision of Marxism," 
as Duclos said."" 

Under these circumstances it is difficult at this time to defend the 
view of the majority of the United States Supreme Court as far as it 
applies to members of the Communist Party, U. S. A., that — 

under our traditions beliefs are pei'sonal and not a matter of mere association, 
and * * * men in adhering to a political party or other organization 
notoriously do not subscribe unqualifiedly to all of its platforms or asserted 

It is clearly shown that the Communist Party, U. S. A., is in no 
sense a political party according to our traditions, that contrary to the 
practice in other American political parties, membership in the Com- 
munist Party does imply complete and unqualified compliance with 
all its platforms and asserted principles, and that failure to so comply,, 
even in the cases of top-flight Communist leaders, has been punished 
by expulsion and even physical liquidation, 

A much more tenable position was taken in the case of United 
/States V. Wallis,-'^ where it was held that disavowal of any personal 
belief in or intention to use force and violence, coupled w^ith a denial 
that it was a Communist principle of action, was no defense where 
evidence was educed to prove that it was part of the program of the 
Communist Party, Current developments should persuade the Su- 
preme Court to adopt this more realistic and accurate position in the 
forthcoming cases. 

Finally it should be noted that in 1947, long after the adoption of 
the Constitution of the Communist Party, U, S, A., and its avowed 
eschewment of force and violence, we find William Z, Foster, present 
chairman of the organization, referring to the revolutions in Yugo- 
slavia, Poland, and other countries in central and eastern Europe, as 
follows from his recent book, The New Europe (p, 18) : 

The essense of this revolution is that the peo])les in these countries, during the- 
war, with the potent help of the Red Army, drove out the Fascist invaders and 
also smashed their own big capitalists and landlords who almost unanimously 
joined the Fascists. In these struggles the old states' machinery was de- 
stroyed. * * * 

It must be remembered that Communists label ppponents indis- 
criminately as "Fascists," "capitalists," or "landlords." What we 
have here therefore is a modern fornudation of Marx's advice io 
"smash" the "bureaucratic-military machine." 

219 rjijjg Struggle Against Revisionism, by William Z. Foster in Political Affairs, September 
194.5. pp. 782-799. 

220 Schnciderman v. United States, 320 U. S. 118, at p. 136. 
"^ 268 Fed. 413 (S. D.JSf. Y., 1920). 


The Communist Party of the United States is part of a world-wide- 
Communist organizatioii. The American Communist Party, together 
with the Communist Parties in other countries, might well be likened 
to spokes in a wheel, the hub of which is the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union. All of the parties are working together under the 
central control and guidance of the Soviet Connnunists toward a single 
aim — the subversion of the world to a Soviet dictatorship. 

The Communist Party in this country has functioned as a section 
of the world Communist organization since the day of the party's 
organization here in 1919. 

A more detailed proof of the American Communists' basic and con- 
tinuous role as a link in world-wide Communist conspiracy directed 
by Moscow will be found in a 56-page report based on documentary 
evidence which was issued by the Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities on April 1, 1947. The report is entitled "The Communist Party 
of the United States as an Agent of a Foreign Power." 

It is necessary to amplify certain features regarding the Communist 
International, however. The continued existence of the Communist 
International after its supposed dissolution was evidenced by the 
assumption by former Communist International leaders of controlling 
positions in EurojDean countries which have been subverted to Soviet 
puppet states, during and since the Second World War. In every 
instance, the legally constituted governments of these countries were 
overthrown by Communist resort to force and violence. Among the 
Comintern leaders who thus assumed positions of power are : Georgi 
Dimitrov, former general secretary of the Communist International 
and now Prime Minister of Bulgaria ; Clement Gottwald, former 
member of the Comintern Executive Committee and now Prime Min- 
ister of Czechoslovakia ; Anna Pauker. former member of the Com- 
intern Executive Committee and now Foreign ]\Iinister of Riunania ; 
Boleslaw Bierut, a leading Polish Comintern agent and now that 
country's President; Matj^as Kakosi, former member of the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International and now Deputy Prime 
Minister of Hungary. 

Open, above-ground activity by the Communist International was 
resnmecl in September 19-17 as a result of a meeting of European 
Communist leaders in Poland. It comes as no surprise that this new 
version of the Comintern, which is called the Communist Information 
Bureau or Cominform, has openly enrolled the Connnunist Parties of 
Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Poland, and Hungary where the 
old Comintern oiRcials are in command. Also avowed members of the 
Cominform are the Communist Parties of the Soviet satellite, Yugo- 
slavia, and of France and Italy. Master of the international alliance^ 
however, is the Soviet Union, which sent two of Stalin's most trusted 
lieutenants to help organize the new information bureau, and to serve 
as permanent representatives of the Russian Communist Party. These 



are A. Zhdanov and G. Malenkov, both of whom serve on the powerful 
Politburo of the Soviet Government and on the secretariat of the 
Russian Communist Party. They presented the leading reports at 
this conference. 

Undoubtedly reasons of expediency have jjrevented Communist 
Parties in other nations from declaring open affiliation wnth the 
Cominform. This is admitted by the Communists of the United States, 
who support the Cominform enthusiastically but explain that they 
cannot affiliate officially because unfavorable reaction to the party 
will increase among citizens of the United States. Here is how the 
National Board of the Communist Party, U. S. A., put it : 

The establishment of an information bureau by nine Communist Parties of 
Europe is of great significance. * * * 

These Communist Parties are the leaders of the working class and peoples of 
their countries. They are the champions of national freedom, social progress, 
economic reconstruction, democratic advance, and world peace. * * * 

It is already clear that their joint declaration of views and their formation of 
an information bureau has everywhere strengthened patriots defending national 
freedom and the cause of peace, making more effective their resistance to the 
program of imperialist expansion, intervention, and war, of which Wall Street 
is the chief instigatoi*. 

Considering the question of whether or not to seek affiliation to the new 
information bureau, the national board of the Communist Party has concluded 
that the present political situation in the United States is such that the Com- 
munist Party should not affiliate. The reactionary and pro-Fascist forces now 
whipping up anti-Communist hysteria and war incitement in our country would 
undoubtedly seize upon such action by the American Communist Party as a 
pretext for new provocations and repressions against the Communists and all 
other sections of the American labor and progressive movement. * * * 222 

The Cominform's official publication, entitled, in accordance with 
typical Communist double talk, ''For a Lasting Peace ; For a People's 
Democracy," is a ncAv vehicle for directives from tlie Soviet Union 
to the other Communist Parties of the world. Words from Soviet 
Communist leaders are given the greatest prominence in this publica- 
tion, which is printed at the Cominform headquarters in Belgrade, 
Yugoslavia, and translated into many languages. 

A front-page editorial in the initial issue of the Cominform organ, 
dated November 10, 1947, lays down the rule that : 

Communist Parties everywhere must become a leader or organizer of the 
popular masses in the struggle for peace and a people's democracy. 

The same editorial explains that the leader of the "struggle for 
peace" is the Soviet Union, which has sworn to resist the attempts of 
the United States to plunge the world into another war. A people's 
democracy is interpreted as the form of government found in the 
SoAnet Union and its satellite states, in contrast to the "fascist-like" 
United States, where monopoly capital allegedly rules. 

The initial issue of the Cominform organ also prints the following 
unmistakable command : 

The plan for the economic and political enslavement of Europe by American 
imperialism is being supplemented by plans for the economic and political enslave- 
ment of China, Indonesia, the South American countries. * * * 

Under these circumstances it is necessary that the anti-imperialist, democratic 
camp should close its ranks, draw up an agreed program of actions, and work 
out its own tactics against the main forces of the imperialist camp, against 
American imperialism and its British and Fi'ench allies, against the right-wing 
Socialists, primarily in Britain and France. * * * 

■ Political Affairs, December 1947, p. 1141. 


The Communist Pai'ties * * * must take into their hands the banner of 
defense of the national independence and sovereignty of their countries. If the 
Communist Parties stick firmly to their positions, if they do not let themselves 
be intimidated and blackmailed, if they courageously safeguard democracy and 
the national sovereignty, liberty, and independence of their countries, if in their 
struggle against attempts to enslave their countries economically and politically 
they be able to take the lead of all the forces that are ready to fight for honor 
and national independence, no plans for the enslavement of the countries of 
Europe and Asia can be carried into effect. 

This is now one of the principal tasks of the Communist Parties. 


We have shown above liow slavishly the American Communist Party 
has devoted itself to the revolutionary strategy, tactics, and principles 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, involving advocacy of 
and resort to force and violence. Considering the fact that the Com- 
munist Parties in other countries are part of a world party, controlled 
by Moscow, considering also that the Communist Party, U. S. A., is a 
disciplined part of this world organization, it is relevant to examine 
the present tactics of some of these Communist Parties to determine 
to what extent they have actually put into practice a policy of resort- 
ing to overthrow of constitutional government by force and violence. 
If the pattern of the world Connnunist Party is viewed in its proper 
perspective, it must be realized that foreign Communist Parties en- 
gaged in open, civil conflict, are replicas of the American party, merely 
in a more advanced stage of revolutionary development. Wliat the 
Communists in China or Greece are doing today is what the American 
Communists would do under similar circumstances. 

Demonstrating that the Communist resort to force and violence in 
other countries is merely an extension of the same fundamental Com- 
munist principles to which the American party is similarly devoted, 
is the fact that the domestic Communist Party, its press and spokes- 
men have given unreserved support to these foreign movements. 
Tliere has never been any repudiation or criticism of their resort to for- 
cible and violent methods by the Communist Party, U. S. A., despite 
its claimed repugnance for such tactics. 


In order to secure the completest possible information on this ques- 
tion, our committee addressed the following letter to Secretary of 
State George C. Marshall on January 12, 1948 : 

Hon. George C. Marshall, 

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 

My Dear Mr. Secretary : Our committee is considering" legislation dealing 
with the Communist Party of the United States. As you well know, this organi- 
zation is an integral part of a highly disciplined national movement together 
with the Conuimnist parties of nations throughout the world. 

We should like to have, therefore, if it is available, a study showing examples 
of resort to force and violence by Communist parties in various countries. 

This memorandum will be very useful in our efforts to establish the fact that 
the Communist Party of the United S'tates of America, from the time of its 
inception to the present time, is an organization that writes, circulates, dis- 
tributes, prints, publishes, and displays pi'inted matter advising, advocating, or 
teaching the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United 

Very sincerely, 

J. Parnell Thomas, ChaivDian. 



On February 2, 1948, we received the following- reply from Mr. 
Charles E. Bohlen, counselor of the Department of State: 

The Honorable J. Paenell Thomas, 

House of Representatives. 

My Dear Mr. Thoicas : lu your letter of January 12 you ask for any studies 
that might be available in the Department which would show examples of resort 
to force and violence by Communist parties in various countries. 

The information you seek is not susceptible to documentary proof. As you 
will realize, any such activities are conspiratorial in nature and are covered up 
to the fullest possible extent. The information which we have consists of 
expressions of opinion or analyses of internal situations in various foreign coun- 
tries which come to us from conridential sources. The nature of the sources of 
this information and the fact that it deals with the internal affairs of other 
• countries make it unsuitable for public discussion. 
Sincerely yours, 

Charles E. Bohlen, Counselor 

(For the Secretary of State). 

In the absence of data from the State Department, our committee 
•consulted reliable reports appearing in the American press and else- 
\where. The result of these findings we now present. 


The revolutionary plans of Soviet leaders regarding China are 
virtually a matter of public record. Joseph Stalin himself declared 
before the enlarged executive committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional on November 30, 1926 : 

One thing is clear, that it is the chief duty of the Chinese Communists to fight 
to prepare the way for the development of the Chinese revolution.^ 

The Soviet-directed Communist International issued the following 

declaration on the subject during its world congress in Moscow in 1928 : 

In China the revolution will place before the party the prepa- 
ration for and carrying through of armed insurrection as the Armed 
sole path to the completion of the bourgeoise democratic revolu- i°^"''''<'<= i"" 
tion * * * the overthrow from power of the Kuomintang 
* * * and the creation of the rule of the Soviets.^ 

Like an echo are the words of the leader of the Chinese Communists, 
Mao Tse-tung, in 1938 : 

Armed struggle is the salient form of China's Revolution. We 
communists never conceal or disguise our political aims. Our fu- Armed 
ture or ultimate program is to advance China into the realm of struggle 

There are few tactics of violence that the Chinese Communists 
have not used in pursuing their revolutionary objective. Open, armed 
assaults by Communist armies in China are the subject of almost daily 
reports in the press, the following of which is typical : 

The attack of the Communist armies against Mukden has gained in intensity in 
the last few days. 
The government troops are fighting desperately against heavy odds.'*' 

Guerilla raiding aimed at wrecking the Government through eco- 
nomic chaos is another of the Chinese Comminiist tactics, which has 
been forcefully described by William C. Bullitt : 

The Communists use guerilla tactics, moving swiftly and at- ^t"*!^^!.''^ 
tacking at night, hiding in villages and resting in the daytime. 

They are attempting to bring down the Government not by de- 
stroying its armed forces but by wrecking the economic life of 
the country. Hence they do not hesitate to burn towns and vil- 
lages, destroy railroads and blow up industrial installations, 
such as power plants, which they cannot carry away.^' 


--5 Speech by D. Z. Manuilsky, published in pamphlets, China in Revolt, literary depart- 
ment. Daily Worker. 1927. p. 11. 

^2^ Thesis of the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies, adopted by 
the Communist International in 1928 (Workers Library Publishers. New York), p. 49. 

226 rpije Fight for a New China, by Mao Tse-tung (New Century Publishers, New York, 
DecPinber 1945), p. 37. 

228 Washington Evening Star, January 2, 1948, p. A-9. 

-" William C. Bullitt, A Report to the American People on China. Life Magazine, October 
13, 1947, p. 140. 



Secretary of State George C. Marshall supported this view when he 
said that the Chinese Communists — 

* * * do not hesitate at the most drastic measures to gain their end as, for 
instance, the destruction of communications in order to wreck the economy of 
China and produce a situati(»n that would facilitate the overthrow or collapse 
of the Government, without any regard to the immediate suH'ering of the people 

Regarding the primary object of the Chinese Communist activities, 
former ambassador Bullitt has the following to say : 

Soviet imperialism, following in the footsteps of Czarist imperialism, and using 
the Chinese Communists as instruments of Soviet power politics, is striving to 
reduce China to the status of a satellite of the Soviet Union.*^ 

Terrorism, brutalit3\ and a wanton disregard for human life are also 
-essential elements of the Communist revolution in China. Geraldine 
Fitch, a China resident since 1919 who has made a special study of 
communism, states : 

Chinese communism, like Russian communism, advances not by 
the support of the people and popularity with them, but by the use 
of terrorism and intimidation, oftimes by ruthless purging of Terrorism 

In 1927 the young Red leader at Pheng Phi near Swatow had a 
large sign written in blood over his cave headquarters, announcing 
that the Russian advisers had instructed the Chinese Reds to kill 
eight groups of villagei-s, including religious people of any sect and 
those who favored a capitalist America. And kill them they did, 
by the score.^^° 

H. E. Paul Yu-Pin, D. D., archbishop of Nanking, China, related in 
his Report on China to Institute of Chinese Culture and reprinted 
in the Congressional Record of December 8, 1947, page A4937, that: 

Some months ago, iu Inner Mongolia, in the Province of Charhar, 
in the city of Chungli, the Communist troops overran this little 
Christian village of 3.(X)0 people and slaughtered half of the popu- 
lation. Church buildings were destroyed. 

Sungshu Twei Tsi is a town of the Province of Jehol in Inner 
JNlongolia. This is a Christian community of 2,000 people. Com- 
munist troops invaded tlie town. They murdered hundreds of Murder 
Christian inhabitants. 

Recently the famous Trappist monastery in Young Kai Ping, 
Charhar Province, Inner Mongolia, was overrun by the Communist 
troops, 80 Chinese Trappist monks — noble men who never harmed 
their fellow men — were captured and taken away as prisoners. 
The monastery was burned to the ground. What happened to the 

A Polish bishop in North China, together with 12 priests and 
sisters, were beaten by the Communists. 

The Reverend Calvert Alexander, editor of tlie Jesuit Missio]is 
magazine, in releasing the first documented charges against Chinese 
Communists in connection with the campaign against the church in 
Communist-occupied areas, declared in February 1918 that Chinese 
Communists were killing all American missionaries captured in 
northern China, both Catholic and Protestant. The documented re- 
port maintained that : 

1. Forty-nine Catholic priests and lay brothers had been "executed, mur- 
dered, or tortured to death" by Chinese Communists in the last 2 years. 

22S Frorta utley. Last Chance in China (Bobbs-Merrill Co., New York, 1947), p. 175. 
229 \^'iiiiam C. Bullitt, A Report to the American People on China, op. cit, p. 35. 
-■'» Blunder Out of China, article by Geraldine Fitch extended into the Congressional Rec- 
ord of July 26, 1947, p. A4219. 


2. All church property was beinj^ seized for Communist use. 

3. Church leaders are being arrested, fined, expelled, imprisoned, or executed.''^*' 

Freda Utley, a former Communist who first saw China in 1928 when 
she delivered instructions from the Comintern in Moscow to Chinese 
Communist leaders, and who has frequently revisited China since 
then, has stated : 

* * * Not only is there abundant evidence that the Chinese Communist 
Party leaders have wholeheartedly adopted tlie same philosophy as the rulers 
of Soviet Russia ; not only do they believe that the end justifies the means and 
that lying, cheating, political chicanery, cruelty, even murder are the means 
which must be adopted to win and retain power for the Communist Party, they 
have ah-eady advanced some distance along the same road to tyranny as the 
Russian Communist Party trod long ago * * *.^^ 

Mrs. Utley also found that "like the Bolsheviks before them." the 
Chinese Communists "have already started to solve the agrarian prob- 
lem by the mass murder of 'kulaks.' " She further pointed out that not 
even Japanese onslaught on China in World "War II called a halt to 
Chinese Communists' brutal aggression against fellow Chinese. In her 
recent book, "Last Chance in China," she stated : 

Lin Yutang, who was sympathetic to the Communists in the early years 
of the war, has written : "For every Japanese they claim to have killed, the 
Communists have killed at least five Chinese. For every town they have captured 
from the Japanese they have captured 50 towns from other Chinese. Of the 
hundreds of 'clashes' per year they claim to their credit, a fair percentage 
must include those with the Chinese 'enemy' — half of their weapons have been 
robbed from other Chinese guerillas and regular units. * * * " 233 

Coupled with reports of the brutal and wholesale destruction of life 
and property in the Chinese civil war are numerous accounts of direct 
military support to the Chinese revolutionaries from the Soviet Union. 

Dr. William M. McGovern, Northwestern University professor who 
recently made a survey of the Far East in the capacity of special inves- 
tigator for the House Foreign Affairs Committee, reported to his 
committee in INIarch 1948 that Russia has been supplying arms and 
ammunition to the Chinese Communists for 2 years, using both cap- 
tured Japanese stocks and new weapons and material produced with 
equipment taken from captured Japanese munition plants.^^* 

Evidence that Russia's military intervention extends back to the 
earliest days of the Chinese civil war, however, has been offered by 
George E. Sokolsky, author and columnist who served as American 
correspondent in China from 1920 to 1930 among other varied duties in 
that country. Mr. Sokolsky stated in his newspaper column of Novem- 
ber 28, 1947 : 

I can testify, from personal knowledge and experience, that this Chinese Com- 
munist group was organized by Michael Borodin, who, with Marshal Bluecher, 
then called General Galens, and about 100 Russian civilian and military advisers, 
came to China in 1924 and remained until 1927, when they were dismissed by 
Chiang. * * * 

The top command of the present Chinese Communists group consists of men who 
were then in the Third International, some of whom studied in Red Army schools, 
attended conferences at Baku and at Moscow, and whose relationship to the 
Third International was recorded in the official minutes of this body as released 
in several languages in its official organ called the International Press Corre- 

=" WashinEjton Times-Herald. February 7, 1948, p. 6. 

=32 Freda Utlev, Last Chance in China (Bobbs-Merrill Co., New York, 1947), p. 161. 

233 Ibid., pp. 163 and 203. 

234 Washington Daily News, March 7, 194S, p. 5. 

235 These Days, by George E. Sokolsky, Washington Times-Herald, November 28, 1&4T, 
p. 15. 


In another column, Mr. Sokolsky described the results of a raid con- 
ducted on a compound Ij'ing west of the Soviet Embassy on April 6, 
1927, by Chinese police and troops, armed with a warrant counter- 
signed by the dean of the diplomatic corps in Peking : 

The raid resulted in tlie arrest of important members of the 
revolutionarj' party and the discovery of banners to be used by the 
revolutionaries in an uprising, seals, rosters, and other iucrimi- Uprising 
nating evidence and documents. 

Besides there was discovered large quantities of arms and mu- 
nitions such as machine guns, rifles, and cartridges and docu- Arms 
mentary evidence of communications between the Soviet Gov- 
ernment and the revolutionary party. 

All these were found either in premises directly under control 
of the Soviet Embassy or in ofiices intimately connected with 
the Embassy. 

Among the documents discovered in the raid, Mr. Sokolsky states, 
was a certified copy of an obligation to compensate the U. S. S. E.. 
for "military and other supplies received," together with a receipt for 
supplies valued in the amount of 6,395,642 rubles. The obligation 
and receipt, dated August 1926, Moscow, was signed by Feng Yu- 
Hsiang, who Sokolsky points out "is now in the United States attack- 
ing his own Government and strengthening public support for the 
Chinese Communists." ^"^ 

William R. Johnson, a resident of China for 39 years, who was 
active in international relief projects in that country, corroborates 
the position taken by Mr. Sokolsky by stating in the December 194T 
issue of the China Monthly (p. 5) : 

Russian preparations for such a conquest of China have been continuous since, 
by arrangements with Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Russian agents began the training of 
thousands of Chinese in all the techniques of Bolshevist revolutionary activity 
in south China in 1924. * * * 

It is worth noting at this point that the Moscow-directed Com- 
munist International in an obvious attempt to hasten the overthrow 
of the Chinese Government, demanded and obtained the dismissal of 
the entire central committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1927. 
The change in leadership was necessary, the Comintern asserted, 
because the central committee had "ignored" the Comintern's in- 
structions for — 

A rapid and most determined development of the peasant rev- 
olution. * * * 

The organisation of armed mass resistance to the external Armed mass 
(Chiang Kai-shek) and internal (Sai Do-in, Sen Ki-chiang, etc.) resistance 
counter-revolution by arming the workers and by an influx of 
workers and Communists into the army.^" 

Reports of direct Soviet aid to its warring Chinese agents since the 
end of World War II are numerous. It has been emphasized that 
temporary Soviet occupation of Manchuria after the war vastly facili- 
tated such aid. Describing an announcement from the Chinese Na- 
tional Government, Clyde Farnsworth said in the Washington Daily 
News of December 1, 1947 (p. 12) : 

Discreetly but nonetheless plainly this Nanking statement implies that Russian 
occupation of Manchuria in its belated war with Japan helped set the stage for 
China's civil war. 

=36 These Days, by George E. Sokolsky, Washington Times-Herald, January 9, 1948, p. 11. 

'^' The Communist International (a "report on the activity of the Communist Interna- 
tional during the period which elapsed between the Fifth and tlie Sixth International 
Congress," 1924-28), published July 1928 (Dorrlt Press, Ltd., Loudon), p. 449. 


"The Infiltration of Chinese Communists into Manchuria during and following 
Soviet occupation constituted a new factor in the Communist impasse after 
VJ-day," said the long note * * • 

The Nankiug response recited first that on VJ-day, the Government faced Com- 
munist troops numbering 310,000 in addition to a larger number of so-called 
Red militia and that the situation in Manchuria offered the Reds "more and 
better equipnieut." 

On the same point, H. E. Paul Yu-Pin, D. D., archbishop of Nan- 
king, China, has said: 

The Chinese Communist armies, sheltered, equipped, and in part officered by 
the Russian Army, attempted to establish independent sovereignty in Manchuria. 
These armies met in battle with the armies of the Chinese Government. 

The Soviet plan was to use the time gained by the armistice to transfer as many 
Communist troops as possible from north China to Manchuria and there to arm 
them with the abundant Japanese supplies and equipment which the Russian 
Army surrendered. 

In the war in China the Communist forces have fighting for them, not only 
Chinese Communist troops, but also Korean troops, Mongolian soldiers, Japanese 
troops, and Russian officers. These international brigades comprise one-third 
of the Communist force in Manchuria. Some officers of the Russian Army direct 
military operations. Russia supplies much of the war materials used by the 
Chinese Communists, most of the guns, ammunition, and artillery used were sur- 
rendered to Russia by Japan ; some of the supplies are part of American and 
British lend-lease to Russia * * *-^ 

On June 25, 1947, the American press carried the following an- 
nouncement : i 

Chiang Kai-shek's chief of staff conceded today his armies in Manchuria were 
in a iierilous position and accused Russia of giving the Communists "substantial" 
help in the civil war.^'® 

This followed by only a few days a charge by Dr. Sun Fo, Vice 
President of China, that Korean troops from Russian-controlled north 
Korea were fighting with the Chinese Communists; that the Govern- 
ment had information, not definitely confirmed, that Chinese Com- 
munists were being trained by Russians in a school in eastern Siberia ; 
and that the port of Dairen has been maintained by the Russians to 
serve as a supply base for the Chinese Communists.-^ 

The Washington Daily News of December 16, 1947 (p. 18), carried 
news from Shanghai that : 

The usually reliable Chinese newspaper Wahkiu Yatpao reported today 
Russia has agreed to train and equip 11 Chinese Communist divisions for the 
north China war. 

The paper said the training program was part of a six-point military pact 
between the Chinese Communists and Russia reached during three conferences 
in Moscow last month. 

Constantine Brown, columnist and foreign-affairs expert fpr the 
Washington Evening Star, observed in his column of June 12, 1947 
(p. A-13), that: 

The unexpected appearance of a small Soviet air force in China is causing 
new headaches for diplomatic and military officiajs. Troops of the Mongolian 
People's Republic — a §tate which, while not formally a member of the Soviet 
Union, is entirely controlled by the U. S. S. R. — have invaded the western Chinese 
Province of Sinkiang to a depth of as nnich as 200 miles. 

A Soviet bombardment group of four planes is reported to have strafed the 
Chinese forces and killed some civilians as well. 

-^^ H. E. Paul Yu-Pin, D. D., Report on China to Institute of Chinese Culture, reprinted in 
•the Congressional Recor<l. December 8, 1947, p. A4937. 
239 Washinston Post, .Tune 25, 1947, p. 9. 
^ New York Times, June 21^ 1947, p. 9. 


Hanson W. Baldwin, writing for the New York Times, of October 
12, 1947 (p. 17) , asserted that : 

The Communist armies unquestionably liave been helped somewhat with ma- 
terial, largely ammunition, but particularly with leadership and direction by 

Another New York Times article, appearing on October 19, 1947 
(p. 54), observed that Michael Keon, an Australian journalist who 
had just spent 6 months "in almost every part of the Communist- 
controlled areas in Shantung," found that Chinese Communists in 
Shantung had been receiving a limited amount of Russian material 
aid through Chefoo before that port was captured by the Nationalist 
troops. Keon was also reported to have seen a Soviet merchant vessel 
make three trips into Shefoo and to have learned there was a steady 
traffic by small Chinese ships between Shefoo and Dairen and other 
Manchurian ports. Keon further reached the conclusion that Chinese 
Communists in Manchuria cooperated closely with the Russians. 

Clyde Farnsworth, reporting in the Washington Daily News of 
December 19, 1947, stated that : 

Informed Chinese said the Russians had rearmed China's Reds with 1,500,000 
rifles, 500,000 machine guns, 20,000 mortars and other artillery pieces. 

On November 30, 1947, within 2 months after the revamped Com- 
mmiist International, known as the Cominform, was proclaimed to 
the world, the following dispatch from Nanking was carried by the 
New York Times (p. 47) : 

A far eastern "Cominform" was set up in the Communist-controlled Man- 
churian city of Harbin on November 20, according to usually reliable Chinese 
press reports received from Changchun today. The conference was attended by 
delegates from the Soviet Union, Outer Mongolia, Korea, and China. 

It is interesting to note, in this connection, that C. L. Sulzberger, 
writing in the New York Times on December 25, 1947 (p. E-3), re- 
ported one of the objectives of the entire Cominform apparatus to be 
"to keep supplies and promises flowing to Communist guerillas fight- 
ing civil wars in Greece and China." 

That the Communist revolution in China is a do-or-die enterprise 
is all too evident. President Chiang Kai-shek said on April 18, 1947 : 

If the Chinese Communist Party abandons its policy of seizing power by 
force and cooperates to achieve the unity of the nation, it still has an opportunity 
to join the Government and to participate in he work of national reconstruction.^ 

However, on June 21, 1947, the American press reported the fol- 
lowing gloomy conclusion of Dr. Sun Fo, Vice President of China: 

The Communists never will be content with the minority role in any government 
of China to which their numbers would entitle them. They believe in the policy 
of rule or ruin.^ 

Now, what has been the attitude of the Communist Party of the 
United States toward the Communist forcible methods in China ? Has 
it, as the professed opponent of overthrowing the Government by 
force and violence, condemned its fellow Communists for the inesti- 
mable bloodshed and suffering inflicted on the Chinese people? To 
the contrary, the Communist Party of the United States has joined the 
Chinese Communists in calling for the overthrow of China's legally 
constituted government. 

^1 Congressional Record, July 1, 1947, p. A3460. 
2*2 Washington Post, June 21, 1947, p. 16. 

74481—48 7 



As a practical method of aiding the Chinese Communists, the 
Amei-ican party has concentrated its efforts on an all-out campaign to 
prevent any American assistance which might help the Cliinese Na- 
tional Government repel its Comnmnist attackers. To this end, the 
American Communists are unleashing barrage after barrage of propa- 
ganda attempting to show that the Chinese Communists are heroically 
struggling to save democracy from a Fascist dictatorship imposed by 
the legally constituted Government. This propaganda even goes so 
far as to maintain that the United States itself is responsible for the 
Chinese civil war. For example, the Daily Worker, official organ of 
the Communist Party of the United States, asserted on October 26, 
1947 (p. 4): 

Further American aid can only postpone but cannot prevent Chiang's in- 
evitable defeat. The Chinese Communist Party has now declared, after years 
of working for conciliation, that there is no place for Chiang Kai-shek in the 
democratic coalition government that will be formed as soon as the Kuomintang 
dictatorship has been overthrown. 

The people of the Kuomintang areas are rallying increasingly to support the 
democratic front, led by the Communist Party, which is now the main leader 
of the national struggle for independence and democracy. 

Political Affairs, an official monthly magazine of the American Com- 
munist Party, stated in the July 1947 issue (pp. 597 and 600) : 

* * * United States imperialist intervention in China is directly resiwnsible 
for the civil war * * *. In scope, magnitude, and strategic significance, the 
United States-sponsored war directed at preventing China from becoming united, 
democratic and free, is the decisive postwar military operation of the imperialist 
forces * * * 

Mass meetings and petitions are favored tactics in the American 
Communists' propaganda campaign which proceeds not only under the 
open auspices of the Communist Party itself but also through Com- 
munist-supported organizations, such as the Committee for a Demo- 
cratic Far Eastern Policy. William Z. Foster, chairman of the 
American party, emphasized the importance of such meetings in the 
Daily Worker of December 2, 1945 : 

On the international scale, the key task * * * is to stop American inter- 
vention in China * * *. The war in China is the key of all problems on the 
international front and it is here, above all else, where we have to deal the 
hardest blow to reaction. 

On the question of China, which is our key concentration * * * ^g want 
to hold 500 meetings all over the country to mobilize all the forces of the people 
that we can reach to put a stop to the intervention in China. Our party must use 
every ounce of its strength and skill and organizational ability to make these 
500 meetings a success. 

Entirely in line with the task outlined above was the conference on 
China and the Far East held in San Francisco October 18-20, 1946, 
under the auspices of the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern 
Policy. Among the Communist-line ballyhoo produced by this front 
group were the proclamation of a ''Get Out of China Week'" and a 
resolution asking for congressional action. 

The Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policj^ repeated this 
performance in January 1948 by holding a National Conference on 
American Policy in China and the Far East in New York City, at 
which protests against any aid to the National Government of China 
were again made and another "China Week" planned. The confer- 
ence won high praise from Chairman William Z. Foster of the Anieri- 


can Communist Party.-^^ Speakers at this conference significantly 
included Anna Louise Strong, former editor of the Moscow Daily 
News and now a writer for official American Comnmnist publications ; 
and Frederick V. Field, also a wa-iter for official Connnunist publica- 
tions. Sponsors included such figures as Ferdinand C. Smith, under 
deportation proceedings as an alien Communist; Ben Gold, avowed 
Communist union leader; Harry Bridges, identified as a Communist 
by the Daily Worker itself; Albert Maltz, Hollywood screen writer 
whose Communist Party affiliation was exposed by the Committee on 
Un-American Activities; and Ella Winter, Daily Worker writer. 

Thus we find complete support by the American Connnunist organi- 
zation of force and violence as practised b}' the Chinese Communists, 

2^3 Political Afifairs, March 1948, p. 205. 


While China is locked in a bloody life-and-death struggle with Com- 
munist revolutionaries, on a neighboring continent the nation of 
Greece is desperately trying to cope with a civil war of the same 
brutal pattern. 

Greek Communists scarcely waited for World War II to end before 
launching their plans for the violent overthrow of the lawful Greek 
Government. Today those plans have progressed so far that the Com- 
munists have set up within Greece their own independent state under 
whose banner Communist armies daily do open battle with troops of 
the Government. Encouragement or aid to the Greek rebel state from 
the Soviet Union and Soviet satellite states bordering Greece have 
added serious complications to the civil war. 

While the United States Government has just begun to consider 
countering the Soviet efforts in China, it is noteworthy that the Greek 
situation has been found to be so urgent that millions of dollars worth 
of military and economic aid have already been rushed to the legal 
Government of that country from the United States. Government 
leaders, from the President on down, have been outspoken in their 
denunciation of the activities of the Greek Communists. In a report 
to Congress on aid sent to Greece, President Trmnan said on February 
16, 1948 : 

* * * Greece has been subjected to ever-increasing pressure by the Com- 
munist minority, which, subservient to the foreign influences from which it 
draws support, would impose its will on the Greek people by force of arms. * * * 

It is significant that the guerrilla warfare is directed not against the Greek 
Army but against the people of Greece. The deliberate and wanton destruction 
of Greek villages does not result from military engagements. It is determined 
and ruthless destruction intended to render people homeless and drive them from 
the soil ; to force them into overcrowded urban centers where they become charges 
of an already overburdened state, and to create for them conditions of misery and 
hardship in the hope that this will make them susceptible to political agita- 
tion. * * * 

These bands which traflac in human misery and chaos are small, too small to 
claim any truly representative character. They total about 20,000 of which a 
large portion are known to have been unwillingly Impressed into the guerrilla 
ranks under threat of death to themselves and their families.^ 

On February 18, 1948, Loy W. Henderson, Secretary of State George 
C. Marshall's chief adviser on Greek affairs, bluntly stated that the 
present "conspiracy against Greece" is only a part of a plan formulated 
by the Communists years ago for world revolution. 

Even the international Communists must realize the immediate dangers to 
world peace which might be involved — 

he said — 

if they resort to more overt forms of aggression, such as the despatch from the 
puppet states of heavy reinforcements for the guerrillas in Greece or of heavy 
shipments of arms. 

2« New York Times, February 17, 1948, p. 16. 


Henderson also noted that the Communist campaign against Greece 
was nurtured during the war years and began to mature with the con- 
nivance of the governments of Greece's northern neighbors when 
Greece was liberated by the British in 1944.^^^ 

"The Greek Communist guerrillas," he added, "are committing atroc- 
ities of the most violent and even obscene nature daily." The Greek 
guerrillas are using a weapon "civilized peoples and governments can- 
not employ." "I refer to the weapon of terror." ^'^ 

Mark Ethridge, American member of the United Nations Balkan 
Inquiry Commission which spent 3 months in Greece, Albania, Bul- 
garia, and Yugoslavia, has noted that "the Communists saw their 
chance to take over Greece" when the fight against the Germans 
ended, that tensions developed by this struggle for power flared into 
the revolution of December 1944-January 1945, that the British finally 
turned the battle against the Communists, but not before "blood ran all 
over Greece." Although all bands were required to lay down their 
arms when amnesty was declared after this first revolutionary flare-up, 
Mr. Ethridge reported : 

The Greek Government charged * * * and the inquiry commission heard 
a good deal of evidence to prove it, that the KKE, the Greek Communist Party, 
sent agents all through northern Greece * * * to urge members of the ELAS 
fighting force and other Communists to surrender no more than a token number 
of arms, and to flee into Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia to wait for the 
next round. 

ELAS surrendered about 41,000 rifles, whereas the number it possessed has 
been estimated at four times that many. Great numbers of ELAS fighters, Com- 
munist politicos, and Slavo-Macedonians did take refuge in the northern coun- 
tries. * * * 

Of the Communists who fled Greece after their first defeat Ethridge 

Those who went to Albania were concentrated at the village of Rubig, near 
Tirana, where those above military age were assigned work jobs and those 
of military age were given training. A military manual written by a group 
of ELAS fighters was used as the base of military instruction. Arms for training 
were furnished, according to witnesses, by the Albanian Government. 

About 4,000 of the refugees who went into Yugoslavia were concentrated at 
Bulkes, some 80 miles north of Belgrade, where they were also given military 
training, particularly in guerrilla warfare. The Bulkes manual was also intro- 
duced in evidence before the Commission * * *. 

The refugees waited in the Russian satellite countries for word of the next 
move, while recruiting in Greece continued * * *. 

Mr. Ethridge said it became "obvious" to the majority of the Balkan 
Inquiry Commission members that the Communists had not for an 
instant given up the idea of overthrowing the Greek Government. 

The second round in tlie effort to take Greece, he stated, finally came 
in March 1946, and the guerrilla activity against the Greek Govern- 
ment during 1946 and 1947 took a "well-planned, well-directed mili- 
tary course." Indeed, Mr. Ethridge reported — 

the Greeks charged that General Dapsevic, one of Tito's leading military men, 
directed the training and arming and even the campaign itself from the outside. 

There is evidence, however, he said, that in the fighting around Yanina 
and Konits and in Greece, battalions of Greek guerrillas were assem- 
bled in Yugoslavia, marched across western Macedonia into Albania, 
and there staged for the attack upon Greece. 

2*3 Washington Post, February 19. 1948, p. 1. 

=^« Washington Times-Herald, February 19, 1948. p. 1. 


Mr. Ethridge, who made this report in August 1947, said tliat the 
Communist guerrillas, an estimated 16,000 strong, are like ''will-o'- 
the-wisps who can strike and then run across a border to be freshly 
supplied and freshly armed and reorganized." Russia can stop the 
war on Greece, he concluded, simply by ordering her satellites to stop 
aiding the Creek Communist guerrillas.-^' 

It should be noted that the Balkan Inquiry Commission, on which 
Mr. Ethridge served, formally denounced Albania, Yugoslavia, and 
Bulgaria for furthering the Greek Communist war. 

A picture of the Communist terror which today stalks Greece is also 
gained from daily news reports in the American press. William H. 
Newton, Scripps-Howard correspondent, wrote on November 4, 1947, 
while with the Greek Army at the Yugoslav border : 

Armed guerrillas roam the countryside at night. They get guns and ammu- 
nition from Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia. They retreat across the Yugoslav or 
Bulgarian border when pressed by Greek Army patrols. They are led by Com- 
munists and their objective is to bring about the collapse of Greece. * * * 

The guerrillas move in at night and mine the railways and roads. Trains 
move only by day. Villages along the railway are surrounded by barbed wire 
and soldiers with mortars and machine guns are on guard. * * * 

American sources estimate there are about 15,000 guerrillas operating in 
northern Greece. Of these about 4,000 are ''hard-core Communists," United 
States observers believe, and the rest are either ordinary bandits or have been 
forcibly impressed into service of the guerrillas. * * * gy terrorizing un- 
defended villages night after night they force farmers to flee just at the planting 
season. By mining railways and roads they prevent the movement of crops to 
market. In a country where there is less than an acre of arable land per person 
any reduction in crop acreage becomes a matter of life and death. * * * ^ 

Leigh AVliite, foreign correspondent for the Washington Evening 
Star and Chicago Daily News, reported from Komotine, Thrace, on 
November 28, 1947, after a "band of 1,800 guerrillas, newly strength- 
ened with men and equipment from Bulgaria," were temporarily pre- 
vented from encircling that provincial capital: 

* * * The whole area between Komotine and the Bulgarian frontier in the 
Rhodope Mountains, 10 miles north of here, is subject to continual guerrilla raids. 

The guerrillas are Greek nationals, but their supplies and inspiration are 
largely Bulgarian * * * 

The battalions are led by hardened Communist veterans who shoot their seri- 
ously wounded to prevent their talking when left behind, and who threaten to 
murder the families of any of their jpeasant troops who surrender * * *.^ 

A. C. Sedgwick, reporting to the New York Times from Athens on 
December 16, 1947, noted that : 

While the guerrilla forces have been able successfully to impede recovery, to 
spread terror, and to destroy crops, installations, and communications pretty 
much at will, they have not thus far succeeded in setting up a permanent head- 
quarters * * * 

At other points of unexpended attack, where there were no army units, the 
rebels were able to carry out their usual ijractices — burn down villages, carry 
off women, and forcibly recruit yoxmg men * * *.■"" 

On Christmas eve of 1947 came the proclamation by the Greek 
revolutionaries of a separate rebel government under "General" 
Markos Vafiades. Eight Communist "cabinet"" members in the new 
government, which was named the First Provisional Democratic Gov- 

24'' Mark Ethridge, Macedonia Wouldn't Satisfy Red Appetite Now, Washington Post, 
August 10, 1947, sec. II, p. 1. 

24S Washington Daily News, November 4, 1947. p. 26. 

=*» Washington Evening Star, November 28. 1947, p. B-13. 

^" New Yorl? Times, December 17, 1947, p. 14. 


ernment of Free Greece, in utter mockery of the accepted meaning of 
the terms, inchided the leader of the Communist revolution in Athens 
in 1944 and one of the leaders of the Greek Army and Navy mutiny 
in the Middle East during the war. now under a death sentence 
imposed by a (ireek naval court .'-'^^ 

Admitted aims of the rebel government included organization of an 
army, fleet, and air force and development of "especially friendly re- 
lations with the Soviet Union, the Balkan democracies, and other demo- 
cratic states." -^- 

The New York Times editorially blasted at the rebel government : 

After 6 months of preparation, the Communist command of the guerrillas in 
northern Greece has now made its long-expected move and proclaimed a rival 
"government" in oppo!>itioii to the established Greek Government, which is recog- 
nized by till nations, including Soviet Russia * * *. It is merely another, 
and a particularly hollow puppet of the Communist International, which is itself 
merely one of Russia's foreign legions * * * j^g purpose is merely to de- 
liver Greece into Russian hands * * *_ Behind "General" Markos Vafiades, 
the head of the self-styled "government," stand Russia and her Balkan satellites, 
whose aid alone has enabled Vafiades to elude the Greek army. * * * ^^' 

Western observers predicted and the French Communist organ, 
L'Humanite, flatly asserted that the Soviet satellite nations would 
officially recognize the rebel Greek government, thus gaining an argu- 
ment for openly supplying military aid to the Greek guerrillas.-^* 
That such recognition bv Russia and her satellites has not vet been 
forthcoming is attributed in large measure to a stern warning from 
the United States Government that such recognition would constitute 
open disregard of United Nations decisions and have "serious 
implications." -^^ 

Following the establishment of the rebel government, Greek Com- 
munists intensified their brutal war against the lawful Greek Gov- 
ernment and the Greek people. In his most ambitious campaign so 
far, General ]Markos concentrated the greatest force of rebels ever 
assembled on one spot in an attempt to take the Greek mountain town 
of Konitsa as a headquarters for the new government. The rebels 
were forced finally to retreat, however.-^*^ 

Other signs of redoubled Communist activities in Greece included 
the announcement by Greek police on Christmas Day 1947 that 450 
persons had been arrested in connection with a Communist-inspired 
plot to assassinate a number of prominent Greek politicians, including 
former Premier Stvlianos Gonatas.-^'" 

The Washington Times-Herald on January 18. 1948 (p. 2), 
reported : 

Guerrillas blew up a train on the Thessalian railroad in eastern Greece today 
derailing 20 cars. * * * 

Reliable sources said that in addition to blasting the Larissa-Volos train, 
guerrillas also destroyed two bridges on the Thessalian line. * * * 

Earlier, the Ministry of War announced a strong guerrilla band had attacked 
the town of Platanos in the Arahova region of southern Greece. * * * 

251 Washington Evening Star, December 24, 1947, p. 1. 

^2 New Yorl{ Times, December 25, 1947, p. 1. 

253 New Yorl£ Times, December 26, 1947, p. 14C. 

25< Washington Evening Star, December 25, 1947, p. 1. 

2=5 New York Times, January 1, 1948, p. 22. 

25« Ibid. 

257 Washington Times-Herald. December 26. 1947. d. 1 . 


A New York Times correspondent reported in that newspaper on 
February 7, 1948 (p. 1), that: 

A Greek military spokesman tonight confirmed reports of guerrilla activity 
in the Athens area. He said that not since the left-wing Elas attempt to seize 
power in December 1944 and January 1945 had armed subversive elements struck 
so near the capital. * * * 

Archbishop Damaskinos, head of the Greek Church and former regent, last 
night cabled a protest to the United Nations appealing for intervention specif- 
ically on the ground of atrocities attributed to the guerrillas, including crimes 
against women. 

A few days previous, the Greek Government had announced the 
arrest of 193 persons in Lamia in connection with a plot to seize that 

An Associated Press dispatch from Athens on March 1, 1948, dis- 
closed that more than 60 officers and sailors were arrested on charges 
of trying to sabotage the Royal Greek Navy. Those arrested were 
members of a Communist organization composed mainly of sailors 
dismissed after a Middle East mutiny in 1943 and confessed to present 
plans to damage Greek warships and naval installations in general, 
the dispatch said.^^^ 

That Communist aggression is not only limited to the Greek people 
was demonstrated by a United Press report appearing in the Wash- 
ington Times-Herald of January 15, 1948 (p. 1) : 

Guerrillas slit the throats of three Greek workers on an American-aid project 
and warned that the same fate awaited any Greek working for the Americans, 
United States engineers reported today. 

One American construction supervisor received a guerrilla note demanding 
he leave the area or have his throat cut. He replied he would be happy to meet 
the guerrillas one at a time, and he heard no more from them. 

It is interesting to note that a New York Times correspondent on 
December 25, 1947, reported the guerrillas had recently acquired 
artillery, including pack howitzers, heavy mortars, and 105-mm. guns, 
and, as proven by an examination of duds and exploded fragments, 
were using Russian shells.-'^" 

The Soviet Union, both directly and through the Communist Infor- 
mation Bureau, which she controls, has been outspoken in her support 
of the Greek rebels. 

The Greek Ambassador to the United States, Vassili C. Dendramis, 
has expressed the conviction that the Communist Information Bureau 
was instrumental in setting up the rebel government in Greece.-*^^ On 
the same point, New York Times Correspondent C. L. Sulzberger has 
expressed the opinion that one of the objectives of the Cominform is to 
keep supplies and promises flowing to Communist guerrillas in Greece. 
"The official Cominform is organizing wide Balkan support for Gen. 
Markos Vafiades' guerrillas in Greece," according to Sulzberger. 
"This is now open and supplies are being not only sent but adver- 
tised." 262 

It should be noted that the official organ of tlie Cominform, For a 
Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, printed this encouragement 

^^ Washington Evening Star, February 3, 1948, p. 2. 
2s» Washinacton Evening Star, March 1. 1948, p. A-2. 
260 New York Times, December 25, 1947, p. 24. 
2«i Washington Post, December 27, 1947, p. 2. 
*«2 New York Times, December 25, 1947, p. E-3. 


of the Greek revolutionaries on the front page of its December 1, 
194T, issue : 

The valiant troops of the Greek democratic army who are setting heroic 
examples in the struggle for freedom and independence are frustrating the in- 
tentions of the Anglo-American warmongers to enslave the Greek people and 
to convert Greece into a springboard for a new war. 

The Cominf orm organ also does not hesitate to make a direct appeal 
for aid to the Greek Communists : 

The working people of the world, the democrats of all countries have every 
right — and it is their sacred duty — to render assistance to the much-suffering 
Greek people. This assistance should take the form of a world-wide demand 
that the Anglo-American troops be withdrawn from Greece and that American 
intervention cease ; it should take the form of moral and material support for the 
Greek people who are fighting for their freedom and independence. 

The same appeal for aid includes the announcement that : 

At their recent conference in Belgrade the representatives of the trade unions 
of Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Albania discussed the political situa- 
tion in the Balkans and asked the World Federation of Trade Unions to appeal 
to the working people of all countries to render moral political assistance to the 
fighting Greek people, to collect funds, and give other material assistance to the 
victims of Fascist terror in the country.^" 

It should be noted that the "Greek people" referred to by the Comin- 
form organ are the Communist guerrillas, and that the "Fascist ter- 
ror" is the legally constituted Government of Greece. 

Similarly in support of the Greek Communist rebels are statements 
from the Moscow radio and press, which carry only those views favored 
by the Soviet Government. The Moscow radio has said : 

We find more and more reasonable people who recognize that the Sophoulis 
and Tsaldaris Government [the legally constituted Government now beseiged 
by the Communists] is really illegitimate * * *.^" 

The Moscow New Times has said : 

Today only one country in this part of Europe is still a hotbed of trouble and 
conflict. That country is Greece, where the roots of trouble have been pre- 
served through the efforts of the British and American monopolies.^^ 

The stand taken by Soviet leaders before the United Nations organi- 
zation has also been steadfastly on the side of the Greek Communist 
rebels and their Soviet satellite collaborators. Arbitrarily rejecting 
the majority report of the UN Balkan Inquiry Commission which 
found that Greece's puppet neighbors were promoting the civil war, 
Soviet representatives wielded the veto power to block any action by 
the UN Security Council toward solving the Greek crisis. In one 
bitter harangue after another Soviet spokesmen such as Andrei 
Gromyko and Andrei Vishinsky tried to blame the civil war on the 
legal Greek Government and the United States and to represent the 
accused satellites as peace-loving nations minding their own business. 
When, despite the Soviet Union's strenuous resistance, the UN Gen- 
eral Assembly created a special committee to implement a UN reso- 
lution warning Albania, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria not to assist the 
Greek rebels, the Soviet Union refused to have anything to do with 
the committee. This attitude of the Soviet Union led to the following 

^'^ For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, December 1, 1947, p. 7. 
204 ]vjg-y(, York Times, December 17, 1947, p. 14. 
26B New York Times, December 25, 1947, p. 24. 


terse observation by tlie minister of external affairs of Australia and 
UN delegate, Dr. Herbert Evatt: 

Tlif weli-cooi-ilinntecl verbal countoroffensive hurled against Greece indicated 
very close cooperation between the Balkan countries and tlie Soviet Union, a fact 
that constituted the most serioiis aspect of the Greek question since it revealed a 
common aim — the overthrow of the present Greek Government by force.^''" 

In lock step with the U. S. S. R. and her satellites in the plot to 
overthrow the legal Greek Government is the Communist Party of 
the United States. In a furious propaganda campaign the American 
Communists are repeating and amplifying Soviet vituperation against 
the legal Greek Government in an attempt to convince the American 
public that the Commimist revolution in Greece is justified. And 
despite the fact that the United States is spending millions of dollars 
to help Greece ward off its Communist attackers, the Communists 
within the United States are following the line of the Communist 
International or Cominform and promoting moral and material aid 
for the other side. 

Eugene Dennis, geiiei-al secretary of the Communist Party of the 
United States, in outlining some of the party tasks at a meeting of 
the party's national committee in February 1948, said : 

* * * We must now help organize the widest support and Nation-wide 
demonstrative activity to * * * render the most complete political, moral, and 
economic aid to the people's democratic movement in * * * Greece."''" 

Dennis made it clear that by "people's democratic movement" he 
meant the Greek Communist rebels, not the lawful Government sup- 
ported by the United States. All of the Communist propaganda relies 
heavily on such misleading phrases in an attempt to confuse the issues 
and to curry popular support for what is fundamentally unpopular 
with truly democratic peoples. 

Typical of the Commimist propaganda in behalf of the Greek revo- 
lutionists is the following statement in the Daily Worker, official organ 
of the American Communist Party, which, it should be noted, has 
adroitly transformed proven charges against Greek Communist guer- 
rillas into charges against the Greek Government : 

Today, the Greek people are still fighting for tlieir freedom. This time they 
are fighting a minority of mouarchists and Fascist qnislings who stay in power 
only because Washington is sending them money and ammunition. 

The establishment of a genuinely democratic Greek Government in northern 
Greece, under tlie leadership of General Markos, puts tlie Athens clique even more 
nakedly on the spot as a government of usurpers backed by a foreign power. 

Wherever the people of a nation defend tiieir democratic liberties and national 
independence, the reactionaries see the hand of "Soviet invasion." This is a com- 
pliment to the Soviet Union's stand for freedom, however false it may be in fact. 
But it is an alibi for our intei'ference with the governments of every nation in 
the world.^ 

On another occasion, the Daily Worker was even more violent : 

* * * Greece is a hell house of fear, persecution, and murder, where the 
collaborators of the Nazis are sitting in the seats of power tlianks to the inter- 
vention of Churchill in 1944 and Truman's intervention since then.^*" 

26a i^]^(^ Gfiieral Assembly and the Problem of Greece, Department of State Bulletin Sup- 
plement, vol. XVII, No. 440-A, December 7, 1947. 

267 Eugene Dennis, report to national committee, Communist Partv, U. S. A., February 
3-5, 1948. reprinterl in Political Affairs, March 1948, p. 211. 

268 Daily Worker. December 29, 1947, p. 9. 
="!» Daily Worker, December 9, 1947, p. 4. 


The same Comniiinist organ devoted an entire page of its November 
19, 1947, issue (p. 8) to an optimistic summary of the Greek rebels' 
progress in "liberating" Greece. It said in part : 

The shaded areas on the map of Greece opposite, represent the territory liberated 
and governed by tlie democratic army under Gen. Vaftliiades Markos * * * 
Self-governing bodies, i)eople's councils, courts, schools, banks, and trade exchanges 
are functioning in many localities. * * * 

The guerrillas' job is to protect the freed heart of their land, and fight for the 
independence and liberty of all Greece * * * The threat of American troops 
coming to carry out the mission which President Truman calls restoring order 
makes their struggle more urgent, their resistance more determined. They've 
fought in their mountains for 7 years now — and their answer to American threats 
is their record : "The Greek people will never give up, they will never be beaten." 

Confidence in the eventual success of the Greek Communist revolu- 
tion was also expressed by William Z. Foster, chairman of the Com- 
munist Party. U. S. A., in the official Communist magazine. Political 
Affairs, for June 1947 (p. 497) . "In Greece," Foster said — 

Sir * * Anglo-American imperialism is in control and it is making every effort 
to keep the old reactionary cliques in existence. 

Nevertheless, he said, it was safe to say that Greece — 

will not be able to withstand very long the new spirit of democracy and inter- 
national cooperation that is sweeping through the peoples of central Europe and 
the Balkans * « * 

Functioning again as a cheering section for the Greek guerrillas, the 
American Communist Party through its Daily Worker on January 18, 
1948, related the evils flourishing in Greece as a residt of American 
intervention and concluded : 

Both the Athens puppets and the American oflScials engineering them are reach- 
ing the point where it is difficult to decide what to lie about next. A lie good for 
the United States Congress does not go over with the Greek people. More and 
more Greeks are recognizing the free Greek government as tlieir only hope for 
peace, and are going to the mountains to take up arms to defend it."'° 

Mass meetings, picket lines, and petitions play an integral part in 
the American Communists' campaign for their Greek colleagues. For 
example, the New York State committee of the Communist Party 
sponsored a lunch-hour demonstration on a New York City street 
corner on December 10, 1947, to rally support for the Greek Com- 
munists as well as Communists uprising in other foreign countries. 
To encourage American unionists' support, for which this particular 
rally was intended, the Daily Worker in announcing the rally spoke 
glowing of the need for American support of Greek labor. After 
speeches by such leaders as John Gates, Daily Worker editor ; Eliza- 
beth Gurley Flynn, head of the women's commission of the Com- 
munist Party: Robert Thompson, New York party chairman; and 
Ben Davis, Communist Party representative on the New York City 
Council, it was startlingly clear that support for Greek labor was 
synonymous with support for Greek Communists. The Marshall 
plan, Mr. Davis told the noon-hour audience, was nothing more than 
an attempt to foist fascism on the people of the world. And, he 
warned, instead of permitting that to happen, "Italian, French, Greek, 
and Chinese workers will fight for their fredom just as Americans 
foudit in 1776." ^'^ 

^-oDailv Worker. .Tamiarv 18, 194S. p. 11. 

2" Daily Worker, December 9, 1947, p. 3, and December 11. 1947. p. 2. 


The anxiety of American Communists to ensnare unions into sup- 
porting Greek Communists had been evident, also, from Daily Worker 
articles appealing to A. F. of L. and CIO unions to protest American 
policy in Greece. With national leaders of both the A. F. of L. and 
CIO on record as fully behind the Marshall plan and other American 
efforts to halt the revolutionary spread of communism in Greece and 
other foreign countries, however, Communist success has been limited 
to those individual unions within the CIO and A. F. of L. where the 
Communist membership is in control. 

Another type of mass organization through which the campaign 
of the Communists has been promoted is the American Council for a 
Democratic Greece, which picketed the Greek consulate in New York 
City on February 18, 1948. The Daily Worker prominently heralded 
the event as follows : 

A demonstration to protest American military intervention on the side of 
Greek fascism has been called for tomorrow [Wednesday] afternoon, 4 to 6 p. m., 
in front of the Greek consulate, Sixth Avenue and Forty-ninth Street, the 
American Council for a Democratic Greece announced today. 

Robert Thompson, State chairman of the Communist Party, called on the 
citizens of New York to "raise an outcry to stay the hand of the Greek monarchist- 
Fascist executioners." 

"The Truman administration is in the first place responsible for this terror," 
Thompson said. "American officers, sent by Truman, are inciting an unwilling 
Greek citizenry and even an unwilling Royalist-Fascist-led Army to make a war of 
brother against brother." 

Many prominent citizens and trade-union leaders have announced their support 
for the demonstration. * * * "^ 

On the day after the event, the Daily Worker joyfully reported that 
more than 200 persons had taken part in the picketing of the consulate, 
during the course of which a memorandum was submitted to the con- 
sulate listing the "Athens Government's atrocities and persecutions 
of the Greek people" and asking withdrawal of American military 
support from Greece.-^^ 

It should be noted that among the Communists in strategic positions 
in the American Council for a Democratic Greece are Peter Harisiades 
and D. Christophorides, on the national board; Oreste Stephano, ex- 
ecutive vice president; and Stephen Leondopoulos, treasurer. The 
Justice Department is now seeking to deport Harisiades as an alien 
Communist seeking to overthrow the United States Government by 
force and violence. It should be noted further that among the signers 
of the memorandum presented to the Greek consulate during the Feb- 
ruary demonstration were : Ben Davis, Communist city councilman in 
New York; Max Perlow, whom the Daily Worker identified as a Com- 
munist Party member on July 18, 1933 ; Walter Garland, former Com- 
munist Party candidate for the New York State Assembly ; and Ella 
Winter, Daily Worker writer. 

2^ Daily Worker, February 17, 1948, p. 2. 
*" Daily Worker, February 19, 1948, p. 16. 


In the five other countries tliat complete tlie Balkan group — namely, 
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Yugoslavia — 
Communist minorities staged one successful revolution after another 
against the legally constituted Balkan governments. In each case, the 
revolution was speeded by the threat or actual presence of armed 
troops of the Soviet Union, in whose shadow the Balkans lie. 


Most recent Balkan state to be brought under a reign of terror is the 
historically democratic nation of Czechoslovakia. Although the Gov- 
ernment of the Czech Republic had been cooperating with the Com- 
munists and supporting Soviet foreign policy for years, it was not 
until February 1948 that the Communists made their successful bid 
for total power. 

That the Communists had long made careful preparations for the 
final February coup is all too evident. Even while they ostensibly 
cooperated with non-Communist parties in a Czech "national front" 
government following World War II, the Communists were quietly 
worming their way into control of the police forces, trade-unions, and 
radio and press of Czechoslovakia. 

It was the non-Communists' sudden realization of the Communist 
inroads on the country's police forces that touched off the crisis lead- 
ing to the country's downfall, in fact. Learning that the Communist 
Minister of Interior had just replaced eight powerful police officials 
in and around Prague with Communists, an alarmed majority of the 
Czech Cabinet on February 13, 1948, ordered the appointments sus- 
pended. The Minister of Interior refused to obey, and 12 non-Com- 
munist cabinet members resigned in protest on February 20, 1948. 

With the conspiracy against Czechoslovakia thus exposed and chal- 
lenged, the Communists abandoned all pretenses and made a swift, 
violent strike for total power. Klement Gottwald, Communist Prime 
Minister and former member of the Communist International's cen- 
tral executive committee, replaced the protesting cabinet members 
with pro-Communists ; ordered the organization of action committees 
or revolutionary Soviets; and forcefully suppressed opposition with 
the aid of the Communist-controlled police."* The success of the Com- 
munist revolution in Czechoslovakia was announced to a horrified 
world on February 24, 1948. 

The ruthless violence of the Czech Communists in their coup was the 
subject of one bulletin after another in the American press. The 
United Press reported from Prague on February 23 that : 

Communist-led police seized the headquarters of the left-wing National Socialist 
Party and arrested seven moderate political leaders today in a series of armed 
raids which began before dawn. 

="* New York Times, February 29, 1948, p. E-3. 



The raids, and a statement by the Coniniunist-eontroUed Inteiidi- Ministry that 
the National Socialists were plotting a revolution, climaxed a political crisis in 
which the Communists appeared to be seeking total power. 

As their police, newly armed with carbines and tommy guns swept through the 
capital. Communist otticiiils forbade all foreign travel by Czechs except by per- 
mission of the Interior Ministry. * * * 

The "discovery" of the plot climaxed a day-long series of raids and decrees ap- 
parently aimed at frightening Benes and minor party leaders into agreement with 
the Conuiumist demand for full power in the Goveriunent. 

Armed police stood guard at public l)uildings and downtown street corners 
throughout the day. Interior Ministry trucks loaded with uniformed constables 
prowled the streets. Three-man army patrols wearing red arm bands reinforced 
the police detachments. * * * "^ 

But it was all over by February 24, when the United Press again re- 
porting from Prague said : 

The Communist Party seized control of Czechoslovakia today, using its power 
over i:)Olice and labor unions to take over almost every phase of national life. * * * 

Red "action committees" were given full power over national and local political 
life, and Communist-led unionists were ordered to take over all large fac- 
tories. * * * 

Vaclav Nosek, Communist Interior Minister, who is in charge of police, clamped 
tight police controls on the entire country, and reinforced border guards to 
prevent fugitives from slipping across the frontier. 

Nearly 200 non-Communist leaders were arrested in country-wide raids by 
uniformed police and soldiers. The police were reinforced by plain-clothes men 
wearing red arm bands and lapel badges. * * * 

Opposition magazines and newspapers were silenced by outright seizure, con- 
fiscation of editions, or the refusal of Communist labor unionists to print them. 
Paper mills refused shipments to non-Communist organs and the post office re- 
fused to distribute leading opposition journals. * * *^'"^ 

The ruthlessness of the Communist conquerors was further demon- 
strated in a report from a New York Times correspondent on February 
.^5,:.1948, concerning the Communist handling of a Czech student 
demonstration : 

* * * At least one person was killed and several were wounded when the 
police fired on a procession of l.noo students marching to ask President Benes not 
to install the new government. The police beat the students with rifle butts and 
blocked off every route to the Hradcany castle toward which they were marcb- 
j,^g * * * About 50 students are understood to be under arrest for disturb- 
ing the peace after their demonstration. 

Their leaders had hoped to get peacefully to the castle by marching. The police 
considered their shouting of slogans such as "Remember the seventeenth of 
November," which is the date of the student martyrs of the occupation, as a 
provocation and apparently resented constant appeals to save the Masaryk 
republic. * * * 

In the same report, the Times correspondent stated regarding the 
general situation in Prague : 

The city was thick with four- and eight-men police patrols armed with auto- 
matic rifles, marching single file as if going into battle. The armed militia of the 
nationalized factories was readied. * * * Seven high functionaries were 
arrested in the Ministry of Justice. * * * ""' 

Communist discovery of a "plot" against the Czech Government by 
the Czech National Socialist Party — significantly the largest opposi- 
tion party in the country — is familiar Communist tactic. In the sum- 
mer of 19-1:7, the Communists had unearthed an alleged plot against the 
Slovak Democratic Party, in an obvious attempt to discredit the ma- 
jority party of Slovakia. Evidence that the Communists themselves 

2'6 Washington Post, February 24, 1948, p. 1. 
27« Washington Post, February 25, 1948, p. 1. 
2" New York Times, February 26, 1948, p. 1. 


were tlie real plotters of conspiracy has now been brought to the eyes 
of the Avhole world. 

The Czechoslovak Minister of Justice warned of Communist plans 
to bring conspiracy charges ao;ainst the National Socialist Party to 
which he belonged as early as January 23, 1948."^- A few days earlier 
this minister had the courage to declare that the Communists them- 
selves were instigators of a plot to assassinate three Czech ministers. 
He cited the discovery of two hiding places in which large quantities 
of weapons such as heavy machine guns, and automatics ready for 
immediate use, were stored.-^^ 

The similarity of the techniques of the Communist revolutionaries 
in Czechoslovakia and the Connnunists who overthrew the Russian 
Government in 1917 have been pointed out by the newspaper PM : 

The Czechoslovak action committees are similar to tlie Soviets or councils 
through which the Bolsheviks won and consolidated power in Kussia in the 1917 
revolution. Originally the Soviets were simply factory strike committees. Be- 
tween March and November 1917 — during the time of weak provisional govern- 
ments — the Bolsheviks spread the system to the army, where each battalion chose 
a soviet, and to the villages. The Soviets were then linked up in congresses, repre- 
senting revohitionary workers and peasants. 

In Czechoslovakia today, as in Russia in 1917, the Communists do not have a 
working majority in Parliament, but they do control the action committees.''*" 

The hand of the Soviet Union in the Czech revolution was poorly 
concealed. The United Press reported from Frankfurt, Germany, on 
March 21, 1948, that : 

Czechoslovak refugees formerly in high positions asserted today that Presi- 
dent Benes gave in to the Comnumist coup because of the presence of large 
formations of Russian troops near the frontier. 

The refugees, who include former cabinet ministers and other members of 
the Czechoslovak Parliament, said tliat if Benes had been able to get the Czech 
Army to put down the Communist putsch, Soviet retaliation might have been 

The Russian troops, they said, were officially on maneuvers but were based 
near the frontier. * * * 

The refugees said that in their opinion Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Zorln, 
a former Russian Ambassador to Prague, gave tlie Czechoslovak Communists the 
Kremlin's O. K. for the coup. 

Zorin arrived in Prague by plane February 19, officially to supervise Russian 
grain deliveries, and returned to Moscow just after Benes approved the new 
Communist government, the refugees said. * * * -^' 

The role of Zorin as a supervisor of the Czech revolution was also 
testified to by Pavel Tigrid, a leader of the Czech Catholic People's 
Party who escaped from Czechoslovakia. He said : 

* * * Soviet officials fully approved the events in Czechoslovakia in ad- 
vance. The Czech crisis developed very quickly following the arrival on February 
19 at the Prague airlield of Soviet Deputy Foreign Jlinister V. A. Zorin, who 
formerly was the Russian Ambassador to Czechoslovakia. 

It has been establislied that Zorin brought from Moscow orders for the Czech 
Communists to go ahead witli their putsch. Zorin talked personally with several 
non-Conmmnist ministers of the Czech Government in an attempt to win tlieir 
approval of the new government. 

Zorin reportedly said that the "revolutionary changes" in Czechoslovakia were 
made with the Kremlin's full consent. * * * 

The President (Eduard Benes) now is virtual prisoner at his country 
home. * * *-'- 

-" New York Times, February 29, 1948. p. E-.3. 
2^a y^yf York Times, Januarv 22. 1948, p. 24. 
2s»PM, February 25, 1948, p". 3. 

-" Washington Times-Herald, March 22, 1948, p. 2. 
»«2PM, March 10, 1948, p. 11. 


It should also be noted that the Russian General, A. S. Gundorov, 
arrived in Czechoslovakia just as the Czech political crisis was reaching 
its climax. The Soviet officer's ostensible purpose was to serve as a 
delegate to a Pan-Slav Congress in that country.^^^ 

To the columnists, Joseph and Stewart Aslop, there is no doubt that 
"the ruthless Communist power play" in Czechoslovakia "was actually 
prepared in broad outline in Moscow during the war, nearly 5 years 
ago" and that the Czech Communists "began to use their power when 
the command was transmitted from the Kremlin * * * j^y ^^i^ 
Soviet Under Secretary of State Zorin." -^* 

The Moscow-directed Communist Information Bureau has been un- 
usually blunt on the subject of the Czech revolution. A New York 
Times correspondent reporting from the Cominform headquarters in 
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, on March 15, 1948, said : 

The bulletin of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform) charged today 
that reactionary forces, recently defeated in Czechoslovakia, "have merely gone 
underground" and called for a thorough "purge" in that country. 

The unusually frank report on the situation in Czechoslovakia, signed by R. 
Slanski, acknovpledged that the Communists were a minority force, but asserted 
their determination to stay in i>ower through such mechanisms as 'action com- 
mittees," which played a major role in assuring a victory in the latest crisis. * * * 

Discussing recent events, the Cominform paper said the crisis was provoked 
because anti-Communist members in the previous Government had a majority 
and were able to vote down Communist proposals. * * * 28« 

It is interesting to note that on the same day in Prague, Czechoslo- 
vakia, the Cominform words were virtually echoed by Foreign Trade 
Minister Antonin Gregor, one of the new Communist members of the 
Czech Government, who warned in an address that the new regime 
would exterminate the opposition. "With full responsibility," he said, 
"I can announce that against those who now undermine or sought to 
undermine the regime, or which in future will endanger its develop- 
ment, we will proceed ruthlessly until their full extermination." -'^'^ 

The Communist outrage against the Czech Government has been 
bitterly condemned by a number of the high-ranking Czech diplomats. 
Juraj Slavik, Czech Ambassador to the United States, and Frantisek 
Nemec, Czech Minister to Canada, resigned on March 3, 1948, declaring 
they would carry on in exile a fight against the seizure of Czechoslo- 
vakia. Slavik charged that Communist domination had made his 
country a "totalitarian police state" and said, "I cannot accept as legal 
the government headed by President Benes under duress and terror." ^^^ 

Dr. Jan Papanek, permanent Czechoslovak delegate to the United 
Nations, demanded a United Nations investigation of the Czech situa- 
tion, in a blistering statement issued on March 10, 1948. Dr. Papanek's 
statement said in part : 

* * * Today I feel that I can no longer postpone action without failing to 
do my duty to my country and to my terrorized, silenced, and enslaved people. 
And I take recourse to the provision of the Charter of the United Nations in a 
specific situation, a situation in which one member of the United Nations has 
violated the independence of another. 

The Government of the Czechoslovak Republic, legally constituted by the gen- 
eral parliamentary elections of May 1946, had been undermined and openly 
placed in jeopardy on February 22, 1948, through force by a Communist minority. 

283 PM, March 11, 1948, p. 12. 

2s< Washington Post, March 3, 1948, p. 15. 

286 New York Times, March 16, 1948, p. 14. 

288 Ibid. 

"s' Washington Times-Herald, March 4, 1948, p. 4. 


This Communist minority was encouraged and given promise of help, if neces- 
sary, by the representatives of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics -who came to Prague for that purpose, led by V. A. Zorin, Deputy 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

The political independence of Czechoslovakia, a member of the United Nations, 
lias thus been violated by threat of use of force of another member of the United 
Nations, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, in direct infringement of para- 
graph 4, article 2, of the United Nations Charter. * * * 

It is very clear that the coup by the Communist minority by force vpas ef- 
fectuated successfully only because of official participation of representatives of 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and because of the threat of the use of 
military force of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in readiness on the 
northwest boundaries of Czechoslovakia. Official and military representatives 
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics participated in closed and public meet- 
ings of the Communist Party and stayed long enough to see organized terror take 
hold of the free democratic Czechoslovak people. 

Pictui'es taken in the streets of Prague, published in the world press, show 
officers of the Soviet Union with armed police, clad in new Czechoslovak uni- 
forms, participating in the meetings and demonstrations. * * * 

The Communist usurpers spread terror and break every law which establishes 
and protects the freedom of men and democratically established institutions, even 
while they say they are carrying out the will of the people. * * * 

The President is prevented from executing his constitutional powers. Political 
parties liave been forced to change their leaders. Many regularly elected mem- 
bers of Parliament have not only been removed from office, but deprived of their 
parliamentary immunity. Many have been brutally beaten and jailed. * * * 

The official lists of names of individuals faithful to their democratic principles 
who have been arrested without legal grounds are increasing daily. * * * ^ss 

To many, a silent but no less eloquent protest against the Communist 
betrayal of Czechoslovakia occurred in the death of Czech Foreign 
Minister Jan Masaiyk, whose body was found lying in a courtyard 
below his window on March 10, 1948, 2 weeks after the new regime 
came into power. It was felt in Washington that the famed son of 
the founder of the Czech Republic jumped out of his apartment win- 
dow because he was hopeless of defying successfully or even moderat- 
ing the course of the Communist minority terrorism.-^^ 

The Czechoslovak outrage has also had violent repercussions in 
America. "The tragic death of the Republic of Czechoslovakia has 
sent a shock throughout the civilized world," President Truman told 
Congress. At the same time the President condeimaed the Soviet 
Union for its aggression in the rest of the Balkans and Europe. 

Since the close of hostilities, the Soviet Union and its agents have destroyed 
the independence and democratic character of a whole series of nations in eastern 
and central Europe. 

It is this ruthless course of action, and the clear design to extend it to the 
remaining free nations of Europe, that have brought about the critical situation 
in Europe today * * *.^'' 

Secretary of State George C. Marshall bluntly described the present 
state of affairs in Czechoslovakia as a "reign of terror.-' ^^^ 

Mr. Matthew Woll, vice president of the American Federation of 
Labor, saw the events in Czechoslovakia as a warning that — 

the Kremlin is frantically and fanatically preparing a military attack against 
the democratic peoples of the west — moving as the Nazis did in 1939 to plunge a 
peaceful world into a catastrophic war.^ 

2S8 New York Times, March 11, 194S, p. 2. 

289 New York Times, March 12, 1948, p. 12. 

290 Congressional Record, March 17, 1948, p. 3084. 
2« New York Times, March 12, 1948, p. 12. 

-3= New York Times, March 16, 1948, p. 12. 

74481 — 48 8 


The continuin<>: nature of the Soviet Union's international conspiracy 
after the fall of Czechoslovakia was also foreseen in a New York Times 
editorial : 

As the result of a Coiniminist revolution which has forced President Benes to 
ac(iuiesce in souiethiiig that was "not in conipU'te accordance with his wishes," 
Czechoslovakia has today become a totalitarian police state under a Communist 
dictatorship and the last flickering lights of freedom that shimmered through the 
iron curtain are going out * * *. 

Moscow has disdained to disguise its own intentions. There is no reason to 
expect that Czechoslovakia will be the last target of Russo-Comnmnist expan- 

In the midst of American indiojnation at the Czech disaster, there 
remained one discordant note. This was sounded by America's Com- 
nuniists who raucously defended the Czech Connnunist terrorists all 
alono' the line. 

William Z. Foster, the head of the xA.merican Connnunist Party, un- 
blushingly made the following statement after Czechoslovakia bowed 
to the Communists : 

The basic significance of the stirring events of the past week in Czechoslovakia 
is that American imperialism has been balked in its attempt to set up its control 
over Czechoslovakia under the Marshall plan. * * * Its plans for provoking 
a crisis, and very probably a civil war in that country, have failed completely. 

Wall Street has been defeated by the class solidarity of the workers and the 
national independent spirit of the Czechoslovak people. * * * 

The massed workers, full of revolutionary spirit, went into a counteroffensive 
of their own. They compelled Benes to accept the resignations of the 12 re- 
actionary Cabinet mini.^ters and also to recognize the new democratic cabinet 
headed by Gottwald. Their prompt and resolute action, under determined 
Communist leadership, saved Czechoslovak! :i from the disastrous civil war that 
the reactionaries were counting on. * * * 

The American warmongering press is now shouting that the governmental 
change in Prague is the result of a Moscow plot. This is a stupid, Red-baiting 
lie. It is the yelp of a wounded, frustrated reaction, one of whose most dearly 
cherished im])erialist projects has been shattered on the rocks of the people's 
democracy. * * * 

The democratic victory won in Czechoslovakia forecasts the eventual victory 
of all of the people of western Europe. * * * 

The peoples of Europe, who fought so hard to free themselves from the 
tyranny of Hitler, are not going to submit to the tyranny of Wall Street. The 
events in Czechoslovakia are a great victory for democracy. All of Europe, 
sooner or later, must and will go truly democratic and start to build the socialism 
that the great masses of the peoples desire.^ 

The following statement by another leading American Communist 
not only illustrates the American party's support of the Czech Com- 
munist revolutionaries and their open violence but also ofi'ers an un- 
usually crass example of their readiness to deny their use of violence 
in the face of clear evidence. It is made by Joseph Starobin, foreign 
affairs "expert" for the official organ of the American Communist 
Party, the Daily Worker : 

* * * there isn't the slightest shred of evidence that Czechoslovakia is any 
less an independent country than before the government crisis, not a fragment 
of evidence that the Soviet Union had anything to do with the country's political 
upheaval. * * * 

Czech Communists have stopped another Munich, far from having perpetuated 
one, as our papers (which see everything upside-down in their Alice-in-Wonder- 
land mirrors) would have us believe. 

293 New York Times, February 26, 1948, p. 22. 
29^ Daily Worker, February 27, 1948, p. 3. 


They [Communists] have exercised the defensive powers of the State to protect 
the State — and there is every evidence that tlie crisis will he settled within 
constitutional limits. Even if it were settled beyond those limits, there are 
certainly crises which demand that.^ 

The Stalinist line maintained by the American Communists on the 
Czechoslovakian situation has been described by the newspaper PM, 
in an interesting survey of the treatment of the Czech crisis by tlie 
Daily AVorker. The survey showed tliat when the Czech storm broke 
with the resionation of 12 non-Communist Czech Cabinet members 
over the stacking of the police with Communists, the Daily Worker 
story of February 22. left out the reason for the cabinet resignations. 
The following da^-'s story in the Daily Worker stated as a fact rather 
than as a Czech Communist allegation that the crisis had been brought 
on by "capitalist exploitation'* and "plots against the Republic." The 
Daily Worker of February 24 was the only Xew York paper to say 
that documents proving a plot against the Communists had been dis- 
covered ; no description of the documents were oif erecl. The February 
25 Daily Worker heralded the decision of the Czech Social Demo- 
cratic Party to reverse its position and work with the Czech Com- 
numists but did not mention the fact that the party vote reversing its 
stand followed a police raid on the party's headquarters or that the 
vote was taken while a police guard of 125 men with rifles stood 
outside the building. 

The Daily Worker on February 26, instead of reporting nn attack 
on protesting Prague students b^^ the Communist-controlled police as 
other newspapers did, printed a so-called exclusive story which told 
how Czech security police had arrested 15 spies working for a secret 
service organized in tlie United States zone of German3\ The Daily 
Worker said the conspiracy had support from "as far away as Con- 
necticut." A Daily Worker editorial in the same issue hailed the 
Commimist-controllecl Czechoslovakia as ''free today, gloriously rid of 
all big-money intrigues and conspiracies." 

On February 27, the Daily Worker ran glowing accounts of how 
all of the Czech people were celebrating and rejoicing in their new 
Communist government, as well other articles eulogizing the new 

=9= Daily Worker. February 29. 194S, p. 3. 
2i>«PM, February 29, 1948, p. 17. 


Like Czechoslovakia, the Soviet satellite state of Hungary has a 
tragic history of Communist resort to force and violence, promoted 
by the Soviet Union and supported by the Communist Party of the 
United States. 

In the case of Hungary, however, the Communist revolution was 
carried on in the actual presence of Soviet troops who remained on 
Hungarian soil after separating the Balkan nation from Axis domi- 
nation. Direct Russian intervention in Hungarian affairs was so 
obvious that official protests were addressed to the Soviet Union from 
the American Government. 

The revolution that catapulted Hungary into the role of a Soviet 
puppet state was completed on May 31, 1947. Although a non-Com- 
munist Small-Holders Party had held majority control in the Hun- 
garian Government as a result of free elections since 1945, Hun- 
garian Communists just like the Czech Communists had maneuvered 
themselves into key positions in the Government, including the de- 
partment of military police. By the beginning of 1947 the Com- 
munists were ready to seize power, which they did by forcefully oust- 
ing the opposition leaders on trumped-up charges of conspiracy. As 
columnist Constantine Brown described it: 

* * * the coup began in January (1947). First event was the rounding up 
of a large number of politicians, army officers, and other officials on the charge 
that they were involved in a plot to restore the regime of Admiral Horthy, 
Hungary's Nazi-serving prewar regent, when Russian troops left the country in 
accordance with the Hungarian peace treaty. Although the fictitious character 
of this plot was readily apparent, 13 persons were tried on the charge and 
several were sentenced to death. * * * »' 

Arrests subsequent to the Communists' discovery of a "plot" in 
January 1947 were reported to total 3,000, according to an Associated 
Press dispatch of May 29, 1947. One of the most flagrant arrests, 
which drew the official protests of the United States Government, was 
that of Bela Kovacs, secretary-general of the majority, non-Commun- 
ist Small Landholders Party on February 26, 1947. Kovacs was ar- 
rested by the Russians for conspiracy in the "plot" after Hungarian 
Communists failed in their attempt to get a waiver of Kovacs' parlia- 
mentary immunity. On the basis of an alleged confession by Kovacs, 
whom the Russians continued to hold, the Russian military governor 
in May 1947 brought conspiracy charges against the Hungarian Pre- 
mier, Ferenc Nagy, the Foreign Minister, and the Speaker of the 
House, all members of the Small Landholders Party, as well as most 
of the prominent bankers, businessmen, and industrialists, in fact, vir- 
tually all of the leading capitalists of Hungary. Premier Nagy's sec- 
retary was arrested on May 30, and Nagy, who was visiting in Switzer- 
land, refused to return to Hungary and certain arrest by the Rus- 

^^ Washington Evening Star, June 4, 1947, p. A-11. 


sians.-^^ The government that emerged from this violent crisis on May 
31, 1947, was completely controlled by the Communists. 

Nagy condemned the "Russian-Communist conspiracy" against his 
Government in a statement issued on June 17, 191:7, in which he said : 

As a result of the direct intervention of the Soviet Union * * * j ^eas 
ousted from my office, and a new government was imposed upon the Hungarian 
people. * * * 

I protest again the aggression to which my country has fallen victim. * * * ^^^ 

After the Communist seizure of control of Hungary, which was de- 
nounced in official United States notes as a minority nullification of the 
will of the majority, the Communists proceeded on a campaign to de- 
stroy minor opposition within Hungary. In illustration is the fol- 
lowing account of the treatment of Zoltan Pfeiffer, leader of the Hun- 
garian Independence Party, chief opposition party of the moment, on 
August 25, 1947 : 

Btidapest, August 26. — Zoltan Pfeiffer, leader of the Hungarian Independence 
Party, lies in bed tonight at his home in Budapest suffering from concussion of the 
brain and other severe injuries svistained at the hands of Communists, who broke 
up a meeting that his party had planned to hold yesterday at Csongrad * * * 

Mr. Pfeiffer was beaten with bicycle pumps and sticks by a crowd of two to 
three hundred Communists. Tamas Keresztes, former parliamentary deputy 
(and Independence Party member) was struck with shovels, knocked to the 
ground, and left in a pool of his own blood. Mr. Keresztes was taken to the hospi- 
tal in an ambulnnce and is said to be suffering from serious head injury. * * * ^oo 

Pfeiffer escaped from Hungary and came to America on November 
12, 1947, at which time he told Aniericans : 

I stayed right up to the shadow of the noose. For 3 months my party was the 
only real opposition, but it was like playing cards against a man with a pistol that 
shoots dum-dum bullets * * * 

They [the Communists] have dropped their masks now. I have now been 
graduated from a school on how to turn democracy into terrorism * * * ^"^ 

As of March 1948, only one opposition party was left in Hungary 
and that was being threatened with extinction by the Communists. 
A New York Times correspondent reported on February 21 that : 

The Hungarian Socialist party having been virtually absorbed by the Commu- 
nists through the forced resignation of 20 of its conservative leaders, the expul- 
sion of 5 others, and the arrest of 1 of its cabinet ministers, Tstvan Barankovics' 
People's Democratic Party is reliably reported here to be next on the list to walk 
the plank. It is the only opposition party left in Hungary. 

* * * already several officials of his (Barankovics') party have been arrested 
or attacked on one charge or another and this week the party as a whole was 
threatened by the Minister of the Interior. * * *^'" 

Americans have not been exempted from the high-handed tactics of 
native and Russian Communists in Hungary. Two American colo- 
nels, both connected with the United States Legation and both carry- 
ing passes from the Hungarian Foreign Office authorizing free travel 
anywhere in the country, were arrested by a Soviet army colonel on 
January 14, 1948, held incommunicado and sent to Vienna under an 
armed guard without justification and without explanation.^"^ On 
August 1, 1947, an American citizen, Stephen T. Thuransky, was ar- 

s»8 Ne^ York Times, Mav 31. 1947. p. 1. 

299 New York Times. .Tune 18. 1947, n. 8. 

300 New York Times, August 27, 1947, p. 1. 

5*'i Washinjrton Times-Herald, November I.'?. 1947, p. .5. 
** New York Times, February 22, 1948, p. 2. 
^ New York Times, January' 17, 1948. p. 6. 


rested by Hungarian police for allegedly uttering unfavorable com- 
ments regarding the Communist leaders of Hungary ; when Thuransky 
was being transferred from one jail to another the next day, he escaped. 
He liad been beaten by the Hungarian police and threatened with 

The force and A'iolence of the Communists in seizing control of Hun- 
gary has been vividly described by Ferenc Nagy, the Hungarian Pre- 
mier ousted by the Communists. Testifying before the Committee 
on Un-American Activities on February 6, 1948, Nagy related the fol- 
lowing Communist tactics which he said were duplicated in the seizure 
of Bulgaria, Rumania, and Yugoslavia : 

* * * Communism acquired an entering wedge * * * with the assist- 
ance of the Soviet occupation forces. This process generally begins with large- 
scale looting hy the Soviet armies, with the mass violation of women, and with 
other manifestations of brutality. The public becomes terrorized; it becomes 
incapable of self-defense; political resistance comes to a halt. * * * 

The Soviet military commanders put those designated by the Communists into 
the key jobs in the cities, in Government offices, and in the business enter- 
prises. * * * 

The political police is organized on Soviet instruction. The majority of the 
old police personnel is dismissed. Those police who in the past had the mis- 
fortune of encountering Communists in the performance of their official duties are 
put behind bars and most often executed. The new police is made up of jail- 
birds, of men with police records, and of Communists who survived illegally 
under past regimes. They begin their new assignment with looting, and with 
per.secuting and killing innocent people. They develop the persecution of inno- 
cent people to a high art. They create concentration camps where they collect 
those who might resist Communist expansion. They employ newly developed 
inquisition techniques against who do not confess to the crimes with which 
they are charged and against those unwilling to incriminate unjustly others still 
at liberty. 

The political police is a special branch of the police vested with extraordinary 
authority and very quickly develops into the terror of the country. * * * 

They teach the workers to exercise mass power ; they teach them to demonstrate. 
Those of you living in a free and orderly country cannot conceive the effect of 
some tens of thousands of workers marching the streets in disorder and threaten- 
ing some cabinet minister, judge, or public official with removal if he denies 
their demands. The government is helpless against such mass demonstrators 
because force cannot be used against them, since the police and the army are 
in the hands of the very same group which incites the workers to violence. If 
there should chance to be a man in the government who resists their demands, 
they respond with an outbreak of strikes and with production stoppages leading 
to economic disintegration. * * * 

(After a rigged election) the Communistic screw is given a couple more turns. 
They remove from the government those men whom the public has hitherto trusted 
and replace them with their own men. If perc^hance some member of the gov- 
ernment is so popular that he cannot be removed summarily means are found 
to implicate him in a conspiracy. The political police discover that a group of 
men is involved in a conspiracy against the new order. They arrest a number 
of them. With the aid of modern inquisition techniques, they secure confessions 
which incriminate not only those arrested but a number of public officials, high- 
ranking military men, or some political leaders as well. These are then arrested 
by the political' police. Some are usually charged with espionage, which pro- 
vides a pretext for their being carried off by the Soviets. * * * 

Communism achieved its results in eastern Europe with the assistance of 
Soviet arms. * * * ^o" 

The former Hungarian leader has also been outspoken in his con- 
viction that there is a Moscow-directed international conspiracy for 

304 ]s[pw York Times. August 5, 1947. p. 1. , 

s'^ Hearings before the Subcommittee on Legislation of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities. Febinarv 5. 1948. pp. 88-92. 


Communist world domination. As he told the Committee on 
Un-American Activities : 

There can no longer be any doubt that under Soviet leadership the purpose 
of communism is world domination. What we are confronted with liere is not 
Soviet assistance in the domestic programs of the Communist Parties in various 
countries ; rather, we are confronted with Soviet directives, motivated by foreign 
policy objectives, to Communist Parties in individual countries for the purpose 
of disnipting the established order, * * * 

It is necessary to keep clearly in mind that every Communist Party in the 
world is under Soviet direction. * * * ^''^ 

Arthur Schoenfeld, who served as United States representatwe to 
Hmigary from January 19-15 until April 1947, has stated that Soviet 
conquest of Hungary was planned so well and so early that the Soviet 
army liberating Hungary from Xazi rule brought with it special 
'"Hungarian experts'' to help force communism on that country. 
According to Schoenfeld : 

These men were Hungarians, trained in the school of imprisonment, escape, 
exile, and conspiracy. Some of them were graduates of the Comintern at Moscow 
with practical experience in subversion and revolution in countries besides their 
native Hungary. As soon as the fighting stopped, these experts set to work 
promptly to build up the Communist Party organization, rearranging and 
infiltrating the wrecked machinery of government.'"^ 

An official United States note, delivered to the Soviet Chairman of 
thetlie Allied Control Commission for Hungary and to the Hungarian, 
Soviet, and British GoA^ernments. protested the Russian and Hun- 
garian Communist tactics months before the final coup in May 1947. 
The note said in part : 

The Government of the United States * * * j^ impelled at this time to 
express its feeling of concern at the political crisis which has now been precipi- 
tated in Hungary. * * * Unable to achieve their political ends through nor- 
mal constitutional processes, the Hungarian Communists, together with other 
members of the leftist' bloc, have endeavored to implicate a number of repre- 
sentatives of the majority Smallholders Party in a recently revealed plot against 
the Republic. * * * Simultaneously, iwlice and administrative authori- 
ties resiwnsive to the dictates of these minority elements have utilized their 
powers of investigation of the conspiracy not toward the expeditious judicial 
resolution of a threat against the state but to conduct a general campaign against 
their political opponents. 

The Soviet High Conunand in Hungary has now, by direct intervention, brought 
the situation to a crisis. * * * 

These developments, in the opinion fif the United States Government, con- 
stitute an unjustified interference in Hungarian internal affairs, the effect 
of which will be to support the efforts of a small group in Hungary to substitute 
a minority dictatorship for a responsible administration representative of the 
will of the Hungarian i>eople as expressed in free and untrammeled elec- 
tions. * * * 30S 

To the American Communists, however, the Russian and Hungarian 
Communists could do no wrong. The non-Communist Hungarian 
leaders were Fascist conspirators and the Hungarian Communists 
were saviors of democracy, according to propaganda issued by the 
American puppet party. It described Ferenc Nagy, the former Hun- 
garian premier, as a Fascist with a "long history of scheming against 
the Hungarian people," and recommended that he "should be deported 

■•'*' Ibid., pp. 87 and 92. 
307 New York Times. July 21, 1947. p. 7. 

3<» Report on the Strategy and Tactics of World Communism. Supplement 2, issued by 
Subcommittee Xo. 5 of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, 1948, pp. 23 and 24. 


back to Hungary where a people's court will mete out justice to these 
pogram makers and traitors." -^"^ 

After the final coup which gave Communists a strangle hold on 
Hungary, the American Communists' official organ, the Daily Worker, 
published a story called "What's Behind the Hungary 'Crisis'," which 
said that the Hungarian coup was "manufactured out of the whole 
cloth by the State Department and the press" in order to help rail- 
road through anti-labor and anti -rent-control legislation in the United 

"There is clear evidence of unconstitutional activities by the deposed 
Hungarian officials," the Daily Worker stated flatly on June 7, 1947 
(p. 2) ; this was elaborated upon on the same day by another Daily 
Worker story entitled "Inside Story of the Fascist Plot in Hungary," 
which said in part : 

Ferenc Nagy resigned the premiership of Hungary last week, after 2 years of 
pretending he didn't know his pals were plotting the country's return to 

Nagy resigned only when things became too hot for him, only when he could no 
longer hide his connections with the conspirators behind his position in the ma- 
jority Smallholders Party. 

These facts, based on statements made by the arrested conspirators and on in- 
vestigations by the Hungarian democratic parties, were brought to the Daily 
Worker's attention yesterday. * * * 

The executive committees of the Hungarian democratic parties issued a state- 
ment after Nagy's resignation, explaining that the Fascist conspirators had de- 
liberately chosen to work their plot from within the Smallholders Party * * *. 

It was over 15 months ago that the Socialist and Communist coalition called on 
the Smallholders Party to cleanse itself of saboteurs and cooperate with the over- 
all Government policy. Thus Nagy's removal and the exposure of the plot in 
high Government circles means no change in the Govermuent's policy. It only 
means that that policy will be carried out from now on."^ 

Indicative of the close ties between the Communist Government of 
Hungary and the Communist Party, U. S. A., is the recent visit as an 
honored guest of Louis Weinstock, member of the national committee 
of the American party. Although visitors from Western countries 
are not generally welcomed, Weinstock was permitted to stay 3 months. 
In a series of ecstatic articles in the Daily Worker in March 1948 he 
hailed the "new freedom for ordinary Hungarians." He described the 
cordial reception he received from Dr. John Gyetvay, Governor of the 
State of Berenya and former editor of the New York Communist daily, 
Magyar Jovo, and Louis Bebritz, Under Secretary of the Hungarian 
Ministry of Railroads and Communications, formerly on the staff of 
the New York Communist daily, Uj Elore. 


^os Daily Worker, October 4, 1947, p. 6. 
»i» Daily Worker, June 4, 1947, p. 1. 
311 Daily Worker, June 7, 1947, p. 1. 
^ Daily Worker, March 24, 1948, p. 7. 


Another victim of Communist terror tactics supported by a Red 
Army of occupation is Rumania. Although they represent only be- 
tween 5 and 10 percent of the Rumanian population, the Communists, 
acting as Moscow's pawns, today have a strangling control over this 
Balkan State. These Communists also have the constant "moral" sup- 
port of Russian troops, estimated in November 1947 as being between 
100.000 and 150,000 strong.^^^ 

This Communist control was achieved by outrages against the Ru- 
manian people that began as soon as the country was liberated from 
the Axis by the Russians. The outrages proceeded despite note after 
note of protest from the American Government. The most recent 
United States note, released on February 4, 1948, offers a good sum- 
mary of the Communist methods : 

By its actions over a period of almost 3 years since March 1945, the Rumanian 
Government placed the legitimate and patriotic opposition elements in Rumania 
in a position of seeming to constitute a clandestine, subversive movement. * * * 

* * * notwithstanding the categorical nature of * * * international 
commitments, the Rumanian Govei'nment undertook virtually at once to subvert 
them. * * * All manner of chicanei-y and extreme physical violence was 
employed by or with the consent of the Rumanian Government to reduce the 
legitimate political activity of any elements not subservient to the controlling 
minority. Every one of the assurances given was either ignored or sabo- 
taged. * * * 

* * * In the spring and summer following its signature of this treaty 
(peace treaty with the Allied Powers signed February 1947) the Rumanian 
Government through its police authorities, intensified its systematic and brutal 
campaign to eliminate all political opposition. Nation-wide man hunts were 
conducted on a mass scale resulting in the arbitrary arrest and incarceration of 
thousands of opposition and nonparty persons. * * * 

* * * Reports reaching the United States Government over a period of 
several months demonstrated convincingly that the political prisoners appre- 
hended as a result of the mass arrests in Rumania were being subjected by the 
Rumanian authorities not only to physical conditions of starvation and disease, 
but in some instances to methods designed to extract "confessions" in anticipation 
of foi'thcoming trials. * * * 

* * * in October and November 1947, the Rumanian authorities tried, con- 
victed, and sentenced for treason Mr. .Juliu Maniu, former Rumanian Premier 
and other members of tlie National Peasant Party of Rumania. The transparent 
political motivation of this "judicial process" was manifest * * * '" 

The direct role that the Soviet Union played in establishing the 
Rumanian Communist dictatorship was illustrated by the demand 
from Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky that King 
Michael of Rumania dismiss the Radescu government and install the 
Communist puppet Petru Groza as premier. The King followed 
Vishinsky's orders on March 2, 1945, when he was told that failure to 
do so would be considered a hostile act by his government .^^^ 

«3 New York Times, November 9, 1947. p. E-3. 

^< New York Times. February 5, 1948. p. 8. 

3'5 1 Siiw Poland Betrayed, Arthur Bliss Lane. Bobbs-Merrlll Co.. 1948. 



The abdication of the king himself was forced by the Communists 
on December 30, 1947. New York Times Correspondent W. H. Law- 
rence, reporting from Bucharest, Rumania, on the following day, 
stated : 

* * * what had been announced as the voluntai-y abdication of .voung 
King Michael was in fact a (.old-blooded Communist-dictated coup d'etat against 
the monarchy. * * * ""^ 

King Michael himself, abandoning a long silence on the subject, 
explained the circumstances of his abdication in a statement issued 
in London on March 4, 1948 : 

* * * In the minning of December 30, 1947, Mr. Petru Groza and Mr. 
Gheorshiu-Dej, meniljers of the Rumanian Cabinet, presented to me the text 
of acts of abdication, urging me to sign it at once. 

Both came to the royal palace after it had been surrounded by armed de- 
tachments, informing me they would hold me responsible for the bloodshed which 
would follow as a consequence of instructions already issued by them in case 
I should not sign within the time limit. 

This act was imposed by force by a government installed and maintained in 
power by a foreign country — a government utterly unrepresentative of the will 
of the Rumanian people. 

This government has broken the pledge binding them to respect the political 
freedom of the liumanian people, falsified the election, and annihilated the 
democratic political leaders who enjoyed the confidence of the country. 

The removal of the monarchy constitutes a new act of violence in a policy 
for the enslavement of Rumania * * *."' 

Reports of police intimidation and arrest of non-Communists for 
purely political reasons were as numerous from Rumania as from the 
other Balkan satellites already discussed. A Chicago Tribune cor- 
respondent who toured Rumania for S days in April 1947 noted that: 

* * * On the political front we found an elaborate spy system of the Rus- 
sian type, intimidating people who have been under different despotism through 
almost all of their history. Rumanians were being jailed for not much more 
than a whisper of dissension * * *. We talked with Rumanians deported 
to slave-labor camps in Russia and released only after physically broken down 
by the deprivations * * *."^ 

After a tour of the Balkan country, Maj. Tufton Beamish, member 
of the British Parliament, reported on November 24, 1947, that : 

* * * New waves of arrests were sweeping the country while I was there. 
Thousands of political prisoners are known to be held without trial in prisons 
and camps in inhuman half-starved conditions * * *."^ 

American officials in Rumania have not been free from this Com- 
munist police terror. Senator William F. Knowland, of California, 
reported after a visit to Europe that a secretary of the American 
Legation had been searched at gun point by police on November 4, 
1947; that the chauffeur of a LTnitecl States Army sergeant was as- 
saulted by two men in civilian clothes on June 28, 1947 ; and that the 
homes of three officers on the LTnited States military staff liad been 
searched by secret police.''-" 

The close interlocking of the Rumanian dictatorship with the Soviet 
Union is indicated by a speech delivered in Bucharest on December 
19, 1948, by Yugoslavia's Marshal Tito, who declared that the Dan- 

'1'' New York Times. January ], 1948, p. 1. 

'"■' WashinRton Times-Herald, March 5, 1948, p. 5. 

™ Washington Times-Herald, April 24, 1947. p. 4. 

^^ London Daily Telegraph and Morning Post, November 24, 1947. 

^^ Washington Evening Star, December 9, 1947. 


ubian Federation, including Poland and Albania as well as the states 
bordering on the Danube, was led by Premier Stalin. The speeches 
of Marshal Tito and Rumanian Premier Petru Groza were concluded 
with the cry, ""Long live Generalissimo Stalin" wdiich the crowd 
repeated. ^-^ 

Serving toda}' as Rumania's Foreign Minister is Anna Pauker, 
former member of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 

The devotion of the rulino- Workers' Partv of Rumania to the 
principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin and to the Communist 
Party in the Soviet Union is shown by the following statement of G. 
Georgiu-Dej, member of the Rumanian Cabinet, speaking before the 
Workers' Party of Rumania on February 21, 1948 : 

* * * Comrades ! The ideas of Marx and Engels, further developed and 
enriched by Lenin and Stalin, liave found practical application in the Union of 
the Soviet Socialist Republics, the first socialist state in the world. Tliese ideas 
are an inspiration to the people of the new democracies in their struggle for 
socialism. The idea of replacing capitalism by a new, higher social system — by a 
socialist system — has taken deep root among millions of people all over the world. 
We are living in an age that marks a new epoch in the history of manlcind. To us 
has been granted the good fortune to observe the magnificent spectacle of the un- 
folding of man's creative forces in the country where socialism has triumplied, 
and where the gradiial transition towai'd Communist society is under way ; that is, 
in the Soviet Union. It is our good fortune to be able to utilize the rich experience 
and wisdom of the glorious party which is leading the Soviet people from success 
to success, the experience and wisdom of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union [Bolsheviks], headed by the brilliant teacher of the working people of 
all lands, the disciple of the innnortal cause of Marx, Engels, Lenin, J. V. Stalin. 
[Stormy applause and ovation in honor of Stalin.] 

The teachings of Mars, Engels, Lenin, Stalin are as a beacon light Illuminating 
the path of the Workers' Party of Rumania, the path to further successes by the 
peoples' democracy — the path to a socialist Rumania.^" 

The extent to which the Workers' Party of Rumania is allied with 
the Communist Parties of other countries is shown by the fact that 
greetings were brought to its congress held on February 21-23, 1948, 
by representatives of the Communist Parties of Great Britain, Bul- 
garia. Hungary, Poland, Albania, Austria, Belgium, Greece, France, 
Holland. Italy, Spain, Yugoslavia. Czechoslovakia, and Palestine.^-^ 

As a former member of the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International it is fully understandable that William Z. Foster, pres- 
ent chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A., should express en- 
thusiastic endorsement of the Communist regime in Rumania and hail 
its "splendid democratic achievements." ^-^ 

^1 New York Times. December 20, 1947. p. 2. 

^3 For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, March 1. 1948, p. 3, Organ of the 
IntVirniation Bureau of the Communist Parties in Belgrade. 

3M Ibid. 

^* The New Europe by William Z. Foster (International Publishers, New York. 1947), 
p. 27. 


The Government of Bulgaria is headed by Georgi Dimitrov, former 
general secretary of tlie Communist International. Communist-rigged 
elections to the Bulgarian National Assembly held on October 27, 1946, 
showed the Communists as receiving 2,262,321 votes out of a total of 
4,188,276. Vassil Kolarov, former member of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International, acted as speaker of the Parlia- 
ment and acted as Provisional President following the plebiscite of 
September 8, 1946, which ousted the King and established a so-called 

The terroristic character of the present Bulgarian Government is 
most clearly displayed by the warning of Premier Dimitrov to his 
parliamentary opposition, following the hanging of Nikola Petkov, 
opposition Agrarian leader, on September 23, 1947. Attacking the 
Social Democrats for criticizing the budget, Mr. Dimitrov threatened 
them with the fate of Petkov and the Agrarian Party as follows : 

They broke their heads, and their leader is under the ground. Think this 
over and do not follow in the footsteps of your allies, foreign agents and Bulgarian 
enemies. If you are not wiser, you will get from the nation such a lesson as you 
will remember as far as St. Peter.'^ 

Referring to the trial of Petkov, the United States Department of 
State declared that it — 

constituted but one of a series of measures undertaken by the Communist-domi- 
nated Fatherland Front government to remove from the Bulgarian scene all save 
a purely nominal opposition and to consolidate, despite its professions to the 
contrary, a totalitarian form of government. 

Mr. Petkov had charged that the Fatherland Front government was 
subjecting the opposition to beatings and killings. The State Depart- 
ment charged that two defense attorneys were seized by the militia.^-^ 

In an article appearing in the Washington Evening Star for Sep- 
tember 22, 1947, page A-7, Constantine Brown disclosed the role played 
by Soviet military forces in Bulgaria. He estimated that the Soviet 
army of occupation which had been reduced to 100,000 had been in- 
creased in the last 2 months "to a high of 185,000 men provided with 
the latest equipment." 

Testifying before the House Committee on Un-American Activities 
on February 19, 1948, Mr. George M. Dimitrov, former general secre- 
tary of the Bulgarian Agrarian Party, who, although having the same 
name, is in no way related to the Communist premier, described the 
orgy of violence "which has swept his unhappy country under the 

With the active cooperation of the Soviets and their army, the Communists 
in Bulgaria grabbed on that date the police and the dispensation of justice in 
their hands, and, through their political commissars, established their control 

32= New York Timps, January 14, 1948, p. 1. 

«« Washington Star, September 23, 1947, pp. A-1 and A-5. 



over the army. A little later and in tlie same manner, they took over the Nation's 
education, finances, et cetera, and today they are putting the finishing touches 
to the complete sovietization of the country and the entrenchment of the dictator- 
ship of the Communist Party. * * * 

Without the knowledge of the non-Communist organizations within the Gov- 
ernment and even without the knowledge of the non-Communist members in the 
Cabinet, the Communists arrested and killed olf without trial over 50,000 Bul- 
garian citizens. Arrests have been more than two or three hundred thousand. 
By means of the so-called people's courts, they brought to trial another eight to 
ten thousand persons, of whom over two thousand were sentenced to death and 
executed within 24 hours, while the liulk of the others have since been rotting 
and dying in prison cells, concentration camps, and the so-called "labor-educa- 
tional communities," which are actually designed for slaves in the Soviet man- 
II Gr * * * 

The dissolution and the final liquidation of all non-Communist political organi- 
zations started by threats, arrests, and beatings of their more active members. 
Having once shaken them sufficiently, they were officially dissolved, their leaders 
and more prominent members thrown in jail, others were tried on fabricated 
charges, while many thousands of smaller men were deprived of their freedom 
even without the formality of going through a trial. * * * 

The lives, the liberties, and the property of all Bulgarian citizens today are 
in the hands and at the mercy of an irresponsible minority, which tries to play 
with them in the Soviet manner, known for its diverse methods of inquisition, 
concentration, and slave-labor camps. And today, when I speak to you here in 
this hall before this committee, whose activities are under the control of the 
free citizens of your country, far away there in my little but beautiful land, thou- 
sands upon thousands of hard-working, freedom-loving, and proud people are 
slowly rotting in their prison cells and concentration camps, many of them dying 
daily as a result of torture or outright execution. * * * 

The most influential body in the provinces is the militia. It is largely self- 
directed and is often above the Government and laws. It dictates to many 
Government ofiicials, makes its own rules, and often tells courts what sentences 
to pronounce. There is no state institution or Government department, not 
even the army, that can control the militia in some parts of the country. In 
many of the provinces it is master, taking what it pleases, disjwssessing whom 
it pleases, physically eliminating Bulgarian citizens according to its will. It 
and the people's courts have killed no fewer than 12,000 Bulgarians, mostly 
ordinary, independent, solid community leaders, along with a few war crim- 
inals and Fascists. The militiamen are heavily armed, most of the leaders had 
long been subversive, working as rebels against previous governments, and some 
are ordinary bandits. Brigands can with impunity rob Bulgarians in the name of 
the new order and "for the good of the common people * * *." 

Despite the fact that workl opinion generally condemned the Com- 
munist regime in Bulgaria, the Communist Party, U. S. A., was un- 
hesitatingly enthusiastic in its acclaim. William Z. Foster, chairman 
of the CPUSA, paid tribute to the "splendid democratic achieve- 
ments" of Bulgaria and lauded Georgi Dimitrov (not to be confused 
with the Agrarian Party leader) as one member of the "most brilliant 
and effective body of statesmen in continental Europe today." ^-^ 

The official Communist press in the United States has been quick to 
resent any criticism of what is going on in Bulgaria. The Daily 
Worker of June 6, 1947, page 6, printed an article by its Washington 
correspondent, Eob F. Hall, which denounced an article in Life maga- 
zine for May 12 because — 

The struggle of the Balkan peoples to establish a new democratic life after 
centuries of oppression is misrepresented as "spreading Soviet control" behind 
the so-called iron curtain. * * * But so highly developed is the art of deceit 
among Mr. Luce's writers that from such inspiring material they contrived a 
sordid story of dictatorship, repression, and unrest. 

3="The New Europe, by Wiliam Z. Foster (International Publishers, New York, 1947), 
pp. 27 and 38. 


Kob Hall then recounts his interview with Nissim Mevorali, repre- 
sentative of the Bulgarian Government in the United Nations investi- 
gation of the (ireek-Bulgarian-Yugoslav border dispute, which puts 
Bulgarian life in a highly favorable light. Hall quotes Mevorah as 
saying : 

AVe find it hard to understand, therefore, why the United States Government 
should now show hostility to us in our efforts to apply in our own country the 
American principles of freedom and democracy. 


The Bed Ariiw attacked Poland on September 17, 1939. A provi- 
sional government was formed on June 23, 1945, includino; members 
of the non-Communist government -in-exile and the so-called Lublin 
or Communist-dominated government. On January 19, 19-17, a Com- 
munist-Socialist bloc elected 394 members of tlie Sejm (parliament) 
out of a total of 444 seats in a rigged election. Boleslaw Bierut, 
former official of the Communist International and a leading member 
of the Polish Communist Party, was elected President. Stanislaw 
Mikolajczyk, former Polish Prime Minister and Peasant Party leader, 
was recalled to Warsaw in June 1945 to assume the j^ost of Vice 
Premier. After the elections of Ma}^ 1947, the Polish Government 
initiated a series of purges of all anti-Communist elements and today 
the Communist Party exercises complete control of that unhappy 
country. We cite herewith excerpts from a series of articles by Mr. 
Mikolajczyk describing from first-hand knowledge the terrorist 
methods of the Russians in Poland in the Polish Communist-domi- 
nated Government itself. 

It would have been comparatively simple for me to die in Poland. 
It would have climaxed the murders of 104 Peasant Party leaders 
and the cynical confiscation and destruction of the party's various 
headquarters. * * * ^"' 

Inside Poland, the Russians were arresting, shooting and de- 
porting thousands of members of the home army and the undei'- 
ground — with the servile agreement of the Communist Lublin 
government (1945). * * * 

Russia was dismantling and shipping to the U. S. S. R. a great 
number of Polish factories. It was also looting, burning villages 
whose people were reluctant to collaborate, and removing our live- 
stock and other effects. * * * ''" 

Let me summarize in the briefest possible manner the subsequent 
Communist campaign against the Polish Peasant Party : 

The security police killed our general secretary, Boleslaw 
Scibiorek. Then a year later and on the eve of the fixed election, 
they started a "trial" in which they attempted to prove that we 
ourselves had ordered the illegal Polish underground to murder 
Scibiorek. * * * 

At least seven whole Polish villages were burned to the ground 
because their people refused to become Communists. No one can 
estimate the number of houses burned in other cities and villages 
and the value of the properties confiscated. * * * 

Security police stations became torture houses for hundreds of 
thousands of Poles arrested for believing in the lofty precepts laid 
down by the Americans and British and agreed to by Stalin. Un- 
told thousands were murdered in these horror chambers and hun- 
dreds of their bodies have been discovered in the grounds around 
such police stations as those in Kepno, in the province of Poz- 
nan. and Bochnia, in Krakow province. * * * 

Murder of 

shooting, and 


Burning of 

Murder and 

3" Washington Times-Herald January 12, 1948. p. 1. 
«9 Washington Times-Herald, January 24, 1-948, p. 2. 




When Madam Chorazyna, our MP, rose in parliament to speak 
of the freedom of the press which had been guaranteed us, her 
speech was censored and 2 hours later she barely escaped death, 
along with her son, when a barrage of bullets crashed through 
the windows of her home. * * * 

When the reign of terror in Poland became known to the out- 
side world. President Truman and Foreign Minister Bevin were 
among those who frankly called Poland a police state. ^° Police state 

I cannot deal here and now with the tortures our people un- 
derwent during efforts to make them renounce the party. Many 
of these tortures are too vile to display even in the free press. 
Suffice it to say that the sadism of Nazi executioners were equaled 
and often surpassed by security police trained by the NKVD."' 

In the weeks before the election more than 100,000 Poles were 
arrested by the security police. They were kept, half clothed or 
naked, for days in frigid open fields for refusing to withdraw their 
names from lists proposing Polish Peasant Party candidates for 
office. * * * 

One hundred and forty-two of our candidates were kept in prison 
throughout the normal campaign period before the election. One Imprisonment 
of these, Mr. Szygula, a farmer in Silesia, was tortured to death of candidates 
in ijrison. * * * 

Security police officially killed 126 members of our party during 
this reign of terror before the election. Military units were 
created and sent to the villages to lend armed force to tlie Com- 
munists. These units were commanded and their terroristic pro- 
gram outlined by Gen. Korczyc, a Russian general who is now 
chief of staff of the Polish Army. * * * 

At the closing of the polls the commissioners — acting on orders 
enforced by the presence of the security police — systematically 
burned all those Polish Peasant Party ballots in excess of 10 

A spy was placed in nearly every house to report conversations, 
and as a result of this tactic many innocent Poles have been sen- 
tenced to 5 years in jail for spreading false rumors. * * * 

The Polish Army numbers 150,000 men. At first, 10,000 of its 
officers were Red Army men. This has been reduced to 3,000. 
All imiwrtant positions from chief of staff down through the 
echelons are held by Russian officers who have been ordered to 
become Polish citizens. Few Poles are permitted in the Polish 
air force. It is completely controlled by Russians. * * * 

The great scourge of the Polish people, the security police, 
numbers 230,000 men officially. Communist gangs are armed on 
the pretext that they are "voluntary help police," (the 
ORMO). * * * 

NKVD men are stationed in every security police office as 
"advisers." They are of course, part of the organization which 
also polices Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Rumania, Czechoslovakia, Hun- 
gary, and the Soviet occupation zone of Germany. In this way 
eastern Europe has become one vast police state under a single 
control. Poland's independent political parties have been ex- 
terminated. Its economic and social life has been sovietized. Its 
champions of independence have been liquidated or silenced by 


Police state 

330 Washinstton Times-Herald, January 27, 1948, p. 2. 
3" Washington Times-Herald, January 28, 1948, p. 2. 

332 Washington Times-Herald, January 29, 1948, p. 2. 

333 Washington Times-Herald of January 30, 1948, p. 2. 



A Russian colonel told me : "Our men prepare the way for us in 
France and Italy, and they hope to bring about changes iii the 
government tliere so that the Red Army will not be forced to 
march in. But even if they fail, there are plans for the army to 
move into those lauds.^''^ 

Red Army 

Arthur Bliss Lane lias been a distinguished member of the United 
States diplomatic corps since 1916. He has served in Italy, Poland, 
England. Switzerland, ^lexico, Nicaragua, Estonia. Latvia, Lithuania, 
Colombia, and Costa Rica. He was Ambassador to the Polish Gov- 
ernment from 1945 to 1947. He described the situation in Poland in 
his recent book entitled ''I Saw Poland Betrayed'' (Bobbs-Merrill 
Co., Indianapolis. 1948). His analysis fully corroborates the ac- 
count of Mr. ^likolajczyk and gives the lie to any Communist claims 
about relinquishment of methods of force and violence. Vie quote his 
work in part : 

A basic tenet of Soviet policy is tlie eradication of all truly 
nationalistic elements in areas under Soviet control. This ex- 
plains the forcible deportation to Siberia of hundreds of thousands Forcible 
of Poles after the occupation of eastern Poland in September 1939. deportation 
The same policy has been responsible for the liquidation, ijhysical 
or political, of nationalist elements in Hungary, Bulgaria, Austria 
and Yugoslavia (p. 38). 

But there was one group in Poland about which nothing was 
officially said. It was generally known, liowever, that this group, 
which corresponded to the Politburo in the Soviet Union, acted 
under the direction of the Kremlin and was the controlling force in 
Poland (p. 113). 

But on June 19. 4 days after their arrival, the trial of the 16 
arrested Polish leaders was begun in iloscow. I was to learn that 
the 10 had been taken to Moscow by airplane, flunking they were 
proceeding to London ; that the plane had landed in the snow in 
a field many miles from Moscow, in the wintry weather at the 
end of March; that they had been taken to the Lubianka Prison, 
in Moscow, where each had been ijlaced in solitary confinement. 
During their imprisonment they had been subjected to continual 
exposure, night and day. to glaring electric light, preventing rest 
and sleep. Questioned and requestioned under this mental tor- 
ture for weeks, they finally admitted to the charges and readily 
confessed them when interrogated publicly by the prosecutor. It 
was a repetition of the technique employed in the Moscow trials of 
1937 — a technique now in in all Soviet-dominated nations 
(pp. 116 and 117). 

During our early days in Warsaw even the word of our Polish Terrorist 
friends was not needed to convince us of the terrorist methods methods 
employed by the Soviet Army and secret police (p. 161 ) . 

In addition to the terror created in Poland by the returning Red 
Army, the newly formed Polish Security Police — Urzad Bezpie- 
czenstwa, colloquially known as UB — was making itself unpleas- 
antly known. Like the NKVD. the Russian counterpart, the mem- 
bers of the UB were distinguished by blue collar tabs and hat 
bands. Many an arrest by these uniformed agents was witnessed Secret arrests 
by members of the American Embassy on the streets of Warsaw 
during those early days. Later, more .subtle and terrifying meth- 
ods were employed, such as arrests in the middle of the night; and 
the person arrested generally was not permitted to communicate 
with the outside woiid, i)erhaps for months, perhaps for all time 
(p. 162). 

Kidnaping and 
torture of 

33* Washington Times-Herald, January 31, 1948, p. 2. 
74481—48 9 



Mr. Stanislaw Raclkiewicz, Minister oi Public Security, frankly 
admitted that the Russians had lent him 200 NKVD instructors, 
who would organize the Polish Security Police along Soviet lines 
(p. 166). 

All gave me information confirming the opinion which we had 
already formed from our 2 months in Poland : I'oland was a 
police state governed by the Kremlin. I was everywhere assured 
that not more than 5 percent of the people supported the provi- 
siojval government. The Peasant Party and the Christian Labor 
Party together represented over 80 percent of the electorate. Any- 
one not supporting the Government was in danger of arrest, I was 
told. Former members of the underground were particularly 
vulnerable (p. 184). 

But the pressure which was being exerted on Mikolajczyk was 
not merely verbal. Two members of his party had suffered vio- 
lence at the hands of the security police ; one Kojder had mysteri- 
ously disappeared, despite the efforts of the Ministry of Public 
Administration to ascertain his fate ; Scibiorek, another leader, 
had been killed in Lodz because he had insisted on remaining loyal 
to Mikolajczyk. Later, the Government was to charge that 
Scibiorek was killed by his own party. The United States Gov- 
ernment was so provoked by these political murders, flouting the 
spirit of the Yalta decision, that Secretary Byrnes gave the press 
a statement bitterly denouncing the outrages (p. 191). 

From our earliest days in Poland information kept pouring in 
to us, not only to me personally and to the rest of our staff, but 
to American newspaper correspondents as well, that a reign of 
terror was being imposed on the Polish people by the security 
police. Even if we had been so incredulous as to brush aside 
these reports we could not conscientiously have dismissed the 
information coming from relatives of American citizens who 
were then in prison. By February 1946 84 claimants to American 
citizenship were in jail, almost all — so their relatives apprised 
us — for the "crime" of having once been members of the under- 
ground army clandestinely fighting the Nazis (p. 197). 

We estimated, however, in 1946, that over 100,000 Poles were 
being forcibly detained either by Polish or Soviet police officials. 
This estimate was based on our knowledge that large concentra- 
tion camps constructed by the Nazis were still being used in 
Oswiecim. in Rembertow (near Warsaw), and in Wolow 
(Wohlau), about 30 miles from Wroclaw, in the zone under the 
Red Army control. In addition, the prisons in Krakow, Lublin, 
and Poznan were filled to capacitv with political prisoners (p. 

During the Christmas holidays petitions were circulated by 
hand throughout Poland by security police officials. These UB 
members went from house to house in the cities and villages en- 
deavoring to obtain the signatures of as many voters as possible 
indicating their support for the candidates on the Government 
list. * * * 

We received reports from the larger cities — Krakow, Poznan, 
Gdansk, Katowice, and Lublin — that those persons who refused 
to sign the manifesto were told they would probably lose their 
living quarters and their jobs xinless they reconsidered their 
attitude. * * * 

The UB went farther than merely threatening. Many cases 
of physical torture were reported to the Embassy. The UB 
were not far behind the Gestapo in inventing refined brutal- 
ities. We learned of persons forced to remain during that 
unusually cold winter in icy water up to their knees for 2 or 3 
whole days in attempts to drive them to sign the manifesto. An 
unfortunate man stood this torture for 72 hours rather than 
agree to support the Government ticket. Gangrene set in. Both 
his feet were amputated (pp. 279 and 280) . 


Police state 

Police violence 


Reign of 

Forcible deten- 
tion in concen- 
tration camps 





Liquidation of 

Red Army and 

I could see no difference between Hitler's and Stalin's aims. 
Both were after world domination. I conld not see the differ- 
ence, which so-called liberals in the United States often claim 
to see, between the methods of the two tyrants. They were ex- 
actly the same— suppression of personal liberty ; terrorism by 
the police; sickening propaganda that the totalitarian state is 
democratic (p. 288). 

Surely the Soviet Government must be called on to assume re- 
sponsibility for having deported hundreds of thousands of Poles 
to Siberia during the Soviet occupation of the territory east of 
the Molotov-Ribbentrop line, from 1939 until after the German 
attack upon the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. This was action 
calculated to remove Polish nationalistic and non-Communistic 
elements and to extinguish the flower of the Polish Army. Even 
though the Soviet Government has tried to avoid responsibility 
for the Katyn incident, with violent protestations of innocence, 
the accusing finger of public opinion in Poland is still pointed at 
the Kremlin ; for that liquidation of 10,000 Polish officers would 
be consistent with the Soviet policy of systematically destroying 
all elements representative of Polish nationalism. Not only were 
the Nazis and the Soviets in agreement on the annihilation of the 
Polish state, but they employed similar police state measures to 
snuff out the spirit of Polish independence (pp. 303 and 304) . 

Although it was agreed that democratic leaders from within 
Poland and from abroad should constitute the new provisional 
government of national unity, the Communist embryo of that 
Government-to-be was already functioning in Poland, backed by 
the Red Army and by the Russian NKVD. In those circum- 
stances the really democratic forces never had a chance to express 
themselves freely or to form a government clearly representative 
of the Polish people (pp. 304 and 305). 

The arrest of the 16 Polish leaders and their trial at Moscow in 
the spring of 1945 was another instance, carried out in defiance of 
Western public opinion, of the Soviet Government's determination 
to put an end politically to all Polish leaders who might furnish an 
element of nationalistic opposition to the Communist-dominated 
government. Next, with an efficiency and concentration on detail 
recalling the methods of the Gestapo, the NKVD and its Polish 
counterpart organized the police state so that all effective opposi- 
tion would be quenched. Arrests, tortures, and assa.ssinations 
were as effective under the Soviet-directed jwlice state as under 
the Nazi variety (p. 305). 

But with the present group in control, supported as they are by . 

Moscow and by Soviet-dominated armed forces, the populace has nated arnied 
no chance to establish a government of its own choice (p. 307). forces 

We have chosen two outstanding and internationally known observ- 
ers and have cited their accounts of the Communist regime in Poland, 
which could be amplified at length from newspaper reports which 
have appeared elsewhere. We have shown the intimate interrelation 
of the Soviet Government in the Polish picture. What has been the 
reaction of the Communist Party, U. S. A., to this brazen display of 
force and violence ? 

Political Affairs for April 1947, official theoretical monthly organ 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A,, has featured articles by Wladyslaw 
Gomulka,. Vice Premier of Poland and general secretary of the Polish 
Workers' Party, which is the Communist Party of Poland, and Hilary 
Mine, Polish (Communist) Minister of Industry and Commerce. In 
view of the highly controlled nature of Communist publications, this 
indicates their close fraternal relations with the American Communist 





As late as February 27, 1948, in the Daily Worker, William Z. Foster, 
chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A., referred to Poland as 
"one of the most advanced of all the democracies in eastern Europe" 
and hailed its liberation b}' the Red Arm3\ 

Numerous Communist-front organizations are supplementing this 
support, including the American Polish Labor Council, the Polish 
American Trade-Union Council, the American Slav Congi-ess, the 
Polonia Society, and such Polish Communist papers as Glos Ludowy. 

The National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, another front 
organization, published a pamphlet entitled "Inside Liberated Poland" 
by Anna Louise Strong, one-time editor of the Moscow News. The 
same organization has published another brochure called "We Will 
Join Hands With Russia" on Polish-Soviet relations. 

John Stuart, an editor of the Communist weekly, New Masses, speaks 
of the Communist regime in Poland as follows in its issue of Janu- 
ary 13, 1948 : 

The Workers Party of Poland is a brilliant phenomenon. The traveler feels 
its prestige and influence everywhere. Born out of the war, it is a new Com- 
munist Party. * * * It is in this sense of people and their needs, this immer- 
sion in masses of people, that gives the PPR its dash and imagination and makes 
it the first party of Poland. 


Comiuunist leader Marshal Joseph Broz (Tito) was made Premier 
■of Yugoslavia on March -1. 1045. Its constitution, adopted January ;U, 
1946, closely resembles the Russian pattern. At the September 1947 
-conference of Communist parties held in Poland, M. Djdas, a former 
Comintern operative, vice president of the Yugoslav Presidium and 
head of the dreaded OZXA, or secret police, clearly described how the 
Yugoslav Communist Party accomplished its successful armed up- 
rising : 

The Conuuuiiist I'arty of Yugoslavia devploped in a difficult illegal struggle 
in an armed uprising and intensive work to build and rehabilitate our devastated 
country. * * * 

As in every revolution, so, too, in the Yugoslav revolution, definite historical 
cireunistances were necessary. I shall not dwell on them, but I should like to 
emphasize that, however favorable, such circumstances alone, as is generally 
known, are not sufficient to insure tlie victory of the working people unless there 
is a revolutionary, well-organized party, capable of leading the people into the 
struggle. Such a party existed in Yugoslavia. * * * 

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia organized an armed uprising immediately 
after the occupation of the country as the only effective form of struggle in condi- 
tions of war. * * * 

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia entered the war after 20 years of 
illegality. * * * 

The nucleus of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia is made up of cadres which 
passed through the stern school of the uprising and the 4 years of war.^'° 

The regime in Yugoslavia has been accurately described by Reuben 
H. Markham, long a correspondent in the Balkans for the Christian 
Science Monitor. We quote in part from his recent work, Tito's 
Imperial Communism. 

Yugoslav Communists did seize towns and villages. Red flags proudly snapped 
over some town halls. The "cells" appeared in the open, as little Soviets. Com- 
munist secret police instantly went into action and summarily disposed of the 
main local opponents of communism. Active bourgeois leadership in the "freed" 
areas was eliminated. All necessary goods were requisitioned, youth was 
mobilized for the new Communist army, and the new order was inaugu- 
rated * * *. 

From the end of the summer of 1941, civil war raged in Yugoslavia, along 
with the war between Yugoslavs and Germans. The main struggle in Yugoslavia, 
after Tito's fateful invasion of Serbia, was the civil struggle between the Com- 
munists and anti-Communists * * *. 

When Yugoslav men and women were massacred because of Partisan raids, 
that was part of Tito's revolutionary Armageddon. When shrieks of Yugoslav 
mothers and children filled the dark and bloody nights, that was as the thunder- 
ous chorus of the morning stars of revolution, and when valleys and plains 
were laid waste, that was the destruction of the old in preparation for the 
new — for the world soviet and Communist domination * * *. 

We know that Partisans carried guns and freely used them ; we know they 
lived amid carnage, that they were flaming with hatred, that they called all 
non-Partisans "Fascists" and treated them as mortal enemies. Everyone who 
has had any contact with Partisans knows they inordinately boast of their 
killings ; yet amid such scenes, with such passions, we are led to believe that 

335 For a Lasting Peace, For A People's Democracy, December 1, 1947, p. 6, Organ of the 
Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in Belgrade. 

74481—48 10 129 


they held free elections. They themselves have described such elections. Nine- 
tenths of the voting was open and public. In a room or in a public square, 
people raised their hands as men with tommy guns counted them * * * 

To most Serbs of Serbia, including Mihailovich, Tito's civil war seemed 
execrable. They know that Tito was using the World War to further a 
political revolution and impose a Communist government upon an unwilling 
nation. * * * 

On the first day of the struggle Tito had opened the civil war ; to the last day 
he pursued it. It was he who took the initiative in destroying Yugoslav unity, 
in setting Yugoslavs against Yugoslavs, and in pulverizing Yugoslav resistance 
to Germany * * *. 

This insistent, public refusal of asylum and this justification of slave labor 
illustrates the attitude of the People's Republic toward violence and terror. Tito 
has deprived Yugoslavs of any inalienable right to life. I have seen a carefully 
tabulated list, covering 500 large tyi)ed pages, of the names of Serbs whom the 
partisans were accused of having killed. Each case was described in detail. 
The victims were from many Yugoslav towns and villages. Some were peasants, 
a number were workers, most were members of the bourgeoisie. Many were 
teachers, small merchants, lawyers, priests, reserve officers, judges. They were 
champions of the established order — as are most Americans. * * * 

Likewise, in notes to the United States Government Tito admitted that more 
than 100,000 persons were kept at forced labor in Yugoslav labor camps 2 years 
after the end of the fighting. Tito called them Nazis and Fascists, which is his 
name for every opponent. * * * 

But it is certain that the partisans marketl their triumph by killing their fellow 
citizens on a large scale. The impressions of that carnage upon many Yugoslavs 
seem to have dwarfed the other horrors. Weeping was heard in thousands of 
homes. Fear swept as a storm through the land. Tito's triumph was identified 
in the minds of many Yugoslavs with blood. The red star on the Yugoslav flag, 
on the Serbian flag, on the Croatian flag, came to symbolize fratricide. * * * 

Tito and his People's Republic have maintained the largest army in Yugoslav 
peacetime history. Its official and real head is Marshal Tito. It is led by Com- 
munist generals and colonels and has been under close Soviet direction. * * *^ 

To amplify this picture of violence and terror, we cite the defense 
statement of Aloysius Stepinac, archbishop of Zagreb and Catholic 
primate of Yugoslavia, on the occasion of his trial on September 30, 
1946, before the so-called people's court of that country. This trial 
was characterized by the New York Times of October 13, 1946, as 
"clearly political with the conviction foreordained." 

Between 260 and 270 priests have been killed by the National Liberation Front. 
There exists no civilized counti-y in the world where so many priests would have 
been put to death for such "crimes" as you have brought up against them. * * * 
You have looted the seminary of all its furnishings, of all its property. * * * 
All our Catholic printing plants have been taken away from us. * * * 
Building of some of the religious in the Bachka have been confiscated. * * * "i 

On March 27, 1946, Harold Shantz, American Charge d'Aff aires at 
Belgrade, delivered a note to the Yugoslav Foreign Office, protesting 
against Soviet obstruction to the Allied military government in 
Venezia Giulia. Venezia Giulia is a northeastern Province of Italy, 
half of which, including Trieste, is under joint American and British 
occupation, and half under Yugoslav control. The note indicates 
typical Communist methods. 

Incitement to unrest. — Yugoslav authorities have brought into zone A (Ameri- 
can-British zone) armed pro-Slav groups from zone B (Yugoslav zone) for 
pro-Slav demonstrations, such as those at Gorizia on March 2 and 27, 1946, and 
at Trieste on March 26, 1946. A resident of zone B who was arrested in Trieste 
on March 26 for carrying firearms made a voluntary signed statement that he and 

53« Tito's Imperial Communism, b.y E. H. Markham (Universit.v of North Carolina Press, 
Chapel Hill, 1947), pp. 73, 74, 79, 114, 122, 144. 145, 216, 264, 265. 

3" My Conscience Is Clear, by Aloysius Stepinac, pamphlet No. 8 (Catholic Information 
Society, New Yorli, 1947), pp. 9, 10, and 12. 


two others had been given arms by zone B authorities and sent across the 
Morgan line to demonstrate. Other residents of zone B arrested in Trieste 
have stated that they were warned to participate in demonstrations and were 
furnished motor transport as far as the Morgan line. Six shiploads of demon- 
strators from zone B were brought to Trieste on April 2, 194U, despite specific 
assurance that no persons from zone B would participate. 

Intimidation of the local population. — On March 10, 1946, a known extremist 
action squad leader, with 10 men, left PNOO headquarters in Trieste and went 
to Servola where he directed a demonstration. During the general strike in 
Trieste on March 11. 1946, action squads wearing a i-ed star compelled shop- 
keepers to close their shops. On numerous occasions action squads from Com- 
munist cultural clubs have beaten up pro-Italians; one such club was raided 
on March 30. 1946, and arms were found, leading to the arrest of 25 persons. 

Intimidation of local officials. — Nine specific cases have been reported in which 
members of civil police have received threats to themselves or their families in 
zone B in an attempt to induce them to leave the force or act as pro-Slav agents. 
On March 14, 1946, a delegation representing 42 Slovene teachers requested Allied 
military government protection as they were constantly being threatened by 
pro-Yugoslav elements and feared abduction, and felt that they must resign 
from their schools unless assured of Allied military government protection. 

Criminal and terrorist activities. — Members of the Yugoslav Army and para- 
military organizations such as KNOJ and OZNA have been arrested while 
abducting civilians and engaged in other criminal acts. Four of these have 
volunteered signed statements that they were sent on their missions by their 
superiors in Yugoslavia and zone B. 

As will be evident from the above instances, the Governments of the United 
States and the United Kingdom have been forced to conclude that the provoca- 
tive activities of the PNOO and other pro-Yugoslav organizations have been 
encouraged and directed by Yugoslav officials from within Yugoslavia.^^* 

The Daily Worker, ofiicial organ of the Communist Party, U. S. A.^ 
lias been most articulate in support of the policy of Communist Mar- 
shal Tito. Ella Winter, one of its feature writers, was granted per- 
mission to visit that country, although such permission is not readily 
granted to American writers. She was even granted a personal inter- 
view by Tito, himself, whom she praised effusively. In this interview 
he declared with Marxist clarity: "We have gotten rid of the whole 
old-state apparatus." He justified "strong measures" against all 

Equally laudatory of the Communist regime in Yugoslavia is Wil- 
liam Z. Foster, present chairman of the Communist Party, U. S. A. 
The following comments were made after his European trip in 1947: 

The new democracies in Yugoslavia, Poland, and other countries in central 
and eastern Europe are the result of national democratic revolutions. The 
essence of this revolution is that the peoples in these countries, during the war, 
with the potent help of the Red Army, drove out the Fascist invaders and also 
smashed their own big capitalists and landlords who almost unanimously joined 
the Fascists. In these struggles the old states' machinery was destroyed and 
the peoples built new peoples' governments in their ijlace, as well as nationalizing 
the basic sectors of the industrial .system. * * * 

Let the major achievements of the progressive new Yugoslav Government 
illustrate the general trend in the new democracies. The properties of the 
traitor capitalists have been confiscated, without compensation. An end has 
been put to privately owned monopolies, cartels, and to so-called free enterprise 
in the basic economy of the country. The great landed estates, including the 
lands of the churches, have been divided up among the peasants. The land- 
owners have received no compensation for their lands. * * * 

23S National and International Movements, Report on the Strategy and Tactics of World 
Communism. Supplement 2, printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs by Sub- 
committee No. 5 (United States Government Printing Office, Washington, 1948), pp. 100, 
101. and 102. 

MS Daily Worker, October 2, 1947, pp. 6 and 9. 


In the more progressive democracies on tlie Continent, however, the general 
policy (not yet fully applied) regarding compensation goes about like this: 
The many important industries owned by the Germans are confiscated outright, 
without compensation, and so also are the plants of native capitalists who 
collaborated with the Germans. As for the big landed estates, the general 
rule has been no compensation, although in some instances the church may be 
paid for the lands divided among the peasants/^" 

Again in the Worker for May 18, 1947, page 2, lie continues his 
panegyric, as follows : 

Yugoslavia is now, next to the Soviet Union, the most democratic country iu 
the world. It has become one of strong fortresses of international de- 
mocracy. * * * 

The epic struggle was led by the National Liberation Front, the heart and 
backbone of wliicli was the Communist Party. At the head of the whole war 
movement and of the new Yugoslavia stands Marshal Tito, a brilliant 
Marxist. * * * 

Answering further the general charges of Yugoslavian dictatorship, the mar- 
shal * * * defends the Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as having been 
"necessary in the great October revolution, so that the ideas of Marx, Eugels, 
Lenin, and Stalin might be put fully into effect. * * *" 

Communist-front organizations in the United States are actively 
promoting the cause of Communist Yugoslavia, among them being 
the American Slav Congress, the Croatian Fraternal Union, the United 
Committee of South Slavic Americans, the International Workers 
Order, the American Committee for Yugoslav Relief, and the Amer- 
ican Committee for a Free Yugoslavia. These efforts are supple- 
mented by Slobodna Rech, a Communist Serbian newspaper, as well 
as the Croatian newspaper, Zajednicar. 

340 rpjjp Sew Europe, by William Z. Foster (International Publishers, New York, 1947), 
pp. 18, 25, 26, 28, and 29. 


The Communist Party of Italy has not yet realized its ambition of 
taking over power in that country. Its leader, Palmireo Tog:liatti. alias 
Ercoli, foimer member of the executive committee of the Communist 
International, has time and again threatened resort to force and 
violence, in the event that his group is not victorious through parlia- 
mentar}^ means. Speaking at the Sixth Congress of the Communist 
Party of Italy in January 1948, he declared : 

We have after all experience which is much greater than that which we had 
in 1920 and 1923. We have behind us the experience of the partisan war and 
not only do we have this experience, but tens of thousands of youths and adults 
who have learned to use arms for the defense of liberty and the independence 
of the country and who, if the situation should arise in which, as happens many 
times in the course of democratic revolutions, liberty must be also defended and 
reacquired with arms, they would do everything in their duty toward democracy 
and toward their fatherland.^^^ ^ 

The phrases about "liberty," "democracy," and "independence" are, 
of course, simply Commimist double talk for a Communist dictator- 
ship. Eeporting from Italy for the New York Times of November 17, 
1947, page 1, Arnaldo Cortesi states : 

Fear that the Communists are about to pass from riots and strikes to some 
more positive form of direct action spread in Italy today. 

Palmiro Togliatti, No. 1 Communist, speaking in Milan today, urged his follow- 
ers to "descend into the streets again, if necessary, and defend democracy in a 
much more determined form." 

The Communist central committee also heard speeches by Luigi Longo and 
Mauro Scoccimarro. lesser leaders, who voiced their belief that legal methods of 
seizing power should be abandoned. 

In the same vein Mauro Scoccimarro, former Minister of Finance, 
addressing the provincial congress of the Communist Part}' in Turin, 
declared last year : 

In this new phase we can even be pushed to a position wherein the last word 
will be arms.^*^ 

The confidence of these two Communist leaders in the outcome of a 
violent assault upon the constituted Government of Italv is based upon 
the fact that tlie Commimist Party is known to have made elaborate 
armed preparation for an uprising, according to reliable reporters. 
We cite for example the New York Times of November 11, 1947, 
page 18 : 

Authorities estimate the strength of the Communist partisans in the four 
northern regions of Liguria. Piedmont, Lombartly, and Emila at more than 80,000. 
These men, tli»\v said, are fully armed and live mo.stly outside tiie large cities. 
In addition, it was added, the parliamentary organization of the Communists in 
the cities can count on action squads divided into cells of 5 to 10 men. * * * 

These groups are the "shock troops" that in case of armed demonstration or 
downright insurrection would have the task of quickly seizing key points in the 
cities as the first step toward control. 

3" L'Unita, Januarv 6, 1948. 

^^ WashiDgton Post, December 9, 1947, p. 3. 



Again this picture is amplified by the report of the unusually well 
informed columnist, Constantine Brown : 

A well-disciplined force of 20,000 to 25,000 men, accompanied by bugles and 
drums, paraded Sunday in Rome under tlie pretext of honoring the unknown 
soldier of World War n. * * * 

The paraders were unarmed, but the Italian Government knows that there are 
caches of arms in Rome itself, ready for distribution to Longo's partisans at a 
given signal. 

The number of Italian Communist partisans, which were estimated last spring 
at about 70,000, is said to have increased in the last few months to more than 
200,000, thus almost equaling the combined total of the regular Italian Army and 
police force. * * * 

The parade Sunday in Rome was only an appetizer, a warning to the Italian 
Government that the Italian Communists are ready for a show-down which could 
plunge the country into civil war.^'^ 

Citing a secret United States Arm}^ report which has never been 
denied, Drew Pearson states in the Washington Post for September 8, 
1947, page 12: 

The United States Army has discovered hidden stores of Communist arms, and 
an underground Italian-Slav army ready to seize northern Italy as soon as the 
American Army evacuates. 

"The chief aim of insurrectional action," says the secret War Department 
report, "is to build a bridgehead for the Slav elements of the Emilia-Romagna 

To further the Italian insurrection aims, the occupation wedge would, by acts 
of sabotage on highways and railways, ambush, and other guerrilla tactics, cut 
ofl; the movements of the Allies in support of tlie Government troops sent to crush 
the insurrection. 

Having started in the heart of Emilia, the movement would immediately extend 
into the Veneto and the Lignria and gradually embrace the surrounding regions 
(like an oil spot) either through disorganizing and flanking operations of the 
militarily less organized Red elements of those districts, or by direct armed 
action aiming at a new March on Rome whose duce would be Longo. 

The action is based particularly on surprise and ferocity in the early hours so 
as to gain a few days of insurrectional autonomy in order to mobilize. 

Citing direct Soviet aid given to the Italian Communists, the report states : 
"The Russian officers residing at the Soviet repatriation office of Salsomaggiere 
are the technical advisers of the regional command." 

These efforts have, however, gone far beyond the stage of mere ver- 
bal threats and military preparation. They have reached the stage of 
actual and open resort to violent methods. We shall rely in this con- 
nection upon the reports of Arnaldo Cortesi, well-known reporter for 
the New York Times : 

Connnunist shock troops attacked policemen who had ventured ahead of the 
main force. Two policemen were hit with clubs and seriously injured. A second 
lieutenant was taken prisoner and held as a hostage. 

At this point the police fired over the rioters' heads. In reply the Communists 
threw five hand grenades against the police jeeps. ^^* 

The most serious happened in Ferrara, where the Communists were aroused 
over the arrest of one Elio Benati, who was suspected of organizing previous 
riots. A large crowd of demonstrators after listening to an inflammatory 
speech by Communist Deputy Ruggiero Grieco, attacked the central police sta- 
tion. The mob was repulsed twice but on its third try overwhelmed the police 
and released the prisoner, who was carried in triumph through the streets.^^^ 

Near Agro di Vernola Communists cut down telephone posts. The police 
arrested some of the persons responsible, including the Communist secretary of 
the local chamber of labor. * * * 

3<3 Washinston Evening Star of December 9, 1947, p. A-11. 
3" New York Times, December 6, 1947, p. 2. 
8« New York Times, November 19, 1947, p. 12 


When a group of Communist "activists" tried to force their way into the 
meeting- hall they clashed with the police who arrested one * * * 

A general strike was ordered in Chiusi yesterday to force the release of five 
former Communist partisans accused of murder. They were held for trial on u 
charge of killing a police sergeant and four carabinieri. 

The extreme left-wing press is making every effort to fan the fire into a blaze. 
L'Unita, Conmiunist Party newspaper, published a report of yesterday's riots 
in Palermo. Sicily, under the headline: "The People of Palermo Destroy the Lairs 
of the Enemies of Democracy.^^" 

Communist "activists" (specialists in direct action) organized into efBcient 
squads poured into the city [Naples] by the hundreds aboard trucks and spread 
confusion and terror far and wide. 

The Communists wrecked and burned the offices of right wing organizations 
and parties, hunted down and attacked citizens su.spected of anti-Communist 
sympathies, engaged in numerous encounters with the police, and attempted to 
storm the police headquarters and city hall * * *. 

While the rioting in Naples still was in progress, Communist deputies were 
threatening further violence. * * * 

When the available supply of newspapers had been exhausted the Communists 
organized numerous man hunts and attacked citizens whom they thought were 
members of right wing parties. Many of the intended victims defended them- 
selves strenuously and gunfire soon was heard all over the city. The Commvmists 
resisted all attempt at interference by the police, who were handicapped by 
strict orders from Rome not to shoot unless it was necessary. * * * 

Later the Commiuiists demolished the headquarters of the right wing parties, 
those of the Common Man Front and of the Nationalist movement being the 
favorite targets. Typewriters, telephones, furniture, files, and books were thrown 
into the streets and .set afire. * * * 

The fighting assumed an extremely grave turn when the police, after a hand-to- 
hand clash, arrested half a dozen criminals who were recognized among the 
most turbulent elements in the Communist crowd and took them to headquarters 
which soon was surrounded by an enraged mob.^" 

Lawlessness and violence on a considerable scale broke out yesterday and today 
in Genoa. Milan, and some minor centers in northern Ital.v. The rioting fol- 
lowed a speech delivered by Palmiro Togliatti. the Communist leader, to the cen- 
tral committee of the Communist Party, in which he announced an "intensifica- 
tion of agitation against the Government, both inside and outside the Constituent 

In Genoa yesterday, some hundreds of Communist "activists" (si)ecialists in 
direct action) were transported to the center of the city in trucks belonging to 
the local chamber of labor and indulged in numerous acts of violence. They 
demolished the headquarters of the Nationalist Party, robbing and seriously in- 
juring the 74-year-old janitor. The Communists then sacked and set fire to 
the offices of the extreme right-wing Italian Social Movement. They seized its 
leader, Prof. Emanuel Gherzi, with the intention of submitting him to the judg- 
ment of a "people's tribunal." 

The disturbances lasted almost all day, and many citizens who expressed their 
disapproval of the Communists' actions were beaten. * * * 

Soon afterward a crowd of Communists wrecked the headquarters of the in- 
dependent partisan movement, which is believed to be anti-Communist, then 
set fire to the headquarters of the Common Man Front. (It also demolished the 
plant of the Monarchist newspaper, Mattio d'ltalia. The United Press said.) 

According to the best available information, however, it appears that several 
hundred Communist workers went to San Giuliano last night to carry out a 
"punitive expedition" against some local residents said to be responsible for a 
shooting that had occurred in the village. After severely beating one man they 
went to a farm owned by two brothers, who were absent. They found a young 
nephew of the owner, Giorgio Magenes, whom the left-wing press described as a 
Fascist and whom the right-wing press called a member of the Common Man 

346 ]sfg^ York Times, November 16, 1947, pp. 1 and 28. 
^*'' New York Times, November 14, 1947, p. 4-C. 


Sif^iior Mnsones, seeing the crowd advance, climbed to the roof and with a 
revnlvoi- killed one of the attackers and wounded another who later died. The 
attackers tinall.v induced Sigiior Magenes to come down by promising to spare 
his life, but as soon as he was in tlieir hands they beat him to death. Among 
the attackers was the Communist mayor of San Giuliano.^^'' 

These are not the irresponsible utterances or acts of an individual 
Commnnist Party acting on its own, but they are rather a part of the 
international pattern originally established by the Communist Inter- 
nationa], to which all sections of this movement conform in accordance 
with the particular stage of development of the movement. Report- 
ing to the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Italy, held on 
January 4-10, 1948, which was attended by fraternal delegates of 
Communist Parties of other countries, Palmiro Togliatti emphasized 
this fact, in the following words : 

Comrades, representatives of the fraternal parties, we have known each other 
for a long time; we are veterans of many struggles. There is nothing in the 
recollection of our common past, of our common work and struggle, when we 
were united in the great proletarian organization — in the Communist Interna- 
tional — of which we need feel ashamed. On the contrary, we are proud of our 

Finally Togliatti acknowledged that the principles and tactics of 
the Connnunist Party of Italy are based upon the teachings of Marx, 
Engels, Lenin, and Stalin and the example of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union, 

Marxism-Leninism contain the principles which enable one to understand his- 
toxy of human development, why the problems of building a new society are 
raised in one form and not another. In the Communist Manifesto we find the 
sources of the greatest streams of thought and action in modern history, the 
culminating point of which is the great October Socialist revolution, carried out 
by the Cunununist Party of the Bolsheviks, the party which was educated by 
Lenin and Stalin in the spirit of the teachings of Marx and Engels, in the spirit 
of the Communist Manifesto. This great party was able, for the first time in 
history, to lead the working class to the conquest of power, to transform it into 
a leading class, to lay the foundations of the new Socialist society. 

I can think of no better way of concluding this session of our Congress than 
by addressing ourselves with resiiect and gratitude to the Communist Party of 
the Soviet Union and its leaders who were able to make a decisive contribution 
to the historical development of mankind because thej" remained faithful to the 
principles of Marxism. Our party, too, must be loyal to those principles if it 
wishes to go forward and develop as a great democratic revolutionary force.^^" 

The Worker of March 30. 1947, page 9, official organ of the Com- 
munist Party, U. S. A., displayed considerable pride in the achieve- 
ments of the Comnumist Party of Italy and praised Palmiro Togliatti, 
its secretary, whom William Z. Foster has called one of the "most bril- 
liant and effective" statesmen in "continental Europe today." During 
Foster's visit to Rome, as described in the same issue of the AVorker, 
he was escorted about by Ambrogio Donnini, for j^ears an active mem- 
ber of the Commiuiist Party, U. S. A., and now a prominent leader of 
the Italian Communists. Foster reported he felt that "Communists 
ber of the Communist Party, U. S. A. He felt that "Communists 
really count in democratic Ital3\" , 

348 New York Times, November .3, 1947, p. 1. 

3" For a La.fting Peace, for a People's Democracy, Jauiiary 15, 1948, p. 2, organ of the 
information bureau of the Communist Parties, Belgrade. 
35» Ibid., p. 4. 



We could go on and on in amplification of the pattern we have 
outlined above as shown in Brazil, Burma, Chile, Colombia, Costa 
Rica, Cuba, Egypt, iFrance, Germany, India, Indochina, Indonesia, 
Japan, and other countries. Everywhere it is the same with minor dif- 
ferences in accord with the local situation — unreserved adherence to 
the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin ; the carrying out of 
these theories in the form of resort to force and violence; slavish 
loyalty to the Soviet Union. In every case the use of force and vio- 
lence by other Communist parties is supported by the Communist 
Party, U. S. A., its spokesmen, its official organs, and its front organi- 
zations, as well as by the Soviet Union. 



The SchneiderTnan Case 

The Communist Party and its spokesmen have, ever since the opin- 
ion in the Schneiderman case ^'"^ was handed down by the Supreme 
Court in the summer of 1943, claimed that this decision established 
the fact that the Communist Party does not advocate the overthrow 
of the Government by force and violence, whereas in reality the hold- 
ing in the case was on the narrow issue as to whether the Government, 
in a denaturalization proceeding, had sustained the burden of proof by 
clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence that Schneiderman was 
not in fact attached to the principles of the Constitution. The Court 
determined the Government had not sustained the necessary burden 
of proof. 

Moreover, the Court expressly stated : 

For some time the question whether advocacy of governmental overthrow by 
force and violence is a principle of the Communist Party of the United States 
has perplexed courts, administrators, legislators, and students. * * * This 
Court has never passed upon the question whether the party does so advocate 
and it is unnecessary for us to do so now. 

The Bridges case 

Another case often referred to by the Communist Party in an en- 
deavor to prove that one may advocate overthrow of the Government 
by force and violence and still not be subject to deportation under the 
pertinent statute is that of Bridges v. WixonP- The Court in this 
case merely held (1) that the Government had not proved that Bridges 
was so associated with the Communist Party as to necessarily advocate 
the overthrow of the Government by force and violence, but that he 
was in reality cooperating with the Communist Party only in Avholly 
legitimate measures and, therefore, was not so affiliated therewith, in 
the sense intended by the statute, as to warrant his deportation; and 
(2) that evidence of affiliation employed to find that Bridges was a 
member of the Communist Party was improperly admitted. Nowhere 
did the Court suggest that the Communist Party did not advocate the 
overthrow of the Government by force and violence, since that ques- 
tion w^as not in issue. 


Opposed to this refusal on the part of the Supreme Court of the 
United States to make a judicial determination as to w^hether the 
Communist Party advocates the overthrow of the Government by 

351 .'?20 U. S. 118 (104.^). 
362 326 U. S. 135 (1945). 



force and violence we have the decision of many lower Federal courts 
that the party does so advocate.^^^ These courts have uniformly sus- 
tained, when based on comparable records, administrative findings 
to the effect that the Communist Party from its inception in 1919 
has believed in, advised, advocated, and taught the overthrow by 
force and violence of the Government of the United States. Other 
courts have gone to the extent of holding that the Communist Party, 
as a matter of law, will be presumed to advocate force and violence 
even in the absence of specific evidence.^^* The following are excerpts 
from opinions of still other Federal Courts on the advocacy by the 
Communist Party of the overthrow of the Government b.y force and 
violence : 
Antolish v. Paul et al. (283 F. 957 at p. 959) : 

(3) AVhen, therefore, purposes and methods are annonnced which uidicate an 
overthrow of society and government as now organized, constituted, or claimed 
to be dominated in language such as "by direct action," by "mass action," by 
"revolutionary mass action," suggesting "the army of the proletariat," the "I'evo- 
lutiouary soldiers," the "red guard," the use of all means of "battle," direct con- 
flict with governmental machinery in open combat, and the like, the query at once 
arises whether such language is fairly susceptible of a meaning which necessarily 
excludes all but peaceable or persuasive means and necessarily suggests repug- 
nance to force or violence, or that it excludes any idea except a change so peace- 
able, yet so certain, that the transition from the old to the new era will come about 
with a sort of gradual spontaneity, the old quite willingly receding before the new. 
It suffices to accept the concession, made by counsel upon argument, that it is 
hardly fair to ascribe to such language a meaning so exceedingly mild. In other 
words, the concession was made that, of necessity, the means to be used, if success 
is to be achieved, involved the use of force if and whenever other means prove 

Skefjj'ngton v. Katzeif (277 F. 129, at pp. 132-133) : 

We have carefully examined these exhibits for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether they contain statements which, giving to language its ordinary meaning, 
would warrant any reasonable mind in reaching the conclusion that the Com- 
munist Party teaches or advocates the overthrow by force and violence of this 
Government as now constituted. 

Following are some of the declarations of purpose and program which, whether 
found in the manifesto of the Communist International or in the manifesto and 
constitution of ihe Communist Party of America, are binding upon a member of 
the latter, for in the application for membership the applicant declares "his 
adherence to the principles and tactics of the party and the Communist Inter- 
national" : 

"Communism does not propose to 'capture" the bourgeoise parliamentary state 
but to conquer and destroy it. As long as tne bourgeoise state prevails the capi- 
talist class can baffle the will of the proletariat. * * * 

^'^'' Keiimotsu v. Nagle (44 F. 2d 953, 954-955 (C. C. A. 9)) : certiorari denied (283 U. S. 
832) : Sakmgansky v. Weeflin (53 F. 2d 13, 16 (C. C. A. 9)) : Wolck v. Weedin (58 F. 2d 
928. 929 (C. C. A. 9)) ; Sormunen v. Nagle (59 F. 2d 398, 399 (C. C. A. 9)) : Branch v. 
Cahill (88 F. 2d 545. 546 (C. C. A. 9)) ; Berkman v. TiUinqhast (58 F. 2d 621 ; 622-623 
(C. C. A. D) ; In re Saderquiftt (11 F. Supp. 525. 526-527 (D. Me.)) ; affirmed sub nom., 
Sorquist v. Ward (83 F. 2d 890 (C. C. A. 1)) : United States v. Curran (11 F. 2d 683. 685 
(C. C. A. 2)) : certiorari denied snb nom., Vojnotnc v. Curran (271 U. S. 683) : United 
Statefi V. Smith (2 F. 2d 90. 91 (W. D. N. Y.)) ; Re Woro:!cyt et al. (58 Can. Cr. Cas. 161 
(Snp. Ct. Nova Scotia, 1932)). Of tlie three cases mentioned in the opinion of Schneider- 
man V. United States (320 U. S. 118. at 148. fn. 30) as holding to the contrar.v, one — 
Volyer v. Skeffington (265 Fed. 17 (D. Mass.)) — was. as there noted, rever.sed on appeal 
(sub nom. Skefflngton v. KaUeff. 277 Fed. 129 (C. C. A. 1)) : and one — Strecker v. Kessler 
(9"i F. 2d 976 iQ. C. A. 5)) — was .nfflrmed by this Court, with modific.Ttion. on other 
g-oiinds. a"d without consideration of this point (807 U. .'<. 22). In tlie third. Ex parte 
Fierstein, (41 F. 2d 53 (C. C. A. 9)), the only evidence adduced in support of the finding 
was the bare statement of the arresting detective that the party did so advocate. 

^^Murdock v. Clark (53 F. 2d 155, 157 (C. C. A. 1)) ; United States ex rel. Yokinen v. 
Commissioner (57 F. 2d 707 (C. C. A. 2)) : certiorari denied (287 U. S. 607) ; United 
States ex rel. Fernandas v. Commissioner of Immigration (65 F. 2d 593 (C. C. A. 2)); 
United States v. Perkins (79 F. 2d 533 (C. C. X. 2)) : United States v. Reimer (79 F. 2d 
315. 316 (C. C. A. 2)) : United States ex rel. Fortmueller v. Commissioner of Immigration 
(14 F. Supp. 484, 487 (S. D. N. Y.)) ; Ungar v. Seaman (4 F. 2d 80. 81 (C. C. A. 8)) ; 
Ex parte Jurgans (17 F. 2d 507, 511 (D. Minn.), affirmed, 25 F. 2d 35 (C. C. A. 8)). 


"The state is an organ of coercion. * * * 

"Thei'ffore it is necessary tliat the pi'olctai'iat organize its own state for the 
coercion and sniipression of the honrgeoisie. Proletarian dictatorship is a recog- 
nition of that fact ; it is eqnally a recognition of the fact that in the Communist 
reconstruction of society the proletariat alone counts as a class. * * * 

"The proletarian class struggle is essentially a political struggle. It is a 
political struggle in the sense that its ohjective is political — overthrow of the 
political organizations upon which capitalist exploitation depends, and the intro- 
duction of a proletarian state power. The ohject is the conquest by the prole- 
tariat of the power of the state. * * * 

"The organized power of the bonrgeoise is in the civil state, with its capitalistic 
army under control of bourgeoise-junker officers, its police and gendarmes, jailers 
and judges, its priests, government officials, etc. Conquest of the political power 
means not merely a change in the personnel of ministries, but annihilation of the 
enemy's apparatus of government ; disarmament of the bourgeoise, of the counter- 
revolutionary officers, of the white guard ; arming of the proletariat, the revolu- 
tionary soldiers, the red guard of workingmen. * * * 

"The revolutioiuiry era compels tlie proletariat to make use of tlie means of 
battle which will concentrate its entire energies; namely, mass action, with its 
logical resultant, direct conflict witli the governmental machinery in open combat. 
All other methods, such as revolutionary use of bourgeoise parliamentarism, 
will he of only secondary significance. * * * 

"Civil war is forced upon the laboring classes by their archenemies. The 
working class must answer blow for blow if it will not renounce its own object 
and its own future, which is at the same time the future of all humanity. 

"The Communist Parties, far from conjuring up civil war artificially, rather 
strive to shorten its duration as much as possible — in case it has become an iron 
necessity — to minimize the number of its victims, and above all to secure victory 
for the proletariat. This makes necessary the disarming of the bourgeoise at 
the proper time, the arming of the laborer, and the formation of a Communist 
army as the protector of the rule of the proletariat and the inviolability of tlie 
social structure. Such is the Red Army of Soviet Russia, which arose to protect 
the achievements of the working class against every assault from within or 
without. The Soviet Army is inseparable from the Soviet state. 

We think it would lie going far afield to say that, from such statements of 
purpose, no reasonable man could reach the conclusion that force and violence 
are the necessary instrumentalities for its accomplishment and are contemplated, 
and tliat, if consummated, it would overthrow government as now instituted. 
On the contrary, it seems to us that a program which advocates tlie disarma- 
ment of the armed forces of the existing state, the arming of the laborers and the 
formation of a Communist army to protect the rule of the proletariat, affords 
substantial evidence that the Communist Party, of which the relators are 
confessed and avowed members, teaches and advocates the overthrow of govern- 
ment by force and violence. 

United States ex reJ. Ahem v. Wall is, Commissioner of Immigra- 
tion (286 F. 413) : 

* * * the manifesto and program of the Communist Party, together with 
other exhibits in the case, are of such character as to easily lead a reasonable 
man to conclude that the purpose of the Communist Party is to accomplish its 
end — namely, the capture and destruction of the state, as now constituted — by 
force and violence. Since the party has seen fit to use words of general 
application, which in their popular and ordinary sense may fairly import, and 
which are appropriate to the use of, force and violence, and which have been 
found to have that meaning, there is no oliligation upon the court to refine and 
construe the lauguage so as to reach a different result. If force and violence 
be not within the contemplation of the party, it would be a simple matter to 
have tlie absence of such thought clearly appear. As it is. the language used 
would seem designed to mean all things to all men, and to be fairly susceptible of 
meaning, even though it does not unequivocably declare in favor of, force and 

If. i!^ ^ ^ * * * 

It may, of course, be suggested that some regard should be had for the 
imminence of such a possibility, and I am free to say that from the party's 
organization, as appears in the record, such possibility is not of the immediate 
future. The act of Congress, however, under which this proceeding was insti- 


tilted provides for the deportation of aliens who are members of or affiliated 
Avith any organization that entertains a belief in, teaches, or advocates the over- 
throw by force and violence of the Government of the United States. It will 
thus be obser\ed that the question here is not one of degrees of imminence of 
overthrow by force and violence, but rather whether that is the ultimate purpose 
of the organization. 

Dunne etal.x. United States (138 F. (2d) 137) 

This case involves members of the Socialist Workers Party, a dis- 
sident Communist group not affiliated with the Comminiist Interna- 
tional nor officially recognized by either the Communist hierarchy in 
Moscow or the Communist Party, U. S. A. Essentially, however, both 
the official and imofficial groups base themselves upon the teachings of 
Marx, Engels, and Lenin. The Socialist Workers Party are followers 
of Leon Trotsky, who was expelled from the Russian Communist 
Party. The official Communists are foUoAvers of Joseph Stalin. The 
legal questions involved are, however, fully relevant to this discussion. 

At pages 148 and 149 in its decision, the court said: The declara- 
tion sets forth the program of action to effectuate this overthrow of 
the existing capitalistic society and the government which supports 
it. The first step is to build up the strength of the party so that it 
can have a majority of the exploited classes back of its leadership. 
The final step is to overthrow the existing government by force. The 
statements now to be quoted from the declaration leave no doubt that 
the final means are to be force and not orderly change: 

The belief that in such a country as the United States we live in a free, 
democratic society in which fundamental economic change can be effected by 
persuasion, by education, by legal and piu-ely parliamentary methods is an 
illusion (R. 1182). 

The fundamental instruments of the workers' struggle for power cannot be the 
existing institutions of the governmental apparatus, since these represent basi- 
cally the interests only of the capitalistic minority (R. 1183). 

Whenever the revolutionists find themselves in a Labor Party, they will 
stand at each stage for those concrete policies and actions which sum up a 
progressive and class perspective ; for complete breaks with the capitalist parties 
and no support of candidates on capitalist tickets ; for direct mass actions and 
avoidance of limitation to parliamentary activities ; for full internal democracy ; 
for support and defense of concrete Avorking-class rights against their invasion 
from any source, including invasions from candidates of the Labor Party itself ; 
etc. (R. 119). 

While relying primarily on mass actions, propaganda, and agitation as the 
means for furthering its reA'olutionary aim, the party will also participate in 
electoral campaigns, though at all times contending against the fatal illusion 
that tlie masses can accomplish their emancipation through the ballot box. 

That the final use of force to overtlirow the Government was the method of 
the party is further shown by expressions in the official publications of the party, 
by its leaders, officers, organizei'S, speakers, lecturers, and writers, and by the 
privately expressed statements of such. The party opposed Stalin (R. 932-934, 
1196, 1266, 1272), supported Trotsky, and adopted and supported the Trotsky 
program from the beginning of the party (R. 944-945). After Trotsky arrived in 
Mexico (January 1937) various leaders of the party conferred with liim there as 
to policies and actions. In the spring of 1938 and thereafter the matter of the use 
of defense guards was discussed with him (R. 288, 946-947) . He either originated 
or endorsed the idea of such bodies (R. 286-287, 546, 569, 606, 686. 742-743, 
949-950). The guards were to be organizations which party members would 
foster within labor unions to use force in protection of the unions. They were to 
grow into a militia and finally into the Red Army (R. 286-289, 415, 491, 546, 606, 
716, 968-969, 1085-1086). Such a defense guard was organized in the Teamsters' 
Local No. 544 at Minneapolis in July or August 1938 (R. 1044) or in the fall of 
1938 (R. 1014, 1102). This record leaves no doubt that force was the ultimate 


means to be used by the party in the overthrow of the government by the "prole- 
tariat." Also, the record is substantial that a plan of organizing this force 
through the development of defense guards was employed. 

United States ex rel. Georgian v. Uhl (271 Fed. 676 (C. C. A. 2d) ) 

The question whether the advocacy or belief contemplated by the 
statute (sec. I and II of the act of October 16, 1918, as amended by 
the act of June 5, 1920) must relate to "immediate overthrow" has 
been considered by several courts. 

In this case, the Court said : 

"We express no opinion as to the result upon our minds of the evidence ad- 
duced at the deportation hearing, beyond this, viz, there was evidence, indeed it 
was admitted, that though he did not and does not believe in the immediate over- 
throw of the Government of the United States that position is not the result of 
any affection for the same or approval of this Republic, nor of any objection to 
lorce and violence per se, but only results from an opinion that the time is not 
ripe. Ripeness is to be attained by teaching, and by the dissemination of the 
jstyle of literature which it is his business to circulate ; when the time is ripe, 
it is to be hoped that force and violence will not be necessary, but they will be 
appropriate as soon as they are likely to prevail. 

However fantastic the above-outlined social program may seem, it is impossible 
to say that a professed and avowed effort to hasten its consummation is not 
evidence of that which the statute forbids. 

Turner v. WiUiams (194 U. S. 279) 

This is another case illustrative of the point that advocacy or belief 
in the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force 
and violence need not relate to "immediate overthrow" to be within 
the meaning of the pertinent immigration law . 

In this case, the Court said : 

In that case there was involved the constitutionality of a provision contained 
in the Immigration Act of 1803 for the deportation of aliens who, at the time of 
entry, were "anarchists." The argument was made that "conceding that Congress 
has the power to shut out any alien, the power nevertheless does not extend to 
some aliens, and that if the act includes all alien anarchists, it is unconstitutional, 
because some anarchists are merely political philosophers, whose teachings are 
beneficial rather than otherwise" (p. 292). After pointing out through a dic- 
tionary detinition that the term "anarchist" is used in the popular sense as "one 
who seeks to overturn by violence all constituted forms and institutions of so- 
ciety and government, all law and order, and all rights of property, with no 
purpose of establishing any other system of order in the place of that destroyed" 
the Court said (p. 29o) : "The language of the act is 'anarchists, or persons who 
believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of 
the United Srates or of all government or of all forms of law, or the assassina- 
tion of pul)lic officials.' If this should be construed as defining the word 'an- 
archists' by the words which follow, or as used in the popular sense above given, 
it would seem that when an alien arrives in this country, who avows himself to be 
anarchist, without more, he accepts the definition. And we suppose counsel 
does not deny that this Government has the power to exclude an alien who be- 
lieves in or advocates the overthrow of the Government or of all governments 
by force or the assassination of officials. To put that question is to answer it." 

The Coui't then reviewed the evidence with reference to the alien involved and 
came to the conclusion (p. 294) that "we cannot say that the inference was 
unjustifiable either that he contemplated the ultimate realization of his ideal by 
the use of force, or that his speeches were incitem'onts to that end." 

There is nothing in the legislative history of the phrase "the overthrow by force 
or violence of the Government of the United States" as used either in the 1920 or 
1918 acts or in the prior statutes of 1917, 1907, and 1903, which indicates that Con- 
gress intended the phrase to be given such a narrow construction as would in- 
clude only those aliens or organizations that believe in, teach, or advocate the 
immediate overthrow of this Government. Congressman Shattuc, the chairman 
of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, in presenting to 
the House the bill which became the 1903 act, and in pointing to some of the 


evils which it sought to meet, indicated a purpose in the bill as a whole broader 
than the protection of our Government against a danger of present overthrow : 

"* * * it has developed, new elements have been purposely injected into 
the stream [of immigrants] which, unless checked, threatened not only to seri- 
ously pollute it, but also to thrust upon our Nation and the States burdens tliey 
should not be called upon to bear. 

"By reason of this change the feeling of welcome which had hailed the in- 
coming immigrant from 1821 to 1875 changed to one of alarm lest 'the unguarded 
gate' might allow entrance too freely to elements discordant and not easily 
assimilated, as well as burdensome and harmful to the best interests of the 

"Hence there has arisen the demand growing more and more insistent, that 
restrictive measures should be enacted to regulate the influx and sift the quality of 
the incoming aliens. * * *" (35 Congressional Record, 5757).^^' 

Portions of the foregoing are excerpts from the brief of the United 
States Government in the case of Kessler v. Strecker (307 U. S. 22 



On May 28, 1942, Attorney General Biddle in his opinion in the case 
of Harry Bridges, on pages 31 and 32, made the following findings of 
fact relative to the Communist Party of the United States : 

That the Communist Party of the United States of America, from the time of 
its inception in 191!» to the present time, is an organization that believes in, 
advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. 

That the Communist Party of the United States of America, from the time of 
its inception to the present time, is an organization that writes, circulates, dis- 
tributes, prints, publishes, and displays printed matter advising, advocating, or 
teaching the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United 

That the Communist Party of the United States of America, from the time 
of its inception to the present time, is an organization that causes to be written, 
circulated, distributed, printed, published, and displayed printed matter advising, 
advocating, and teaching the overthrow by force and violence of the Government 
of the United States. 

That the Communist Party of the United States of America, from the time 
of its inception to the present time, is an organization that has in its possession 
for the purpose of circulation, distribution, publication, issue, and display, printed 
matter advising, advocating and teaching the overthrow by force and violence 
of the Government of the United States. 

On pages 7, 8, and 9 of his report the Attorney General stated the 
following relative to the history of the Communist Party, its aims 
and purposes : 

The Communist Party of the United States, a section of the so-called Third 
International, was founded in 1919, and, after its name was changed several 
times, finally became the Communist Party of the United States of America in 
1929. The Third International advocated the class struggle, which was described 
as entering the phase of civil war in America. Illegal methods were also advo- 
cated, where necessai'y, to carry on its work ; systematic agitation in the Army, 
the renouncing of patriotism, and the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. 

355 Tijg report of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, accompanying 
this bill. respect to the Instant provision, stated : "The second c'ass [the class herein 
involved] was introduced to enable this country to deal effectively with an evil of a most 
insidious character, by rejecting those aliens whose purpose in seeking the protection 
and freedom furnished by American institutions is to propagate the doctrine of forcible 
resistance, by bloodshedding if necessary, to organized law and order, upon the theory 
that an effective treatment of the evil can be best secured by refusing admission to the 
teachers and disciples of a system not indigenous to the soil of this country" (H. Rept. No. 
982, 57th Cong., 1st sess., p. 3). 


The American "section" adopted a program declaring: "The Communist Party- 
will systematically and persistently propagate the idea of the inevitability of and 
necessity for violent revolution and will prepare the workers for armed insur- 
rection as the only means of overthrowing the capitalist state." 

The Communist Party teaches the violent overthrow of existing governments, 
including the United States. This concept reaches back to the famous manifesto 
of Marx and Engels of 1848, which declares : "The Communists disdain to conceal 
their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only 
by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions." 

In The Thesis and Statutes of the Third International (1920) this doctrine is 
expanded : 

"The mass struggle means a whole system of developing demonstrations grow- 
ing ever more acute in form and logically leading to an uprising against the 
capitalistic order of government." Lenin speaks of the necessity of violent 

This and much other documentary evidence introduced by the Government, and 
the oral evidence of a number of witnesses to the same effect, who testified that 
the Communist Party of the United States had indoctrinated its members with 
these purposes, establishes, as Judge Sears concludes, that it is an organization 
that advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow by force and violence of the 
Government of the United States. 

The evidence also sustained the Government's contention that the party writes, 
circulates, distributes, prints, publishes, and displays printed matter advising 
such overthrow, so that the party comes within the purview of the statute. This 
also Judge Sears found. 


In a printed document. Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Sixty-eighth 
Congress, first session, entitled "Recognition of Russia," at page 530, 
the following statement of Robert F. Kelley, Division of Eastern Euro- 
pean Affairs, Department of State, appears : 

It is believed that tlie evidence presented by the Department of State at this 
hearing has conclusively established three facts : 

First, the essential unity of the Bolshevik organization known as the Communist 
Party, so-called Soviet Government, and the Communist International, all of 
which are controlled by a small group of individuals, technically known as the 
political bureau of the Russian Communist Party. 

Second, the spiritual and organic connection between this Moscow group and 
its agent in tliis country — the American Communist Party and its legal counter- 
part, the Workers' Party. Not only are those organizations the creation of Mos- 
cow, but the latter has also elaborated their program and controlled and super- 
vised their activities. While there may have existed in the United States indi- 
viduals, and even groups, imbued with Marxist doctrines prior to the advent 
of tlie Communist International, the existence of a disciplined party equipped witB 
a program aiming at the overthrow of the institutions of this country by force 
and violence is due to the intervention of the Bolshevik organizations into the 
domestic political life of the United States. The essential fact is the existence 
of an organization in the United States created by and completely subservient to a 
foreign organization striving to overthrow the existing social and political order 
of this counti'y. 

Third, the subversive and pernicious activities of the American Communist 
Party and the Workers' Party and their subordinate and allied organs in the 
United States are activities resulting from and flowing out of the program 
elaborated for them by the Moscow group. 



Also following are excerpts from the brief of the United States 
Government in the Schneiderman case, hereinabove referred to, 
which throw great light upon the Communist Party aims and 
principles : 

The program of the Communist International and the resolutions of the United 
States section were to the effect that in the event of hostilities with Soviet 
Russia the first allegiance of party members was to be toward the U. S. S. R. 
(p. 8).=='' 

The court found that petitioner's oath of allegiance to the United States, re- 
quired by title S, United States Code, section 3S1, was false in that petitioner 
maintained allegiance and fidelity to the U. S. S'. R. and to the Third Interna- 
tional. The court also found that at the time of his naturalization and during 
the 5 ye^rs prior thereto, petitioner was a member of the Conununist Party, 
the principles of which were opposed to the Constitution, and advised, advo- 
cated, and taught the violent overthrow of the Government, Constitution, and 

^^ Pages mentioned in this section refer to the paees of the Government brief. 


74481—48 11 


laws of the United States aiul disbi^lief in and opposition to organized govern- 
ment; that petitioner believed in, advocated, and supported the principles of 
the party ; that petitioner was "a disbeliever in" and "opposed to organized 
government," and that lie was a member of an organization "teaching disbelief 
in or opposed to organized gctvernment" (p. 9). 

The evidence shows that petitioner's primarj' political loyalty was to definitive 
political organizations known as the Communist Party and the Third Com- 
munist International, and that he did not bejir true faith and allegiance to the 
United States. In case of liostilities betw'een Soviet Russia and the United 
States, the party's and petitioner's first allegiance would liave been to Soviet 

The structure of the Communist organizations, their interrelationships, and 
their relations with their individual members resulted, ex necessitate, in peti- 
tioner's owing allegiance to powers other than the United States (p. 10). 

Conversely, the evidence establishes petitioner's lack of true faith and alle- 
giance to the United States. It was a fundamental Couununist tenet that mem- 
bers of tlie party had no country and owed no "social iJiitriotism" to their 
"own" government ; accordingly, in the case of war Communists were to precipi- 
tate civil war and the army was to be induced to revolt (p. 11). 

The official and officially distributed Communist literature introduced in evi- 
dence affords a firm basis for the district court's conclusion that the party 
espoused force and violence to accomplish its objectives. It was early stated by 
Marx that communism could be achieved "only by the forcible overthrow of all 
existing social conditions." The principle of force and violence was thereafter 
reiterated and emphasized, particularly during the petitioner's probationary 
period. So fundamental with the party was force and violence at that time 
other groups or individuals who advocated ends not substantially different from 
those of the party, or who even taught force and violence but without entliusiasm, 
were severely condemned by the party and if niemb-^rs, were expelled (p. 12). 

Petitioner's principles relating to force and violence were not simply passive; 
force and violence were not regarded as a matter of historical inevitability. 
Rather the Communists themselves were to follow a prescribed program in order 
to create the situation in which force and violence were to occur. Since the inter- 
pretation for which petitioner contends embodied active precipitation of civil war 
and the overthrow of the Government by force and violence, it is not substantially 
different from the interpretation for which the Government contended in the 
courts below. 

It was the view of the organization to which he belonged that American democ- 
racy is a "fraud," that the present state must be "annihilated" and an entirely 
new system substituted (p. 15). 

The evidence unequivocally shows that there is and can be no more than one 
interpretation of the literature concerning Communist objectives, aims, and 
tactics, with the possible exception of the narrow issue of force and violence, and 
even as to this issue it will be fully shown, infra, that tJie alleged distinction 
between prediction and advocacy is more apparent than real (p. 27). 

The district court found that petitioner at the time of his naturalization did 
not intend to bear true faith and allegiance to the United States but instead 
intended to maintain true faith and allegiance to the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics and to the Third International (p. 28). 

The record discloses that during the period in question national loyalties to a 
capitalistic state were regarded as incompatible with the obligations of party 
members, who were to have no "fatherland" and no "country." They were, ac- 
cordingly, to renounce "social patriotism" and their "own" government and 
country. It was the duty of the proletariat to "destroy the bourgeois fatherland 
and not defend it or help extend it" (p. 46). 

"We, members of the international proletariat, members of the exploited masses 
of the world, of the Communist Party and the Communist International, de- 
clare * * * we will defend the Soviet Union, which is our country — the coun- 
try of the working class of the world. We will do everything in our power to 
rout the imperialist enemies and bring about the victory of the Red Army" (ac- 
ceptance speeches) (p. 47). 

•iC «^ •!* ^ ^ *P ^ 

Petitioner testified that he agreed with the general program and principles 
of the party at the time these speeches were made by the Communist candidates 
in the 1928 presidential campaign. Although the speeches were made in "'928, 
we believe that they were sufficiently contemporaneous with petitioner's natu- 
ralisation in June 1927 to reflect the principles of the party during the relevant 



Consistent with this purpose was the earlier pronouncement that — 
"Tlie Communist Parties should carry on precise and definite propaganda to 
induce the workers to refuse to transport any kind of military equipment 
intended for flglitins' against the Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or 
illegal means carry on propaganda amongst the troops sent against the workers' 
republics, etc." (Statutes, Theses, and Conditions of Admission). 

To this end, in the course of such a war, the Communists were to "propagate 
revolutionary defeatism" and 'agitate for the fraternalization of tiie soldiers 
of the imperialist armies which are arrayed against each otiier." 


A "foremost" task of the program of the Young Communist League and the 
Communist Party was "revolutionary work in the bourgeois army through the 
organization of nuclei, revolutionary circles and groups. * * *" 

^1 ***** * 

To continue this thesis, as stated in another document : 

"Workers in ammunition plants, go on strike! Siiut down your plants! Pre- 
vent governmental strikebreakers from resuming work ! Keep guards over 
your railroad yards and depots lest transi)ortation facilities be used by govern- 
mental agents. Marine workers, do not load either men or ammunition ! Truck 
drivers, refuse to assist in war work ! Workers of other industries, help the 
strikers ! Farmers, refuse to give your foodstuffs and raw materials to be used 
for the slaughter!" (Why Communism?) (pp. 48 and 49). 

The difficulty does not, in general, stem from an actual conflict of factual evi- 
dence ; the basic evidence on this issue is chiefly documentary. Rather, the con- 
flict centers upon the proper and sensible interpretation of the Communist prin- 
ciples as expressed in these documents (p. 60). 

In the fnuntainliead of ('ommunist princi])les and doctrines, the Manifesto of 
the (Jommunist Party, in whose general principles petitioner testified he believed, 
it was stated : 

"The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare 
that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing 
social conditions" (p. 62). 

The view that the Communists were to use force and violence to achieve their 
objectives was thereafter repeatedly advanced in their literature: 

"We Communists say that there is one way to abolish the capitalist state, and 
that is to smash it by force. To make communism possible the workers must 
take hold of the state machinery of capitalism and destroy it" (Why Com- 

"The dictatorship of the proletariat is born not of the bourgeois state of things 
but of * * * the development of the proletarian revolution through violence" 
(The Theory and Practice of Leninism, 1024-29) (p 62). 

"That which before the victory of the proletariat seems but a theoretical differ- 
ence of opinion on the question of 'democracy' becomes inevitably on the morrow 
of the victory a question which can only be decided by force of arms" (Statutes, 
Theses, and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International, 1923). 

"The woi'king class cannot achieve the victory over the bourgeoisie by means of 
the general strike alone and by the policy of folded arms. The proletariat must 
resort to an armed uprising. 

"Tlie elementary means of the struggle of the proletariat against the rule of the 
bourgeoisie is, first of all, the method of mass demonstrations. Such mass dem- 
onstrations are prepared and carried out by the organized masses of the prole- 
tariat under the direction of a united, disciplined, centralized Communist Party. 
Civil war is w;ir. In this war the proletariat must have its efficient political 
officers, its good political general staff, to conduct operations during all the stages 
of that fight. 

"The mass struggle means a whole system of developing demonstrations grow- 
ing ever more acute in form and logically leading to an uprising against the capi- 
talist order of the goveriunent. In this warfare of tlie masses develojiing into a 
civil war, the guided party of the proletariat must, as a general rule, secure every 
and all lawful positions, making them its auxiliaries in the revolutionary work, 
and subordinating such positions to the plans of the general campaign, that of 
the mass struggle (p. 63). 

"An oppressed class which does not endeavor to possess and learn to handle 
arms would deserve to be treated as slaves. We would become bourgeois pacifists 
or opportunists if we forget that we are living in a class society, and that the only 


way out is through chiSM struggle and the ovenhrow of the power of the ruling, 
chiss. Our slogan nuist be : 'Arming of the proletariat to conquer, expropriate, and 
disarm the bourgeoisie.' Only after the pi-oletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie 
will it be able, without betraying its historic task, to throw all arms on the scrap 
heap. This the proletariat will undoubtedly do. But only then, and on no account 
sooner" (I'rogrannn;' of the Young Communist International). 

The tenet that the (Jonnnunists must achieve their objectives only by force and 
violence and not by peaceful means was declared applicable to the United States 
as well as elsewhere (p. G4) : 

"Marx's limitation with regard to the 'continent' has furnished the opportunists 
and mensheviks of every couutr;^ with a pretext for asserting that ^Nlarx admitted 
the possibility of a peaceful transformation of bourgeois democracy into prole- 
tarian democracy, at least [inj some cottntries [England and America]. Mars did 
in fact recognize the possibility of this in the England and America of 1860, where 
monopolist capitalism and imperialism did not exist and where militarism and 
bureaucracy were as yet little devehipod. But now tlie sittiation in these countries 
is radically different; imperialism has reached its apogee there, and there 
militarism and btireaticracy are sovereign. In consequence Marx's restriction 
no longer applies "(The Theory and Practice of Leninism — The State and 

So integral was the principle of the utilization of force and violence that the 
Commtmists sharply distinguished themselves from, and strongly denounced, 
other groups whose objectives might, in general, coincide with those of the Com- 
munists, but who subscribed to the belief that the means are to be peaceful (p. 05). 

"Fifth, in the same work of Engels * * * there is also a disquisition on 
the nature of a violent revolution ; and the historical appreciation of its role 
becomes, with Engels, a veritable panegyric of a revolution by force. This, of 
course, no one remembers. To talk or even to think of the importance of this 
idea is not considered respectable by our modern Socialist Parties, and in tlie- 
daily propaganda and agitation among the masses it plays no part whatever. 
Yet it is indissohtbly bound up with the 'withering away' of the state in one har- 
monious whole. Here is Engels' argument: 

" 'That force also plays another part in history (other than that of a jperpetua- 
tion of evil), namely, a revolutionary part ; that as Marx says, it is the midwife- 
of every old society when it is pregnant with a new one ; that force is the instrti- 
ment and the means by wliich social movements hack their way through and 
bi'eak up the dead and fossilized political forms — of all this, not a word by Herr 
Duehring. Duly, with sighs and groans, does he admit the possibility that for 
the overthrow of the system of exploitation force may, perhaps, be necessary but 
most unfortunate if yott please, becattse all use of force, forsooth, demoralizes its 
user ! And this is said in face of the great moral and intellectual advance which 
has been the result of every victorious revoltttion t * * * and this turbid, 
flabby, impotent, parson's mode of thinking dares offer itself for acceptance to 
the most revolutionary party history has ever known' (The State and Revolu- 
tion) (p. 66). 

"The necessity of systematically fostering among Hie masses this and only 
this point of view about violent revolution lies at the root of the whole of Marx's 
and Engels' teachings, and it is just the neglect of such propaganda and agitation 
both by the present predominant social chauvinists and the Kautskian schools 
that brings their betrayal of it into prominent relief." (The State and Revolu- 

Nor were force and violence advocated simply as a necessary means; they 
were also urged for their purgative effect (p. 67). 

"Hence, revolution is not only necessary because there is no other way of over- 
throwing the ruling class, but also because, only in the process of revolution is 
the overthrowing class able to purge itself of the dross of the old society and 
become callable of creating a new society" (Programme of the Communist In- 
ternational) (p. 67). For reform was said to be "only an accessory" of the revo- 
lution, which was the primary objective (p. 68). 

Petitioner testified that the Commtmists hoped to attain their ends peace- 
fully, but that although 'amending the Constitution may provide for that * * * 
that is, as I see it, a purely academic question' because the 'governing group in 
power today' will not permit the institution of a 'socialistic system' in the United 
States (p. 69). 

Petitioner's skepticism concerning the possibility of achieving communism by 
I)eaceful means in the United States coincides with the doubts expressed by 
other spokesmen. 


Petitioner suggests, however, tliat the right to resort to revolution is entirely 
•consistent with accepted American principles, and that it is a right embodied in 
the Declaration of Independence and emphasized by Jefferson and Lincoln. But 
the revolution which petitioner contemplates bears no relation to the revolution 
approved by the Dechiration, Jefferson, and Lincoln. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence enunciates the right of revolution of the people 'whenever any form of 
government becomes destructive of these ends' and 'these ends of government 
which the Declaration describes are to secure 'certain unalienable rights' which 
'are endowed by' the Creator. Revolution is, therefore, justified in these cir- 
cumstances. But the record in this case is barren of any suggestion that petitioner 
HO circumscribed the right of revolution; rather, he believed in the right of a 
minority to overthrow any government which rejected the materialistic de- 
terminism advocated by Marx. Indeed, the very government which petitioner 
sought to create by revolution would be 'destructive of these ends' : The tradi- 
tional freedoms embodied in the Bill of Rights were to be denied 'the bourgeoisie' ; 
'class enemies' were to be deprived of their 'political rights' ; and minorities were 
to lose their rights of representation. For the purposes of the Communist Party 
and its members were stated to be 'purposes utterly antagonistic to the purposes 
for which American democracy, so-called, was formed' " (p. 70). 

In the main, however, petitioner's evidence was directed toward establishing 
that tlie Communist philosophy is properly to be interpreted not as advocating — 
i. e., desiring — force and violence as an initial means to achieve its realization, 
but only as a prediction that force and violence would be necessary to defend the 
workers against capitalists" refusal to accept communism. Petitioner testified 
that such was his view of the Communist philosophy. Other evidence, embodied 
in the testimony of expert witnesses and in recent statements of Communists, 
similarly supported the view that the Communist attitude toward force and 
violence is not one of advocacy, in the sense that they desire it, but simply one of 
preparedness for the necessarily inevitable use of such means (p. 71). 

Broadly stated, the interpretation concerning force and violence for which 
petitioner contends is as follows : While it may be preferable and desirable to 
attain the ends of the Communist Party by peaceful means, attainment by such 
means is impossible. The impossibility derives from the fact that the "ruling 
class" will not permit the achievement of the Communist ends. Instead, they will 
use every means of force and violence to resist the Communists. Accordingly, the 
Communists must, in turn, meet the force and violence of the "exploiters" or the 
"ruling class" by their own force and violence. But the "first user" of violence 
is the "capitalistic government." This sequence of events the Communists do 
not advocate ; it is simply their prediction based on historical experience. 

A corollary to the distinction between advocacy and prediction is that the very 
existence of the state presupposes a present oppression of the dominated class by 
force and violence. Democracy itself is "an organization for the systematic use 
of violence by one class against the other." Therefore, even the present enforce- 
ment of a government's laws, coupled with the force and violence which the 
■government is in position to use through its armed forces and police, constitute 
a present use of force and violence by capitalism, and, accordingly, force and 
violence have already been initiated bv the state, and "counterforce" is "justified" 
(p. 73). 

" 'But this is force and violence.' somebody will contend. 'Don't you Com- 
munists know that the use of force and violence is wrong?' We reply to 
this, first, that if being a 'red-blooded American' means anything, it means 
that you must not take punishment lying down, that you must offer resistance; 
secondly, that it is not the workers but the capitalists and their state that 
start the use of force and violence. When you wish to stay on in your place 
of wort and the employer who wants you fired sends for the watchman and 
has you thrown out, it is he that uses force. When you wish to stay on in the 
apartment of a house you and the like of you have built and the landlord calls the 
sheriff to evict you. it is he that uses force. When you go out on a demonstration 
in the open in front of a governmental office and the government sends the police 
and armed thu^rs to beat you up and disperse you. it is the government that is 
using force. When you are thrown in jail for refusing to transport ammunition 
in time of war. it is the government that is using violence against you. Force 
and violence are the daily bread of the exploiters and their government in dealing 
'With the exploited. For^e and violence are the very essence of the state. When 
the warehouses ai-e bulging with foodstuffs yon and the like of you have Produced 
-while you. the hunary. are kept from them by the armed force of watchmen and 
police, force and violence are used against you. How can yon live and breathe 


if you do not resist? How can you defend your fundamental interests if you do 
nor defy boss restrictions? To defy boss restrictions, to resist the attaclis of the 
enemy class, is just as natural for the working class as it is for the red-blooded 
human being not to take punishment lying down (Why ConnnunismV) (p. l:',). 

Article X, section 5, of the 1938 constitution of the Communist Party provides 
for the exi)Ulsion of members "found to be * * * advocates of terrorism and 
violence as a method of party procedure * * *." Petitioner testified that this 
constitution is the only official expression of the principles of the party, and all 
otlier literature or documents inconsistent with it are, therefore, not binding on 
tlie party. But, as we have noted, the constitution also incorporates, by reference, 
the principles of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, "embodied in the Communist Inter- 
national" ; these principles, as we have seen, themselves included the advocacy 
of force and violence. But, in any event, we submit that petitioner's statement 
that all literature inconsistent with the 1938 constitution is not binding on the 
party does not foreclose the issue (p. 75). 

Tlie constitution was adopted in 1938 — 11 years after petitioner was natural- 
ized. It is, therefore, at most only slight evidence of the principles of the Com- 
munist Party and its predecessors in 1927 and the relevant prior years, and it is 
not persuasive. The documents upon which the Government relies in respect of 
the issue of force and violence are contemporaneous with petitioner's probation 
ary period and naturalization. They are, in addition, on their face, official 
programs and expression, or where officially circulated and utilized as textbooks 
by the Communist Party and related Communist organizations. Further, the 
force of the 1938 constitution is doubtful in the light of the party's previously 
expressed principle to engage in opportunistic deviations in position, and to dilute 
its slogans and programs, where circumstances demand it- 

"The bolshevisation of our party must accomplish four general purposes : 

:^ :S; sji jS: ^ :ii * 

"(&) It must develop within the party and its membership an ability for 
maneuvering and campaigning in accord with the momentary needs and the pos- 
sibilities of the class struggle. 

"A Communist Party must be able to maneuver and to adapt its tactics at all 
times to changing conditions. Changing conditions in the proletarian struggle 
for emancipation must not bring confusion into the ranks of the party but must 
be met by a Leninist appraisal of the new facts and if necessary by a speedy 
change of the methods of struggle (The Fourth National Convention, Workers 
(Communist) Party of America) " (p. 76). 

It cannot lie gaiissaid that language used in some Communist literature in re- 
spect of force and violence is susceptible of an interpretation more rhetorical 
than literal. But since the party saw fit to use explosive words of general ap- 
plication which in their ordinary sense fairly import that the party believed in, 
advocated, and taught the overthrow of this Government by force and violence 
when appropriate opportunity presented, there is no occasion, at least where the 
issue is the principles of the party itself, for a court to refine and construe the 
language so as to reach a different result (p. 78). 


The New York Times of March 23, 1948, quotes Hon. William O. 
Douglas, Associate Ju.stice of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
as stating that communism places state power in the hands of one 
small clique, enforces that power by secret police with the weapons of 
mtirder and terror, and sees to it that the people are deprived of the 
means of replacement and change. While this statement is not an 
official jtidicial decision, it is worthy of note as coining from a member 
of the United States Stipreme Court. 

From all of the above-quoted I?gal authorities, it is indisputably 
clear that, as presently constituted, the Communist Party of the 
United States advocates the overthrow by force and violence of the 


The foUowino- newspaper articles relate recent activities on the 
part of the Department of Justice of the United States Government 
to deal Avith specific individuals, all members of the Communist Party, 
U. S. A., whom the Department charges with advocating the over- 
throw by force and violence of the United States Government in 
violation of law : 

From the New York Times, September 7, 1947, page 1, regarding 
John Santo, one of the original organizers of the Transport Workers 
Union of America, CIO : 

The Immigration Service's announcement said the hearing tomorrow would 
be "in addition to deportation proceedings instituted against Santo in 1941." 
The announcement added that "it is the purpose to lodge an additional charge 
against Santo, to wit, that he is affiliated with an organization advocating and 
teaching the overthrow by force and violence of the Government of the United 

From the New York Times of January 17, 1948, page 1, regarding 
Alexander Bittelman, a member of the Communist Party's national 
committee : 

The Department of Justice says that Bittelman "believes in, advises, advo- 
cates, and teaches"' the violent overthrow of this Government. 

From the Daily Worker of January 19, 1948, page 7, regarding Steve 
Tandaric : 

The Board of Immigration Appeals of the Justice Department has ordei'ed 
withdrawal of the warrant of deportation in the case of Steve Tandaric of Ham- 
mond, Ind., the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born announced 

The Board ordered that new hearings be held to determine whether Tandaric is 
subject to deportation because of his political opinions. It took note that "a 
question has been raised as to respondent's possible affiliation or membership in 
an organization proscribed by the act of October 16, 1918, as amended." 

From the Daily Worker of January 21, 1948, page 2, regarding 
Claudia Jones : 

The latest Justice Department action followed by a few days the arrest of 
Alexander Bittelman, Jewish leader, who, like Miss Jones, is a member of the 
Communist Party's national committee. 

The office of W. F. Watkins, district director of the Immigration and Naturali- 
zation Service, a Justice Department agency, announced the charge against Miss 
Jones as "being in the United States in violation of the law in that she believes 
in, advocates, and teaches the overthrow of the Government by force and 



Finally, we come to the legal meaning of the words "civil war," 
"force," "violence," and "aggression." Some of the preceding ma- 
terial sheds light on this matter and additional excerpts from the fol- 
lowing authorities and opinions of courts are helpful : 

American Jurisprudence, volume 56, section 2, defines "public war ; 
civil war," as follows : 

War is an armed struggle or contest by force carried on for any purpose be- 
tween two or more nations or states exercising at least de facto authority over 
I)ersons within a given territory and commanding an array prepared to observe 
the ordinary laws of war.'" War also may be defined as consisting in the exer- 
cise of force by bodies politic against each other and under the authority of their 
respective governments with a purpose of coercion," and as that state in which a 
nation prosecutes its riglits or its claims by force of arms.'^ War is thus to be 
distinguished from insurrection and rebellion. The latter terms are used to 
describe open and active opposition of a number of citizens or subjects of a 
country or state to its government ; neither insurrection nor rebellion constitutes 
war in a legal sense prior to the recognition of the participants as belligerents by 
the existing domestic governments or by foreign nations." Those who join in 
an insurrection or rebellion of major proportions may, however, be recognized 
by the existing government as belligerents ; and when the hostilities conducted 
attain such dimensions as to interfere with the exercise of the functions of the 
existing government and interrupt the regular course of justice, and particularly 
where the existing government's jurisdiction has been entirely suspended in some 
of the territorial districts, a state of civil war exists." which is ordinarily 
accompanied by the incidents of an international war." 

An armed struggle between opposing and contending factions of the state ordi- 
narily for the control of the state government, is termed a "civil" war ; an armed 
struggle between two nations in external matters is a "public" war.^*'''" 

Volume 64 Federal Digest, page 226, has the following comment on 
civil war : 

United States, Michigan. 1870: General usage of nations regards civil war as 
entitling both the contending parties to all the rights of war as against each other, 
and even as it respects neutral nations (Miller v. United States (78 U. S. 268 : 11 
Wall. 268 : 20' L. Ed. 13.5) ) . 

United States, New York, and Massachusetts. 1862 : When parties in rebellion 
occupy and hold in hostile manner a certain portion of territory, declare their 
independence, cast off their allegiance, organize armies, and commence hostilities 
against their former sovereign, the parties in rebellion are "belligerents" and the 
contest is a "war" (The Army Warioick (67 U. S. 63-5 ; 2 Black : 17 L. Ed. 4,59) and, 
C. C. N. Y., The Hiairntha (Fed. Cas. No. 6,4.50, which aflirmed Fed. Cas. No. 6,451 ; 
Blatchf. Pr. Cas. 1 ; 18 Leg. Int. 3.32) ). 


When the regular course of justice is interrupted by revolt, rebellion, or insur- 
rection so that courts of justice cannot be kept open, "civil war" exists and hostili- 

357 10 0-NeiJI V. Central LrathPr Co. (S7 N. .T. L. 5.52: 94 A. 7S9 : L. R. A. 1917A 276 (af- 
flrmed in 24(5 U. S. 297 : fi2 L. Ed. 726 : .SS S. Ct. .S09). qnotins Boalo, 9 Harvard L. Rev. 
407) ; West V. Palmetto State L. Ins. Co. (202 S. Ct. 422 ; 25 S. E. 2d 475 : 145 A. L. R. 

^6Ti\ Lewis V. Ludwich (6 Coldw. (Tenn.) 368: 98 Am. Dec. 454) : Arce v. State (8.3 Tex. 
Crim. Rep. 292 : 202 S. W. 951 : I.. R. A. 1918B 358). 

36-?a2 Pri-r rases (2 Black (U. S.) 635: 17 L. Ed. 459) ; Wall v. Rohson. (11 S. C. L. (2 
Nott. & MT. 498 : 10 Am. Dec. 623) ). 

357 13 gpp OQ Am. .Tur. 1. Insurrection and Rebellion. 

^' ^* A civil war is not the less a war because it is called an "insurrection" by one of 
the parties and the insurarents are considered as rebels and traitors (P;-!-c eases (2 
Black (U. S.) 635 : 17 L. Ed. 459) ). 

36T 15 See infra § 3. 

357 1« Before the Declaration of Independence, the war between Great Britain and the 
United Colonies, jointly and separately, was a civil war. but became a public war be- 
tween indeiienden't crovernments immediately upon the Declaration. Ware v. Hi/lton 
(3 Dall. (U. S.) 199, 1 L. Ed. 568). 



ties may be prosecuted on same footing as if those opposing the government were 
foreign enemies invading the land (The Army Warwick (67 U. S. 63j ; 2 Black 635 ; 
17 L. P:d. 459) and, C. C. N. Y., The Hiawatha (Fed. Cas. No. 6,450, which affirmed 
Fed. Cas. No. 6,561 ; Blatchf. Fr. Cas. 1 ; 18 Leg. Int. 332) ) . 

The permanent edition No. 7 of Words and Phrases at page 344, has 
the following to say about "civil war"' : 

A civil war exists when a party is formed in a state which no longer obeys the 
sovereign, and is of strength sufficient to make head against him. A civil war 
breaks the bauds of society and government, or, at least, it suspends their forces 
and effect (Juaudo v. Taylor (13 Fed. Cas. 1179, 1183) ). 

S)i a: in '^ * * * 

Custom appropriates the term "civil war" to every war between the members 
of one and the same political society. If it be between part of the citizens on one 
side and the sovereign, with those who continue in obedience to him, on the other — 
provided those in rebellion have any reason for taking up arms — nothing further 
is required to entitle such disturbances to the name of "civil war" instead of 
"rebellion" (Huhbard v. Haniden Exp. Co. (10 R. I. 244, 246, quoting Yattel, Law 
of Nations, Chitty's Ed., book 3, c. 18, p. 421) ) . 

"Force," as defined by Webster's Xew International Dictionary,, 
second edition, is : 

Strength or power, of any degree exercised without law or contrary to law 
upon persons or things ; violence. In cases of forcible entry, robbery, rape, etc., 
the word "force" is generally interpreted as incltiding not only actttal appli- 
cation of physical force, but stich threats or display of physical force as are rea- 
sonably calculated to "inspire fear of death or bodily harm." 

Following are three cases which define "force" and "violence" : 

Stromberg v. California (283 U. S. 359, 367) : "Thus in one opinion it is said: 
'Appellants' counsel concedes that sedition laws which "interdict against the 
use of force or violence' are consistently tipheld by the courts, and all of the 
authorities cited by him support that proposition. * * * Sedition is defined 
as the stirring up of disorder in the State, tending toward treason, but lacking 
an overt act. Certainly tlie 'advocacy of force or violence" in overturning the 
government of a state falls within that definition." 

Gitlow v. New York (268 U. S. 652. 662-663, 665-666) : "The court of appeals 
held that the manifesto 'advocated the overthrow of this Government by vio- 
lence, or by unlawftil means.' In one of the opinions representing the views 
of a majority of the court, it was said : 'It will be seen * * * that this de- 
fendant through the manifesto * * * advocated the destruction of the state 
and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. * * * ^q advo- 
cate * * * tiie commission of this conspiracy or action by mass strike 
whereby government is crippled, the administration of justice paralyzed, and the 
health, morals, and welfare of a community endangered, and this for the pur- 
pose of bringing about a revolution in the state, is to advocate the overthrow of 
organized government by unlawful means.' In the other it was said : "As we 
read this manifesto * * * ^ye feel entirely clear that the jtiry were jttstified 
in rejecting the view that it was a mere academic and harmless disctission of the 
advantages of connuunism and advanced socialism' and 'in regarding it as a 
justification and advocacy of action by one class which would destroy the rights 
of all other classes and overthrow the state itself by use of revoltitionary mass 
strikes. It is true that there is no advocacy in specific terms of the use of 
* * * force or violence. There was no neetl to be. Some things are so com- 
monly incident to others that they do not need to be mentioned when the under- 
lying purpose is described.' 

"The means advocated for bringing about the destruction of organized parlia- 
mentary government — namely, mass industrial revolts usurping the functions of 
municipal government, political mass strikes directed against the parliamentary 
state, and revolutionary mass action for its final destruction — necessarily insply 
the tise of force and violence, and in their essential nature are inherently unlawful 
in a constittitional government of law and order. That the jury were warrantetl 
in finding that the manifesto advocated not merely the abstract doctrine of over- 
throwing organized government by force, violence, and unlawful means, but action 
to that end is clear." 

Lcwin V. United States (62 F. (2d) 619, 620) : "We agree that the statute con- 
templates opposition to, or interference with, the officers by the use of force. 


that it does not apply to esoaiie by sfoaltl), and (linl, if tlH» smoke screen had no 
effect except to obscure tlie Laf<sf/clin, no crime wouhl be committed under it. 
According to the Governnienfs evidt>nce, however, tlie effect of the snxtke screen 
wlieu breatlied was to make the hehusniau of the cutter sufficiently ill to incapaci- 
tate him from performing his duties. We have no doubt that this was a violation 
of the statute, without regard to whether that result was or was not intended. 
Force may be chemical as wt>ll as physical ; poison gas may be as deadly as a bullet. 
Anything which interferes with the physical ability of officers of the law is within 
the scope of this statute." 

We cite the definitions contained in Words and Phrases on "force,'' 
"constructive force," "physical force," "implied force," "nse of force," 
"violence," "aggression," and "aggressors." 

Volnme IT of the permanent edition at page 237 has the follo\ving 
comment : 

Terms "violence" and "force" are synonym<ous when used in relation to assault, 
and include any application of force even though it entails no pain or bodily harm 
and leaves no mark {People v. James (48 P. 2d 1011, 1012; 9 Cal. Ap. 2d 1(52) ). 

Volume 8 of the permanent edition at page 819 gives us the fol- 
lowing information on "constructive force": 

As related to the commission of robbery, "actual force" is applied to the body, 
while "constructice force" is by threatening words or gestures, and operates 
on the mind {Tones v. mate (S8 S. W. 217, 220; 48 Tex. Cr. R. 363; 1 L. R. A., 
N. S., 1024 ; 122 Am. St. Rep. 759 ; 13 Ann. Cas. 455) ) . 

The pocket part of volume 32, at page 496, has the following com- 
ment on "physical force" : 

"Violence" is defined by Webster to be "physical force ; strength of action or 
motion." Bouvier's Law Dictionary says it is "the abuse of force; that force 
which is employed against any rights, against the laws, and against public 
liberty" {Commonivealth v. Rhoads (Pa., 2 Chest. Co. Rep. 146)). 

Violence, according to the law dictionaries, is synonymous with "phy.sical 
force." According to the American and English Encycloi>edia of Law, it is a 
general term, and includes all sorts of force; and in Hif/h v. State (10 S. W. 238; 
26 Tex. App. 545, 573; 8 Am. St. Rep. 488) it was held that a mere assault was 
not violence (Alexander v. State (50 S. W. 716. 717; 40 Tex. Cr. R. 305) ). 

Volume 20 of the pocket edition in the 1947 annual pocket part at 
page 62 states as follows re "implied force" : 

Conduct of agents of assignee of conditional sales contract in retaking auto- 
mobile which was such as to imply force or to cause buyer to yield to demands 
of agents woxild constitute "implied force" which would sustain action of trespass 
against assignee {American Discount Co. v. Wyckroff (191 So. 790, 794; 29 Ala. 
App. 82)). 

Volume 43 of the permanent edition at page 524: has the following 
comment on the words "use of force" : 

The words "use of force' are used to describe conduct which invades any of 
another's interests of personality and so is, unless privileged, a battery, assault, 
or false imprisonment (Restatement, Torts), 117). 

Volume 44 of the permanent edition at page 291-292 gives us the 
following comment on the word "violence" : 

In a prosei'ution under Laws 1919, page 518, for criminal syndicalism by 
.soliciting persons to join the XWW, an instruction that ".sedition" means lo 
speak or write against the character and Constitution of the Government or 
seek to change it by any means except those prescribed by law was prejudicial 
error ; the terra "sedition" was shown by the accompanying words in the statute, 
"crime, violence, intimidation, or injury," being used as meaning something more 
than theoretical discussion {State v. Aspelin (203 p. 964, 965; 118 Wash. 331)). 

* * * * if * * 

Within Act of October 16, 1918, paragraph 1 (8 U. S. C. A., par. 137) authorizing 
deportation of alien members of ox'ganizations advocating the forcible overthrow 


of the Government, "overthrow" means more than radical change in the form and 
functions of the Government. An organization for the avowed purpose of cliang- 
ing our Government by the use of a general strike is not seeking the o%erthrow of 
the Government by force or violence, within act of October 16, 1918, paragraph 1 
(8 U. S. C. A., par. 137) even if "force," as used therein, is not synonymous with 
"violence," since it does not mean force of the religious, moral, political, or eco- 
nomic kind, especially in view of the context, dealing with assassination, 
desti'uction of property, and similar kinds of force, and since the general trend of 
legislation is to protect, and not to restrict, the right to strike (Colijcr v. Skeffing- 
ton (D. C. Mass. ; 265 F. 17, 61) ). 

Volume 44 of the permanent edition at pages 292-293 has the follow- 
ing comment on the words "force'' and ''physical force*' : 

The word "violence" is one of the synonyms of the word "force" {State v. Daly 
(18 P. 357, 358 ; 16 Or. 240) ) . 


Terms "violence" and "force" are synonymous when used in relation to assault, 
and include any application of force even though it entails no pain or bodily 
harm and leaves no mark (People v. James (48 P. 2d 1011, 1012; 9 Cal. App. 2d 

The word "violence," in the common-law definition of robbery as a felonious 
taking of money or goods of any value from the person of another, or in his pres- 
ence, against his will, by violence or putting in fear, has the same meaning as the 
word "foi'ce" in the statutory definition of the crime {Lon<j v. State (12 Ga. 292, 

"Violence" is force, physical force ; force unlawfully exercised {Agee v. Employ- 
ers' Hahilitv Assur. Corporation, Limited, of London, Eng. (253 S. AV. 46, 48; 213 
Mo. App. 693)). 


Criminal Syndicalism Act, pages 1, 2, defining criminal syndicalism, held not 
unconstitutional as vague, or as failing to fix an ascertainable standard of guilt ; 
■'sabotage" signifying a willful act of destruction, and "violence" meaning unlaw- 
ful exercise of physical force, or intimidation by its exhibition and threat of 
employment {People v. Rutlienberg (201 N. W. 358, 361; 229 Mich. 315)). 

The 1947 annual pocket part of volume 44 of the permanent edition 
at page 54 comments upon the words "violence" and '"force" as follows : 

"Violence" means a concerted intent of the perpetrators to mutually assist 
one another against all who should oppose them in the doing of an unlawful act 
(Walter v. Northern Ins. Co. of Neio York (18 N. E. 2d 906. 90S, 910; 370 111. 
283; 121 A. L,. R. 244)). 

The forcible stopping of automobiles and intimidating occupants by gathering 
in large numbers constitutes forcible "violence" (Ex parte Bell. Cal. (122 P. 2d 
22, 32; 19 Cal. 2d 488) ; Salem Mfg. Co. v. First American Fire Ins. Co. of Netv 
York (C. C. A. Or. : 111 F. 2d 797, 804) ) . 

"Violence" is force, physicsil force, force unlawfully exercised, the abuse of 
force, that force which is employed against common riy;ht. against the laws, and 
against public liberty (Anders07i-Berney Bldg. Co. v. Loivry (Tex. Civ. App., 
143 S. S. 2d 401, 403)). 

"Violence" denotes the unjust or unwarranted exercise of force, usually with 
the accompaniment of vehemence, outrage, or fury. Force, violence, compulsion, 
coercion, constraint agree"in the idea of the exertion of power against the will, 
wish, or consent (People v. Mcllvain (130 P. 2d 131, 134; 55 Cal. App. 2d 322) ). 

The 1947 annual pocket part of volume 2 of the permanent edition 
at page 166 gives the following comment on the word "aggressor" : 

One who first employs hostile force {Penn. v. Henderson (146 P. 2d 760, 766; 
174 Or. D). 

The Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Maxim Litvinov, in 
1933 proposed as one of five acts constituting aggression : 

Support to armed units which have been organized on its territory and liave 
invaded the territory of another state. 

Worcester's dictionary, unabridged, defines "aggress" as "to commit 
a first act of violence or injury" and defines "aggressor" as "a violent 


[PUHLic — No. (MO — 76th Congress] 

[Chapter 439 — 3d Session] 

[H. R. 513S] 

AN ACT To prohibit certain subversive activities ; to amend certain provisions of law with' 
respect to the admission and deportation of aliens; to require the fingerprinting: and registration^ 
of aliens ; and for other purposes 

Be it enacted hi/ tJie Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, 


Section 1. (a) It shall lie iinlawfnl f(ir any person, with intent to interfere- 
with, impair, or influence the loyalty, uiorale, or discipline of the military or 
naval forces of the United States— 

(1) to advise, counsel, urge, or in any manner cause insubordination, 
disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty by any member of the military or 
naval forces of the United States: or 

(2) to distribute any written or printed matter which advises, counsels,. 
or urges insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or i-efusal of duty by any 
member of the military or naval forces of the United States. 

(b) For the purposes of this section, the term "niilitary or naval forces of the- 
United States'" includes the Army of the United States, as defined in section 1 
of the National Defense Act of June 3, 191G, as amended (48 Stat. 153 ; U. S. C.,. 
title 10, see. 2), the Navy, Marine Corps, Coast Guard, Naval Reserve, and Marine 
Corps Reserve of th3 United States ; and, when any merchant vessel is com- 
missioned in the Navy or is in the service of the Army or the Navy, includes 
the master, officers, and crew of such vessel. 

Sec. 2. (a) It shall be unlawful for any person — 

(1) to knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise, or teach the duty, 
necessity, desirabilit.v, or propriety of overthrowing or destroying any govern- 
ment in the United States by force or violence, or by the assassination of 
any officer of any such government ; 

(2) with the intent to cause the overthrow or destruction of any govern- 
ment in the United States, to print, publish, edit, issue, circulate, sell, dis- 
tribute, or publicly display any written or jn-inted matter, advocating, advis- 
ing, or teaching the duty, necessity, desirability, or propriety of overthrow- 
ing or destroying any government in the United States by force or violence ; 

(3) to organize or help to orgaiiize any society, group, or assembly of 
persons who teach, advocate, or encoiirage the overthrow or destruction of 
any government in the United States by force or violence ; or to be or 
become a member of, or affiliate with, any such society, group, or assembly 
of persons, knowing the purposes thereof. • 

(b) For the purposes of this section, the term "government in the United 
States'' means the Government of the United States, the government of any State, 
Territory, or possession of the United States, the government of the District 
of Columbia, or the government of any ])olitical subdivision of any of them. 

Sec. 3. It shall be uidawful for any i^erson to attempt to commit, or to conspire' 
to commit, any of the acts prohibited by the provisions of this title. 

Sec. 4. Any written or printed matter of the character described in section 
1 or section 2 of this Act, which is intended for use in violation of this Act,. 
may be taken from any house or other place in which it may be found, or 
from any person in whose possession it may be, under a search warrant issued 
pursuant to the pi-ovisions of title XI of the Act entitled "An Act to punish acts 
of interference with the foreign relations, the neutrality and the foreign commerce 



of the United States, to punish espionage, and better to enforce the criminal 
laws of the Ignited State^^, and for other purposes", approved June 15, 1917 
(40 Stat. 228 ; U. S. C. title IS, ch. 18) . 

Sec. 5. (a) Any person who viohites any of the provisions of this title shall, 
upon conviction tliereof, be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned for not 
more tlian ten years, or both. 

(b) No person convicted of violating- any of tbe provisions of this title shall, 
during the five years next following lais conviction, be eligible for employment 
by the United States, or by any department or agency thereof (including any 
corporation the stock of which is wholly owned by the United States). 


Sec. 20. Section 19 of the Immigration Act of February 5, 1917 (39 Stat. 889; 
U. S. C, title 8, sec. 155), as amended, is amended by inserting, after "Sec. 19.", 
the letter "(a)", and by adding at the end of such section the following new 
subsections : 

"(b) Any alien of any of the classes specified in this subsection, in addition 
to aliens who are deportable under other provisions of law, sliall, upon warrant 
of tlie Attorney General, be talien into custody and deported : 

"(1) Any alien who, at any time within five years after entry, shall have, 

knowingly and for gain, encouraged, induced, assisted, abetted, or aided 

any other alien to enter or to try to enter the United States in viohition 

of law. 

"(2) Any alien who, at any time after entry, sliall have on more than one 

occasion, knowingly and for gain, encouraged, induced, assisted, abetted, or 

aided any otlier alien or aliens to enter or to try to enter the United States 

in violation of law. 

"(3) Any alien who, at any time after entry, shall have been convicted 

of possessing or carrying in violation of any law any weapon which shoots 

or is designed to shoot automatically or semiautomatically more than one 

shot without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger, or a 

weapon commonly called a sawed-off shotgun. 

"(4) Any alien who, at any time within five years after entry, shall have 

been convicted of violating the provisions of title I of the Alien Registration 

Act, 1940. 

"(5) Any alien who. at any time after entry, shall have been convicted 

more than once of violating the provisions of title I of the Alien Resisti-ation 

Act, 1940. 
No alien who is deportable under the provisions of paragraph (3), (4), or (5) 
of this subsection shall be deported until the termination of his imprisonment 
or the entry of an order releasing him on probation or parole. 

"(c) In tlie case of any alien (other tlian one to whom subsection (d) is appli- 
cable) who is deportable under any law of the United States and who has proved 
good moral character for the preceding five .vears, the Attorney General may 
(1) permit such alien to depart the United States to any country of his choice 
at his own expense, in lieu of deportation, or (2) suspend deportation of such 
alien if not racially inadmissible or ineligilile to naturalization in the United 
States if he finds that such deportation would result in serious economic detri- 
ment to a citizen or legally resident alien who is the spouse, parent, or minor child 
of such deportable alien. If the deportation of any alien is suspended under the 
provisions of this subsection for more than six months, all of the facts and perti- 
nent provisions of law in the case shall be reported to the Congress within ten 
days after the beginning of its next regular session, with the reasons for such sus- 
pension. The Clerk of the House shall have such report primed as a public 
document. If during that session the two Houses pass a concurrent resolution 
stating in .substance that the Congress does not favor the suspension of such 
deportation, the Attorney General shall thereupon deport such alien in the 
manner provided by law. If during that session the two Houses do not pass 
such a resolution, the Attorney General shall cancel deportation proceedings 
upon the termination of such session, except that such proceedings shall not be 
canceled in the case of any alien who was not legally admitted for permanent resi- 
dence at the time of his last entry into the United States, unless such alien pays 
to the Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization a fee of $18 (which fee 
shall be deposited in the Treasury of the United States as miscellaneous receipts). 
Upon the cancelation of such proceedings in any case in which such fee has heen 
paid, the Commissioner shall record the alien's admission for permanent residence 
74481 — 48 11 


as of the date of his last eutry into the United States and the Secretary of State 
shall, if the nlit'ii was a quota immigrant at tlie time of entry and was not charged 
to the appropriate quota, reduce by one the immigration quota of the country 
of the alien's nationality as defined in section 12 of the Act of May 26, 1924 
(U. S. C, title 8, sec. 212), for the fiscal year then current or next following. 

"(d) The provisions of subsection (c) shall not be applicable in the case of any 
alien who is deportable under (1) the Act of October 16, 1918 (40 Stat. 1008; 
U. S. C, title 8, sec. 137), entitled 'An Act to exclude and expel from the United 
States aliens who are members of the anarchist and similar classes', as amended ; 

(2) the Act of May 20, 1922, entitled 'An Act to amend the Act entitled "An Act 
to prohibit the importation and use of opium for other than medicinal purposes", 
approved February 9, 1909, as amended' (42 Stat. 596; U. S. C, title 21, sec. 175) ; 

(3) the Act of February 18, 1931, entitled 'An Act to provide for the deportation of 
aliens convicted and sentenced for violation of any law regulating traffic in nar- 
cotics', as amended (46 Stat. 1171; U. S. C, title 8, sec. 156a) ; (4) any of the 
provisions of so much of subsection (a) of this section as relates to criminals, 
prostitutes, pi-ocurers, or other immoral persons, the mentally and physically defi- 
cient, anarchists, and similar classes; or (5) subsection (b) of this section." 

Sec. 21. The Act entitled "An Act to provide for the deportation of aliens coir- 
victed and sentenced for violation of any law regulating traffic in narcotics", 
approved February 18, 1981, is amended — 

(1) By striking out the words "and sentenced" ; 

(2) By inserting after the words "any statute of the United Stales" the follow- 
ing : "or of any State, Territory, possession, or of the District of Columbia," ; and 

(3) By inserting after the word "herein" a comma and the word "mai'ihuana". 

Sec. 22. No alien shall be deportable by reason of the amendments made by sec- 
tion 20 or 21 on account of any act committed prior to the date of enactment of 
this Act. 

Sec. 23. (a) The first paragraph of section 1 of the Act entitled "An Act to 
exclude and expel from the United States aliens who are members of the an- 
archistic and similar classes", approved October 16, 1918, as amended, is amended 
to read as follows : 

"That any alien who, at any time, shall be or shall have been a member of any 
one of the following classes shall be excluded from admission into the United 

(b) Section 2 of such Act of October 16, 1918, as amended, is amended to read 
as follows : 

"Sec. 2. Any alien who was at the time of entering the United States, or has 
been at any time thereafter, a member of any one of the classes of aliens 
enumerated in section 1 of this Act, shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney 
General, be taken into custody and deported in the manner provided in the 
Immigration Act of Febniary 5, 1917. The provisions of this section shall be 
applicable to the classes of aliens mentioned in this Act, irresi)ective of the time 
of their entry into the United States." 


Sec. 30. No visa shall hereafter be issued to any alien seeking to enter the 
United States unless said alien has been registered and fingerprinted in dupli- 
cate. One copy of the registration and fingerprint record shall be retained by 
the con.sul. The second copy shall be attached to the alien's visa and shall be 
taken up by the examining immigrant inspector at the port of arrival of the 
alien in the United States and forwarded to the Department of Justice, at Wash- 
ington, District of Columbia. 

Any alien seeking to enter the United States who does not present a visa 
(except in emergency cases defined by the Secretary of State), a reentry permit, 
or a boarder-crossing identification card shall be excluded from admission to 
the United States. 

Sec. 31. (a) It shall be the duty of every alien now or hereafter in the United 
States, who (1) is fourteen years of age or older, (2) has not been registered and 
fingerprinted under section 30, and (3) remains in the United States for thirty 
days or longer, to apply for registration and to be fingei*printed before the expira- 
tion of such thirty days. 

(b) It shall be the duty of every parent or legal guardian of any alien now 
or hereafter in the United States, who (1) is than fourteen years of age. 
(2) has not been registered imder section 30, and (3) remains in the United 
States for thirty days or longer, to apply for the registration of such alien before 


the expiration of such thirty days. Whenever any alien attains his fourteenth 
birthday in the United States he shall, within thirty days thereafter, apply in 
person for registration and to be fingerprinted. 

Sec. 32. Notwithstanding the provisions of section 30 and 31 — 

(a) The application for the registration and fingerprinting, or for the regis- 
tration, of any alien who is in the United States on the effective date of such 
sections may be made at any time within four months after such date. 

(b) No foreign government ofiicial, or member of his family, shall be required 
to be registered or fingerprinted under this title. 

(c) Tlie Commissioner is authorized to prescribe,, with the approval of the 
Attorney General, special regulations for the registration and fingerprinting of 
(1) alien seamen, (2) holders of border-crossing identification cards, (3) aliens 
confined in institutions within the United States, (4) aliens under order of 
deportation, and (5) aliens of any other class not lawfully admitted to the 
United States for permanent residence. 

Sec. 33. (a) All applications for registration and fingerprinting under section 
31 shall be made at post offices or such other places as may be designated by 
the Commissioner. 

(b) It shall be the duty of every postmaster, with such assistance as shall be 
provided by the Commissioner, to register and fingerprint any applicant for regis- 
tration and fingerprinting under such section, and for such purposes to designate 
appropriate space in the local post office for such registration and fingerprinting. 
Every postmaster shall forward promptly to the Department of Justice, at Wash- 
ington, District of Columbia, the registration and fingerprint record of every alien 
registered and fingerprinted by him. The Commissioner may designate such 
other places for registration and fingerprinting as may be necessary for carrying 
out the provisions of this Act, and provide for registration and fingerprinting of 
aliens at such iilaces by officers or employees of the Immigration and Naturaliza- 
tion Service designated by the Commissioner. The duties imposed upon any jjost- 
master under this Act shall also be performed by any employees at the post office 
of such postmaster who are designated by the postmaster for such purpose. 

Sec. 34. (a) The Commissioner is authorized and directed to prepare forms for 
tlie registration and fingerprinting of aliens under this title. Such forms shall 
contain inquiries with respect to (1) the date and place of entry of the alien into 
the United States ; (2) activities in which he has been and intends to be engaged ; 
(3) the length of time he expects to remain in the United States ; (4) tlie criminal 
record, if any, of such alien ; and (5) such additional matters as may be prescribed 
by the Commissioner, with the approval of the Attorney General. 

(b) All registration and fingerprint records made under the provisions of this 
title shall be secret and confidential, and shall be made available only to such per- 
sons or agencies as may be designated by the Commissioner, with the approval of 
the Attorney General. 

(c) Every person required to apply for the registration of himself or another 
under this title shall submit under oath the information required for such regis- 
tration. Any person authorized to register aliens under this title shall be author- 
ized to administer oatlis for such purpose. 

Sec. 35. Any alien required to be registered under this title who is a resident 
of the United States shall notify the Commissioner in writing of each change of 
residence and new address within five days from the date of such change. Any 
other alien required to be registered under this title shall notify the Commis- 
sioner in writing of his address at the expiration of each three montlis* period of 
residence in the United States. In the case of an alien for whom a parent or legal 
guardian is required to apply for registration, the notices required by this section 
shall be given by such parent or legal guardian. 

Sec. 36. (a ) Any alien required to apply for registration and to be fingerprinted 
who willfully fails or refuses to make such application or to be fingerprinted, and 
any parent or legal guardian required to apply for the registration of any alien 
who willfully fails or refuses to file application for the registration of such alien 
shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed .$1,000 or be imprisoned not" 
more than six months, or both. 

(b) Any alien, or any parent or legal guardian of any alien, who fails to give 
written notice to the Commissioner of change of address as required by section 
35 of this Act shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed $100, or be 
imprisoned not more than thirty days, or both. 

(c) Any alien or any parent or legal guardian of any alien, who files an appli- 
cation for registration containing statements known by him to be false, or who 
procures or attempts to procure registration of himself or another person through 
fraud, shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed $1,000, or be im- 


prisoned not more tlian six months, or botli ; and any alien so convicted within 
five years after entry into the United States shall, upon the warrant of the 
Attorney General, be taken into custody and be deported in the manner provided 
in sections I'J and 20 of the Immigration Act of February 5, 11>17, as amended. 

Skc. 37. (a) The Conimission-.n'. witb the approval of the Attorney General, is 
authorized and empowered to make and prescribe, and from time to time to 
change and amend, .such rules and regulations not in conflict with this Act as he 
may deem necessary and proper in aid of the administration and enforcement of 
this title (inclridinir provisions for the identification of aliens registered under 
tliis title) ; except that all such rules and regulations, insofar as they relate to 
the performance of functions by consular officers or officers or employees in the 
Postal Service, shall be prescribed by the Secretary of State and the Postmaster 
General, respectively, upon recommendation of the Attorney General. Tlie powers 
conferred upon tlie Attorney General by this Act and all other powers of the 
Attorney General relating to the administration of the Immigration and Natural- 
ization Service may be exercised by the Attorney General through such officers of 
the Department of Justice, including offi.cers of the Immigration and Naturali- 
zation Service, attorneys, .special attorneys, and special assistants to the Attorney 
General, as he may designate specifically for such purposes. 

(h) The Commissioner is authorized to make such expenditures, to employ sucli 
additional temporary and permanent employees, and to rent such cpiarrers outside 
the District of Columbia as may be necessary for carrying out the provisions 
of this title. 

Sec. .^.8. (a) For the pvirposes of this title — 

(1) the term "United States", when used in a geographical sense, means the 
States, the Territoi-ies of Alaska and Hawaii, the District of Columbia, Puerto 
Rico, and the Virgin Islands; 

(2) I he tei'm "Commissioner" means the Commissioner of Immigration and 

(b) The provisions of this title shall take effect upon the date of enactment of 
this Act; except that sections 30 and 31 shall take effect sixty days after the date 
of its enactment. 

Sec. 39. The President is authorized to provide, by Executive order, for the 
registration and fingerprinting, in a manner as nearly similar to that provided in 
this title as he deems practicable, of aliens in the Panama Canal Zone. 


Sec. 40. If any provision of this Act, or the application thereof to any person or 
circumstance, is held invalid, the remainder of the Act, and the application of 
.such provision to other persons or circumstances, shall not be affected thereby. 

Sec. 41. This Act may be cited as the "Alien Registration Act, 1940". 

Approved Juno 28, 1940. 




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