8
nv
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
REPORTS
ON THE
MANUSCRIPTS
OF
THE EARL OF EGLINTON, SIR J. STIBLING MAXWELL, BART.,
C. S. H. DEUMMOND MORAY, ESQ., C. E. WESTON UNDERWOOD, ESQ.,
AND
6. W1NGFIELD DIGBY, ESQ.
9rtituU0 ta batt) StouSetf at parliament 6s Gammairtr at 38er ffizjesits-
LONDON:
FEINTED FOE HEE MAJESTY'S STATIONEEY OFFICE,
BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE,
PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT M*AJESTY.
And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from
EYEE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.O., and
32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S,W. ; or
JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and
90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or
HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin.
[C.— 4575.
1885.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Manuscripts of the Earl of Eglinton and Winton,
by William Fraser, C.B., Ll.D. - - 1
The Manuscripts of Sir J. Stirling Maxwell, of Keir,
Bart., by William Fraser, C.B., Ll.D. - - 58
The Manuscripts of Charles S. H. Drummond Moray, of
Blair Drummond, by William Fraser, C.B., Ll.D. - 81
The Manuscripts of C. F. Weston Underwood, Esq., of
Somerby, by H. Barr Tomkins, Ll.M. - - 199
The Manuscripts of G. Wingfield Digby, Esq., of Sher-
borne, by the Rev. J A. Bennett, M.A. - - 520
a 84067. Wt. 13998,
REPORT ON THE MUNIMENTS OF THE EIGHT HONOUR-
ABLE ARCHIBALD WILLIAM MONTGOMERIE, EARL
OF EGLINTON AND WINTON, AT EGLINTON CASTLE,
IN THE COUNTY OF AYR, BY WILLIAM FRASER,
LL.D., EDINBURGH.
The papers now reported on are selected from a large and miscella- ^eaSlof*'
neous collection, and they are of value both to historians and local Eglinton.
antiquaries, containing as they do many references to passing events of
importance in this and other countries, and also the names of ancient
Ayrshire and west country families. The Earl of Eglinton now repre-
sents the three families of Montgomerie of Eaglesham, Eglinton of
Eglinton, and Ardrossan of Ardrossan, all of far descended lineage ; but
there is no corresponding wealth of muniments in the family charter
chest, the place of their custody having been destroyed in one of those
terrible feuds which so often raged betwixt neighbouring baronial
families in Scotland [No. 66 infra]. The evidence for the earlier mem-
bers of the families of Montgomerie, and the long extinct houses of
Eglinton and Ardrossan is therefore to be derived from sources wholly
apart from their own charters. Regarding the Eglintouns of that ilk
and the Ardrossans of Ardrossan little is known, but there is evidence
that the former held their estates from about the time of Malcolm Can-
more, while the Ardrossans flourished between 1177 and the time of
King David the Second.
Lord Eglinton also represents in the male line the ancient House of
Seton, Earls of Winton, as to whom there is a separate collection of
muniments, which will form the subject of another and subsequent
Report. The present Report is limited to the Eglinton muniments
proper.
The first ancestor of the Montgomerie family who settled in Scotland
was Robert of Montgomerie, who received, about the year 1157, from
Walter FitzAlan, the Steward of Scotland, a grant of the lands of
Eaglesham, situated in the barony and shire of Renfrew. Robert of
Montgomerie is believed on good grounds to have been the grandson of
the famous Roger of Montgomerie, Earl of Shrewsbury, the kinsman
and companion of William the Conqueror. From Robert Montgomerie,
the first of Eaglesham, who died about, 1178, descended Sir John of
Montgomerie, ninth of Eaglesham, who is celebrated for the part he took
at the battle of Otterburn in the year 1388, where he captured Sir Henry
Percy, known as u Hotspur." Sir John married Elizabeth, daughter
and sole heiress of Sir Hugh Eglintoun of that ilk, and acquired with
her the estates of Eglinton and Ardrossan. Sir Hugh of Eglintoun
held the office of Justiciary of Lothian and married Egidia or Giles
Stewart, a half sister of Robert the StewarJ of Scotland, afterward King
Robert the Second, who between 1358 and 1377 bestowed various lands
a 84or,7. a
2 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. on his brother-in-law. [Nos. 1, 5-8 infra.] Sir Hugh is also com-
EglJnton. memorated by Wyntown and Dunbar as among the poets of Scotland,
— and to him are ascribed the " (rest of Arthure," the " Gtest of the Brut,"
the " Adventure of Sir Gawyn," and the " Pystyl of Swete Susan."
The grandson of Sir John Montgomerie and Elizabeth of Eglintoun
was, about the year 1445, created a Lord of Parliament under the title
of Lord Montgomerie. He was succeeded in due course by his great
grandson Hugh, third Lord Montgomerie, who was a zealous supporter
of King James the Fourth, and as a reward for his services was
created, in 1506, Earl of Eglintoun. Under King James the
Fifth, also, the Earl held a prominent position in the state. He
was one of the tutors of the young King. In 1533 he was appointed
Admiral Depute of the bailiary of Cunninghame, in the county
of Ayr, and in 1536 he was named as one of the joint governors
of Scotland during the King's absence in France [No. 68 infra]. Besides
the affairs of State in which he was engaged, Lord Eglintoun was much
occupied by the state of feud which existed between his family and the
Cunninghames, Lords Kilmaurs and Earls of Glencairn. The subject of
contention seems to have been the office of the bailiary of Cunningham,
which had been held by Sir Hugh of Eglintoun so early as 1366, and in
1370 he was made Chamberlain of Irvine. The; office seems to have
descended to his grandson, Sir John Montgomerie, as in a marriage
contract of Sir John's eldest daughter to Sir Robert Cunningham of
Kilmaurs, in 1425, it is agreed that Sir Robert shall hold the bailiary
for his life ; but in 1448 the office was formally bestowed by the Crown on
Alexander, eldest son of the first Lord Montgomerie. His son, the second
Lord, succeeded to him in the office and, in 1482, procured a transumpt
of the chief documents relating to it. [No. 16 infra.] In 1498, another
charter of the office was granted by King James the Fourth, who also
issued letters to enforce obedience. In 1488 a stronghold of the Cun-
ninghames had been destroyed by Lord Montgomerie probably as a
retaliation [No. 37 infra]. In 1498 he required Lord Kilmaurs to find
security to keep the peace. A serious feud was for a time averted by
the Decree Arbitral pronounced in 1509, by consent of both parties,
declaring that the Earl of Eglintoun had full right to the disputed office.
The quarrel however still continued, and notwithstanding attempts at
peacemaking in 1523 [No. 64 infra] increased in bitterness. In 1528,
Eglintoun Castle was burned and destroyed [No. 66 infra], and the feud
may be said to have culminated in the murder of Hugh fourth Earl of
Eglintoun, on 18th April 1586. That this murder was deliberately
planned by the Cunninghams may be clearly gathered from the docu-
ment No. 81 infra, where the Earl of Glencairn openly agrees to shelter
the perpetrator of the crime (Cunningham of Robertland), and refers to
the conspiracy for revenge.
The son of the fourth Earl of Eglinton succeeded him, but died in
1612 without issue, and was the last of the direct male line of Mont-
gomerie. His cousin, Sir Alexander Seton of Foulstruther, third son of
Lady Margaret Montgomerie, eldest daughter of the third Earl of Eglin-
ton, who was Countess of Robert, first Earl of Wintoun, inherited the
estates and assumed the name of Montgomerie and title of Eglintoun. Sir
Alexander Seton did this in terms of a family arrangement, confirmed
by a charter from the Crown, dated 28 November 1611, but notwith-
standing this his assumption of the dignity was strongly opposed by
King James the Sixth. The controversy lasted for two years, during
which Sir Alexander continued to assert his right, but in the end the
King relented and confirmed the previous Crown grant. The King's
motives and the way by which he saved his royal dignity are detailed in
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 3
the letters [Nos. 1 10 and 111 infra]. It does not appear that Sir Alexander Right Hon
made any formal recognition of the, King's rights. This Earl, the sixth, BoSStow.
was popularly called " Greysteel." From his fourth son the present — —
Earl is lineally descended.
Alexander, sixth Earl of Egiintoun, enjoyed the title and estates for
nearly half a century. In 1630, he entered into a curious contract with
Viscount Montgomerie, of the Great Airds in Ireland [No. 88 infra],
doubtless with a view to secure himself against any doubt that he was
the head of the house of Eglinton, the Viscount being directly de-
scended from an uncle of the first Earl of Eglinton. But the Viscount,
who was anxious to secure assistance in the disturbed state of Ireland,
duly acknowledged the Earl as his chief. The Earl took a prominent part
in public affairs. In the dispute between King Charles the First and his
subjects, the Earl adhered to the side of the Covenanters, and in 1639
spent a large sum of money (48,000 merks Scots) in supplying a regi-
ment for their army [No. 90 infra], a sum which there is reason to
believe was never repaid. In 1641 the Irish rebellion broke out, and
the letters [Nos. 140 and 141 infra] give a faint idea of the atrocities
committed. The Earl of Egiintoun commanded the troops sent to
relieve the Scotch settlers, and was in time to save their lives, though
not their property, while the English planters were almost extirpated.
During the civil war in England the Earl and his sons, Lord Mont-
gomerie, Colonel James Montgomerie, and Major General Robert
Montgomerie, fought on the side of the Parliament, and the Earl and
one of his sons were present at the battle of Long Marston Moor.
Numerous letters were addressed to him by correspondents in England,
giving from time to time news of the King, the war, and other matters
[Nos. 129 and 130], a frequent writer'being Sir John Seton, sometime
Lieutenant of the Scots Guard to the King of France, who wrote from
London [Nos. 136, 142, and 151]. After the death of King Charles
First, the Earl of Eglinton was one of the first to welcome King Charles
Second, and was appointed Captain of the King's Horse Guards. He
and his sons, however, were not favoured by the ruling party of the
Estates, and his regiment was dismissed with unfortunate results to
the royal cause [No. 162]. The Earl, after the Act of Classes was
rescinded, again took an active part for the King, but was made prisoner
and remained in confinement until the Restoration.
It would appear that the Earl was fond of sport, especially of hawk-
ing. The loss of one of his hawks is referred to in No. 124, and in
No. 112 King James Sixth gives a carefully qualified permission to the
Earl to hawk and hunt in the west country.
The Earl's eldest son, Hugh Lord Montgomerie, was also an officer
in the Covenanting Army, and served in England [Nos. 145, 149* 150,
and 152 infra]. He was suspected of aiding the "Engagement" on
behalf of King Charles the First in 1648, and was only restored to active
service after "satisfying" the Church [No. 95 infra].
Apart from the documents already referred to, which illustrate the
connexion of the Egiintoun family with the history of their country,
the papers now reported on contain little of wide public interest. The
destruction of the early writs of the family deprives the collection of
much of its value, and the majority of the charters now reported on
possess more interest for the genealogist than the historian, but one or
two details are worthy of notice.
The marriage contracts, of which this collection contains several of
an early date, present some curious features. Thus, in No. 16 (7), it is
provided that Sir John Montgomerie, if he does not go as hostage for
King James the First, shall maintain his daughter and her husband, with
A 2
4 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
right Hox. a damsel for the ladye, for two years ; but if Sir John departs the hus-
Eabl of band shall provide for himself and spouse. In another case [No. 18
glinton. jnfraj^ jn an alliance between the Stewarts of Darnley and a daughter
of Sir Alexander Montgomerie, the latter is bound to provide for the
young couple and six horses for five years, while the bridegroom is to
be brought home to the house of his father or father-in-law to be at
their will. In another contract [No. 42 infra] the young Master of
Montgomerie is taken bound to marry Bessy Edmonstone, daughter of
Sir Archibald Edmonstone, of Duntreath. If either of them die before
marriage Lord Montgomerie binds his second, third, and fourth sons in
succession, and failing Bessy then Katern, Margaret, and Helen Edmon-
stone are in turn contracted to marry a son of Lord Montgomerie. In
a fourth contract, where a son of the first Earl of Eglintoun engages to
marry one of the co-heiresses of Robert Francis of Stane, an estate near
to the Castle of Eglinton, the Earl not only undertakes to provide for
his son and daughter-in-law during her father's lifetime, but pays to the
Laird of Stane 100 merks Scots, to dispose of according to his con-
science, as a " contentatioun " to the second daughter [No. 54 infra].
The indenture between the Earls of Lennox and Eglintoun for the
marriage of their children [No. 63 infra] is chiefly remarkable for the
fact that the intended bridegroom was little more than three years old,
but as is well known he married, not Christian Montgomerie, but Lady
Margaret Douglas, by whom he had a son, the ill fated Darnley, second
husband of Queen Mary.
In No. 61 we have evidence of how Crown patrimony was wasted
during a royal minority. The island of Little Cumbrae was a royal
forest, but Robert Huntar, of Huntarstown, the hereditary forester, was
unable to prevent trespassers frcmi slaying the deer, rabbits, &c. To
aid him in repressing poaching the Earl of Eglintoun was appointed,
with power to punish trespassers and to oversee the forester himself,
that he did not pasture too many cattle on the island to the prejudice of
the game. At a later date the King granted to Robert Hunter, of
Hunterstown, the forester, a charter of the island [No. 65 infra],
obliging him to maintain a mansion house. The island afterwards
became and still continues to be the property of the Eglintoun family.
The first Earl of Eglintoun died in the end of September 1545, and
his will [No. 72 infra] is remarkable for the unusual number of pay-
ments appointed to be made for masses. The phraseology of this and
another will about the same date is peculiar, both parties bequeathing
their souls to God, the Virgin Mary, and all the Saints, " the whole
court of heaven." The great grandson of the first Earl, Hugh third
Earl of Eglintoun, was somewhat unfortunate in his marriage relations.
His wife was Lady Jean Hamilton, a daughter of the Regent Arran,
contracted to him on 13 January 1554 [No. 77 infra], and divorced
from him on the ground of consanguinity on 30th May 1562 [No. 78
infra]. A later decree at her instance against the Earl was pronounced
on a different ground, by John Knox and others at Edinburgh 25 June
1562. This document is not here reported. The proceedings in the
first divorce case are lengthy and technical, and the chief point of interest
is the allusion to " a dumb lady of Dalkeith " as the wife of an Earl
of Morton. The number of generations given implies that the lady in
question was the Princess Joanna, youngest daughter of King James
the First, who married, after a lengthened sojourn in France, the first
Earl of Morton.
A document of great importance to the masonic craft is summarised
in No. 84, being somewhat too long for full quotation — the ordinances
drawn up by William Schaw, the King's master of work and general
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 5
warden of the craft, on 28 December 1599, for all the master masons
in Scotland. They contain directions as to the conduct of masters
towards each other, and towards their employers " to leve cheritablie
togidder," and to take in hand no work they are unable to perform. The
reception of apprentices, the exclusion of irregular craftsmen, and other
matters relating to the trade, are all regulated, and obedience enforced
by the exaction of fines. One offence, however, is to be punished by
degradation ; those masters who have not been careful as to their scaf-
foldings and footways so that injury is done to anyone, are to be dis-
charged from working as masters, and be subject " all the rest of their
days " to someone else.
Of the documents in the collection which bear on personal and social
life and manners, No. 83 gives a glimpse of toilettes worn by a fashion-
able dame at the Court of King James shortly after his accession to the
English Crown ; Nos. 89, 97, and 98, are lists of jewellery which indicate
a considerable amount of wealth, as does also the amount of silver plate
described in No. 99 and 100. In No. 84 we have reference to King
James Sixth's visit to Scotland and his presence in the houses of the Earl
of Eglintoun in Edinburgh and Glasgow, fat geese and butter being sent
from the west for his Majesty's provision, and a large sum of money
expended on his entertainment. The drinking customs of the period
are illustrated by the account of the daily consumption of wine and ale,
given in No. 93. Letter No. 128 gives information as to the expense
of education and board, while the account No. 103 shows what books
were used as classics in teaching the " Humanities " in Scotland in the
1 7th century. That domestic servants were a source of trouble in the
so called " good old times " as well as now, appears from the letter [No.
123 infra]. The difficulties of travelling in the early part of the
1 7th century are forcibly illustrated fry letters Nos. 120 and 126. In
1612 the Countess of Eglinton applied to her mother, the Countess of
Linlithgow for the loan of carriage horses to bring her from Craigiehall
to Linlithgow. Though this was but a short distance, the Countess of
Linlithgow promised to send a dozen horses with panniers and ropes in
place of " tumeler " (tumbril ?) carts. The road must have been greatly
beset with " stratis and dangeris " similar to those which the Earl of
Eglinton refers to a few years later, when, writing to his wife, he bids
her send her coach and horses to meet him, and to cause six of the ablest
tenants come with the coach to Glasgow <;to pout hir by all the stratis
and dangeris" [No. 126]. On another occasion it would appear that
he had written thirty-three letters to friends to meet him at Bishop
Briggs. obviously that they might assist him on his journey to Eglinton.
For such journeys lanterns, such as the one described in letter No. 122 as
of " Moscovia glass," were no doubt occasionally useful. It is recom-
mended as one of the fairest in London and of the best light.
Among other miscellaneous items of interest may be noticed the
reference in No. 119 to " Niknevin," an unfortunate old woman who
was distinguished for her alleged knowledge of the black art, and had
undergone examination as a witcli before the Regent Murray and Mr.
John Knox, but who ascribed the charge made against her to the profes-
sional jealousy of the apothecaries whom she had excelled in her
knowledge of drugs. Allusions to the plague in 1603, and in 1646, are
found in Nos. 83 and 147, ihe latter document relating to the disinfec-
tion of tainted dwellings in the neighbourhood of Paisley.
The value of preserving old papers, even though apparently of little
importance, is well illustrated by letter No. 144. It appears outwardly
a simple request by the Earl of Cassillis [John sixth Earl] that the Earl
of Eglinton would attend the funeral of the writer's wife. Yet such a
6 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^Earl^f*' seemingly unimportant document is sufficient to clear the fair fame of a
Bglintoit. lady whose character has been tarnished both by popular ballad and
tradition. The Countess of Cassillis in question was Lady Jane Hamil-
ton, daughter of Thomas first Earl of Haddington, and was married to
John sixth Earl of Cassillis in 1621. A popular ballad " Johnnie Faa''
and more than one popular writer have constructed a romantic story to
the effect that the husband was stern, the lady neglected, and that after
being some years married she eloped with Sir John Faa, of Dunbar, but
the pair being captured, the Knight was hanged and the Countess im-
prisoned for the remainder of her life, the Earl meanwhile marrying
again. This elopement was said to have taken place during the Earl's
presence at the asssembly of Divines at Westminster. This story,
however, though related with very circumstantial details, is disproved by
the letter now reported on, which shows that the lady wa* dead before
the Earl went to Westminster in 1643, and also that she was his " deir
bed fellow " until the day of her death, 21 years after their marriage.
Two letters, characteristic both of the men and the period, will be
found inNos. 131 and 132, the first from Mr. Robert Brure,of Kinnaird,
long one of the Ministers of Edinburgh, and of such authority both in
civil and ecclesiastical affairs, that in 1590 when King James the Sixth
went, to Denmark for his Queen he appointed Mr. Bruce to a chief
place in the Government. After the Gowrie conspiracy, however, Mr.
Bruce fell under the King's displeasure, and he was afterwards more or
less persecuted by his Majesty. The letter now reported on was written
to the Countess of Eglinton about two years before Mr. Bruce's decease,
which took place in 1631, in the 77th year of his age. The second letter
is addressed to the same Lady by Mr. Josias Welsh, of Templepatrick,
Ireland, son of the famous Mr. John Welsh, of Ayr, and his wife, who was
a daughter of John Knox. Josias Welsh was himself a very successful
minister among the Presbyterians in Ireland.
The papers now reported on with other family documents were printed
by me in two quarto volumes for the late Earl of Eglinton in the year
1859, entitled " Memorials of the Montgomeries, Earls of Eglinton."
The impression of that work was limited to one hundred & fifty copies
for private circulation chiefly among the relations & friends of the
family.
The muniments now reported on are arranged under the two following
heads :—
I. Charters, &c. of the Earls of Eglinton 1358-1689.
II. Correspondence of the Earls of Eglinton (a) Royal Letters,
(b) F'amily Letters.
L. — Charters, &c, of the Earls of Eglinton, 1358-1689.
1. Charter by Robert, Steward of Scotland, Earl of Strathern, grant-
ing to Sir Hugh, of Eglintoun, Knight, and Dame Egidia (Giles), his
spouse, to the longer liver of them two, and to the heirs and assignees
of Sir Hugh himself, an annual rent of one stone of wax due to the
granter from the land of Monfodevrry within the barony of Conyngham,
Sheriffdom of Ayr : Witnesses Sir John Stewart, the granter's brother,
Robert of Irskyn, John of Lindesay, John of Isle, knights, Andrew of
Conyngham, Thomas Symple, John Tayt. [n.d. 1358-1370.]
2. Charter by Thomas Stewart Earl of Angus, to Sir Hugh of Eglyn-
toun, knight, of his land of Ormdale in the lordship of Cowal and shire
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 7
of Argyll : To be held by Sir Hugh and his heirs, and his assignees
acceptable to the granter and his heirs, for giving to the chief lord of
the feu the service used and wont, and a pair of gilt spurs, or forty silver
pennies to the granter and his heirs in recognition of the gift, at the
feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, yearly, if askedi Dated
at Edinburgh 25th May 1360: "Witnesses, Sir Robert, Steward of
Scotland, Earl of Strathern, Sir William Earl of Douglas, Sir Robert
of Irskyn, and Sir John of Lyle, knights, Alexander of Mongomry,
Maurice of Convaille, Alan of Lawedre.
3. Charter by John of Moray, Lord of the lordship of Hormishocis,
granting to Sir Hugh of Eglyntoun and Dame Egidia of Lyndesay, his
whole land of Hormishocis, with the whole service of Dolly ura, Poter-
town, and of Wagrav, due to the said lordship. Dated at Ardrossan
the 16th day before the Purification of the Virgin [January] 1361 :
Witnesses, Robert Abbot of the Monastery of Kilwinning, William of
Paisley, perpetual vicar of the Church of Kylbreny, Hugh of Raht,
Alan of Munfod, John of Crawford of Badelay.
4. Charter by Robert, Steward of Scotland, Earl of Strathern and
Lord of Conyngharae, to Alexander of Blare, his heirs or assignees, of
that annual rent of four chalders of oatmeal and one pound of pepper
which Alan le Suche and William of Ferrars, knights, were accustomed
to receive from the lands of Stane and Buretres in Conynghame, then
belonging to Andrew Fraunceys : To be held of the Steward and his
heirs for giving a pair of gilt spurs, or twelve silver pennies, at Whit-
sunday yearly, if asked. Given at the Monastery of Inchaffray, 10th
December 1363 : Witnesses, William Abbot of Inchaffray, Thomas of
Fausyde, knight, Alexander Stewart the granter's son, John Mercer
burgess of Perth, Maurice of Drummond, etc.
5. Charter by King Robert Second to Hugh of Eglyntoun, knight,
his heirs and his assignees, of the land of Gyffeyn in the barony of
Kyle Stewart and shire of Ayr, then belonging to the King through
forfeiture : To be held of the King and his heirs, Stewards of Scotland,
for services used and wont. Dated at Edinburgh 4th May [1371] ; Wit-
nesses, William and Patrick, Bishops of St. Andrews and Brechin,
John, the King's eldest son, Earl of Carrick and Steward of Scotland,
Thomas Earl of Mar, William Earl of Douglas, Robert Earl of Men-
teith the King's son, John of Carryk, canon of Glasgow, Chancellor,
Alexander of Lyndesay, and Robert of Erskyne, knights.
6. Charter by King Robert Second to his dearest brother Hugh of
Eglyntoun, knight, of the lands of Lochlebogsyd, within the barony of
Renfrew: To be held by Hugh and Egidia his spouse, the King's
dearest sister, and their heirs, of the King and his heirs, Stewards of
Scotland, for giving yearly ten marks sterling for the support of a
chaplain to celebrate divine service in the Cathedral Church of Glasgow.
Dated at Perth 12th October [1374].
7. Confirmation by King Robert Second of a wadset by Hugh of
Auldistoun made to* the King's dearest brother, Hugh of Eglyntoun,
knight, of the lands of Cambusbaroun, Innerhawloune and Schiphalch
in the shire of Stirling; saving the King's service. Dated at Dun-
fermline 28th March [1375].
8. Precept by King Robert Second, under the quarter seal, addressed
to his Chamberlain, and other ministers for the time, shewing that he
was owing his dearest brother Hugh of Eglyntoun, knight, the sum of
8 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. 550 merks sterling in complement of the sum of 700 merks formerly
Egl?nton. due ; and that the King had given to Hugh the whole wards, reliefs, and
— marriages belonging to the Crown, on the south side of the Forth, at
their true value as that should be agreed upon between Sir Hugh and
the King's Chamberlain ; and in case these casualties shall in any year
amount to less than 100 merks, the Chamberlain in Exchequer should
be bound to pay the deficiency of the sum of 100 merks, until Sir Hugh
should be satisfied of the said sum of 550 merks ; and commanding the
Chamberlain to make payment of these casualties to Sir Hugh in terms
of the grant. Given at Perth 17th March [1375].
9. Obligation by James the Lyndesay, Lord of Bochane, granting to
John of Montgumry, Lord of Egillham, that the lands of Dunbulge nor
Carny, held of the granter, shall not be recognosced by him until he pay
to John of Montgumry, in the Castle of Edinburgh, " ix hunder punde
of lnglish gold, on a day " . . " Alswa, we grant and lely hechtis, that
we sal helpe and supponell the forsaid John in the helpe and mantenance
of the forsaide landys that the said Jon haldys of ws, and at we sal
nocht be in the contrar of hym with na nothyr in the mentyme."
Dated at Edinburgh, 9th December 1389.
10. Charter by John of Montegomorri, lord of Eglishame, granting
to William of Blakeforde, for homage and service, the whole land called
Little Benane, which had been resigned in the grantor's hands : To be
held by William and his heirs of his body born and to be born ; whom
failing, by John Walays of Elrisley and his heirs ; of the granter and
his heirs for the usual service. Dated at Eaglesham 8th October 1392 :
Witnesses, John Symple, lord of Eliotstoun, Hugh Walays, lord of
Cragyne, William More, lord of Camcescane, Thomas of Crauforde, lord
of Achinhamys, and John of Polloc, lord of that ilk.
11. Charter by Malcolm Fleming, knight, lord of Biger and of Leigne
in favour of his grandson (nepoti) William of Boyde, lord of Galvaue,
granting to him for his service done and to be done, the lands of
Badynhache in the granter's barony of Leigne in the sheriffdom of
Dumbarton : To be held by William and his heirs, of Malcolm and his
heirs for payment, on the ground, of one silver penny at Whitsunday, if
asked only, in name of blench farm, for ward, relief, marriage, suits of
court and all other secular service. No date : Witnesses, Sir Robert of
Danyelistoun, lord of that ilk, Patrick of Graham, lord of Kyncardyn,
John of Maxwell, lord of Pollok, knights; Robert Boyd, lord of Kil-
mernok, the granter's grandson, David Flemyng, the granter's son and
heir, and Patrick Flemyng, his second son. Confirmed by King Robert
Third at the Castle of Rothesay, 7th July 1395.
12. Instrument of Transumpt of a Charter by John of Montgomery,
knight, lord of Ardrossan, granting to Alexander Lokkart the lands of
Lochwood, lying in the said barony of Ardrossan in the shire of Ayr :
To be held by Alexander and his heirs of the granter and his heirs lor
giving a pound of pepper at the feast of St. John the Baptist (24th
June) in name of blench farm, if asked. Dated at Polnone, 1st
December 1407 : Witnesses, John of Hamilton of Ross, knight ; Allan
Campbell, John Inglis, Alexander Mure, squires. This Charter was
transumed by order of the Lords of Council and Session on 17th March
1574, at the instance of James Lockhart of Lee, successor of the said
Alexander Lockhart of the Lee in the lands, who produced the writ as
his earliest title, in an action against the then Earl of Eglinton,
HISTORICAL MANTSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 9
13. Precept by John of Montgomery, Lord of Ardrossan and of ^jgg^S*'
Giffyn, knight, directed to his bailie of Giffen, John Homyl, to give to Eglinton.
Stephen Ker, lord of Trearne, sasine of the lands of the Ovirtoun of
Giffyn, lying in the granter's lordship of Giffyn in the barony of Kile
in the sheriffdom of Ayr ; which lands had been resigned by Stephen
in the granter's hands. Dated at Polnone 24th November 1413.
14. Charter by Robert Duke of Albany, Earl of Fife and of Men-
teith, Governor of Scotland, ratifying, and on behalf of the King and his
heirs confirming the grants by his confederate (confederatus noster)
John of Montegomeri of Ardrossane, knight, to his son Robert of
Montegomeri, born betwixt him and the late Agnes of the Isles his
spouse, made with consent of Alexander of Montegomeri the said John's
son and heir and brother-german of Robert, of the whole lands of the
lordship of Giffine, in the barony of Kyle Stewart in the sheriffdom of
Ayr ; of the lands of Lochhous in the constabulary of Linlithgow in the
shire of Edinburgh ; and the lands of Knokintire and of Knokmulyne
lying in Kile- Regis in the sheriffdom of Ayr ; and an annual rent of 50*.
Scots to be uplifted from Drumdow, and from the tofts, crofts, and
perticates of land lying within the burgh of Linlithgow; with all the
annual rents due within said burgh. To be held by the said Robert
and the heirs male of his body lawfully born or to be born, whom
failing, by his father and his heirs whomsoever of the said John Mont-
gomery and his heirs in fee and heritage ; saving the King's service.
Given at Stirling 9th March 1413.
15. Charter by David of Coghrane, lord of the north half of Ovirlee,
granting to his son Edward of Coghrane, for his services, all the lands
of Ovirlee, in the barony of Renfrew, and sheriffdom of the same : To
be held by Edward and the heirs of his body, whom failing by the
granter and his heirs, of Alicia of Coghrane and her heirs, for rendering
30 pennies Scots yearly at Overlee. With clause of warrandice : Wit-
nesses, James of Dowglas, lord of Balvany, Thomas Weir, Alexander
of Dunbar, Robert Weir, Robert of Dalzell. This Charter is not dated,
but the precept by the granter for infefting his son in the lands of Lee
in the barony of Renfrew and shire thereof, and also in the lands of
Ascog in the lordship of Bute and sheriffship of the same, is dated
24 August 1425. The above Charter was confirmed in due form (l)by
Alicia of Coghrane lady of Netherlee in the barony of Renfrew, in pre-
sence of James of Douglas lord of Balvany, Thomas Were, Joachim de
Lecprevyc, William of Lecprevyc his brother, Robert of Dalzell, Robert
of Lecprevyc, Robert Thorns, [c. 1425] and (2) by John Lecprevike
lord of Meidlee in the barony of Renfrew, before Andrew Mureheid &
John Watson then bailies of the burgh of Ruglen, Donald Dun, Robert
Brade, and Sir John Petigre, burgesses of that burgh [c. 1425].
1G. Instrument of Transumpt made on 28th September 1482, before
Richard Robertson, rector of the parish church of Suthek, Commissary
of the Official of Lothian, at the instance of Hugh Lord Montgomery, of
the following eight writs relating to the offices of Bailie of Cunyngbame
and Chamberlain of Irvine. (1) Letters by Robert, Steward of Scotland,
Earl of Strathern, declaring that he had given to Sir Hugh of Eglintoun
the office of Bailie of the Barony of Cunyngham, with command of the
men dwelling therein and other lull powers ; commanding therefore the
inhabitants of the barony to obey Sir Hugh and his heirs. Given at
Erth 15th January 1366, under the seal of the granter and that of John
Stewart his eldest son, Lord of Kyle. (2) Letter by Robert, Steward
of Scotland, etc., that as he had given the office of Bailie of the barony
10 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hoy. of Cunyngham and the office of Chamberlain of the same to his beloved
Bglinton. brother Sir Hugh of Eglintoun, he also gave to him for his labour a
— ■ third part of all the fines and issues of the Bailie and Chamberlain
Courts in time to come ; and directing those having interest, to pay the
said fines to Sir Hugh : Given under the seals of the granter and his
eldest son, at Erth 15 January 1366. (3) Letter by the said Robert,
Steward of Scotland^ etc., that as he had given to his beloved brother Sir
Hugh of Eglintoun, lord of that ilk, and to his heirs the office of Bailie
of the Barony of Cunyngham with the office of Chamberlain of the
granter's burgh of Irvine, to which offices no fee is with certainty
attached; he therefore grants to Sir Hugh and his heirs heritably the
third part of all issues and fines happening in said courts : No date :
Sealed with the granter's seal and that of his eldest son John Stewart
Earl of Carrick, Lord of Kyle and Athole : Witnesses Robert Abbot of
Kilwinning, Sir John of Lindesaye, lord of Thurstoune, Adam of Ful-
lartoun, lord of Corsby, knights ; . . . Kennydy, lord of Donhour,
John Wallace, lord of Richardtoun, Thomas Sympill, lord of Elyastoun,
John Gray of Estelwoude. (4) Letter by the said Robert, Steward of
Scotland, etc., authorising Sir Hugh of Eglintoun, knight, or any of his
heirs to re-enter to the office of Bailie of Cunyngham, notwithstanding
another then ministered in the office through Sir Hugh's sufferance and
consent. Given at Renfrew 30 May 1370. (5) Grant by the said
Robert, Steward of Scotland, to his beloved brother Sir Hugh of Eglin-
toun, knight, lord of that ilk, and his heirs, of the offices of Bailie of the
barony of Cunyngham, and Chamberlain of the burgh of Irvine, with
power to hold courts, punish transgressors, levy fiues, appoint substi-
tutes, etc. (6) Grant by King James Second, as Steward of Scotland, to
Alexander of Montgomery, eldest son of Alexander Lord Montgomery,
of the office of Bailie of the barony of Cunynghame, which had no fee
attached to it and which had been resigned by the said Alexander in the
hands of the King as Steward ; To be held of the King as Steward of
Scotland for service used and wront. Given under the privy seal at
Stirling 31st January 1448. (7) Indenture between Sir John of
Mungumry, Lord of Ardrossan, and Sir Robert of Conyngham Lord
of Kilmaurs, whereby the latter "is oblist to wed Anny of Mungumry,
the dochtyr of Schir Jone of Mungumry, and to gyfe to the said Anny
joyntfeftment of tuenty markis worth of his Mudir landis (? mother's
lands) ; and gife it hapynnys the said Schir Robert and Anny hafand
sonnys of lyfe, the joyntfeftment beande of na walwe." Sir John is
bound to give Sir Robert for the marriage, three hundred merks and
forty pounds, to be paid by yearly sums of forty pounds from the lands
of Estwode and Loychlebokside : " Als it is acordit at the said Schir
Robert sal joyse and browk the Balzery of Conyngham, with al the
profytis pertenande til it, for the terme of his lyfe ; and the said Schir
Robert is oblist at he sal nocht mak na ger mak the said Balzery sekirar
til him, na til his ayris, in to the mentyme na he was in to the entra of
the Balzery ; the said Schir Jone of Mungumry and his ayris hafand
recourse to the said Balzery eftir the dede of the said Schir Robert, in
the samyn forme and effect as it was in the tyme of the makyng of thir
euidentys : Als, because of kynrend thar behufys to be a purchas ;
and gife it may be gotyn in Scotlande, the said Schir Jone of Mun-
gumry sal pay tharfor, and gife it be outwyth, it sal be gotyn on bath
thair costys : And gyfe it hapynnys the said Schir Jone of Mungumry
nocht to ga in hostage for the Kyng he sal hald the said Anny his
dochtir, and a damysale with hir, and ischir Robertis resonabyl repayr,
for twa zer in met and drynk, and buch of court, with sex horssis
fyndjngat the liking of the said Schir Robert ; and gife he gais in
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 11
hostage, the said Schir Kobert sal se for his wyfe hymself .'* It is further Right Hon.
agreed that Sir Robert shall not enter to the said Bailiary till he and Bglinton.
Anny be married, and also that if he or Anny die before being married —
he or his heirs shall restore what he has taken up of the said marriage,
to Sir John or his heirs. Irvine 16 June 1425. (8) Discharge by
Kobert of Conygham, knight, Lord of Kilmawris, acknowledging himself
to have received from Alexander Mungumry Lord of Ardrossan the
sum of 300 marks and forty pounds on account of the marriage of
" Angnes of Mungumry his sister " as agreed upon between Sir John of
Mungumry and the said Robert, who fully discharges the said sum.
Dated at Fynlawston 20 February 1432. [The transumpt was made at
the church of St. Giles of Edinburgh in presence of Masters Thomas
Mowngumry, rector of Eglishame, David Boys, John Fingud, preben-
daries of the said church, and others.]
17. Charter by Alan Stewart, Lord of Dernle, confirming a Charter
of entail made by Sir Herbert Herys, knight, lord of Traregillis to
Robert of Dalzelle of Bracanryg and to his heirs male, lawfully born or
to be born betwixt him and Agnes of Hamilton his spouse ; whom
failing, to his lawful heirs male of his body, whomsoever ; whom failing,
to his lawful heirs male of his own name, Dalzele ; whom failing to his
lawful heirs whomsoever : of the lands of Carngulane, with pertinents
lying in the barony of Torboltoun in the shire of Ayr. Confirmed at
Cruxtowne 18 November 1437.
18. Indenture between Alexander Mongomry, knight, Lord of
Ardrossan on one part and Alan Stewart Lord of Dernle, on the other
part, agreeing that John Stewart, son and heir to Alan Stewart, " sail
haff to 'wyff and in mariage tak Mergaret off Mongomry, the eldast
dochter that is to mary off the fbrsayd Lord of Ardrossane; and
geff it hapynys, as Grod f orbed, the forsayd sone or dochter to dysses,
the next son off the forsayd Alan sail mary this forsad Mergaret, and
falzand off hyr the next dochter off the forsayd Alexander ; and sa
furth, geff it falzes off ane or off ma, quhyll ay thy r off thaim has
dochteris or sonny s, quhyll the forsayd matrimonie be fully ly complet
and endyt, as is forgpokyn : " for which marriage Alexander should
pay to Alan six hundred merks Scots to be repaid if it should not take
place : Also it is agreed that Alan should give in conjunct infeftment
the lands of Dregarn and Dromley, said lands remaining with Alan till
the completion of the marriage : " Item it is ordanyt and appoyntyt that
the forsayd Jhone Stewart, sone to the forsayd Alane, sail be reducyt
and brocht hame to Crukistone and to Ardrossane, to cum and repayr
at the wyll of the forsayd lordys : Item it is acordyt that geff it
hapynis, God wylland, the forsayd Alan to recouer the Erldome off
the Leuenax in all or in part, be quhatsumeuer maner off way, law,
trety or composicione, the forsayd Alexander sail geff proporcionaly
at termis and yheris as is befor wrytyn, als mikyll as the aid astent is
in propirte in a yher, for outyn frawd or gyle, or ony cauillacion and the
forsayd Alan, thir landys recoverit, sail geff in joynt feftment to the
forsayd Jhon and Mergaret, or to ony off tha partys the quhilk God for-
tunys to cum togeder be matrimone, ane hundreth marcis in connabyll
place, countand the fourty marcis off Dregarn and Dromley in this
hundreth marcis, sa that the hale, geff the recouere off the Leuenax
hapynys, off joyntfeftment sail be ane hundreth marcis as is befor
wryttin ; the forsayd Alan joysand the forsayd land quhyll the
matrimone be complet : Item it is acordyt that the forsayd Alexander
sail find his dochter for fyff yher with the repayr off hyr husband and
hys famil, that is to say sex hors; the forsayd sone and dochter
12 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Rtght Hon. remanand with thair forsayd faderis quhill the matrimone be complet :
Eglinton. Item it is acordyt that als sone as the forsayd sone and
doehter is off lachfull eld that (thai) may be maryd off the comone
law, thai sail be maryt, God wylland, for outyn frawd or gyle or ony
eauillacion." The contract was executed in duplicate, the parties also
swearing on " the mes buk," to observe its terms. Dated at Houstoun
15 May 1438 : Witnesses, " Jhone Sympyll Lord off Elyotstone, Schyr
Robert Sympyll, Knycht, Schyrraff off Renfrew, Jhone of Colquhon
Lord off Lus, Wilzam off Cunyngham, Lard off Glengurnac, Patryk off
Houston Lord off that ilk, Jhone of Lindsay, Lard off Dunrod, Thorn
off Park off that ylk, Jhone Locart off the Bar, and Jhon Sympyll off
Fowlwod with othyr mony."
19. Charter by John Lokhert, Lord of Barr, with consent of Robert
Lokhert his son and heir of an annual rent of five merks from the lands
of Barr and ISTeutouu, in the bailiery of Waltyris Kyle and shire of Ayr,
to a chaplain for celebrating three masses in Holy Week, yearly, at the
altar of St. Peter in the parish church of Ardrossane, for the souls of
the granter, his wife, children, predecessors and successors, and all
Christians : binding the granter or his heirs, etc., if he or they should
contravene this deed to pay 100/. Scots in name of penalty to the dean
and chapter of Glasgow, with 100/. to the work of St. Mungo, and 100/.
to the chaplain performing the said service for the time : further con-
stituting and ordaining Sir Alexander of Mungumry, knight, Lord of
Ardrossan, and William of Conynghame, Lord of Glengernok, as pro-
curators with power in case of not payment to the chaplain, to seize
the grant er's goods and convert them for payment of said chaplain.
Sealed with the seals of the granter and of his Lord of Ardrossan, Sir
Alexander of Mungumery, knight, at Ardrossan, 12 March 1438 :
Witnesses, John Cambell and John Kennady, knights, Lords of Low-
dounhyll and Blarchan, Alexander of Mungumry, son and heir of the
Lord of Ardrossan, William of Conyngham, Lord of Glengernok.
20. Charter by James of Crag, son and heir of the deceased John
of Crag, Lord of that ilk, to Richard Donaldsoun, son and heir of
the deceased John Donaldsoun, of the Temple lands lying in the
lordship of Eglishame and regality of Ranfrew : To be held from the
granter and his heirs, of the lord superior thereof, for services used
and wont : binding the same James and his heirs, etc., if they should
attempt to contravene this Charter, to pay 100 marks Scots in name of
penalty, to be applied to the building of the Church of St. Kentigern of
Glasgow ; and to the said Richard or his heirs, 100/. Scots in name of
damages, etc. Dated at the Nether Crag 10th April 1450 : Witnesses,
Alexander Lindyssay son and heir of John Lyndissay of Dunrod, Sir
William Machame, vicar of Eglisham, William Ker bailie of Eglisham.
This Charter of Temple-lands was confirmed by Friar [Frater] Henry
of Leuyngstown Knight Commendator of the Hospital of the Order of
St. John of Jerusalem, at Torfichin 26 October 1454 : Witnesses, Friar
Heliseus Lany, presbyter of said Order, Master William of Akinhede,
vicar of Torfichin, and Gawan of Levington, squire.
21. Charter by King James Second to Alexander Lord Montegomery
and Margaret his spouse, granting to them the land of Roberstoune lying
in the bailiery of Cunynghame and shire of Ayr, with the service of all
the free tenants dwelling on the said land ; which land, etc., had been
resigned by Alexander in the King's hands at Perth; To be held by the
grantees and their lawful heirs ; whom failing by the nearest heirs
whomsoever of Alexander, of the King and his heirs, &c, for services
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 13
used and wont. Given under the Great Seal at Perth 16th September Right Hox.
1453. [This Charter is not recorded in the Register of the Great Seal, eglSton.
as now extant.]
22. Discharge by Robert Crawfurde of Achinhamis and Archibald
Crawfurde of Pryveke, acknowledging themselves to have received from
William Ker, Laird of Kersland, 100 marks Scots, in dowry '* for all
and hall the sovme acht till ws be the said Vilzam for the marriage off
oure cusynge Archibalde Huntar Larde of Ardneill, pertenande till ws,
the quhilk forsuth marlage we sellyt and gaffe to the saide Vilzame Ker,
to his dochtir Mergarete Ker/' which sum of 100 marks is therefore
fully discharged. Dated at Achinhamys 14th June 1462.
23. Obligation by Dauid Leddayle, son and heir to Jhon of Liddail
of Lochttillo to Schir Vilzham of Mungumbry of Giffin whereby David
binds himself, his heirs, executors, and assignees in the event of him
or them disturbing Sir William or his heirs in the possession of the
lands of the Bar and six merks' worth of Drumbuye, in the lordship of
the Braydstayn and shire of Ayr, to pay to the latter the sum of 300/.
Scots because of true debt and 40/. in name of costs, damages and
expenses, from the rents of the said David's lands of Lochttillo ; the said
sums to be paid in the parish church of Irvine within 40 days after any
molestation given to Sir William by the granter or his heirs, or by
William of Liddail's wife for terce, or otherwise. The granter appends
his father's seal at Edinburgh 3 November 1465 : Witnesses, Alexander
Lord Montgomery, William Fergussil of that ilk, Archibald Boyd,
brother-german to the Lord Boyd, and James of Mungumbry.
'24. Re tour made before Sir John Colquhoun of that ilk, knight, the
King's Comptroller, and Master David Guthre of Kincaldrum, the King's
treasurer, sheriifs of Ayr specially constituted, of the service of Alexander
of Montgummery as heir to his father Alexander of Montgummery, in
the office of bailie of the barony of Conyngham, within the shire of
Ayr : held of the King as Steward of Scotland, for the service per-
taining to the office of bailie, in name of blench-farm. Inquest made
at Linlithgow 17th June 1466, by the following assize. Sir John of
Achinlek of that ilk, knight, Sir John Chaumer of Gaytgard, knight,
Robert of Crauford of Achynnamys, John Coluil, John Schaw, Quintin
Mure, David Campbell, Hugh Campbell, Edward of Coningham, George
Mure, David Wallace, George Stewart, William of Achinlek, John of
Hamilton, and George of Foulartone.
25. Notarial instrument narrating that John Chawmer of Gadgyrtht,
knight, procurator of William Cunygam of G lengernok, appeared before
King James Third, and in due form resigned into bis Majesty's hands
the lands of Bolgaris, extending to 10/. (Scots) yearly; the two
Kilfassachis, extending yearly to ten merks ; and Ballandallach,
extending yearly to five merks ; lying in the earldom of Lennox
within the sheriffdom of Stirling : which resignation being made, the
King as Superior, according to the tenor of a charter to be granted
thereupon, gave the said lands to Umfrid Cunygam, grandson and heir
apparent of the said William, and to Elisabeth of Edmonstone, Umfrid's
spouse, to the survivor of them two and their children born and to be
born ; whom failing to the lawful heirs whomsoever of the said William
Cunygam of Glengernok. These things were done at Edinburgh in
the King's chamber in the castle, 21 July 1467.
26. Charter by Hugh of Montgumry of Thorntoun granting to
Marjory (Mariota) Flemyng and John of Montgumry his first born
14 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. son and apparent heir, and to the survivor of them two, in conjunct fee,
PONTON, by reason of marriage and matrimony to be completed betwixt them,
the whole lands of Ovyr Thorntoun in the lordship of Thorntoun and
sheriffdom of Renfrew : To be held by the grantees and their heirs male;
whom failing, by the nearest lawful heirs whomsoever of the granter,
of the granter and his heirs in fee and heritage for the payment of one
silver penny at Pentecost, in name of blench farm, if asked only. Dated
at Thorntoun 22 November 1468 : Witnesses, Sir Alexander Hume of
that ilk, knight, Alexander Hume his heir apparent, Sir Archibald of
Hamilton of Innerwick, knight, Patrick Home, David of Edyngton,
and Sir William Bel, rector of Upsettlington.
27. Notarial instrument narrating that in presence of the notary and
witnesses, Dame Jonet Houstoun, relict of the late William Montegomori
of Gyffin, knight, before the 15th day after his death as she asserted,
recalled, quashed and annulled all gifts, alienations, leases, obligations
and assignations, of the lands formerly hers, of annual rents and of farm
rents, made to any persons by her husband the said late William
Montegomori of Giffyn, knight, during the time the said Jonet was
under the coverture of her husband ; and specially of the lands of
Wrechthill made to Robert Montegomori his eldest son and his spouse,
for a year: Protesting solemnly that such donations, alienations, etc.,
made at the time above mentioned and relating to her interests to the
extent of her lawful terce and conjunct infeftment by reason of marriage,
should not now tend to her prejudice. Done at the burgh of Irvine in
the small workshop (opella) of William Stoupishill burgess of said burgh :
Witnesses, the said Robert Montegomeri, William Stoupishill, William
Petcon, Sir Patrick, curate of Beith, William Conallson, and John Barr.
28. Charter by John (Stewart) Earl of Leuenax dated 2nd April
1475 at Renfrew, confirming a charter by Adam of Conyngham, lord of
Caprontoun and of Colisfield, granting to his uncle Alexander Conyng-
ham of Mureth [said also to be "the first of Akett"] the whole lands
of Colisfield, in the barony of Torboltoun, sheriffdom of Ayr : To be
held by Alexander and his heirs-male (whom failing, the lands to revert
to the granter) of Adam and his heirs, for ward and relief, etc. Dated
at Renfrew 1st April 1475 : Witnesses, Robert Lord Lyle, Adam Wallace
of Crago, William Parke of that ilk, Gilbert Lyndsay of Glenmor, and
Robert Wallace.
29. Charter by William Davidson of Snodgers (Snodgrass) granting
to William Arthurle, Doctor of Decrees and vicar of Kylbyrne, the
granter's whole lands of Snodgers, lying near the water of Gernok in
the sheriffdom of Ayr and lordship of Conigham : To be held of the
Steward of Scotland and his successors for rendering one rose at the
feast of St. John the Baptist (24th June) on the soil of the lands, in
name of blench farm. Reserving under certain conditions the liferent
use of half the said lands to William Davidson and Helen his spouse.
Dated at Glasgow 1st April 1477, Master Henry Newton, A.M., John
Gray, David Burntoun, presbyters, James Crawfurd elder son of Archi-
bald Crawfurde of Monksland, squire, John Quhite, and Robert Arthurle,
burgess of Glasgow, witnesses.
30. Charter by John (Stewart) Earl of Leuenax, Lord Dernle and of
the barony of Torboltoun, granting to Adam Cwnyngam of Caprontoun
for his services, the lands of Colisfield lying in the barony of Torboltoun
and sheriffdom of Ayr : To be held by Adam and his heirs of the granter
and his heirs, for rendering one penny Scots, on the soil of the lands at
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 15
the feast of Trinity, if asked. Dated at the castle of Crukistoun 21 ^eS^*
March 1477 : Witnesses, Adam Wales of Cragow, David Blare of Adam- Eglinton.
toun, Kobert Stewart the granter's brother, John Stewart the granter's
son, Alexander Cwnighame of Mwreth, Master John Blare, vicar of
Maboile, notary public, and Robert Wales.
31. Letters by Alexander (first) Lord Home, narrating that as his son
Thomas Home, " is in state of the fee " of the lands of Casteltoune,
Kirkwode, Creoblare, Makbehill, Galoberis, Langschaws and White Leys,
lying in the lordship of Stewartoun in the shire of Ayr ; he therefore
gives to the said Thomas the " frank-tenement " of said lands, during the
granter's life. Dated at Dunglas, 13th April 1478 : Witnesses, Sir
Archibald of Hamilton, Laird of Innerwick, Alexander of Cokborne,
son and apparent heir to the Laird of Langton, John of Muntgomery,
Laird of Thornton, Robyn Androson of Kello, Sir James Flemyng, parson
of Chyrnsyde, Sir Alexander Beukles, parson of Polwort, and Sir John
Stevynson, chaplain. This grant was publicly read by a notary on the
ground of the said lands in the place which is called Galowbery, on
the second of May 1478 : Witnesses, William Valace of Cragyne, knight,
John Wallace son and heir apparent of said William, Master John
Wallace brother of Sir William, Robert Mungumry of Bradstan, Con-
stant neDunlop of that ilk, John Arnot, Arthur Boyde, Andrew Dunlop,
and William Rudepetht.
32. Notarial instrument narrating that on the date hereof, Sir James
Flemyng, rector of Chernsyde, procurator of Alexander Lord the Home
and of Dame Margaret his spouse passed to certain places called the
Galovberyis, in the lordship of Stewartoun and sheriffdom of Ayr, and
there upon the ground of the said lands of Galovberyis he received from
the tenants forty -eight cows with calf (vaccas fetas) : Upon receiving
which, the said procurator by special mandate of Lord Home and his
wife, delivered and assigned the cows to a noble gentleman (nobili
armigero) Thomas Home, son natural of the said Lord Alexander and
Dame Margaret. Done on the soil of the said lands, 2nd May 1478 :
Witnesses, Robert Mungumry of Bradstane and others as in previous
writ.
33. Procuratory of Resignation by Alexander Lord Home to Sir
John Stewart Lord of Dernlye, George Maxvell of Karnsalouch, John
Tourys son and apparent heir of William Tourys of Innerleth, George
Tourys and Thomas Zhar (Yair) burgesses of Edinburgh, for resigning
in the hands of King James Third as tutor and governor of his eldest
son James Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, Lord of Cunynghame,
Stewart of Scotland, etc., the lands of Langschawis, Cassyltone, Galov-
berys, Quhytleyis, Robertland, Chreoblare, Kirkwod, and Makbehill, in
the lordship of Stewartone and shire of Ayr ; which were held by Alex-
ander of the Duke as Steward of Scotland, so that the King, as tutor, etc.
might dispone them at his pleasure. Dated at Dunglas, 31 May 1479:
Witnesses, Sir James Flemyng, rector of Chyrnsyde, etc.
34. Charter by Hugh Lord Mwntgumri and Giffyng to Alexander
Mwntgumry son and apparent heir of Robert Mwntgumry of Giffyng,
and Jonet of Dunlop his spouse, of the five merk lands, of old extent, of
Bar lying in the lordship of Giffyng in the bailiary of Cowynghame,
which lands had been resigned by the said Robert : To be held by Alex-
ander and Jonet in conjunct fee, and their lawful heirs male ; whom
failing, by Robert and his true lawful and nearest heirs male whomso-
ever, tor the services used and wont. Dated at the lands of Bar 29th
16 HISTOKICAL MANUSC1UPTS COMMISSION.
^Eabl'of1*' August 1483 : Witnesses, John Mungumry son and heir of Lord Mun-
Eglinton. gumry, Robert Mungumry lord of Giffyne, Master George Mungumry,
rector of Egilsam, Master Constantine Mungumry, Master William
Spreull, Sir Thomas Petcon, chaplain.
35. Instrument narrating that George Campbell of Lowdon, knight,
Sheriff of Ayr, by virtue of a brieve of sasine from the Chancery of
King James Third as tutor and governor of his eldest son James Duke
of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, etc. in favour of Hugh Montegomori,
knight, great-grandson and heir of Alexander (first) Lord Montegomeri
passed first to the lands and lordship of Robertoun, then to the lands and
lordship of Eglintoun, thereafter to the lands and lordship of Ardrossan,
and to Seilcrag island and to the lands of Monfoid, afterwards to the sea
shore of East Saltcottis, then to tenandries of the lordship of Ardrossan
not lying contiguous, namely the 20 merk lands of Carrisland, the 5
pound lands of Badlen, and the 10/. lands of Skelmurlie : and there the
said sheriff gave sasine of the said lands and lordships with their fortalices
and of Seilcrag island with a stone of white wax yearly from the lands
of Monfoid, and the fishery of East Saltcottis, to the said Sir Hugh of
Montegomori, knight : Done on the lands, between 6 a.m. and 4 p.m. :
Witnesses, Robert Boyd, lord (of) Portincors, John Campbell, son of the
said Sheriff, Andrew Lockhart, eldest son of dames Lokhert of Bar,
David Campbell of Clongawe, Murthac Nesbit, William Campbel and
Andrew Campbell of Hevidis. 5th June 1484.
36. Instrument of Revocation by Hugh Lord Montgumry, of all
grants, donations, confirmations of lands and obligations given under his
seal or sign manual to whatsoever persons during his minority ; and
especially of the charters, letters, and evidents granted to the deceased
Hugh Montgumry his foster father. Dated at the Castle of Ardrossan
11th October 1484 : Witnesses, Hugh Peticru, vicar of Dalmelintoun,
William Ricartoun, presbyter, and William Lekpreuik, squire, eldest son
and apparent heir of the Laird of Lekpreuik.
37. Letter of Remission by King James Fourth, whereby, for the good
and grateful service done to the King by Hugh Lord of Montgumry,
and especially in the camp near Stirling on the day of St. Barnabas
(11 June) last by past, his Majesty remitted all action against Hugh for
the destruction and pulling down of the place or house of Turnelaw (sic
but ? Kerrielaw) and for other offences committed by him previous to
the 29th August then last, being the date of the royal proclamation
made at Lanark relative to the granting of remissions. Given under
the Great Seal at Edinburgh 14th October 1488.
38. Letter of Reversion by Robert Abernethy, Rector of the Church
of St. Mary of Rothesay, to his friend Ninian Cochrane of Leys and
Askok of all his land and acres lying within the burgh and territory of
Rothsay ; to be redeemed by payment to the granter or his executors
after due warning, of the sum of 40 merks Scots, with 10 merks for the
buildings erected on the lands, upon the great altar of the parish church
of Rothsay : with this condition added that the said Master Robert his
executors or assignees, for the King's farms should possess the said hinds
and acres from the said Ninian his heirs or assignees for three years
immediately following the payment of said sum ; and that if Robert
or his heirs etc. should absent themselves from the receipt of said money,
Ninian his heirs or assignees, should have free entry to the said lands
without any payment to the said Robert, who shall lose the moneys.
Dated 9th December 1490. The granter in lieu of his own seal append.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 17
that of Ninian Banachtyn of Kamys : Witnesses, Mr. John Schaw, vicar Right Hon.
of the Church of St. Marie in Rothsay, Andrew Bannachtyne, William eglibttok.
Cambaell, Duncan Spens, Henry Henryson : and for greater security, — •"
the common seal of the burgh of Rothsay, is also appended, John Spens,
John Glais, Fynlay Wricht, John McFerson, Donald Alisone, Gillecrist
McYntyr, Gillecrist Gowyne, burgesses of said burgh, witnesses.
39. Instrument of Sasine given propriis manibus by Ninian Cocherane
of Lee to Mr. Robert Abernethy, rector of the Church of St. Mary in
Rothsay, of a croft of land near the Cross of the mid way (medie vie)
called Cross McGibbon, on the west side of the road : Robert first
giving to Ninian a charter of reversion of the said croft. Done near the
said Cross McGibbon 10th December 1490 : Witnesses, Robert Steward
chamberlain of Bute, and others, burgesses of Rothsay.
40. Instrument of Sasine given by Patrick Culquhoune, constable of
the castle of Rothsay in Bute as bailie of Kinian Cocherene Lord of Lee
and Ascog, to William Cocheren in Kirton and his spouse Margret
Sympile, of Ninian's twenty nine shilling land of old extent lying on the
north side of Ascok. Done 30th July 1497: Witnesses, Macolm Mak-
carmyt, bailie, for the time, of the town of Rothsay, William Inglis,
John Reide, Thomas Oyr, John Oyr, and James Blackburne.
41. Retour made before Hugh Campbell of Lowdone, sheriff of Ayr,
by Hugh Lord Montgomory, John Lord Cathkert, John Lord Symple,
John Valles of Cragy, Sir William Coluile of Vchiltre, knight, Sir David
Kennydy, bailie of Carrick, knight, Sir Umfrid Cunyngham of Glenger-
nok, knight, Thomas Kennydy of Barganie, John Blare of that ilk,
Robert Montgomory of Giffin, Matthew Vallas of Crago, Macolm Crau-
furd of Grenok, Alan Cathkert of Carltown, Hugh Valles of Smethis-
toun, William Schaw e of Polkemmet, James Campbel of Bronesyde, and
John Kennidy of Knockreach, of the service of Adam Cunyngham of
Caprontoun, as heir of his father the late Adam Cunyngham of Capron-
toun, in the lands of Velchtoun, Garngulane, Colisfield, Vallesbank and
Mill of Enterkin, lying in Kilesteuart, within the shire of Ayr ; also
of Caprontoun and Brokalmure in Kilestewart ; of Badlane and Brod-
okle in the bailiary of Cunyngham and shire of Ayr ; and of Rynnistoun
within the territory of the burgh of Ayr. Also of the office called the
Cronarisschipe of Kile Regis, Kile Steuart, and Cunyngham. Which
lands of Velchtoune, Garngulane, and Colisfield were then, and also in
time of peace valued at fifty-four merks, Caprontoun and Brokalmyre
at sixty merks, Badlane and Brodokle at six merks, Rynnistoun at two
merks: Velchtoune, Garngulane, Vallesbank, and mill of Enterkin.
being held of the Baron of Tarboltoun by ward and relief, and a com-
mon suit at the principal messuage of Tarboltoun. Colisfield being held
of the same Baron in blench farm for payment of a penny : Caprontoun
held of the King as Steward of Scotland by ward and relief and a com-
mon suit in the Court of Prestwick ; Badlane and Brodokle of the
King in blench farm : Rynnistoun held of the King in burgage, and
the Cronarisschipe for use and wont. Ayr, 3rd October 1497.
42. Contract between Hew Lord of Mungumbre on one part and Sir
Archibald Edmonston of Dunthret (Duntreath) on the other part, as
follows ; that John of Mungumbre, son and apparent heir to the said
Lord Montgomery, shall marry Besse Edmonstwn, daughter to Sir Archi-
bald, and failing either John or Besse by decease or dissent, " the said
Lord byndis his second sone and falzeand of the second, the third, and
falzeand of the therd, the ferd; and inlikwiz falzeand of the said
a 84067. B
18 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Ho>\ Besse, Kateren, and falzeand of Kateren, Mergaret, and falzeand of
Egxinton. Mergaret, Ellen." For which marriage Sir Archibald binds himself to
pay to Lord Montgomery ],300 merks Scots, the latter binding himself
to give conjunct infeftment conform to the tocher, at tfoe sight of the
Earl of Argyle, the Earl of Lennox, " my lord of Pasley," and Lord
Boss of the Halkhead : the parties to pay equally the costs of a dispen-
sation or infeftment. Two thousand merks of penalty is attached to
failure in observing the contract. Dated at Stirling 1st June 1498 :
Witnesses, William Lord Grame, John Lord Maillweill, Sir David
Kennete (Kennedy), knight, John of Mungumbre of the Syid, James
Mungumbre, brother to Lord Mungumbre, and James Edmonstwn.
43. Charter by King James Fourth to Hugh Lord Montgomery of
the Bailiery of Cunynghame and Chamberlainry of the burgh of Irvine :
To be held by Hugh and his heirs of the King and his successors as
Stewards of Scotland, for payment of the rights, services and dues
used and wont of the said offices, according to the tenor of the ancient
charters thereof: with power to Lord Montgomery and his heirs to hold
courts of Bailiery and Chamberlainry with other full powers. Given
under the Great Seal at Edinburgh 4 June 1498. Following on this
Charter the King issued letters dated 6th June to his subjects in the
bailiery of Cuningham and burgh of Irvine commanding them to obey
Lord Montgomery : and on 4th July 1498, at the new royal castle of
Lochinkerane in Kintyre, the kingpropriis manibus gave sasine to Lord
Montgomery of the said offices, in presence of the Earl of Lennox,
Alexander Lord Home, great Chamberlain of Scotland, Andrew Forman,
protonotary, Prior of Pettinveyme, John Tyri, provost of Methven,
Andrew Makbrek, canon of Dunkeld, royal chaplain, Henry Wod, dean
of Restalrig, Cuthbert Baize, clerk : also William Edmannistone, son
and apparent heir of Archibald Edmannistone of Duntretht, Andrew
Wod of Blareton, janitor of the royal chamber, Walter Buchquhannan
of that ilk, James Edmannistone of Polmayis, William Spyshons and
Alexander Fokert.
44. Letters by George Earl of Huntly, Justice General of Scotland
south of the Forth, attesting that in a Justiciary Court held at the burgh
of Ayr on Saturday 9th March 1498, Robert Mungumry of Giiiin,
accused of the slaughter of the late Martin Makcachne, in the town of
Irvine, done of forethought felony in company with Lord Mungumry,
denied the accusation and was acquitted by an assize : Moreover that
the said Robert accused of theft of a " cellat " (head piece) and of other
things, to the value of 10 merks, from the servitors of the Lord of
Kilmaurs, submitted to the Justice General's will, and for the same,
satisfied finally in judgment : of which notice is given to all interested.
45. Reversion by John Blar of that ilk binding himself to resign to
Hew Lord Montgomery the lands of Drummoster and Holmbyre, lying
within the barony of Ardrossan and shire of Ayr, on payment of 500
merks as tocher for the marriage of Helen Montgomery, daughter of
Lord Montgomery, and John Blar, son and heir of the granter; the said
lands having been disponed in security of the said sum. Dated at the
Blair 15th November 1500.
46. Discharge by David Betoun, servant to the King, acknowledging
receipt from Hew Lord Montgumery of the sum of 100 merks Scots in
complete payment of 500 merks, as composition for certain persons
convicted of the theft of " ane collar and ane sword " at the Court of
Justiciary held at Ayr. Edinburgh 5th May 1501.
HISTORICAL M .NU SCRIPTS COMMISSION. 19
47. Decreet Arbitral pronounced by Hugh Lord Montgumry as Right Hoy,
arbiter between Alexander Montgumry, son and heir of the deceased Eolintoit.
Robert Montgumry of Giffin, and Margaret Blayr, spouse to Robert, —
ordaining her to have for terce the lands of the Wrychthill lying in King's
Kyle within the shire of Ayr ; 25s. of annual rent from the lands of
Drumdou within the said shire ; 25 acres of land lying within the burgh
of Linlithgow, and the annual rents within the said burgh pertaining to
the deceased Robert, in full contentment of all her rights including the
terce that may fall to her by the death of Jonet Houstoun, mother to the
said Robert and lady of the first third cf the lands of Giffin ; the move-
able goods to be divided equally betwixt the children of the said Robert's
first wife, and Margaret's children. Given at Irvine 22 November
1501 : Witnesses, Peter Houstoun of that ilk, knight, Constantine
Dunlop of that ilk, John Blayr of Adarntoun, George Montgumry,
parson of Egilsham, &c,
48* Retour made before Hugh Lord Montgomery, superior of GifHn,
by John Montgumry of Corscrag, knight, John Blar of that ilk, Alex-
ander Montgumry of Bradstan, Robert Ker of Kersland, Thomas Boyl
of Risholme, Alexander Petcon of that ilk, Andrew Craufurd of Badlane,
Alexander Hamilton of Comsket, Alexander of Cauldwell of that ilk,
William Ros of Mungrenan, Gilbert Dunlop of Hawpland, John and
James Montgomery, brothers german of Lord Montgomery, of the service
of Alexander Montgumry as heir of his father Robert Montgumry of
Giffin in the lands of Giffin, Knokintyr, Knokinlyne, and 50 shillings of
annual rent from the lands of Drumdow, all lying in the shire of Ayr;
also 25 acres of the lands of Poldrat, in the territory and shire of
Linlithgow, etc. which lands and others were then valued at 135 merks
and in time of peace at 43 merks, and were held of Lord Montgomery
for ward and relief &c. Dated at Grey in Giffin 26 November 1501.
49. Discharge by Constantyn Montgumerye, brother german to Alex-
ander Montgumerye of Gyffen, acknowledging the receipt from his
brother of 10/. Scots, in full contentment of his bairn's part of goods
falling to him through the death of his father and mother. Dated 23
December 1502 : Witnesses, Thorn of Montgumery, brother to the said
Alexander, Thorn of Relstoun, John Comine, and J ok Hommyl.
50. Discharge by Ninian Cochran to Lord Montgomery, of the sum
of 10/. Scots, as the last instalment of 260 merks owing by his lordship
for the granter's lands in Bute. Dated at Glasgow 8 December 1 505 :
Witnesses, Mr. Archibald Craufurd, vicar of Erskyn, and others.
51. Notarial Instrument narrating that Ninian Steuart, sheriff of
Bute, being personally upon the ground of the lands of Giffin, there of
his own will, promised to give and pay to the daughters born betwixt
Alexander Mungumre, late lord of Giffin, and Jonet Dunlop his relict,
100 merks Scots for the marriage of the children of Alexander and
Jonet, always and until the children marry ; that is, to each girl of the
said Alexander and Jonet, the sum of 100 merks, until each girl be
married, if no reasonable cause obstruct ; and at the sight of the said
Ninian Steuart, Constantine Dunlop of that ilk, William Dunlop and
Jonet Dunlop. Done on the lands of Giffin 29th June 1506 : Witnesses,
John Dunlop, son and apparent heir of Constantine Dunlop of that ilk,
John Calduell, Macolm Calduel, Mergaret Hommyl, and John Hommyl.
52. Instrument of requisition made by the attornies of Hugh Earl of
Eglintoun, against Robert Francis of Stane, for six chalders of meal and
b 2
20 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Biget Hon. six pounds of pepper, annual rent of the lands of Stane and Sanct Brid:s
Eglinton. Kirk, belonging to the Earl, not paid for three terms immediately pre-
—— ceding. The said Robert declared there would be controversies and
disputes between him and the Earl, until the question were decided
before the King and the Lords of the Council ; and he neither granted
nor refused the said quantity of meal and pepper. Done on the lands
of Sanct Bridis Kyrk : Witne?ses present, the said Robert Francis of
Stane, John Montgomery, brother german of the Earl, John Steyne,
John Rankyn, Nicholas Movyre, and David Kelso, scholar.
53. Letters under the signet of King James Fourth addressed to the
Bailie of Cunynghame and his deputies, narrating the petition of Jonefc
Dunlop, spouse of the late Alexander Montgomery of Giffin, that after
his death she was infeft in and enjoyed peaceably for two years, a
reasonable terce of the lands of Giffyn, the mill of" Heslait, with the
lands called the Third part ; nevertheless Margret Blair, stepmother to
the late Alexander, now vexes the said Jonet and hinders her in the up-
lifting of 11 bolls of meal due to her yearly from the mill of Heslait,
with 40 stones of cheese due from the Thirdpart : Commanding the
Bailie to call the parties before him and minister justice to them equally
in said matter, so that the petitioner may have no further reasonable
cause of complaint. Given at Edinburgh 17 January 1507
54. Indenture between Hugh first Earl of Eglinton on one side, and
Robert Francis of the Stane, on the other side, to the effect that William
Montgomery, son to the Earl, shall marry Elizabeth, daughter to Robert,
and failing William, Hugh Montgomery, also son to the Earl, shall marry
her, the marriage to take place within a year. Among other conditions
it is agreed that the Earl shall suffer Robert Francis during his life time
to uplift 4 chalders of meal and one pounl of pepper due to the Earl
yearly from the lands of Stane ; the Earl shall maintain the young married
couple during Robert's lifetime, the latter being obliged on certain con-
ditions to resign to them and their heirs the lands of Stane, reserving
a terce to his wife. •' And becaus the said Robert Francis has
ane vther dochter ane of the apperand airis to him, to the quhilk he
thinkis he wald gif gum pairt of contentatioun ; tharfor the said Erie
sail gif to the ?aid Robert Frances, ane hundreth merkis (Scots) to dis-
pone thairupon as he plesis for his conscience.'' Providing that if
Robert should have lawfull heirs male of his own body, they shall have
regress to the lands of Stane on certain special conditions." Signed in
duplicate, the present copy being signed by Robert Francis, at Edinburgh
20 January 1507 : Witnesses, Sir John Kennedy of Cowlane, knight,
Master Matho Ker, vicar of Petirculter, Master Thomas Frank, Andro
Lyne of that ilk, Thomas Fergusson, Constantyne Mungumry, and
Michael Machilcalloun. Seal : A mascle between three stars. Legend :
S. Roberti Francis.
55. Notarial Instrument narrating that on the date hereof in
presence of Mathew Campbell in Terrynzane, sheriff of Ayr, in
his court in the courthouse of Ayr, there appeared John Mont-
gomery, brother of Hugh Earl of* Eglinton, Bailie of Cuningham,
and John Montgomery, bailie of the burgh of Irvine, bailie depute of
Ctmingham, who requested in the first place, that Robert Boyman, John
Gardner, and John Galstone, dependants of the said bailie, accused of
stealing two oxen from Robert Lyndesay and Elizabeth Holmys residing
in Dreghorn Cuningham, and Caprington, should be repledged to the
court of the bailiary of Cuningham, because the alleged theft was com-
mitted within his jurisdiction of Cuningham ; which sheriff proceeded
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 21
to try the theft : Wherefore the bailies depute protested that this process R^ht Hon
should not prejudice the bailie of Cuningham or his privilege. Then Eglintojt
secondly, the said bailie of Irvine on behalf of his said dependants,
declared that the sheriff ought not to proceed in the said cause, because
his clients had seized the two oxen for fines due to the King from
Dreghorn Cuningham and Peirston Cuningham, and for which the
bailie of Cuningham himself had been exonered in exchequer and had
asked a term for the production thereof; wherefore the bailie depute
protested that nothing done in the accusation should prejudice his
clients. Done on 31 July 1509. Present John Schaw of Haly, David
Crawfurd of Kers, Robert Conigham of Conyhamheid, and Archibald
Maxwell. On the 7th February following the matter above referred to
was brought before the Privy Council and judgment wai given against
the Sheriff of Ayr and his assize for proceeding in the cause to the
prejudice of the Bailie Court of Cuningham.
56. Decree Arbitral by Andrew Bishop of Moray, Archibald (fifth)
Earl of Angus and otheiv, arbiters chosen between Cuthbert Earl of
Glencairn and Robert Cunynghame of Cunynghameheid on the one pari,
and Hew Earl of Egiintoun on the other part, with their respective
kinsmen and friends, in regard to all debates and controversies betwixt
the parties on any occasion before the 28th November last, and also as
arbiters between Lord Egiintoun and John his son, their friends etc. on
one side and William Cuningham of Cragans and William his son for
their interest, as to all disputes before the same date. The arbiters find
that the said Earl of Egiintoun has full and heritable right to the office
of bailiery of Cunynghame, and therefore he and his heirs shall peaceably
enjoy the same in time to come ; and also that the said Earl of Glen-
cairn and his son shall renounce all right he or his heirs have, to the
Earl of Egiintoun and his heirs, the latter paying to the former 600
inerks Scots : Further the arbiters adjudge the Earl of Egiintoun to
pay to William Cunynghame of Cragans and his son two hundred
merks, the Earl paying 150, the Bishop of Moray 20, the Earl of
Argyll 10, the Earl of Ca*sillis 10, and William Lord Borthwick paying
10 merks, to complete the sum : the Earl and his son doing such
honours as the arbiters think fit, to William Cunynghame, younger, for
amends for hurt and damage : the parties being enjoined that they
" sail hertfully forgiff vtheris all rancour and malice betuix thame," etc.
with other conditions the party breaking which shall pay 500 merks to
the church of Glasgow, 1,000/. Scots to the church of Moray, the same
sum to the King, and 2,000 merks Scots to the party observing the con-
tract. Decreet given at Edinburgh 12 January 1509. William Ros of
Montgrenan, Mr. John of Murray, Angus Herald, and William Haly
burton being witnesses. On 27th May following the Earl of Glencairn
and his son William, acknowledged receipt from the Earl of Egiintoun
of the sum of 400/, Scots, the sum adjudged in the decree. Receipt
dated at Montgrenan.
57. Notarial Instrument narrating that John Mowt-t, son and heir
apparent of John Mowet, Laird of Busby, as procurator for Hugh Earl
of Egiintoun, passed to the dwelling houses of Thomas Legat, burgess
of Irvine, and Thomas Boyd in Kilmarnok, and there after showing his
procuratory in a friendly manner, he required John Tempietoun, son
and heir apparent of Edward Teinpiltoun, Laird of Tourlands, and
Bartholomew Akinloss, Laird of that ilk, to deliver to him 100/. Scots,
with a. sufficient lease for three years of the said lands, according to a
reversion made thereupon by Robert Cuningham of Cuningham head ;
22 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. and because the said John Mo wet received neither the money nor the
Eglinton. lease he craved instruments. Done on the 9th February 1510.
58. Notarial Instrument, narrating that John Norum and John
Sluthman, formerly officers of the late Hugh Campbell of Loudoun,
Sheriff of Ayr, compeared before Andrew Lord Gray, Justice General
south of the Forth, and were judicially accused of the theftuous conceal-
ment of a sum of 10 merks Scots taken by them from the Laird of
Skelmurle and the Laird of Kelsoland for the composition of Thomas
Kelso, and belonging to the King. The accused confessed that they
had taken the said sum from the said Lairds and had given the same to
the said Sheriff of Ayr. On which the Laird of Skelmurle craved
instruments. Done in the burgh of Ayr, 31 October 1511 : Witnesses,
Archibald (fifth) Earl of Angus, Cuthbert Earl of Glencairn, and others.
59. Letter of Reversion by Andrew Crawfurd, of Bad lane, in favour
of Hugh Earl of Eglinton, etc., narrating that the Earl had sold to the
granter and his heirs eighteen shillings worth of land of old extent of
the lands of Drummostyr, extending now of new extent to 10 merks
Scots in victuals, the boll of meal giving 6s. Sd., the stone of cheese 2s.,
and the stirk 6s. Sd., lying in the sheriffdom of Ayr, bailiary of Cuning-
ham and barony of Ardrossan, for the sum of 200 merks Scots, given to
the granter in assithement of the slaughter of the late John of Crawfurd
his son, slain by William Blair, brother-german to John of Blair of that
ilk, John of Blair, brother bastard to the said John, William Kelso, and
Gawan Patrick : Nevertheless the granter binds himself on payment by
the Earl of the said sum of 200 merks, to resign the lands in the Earl's
favour. Dated at Eglinton 4th May 1512.
60. Charter by King James Fifth with consent of John Duke of
Albany as Governor, confirming to Hugh Earl of Eglintoun certain
donations and assignations of wards and marriages made by the Earl as
follows: to his daughter Isabella Montgomery of the ward and mar-
riage of Robert Montgomery, son and heir of the late Patrick Mont-
gomery of Gyffyn, or of any other heir of the said Patrick; to his
daughter Katherine Montgomery, of the ward and marriage of George
Montgomery, son and heir of the late Cuthbert Montgomery of Skel-
morlie ; also an assignation to her of the ward and marriage of
Alexander Fergushill, son and heir of the late Thomas Fergushill, and
of Robert Fergushill of that ilk ; to his daughter lawful, Jonet Mont-
gomery, a donation of the ward and marriage of John Ker, son and heir
of the late Robert Ker of Kersland ; also an assignation of the Earl's
natural daughter (bastarde filie sue naturali) Jonet Montgomery, of
the ward and marriage of the heir or heirs of Kellie : which wards of
the lands of Gyffyn, Skelmorlie, and Kersland, and marriages of their
heirs belong to the Earl as superior of the lands, while the wards of
Fergushill and Kellie belong to him through the gift of the late King.
Given under the Great Seal, 22 October 1515.
61. Letters by King James Fifth under the Privy Seal narrating :
" Forsamekle as we . . . ar sikerlie aduertist that the ile of Litill
Coineray, liand within oure baillery of Cunynghame and sheriffdom of
Ayr is waistit and distroyit be diuers personis that slais the dere and
eunyngis thaircf, and pasturis bestis thairintill maisterfullye be way of
dede, without licence of tollerance, or consent of Kobert Hunters of
Huntarestoun, forester of heretage of the said ile; the quhilk personis
the said Robert may nocht resist becaus he is nocht of substance nor
power without supple and help." The King therefore appoints Hugh
HISTOBICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION, 23
Earl of Eglinton and his assignees to act as " fearis correkaris and b-hhit Ho
supplearis " of the said isle, until the King's lawful age of fifteen years, Eglinton,
with full power to punish the persons occupying, wasting, and destroying —
" the said ile the wild bestis and grund of the samin ; " providing
further that if Robert Huntare of Huntarestoun holds or " imputs nolt,
cattail," etc., for wasting and destroying of the said isle "dere and
cunyngis being thairin," more] than his charter allows, the Earl shall
escheat the same to his own use, etc. Dated at Edinburgh, 28 October
1515.
62. Obligation by Colin Earl of Argyll, acknowledging himself to
have borrowed from his aunt "Elyn Countas of Eglintoun ane chenze
of gold contenit fif wnce and half wnce, and contenit in leinkis thre
scor and xii leinkis ; and ane siluer pece contenand sevin wnce and thre
quartaris of ane wnce, to lay in wed in our mister " [pledge in our need],
which piece and chain the Earl binds himself to restore before the next
I1 Fasternis Evin " without any claim. Dated at Edinburgh, 18 December
1515.
63. Indenture between John Earl of Lennox and Hugh Earl of
Eglinton, as follows : that Mathew, son and apparent heir of the Earl of
Lennox, shall marry Christian, eldest daughter of John Master of
Eglintoun ; and failing Mathew, the eldest son and heir of the Earl of
Lennox shall marry Christian Montgomery, and failing her, the next
daughter, and so forth, aye and while the Earl of Lennox has a son his
heir, and the said Master of Eglintoun a lawful daughter ; the Earl of
Eglintoun paying for the marriage 2,000 merks, to be applied to the
redemption of certain lands belonging to the Earl of Lennox, in which
the Earl of Eglintoun is to be infeft until the children are of lawful age.
The chief special condition of the contract is that there shall be a sure
bond of kindness made betwixt the two Earls and their friends against
all others excepting the King and Governor, the Bishop of Glasgow on
Lennox's part he being bailie, the Earl of Arran and the Abbot of
Kilwinning on Eglintoun's part, he being Bailie. Dated at Glasgow,
16th February 1519 : Witnesses, Sir Gavane Kenny de of Blairquhan,
knight, Master John Campbell of Thornton, treasurer, Patrick Hous-
toun of that ilk, Allan Steward of Cardonald, Master Robert Maxwell
of Torboltoun, and James Wallace of Crago.
64. Extract Decreet Arbitral pronounced by John Duke of Albany,
Governor of Scotland, James (Beaton) Archbishop of St. Andrews
Chancellor, Gavin (Dunbar) Bishop of Aberdeen, oversmen, with John
Lindesay of Petcruvy, knight, John Stirling of the Keir, knight,
arbiters chosen on the part of Cuthbert Earl of Glencairn and William
Master of Glencairn, on one side, Master John Campbell, Treasurer to
the King, and Thomas Corry of Kelwood, arbiters chosen on behalf of
Hugh Earl of Eglintoun, and Archibald his grandson Master of
Eglinton on the other side, to decide regarding slaughters and disputes
betwixt the parties in time bygone : The arbiters, in terms of a former
decreet, of date 22nd May 1517, decern that the Earl of Glencairn
and his son shall cause be given to the Earl of Eglintoun and his
grandson, the marriage of the Master of Glencairn's heir to be married
to the Master of Eglintoun's sister if the contract of marriage with the
Earl of Lennox be dissolved ; the Earl of Glencairn giving the lady
100/. Scots yearly in life rent, and infefting the Earl of Eglinton for
security of the marriage, in land worth 80 merks yearly. The parties
are to forgive each other all slaughters or displeasures committed on
each other : The rights of the chamberlainry and bailiery of Stewartoun,
24 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
^Babl^f*' mcmtlmg tne Temple hinds, are to remain with the Earl of Eglintoun ;
Egliktoit. the Earl of Glencairn is ordained to cease from troubling the Earl of
Eglintoun in the lands of Wrichthill, &c. As to the " spulzeis, heir-
schippis, damnagis and skaithis " done by the Earl of Glencairn and his
son to the Earl of Eglintoun and his friends, the former are adjudged to
pay 1,218/. 14s, 2d. Scots in full contentment of all such, excepting
certain " spulzeis." [Here follow a list of no fewer than 22 raids or
" spulzeis " made by the Cuninghams.] Provision is made for a deduc-
tion from this sum on account of numerous spulzies by the Montgomeries
and their friends; the sum actually to be paid amounting to 481/. Scots.
The parties are bound to observe the decree under a penalty of
3,000/. S30ts. Decree dated at Edinburgh, 13th and recorded 14th March
1523.
65. Charter by King James Fifth granting to Robert Huntar of
Hunterstown and his spouse Jonet Montgumry, and the longer liver of
them, in conjunct fee, etc., the whole island and lands of Little Cumray
lying within the river of Clyde ; which island and lands the said Robert
and his predecessors formerly held heritably in custody, of the King
and his predecessors, having for their keepership two chalders of oats
payable yearly from the rents of the island of Bute : To be held, the
said island by (he said Robert and Jonet and their lawful heirs male,
etc., in feufarm and heritage for a yearly rental of £3. 6s. Hd. Scots ;
with a discharge of the said two chalders of oats: the said Robert and
Jonet also building and keeping up a sufficient mansion house on the
said lands with hall, chamber, and other buildings. Given under the
Great Seal at Edinburgh, 31 May 1527.
66. Charter by King James Fifth in favour of Hugh first Earl of
Eglintoun narrating that it plainly appeared to the King and the Lords
of his Council that the Earl and his predecessors were hereditarily infeft
in the la? ds and others underwritten, held of the King and his pre-
decessors for ward and relief, namely the lands and barony of Ardrossane
extending to 180 merks of old extent; the 40 merk land of Eglinton ;
the lands of Snotgerss, Robertown, and Allhallow Chapell, all in Ayr-
shire ; the lands of Eagleshain with patronages, extending to 100 merks
of old extent, Eastwood and others in Renfrewshire ; Bonnington and
Pol ton in the shire of Edinburgh; and Lochransay in the island of
Arran ; and declaring that the aforesaid lands of Robertown and East-
wood belong to the said Earl aud Helen Campbell his spouse in con
junct infeft men t; also that it clearly appeared that the Earls principal
messuage and manor house of Eglintoun were lately burned and de-
stroyed by William Cunynghame, knight, and his accomplices, enemies
of the said Earl, together with his charters, instruments of sasine, in-
feftments and evidents of the said lands, which were kept in the said
manor house; and that his Majesty now declared and admitted the said
Earl as the immediate and legal holder from himself of all the foresaid
lands : To be held of the King and his successors hereditarily by the
service of ward and relief as if the burned writs still existed to show;
and that this present declaration and admission should be to the Earl
and his heirs a sufficient charter, sasine and infeftrnents of the foresaid
lands in all time coming. Given under the Great Seal at Edinburgh,
23 January 15?8.
67. Decreet Arbitral pronounced by Robert Bishop of Argyll, Master
James Houstoun, subdean of Glasgow, Colin Campbell of Ardkinglas,
James Colvill of Ochiltrie, Patrick Maxwell of Newark, and John Lock-
han of the Bar, judges arbiters chosen to , decide betwixt Hew Earl of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 25
Eglintoun, his kin, etc., on the one part, and Robert Boyd in Kilmar- Right Hon.
nock, Mungo Mure of Rowallan, with their kin, etc., oft fke other part ; E^rSrrojr.
adjudging the Earl to pay to Robert and Mungo 2,000 msrks Scots, the —
Earl discharging all spulzies, etc., committed by them : Also the Earl
shall overgive the steading of the Law to the said Robert. For which
Robert shall give kindness to the Earl, and remit all slaughters, and
specially the slaughter of Robert's chief: And Robert and Mungo
shall discharge the Earl of all slaughters, etc., committed upon them,
specially those done on the barony of Rowallan and at the siege of
Kilmarnock : Also Robert shall marry his heir upon one of the Earl's
grand-children, as may be arranged, etc. Dated at Glasgow 2nd May
1530 : Witnesses, John Somervell of Carnethome, Thomas Ralston of
that ilk, William Wallace, Tutor of Cragy, William Boyd of Baniecht,
James Somervell, parson of Liberton, John Lyndissay of Covynton,
Hew Mungumry of Hesleheid, Alexander Dunlop of that ilk, Adam
Mungumry, and Master Andro Mungumry, vicar of Stewarton.
68. Commission by King James Fifth constituting James (Beaton)
Archbishop of St. Andrews, Gawin (Dunbar) Archbishop of Glasgow,
George Earl of Huntlie, William Earl of Montrose, Hugh Earl of
Eglintoun, and Robert Lord Maxwell, Warden of the West Marches,
Viceregents and Lieutenants of the kingdom of Scotland, with full
powers, in expectation of the King's being detained in France. Given
under the Great Seal, at Paris, 6th January 1536.
69. Testament of Andrew Craufurd of Giffertland, in which he
enumerates his possessions, consisting solely of horses, cattle and sheep,
and debts due to hiin. He bequeaths his soul to God Almighty, the
Virgin Mary aud all the saints, and his body to be buried in the Church
of Dairy ; and 4 pennies to the Church of Glasgow. He constitutes his
spouse Agnes Ross, and Thomas Crauford of Byrkheid his executors.
Among the debts due by him are, to Bessie Crauford his daughter for
natural portion, 100 merks, to Thomas Crauford his son for natural
portion 80 merk3. He leaves to John Crauford his heir 80 merks ; to
Bessie Crauford his natural daughter 20 merks ; to Jonet Crauford his
natural daughter 20 merks ; to Andrew Crauford his natural son
20 merks : with other legacies, the residue being left to his wife and
their children. At the Mansion of Giffertland, 1st February 1542.
70. Letters under the Signet of Mary Queen of Scots, legitimising
Hugh Montgomery, bastard son natural of Hugh Master of Eglintown,
William Montgomery, bastard son natural of the late Master Alexander
Montgomery, Michaei Montgomery, Robert Montgomery, and Hugh
Montgomery, brothers, bastard sons natural of the late Robert, Bishop
of Argyll, Robert Montgomery, bastard son natural of Mathew Mont-
gomery abiling in the Bar, and Alexander Michacll, bastard son natural
of John Michaell, chaplain. Edinburgh, 9th July 1543.
71. Bond of Manrent by Duncan McFarland (uncle to the Laird of
Makfarlan), to Hugh Master of Eglintoun, whereby he binds himself to
come to the assistance of the latter with his kin, friends, and servants
when required, against all parties, the Queen excepted : " The said
Master licentand me to tak my sustentation on his inymeis in the Law-
land, or ellU to gif me my sustentatioun sa lang as he requiris me to
remaue in his seruice, **nd to convoy me to my strenth agane " He
binds himself also to cause his brothers Andrew and Robert McFarland
to come to the Master of Eglintoun to Irvine, or elsewhere, and give
their bonds of manrent when required. Dated at Irvine 25th April
1545.
26 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. 72. Testament of Hugh first Earl of Eglintoun, dated at Eglintoun
Eglinton. 23rd September 1545, in which he leaves his soul to God, the Virgin
— Mary, and the whole court of heaven (totique celesti curie), his body to
be buried in the choir of the Monastery of Kilwynning with his parents
and predecessors : He leaves 20*. to the Church of St. Kentigern. He
constitutes Hugh Montgomery his heir, his only executor, to pay all
debts, and specially to remember the testator's brother James Mont-
gomery and his servant Adam Montgomery for their friendship and
services ; also to cause three priests to pray for the Earl's soul and the
souls of those whom he had not satisfied for injuries done to them, and
that for five years after his decease. As the inventory of all his goods,
the Earl acknowledges that he has in gold, in deposit, 2,500 merks
Scots. As legacies, he bequeaths to the friars-minor of Ayr, for three
years, 10/. (Scots) to pray for the souls of himself and his spouse; to
the friars preachers of Ayr 10 merks, for one year ; to the friars minor
of Glasgow, to pray for him and his spouse, 10/. for one year ; to the
friars preachers of Glasgow 10 merks ; to the friars Carmelites of
Irvine 51. for their prayers, for one year ; to the poor begging on the
morrow after his decease 10/. in alms. The Earl further ordains his
executor to remember his poor servants, and to cause a perpetual mass
be celebrated and founded in the Monastery of Kilwynning for the
testator's soul and his wife's, as was founded for the souls of the late
Hugh of Eglintoun and Sir Alexander Montgomery, lord of that ilk.
Confirmed by the Archbishop of Glasgow, at Glasgow, 12th March
1545.
73. Retour made before Patrick Hamilton of Bogsyde, and Hugh
Montgomery in Smythstoune, sheriffs, etc., in that part of the regality
of Kilwynniner, by commission from Alexander, Abbot of the Mon-
astery of Kilwynning specially constituted, and an assize, Nigel
Montgomery of Langschaw, knight, Charles Mowat of Busby e, Robert
Fergushill of that ilk, Robert Blair of Kirkland Dairy, Thomas
Newyne of Monkreddin, Constantine Montgomery in Sevenacres,
Archibald Dunlop of Achinskeyth, John Craufurde of Giffartland,
John Craufurde of Birkheid, William Cleland, William Boyde in
Achintebir, Alexander Herwy in Braidlye, John Dunlop in Guislone,
Hugh Millar, John War in Wodsyde, John Millar and Bryce Reid in
Pottertoun, declaring that Hugh Montgomery, grandson of the late
Hugh Earl of Eglintoun, is heir of his grandfather in the offices of
Justiciar, Chamberlain and bailie of the lands of the Monastery of Kil-
wynning, Beith, Kilmarnok, Lyandcorss and Dairy, and of all the lands
of the monastery within the kingdom of Scotland, with 4/. yearly as
bailie's fees ; which offices are held of the Abbot in feufarm for one
silver penny yearly. Dated in the Court House of the regality of
Kilwynning, 4th December 1545.
74. Bond of Mutual Defence between Archibald Earl of Angus, his
heir, and George Douglas of Pitindrech his brother-german on the one
part, and Hugh second Earl of Eglintoun, his heir and -ir JSeill Mont-
gomery of Langschaw, his father's brother, on the other part, whereby
the parties are mutually bound to take part with and assist each other
in all their causes, quarrels, &c. against all deadly ; the authority of the
Queen and that of the Governor only being excepted ; the penalty for
either party breaking the said bond to be 15,000/. (Scots), viz. : — 5,<)00/.
to the party keeping it, 5,000/. to the Queen, and 5,000/. to the repairing
of St. Mungo's work. Dated at Irvine 12th April 1546 : Witnesses,
William Earl of Glencairn, Gilbert Earl of Cassillis, George Lord
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 27
Seton, Alexander Lord Alphestone [Elphinstone], Robert Master (of) Right Hon.
Semple, Robert Master (of) Boyd, James Douglas of Drumlanrig, eglSton.
William Coninghame of Coninghameheid, and George Mungumry of —
Skelmurlie.
75. Letters of Archibald Earl of Argyll, etc. Justice General of the
Kingdom, attesting that Lady Marion Setoun, Countess of Eglintoune,
had been acquitted of being art and part of the slaughter of Neill Mont-
gomery of Langschaw, knight, after trial in a Court of Justiciary in the
Court house of Edinburgh on 28th June 1547.
76. Discharge by Mary Queen of Scots, with consent of the Regent
Arran, whereby, because Dame Marion Setoun Countess of Eglintoun,
tutrix testamentar to Hew now Earl of Eglintoun her son, had paid to
John Bishop of Dunkeld, the King's treasurer, the sum of 2,000 merks
Scots to be expended upon ammunition and paying soldiers for defence
of the realm, the Queen discharges the summons of error at her instance
for the reduction of the retours of the EarPs father as heir of his father
in the lands and lordship of Robertoun, etc. Given under the signet at
Edinburgh, 15 September 1548.
77. Contract of Marriage (Extract Registered) between James Duke
of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, etc., and Jane Hamilton his lawful
daughter on the one part, and Hew Earl of Eglintoun and Dame
Marion Seaton Countess of Eglintoun (his mother), Robert Lord
Semple, Richard Maitland of Lethington, and Hew Wallace of Carnell
his curators, on the other part, to the effect that the Earl of Eglintoun
should marry the said Jane Hamilton, & secure her in a life-rent right
of the lands of East and West Mains of Ardrossan, with tower, fortalice
and castle, a piece of land called the Crags, the Mill of Ardrossan ; the
lands of Knokbrehauch ; the lands of Sorby ; the lands of Mekle and
Little Busbie, the lands of Greithill; the lands of Salcottis, with
the Eischeartoun and haven of the same, lying within the bailliary
of Cuningham and Sheriffdom of Ayr. In return the Duke of Chatel-
herault, having full power from his daughter the Lady Ann Hamilton,
donatrix in and to the said Earl's ward and nonentries of his lands
of all years to run, after the Earl's age of 16 to his majority, freely
dispones to the Earl, in name of tocher, his marriage, with all claim that
the said Lady Ann might have against him for said marriage ; and also
dispones to the Earl and Lady Jane the longer liver of the two and
their heirs, the ward, nonentries of the lands and lordship of Ardrossan,
etc., and also of the 40 merk land of Eglinton, etc. ; the Earl binding
himself to warrant that the liferent lands shall be worth 500 merks
yearly : with other provisions. Dated at Edinburgh 13th February
1554 : Witnesses, George Cornmendator of Dumfermline, William Com-
mendator of Culross, Sir Robert Carnagy of Kinnaird, knight, and others.
Recorded 14th February 1554.
78. Process of Divorce before John Houstoun, canon of the Metro-
politan Church of Glasgow, and judge and commissary-depute of John
(Hamilton) Archbishop of St. Andrews, at the instance of Hugh third
Earl of Eglintoun against his first Countess Joanna (or Jane) Hamilton.
The process commenced 2nd April and terminated 30th May 1562.
The Judge pronounced sentence to the effect that the marriage con-
tracted de facto but not de jure between the said Earl and Lady Joanna
Hamilton was from the first null and of no force, on account of the
impediment of consanguinity : and that these pretended spouses should
be divorced and a divorce celebrated between them ; and that if another
28 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. canonical impediment prevented not, they should each be at liberty to
^gmkton. marry others ; and that whatever the one had given to the other by way
— of dowry or gift on account of the marriage should be restored. Upon
which deliverance the Earl took instruments. Done within the Metro-
politan Church of Q-lasgow. The steps in this process are recorded at
great length and considerable minuteness, but beiug chiefly of a technical
nature are of no special public interest. The item most interesting from
a historical point of view is the summons which sets forth the relation-
ship betwixt the parties which is put forward as the ground of divorce,
deducing the pedigree of both husband and wife from a Countess of
Morton, described as the " dumb lady of Dalkeith." In support of the
allegations in the summons were examined Lady Margaret Stewart
Lady Gordon, Jaraes Gordon chancellor of Moray, brother german of
George Earl of Huntly, Sibilla Drummond Lady of Kinelevin, spouse of
James Heryng of Wester Gormok, Joanna Drummond spouse of James
Chesholme of Cromlix, and Robert Crawfurd of Clolynane. Their
testimony proved that " a certain Countess of Morton, called the dumb
lady, bore two children a son and daughter to her husband the Earl of
Morton," while the summons narrated that " the late James Douglas son
of the dumb lady of Dalkeith, Earl of Morton, begot the late James
Douglas lord of Dalkeith which late James begot Lady Margaret
Douglas spouse of James Lord Hamilton and mother of the said Joanna,
defender, on one side : On the other side, Joanna Douglas sister of the said
late James Douglas, sou of the dumb lady of Dalkeith (became Countess
of Bothwell and) bore the late Jonet Hepburn (called also Margaret by
one witness) lady of Seytone, which lady Jonet bore lady Mariota
Seytone mother of the said Earl pursuer" : and so the said Earl and
Lady Jane Hamilton were related in the fourth and fourth degrees of
consanguinity.
79. Copy Bond subscribed by the Noblemen and Gentry of Kyle,
Carrick and Cuningham, for the maintenance of religion : " Wee quhais
names are underwreaten doe promise in the presence of God and in the
presence of his Sone, our Lord Jesus Christ, that we and evrie one of
us will men tain and assist the preatching of this holy evangell, now of
his free mercie offred unto this realme ; and also will maintaine the
ministers of the samin against all persones, power and authoritie, that
will oppone thairselves unto the doctrine now proponet and be us
receavet : And farder, withe the said solemnitie, we protest and pro-
mise that we and evrie one of us schall assist, hazard, yea and the quhole
bodie of the Protestants within this realme in nil laufull and just action
against all persones; so that quhatsumever schall hurt, molest or
trowble any of our bodies sail be reputed done to the quhole, except
that the offender Will be content to submitt himselfe to the judgment of
the kirke now established among us : and this we doe as we desyre to be
accepted in favour of the Lord Jesus, and reckonet worthie of credite
and honestie in the presence of the godlie : at the bruche of Air the
fourt of September the year of God ane thousand five hundreth
thriscore and tua yeares. Sic subscribitur Eglingtowne, Glencairne,
Kobt. Lord Boyde," with 88 other signatures.
80. Warrant by Matthew Earl of Lennox, Lieutenant General of Scot-
land, narrating that Robert Hamilton, Chamberlain of Kilwinning and
keeper of the same, had been charged to deliver up the place, which he re-
fused to do, remaining in the place with intent "to hald the samyn of force
in hie contempti< un of »»ur soweranis authoritie " : wherefore the Earll
of Eglintoun is charged to cause the said place of Kilwinning M alsweil
the ester ludging callit the Garding Chalmeris, as all vthir ottice housis
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 29
within the wtir stane wall," and enclosure of the place, to be delivered Right Hon.
up within 24 hours, with power to summon, if necessary, the assistance eglintok.
of the lieges ; the Earl as bailie, to take charge of the place until further —
orders. Glasgow 21st October 1565.
81. Memoranda and letters relative to proceedings connected with the
slaughter of Hugh, fourth Earl of Eglintoun. These papers are six in
number, two bonds by the Earl of Grlencairn, three letters, writers not
known, and a memorandum giving a clue to the somewhat mysterious
tenor of the letters. The first bond by the Earl (James seventh Earl)
is dated 8th March 1585-6, about six weeks before the death of the
Earl of Eglinton, and binds the granter to keep unhurt and unpursued
Alexander Cuniughame of Craigans [Craigends] and that until the
settling of matters " succeidand vpoun the said interprys," and the Earl
specially binds himself to " mantene the said Laird of Craganis, as
vtheris my freindis interprysaris of the said caus, to the hasart of my
lyiff, landis and the lyiffis of all that will do for me " : Signed at Fyn-
lastoun ; witnesses, David Conynghame of Robertland, Alexander
Conynghame of Rois, the EarFs brother-german,Alexander Commendator
of Kilwinning, and John Conyngham in Corssall, whom the Earl des-
cribes as " my freindis foirsaid, quhome vnto I have communicat my
mynd heirin." The nature of the ? interprys " is not stated, but may
be inferred from a bond dated two months later, in which the Earl
states "vpoun the common iniureis done to me and my freindis be
vmquhill Hew Erie of Eglyntoun it wes concludit befoir me be certane
of my freindis, sic as Alexander Abbot of Kilwinning, David Conyng-
hame of Robertland, Alexander Conynghame of Aickett, and Johnne
Conynghame in Corssall, with the consent of sindrie vther ray freindis,
that reweingement soud be socht of the saidis iniureis : quhairvpoun it
is fallen out that the said Erie of Eglingtoun is slane." The Earl then
binds himself to maintain the said David and the others to the hazard of*
his life, &c. Dated at Kilmarnock 6th May 1586. The memorandum
states that the Earl of Eglinton's intended murder was referred to
among the conspirators as " the lytill particulare," and they themselves
were called " commowneris," which terms are intended to explain unin-
telligible sentences in the letters.
82. The statutes and ordinances to be observed by all the master
masons within this realm, set down by William Schaw, master of work
to his Majesty, and general Warden of the said craft, with consent of
the master masons. 28th December 1599. This document is of con-
siderable length but may be summarised thus : —
(1.) That they observe all former ordinances as to the privileges of
their craft; that they be true, one to another and "leve cheritablie
togidder." (2.) That they be obedient to their wardens, deacons and
masters in all things concerning their craft. (3.) That they be honest,
faithful and diligent in their calling, and deal uprightly with the
masters or owners of the works they take in hand. (4.) That none
take in hand any work, great or small, which he is not qualified to per-
form, under a penalty of 40/. (Scots), or the fourth part of the value of
the work, over and above due satisfaction to the owner of the work.
(5.) That no master shall take another master's work over his head,
after he has made an agreement, verbal or otherwise, under a penalty
of 40/. (6.) That no master shall take the working of any work that
other masters have wrought at, until the latter have been paid. (7.) That
a warden be chosen yearly for each lodge, by the votes of the masters,
and his election duly notified to the warden general. (8.) That no
master shall take more than three prentices during his life time, without
30 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. consent of the wardens, &c. of the sheriffdom where the prentice is to
Eglikton De received. (9.) That no master receive any prentice bound for fewer
— years than seven at the least ; that it shall not be lawful to make the
said prentice brother and fellow in craft, until he have served other seven
years after the issue of his apprenticeship without special licence from
the wardens, &c. that sufficient trial be taken of his qualifications.
(10.) It shall not be lawful for any master to "sell his prenteis to ony
vther maister," nor to dispense with the years of his apprenticeship by
selling them to the prentice himself. (11.) No master shall receive a
prentice without notification to the warden of his lodge that the pren-
tice's name may be " ordourly buikit." (12.) Prentices to be entered
in the order of their booking. (13.) No fellow of craft nor master shall
be received, save in the presence of six masters (the warden of the lodge
being one) and two entered prentices, etc. ; no man being admitted
without sufficient trial of his skill. (14.) That no master work any
mason work under any other craftsman that takes in hand to work mason
work. (15.) No master or fellow of craft shall receive any " cowanis " to
work in his company, or send any of his servants to work with "cowanis"'
under the penalty oi 20/. for each offence. [" Cowans " = persons who
do the work of a mason, but who have not been regularly bred to the
craft.] (16.) No entered prentice shall take on hand from an owner,
any task extending to more than 10/. [Scots]. (17.) Strife or variance
among masters, servants and prentices, to be settled by the wardens or
deacons of their lodge, obstinate parties being forbidden to work until
they " submitt thame-selffis to ressoun." (18.) That all masters,
" interprisaris of warkis, be verray cairfull to se thair skaffaldis and
fute-gangis sarelie sett and placeit, to the effect that throw thair negli-
gence and sleuch, na hurt or skaith cum vnto personis that wirkis at the
said wark ; vnder the pain of discharging of thame thairefter to wirk as
maisteris havand charge of ane wark, bot sail euer be subiect all the
rest of thair dayis to wirk vnder or with ane vther principal maister
having charge of the wark." (19.) No master shall receive any other
master's runaway prentice or servant, nor entertain such. (20.) All
masters in any assembly shall be sworn, that they shall conceal no
faults nor wrongs done by one to the other, nor yet the faults or wrongs
that any man has done to the owners of works that they have had in
hand, so far as they know, under a penalty of 10/., to be levied on
concealers of such faults. (21.) Penalties to be levied by the wardens,
&c, and to be given to pious uses. The masters present bind them-
selves to observe the foregoing ordinances, and have requested the
warden-general to subscribe them.
On the same day were drawn up and subscribed a series of ordinances
for the lodge of Kilwinning, and those within its bounds. Edinburgh
is declared to be the principal lodge in Scotland ; Kilwinning the second,
and Stirling the third. Every fellow of craft at his entry shall pay 10/.
to the lodge, with 10s. worth of gloves ; sufficient trial being made of
his skill. With other enactments as to the power and authority of the
wardens, &c. of the lodge. Subscribed by " William Schaw, Maistir of
Wark, Wairden of the Maisons " at Holyrood 28th December 1599.
83. Account of expenses at the Court of King James the Sixth on
the occasion of his Majesty's accession to the Crown of England in 1603.
This account is rendered by a lady, but by whom there is no evidence
to show. The document is lengthy, but a few extracts may be of
interest.
On Thursday 9th June 1603 at Newcastle — " giffin for ten quarteris
tefeni to be me ane skarf iihV In York — "for the mending
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 31
of my coffer vid." : "for ane par of shouis iis. vie?/': "for the ^jS^S*'
wysching of my chlos, xiid." : " for prines (pins) xiid" : " for tou par Eglinton.
of gloufes v*.-5 " In Lester, to mak my quhyt setting goun, ten yardis
of quhyt valting pasmentes xxd." : " thri yards of stenting and
steifing iiis." : " for ane par of balling sleifs iiiis. : for thrid vid. : for
clespes iiiiG?. In Wondisour, for ane corldit wyr to ver on my haed, xs.;
item, for ane tyer of prell to ver on my haed, xxxs. Item in Outlandis
for sax yardis of lane, at siuene schilings the yard, xliis." A doz. yards
of " fyne lesing to put on my rufes," 6 yards at 3/4 the yard and 6
at 4/- = 44/- in all. " For ane vyr to ver with ane French rouf vs. ;
item, for thri vyrs to uer vith Inglich roufs iiis. ; item for ane hader
spoungs vid" To Lady Harington's coachman " qhuen I com to Ham-
ton Court xs. ; item to the botman for taking ouer the vatter, is." To
the same coachman " quhen I com to Kingstoun vs. ; item, to the bot-
man for taking me oup and doun the vatter iis." " For ane par of
quhallbon bodis, the on syd vith teffitie, and the oder syd with small
canvos xxs. ... In Nonsuch, for ane par of welluit panttones
xiis. ; item for ane vardingell couerit vith teffitie xxs. . . . For ane
quar of gillt peper is. ; for ane quar of piltane peper iiiic?. ; for ane
bottell vith ink is. ; for two chandeliers iiiis. ; for ane pane iis. vid. for
ane stop iis. ; for ane par belliscis is. ; for two drinkin glascis, on of
christell, prys of the two glascis iiiis. ... for two bisemis (brooms)
vid." . . . For 24 yards of " brod rebanes of sindri coulleris " at
6d. the yard. . . . Four yards of " round camrik to be quaefis and
croselloths, and hand courcheris," at 4/- the yard = 16/-. " For ane.
wnce of coullors of silk to truch my gouns, iis. vid. ; for quhyt and black
thrid xviiic?. for small thrid to shoue my rufs xud. . . . for ane
slikston vie?. ; for nidles vie?" . . . for 12 yards of " brod knetings
to be me night heir lesis xiie?. ; for ane sillk tyre ver on my heade xs. ;
for ane plen pyked vyr couerit vith heir to ver on my head xs. ...
To Johne Michell, quhan my Lady Kilderes void not lat no boyes stay
becaus of the plag, xs. . . . Item gifen to the man that kipit the
Prences silluer vork, for lening me silluer work so long as ve var at the
Prince Court vs. Item gifin to the man that kipit the nepri, for
lening me nepri, vs." . . . Item gifin for vyching (washing) of my
cloths and my pag cloths from my comin to Ingland quhill Martimes,
xxs. . . . Item, in Cumbe (Coombe) for two neklesis to my selff
of blak get, iiis. ; Item for ane bybell xiis. ; for ane French bouk is. ;
for pens is. . . . for ane coup and ane spoun of silluer " weight 6 oz.
= 30/ . . . " Item, for two reing; the on vith ane rubbi, and the other vith
ane turkes ; the on to the man that teichis me to dance, and the other to
the man that teichis me to vret, the prys of the rubbi xx schillings, prys
of the turkes, xxiiii schillings ; " Four ear rings at 15c?. each =5/- " and
all thir reings vas gifin at Nevyeires day to my Lady Haringtown's
vemen," besides money given to the " panttri men " xs. the u buttri men "
" cukis " " cllark of the kiching " the same sum each. To the " ischewer
(usher) of the Prences present (presence ?) vs." and others ..." for
the making of ane dresing with imoratas (emeralds) and peril and
federis ; the emoratis my auen, and gifin for the peril and federis and
making of the sam, xxs." A similar " dressing " with " garnetis " is
also referred to. " Item for the making of ane treming to my goun,
vith gret hornis of goulld and sillk (and) federis, the hornis my auen
xs." Also a trimming with " small hornis of goulcl " &c. " Item for ane
vyer to my haed vith nyne pykis xs. ; item for ane perewyk of har
to couer the vyr, vs. ; for four par of glouifs xs. ; for sax par of shouis
xvs." " gifin to ane pure Skotis man quhan all the rest gef him, vs." " to
ane pure man that had the plage vs." for shoes to the page 3/- fustian
32 HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. clothes for him 21 /6c?. Stockings (one pair) and a pair of silk garters
Eglinton. for him 4/- and 2/- respectively. " Item for two mask vs. ; for ane hat
— of beyeur, vith ane fedder and ane string liis. ; for ane par of silk
shankis that I gef to on of my Lord Haringtoun's men quhan he troue
me to his vallentyne, xxxvis. ... for two skins to lyn my masks
viiiie?. ; four par of night glouiss iiis. ; for two fanis, on of peper and
other of pargment vs. ; for twellue yardis of cobub Ian to my rufis xiis. ;
thri yards of silluer sepyrs to my goun shoulders iiiis. vie?. . . for
too vyrs to Frenc rebatis " . . . " for two yards and ane half of Ian
to be me ane comincloth " = 17/, with 5 yards of " perllin " for the said
cloth = 5/. . . . "for ane French ISTou Testement, vith ane uder
French bouk vis. . . . for two keisis of pyktouths vs. ; for ane kes
of scheris vs. . . . gifin to a sat of phialonis when they played at
my chamber dor, xis." . . A yard and a half of velvet " to be ane set
to ray futclloth xxxiiis. ; for hallf ane wunc (ounce) of sillk and for the
making of the set of the sedell vis. ; for thri yardes of round hollen to
be me sokis, viis. xid. . . . gifin to the kiperis man in Hampin
Court when he broght me aplleis from his master iis. vie?. ; for thri
torches when ve vos at Court xviiic?. . . . for tow eir ringis, with
ten rubeis to my self xxs. . . . gifin to ane set of vialons, as ve
com from Court when they playit at my chamber xs. ; for ane ring with
a puntit diamund xxxxs. ; gifin to the potinger, xxxs. ; for ane par of
imbroderit gloufis, xs/'
The amount of the sum expended equals 86/. 5s. 6d. (sterling).
84. Grain and Money accounts of the baronies of Eaglesham and
Eastwood for the years 1616 and 1617, given up by the factor, Robert
Scales.
The grain rent of " Eglishame " for the year 1616 was 384 bolls
meal. Of this quantity 99 bolls 1 firlot 2 pecks were used for family
consumption at Eglinton, Glasgow and elsewhere, with other matters
as factor's fee, &c. The remainder of the grain was sold, realising
1492/. 13s. Ad. (Scots).
The amount of bear on the same barony for same year was 86 bolls
2 pecks, of which 77 bolls 1 f . 2 pecks realised 567/. 8s. 4c?. (Scots).
From the Mains of Polnone came 28 bolls of oats, which was all
consumed, chiefly by the family horses, 2 bolls 1 firlot being spent in
M feiding sex geis, the space of sevin oulkis (weeks) and mair, and send
to my Lordis hous in Edinbrucht at the Kingis Maiesteis being thair in
Junii 1617."
The " kane buttir " in Eaglesham for* 16 17 amounted, from all sources,
to 84 stones. Of this, 10 stones 6 pounds were sent to Edinburgh in
June 1617. In August same year 41 stones 14 pounds were sent to
Seton and also (no date given) " To my Lordis house in Glasgw the
Kingis Maiestie being thair, xv pund." 22 stones 1 pound of the butter
were sold, for 60/. 6/- (Scots).
The " kane " cheese amounted to 65 stones, sold at 20/- the stone.
The barony yielded 7 " kane stirkis " which were all sent to Eglinton,
and 46 "mert scheip" during 1617. The geese for the year 1617
numbered 12 doz. and 6. Of these 2 doz. and 10 were sent to
Eglintoun, and 9 doz. and two were sold, at 10/- each = 55/. (Scots).
The two mills in Eaglesham yielded 2 doz. capons. One doz. were
sent to Edinburgh and one doz. were sold at 6/8 each.
There is also an entry of 18 "hair tedderis payit in the said barony."
Of these 7 were supplied to " my Lordis hors at the gers in Polnwne
in simmir 1617" and 9 were sold at 4/- each.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 33
From the lands and barony of Eastwood the crop 1616 yielded of RJpHr Ho»-
meal 240 bolls, 2 firlots, 9 peeks. Among other payments from this egointon.
was " To twa pair wemen in Eistwoid, the ane blind, the vther lippir, —
ii firlotis."
In addition to 34 bolls of bear, 5 doz. capons, the barony yielded
4 doz. and two hens, of which 3 doz. and eight were sold at 3/4«L each,
and u xviii pultrie."
The money rent of the baronies, including the above sales, amounted
to 14,936/. 8/1 Id. (Scots). Out of this was paid 3,184/. of yearly in-
terests. Among other entries of miscellaneous payments the following
occur : On 12th April 1617, " for grathing ane hagbut of my Lordis,
and for half ane pund of puldir and half ane pund of leid, = xxvis. v'md.
" The 20 day of Julii delyuerit to Johne Duidop, for bying provisioun
to my Lordis hous in Glasgw the Kingis Maiestie being thair " 91/. 4/8
(Scots). 27 July, in Glasgow " for ane hors my lord bocht " = 120/.
27th August. <; To ane man send out of Glasgw to the Calender for
my Ladeis virginellis," and bringing them to Eglinton 53/4e?.
November 21, in Edinburgh, " delyuerit at my Lordis command to
William Ros, merchand as his compt of furnissing of tapestrie and vther
merchand wairis particularli beiris, viic iiiixx x lib. xiiis. iiikZ.
November 24, in Edinburgh, " delyuerit to Thomas Martene mer-
chand thair, for furnissing of sueit meitis, spyces and vtheris necesseris
as his compt beiris. . . . ic xi lib. xvis. \xd.
[These sums may represent expenses caused by the visit of King
James Sixth to his ancient kingdom.]
For the accouuter's expenses in Edinburgh " and be the gait hame
and a-feild," from 18th to 27th November " at evin, being ix dayis ilk
day xxxs., inde. xiii lib. xs.
" The day of November to a cadger (public carrier) for bring-
ing a barrell of Spanes wyne out of Edinbruch to Eglishame. iii lib.
For foddering sex voung guidis of my Lordis, fra Hallowmes 1617,
to Beltane 1618. x lib.
For flour eggis and balormie to mend ane of the legis wes broikin.
vim'."
8th December " gevin for ane brasin kettill send west to Eglintoun "
weighing 14 pounds 6 ounces = £9 11/8.
" For ane new lint quheill bocht at my ladeis command, iiii lib. xs."
" The 4 of Julij in Glasgw, for xv mwre powtis, and ane auld mwre-
foull send to Eglintoun. iiii lib."
" And for four fresche salmond send thair. iiii lib. xiis."
Subscribed by the Earl of Eglintoun and the Accounter, at Eglinton
3 October 16 J 8.
85. Presentation by King James Sixth in favour of Mr. James
Porteous, minister at Leswade, to be minister of the Kirk of Melvinc
(Melville) within the diocese of St. Andrews and Shire of Edinburgh,
vacant by the death of John Hereis last parson and vicar thereof, c.
1624.
86. Passport by (Henry, first) Viscount Falkland, Lord Deputy of
Ireland, to Captain William Stewart (Commander of a Foot Company
of the Light Fleet that came from Calais) to proceed from Ireland to
England, there to be employed as his Majesty should appoint. Castle of
Dublin 20th September 1627.
87. Obligation by James Montgomery, second lawful son to Hew
Viscount Montgomery of Airds narrating that as Alexander Earl of
Eglinton had out of his special love to "my said Lord and father,
a 84067. n
34 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^Eabl^op1*' and t0 a11 ws tnat ar his childerene ?' been pleased to take trouble in a
Eglinto5. settlement of their estate " to the better lyking of oure said father
and our gretar quyet and content ; " the granter therefore testifies
that he is now well pleased with the provision allotted to him by his
father and also obliges himself never to seek nor crave any further of
his father's possessions or proceed in any way to the prejudice of his
father's heir, without the special advice of the Earl of Eglinton. Eglin-
ton 30 January 1629.
88. Indenture between Sir Hugh Montgomery, knight, Lord Viscount
Montgomery of the Great Ardes on the one part, and Alexander Earl
of Eglinton in the kingdom of Scotland, to the effect that " whereas the
said Lord Viscount Montgomery, being discended of the honorable
howse of the Earles of Eglinton within the said kingdome of Scotland,
is most willing that hee and his heires should at all tymes for ever
hereafter acknowledg the respect and duty which they owe to the honor
of the said house : In consideration whereof, and for the naturall love
and affection which hee the said Lord Viscount Montgomery hath to
the sayd Alexander, nowe Earle of Eglinton and his heires, the said
Lord Viscount Montgomery for him and his heires, doeth graunt,
covenant and agree to and with the said Alexander Earle of Eglinton,
and his heires Earles of Eglintone which shal bee of the name and
surname of Montgomery, that the heire and heires of the said Lord
Viscount Montgomery shall in perpetuall remembrance of that love and
dutie, freely giue and deliuer one faire horse of the value of thirty
poundes of lawful! money of and in England, or thereabouts, to the said
Alexander Earle of Eglinton and his heires being of the surname of
Montgomery, within the space of one yeare after the heire and heires of
the said Lord Viscount Montgomery shall haue sued forth his or theire
livery, and entred into theire manors, lordshipps, landes and heredita-
ments, within the kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland ; and the said
Lord Viscount Montgomery, for himselfe his heires and assignes doeth
covenant, promise and agree to and with the said Alexander Earle of
Eglinton and his heires, Earles of Eglinton, by theis presents, that vpon
default of the deliuery of the said horse of the said price of thirty
poundes by the heire or heires of the said Lord Viscount Montgomery,
made at the said tyme, contrary to the true intent and meaning of theis
presents, that then it shall and may be lawfull vnto the said Alexander
Earle of Eglinton and his heires Earles of Eglinton being of the sur-
name of Montegomery, to siue for the same, together with the sume of
fifteene poundes sterling of like money nomine pene for euery such
default to bee made by the heires of the said Lord Viscount Mont-
gomery having first giuen due aduertisment and notice of theis presents
vnto the heire by whome the default shall happen to be comitted as
aforsaid : And the said Hugh Lord Viscount Montgomery doeth by
theis presents, couenant, promise and agree to and with the said Alex-
ander Earle of Eglinton that hee the said Lord Viscount Montgomery
shall and will doe, make, acknowledge, finish, and execute all and euery
such other reasonable act and acts, thing and things, conveyance and
assurance in the lawe for the good and perfect assurance and suerty for
the deliuery of the said horse of the price aforesaid, according to the
true meaning of theis presents, as by the said Alexander Earle of
Eglinton shalbe reasonably devised or required, soe that the said Lord
Viscount Montgomery bee not desired to travaile for the makeing or
acknowledging of such assurance from his dwelling-house. In witness
whereof, the said party es to theis presents haue herevnto interchange-
ablie putt theire hands and seales," on 27th February 1630. (Signed)
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 35
" Montgomerie." Sygned, sealled and deliuered in presens of J. Mont- Right Hon.
gomerie, Gr. Montgomerie, J. Montgomerie, Senescall. R. Montgomerie, eommtok.
minister of Newtowne." —
89. Inventory of the Jewels of Lady Ann Hamilton the first wife of
Hugh Lord Montgomery afterwards seventh Earl of Eglinton, at the
time of her death, which were seen and entered 24th October 1632.
"Imprimis a great jowall given to her Ladyship be my Lady Eglinton,
all sett with great diamonds, quhilk was gevin conditionallie that it
sould remaine as ane jowall dedicat to the house of Eglintoun, and to
the hopefull young lady, my Lady Anna Montgomerie her use till the
tyme of her mariage, if it sail please God. Item, a great jowall in forme
of a feather all sett with great and small diamonds, given by my Lady
Marqueis of Hamilton, her Ladyship's mother to her ladyship, quhilk
sould be furth comming to the said hopefull lady, Lady Anna Mont-
gomerie/' A jewel in form of an S with six diamonds, one pearl
and two empty holes : a little jewel in form of an anchor with seven
diamonds : " ane faire emrald " set in gold, in oval form, with a pearl :
a diamond ring containing 17 diamonds : another with 4 diamonds, in
form of a crowned heart : another ring with " elevin diamond sparks,"
and a diamond enclosed, in form of a heart : another ring with " audit
sparks lyke saphirs " and two empty places. Another with " thrie
grein litle emralds " and two empty places : another ring " with a
great bloodstaine, with a face sunk in it " : " Item, ane garnisou, con-
teining in it twiritie sevin peice of gold-smith work of gold, everie ane
of them conteining four pearle, and a rubie set in the midst ; twa rubies
onlie wanting :" a chain of goldsmith work with agates : a chain of
pearl and coral with gold beads intermixed : a chain of small pearl : a
chain of greater pearls, " about twa ells & thriequarters lenth." . . .
" A great blacke chaine like agates blacke colourit :" portrait in gold
of the Marquis of Hamilton : a red blood stone set in gold, in form of a
heart : " a jowall of gold quhilk Grissal Seton affirms to be in my Lady
Marqueis of Hamiltown's custodie, sett with diamonds aud blew
saphire : " and lastly, a cup of mother of pearl set in silver, gilt, with a
corresponding cover.
90. Account of Expenses incurred by Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton, in the equipment of forces for the public service in 1639.
" First to David Jpnkine for armes, 8000 merks." For powder 900
m^erks ; for match 450 merks; for lead 300 merks.
" Item in Maij 1639 when my Lord came with his people, being
xviiic foote and iic horse, who came to the supplie at that time when
the Marques wes lying at Leith, and lay tuo dayes at Cramont and
broght with him thairfor the provision of the haill sojors, so much of
the said ammonition as served the sojors without any truble to the
publik - and the thrid day lifted and marched to Leith and releived the
toun of Edinbrucht and College of Justice ; the sojors being all vnder
the Erie of Eglinton his pey, ether by victuall or siluir . . . my
lord's charges extending in haill to 5,000 merks and that onlie for the
sojors and their outrige. As for the outrige of my Lord's sone Sir
Alexander Leivetennent Colon ell, he does not rekon the samen nether
yett his owne charges, since it wes incumbent to him to doe for the
publik weill." Lord Eglinton was then summoned to Dunse with his
full supply, by a letter from the Committee subscribed by Messrs.
Alexander Henderson and David Dickson " beiring ether to bury
thame or to helpe thame." His Lordship took with him 1000 foot and
100 gentlemen, with 200 yeomen " with jack and speir." The yeomen
were appointed « to joyne with Schir Henry, my Lord's sone, at Pres-
c 2
36 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
right Hon. toun whore for the time he lay. Bot my Lord himseltF with the
Eglinton. baro unes and gentlemen lay at Westnisbit, all vpon my Lordis charges.
— As tor the gentlemen vpon orders from the generally did still attend the
treaters of peace both when they went and returned from his Majestic
The charge at this time . . . extendis to - 7000 merkis."
On their return from Dunse and at the sitting of Parliament, it was
ordained that every nobleman should provide £1000 to be given to their
officers for relief of the public, on a promise of repayment, which was
given to Lord Eglin ton's officers - - 1500 merks.
A third expedition was the outfitting of 400 men as a squadron under
Sir Alexander Montgomery as Lieutenant Colonel. The sum expended
on this to officers and soldiers amounted to 8000 merks.
The whole amount of the expenses is stated as 48717 merks (Scots).
Appended to the account is a minute of a meeting of the " Commis-
sioners " dated 1st March 1643, that they will consider this account
" with the first of that kynd."
91. Order signed by " Rothes, Cassillis, Lothian, Lindesay," and
others of the Committee of Estates appointing Hugh Lord Montgomery
" to lodge in the Castell of Tinmouthe, and to keep watche therein and
doe all deuty requisite. Item to caus assist the searchear there ; and to
appoint tuentie four or moe musquetiers to wait vpon him for arresting
the ships who will not doe dewty. It is appointed that his Lordship
sail have two keills and a vvheery to wait vpon his regiment at all
occasiones and to be at all places where he sail appoint." Dated at
Newcastle, 15th September 1640.
92. Holograph Testament of Sir Henry Montgomery of Griffin.
" Whenever it shall plais His Devein Majesty of his marcei to call
oupon me to lay doune this tabernaikell of klay, my will is, that my deir
hairt shall be only and soil execoutriks of all my mouvableis what*-
soumever, or that cane or may belong to en foull (a full) execoutriks ;
and leikwais to haue oupleift and disspone an nay frei mony I haue
paien annay leittett ; Item that is auine ; and that allso all the heidis of
hir contraik of mariagis and mein be foully and thankfoully keipet and
performed in everi point and heid by my f rinds : and wills that thir
presents be regestrat in the Commissars boukis, if shee shall find it
nidfoull ; and also I baig att my Lord my deir fathers hands, that, as he
loved mee, to be keind and loveing to my deir hairt : Wreitten and
soubcreived with my hand, att Edenbrought the 23 of December the
yeir of God 1642. (Signed) Griffine."
93. Household account of Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton, for ale
and wine, during his residence in Edinburgh in 1646 and 1647. This
account consists of two parts, one portion containing the account of ale
consumed between 25th November 1646 and 3rd May 1647 ; & the
other the amount of wine used for same period, up to 8th May. The
amount of ale & wine consumed is entered for each day, the daily
amount varying considerably. Thus, from 25 November to 1st Decem-
ber 1646, a considerable quantity of ale is recorded, which exceeds in
amount the quantity recorded between 1st December & the 3rd May
following. Thus on Thursday 26 November 1646, is entered " to your
Lordship's morning drink, a pynt; for my Ladies morning drink
1 pynt ; to your Lordship's denner 2 pynts ; mair 3 pynts ; to the letter
meal 2 pyntis ; efter denner 1 pynt; at four houres i pynt; ane other
pynt ; to your Lordship's supper, 3 pyntis, etc. On Friday 1st January
J 647, the only entries are " Item lor a pynt of aill in the morning ;
Item a chopin to seath a codline."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 37
The wine account contains an entry for every day of the period em-
braced, more or less being recorded each day, thus some days wine is
drunk at breakfast, dinner and supper, and at " collatione," while at other
times it appears only at dinner and supper. A mutchkin or a " chopin "
being the usual quantity.
There are occasionally special entries, giving a glimpse of social
life, as
" Weddeusday the 2 of December (1646) to danner 1 chopine wyne
6/8 (Scots). Item at 4 houris (4 p.m., answering to afternoon tea) my
Ladie Yester and Ladie Balcleughe, with your Ladie, 1 chopine
6s. 8d. ; Item at supper 1 muchkine seek 6s. Monday 7th December
" at supper my Lord and my Ladie Yester supping with your Lordship
1 pynt wyne 13s. 4d. . . Tuesday 5th January 1647 . . . "to
supper 1 chopine seek 12s. ; Item 1 pynt wyne 12s. ; Item to the tostis,
1 muchkine wyne 3s. Wednesday 6th January " to Colonel Robert his
collops half muchkine wyne Is. 6g?. . . . Item to the Colonel his
minshit meat and tostis to his supper, a chopine old wyne 3s. Item to
your Lordship's supper 1 muchkine wyne 3s.
Friday 8th " to supper to the cook, a muchkine and ane half of wine.
4s. 6rf."
94. Declaration by the Committee of Estates, to the effect that
" haveing receaved informatioune from thair Commissioners at London,
of some jealousies conceaved by many members of both houses of the
Parliament of England, vpon the perusall of letters found in the King
and Lord Digbie's cabinets which did reflect vpon some persons in the
Scots army as if their had been vnderhand dealing betwixt them and
the King ; and the Lords Montgomerie, Livingstone and Sinclare being
the persons mentionat in the saids letters" the Committee summoned
these noblemen, but upon examination they were acquitted of any
charge against them. Extract from the records of Parliament. 29th
January 1646.
95. Petition to the Committee of Estates by Hew Lord Montgomery,
stating that though he had been appointed Colonel in the late " Engage-
ment," yet he never accepted of the charge, but at Lord Callendar's
going west, he consented to nominate officers. Yet he was so unwilling
to appear against the Covenant, that he refused to join the engagement
" if any malignantis, aither Ingleishe or Scotteis sould concurre in
armes with that armie " and he did not go to England, for which the Duke
(of Hamilton) and Lord Callendar disposed of his Colonelcy : That he
subscribed no bond and took no oath to maintain the engagement, but
.when George Munro and Lanark joined forces, he never countenanced
them, but remained at Dalkeith and Bathans until he received a letter
from his father in his own name and the Chancellors, desiring the
petitioner to return home, on the assurance he should not suffer in
person or fortune. He protests therefore against the burden laid on
him and the exactions made against his tenants ; and begs that he " may
not heirefter suffer as on disaffected to the guid caus" &c. In answer
to this petition the Committee of Estates passed an act, of date 2nd
January 1649, accepting Lord Montgomery's statement, and giving
him the benefit of the treaty made on the subject; further ordaining
repayment of his extra expenses. On 26th October 1650, the Com-
mittee passed an act referring to another petition by Lord Montgomery
on the same subject, stating that he had " satisfied the church for his
f aillure in the matter of the late vnlawfull engadgement against Eng-
land" and that the Church had accepted his satisfaction : wherefore the
38 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. Committee declare the said Lord Montgomery to be capable of public
EGamTON. trust and free of any restraint by public acts.
96. Extract Act of the King and Committee of Estates referring to
misunderstandings of the Act of Levy and explaining the Act to mean
that the proportion of horse to be put forth to the present levy is to be
at least one trooper well mounted and armed, for each thousand merk of
yearly valued rent ; and that over and above the heritors and young men
within burghs who are able to mount themselves. Perth 11th January
1651.
97. Memorandum by Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton, of jewels &c,
belonging to his wife, contained in a little coffer left in the custody of
the Laird of Keir. 1651 .
Five " mounters " small and great ; and " brod iouell with dayamonds ;
a dayamount breslet ; a dissoun of spounis of mother of perill " (one
broken) "of boutennis and dayamountis set on the hed, 30; soum
gold; a wege of gold; fayv ringis withe dayamount; soum wtheir gold
wipis (hoops); soum louse dayamountis;" a piece of black satin em-
broidered with pearl, and some loose pearls ; a silver belt, etc.
98. Inventory of the Earl of Eglin ton's jewels made up by the Earls of
Findlater and Callendar and others, 20th February 1652.
The list is of some length and enumerates rings; bracelets, and other
articles of jewellery, some of which seem to correspond to those given
in former lists. Among, others, are "Two musik boxes ... A
diamond braclet with 7 table diamonds and on of litle value, and 52
litle table diamonds set in fours ... A verie fyne enambled streking
clok ; a verie prettie vatche of an agat, with ane case of silver ; a litle
timber box, in nature of a table man, containing 40 sparkes of diamonds ;
six litle triangler conceits of gold, with 3 smal rubies in each on ... -
Fyue torter shell spoones ... a pair of spectacles, bounded with
silver . . . Nyne and twentie peeces of gold; wherof on is a
Portigall ducat and the other a peece of King James of the like value
. . . Item a great watch of silver, with a great long silver belt
with it. Item tuo other silver watches.
99. Testament of Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton wherein, after
recommending his soul to Almighty God and his body to be buried in
his ordinary burial place at Kilwinning, he appointed his two youngest
sons, Colonel James and Major General Robert Montgomery his sole
executors, &c. of his goods, gear, etc. excepting " the greatest silver
basen and lawer and four gilted silver candelstickes and the great gilted
silver saltfat of three tyre height and tuelve silver trenchors . . .
togidder with ane suit of Arras worke hingings "... which were
to be delivered together with his charter chest, etc. to Hugh Lord
Montgomery his eldest son. Edinburgh 5th June 1652.
100. Disposition by the same Earl to his sons of certain silver work
which had belonged to their mother Dame Anna Livingstone, his wife —
namely " ane gilt silver bassen with ane laiver ; ane plaine silver bassen
with ane laiver; ane laigh gilt salt fatt; three silver salt fatts; tow
great bowles of silver tow litle bowles of silver ; ane silver box ; tow
cupes ; ane brad cup ; ane litle gilt cupe ; ane litle how cupe of silver ;
tow dussane of silver trenchers ; ten silver spounes ; tow silver chandlers
and two silver stoapes " to be used by the said Colonel James and Major
General Robert Montgomery at their pleasure, reserving to the Earl
his liferent use. Eglinton 25 July 1657.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 39
101. Warrant by the Earl of Rothes, Chancellor of Scotland, stating Right Ho*.
that many in the Sheriffdoms of Ayr and Renfrew who were charged to eglintow.
join his Majesty's forces, had been defaulters, and others had not, in —
obedience to the laws, contributed to the suppression of the rebels ;
therefore ordaining Hugh Earl of Eglinton to give notice of such
persons or to take security of them for their allegiance. Holy rood-
house, 25 February 1667.
102. Letter from the Lords of the Privy Council to Hugh, seventh
Earl of Eglinton, enclosing a commission by King Charles II., appoint-
ing the Earl of Lowdoun, the Lords Montgomery, Crichton, Cathcart,
Bargany, and Cochrane, Sir James Dalrymple of Stair, and others,
Commissioners for settling and ordering the militia of the Shires of Ayr
and Renfrew ; and appointing the Earl to give notice to the other
Commissioners to meet at Irvine, and there to deliver to them the said
commission and instructions. Edinburgh 3 September 1668.
103. Account of disbursements, rendered by Mr. Matthew Fleeming,
minister at Culross, for board, education, etc., to Alexander Lord
Montgomery (afterwards ninth Earl of Eglinton) from Candlemas 1669
to Lammas 1673.
The account chiefly contains entries of payment for clothing and fees
paid for medical advice.
Some of the more noteworthy items are " for an Inglish bible " £3. 12s.
(Scots) ; " for a musick book 8*. 6d." To Dr. Conningham when " my
lord had the smal-pox 15 dollers and to his man on doller M £46. 8s. (Scots)
. . . "for a Latin and English Dictionar " £12 (Scots) for another book
called " Janua Linguarum " £l. 10s. To the schoolmaster, quarterly
payments from Candlemas 1669 to Candlemas 1670, 8 dolars and for a
Candlemas gift 3 dollars : To the doctor of the school for the same time
4 dollars and a Candlemas gift £2. 8s. in all £45. 18s. (Scots). [A similar
sum was paid to them yearly thereafter] ..." for a skin to cover my
Lord's dictionar, and a wallet to cari books" lis. . . . "forMajora
Colloquia Erasmi, Carmina Proverbialia, and Virgil £3. 8s. for a book,
viz. Vxtores Epistles 10s. . . . for Virgill, Horas, Tirenc with
Buchanan's Chronicle £8. 16s. Od. Item, given each Sabbath to the
poor, 3s. 4d. quhich in 4 year extends to £34. 13s. 4d. : Item given to
himself for his play and spending money during the space of the forsaid
four year, whereof no particular account was keept, but being estimat
within the worth at 3s. a week, extends" ... to £31. 4s.
104. Original Instructions by the Estates of Scotland to the Earl of
Argyll, Sir James Montgomery of Skelmorlie and others, nominated to
offer the Crown to the King and Queen. Dated Edinburgh 25 April
1689.
105. Commission by King William and Queen Mary granting power to
Archibald Earl of Argyll and in his absence to John Earl of Glencairn
to be Commanders in chief of the detachment uuderwritten, ordered to
be sent to the West Highlands, namely the regiments of the Earl of
Argyll, the Earl of Glencairn and the Lord Angus, and the troops of
horse under the command of the Earl of Eglinton and Captain William
Bennet of Gruibbet, and the two troops of dragoons commanded by
Captain Sir Alexander Hope of Carse and Captain John Home of
Nynwells ; and also granting commission to Alexander Earl of Eglinton
first Captain of horse, to be commander of the whole horse and dragoons
of the said detachment, under the Earls of Argyll or Glencairn : with
full power to the Earls of Argyll or Glencairn, to call out all the
40 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right How. heritors, chieftains of clans and fencible men within the shire of Argyll
EglSton or acUacent P^ces of the shires of Perth and Inverness or other places,
— and to prosecute with fire and sword, etc., the Viscount of Dundee and
all who are or shall be found in arms for the late King James, or those
who shall join the Viscount; to seize their goods, etc. conform to the
rules of war. With the usual clause of indemnification. Orders to be
taken from the Privy Council of Scotland or Major General Mackay.
Dated at Edinburgh 5th July 1689, and signed by the Duke of Hamilton
and the Lords of Privy Council.
II. — Correspondence of the Earls of Eglinton.
(a.) — Royal Letters.
106. Letter from King James Sixth addressed to the Earl of Eglinton
and Lord Boyd, repeating his desire to have the dispute settled, which
existed between William and Harry Stewart, sons of Lord Ochiltrie, and
the sons, kin and friends of the late Charles Mowat; and requesting his
correspondents for his " saik and requeist (to) tak sum panis to corn-
pone and tak vp the mater, be sic mid and indifferent (impartial) way
as ye think gude, quhairthrow vnite and concord may be continewit
betuix bayth the partiis in tyme cuming " etc. Dated at Stirling Castle,
2 July 1579.
107. The Same to Alexander (Livingstone) first Earl of Linlithgow,
regarding the Earl's daughter. '* We are sory that such occasions are
fallen out, as we can neyther dispach her home to yow as yee desire nor
conueniently haue her placed in such roome as we wold willinglie allow
her ; yet till better opportunity, wee haue kepte her still here, wher
her vsage salbe no worse then her owne behauiour (which ris in treuth
very good) and your faithfull seruice have deserued : In the meane
tyme if any occasion of a fitte mariage fall out for her, wee giue yow
assurance that wee wille not only pay her dower, but also defray all
other charges belonging thereunto. As for our Pallace of Lynlithgow
and castle of Blacknesse, we gaue direction sufficient concerning them"
etc. Whitehall, 11th December 1605.
108. The Same to Lord Binning, Secretary of State, (afterwards first
Earl of Haddington,) and Sir William Oliphant Lord Advocate, requiring
them to cause Sir Alexander Montgomerie resign in their presence and
deliver to them in writing a sufficient resignation of the title and dignity
of Earl of Eglinton. Newmarket, 21st January 1615.
109. The Same to the Same, acknowledging receipt of a copy of Sir
Alexander Montgomerie's demission of the title and dignity of Earl of
Eglinton ; and requesting them to examine whether any addition to it
be necessary to render it valid in law. Whitehall, 27th February 1615.
110. The Same to the Same. " Our iustlie conceaued offence for the
intolerable abuse likelie to have taken roote in that our kingdome, by
transferring the titles and dignityes of Lordes of Parliament from the
lineall discente of the race which wee or our royall progenitours had
honored with that eminent dignity, to strangers by infeftmentes of intayle
or other alienations exped there vnder our casheite, moued vs to pro-
hibite Sir Alexander Montgomerie (who by such meanes was prouided to
the liuing and earledome of Eglintoun,) to vsurpe that title and place ;
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 41
not for any dislike of the gentleman, who by his most dewtifull behauiour R^^ ?2N'
had giuen vs occasion to expecte that he wolde not proue vnworthie of Eglinton.
his predecessours of that ancient house whereof he is lineally descended,
whose loyalty had deserued all fauour and honour from vs and our
progenitours ; but that he and all others by (beside) him might know
that wee being the onlie author and founteyne of all dignity in our
dominions no meanes could promoue any subiecte thereunto but our
gracious and freeguifte, according to his deserte inducing vs of certeyne
knowledge and propper motiue to conferre the same vpon him : and
therefor wee haue thought it conuenient to make our wille and iuste
resolution herein so expresslie knowne vnto yow, as yee may intimate
the same to all our officers and keepers of our registers and seales ;
commanding them in our name neuer hereafter to suffer any such
infeftment of intayle or other security to passe, as may convey the
dignity of a Lord of Parliament to any but such as haue sufficient and
particular warant of their dignity vnder our owne hand." In considera-
tion however of Sir Alexander Montgomerie's resignation of the title of
Eglinton, the king desires that in terms of his signature a new infeft-
ment of the title and dignity may be given to Sir Alexander " whereby
the worlde may know that nothing but our royall bounty maketh him
to enioy that dignity ; wherefore he may be the further obliged by his
seruice to give us such proofes of thankfulness and loyalty as so high a
fauour doeth deserue," etc. Whitehall, 27 February 1615.
111. The Same to Lord Binning. On the same subject ; giving
special directions as to how the infeftment is to be given to Sir
Alexander Montgomerie. In presence of five or six of the Privy
Council Lord Binning is to declare that the king had just reason to
debar Sir Alexander from all honours during his lifetime, yet seeing
that he had without any knowledge of the king's intentions surrendered
the title &c, " in so ample a manner ... as he could not challenge
any higher ranke then that of a knight, wee haue bene pleased to con-
firme vnto him that honour which by another although withoute our
knowledge had bene conferred vpon him : and so deliuering vnto him
our infeftment, yee may shew vnto him how gracious a souerane he
serueth, who so easilie could be mooued to pardon an offence so highlie
touching his prerogative " etc. Whitehall, 27th February 1615.
112. The Same, to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton: "Whereas
our seruant John Leuingston hath bene an earnest sueter vnto vs that
yee might haue license to hauke and hunte in the weste cuntries of that
our kingdome wee are well pleased (in respecte that our intention was
not to debarre anie of your ranke from his honest recreation or lawfull
disporte, but onlie to preserve the game in a reasonable estate) thus far
to yealde to your desire, as yee may with long winged haukes hauke
and kille all sortes of foules ; absteyning onlie from partridges and moore
foules, and hunte hares with raches, giuing them faire play not hunting
them with greyhoundes : and, persuading ourselfe that yee wolde vse
your pastime no otherwise, although wee had made no restraynte, wee
bid yow farewell/' Hinchinbrook, 19th October 1616.
113. Letter (address wanting) from King Charles First intimating
that he had recommended the Lairds of Pollok-Maxwell, and Blackhali
as fit persons to represent the shire in Parliament; and requesting his
correspondent to secure the election of these gentlemen. "Oatekin,"
29th August 1627.
1 14. The Same to Lord Semple, that whereas the King had accepted
his lordship's surrender of the Sheriffship of Renfrew and bailiary of
42 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. Paisley and had also agreed with Bryce Semple of Cathcart in his lord-
Eglinton. ship's behalf, by giving him " such assurance as at this time can be
granted " for 3,000 acres in the first intended plantation in Connaught in
Ireland, and giving to Bryce (who was appointed Sheriff and Bailie until
Michaelmas 1637) 1,000 acres for his service to the King "in the
valuation of tithes and apprehending of one who had comitted a fowle
murther," under the usual conditions for such plantations ; the King
declares that if Lord Semple or his assigns shall not be sufficiently
secured in that land by any default not proceeding from himself or them,
the King will repone him in the said offices. Whitehall, 19 January
1636.
115. The Same to the Commissioners of Exchequer in Scotland, nar-
rating that the King had formerly constituted the late Bryce Semple of
Cathcart, and James Semple his eldest lawfull son, their heirs, &c.
heritable sheriffs of Renfrew, and bailies of Paisley, during the not pay-
ment of 5,000/. sterling from the Irish Exchequer, due to them in
satisfaction of 4,000 acres promised to the late Hew Lord Semple and
Bryce Semple from Connaught in Ireland ; and the King being informed
that Bryce and James Semple had conveyed the said offices of Sheriff-
ship, etc. to Robert Lord Ross, now commands the Commissioners to
pass the necessary signature, etc. Hampton, 7th December 1647.
116. Letter from King Charles Second to Hugh Lord Montgomery,
stating that James Fleming had petitioned the King and Committee of
Estates, and had received an order as to his ship and goods ; which order
Lord Montgomery is requested to see performed, and that nothing be-
longing to Fleming " be imbeselled or riffled, but that without delays or
subterfuges the goods be restored," etc. Stirling, 24th May [1651].
117. The Same to the Same : "Wee have apoynted Captain Jhon
Bartlett with a ship of warre to goe to sea, whoe is not so well provided
of greate gunns as were necessarie ; therf ore we intreate that yow would
lend him four of yours for a voyage he is to make which will not be
long : wee desire also he may have cariages and fyftie shott for them ;
and wee give you our assurance all shall be rendered againe vnto yow in
as good condition and in the same quantitie they are receaved. The
Captain is the bearer of this our letter vnto yow ; wee recommend him
to your favor," etc. Stirling, 3 June 1651.
118. Declaration by King Charles II. in favour of Lord Mont-
gomery. " It is our pleasure the number of fortie men which the Lord
Mongomerie hath raised and doeth maintaine at the Isle of Comrie, may
be allowed to him in this new levie for so many out of his owne or his
father's proper lands." Stirling, 30 July 1651.
(b.) — Family Letters.
119. Letter. Sir John Mure of Caldwell, knight, to Hugh third Earl
of Eglinton, that the writer had spoken to the Regent (the Earl of
Murray) as to Lord Eglinton's " assurance " or safe conduct from the
Government : that the Regent had complained " he hadgevin your lord-
schip ane assurance to ane langer day nor he had gevin to ony lord or
erle in Scotland, Heland or Lawland; swa it apperit ye bot mockit
him : " but that after much trouble the Regent was persuaded to grant
an "assurance" for a longer period. Sir John adds "Ferder, your
lordschip sail ken there is nother erle, lord nor barroun in Scotland bot
thay ar allredde come in bot ye; me Lord Huntle beis in this Tysday
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 43
the tent of Maii : nochtwithstanding his incummyng he will get na ap- Bi&ht Hon.
pointment wythout he rander all proffeittis that he hes intromittit vytht Eglintoit.
of the King's Grace properte, and likvayis of me Lord Regentis awin ;
vyth mendis mackeing to all landit men and gentill men, and vderis that
he hes offendittoo: and suppois that be done, his awin Grace schew
vnto me that he is determinit to pas throw all the North to hald iustice
covrtis and to puneish faltouris. . . . As to novellis I haif na
vderis bot as I haif vriting, except Niknevin thollis ane assyiss this Tys-
day ; it is thovcht scho sail suffer the detht ; sum vderis belevis nocht.
Gif scho deis it is ferit scho doe cummer and caus mony vderis to incur
danger; bot as yit for no examinatione me Lord Regent nOr the
ministeris can mak scho will confess no wytchcreftis nor gilt, nor vderis,
bot sayis to me Lord Regent and the examineris that it is nocht that hes
cavsit hir to be taen bot the potingaris ; and that for invy, be ressone
she vass the help of thame that vass onder infirmate ; and spakis the
most crafte spakein as is possibill to ane woman to be sa far past in
yeiris qwha is ane hundrit yeris," &c. St. Andrews, 10th May
1569.
120. Eleanor Countess of Linlithgow to her daughter Anna, Countess
of Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton : — " Madame and loving dochter,
my werie hartlie commendatiouns rememberit. , . Quhairas ye haif
writtin for sum carage hors to bring your carage out of Craigiehall
heir ; I haif spokin me lord for that effect and thair will be ane doson of
hors thair on Thursday tymouslie at morne. As for tumeler cairtis,
thair is nan heir. As for my cairt it is broken bott I haif causit com-
mand thame to bring hochemes (horse collars) creills and tedderis with
thame," etc. Dated from Linlithgow Palace, 24 November 1612.
121. Lady Isabella Setoun, Countess of Perth, to her sister-in-law,
Anna Countess of Eglinton, in reference to the baptism of the latter's
second son. "I praye yov sister lett not my leadie our mother trubll
hirself in bying much vylde meitt to your sons bapttisme, for all that is
to be hade in thir peairts. I sail haue thame at yov on Fry day at nicht.
I have bespokin some keids and souking lams thair to ; and these vil be
dentis (dainties) to be hade at this tym of the yeir," etc. " Mostour,"
16 August [1614].
122. Jean Ruthvaine to Anna Countess of Eglinton, as to certain
articles required by the latter. " As for a resting chyre lyk to my Lady
Roxburghs, I did enquyre at an upholster the pryce of itt and he told
me if it werr of beitch wood it woold cost xxxvs. and if it werr
of walnote tree it wold cost Is. ; . . . As for the piccadaill, I haue
boght it of the best fashone ; and as for lace to be a band and cuffs, and
square with long peaks, pleas yoor ladyship know that it is not the
fashon to weare such now, and therfore I haue boght such a one as all
doo vse at Court ; such a one directly as my mistress wears of the best
Flanders lace I coold gett. ... As for the] bowat (lantern) of
whyt iron, plese your ladyship know I boght one of the fairest I coold
find in Londone and of the best light ; the casements of it is not of
home, but of Moscouia glas, such a thing as will nether bow nor brek
easelie : and becaus I feared ther coold none of them be had in Scot-
land, I sent eght of them for fear of breking of the rest. As for burning,
yoor ladyship may hold it to the low of a candell, and it will not burne ;
but if it be weyped it wil be als cleir as euer it was." . . . The
writer sends thanks for " herings " sent from Scotland by the Countess.
Whitehall, 29th January 1614.
44 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. 123. Lady Margaret Livingstone (afterwards Countess of Wigton) te
Egl?ntos. ner sister Anna, Countess of Eglinton. "... I haue resauit your
— twa letteris; and as for the gentil woman that ye wrait to me for, I can
not now tak hir in seruice, in respect that these that is alredy with me is
nocht to go fra me this terme : and albeit that Barbara Slowan be
puffed vp be hir mother to seik ane hundreth merks of fie, or els to tak
hir leave fra me, yit I am myndit to serue my self better chcape and als
weill as ever sche did ; quherefoir seing sche is in sik ane loftie consait
of hir worth and seruice, I mynd not to retene hir longer nor Witson-
day nixt whereof I haue thocht gude to acquent yow becaus be your
advyse I wald put hir away, or hald her, as ye think meitest," etc. Cal-
lendar, 10 April 1616. In another letter, undated, but written about
the same time the same subject is referred to. The writer states
that she had meant to visit her sister but was prevented by indispositiou.
" Onlie this, I will intreite yow for your maiden Helen Hunter ane half
year whill I be prouydit ; for thes that ar with me dous not ther deutie
as becoms them for many respects," etc.
124. Paul Hamilton, Captain of Arran, to Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton : " Pleis your lordship your lordship's halk come in this cuntre
abowt a monethe sensyne, quhar my brudder William Haminyltone
fallowit one hir and socht and serssit hir and gat hir ; and I haf cawst
hyme intertyng hir becaus he was skelid of halkis ; and your lordship
sail resawe hir als weill in fedder and bene fra me as weill as ewer scho
was and scho had bene wyth (worth) a thowsand engels. Ye or one of
your lordship's hows may command me in one effaris at lyiis in me to
your lordschip's honor. And I haf causit delyuer hir to your lordship's
falconer and to Neill Mungumro of the 111 of Cumray your lordship's
awin man," etc. 15th February 1618.
125. Margaret Countess Dowager of Wintoun to Anna Countess of
Eglinton her daughter, in law. ..." Your sone Hew is verye
weill and is ane goode scoller. I ressauit your herring and randers yow
manye thankis for them ; these quhilk ye haue directed to send to
Tngland, I sail caus Robert Setoun send them with the first shippe that
passeth out of the Panis [Prestonpans ?] " etc. Seton, 22nd December
1618.
126. Alexander Sixth Earl of Eglinton to his wife, informing her
of the recovery of their eldest son Hugh who had been ill. He also
advises her of an intended visit from some relatives, and adds " Therfor
fell not to send your kotche and horsis eist to me efter the reset of this,
and kaus sax of the eblest tennentis coum with hir to Glascrou to pout
hir by all the strati's and dangeris, and therefter to derek the kotchman
to coum to me." . . . etc. In a P. S. he recommends her to "drink
klarit wyn " for her ordinary drink and writes that he will " tak Docter
Arnet's openioun theranent." Seton, 14 July 1619.
127. Margaret Countess Dowager of Wintoun to her daughter-in-law
Anna, Countess of Eglinton. After referring to the health of the
family and other personal matters, the writer says " I haue sent two
fillies to my son to be grasit thair, becaus the drouth lies bene and as
yit still continews heir so that we haue no grase at all. Sa having no
farder to schaw yow, bot that Coronell Gray and his capitanes and thair
men of weir ar all going to Bohemia the xx of this instant ; they ar all
writtin for," etc. Seton, 19 May 1620.
128. Robert Seton servant to Margaret Countess Dowager of Wintoun,
to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton. " My nobill lord . . . We naif
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 45
no newes from Court. Sindrie of our nobillmen ar gon wp, as Roxburch, Rk^ of*'
Erroll, Duinfreis, Latherdaill, Clark Register, Sir John Scott Com- Eglinton.
missioner for Buckcleuche, Commissioners for the toun of Edinburgh
and burrowes, against my Lord Spinnie and the Erll of Erroll. The
Marqueis is assuritlie lukit for the last of April at Haleruidhous. I am
glaid your lordship did gif me so ty mouse adverteisment for your
cuik ; wtherwayes I wald haif endit with on this weik. I haif at lenth
spokin with the scoulmester in the Panis, quha dois assur me that hes
preceis price of his buirders sitting at tabill is tuo hunder merk ; and
those that sittes at the fuit of the tabill faires als weall as those at the
heide and so most pay no lesse ; so this will cum to nyn hunder merk a
year. The tearme advanscit at the entrie, and everie on of the scollers
a dolor in the quarter, besydes clothes wasching and Candelmes candell
siluer : your lordship most also send tuo bedding of clothes with them.
. . . Sir Robert Hepburne departit this lyfe the 4 of this instant,
and will be buriet on Tuysday nixt the 15. My lord your brother
[George third Earl of Winton] is bissie with hes new Herberie but sore
against my will : I fear it prouffe ane inprofitable work and skars
worthie hes paines, bot there is no steying of him. ... I wrait in
my last my opinion conserning your bairnes eistcuming as I do yit
continow : I think gif there be ane guid grammer scoull in Glesgo, your
bairns can be no wors ther than at the Panes, and I think lairge
cheipper ; by and attour they ar near yourself, quhair onis a weik, ather
by yourself or your servauntes yow can se them. Bot I zeald to your
lordships opinioun." . . etc. Tranent 9th April [1620]. P.S.
" The name of the littill doge is Adonus."
129. George third Earl of Wintoun to his brother Alexander sixth Earl
of Eglinton. ..." We heir His Maiestie [King Charles I.] finding
that the Quenis affectiouns war much interrupted, thairfoir the King
resolved with sume of his confident counsallouris to delyver himself e in
on day off the Frenche that did disturbe thame : and to the end he
mycht do it with all possable respect to his brother of France, he
dispatched -the Lord Carreltone with instructions to that King, by
quhiche he gaue hime ane accompt of all the ressones of that actioun ;
and gave him so manie days before the tyme, that he mycht be thair
befor the news come. All the domestikis of the Queine alsweill
ecclesiestike as lawicke ar removeit frome bir persone to Danmarke
Hous and this day was presenttit befor the King with jewellis; viz., the
Bischope, Madame St. George, Madame Teillearis, Madame de Frenuse,
and the Counte Zipieris : and the King geivs amongst the hole companie
four and tuentie thoussand pundis or thairby and they pairte with ane
grite daill of ilwill : they ar gone to France and thair charges defrayed
be is Maiestie. Sum ladys ar suorne of the Quenis bed chalmer, to
witt, the Dutches of Buckinghame, the Merquesse off Hamiltoun, the
Countese of Cairleill, the Coumese of Denbeigh. His Maiestie purposses
to set oppin his doores for his awin natioun to ressaue favour frome the
Queine ; and make hir Queine of his subiectis hairts, alsweill as he
doethe of his cronnes." "The Dainmarke Imbassadour is vpoun his
dispatche with hope of money and heth grite testimonie off his
Maiesties favour towardis his deir vncle off Dainmarcke." That the
news from the Low Countries was, that the Prince of Orange had taken
the field and had captured Odenzell. That there were warlike pre-
parations in Spain, etc. " Colledge," 17 August 1626.
130. Sir William Seton, of Kylesmure, to Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglintoun. Chiefly referring to the Claim of Right presented by the
46 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. Parliament and granted by the King on 7th June, 1628. After nar-
Eglinton. rating the proceedings Sir William writes that great joy was expressed
at the result, such as his London correspondent " nevir sawe the lyke ; and
in the evinning all the bells was rung and bail fyrs sett vppe everee wher ;
with singing, scoling, with drinking off healthis for the King, as all the
peaple seimit to be madde for joye, as he caDe nether be ane trew subject
to his Majestie, nor worthie to be accounttit ane trew countrie man
within his Maiesties dominiouns, quhois hairt deid not rejoyis at the
concord," etc. Haddington, 15 June 1628.
131. Robert Bruce of Kinnaird to Anna Countess of Eglinton.
" Madam, 1 cannot tell at quhat schole yowr ladyship hes beine at ; bot
surlie your ladyships last letter smelled of grace, had ane fragrant
perfume of the doctrine of the Holie Spirit. I sie your ladyships cross
is sanctified. I fear ye had mister [need] of patience, that efter ye have
done His will ye may report His promeiss. Ther is nothing that assures
me mor of your electione. Suppose ye be vnequallie yoked, it is for
your guid and for yowr humiliation ; for yowr ladyship is sent to your
prayer to be verie earnest that the eies of the instrument that exerceisses
yowr ladyship may be iliuminat, and the persone sanctified, whither it
be he or she, they may become a sueit and gracious comfort to yow ; and
in the mean tym, the Lord strenthen yowr ladyship that He lay no mor
vpon yowr ladyship nor He gives yow strenth to bear. Indeed it knites
my heart wnto your ladyship, for I sie clearlie the Lord hes appointed yow
to be a wessel of honore. This is the crosse of Christ that is vpon yowr lady-
ship and it will sanctifie the domestick. I never fand your ladyship so
redolent ; if I wer neir yow I wald gar yow smell mor in my mynd ;
bot as it is ye shall have my inteir affectione, with my humble depreca-
tion that my sueit Lord may supplie my want, and not onlie doe your
ladyship guid, bot all that is in yowr case. Ye wald be a formall
Christian, madam, if ye vanted that : — a painted sepulchure, aneoutvard
professor. Bot now ye beir, the force of religion e is at yowr heart ; and
now ye must wait on quhill He that hes laid it on, in His sueittest
mercies tak it off" and raise yow vpe comforts of yowr childreine and of
some of yowr brethreine and vthers about yow, to strenthen yowr lady-
ships invard man that he faint not and that he grow not wearie," etc.
Kynnaird, 2nd September 1629.
132. Mr. Josias Welsh minister of Temple Patrick to Anna Countess
of Eglinton giving an account of his work in Ireland. " The Lords
worke prospereth gratiouslye in this countrey ; it spreadeth abroad
(blessed be His name !) and notwithstanding the great opposition it
hath, it flourisheth indeed lyke the palme tree : and even the last Sabbath
in Antrim, ane English congregation, the superstitious forme of kneelyng
at the sacrement put away, and the true paterne of the institution
directive followed, which was ane thyng that wee could neuer looke for
in that place." That there had been opposition, but this had caused their
numbers to increase greatly, and the writer hopes that the Bishop may
continue his objections, as these kept the people in suspense, and made
them more eager to hear for themselves. The writer concludes " As for
you elect ladye, what shal I say to you but what the Apostle sayeth to
the Thessalonians E. ep. 5 ch. 24 v., Faithful is he that hath called you,
that wil also doe it ; and thynk not straunge that you be exercised with
tryals within and tryals without : most you not be baptised with the
baptisme wherewith your Lord was baptised ; if rare for grace, why not
rare for crosses also ? The Lord keepeth that wyse proportion with His
owne : if you haue gotten the gold, will you not get the fyre also ? .1
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION, 47
am of the mynd. that yet greater tryals are abydyng us : The Lord pre- B^ht Hon.
pare us and make us readye," etc. (Signed) "Mr. Josias Welsch," eglintok.
Temple Patrick, 19th October 1632. —
133. The Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland to Alexander sixth
Earl of Eglinton, intimating the King's intention of coming to Scotland
in the summer to be crowned and to hold a Parliament ; therefore
desiring the Earl to prepare himself and " to be in readines to keepe
the appointed tyme of these solemniteis in that statlie and decent forme
as be semeth the dignitie of suche actionis ; viz., with your rob of
crymson velvet enamered and your croun at the coronatioun, and with
your scarlot rob at the Parliament," etc. Holy rood house, 19th March
1633.
134. Hugh Lord Montgomery (afterwards seventh Earl of Eglinton)
to his father the sixth Earl. Describing his journey to London, he
being obliged to post, as the horses broke down and one of his servants
fell sick. He himself was well and had been introduced to the King
by Lord Carlisle. As to her Majesty he writes "it was thoght best, in
respect of my schort stay that I sould not sie the Quin, because of the
miscontent scho was in for the present with the Treserour soun, my Lord
Wasson, being embassodor, for enterscepting a pacit of Hir Maiesties
and my Lord Hollonds, derected to the Chevaler de Par, and sent bak
by Lord Wasson to His Maiesti : quherwpon at my Lord Wasson horn
cuming, my Lord Hollon did schailleng him to the combat ; quhilk
being gotten notise of by the King, my Lord Hollon was confind
to his oune chamber during His Majisties plisur, quch hes bred the
Quin grit mescontent. As for newes we haue non, bot all matires gos
very weill in Jermany ; for ther is a let defet given by the Langgrave of
Hassin to the Emperours Lewtennat Generall betuixt the Weser and the
Elbe," etc. London, 6th April 1633.
135. Alexander, third son of Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton to his
father. " Thir lines ar to shaw . . . that I am in Peries, and hes begoun
my exercies to fenes and danes with your lordships oled mester Anglea ;
and that my fencin and dansin extendes monthli to 25 lib. 10 soues,
and my mathamatikes monthli to 8 lib. 10 s. Bot concernin my
reyeddin my bririn (brothers) uil not let me begin it wil I hef direksion
fre your lordship uich I expec day bifor and that [we] aer all the girrer
in pencion, and peyes fortin crounes in moneth forbay (beside) mani
extreordineres. And at my ariuel in Perris I touk of a sout of sil,
whereof ther aer four elles for clothes and kassak, with fowr elles of pax
for leyen my kassak uith ; uich med en end of the monnies uich I had
restin," etc. Paris, 8 November 1633.
136. Sir John Seton to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton. After
reference to family and personal matters, he writes " We haue had littil
neuis this month, and nou I can tell your lordship nothing of great
moment saue that we hear that the Dyette at Francforte is lykly to end
well and with contentment both to the Prince and the Swedins. The
King of Vngaria efter he had taken in Donauwerte, which is a passage
in Bavaria* he marched his armie towards Nordlingen, 4 Duche myls
towards Neurenberg from Donauwerte, the which place he caused batter
with cannons, and assaltid the town at two brechis which he maid ; bot
wes repulsed by the corage off the garrison. Gustavus soon hearing
that he wes incroching into Germany resolved to gif him battel ; and to
this end joyned his armie with Duk Bernards and so merched towards
the King of Vngarie, bot he hearing of his cuming brok up the sege
48 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Bight Hox. and maid lies retreat to Donauwerde, bot before he could be saue into
Eglistojt. Bavaria 2000 horsmen (for this 2000 hors maid the retrait to the Kings
— armie) bettin to peecis by Duk Bernard's horsmen. So this the first
effront this King hes gottiu and a great on : I houp his pryde wilbe a
littil laid. Ther wes a spech or rether ane aspersion laid upon Gus-
tavus Hern for not being willing to relieve Ratisbona, bot the veritie is
known why theis 2 armies sindert then : itt wes of necessity, for the
publique well of Germany, and for no jelosie amangst themselfs. It
can not chuse bot ther most be more battels focht for determining the
great bissiness of Germany. The Prince of Orange wes once laid downe
before Breda, bot it is said that he is gon from it again ; for his desyne
wes to amuse the enemie til he should haue gott in a secourse into
Mastricht, which is beseget; bot it is reported the convoye off the
Estets is bettin. The Estets assuredly most losse that place in respect
it is so far from their reiche," etc. London, 10 September 1634. P.S. —
"... the King of France hes now gottin possession of Edenheim,
which the Spanzards called PhiJipsburg, the strong hould vpon the
Rhyne ; and hes sent Sir Johne Hepbron with ten thousand men for the
assistance of the Princes into Germany."
137. John, second Lord Balmerino, to Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton, giving notice of a meeting of Council to be held on 20th
February. The writer adds, " Occnrrents heere are vncertain. . . .
The Earle Montrose, Kingorn, my brother Oldbar, and a great number
of the Barons in Angus and Mearns, are gone to assist the noblemen
and barons meeting of the shire of Aberdeen, at Turref, Thursday last ;
quhilk dyet the Marquis Huntlie threatned to interrupt. The Earle
Mareshall is either gone with them or sent all his people. The Laird
of Innes and our freinds benorth Spey are with them also," etc. Edin-
burgh, 16 February 1639.
138. The Same to the Same. . . . " The report of ane Irishe and
an Englishe Parlement is current and I thinke so shall ther be. Great
threatinings of fortie thousand men levying presently, whereof fyve
thousand horse. The Commissioner carried vp the honouris from the
Abbay to the Castle of Edinburgh yesterday in his cotche ; and lies a
great number of letters from the King to call vp such noblemen and
others as he pleaseth to the Court," etc. Edinburgh, 21st December
1639.
139. The Same to the Same, referring to the "extraordinarie occasione
which vexeth vs here," and reporting that " on Thursday last a ship of
the King's, about six or seaven score, called the Providence, came loded
to Leeth Rode, having in a hunder prest sogers, three last of grain
pouder, 80 musketts, 80 picks with some few swords and corslets, and a
number of round shctt quhairof thair is no scarcetie in Edinburgh
Castle. One of the whelps called the Expeditione, wes her convoy to
keepe the prest sogers from rysing against their Captains schipman ;
and one Captain Slingsbie had the charge of that whelp when the
Marquis Hamilton's neete lay here." The writer also sends papers
which show " the Kings commands to the Provest and his desire of
obedience ; which is not like to take effect in hast," etc. Edinburgh,
10th February 1640.
140. Hew Montgomery to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton. The
letter is written from Ireland, where the writer, through the Earl's in-
fluence, had obtained a Lieutenant Colonel's Commission from Hugh
second Viscount Montgomery of the Great Airds, and gives some
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 49
account of the doings of the Scots army there. "... The strenthe Rl|J2£ H£N*
of the rebels can not be known, nether doe they nor can they know ther Eglikton.
owne strenthe ; for all of them that can winne runes to them, and we
know that they are hudg numbers of men ; for the whole paele is out
who have a number of good armes quhiche they had gott from the
Lords at Dublin and now refuse to restore them ; for ther masters
excuse themselves, and say that ther tennants are gon out in rebellione
withe them. Dubline is verie hard bestead, for all the Brittishe and
uthers that ar protestans have send ther wyves bairnes and goods away.
The rebells intercepted a good daile of armes and uther ammunitione
that was comming from Dublin (as we heir) for insetting of Tredathe ;
and increas daylie in strenthe and goes on in ther former crewelties
withe all sorts of person es young and old ; and except speidie assistanc
be sent from Scotland, be all outward appearance they will find but few
of their cuntrie men to welcome them and verie evile landing heir, for
we ar few and very naket for want of amies to withstand them. My
Lord of Airds his strenthe at Cummer will be 4 hundrethe foot, withe
sythes, cornforks, stafs and few pykes and about ane hundrethe and
threttie muskets, whereof ane hundrethe cam yesterday to ws from
Dublin. My lord hathe lykwys 60 horsmen, armed as they may be.
Sir James lyethe at Downpatrick withe ane old cumpanie of foot, ane
other of horse, his owne regiment, and his troupe is about our strenthe
and so armet : he lies a matter of 60 horsmen of my Lord Clandebuoys,
and Sir Arthur Tyringhame lyethe at Lisnegarvie withe a matter of
eicht hundrethe men wherof ar three old troupes of horsmen. This is
our whol strenthe and our fortifications suche as Kilwinning and Irwing.
The rebells burne and kill e verie uther night within a myl two or three
wnto ws, nether can we helpe it ; for what they doe is in the night, and
if we send out a partie they have centinels on all the hills, and will not
stand, but reteir to the woods. We ar informet they ar divyding them-
selves in three ; Sir Philome Oneil in two ; wherof on half ar appoyntet
for Lisnegarvie and the uther for ws, and Sir Conne McGinnies and
MeCairten for Downe ; yet it wer but a small matter if we had fyv
thousand of such men and amies as wer at Newcastle to niarche towards
them and give battel to threttie thousand in the open feilds ; for they
ar a confuset multitud : but what resistance we ar able to mak, your
lordship may judge be the former part of this letter/' etc. Cummer
(Comber), 17 December 1641.
141. Hugh, second Viscount Montgomery of the Great Airds, to
Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton. Excusing himself for not writing
more frequently. " . . the trueth is we ar keept exceeding busy
with the rebells whoe burne and kill within a myle and a half to this
place : insoemuch as from the Newry to this, ther is not a Scotts or
Inglishe dweller ; this being thirty four myles nor from Downepatrik to
Killilieagli nor from thence hither. At Lisnegarry there is a garisone of
seaven or eight hundred men, and some two troupes of horse : at Belfast
ther is a garisone of a matter of three or four hundred men : at Carrig-
fergus ther is likwise a troupe of horse and some sex or seaven hundred
foote : at Mosryne I heer ther is gathered together a matter of one thou-
sand men. Heer I ly with a matter of eight companys of foote and three
troupes of horse. At Killileagh ther is the Lord Claneboyes, whoe, to
speake truely is extreame weake onely that he hes a stronge house.
Upon Wensday last Major Barclay, Captain Inglis and Mr. Elliott went
abroade with ellevin or twelve score of men as the report comes to me,
wherof ther wes seaven score musquetiers and the rest pykemen, some
fyve or sex myles from Killileagh. They mett with a party of the rebells
A 84067. I)
50 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^BxSi11011' wnase ^ustome is t0 fall one with a great shoutt or cry, wherupone the
Eglinton. most parte of the soldiers that wer with Barclay and Inglis fled before
ever the rebells charged them ; soe as these two or three gentlemen
with the most parte of all the men together with ther amies wer losed.
Captain Alexander Hamiltone wes come to the Newtone the day before
vpone some occasioues, soe as now I beleeve my Lord Claneboys hes not-
above ane hundred men with him. That night I sent out my Lewtenant
Collonell and Major Crawfurd with a party of 300 foote and 80 horses
whoe marched all night and in the dawning came to the leigure wher
the rebells ly that ar on this syde of the countrey, whoe we did not
thinke to haue bene soe stronge as indeed they wer. But, praised ]>e
God! they returned home yesternight with the losse oriely of twoe or
three foote soldiers and four or fyve wounded, whoe I hope will not be
the worse. They brought with them a prey from the rebells of a matter
of twelve or thirten score of cowes ; and had the cutting off of above
fyfty of the rebells, whoe wer vp wards of 1000 men. . . . The
rogues raised ther cry but I thank God it wrought not vpone our men.
. The people that are fled out of the countyes of Ardmagh, Fer-
managh, Tyrone, Managhan and these of this county itself from the
Newry all the way to this place ar soe burdensome that in trueth we
much fear that ther will be scarsety. My lord, the intelligence that we
had from the neighboring countyes of Wlster is cutt off by Sir Phelemy
CWeall; soe as I can give your lordship no good accompt what the estate
of the Brittish is towards Colraine and Londonderry. By sea we haue
receaved intelligence from Dubline that all the Lords of the Pale ar in
armes and that the papistes all over the kingdome are also vp ; that
Tredath which is within 20 myles of Dubline, is besieged, wher the
Lord Moore comands some four or fyve troupes of horse, and Sir Harry
Touchburne a very braue gentleman a regiment of foote. The passage
to them by sea being blocked vp [and] the Lord Moores house of Melle-
fant taken by the rebells with the loss of some men one each syde. sex
hundred men that wer sent from Dubline to Tredath wer cutt off by the
way. It is reported that they robbe burne and kill neer to Dubline. It
is likwise said that ther ar 10000 Englishe lauded at a place in Monster
called Yoghill ; that 20000 li. of moneys is likwise sent over; and that
the Londoners haue contributed 10,000 li. to the maintenance of the
ware. By advertisement from my brother Sir James, I understand that
Sir Cone Magenis, Turlogh ONeall Sir Phelemy' s brother, and McCarten
ar joyned together haveing at least 2500 horse and foote ready to enter
into Lecall. The rest of all the strength of the country heer are likwise
ready to fall downe vpone these parts ; soe as we cannot giue assistance
one to another. Notwithstanding that I had severall tymes ayded
Lisnegarvy they refussed to goe out with me against these rebells, though
for the present they ar pretty and stronge ; soe as all of ws do severally
ly vpone our guards expecting the setting on of the rebells. . .
Our present conditione is as hard as can be well imagined and the
harder that we want armes and ammunitione. By your lordships favor I
haue had the supply of some gentlemen that I most needs contend to be
proper men and good soldiers, which makes me the more grewed thet we
should want such provisiones as might enable ws to performe that service
which might be expected from such comanders ; for supply wherof if
it please God to send it in tyme wnder whome I doe rely vpon your
lordship ; for which ther is no security that your lordship shall be pleased
to draw vp and send vnto but I will signe, whatsoever comes unto me.
. . . My lord, all the supply of armes I haue had from the begyneing
hes come vnto me out of Scotland by the meanes of a privat freind of
myne whoe is well knowen to your lordship : from the Lords Justices
HISTORIC!, fmSmH COMMISSION. 51
and State heer I haue onely had a matter of 100 musquetts whereof I RiohtHon.
have sent a parte to my brother from His Maiesties store at Carrigfergus. Eglinton.
I have been refuissed of a supply of amunitione; they wrott unto me
that the store house wes ill provyded, and that they hoped I might be
supplied from Scotland." As to provisions the writer states " ther is
yet some reasonable store of cornes and other provisione in these corners
that the rebells hawe not yet marched over ; but if the army be long
acoming the shorter the provisiones will be every day. The more
ground the rebells gaine vpon ws, the shorter our store must be ; and
if we shall be cutt aff before the supplyes eome the less safety will be
for ther landing," etc. Mont Alexander, 31 December 1641.
142. Sir John Seton to Alexander sixth Earl of Bglinton, sending
certain articles of dress, " vvomens bands," etc. which he hopes may
reach Edinburgh by the 16th (January). " I haue resolued to send them
for . . . they wilbe welcome to hir ladyship ; for they verie curious,
and of the newest sort of lace and makeing." He will send also
shortly " your diamond, houds and masks for the ladies, silk stokins,
garters, roses, gluffs and fans and such lyke toyes which the ladies can
not want." The writer then proceeds to detail the proceedings between
the King and the Parliament relative to his Majesty's charge of treason
against Pym, Hollis and others. The king " lookt about (hi the House
of Commons) and eould see none of the accused and sayd, where is
Mr. Pirn and Mr. Hollis ? The Speaker answered lie had nether eares
to heare, nor a mouth to speak, but when he was commanded by this
honorable howse. The King sayd he would haue these men if they were
aboue ground, and so returned to Whythall. It is h'rmlie .spoken if any
of them had bin in the house at that present (as they went out a quarter
of ane houer before) the King would haue apprehended them, and the
howse wold not haue lettin them goe, and so the greatest bloodshed
might haue bin that was ever heard tell of in a parliament." The letter
further relates the visit made by the King to the Common Council of
London ; the Council's petition to his Majesty and its reception ; the
taking up arms by 30,000 of the citizens ; and the retiring of the King
and Court from Whitehall, etc. London, 10th January 1642.
143. Jean Ross wife of the Laird of Innes to her mother Margaret
Lady Ross, afterwards Countess of Eglinton. As to the circumstances
of herself and husband and difficulties in the way of their housekeeping.
Inter alia Lady Innes writes " Your ladyship knos the Erll of Murray
lies giuen ws the houss of Speyni for a tyme, and he comssundrie tynis
to this countrey, for the most pertt of his estett lys heer; and I kno he
will do ws the honnor to com to ws, and I wald fain haue a chamer or
twa weell drest for his coming becaus he is weri curious in thos
tilings; and trewli for the presentt we hau not on stand of good
curtteins nor any thing of that sortt ; for the cloth which Sandi Bran
bronghtt me I cannott gett my bouttouns brouthered on itt this yeer. I
haue als much sad green serg of our aune making as will be ane bed,
bot I cannot get less and fringes to itt heer ; but I haue written to Anna
to buy als many less and fringes to itt half silk and half worsett as will
seru itt; and I shall send her money soon efter Mertimes. This is the
treuth of our statt, which I haue written to your ladyship," etc. ! Innes,
the 27 of October 1642.
-
144. John sixth Earl of Cassillis to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglin-
ton :— " My noble lord. It hath pleaseit the Almightie to call my deir
bedfellow from this valley of teares to hir home (as her selff in hir last
wordis called it) : There remaines now the last duetie to be done to that
D 2
52 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^EarloT' P{lirt of mr left witn ws> 4uhilk I intend to performe vpoun the fyft of
Eglinton. Jan uar next. This I intreat may be honnored with your lordships
presence heir at Cassillis that day, at ten in the morning, and frome this
to our burriall place at Mayboill, quhich shalbe takin as a mark of your
lordship's affectioun to your lordshij),s humble servant, Cassillis."
Cassillis the 15 December 1642.
A copy of Lord Eg Union's reply to the above is annexed, in which
he says " I am sorrowfull from my heart for your lordships great losse
and heavie visitatioun and regraits much that I cannot have the libertie
from my Lord Chancellour to come and do that last duty and respect I
am tyed to." He explains that the day fixed is also appointed for a
meeting of the " Committee of the Conservatours of Peace " and that he
must attend. He adds." ... it is ane very grit greif to me to be
absent from you. I will earnestly entreat your lordship to tak all things
Cristianly ... I pray God to comfort you with His wysdome and
resolutioun to be content with that which comes from his hand."
145. Ferdinando second Lord Fairfax of Cameron to Hugh Lord
Montgomery. " It hath pleased God to suffer the enemy to giue my
forces a verie great defeat at Pontefract. About three thousand horse
and one thousand draggoons under the command of Sir Marmaduke
Langdale and Sir Thomas Blackwell, came soe verie fast vpp, as that I
could not get my forces from the seuerall places they were to come from
to resist them. Yesterday, about three of the clocke some of my horse
faced the enemy's vann, but were forced to retreat vnto the foot, who
carryed themselves verie bravely, but yet were not able long to continue ;
and both the horse and foot retreated with too much disorder that I am
airraid wee have lost verie many foot. I intreat your lordship to draw
vpp your regement, and giue notice to others which are neare you to draw
theirs with all convenient speed towards Burrow Briggs whether I shall
rally and advise with your lordship what may best be done for anoying
the enemy, and securing this city and the passage to Scarbrough," etc.
(Signed) Fer. Fairfax.
York, 2 March 1644.
146. Sir William Ross of Muiriston to Margaret Countess of Eglin-
ton (formerly Lady Ross). "... I am verie glad that our army is
ovir Tyne ; Grod goe alonges them. As for newes heir whilke your
ladyship desyrs to know, we ar daylie and hourelie frichtit ; first with my
Lord Sinckleris men, quhilke ar neir ane thowsand who landit at Irwin ;
and wer not the geutrie in the countrie conveinit they had done great
hurt. Sicklike shortlie thairaf ter cam my Lord Lowdianes regiment, who
iandit at Grinoke. The Bailies of Paislay being advertised at xi. houris at
nicht be his letter, they came ovir to me at xii. at nicht and we advyist what
wes the best for bothe the regiments thocht to haue lyne at Paislay ; and
we efter advysment thocht it best to withstand them if it were possible ;
and I comandit your ladyships men to be in readines as they did verie
willingiie. The Dukes men lykewyse and the rest of the gentrie and
commons of the paroche, the towne of Paislay and they were aboue
seven hundrethe men and neir tua hundreth horse ; and before we wist
Lowdianes regiment wes at the granteris, and my Lord Sinckler wes in
Paislay attending his regiment. So the towne and countrie vshit and
mett them hard by the ports and wold not lett them enter. Glencairne
wes tbair who was no vnfreind. Then my Lord Sinckler desyrit that
the towne and countrie sould lay downe amies and lett them pass in ;
and the space of tua houres it baid a hard contest ; alwayes we wold not.
Bot this was the agriement, that the first three companies sould passe
throw the towne to Renfrew, Govan, and Pollocke, as they did ; the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 53
vther twa companies were quartered in the towne of Paislay ; so that
nether your people nor anie vthers hes gottin any wrong be the sojers.
My lord Sincklers regiment is to Glasgow whair we heir the towne will
not receave them. We heir thair is landit at Grinocke three hundrethe
of Laweris regiment ; and we feir the haill rest of their over comeing
quhilk aiFrichts the countrie verie muche, bothe in staying thair labour
and spoyleing their houses," etc. Paisley, 9th March 1644.
147. The Same to the Same. "The plage of pestilence haveingbeine
in the lions of William Cumynge, your ladyships tenent at Halket
mylne ; in tyme of quhilk seiknes some of his familie leivit in his barn
Avherein is his haille aites and beire ; and now at the mercie and
j)lcasour of God, the towne of Paslaye beinge sore of feire of that
seiknes so far as can be vnderstood ; it hes bein regraitit both in their
towne counsell and session, thatt all the houses and goodis about thaime
being cleinzeit, that barne and the cornes therin sould remayne
vnclenzeit. And I haveing mett with thame to speik of ane commodious
waye for doeing of it it wes thocht vpon that the best way wes to cause
separat tua peple quha have beine seik, and to cause thame burne it aff
the strae after the form of Ireland, and than to cleanse the barne." Sir
William therefore desires Lady Eglinton's instructions in the matter,
adding " The tonne and sessioun both recommends (for escheweinge
farder danger) that gif this be not speadielie done, the haille cornes
should be brunt, hot advise rather, for preserving the creatures, the
other wer done," etc. Paisley, 10 March 1646.
148. J. Somervell to Mr. James Scott of Bonyntoun. Giving account
of the proceedings of the Scots army " Upoun the penult (30th) of
March the airmie marchit from the quarteris besyd Sunderland and
went to the Bruntfeild Murhoussis, and vpoun the morn being the first
of Apryll, the airmie marcheit from thair to Eisingtoun hill, and stayit
thair till the eight of the said month ; and from that we marcheit from
that to Quarintoun Hillis, vpoun the south syd of Durhame, within a
myle or tuo of the toun ; and vpon the 10 day at 12 o'cloack at nicht,
Major Ballintyne with sum commandit man went out and took 20 men
and threttie hors, with pistollis and saiddillis, and on of the men was a
capitaine. And upon the 11 day thair came sum keillis vp the water
of Wear from Sunderland to fetch coillis, and the ennemie send out
sum dragouneris and comandit musquitteires and tuik the men that was
gairding the keillis, and slew of them and cutted the keillis ; and
vpon the 12 day, in the nicht, the Marquis of Newcastell with his
airmie fled from Durhame ; and we gat no intelligence till the 13 day
att 3 acloak in the efternoon and then the airmie marcheit efter them
with all the haist thay micht ; bot they had ever geat a fair start, and
we came to the Feme Hill that nicht ; and vpon the 14 day, being
Sunday we marcheit verrie airlie befoir the soon rais, and the hors
men follow it in haist and cam to Derntoun before 7 acloak in the morn-
ing and sent out a pairtie of hors to pursew thair reir. Our major
commandit the pairtie ; he with his pairtie tuik fourtie men and many
horses and slew many of thair straggillars and gatt tuo thousand merkis
worth of silver plait, and mikill cheis, pork and bread, and we stayit
thair till nicht and the haill airmie crosit the Teis water that night and
the morn we marchit to Northallertoun : and the morn being the 16
day, we marchit fra that to Thormanbie and we gat provision from the
touns about and fra that we marchit to Borrowbrigis and the morn
heing the 18 day we marchit fra that to Wedderbie and we mett with
Sir Thomas Fairfax : and vpoun the 20 day we marcheit to Todgaster
and mett with my Lord Fairfax his trouppers and dragouneres : and
5J
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION
Eight Hon. vpoun the 22 day we marcheit within two myitis of York and my Lord
EqSwtos. Fairfax his foot came vp to the vther syd of the water foir against our
— ligar ; and in the nieht the haill trouppes that the Marquis of New-
eastell had in York went out and fled ; and our troupes with my Lord
Fairfax his troupes followed and tuik 60 prisonars and many horses ;
and they war so hard ehaisit that they war forcit to tak the eullouris
from the standarisand ryd away with and live the staf behind them, and
thay arto the King to Oxfuird : and we and Fairfax his forces are lying
about the City of York and thair haill foot is within, with 4 troupes of
hors. Sir Marmeduik Longlie is fled and gon to the King with the
haill hors that was in the Kingis northern airmie, and is myndit to
bring Prince Ruppert and the haill forces that they can mak to raise the
seidge at York. The souldieres that we tak off thairis saves they gatt a
mutchkin of beans an unnce of butar and a penny loaf evirrie ane of
them per diem and thair is ane ordinance that evirrie ane within the
eitie of York sail haue hot ane maill per diem : for the Marquis of
Newcastell and General King hes causat search all the citie for provi-
sion and takin all into the stoir hous and gives out to the people that is
within the citie efter the mainer foirsaid. God knowis quhat the event
will be; bot the General Major of the horses wold haue the wallis of
the citie stormit vpoun all quarteris, both be foot and hors, and the
horsmen to quyt thair horses and scall with ane pistoll and his sword ;
so that altho many be slain it may be bot small hurt to the haill
airmie," Middlethorp, near York. 1st May 1644.
149. Ferdinando Lord Fairfax to Hugh Lord Montgomery requesting
that his lordship would not quarter his regiment about Northallerton
and Thirsk as the inhabitants there were already sufficiently burdened
for the subsistence of the forces engaged in the reduction of Hemslev.
Yorkj November 1644.
150. General David Leslie afterwards Lord Newark, to the Same,
requesting that he would require his officers to strengthen his troops
and that they should be well mounted armed and clad under penalty of
being cashiered to their disgrace. 14th February 1645.
151. Sir John Seton to Alexander, sixth Earl of Eglinton, sending
3 doz. white gloves and one doz. of ''sweet gluffs " besides intimating a
former dispatch of a " silk wastcoat and bundle of lutstrings." He then
refers to the war. That 4 days ago Sir Thomas Fairfax had received
orders to relieve Tauntondean. Since then it was reported that
General Goring had left that town beseiged only by 3,000 men, having
withdrawn himself with 4,000 to join the King at Oxford, " who hes
bin in reddiness these ten days to part from thenee but had no strenth
and so durst not venter out. Eight dayes ago lie sent 3 regiments of
horse to give ane alarme to our quarteris ; but our horse were so reddie
that they gave the Kings horse the chase, tooke 400 of them and some
cheef officers prisoners, and as I heare there wes not anie officer with our
horse at that time above a corporall. Some of the enemies horse filed
vnto a garison called Blischinton, a garison of the enemies, of 200 men,
eommanded by Collonell Windibank : they summoned the house ; he
eapitulat with them ; and the enemy got live to march away without
armes, the officers excepted, who got their horse and armes with them.
Three dayes after, our horse, vnder the command of Collonel Uromwel
set vpon a quarter of the enemies horse near to a garrison called
Farinton, where there were 300 foote : 200 horse were there taken and
the house also and the sogiois broght prisoners to this cittie." The
writer hopes that Tauntondean may be> relieved, as it hindered levies
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 55
for the King in the west. " Prince Rupert and Massi hes had a bout Right Hon.
togither where Massi lay. It wes at Sir John Winters house which he i;«linton.
brunt when he could not keep it being but a 1000 strong and the
Prince 2000 ; ye! he made his retreat to Glocester, and in the way he
lost 120 men, a 150 horse run away from him, and the Prince and he
were at hande bio wes ; but the Prince was armed at all peeces who lost
als manie of his men as Massi did and took als manie prisoners and as
we heare, my Lord of Lughberie called Hestings is ether killed or
deadly hurt." The writer gives also foreign news. "The King of
Denmark is still obstinat ; he will in no wayes consent that the Tool in
the Sound be diminisched ; and therfor the esteats of the Low Countries
are rayseng of 6000 sogiers in Holland for land Service, and are to send
60 schips double manned to joyn with the Swadens : I think this will
bring him to a conformitie. The Emperor is retorned to Bavaria and in
the town of Ausberg . . > the Emperatrice and the childrin are gon
to Stirmark. The Swadens are masters of a great part of Austrea the
Lower, have also a passage over the Danub : this wes the last news from
these places " . . ., etc. London 9th April 1645.
152. Alexander first Earl of Leven to Hugh Lord Montgomery, re-
questing him to keep good watch upon the movements of Prince Rupert
now on his march towards Newark ; also as to the critical position of a
detached party of Lord Montgomery's force, near Skipton. Newcastle,
10th April 1645.
153. Hugh first Earl of Loudoun to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton,
vindicating himself against certain statements which have been made to
his prejudice ; stating that the Earl of Crawford and Lieutenant
General (Leslie) had prevented his being present with his friends in his
own country, between the rising of the Parliament of Perth and the
battle of Kilsyth, by threatening to allow the army to disband if he
left it ; and giving an account of the proceedings at a conference
between him and the Earls of Crawford, Cassillis, and Lanark, and Lord
Bargany, for determining measures for the defence of the country against
Montrose's force. That the writer had advised that the whole available
men in Ayr, Lanark, and Renfrew shires should be drawn together for
defence of the district'; but that the Earls of Crawford & Lanark had
declared that it was impossible to keep the local forces together, that
the men of Clydesdale and Cuningham were disbanded, and that the only
plan now left was to recall the army from England and Ireland : the
result of the conference being that the Earl of Loudoun was despatched
to the army in England and the Earl of Cassillis to Ireland, etc. Ber-
wick, 26 August 1645.
154. Alexander first Earl of Leven to Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton, congratulating the latter on " the happy victory " against
Montrose, and hoping that the advantage gained might be prosecuted
to the welfare of the country. He expresses his intention of resigning
his charge, on account of inability for public service, and he begs Lord
Eglinton's influence in procuring him his discharge from the estates.
Northallerton, 24 September 1645.
155. Margaret Countess of Eglinton to her husband, Alexander,
Earl of Eglinton, expressing her regret that he was staying so long at
the Parliament, and her apprehension that Allaster [Macdonald] ** com
ower and tak all that [he] can gettj and burne the rest." Her ladyship
states her uncertainty as to the best course for her own safety, and
desires her husband to advise her, as speedily as- possible, " for I assur
56 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Right Hon. vow they ar looking everi night for him in Arrane, for man, wyfe
Eabl of an(j bairne is coming ower to this syd, and all ther goods that they
glinto*. can gett transportit, both out of Arrane and Bute; for he (Pilaster)
is weri strong, and 1 feir we find er it be long." She urges her
husband's return. Eglinton, 23 December 1645.
156. Colonel James Montgomery to his father Alexander sixth Earl
of Eglinton, informing him that an officer near Carlingford had under-
taken the release of Lord Airds, for which, if he succeeded he was to
receive 1000/. sterling ; that two regiments of horse and four of foot
had arrived in Dublin from England; and that Sir Thomas Fairfax's
army was daily expected over. The writer adds "Our miseries heir
day lie increaseth, bot the expectation we haue of the Parliament large
satisfactions to us for our bypast sufferings and seruice, makes us endure
with a grat deal patiens, wieh otherways we walde not." In a P.S. the
Colonel writes "... ther is intelligence come . . . that
Auen Makcart is at Carrik Makleroiche with an army of 20,000 men ;
and that he is to dewyd his army and to come with the grater part of
them himself straight upon us in thir quarters, and the other part to
goe to the county of Loundounderrie where the Steuarts are ; and Pres-
toune is gone tauards Duhling." Dated at Newton, 10 May 1647.
157. Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton to his son, Colonel James
Montgomery : — Referring apparently to the u Engagers " the Earl writes
" . . . I sie no appeirance they haue Godis direction in thair wayes, and
thair is small appeirance they sail haue good succes to thair intentiones.
They haue bein most rigorrous in plundering of this cuntrie, and als
malicious agains thes that war not against them in the conflict at
Mauchling, as thais who war against them. . . . The nobilitie, gentrie,
and cuntrie people ar soe insenceit at thair proceidingis, it will not faill
bot will draw to ane mischeif, for the last day that the Parliament sat
thay maid ane act of parliament which is a verrie dangerous ane both
to religion and monarchical! governement and intendis to cause ane oath
o ...
be sworn by the kings subjectis to obey what evir thay command :
whilk I think will not be don in haist, bot will reddilie move a civill
war : Bot I think they sail gait moir adoe for the forces that was heir;
the most pairt of them ar directit with Middiltoun who is Livetenant
Generall now, toward Cairlill to supplie Sir Marmaduick Londaill
[Langdale] who is in great fear of the forces who hes approchit thair ;
for Colonell Lambert to come doun with 2,009 hors and 2,400 foot all
trained and abile men, and Sir Marmaduicks men ar bot all new takin
on. . . . Thair came in schipes from Holand vpon Fryday last, writh a
great daill of ammunition to the Duick who is now Generall, and letters
sen owing that the Prince will be heir schortlie ; sum sayes writhin ten
dayes. The Duick's [Duke of Hamilton's] faxion waittit and tuick the
merchant packit this last weik out of sume jealousie they tuik that thair
was sum people heir gave intelligence to the Inglish what we war
doeing heir. Thay find sum to that purpoisbot not of that straine thay
thought to have fund : . . . I doubt not bot ye have heard the certaintie
of the conflict at Mauchling : the Livetenant Generall new maid, callit
Middiltoun, was evill hurt in the heid and cuitt in thrie pairtis on his
back, and venie hardlie persewit be ane blacksmyth ; and Colonell
Hurrie evill hurt alsoe on the heid : as for common trouperis their was
almost als many slaine as was of the cuntrie people : bot gif the cuntrie
men had had officeris to have commandit them it had not gon as it did ;
for the ministeris that war with the cuntriemen diswaddit the moist
pairt of the cuntrie people and maid them goe of the field to eschew
scheding of blood. The ministeris war Mr. Mathew Mowat, Mr.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 57
Gabriell Maxwell and one Mr. Wyllie who is minister at Mauchling," Rtght Hon.
etc. Eglinton, 21 July 1648. The next day the Earl sent a few lines eglinton.
to his son by the latter' s *' chirurgiane " " . . . Gif ye haue gottin any
halkis for me send them over ; for it is tyme they war maid : your
brother hes a rid on alreddie. Also caus send thes tuo deir to me that
Capitane iJrumond promised me ; and caus scheir sum gras and put in
besyd them," etc.
158. Hugh third Viscount Montgomery of Great Airds (afterwards
first Earl of Mount Alexander, to Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton
sending the two deer referred to in the last letter, and stating that on
the discovery of some plot intended as was reported, for the taking of
Dublin Castle, sixteen gentlemen and officers had been apprehended,
the chief of them being " Sir Maurice Eustache, Sir John Giford,
Collonell Flower, and Collonell Willoughby, all great seruants of my
Lord of Ormond." That half of them had been sent over to the
English Parliament and the rest kept prisoners by Jones. The writer
adds that the divisions among the Irish stil continued and that provisions
were become extremely scarce. Carrickfergus, 7th August 1648.
159. Robert Fergushill (of that Ilk) to Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton, informing him that some prisoners had been taken by Lieu-
tenant General Leslie out of a ship going to Holland to the King with
a commission to be signed by him, one of them being " Mr. William
Orde ane pryme malignant who hath constantly travelled betwixt this
kingdome and James Grahame [Montrose] with intellegence," etc.
Edinburgh, 9th April 1649.
160. The Same to the Same, detailing news from the north from
Lieutenant General Leslie that the men of Athole were up and had
joined with Lord Ogilvie intending to stop Leslie's march southward
and that the Clan McKenzie were marching on his rear. Later news,
1 io\v ever, reported that Leslie had dispersed those under Mackenzie of
Pluscarden and that Colonel Frazer and the Laird of Lumlair [who
were concerned in an attack on Inverness in view of Montrose's landing]
had given bonds to lay down their arms. That Lord Ogilvie had fled
to the Braes of Angus. Edinburgh, 28 April 1649.
161. Margaret (Scott) second Countess of Alexander sixth Earl of
Eglinton, to her husband ; announcing the agreement made between
King Charles the Second and the Scotch Commissioners. She com-
mends her husband for dismissing a suspected female servant whose
malpractices had not before been proved. She utters a pious wish
" God Allmighti send a gud tryell of all the wicthis, and send them a
hotte fire to burne them with." In a P.S. she states she had spoken with
a young man to be the Earl's " chamber-man ; he is a pretti man and a
gud taillour ; was never at serwis befor. He shouht a hunder mark of
fei ; I offered him fourti pund and so many of your old clothis as ye
thoght gud your self," &c. Edinburgh, 8 May 1650.
162. Major General Robert Montgomery to his father Alexander
sixth Earl of Eglinton informing him that the leaders of the Scots army
had resolved to draw their forces a mile or two westward [from Corstor-
phine] and offer battle 10 the enemy [under Comwell] by " shotting
three peice of cannon towards them." That it was reported that 3000
men under Lord Grey of Groby were marching to recruit the enemy.
From Corstorphine, 22 August 1650.
58
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Bight Ho>\
Earl of
Eglinton.
163. The Same to the Same, informing the Earl that the enemy had
attacked the house of Redhall within two miles of the army and had
taken it, the situation of the ground preventing succours being given.
That two brigades of the enemy had marched towards Craigmillar, and
a party of foot was detached in that direction with two regiments of
horse to Wester Dnddingston to watch there and to send 100 horse to
the house to await the enemy's waggons and provisions which were to
come from Musselburgh. If the enemy stormed the house, the whole
Scots army was to advance and second the outposts. That the shire of
Perth cried out " mightily " against Lord Eglinton's regiment (as com-
posed of " Malignants") and "have profered to furnish the army with
two thousand bolls of meall, if they will remove your lordships regiment.
Tlier is many lykwyse for the bringing them over to purge them." In
a P.S. the Colonel writes, " If nothing occur before Munday, we resolve
to use some active way to ingadge the enemy to fight ; which I conceive
wil be by marching towards Edmestoun and Muslebrugh and storming
them." [This letter has no date, but was probably written about the
same date as the last, if not earlier.]
164. Alexander sixth Earl of Eglinton to William Home, his steward :
"William, I have takine this occasione to show you that there is ane
French Monsiour, called ane Marques, to be wast on of thir dayis and
is to be heir ; . . . therfor ye sail cawse send waist after sight
heirof thrie of the fatest beastis that is in the park, and that with better
boyesthan thei send last ; for thei sent bot hyred boyes last, who knew
not the way home againe. and thes bot abuse our service, and it is the
official's fault ; and cause try for a suckeing weall that is fourtein or
twentie dayis ould, if it can be haid ; for I think thes strangers will be
heir this weik or the beginning of the nixt at farthest, and cause send to
the fouller and sie if he can get moor fowles or plivers or partridges or
woodcokis or any wyld fowles, and cause heast them wast." The Earl
also desires as much cloth, of a particular pattern, as will make him a
cloak and a coat. He concludes, " I pray you be diligent in getting
moneies ; ye know we have neid of it both for principals and annwlrentis :
and let me know of your good health. I rest, your loveing master,
Eglintoun." Eglinton, 21 October 1658. In a P.S. the Earl orders a
large supply of large and small raisins, plums, and figs.
Humbly reported by
Edinburgh, 32, Castle Street, William Fraser.
27th October, 1883.
REPORT ON THE FAMILY MUNIMENTS OF SIR JOHN
MAXWELL STIRLING MAXWELL OF KEIR AND
POLLOK, BARONET, AT KEIR HOUSE, IN TIIK
COUNTY OF PERTH, BY WILLIAM FRASER, LL.D.,
EDINBURGH.
Sir Johx
Maxwell Stir-
ling Maxwell.
The collection of papers now reported on, though large, contains com-
paratively few documents which have much claim to be historical. This
circumstance, occurring as it does in a family which descends in an
unbroken line from an ancestor who lived in the twelfth centun .
seem strange, were it not explained by the fact that in 14881, durin
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 59
war between King James the Third and his eldest son Prince James, Sib John
the tower of the Keir, the family residence, was burned to the ground li^maxwell.
and the family Charters were then consumed. From the later Writs —
and others which now exist the more interesting documents have been
selected and are now reported on. The greater number of the Keir
Charters and family papers have already been printed in a work, entitled
" The Stirlings of Keir, and their Family Papers." That work was
edited by me in the year 1858 for the late William Stirling of Keir, who
succeeded to his uncle, the late Sir John Maxwell of Pollok, Baronet, in
the title and estates of Pollok, and became Sir William Stirling Maxwell
of Keir arid Pollok, Baronet. Of that work only 150 copies were
printed, not for sale, but for presentation to relatives and friends,
and several of the public libraries. Such a work as this, privately pub-
lished and restricted in the impression, does not supersede a Report on
the more historical of the muniments of the Family of Stirling. The
present Report is therefore submitted.
John of Stirling, son of Sir William Stirling, is the first who is named
in the Charters now reported on. He married Mary, the aunt of John
of Argyll, Lord of Lorn, the last of the male line of the ancient Lords of
Lorn. " In 1338, probably about the date of her marriage, John of Lorn
granted to his aunt, wife of John of Stirling, the lands of Rathorane and
others in Lorn [No. 1. infra]. His grandson, Lucas of Stirling, suc-
ceeded to the lands of Rathorane, being served heir of his father in 1423
[No. 6, infra]. Lucas, or Luke, Stirling also acquired Ratherne, in
Dunblane parish [No. 4, infra], and he had other possessions which, in
1448, he exchanged with George of Leslie, Lord of that ilk, for the
lands of Keir [No. 13, infra]. He was thus the first of his family to
acquire Keir, of which estate his descendants have been possessed ever
since in an unbroken line of descent. The elder line, that of the
Stirlings of Cawder, came to be represented by an heiress, Janet Stirling,
who was married to her kinsman, James Stirling of Keir, about 1535,
and the estates of Cawder and Keir became united in one family. A few
of the Cawder Writs are included in this Report [Nos. 3, 5, 7, 9-12, 16,
18-21, and 25, infra]. Of these, Nos. 9-11 are of interest as showing
certain modes of dealing with land, recognition by the superior, reinvest-
ment by him, and also the method of evicting an illegal tenant, with
the symbols used to express the annulling of certain acts done by a
superior.
The most prominent member of the family from a historical point of
view was Sir William Stirling, who held Keir from 1471 to 1503. He
resigned certain lands into the hands of King James III., and had a
letter under the Privy Seal declaring them united to the barony of
Keir [No. 17, infra]. Sir William Stirling joined Prince James's party
in their revolt against the King in 1488. During a skirmish with the
Royal forces in which the Prince was defeated, he took refuge in the
tower of Keir, which the Royalists burned to the ground. When
the Prince became King James IV., he paid from his treasury 100/.
towards rebuilding the tower, and also renewed Sir William's charter
of the lands [No. 22, infra]. In the new grant the King designs the
grantee as his " beloved familiar,*' and refers to his " faithful service,"
statements which tend to refute a calumny which some historians have
attached to Sir William's name, that he aided in bringing about the
death of King James III. after the battle of Sauchieburn. The histo-
rians nearest that event, however, attribute the murder to a servant of
Lord Gray. Sir John Stirling, son of Sir William, was at a very early
age betrothed to a daughter of Sir Patrick Hume of Polwarth, but the
proposed union was apparently not carried out [No. 24, infra]. Both
60 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John Sir William and Su* John Stirling were benefactors of the Church,
ling^Maxwelu founding a perpetual chaplainrv in the Cathedral of Dunblane [Nos. Lo
— and 26, infra]. Sir John Stirling was assassinated, it is said, on the
Bridge of Stirling between May and November 1539. It is also stated
that the deed was done by one whom he had instigated to kill Buchanan
of Leny, whose daughters, co-heiresses, he had stript of a great part of
their estate. This assertion is so far corroborated by the curious docu-
ment, part of which is quoted in No. 50 infra. No. 42 also relates to
the Buchanans of Leny, and shows that the co-heiresses had other
claimants to their estates beside Stirling of Keir. Sir John Stirling's
fate was assigned by Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount as retribution for
his share in the attack on the renowned " Squyer Meldrum," whose
loves and adventures are chronicled by Sir David in a well-known poem.
This attack was made in August 1517, at the instance of an uncle of
Sir John's, whose rival in love Squire Meldrum was.
The next Laird of Keir, Sir James Stirling, was unfortunate in his
domestic relations. His first wife was Janet Stirling, a kinswoman of
his own, and by their marriage the estates of Cawder and Keir were
united. Janet Stirling, however, proved unfaithful to her husband, and
a divorce was effected between the parties. Previous to the divorce,
however, the lady resigned her lands of Cawder in favour of her husband,
and that valuable estate still forms part of the Keir Estates. Janet
Stirling married, as her second husband, Thomas Bishop, who became
involved in England in the transactions ot Lennox and Queen Mary
[No. 45, infra]. Bishop was, in 1568, for some time imprisoned in the
Tower of London for his alleged share in a satirical rhyme against the
Regent Murray.
Sir James Stirling married secondly Jean Chisholm, described as a
" cousigness " of William Chisholm, Bishop of Dumblane, [No. 43 infra].
Sir James Stirling joined the party of the Reformers and as Patron of
the Chaplainrv in Dunblane Cathedral, founded by his ancestors,
bestowed the emoluments upon his third son James " for support of his
enterteinment at the sculis," the chaplainry theu being vacant by the
refusal of the holder to conform to the new ecclesiastical order. This
James Stirling was slain in a quarrel about certain lauds on the 3rd June
1593, and the then Laird of Keir, his brother, after keeping up the feud
for some years, was induced by the influence of the King (James VI.)
and the clergy to agree to a contract, by which the rival claimant re-
signed his alleged rights [No. 54 infra]. The great grandson of Sir
James Stirling w as Sir Archibald Stirling of Garden, who was a lord of
session, known as Lord Garden. The Laird of Keir in 1715 was James
Stirling. He was at Sheriffmuir, and his estates were forfeited, but
they were purchased by friends for behoof of his eldest son and so pre-
served to the family. At an earlier date, in 1708, James Stirling was
arrested on a charge of implication in the Jacobite attempt at invasion
in that year. He was taken prisoner to London, and for a short time
confined in Newgate, where he was kindly treated, as appears from
letters to his wife, which, however, are not of sufficient public interest
to be reported on. From this Laird of Keir the family property has
descended to the present owner.
As has already been stated, the bulk of the papers iu this collection
are not of great public interest. Those more especially illustrating the
public career of the family have been cDmmented on. The following of
a more miscellaneous character may be referred to. The Charters and
Contract [Nos. 14, 23 and 30 infra] and the subsequent proceedings,
Nos. 36, 38, show how widow laidies paid for the support of some
influential neighbour, how a small baron put his affairs into the control
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 61
of a greater, and how the spiritual terrors of excommunication were Sia John
brought into play against defaulting debtors. The peculiar phraseology Swo^S™!".
of the grants to the Church [Nos. 15 and 26] may be noted, and it is —
also of some interest that in the notary's preamble to the Bishop of
Dunblane's erection of the Chaplainries in his Cathedral [No. 33 infra]
the Pope's name is omitted, as the erection was done within Scotland.
[After the date and the indiction is written " Romana sede pastore
carente vt fertur infra regntim Scotie "] showing the Scotch episcopal
jealousy of the Papal See. The Contract [No. 39] and the Gift of
escheat [No. 41] are highly illustrative of the turbulent state of society,
the peaceful agreement against mutual slaughters being followed a few
years later by the justifying (hanging) of one contracting party for the
murder of the other. The papers relative to the appointment of a
young acolyte to the Keir chaplainry at Dunblane, his ordination in con-
sequence to the lowest grade of orders, and the competing rights of a
chaplain appointed by Rome are also of interest [Nos. 46 to 49 infra] .
The statement by the irate Laird of Leny in [No. 50 infra] about the
" litill auld sourd " is corroborated by a Charter of King Alexander II.
(printed in Lord Hailes' Annals, Vol. III., p. 377), dated in 1227, in
which he refers to the little sword said to be given by King Culen to
the ancestor of the heir of Leny. The sword itself was in existence in
1789. It is described as of silver, and about two and a half inches in
length. An engraving of it appeared in 1792 in the Archaeologia (Vol.
XI. p. 45). This interesting relic has since been lost. The notarial
protest [No. 51 infra] is of interest in view of the fact that at the date
of it, Kirkcaldy of Grange, then Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh,
had declared for Queen Mary's party, in opposition to the King and
Regent, and the peculiar reception given to the Royal letters and
the parties bearing them may so far be accounted for on political
grounds.
Of the correspondence, the letters referring to the death of Strafford
[No. 63] and the trial of Argyll [No. 68] are of widest historical
interest. The first was penned by William Drummond of Riccarton,
one of the Commissioners sent by the Scots to treat with King Charles
First and the Parliament of England. The epistle of General Dalzell,
afterwards so well known [No. 64] and that of his contemporary,
Alexander Leslie, first Earl of Leven [No. 65], both eminent military
men, show that spelling was not an accomplishment with them any
more than with another celebrated warrior, John Graham of Claver-
house. Letter No. 69 is also very characteristic of its writer, the gentle-
spirited Leighton, then Bishop of Dunblane, who became Archbishop of
Glasgow. The remaining letters in this report call for no special
mention, though Nos. 7 1 and 72 may be of interest as showing the state
of foreign affairs at their date.
This Report is divided into two sections. I. Charters of the Stirlings
of Keir, 1338-1679; and II. Correspondence, 1641-1702.
I.— Charters of the Stirlings of Keir. — 1338-1679.
1. Charter by John of Argyll, Lord of Lome, to Mary, his father's
sister, wife of John, of Striwelyne, and her heirs, of the five penny land
of Rathorane, the penny land called Garwpennynge, the two penny land
of Bartychkeregyll, the penny land of Fekyrfaltach on both sides of the
Logane, the penny land of Hachychnacelache, and the half penny land of
Cragnamoychenache, all lying in Lome : To be held lor payment yearly
of a pair of spurs, or their value if they could not be bought. Dated at
62 HISTORICAL MANrSCUIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John Perth on the Nativity of St. Mary (8th September) 1338. Witnesses,
fiia^MAxwEL?: Sir Malcolm Kenedy, Chamberlain of Scotland ; Sir Michael Scot,
— knight ; Michael Fisser, Constable of Perth; and others.
2. Instrument of Transumpt made in the Blackfriars Cemetery of Ayr,
at the instance of John Cambell, Laird of the west part of Galstoun, of
two Charters (I) Charter by Malcolm, Earl of Levenax, to Sir William
of Galbrath, knight, and his heirs, of the lands of Kyrkmychell, and of
Drummade, in the Earldom of Levenax, upon Levyn : To be held for
payment of a pair of scarlet hose at the first entry of William and his
heirs, at the manor of Belaeh, in name of blench- farm. Dated al
Bullull, 16th January 1278-9. Witnesses, Sir William Byset and Sir
John of Bykyrton. (2) Declaration by Walter of Danuelstown, Lord
of Blackburn, that the lands of Galstoun and Bothernok, belonging to
John Cambell, were no farther bound to him than his right to take
therefrom 10 merks yearly, until John Cambell should pay him 100
merks on the high altar of the Kirk of Dunbretane. Dated at Dun-
bretene (Dumbarton) 10th October 1400. No witnesses. Transumpt
dated 30th July 1405. Witnesses, Reginald of Fynvyk, John of Craw-
forde, John Coll, Patrick Marschell, Nigel Dugalan, burgesses of Ayr,
Walter of Ayr, notary.
3. Charter by Matthew (Glendoning) Bishop of the Church of Glas-
gow, with consent of the Chapter thereof, to his beloved vassal, William
of Striuelyue, son and heir of the late Sir John of Striuelyne, knight,
of the lands of Cadare, in the barony ofGlasgu, within the sheriffdom of
Lanark : To hold of the Bishop and Church of Glasgow, for payment
yearly of 4/. usual money, and three suits of court at three head pleas
of the said barony, with ward, relief, and other usual services. At
Glasgow. This charter is not dated, but must have been granted in
1408, in which year both the Bishop and Sir John of Striuelyne died.
Witnesses Mr. Symon, of Mundavill, Archdeacon ; Mr. John, of
Hawick, Precentor of the Church of Glasgow ; Sir Symon of Glen-
donwyne, knight ; and Sir John of Hawik, presbyter and notary
public.
4. Charter by Euphemia, Countess Palatine of Strathern, in her pure
and lawful widowhood to her beloved esquire, Lucas of Streuelyn, of
her lands of Westeretherne in her earldom of Strathern, which Lucas
had resigned at Dunblane, in implement of an entail between him and
William of Streuelyn, Lord of Cadare : To be held to Lucas and the
heirs male of his body, whom failing, to William and the heirs male of
his body, whom failing, to the heirs male whomsoever of the name of
Streuelyne, whom failing to return to the nearest heirs whomsoever of
Lucas, for giving three suits in the year at the three head pleas of the
earldom of Strathern, and a silver penny at Foulis, on Whitsunday at the
dinner hour, in name of blench-farm, if asked only. Dated at Perth, 8th
October 1414. Witnesses, Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife and Menteith,
Governor of Scotland, and Walter Stewart, Earl of A thole and Caith-
ness, the granter's uncles ; William Lord of Graham, John of Wemys
of that Ilk, knights ; David of Murray of Gask, Thomas Brisbane,
Tristram of Gorthy, the granter's esquires.
5. Letter of Wadset (mortgage) by George Cambeel, Laird of the west
part of the Gaily stown, to William of Strewyllyng, Lord of Cadar, of
the lands of the Gallisholme, in the lordship of the west part of the
Gallystown, and sheriffdom of Ayr : To be held until the said William
should be paid the priucipal sum of 20 merks on the high altar of the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 63
High Kirk of Glasgow. Dated at Glasgow, 3rd August 1422. Witnesses, Ma|ik Jos^
" Mayster Johne Stewart, sodane (subdean) of Glasgu, Seliir Johne of ung Maxwell!
" Dalgless, and Schir Thomas Wane, Sir Johne of Park, and Schir
" Rechard Gardener."
6. Retour made before Sir Walter Stewart of Railstoun, Sheriff of
Perth, at the command of the Governor of Scotland, by Sir John of
Dromond and William of Rothven, knights, William of Erskyn, Robert
of Ross, Patrick of Moray, Andrew of Dromond, Thomas of Roos, David
of Ramsay, Richard of Wause, John of Abercrumby, Michael Mercer,
John of Rettre, John of Chamber (de Camera), and John of Dalrimpill ;
who being sworn declare that the late William of Streuelyn, father of
Luke of Streuelyn, died last vest end seised as of fee in the five penny
lands of Rathorane and others (as in No. 1 supra), and that the said
Luke is lawful and nearest heir of his father in these lands, which were
then valued at five merks yearly, and in time of peace at 25 merks, and
had been in the hands of the Lord of Lome for 30 years and upwards
since the death of William. Perth, 11th January 1423.
7. Retour of William of Striueline, as heir of John of Striueline,
knight, his father, in the lands of Regorton, following on a precept
from the Chancery of King James First, made before John of Ruthven,
sheriff-depute of Perth, by Sir Andrew Gray of Fowlis, knight, Robert
Rose, Thomas Charters, John Hering, Patrick of Rettre, Finlay Butter,
Patrick Butter, Thomas of Monorgund, John Rose, Donald of Blair,
Archibald Stewart, Nicholas Kynman, Alexander Grahame, Malcolm
of Muncreyfe : the said lands of Regorton, in the sheriffdom of Perth,
which were then valued at 14 merks yearly, and in time of peace at
10/., were held in capite of Walter of Haliburtoun for ward and relief,
and had been in his hands since the death of Sir John of Striueline
24 years before. Perth, 29th April 1432.
8. Instrument of Sasine in favour of Lucas Stirling, following upon
and narrating a precept of Sasine dated at Kere 18th December 1433,
by Norman of Lesly of Rothes, directed to Robert the Grame, of Kyn-
pount, as bailie, to give Sasine to Lucas of Stirling of Retherne, of the
lands of Kere in wadset. Sasine given at the manor of Kere, on 22
January 1433. Witnesses, Thomas Grame, son and heir of Robert of
Grame, John Knokis, John Swyntoun, lord of that ilk, Sir John
Malcolm, chaplain, Thomas of Row, Andrew Bell, William Grenok,
John Magnus of Row, George Arnot, John Arnot, John of Stirling,
Patrick Mclnrosich, and others. Andrew Ancolson, notary.
9. Letters by James (Kennedy), Bishop of St. Andrews, James
(Bruce), Bishop of Dunkeld, Patrick, Lord the Grahame, and George of
Setotin, Lord of that Ilk, knights, attesting that in the cause between
William of Striuelyne, Lord of Cadare, and Gilbert of Striuelyn, they
with the other Lords of Council named below, had ordained the lands
of Kyrkmychael Striuelyn, lying above Levyn within the Sheriffdom of
Dumbarton, to remain with William as his heritage, and that Gilbert,
who had possessed the lands unjustly, should remove therefrom with all
his goods, and pay rent therefor, from the time William took sasine
thereof to the making of those letters. Dated at Stirling, and sealed
by the said two bishops and two knights, 21st January 1442. The
lords of council referred to were John of Dischyngtoun, lord of Ardrose,
procurator for the Queen, Mr. Thomas of Lwyndene, procurator for the
Earl of Angus, Sir William, lord of Borthwick, Sir Robert of Levyngs-
toun, lord of Drumry, Sir Alexander Ramsay, lord of Dalwolsy,
()4 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
MaIwellHStir- Alexander oi Strathachja, procurator for the lord of Keith, Sir David of
ling Maxwell. Dunbar, lord of Cockburo, Sir Colin Campbell, Sir Davy of Murray,
lord of Tullibardine, John of the Sandilands, lord of Calder, Malcolm of
Drummond, lord of the Stobhall, James of Levyngston, captain of Stir-
ling, William of Levyngston, of Balcastale, Mr. John, of Bayliston,
parson of Douglas, secretary to the King, and Robert of Chisholm.
10. Notarial Instrument narrating that Gilbert of Striulvne came
before David of Cadyhou, Precentor, and Patrick Leich, David of
Name and Robert of Prendergest, Canons of Glasgow, and produced an
instrument signed by Mr. Robert of Laweder, Canon of Glasgow and
public notary, bearing that the said Gilbert of Striulyne passed to the
Lord Bishop of Glasgow, and begged that certain lands of Gilbert's in
Blaster Cadyre, which Rankyn of Crawfurd, the bishop's bailie, had
rccognosced in the hands of the bishop as superior, might be restored to
Gilbert, and he himself put in possession in name of his wife Isabel ;
and that the Bishop by delivery of a glove in name of the wife, re-in-
vested Gilbert in the lands. Gilbert then required the said Canons to de-
clare whether they remembered the premises, to which David of Cadyhou,
Patrick Leich, and David of Name answered that they did, and Robert
of Prendergest declared that he believed the facts were so, but did not
well remember them as eight years had elapsed. Done in the Cathedral
Church of Glasgow, 3rd March 1446.
11. Notarial Instrument attesting that William of Striueling, Lord of
Cadar, went to the town of Estyr Cader, and there, in presence of many
persons, explained that Sir Alexander of Levyngstoun, knight, lord of
Calentare, had recognosced the lands of Estyr Cader without reasonable
cause, notwithstanding the deceased Sir John of Striuelyng, knight, and
William of Striuelyng, the grandfather and father of the said William,
and he himself, had been in possession thereof for forty- six years, and
had repleclged them to Gilbert of Striuelyng, to William's prejudice ;
which being said, William went to the house of Estir Cader and ex-
pelled therefrom the said Gilbert and Isabella his spouse, and caused
their animals and moveable goods to be removed from the lands by his
sergeant, and also by breaking a plate and extinguishing a fire in the
said house, annulled and destroyed the said repledgment. Done 28th
May 1447.
12. Instrument of Resignation by Gilbert of Streueline and Isabella
Trepnay, his wife, of the two parts of the lands of Estir Cadar, in the
hands of William (Turnbull) Bishop of Glasgow, in favour of Patrick of
Streueline, their son. Done in the chamber of the Bishop within the
Castle of Stirling, 1448.
13. Procuralory of Resignation by George of Leslie, Lord of that Ilk,
to James of Lewyngstone, captain to the king, and William of Sterling,
son and apparent heir of Lucas of Sterling, of Bouchquhumgre, for re-
signing half the lands of Keyre, in the sheriffdom of Perth and earldom
of Strathern, in the hands of King James, in favour of the said Lucas
of Sterling and his heirs. Dated at Leslie, 7th May 1448. Witnesses,
" Thorn of Lummysdeyn of Condelay, Jhone Lummvsden of Gleggir-
" nache, Alyshundire of Cunygaym, squheyaris, Schir Robert Schort,
" notare, vicare of Dersy, Thom of Kyninmode, and Jhone Fogo
" Burgez of Couper."
14. Charter by Jonet of Kinross, of Kippanross, with consent of
her friends, to William of Striuelme, son and heir of Lucas of Striuelin
of Ratherne (for assisting her often in times past, and especially in
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 65
recovering her lands of Lupnoch, lying in the lordship of Strogartnay,from Sir John-
John of Menteith, to whom they had been wadset by her predecessors), iiffa^SwieS"
of the said lands of Lnpnoch : to hold of the Lord of Strogartnay and
his heirs, for giving yearly a roebuck's head, at Whitsunday, in name of
blench farm, if asked, and giving to the king and his successors sucli
service as pertained thereto. Given under her seal and the seal of
Patrick Lord Grahame, at Kincardin, 5th November 1448. Witnesses,
Robert of Lauder, Bishop of Dunblane, Mr. John Cristinson, Official
and Chancellor of Dunblane, Alexander of Grahame, William Hal den,
Malcolm Uchtre, squires, etc. The above charter was duly ratified by
Janet Kinross, lady of Kippenross, with consent of Robert Stewart, her
husband, in presence of Patrick, lord of Grahame, Alexander of
Grahame, his brother, and other witnesses.
15. Charter of Mortification by William Striueling of Keyr, whereby,
for the health of the souls of King James (Third), John Hepburne, Bishop
of Dunblane, Luke Striuelyng, and Sir William Striuelyng, knight, and
Margaret his spouse, the father and mother of the granter, and for the
health of his own soul, and the souls of his wife, children, and ancestors,
and of all faithful dead, he grants to Almighty God, the Heavenly
Choir, and the blessed and glorious Virgin Mary, and to her altar on
the north side of the nave of the Cathedral Church of Dunblane, and to
Sir John Franch, perpetual chaplain at the said altar, and his successors
serving and to serve God there, for ever, a toft and croft of the lands of
Keyr, the lands of Schanrach, the Wodland, and Classingall, an annual
rent of forty shillings from the lands of Kippanerayt, and the mill of
Strowe, with three acres of arable land of the lands of Strowe, and the
pasture of six beasts in the nether part of the same lands ; to be held by
the said chaplains in pure and perpetual alms, for performing divine
service at the said altar, with license to Sir John Franch to possess any
ecclesiastical benefice or chaplainry with or without cure, for the whole
time of his life; but his successors shall reside in the City of Dunblane
and perform service at the said altar, and if they shall be absent for two
months without license from the granter and his heirs, the chaplainry to
become vacant eo facto. The presentation to be with the granter and
his heirs, who were to present a chaplain within two months after a
vacancy, under a penalty of twenty merks, to be paid to the work of the
Cathedral of Dunblane, and the presentation to devolve ilia vice to the
Bishop of Dunblane for the time. Dated at Keyr, 26th April 1472, and
confirmed by John, Bishop of Dunblane, at Dunblane, 10th May, same
year.
16. Notarial Instrument attesting that Humphrey Stirling, son of Sir
William Stirling, lord of Cadar, knight, went, as procurator for his
father, to the presence of Walter Stewart of Morfy, and cited him to
appear at the parish church of Striuelinc, to resign to the said William
two parts of the lands of Estir Cadar, and to receive a sum of money
thereupon due to him, Avhich Walter refused to do. Done in the public
street of the burgh of Stirling, near the house of Elizabeth Stewart,
Lady of Bigar, 10th May 1472. Witnesses, Walter of Buchannan, son
and heir apparent of Patrick of Buchannan of that Ilk, and others.
17. Letter under the Privy Seal of King James Third, promising that
no revocation to be made by the King should prejudice his charter of
erection of the lands of Keire, Lupnoich, Classingawis, Dachlewane,
Iletherne, Striueling and Strowy into the barony of the Keire in favour
of William of Striueling of the Keire and his heirs. Dated at Edinburgh
28 January 1473.
A 84O07. E
bV> HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John |& Letters of Resignation by Walter Stewart of Morphie and Patrick
mng^mSwell'. of Stereling, the son of the deceased Gilbert of Stereling and Isobellu
Tripney his spouse, of two parts of the lands of Easter Cadar, in the
hands of William of Stereling. laird of Cadar, knight, their overlord, to
remain with him, his heirs and assignees for ever. Dated at Edinburgh
22nd April 1477. Walter Stuart, of Morphie by a later obligation,
dated 29th April 1477, declares that he never had possession of the
lands in question, and binds himself not to molest Sir William Striue-
ling in the peaceable enjoyment thereof.
19. Retour of the Service of William Striueling as heir of William
Striueling of Cadar, knight, his father, in the lands of Lettyr within the
earldom of Leuenax and shire of Stirling, made before Alexander
Cunyngahame of Polmais-Cunyngahame, Sheriff depute of Stirling, by
Alexander Setoune of Tnlibody, John Striueling of Cragbarnard, Duncan
Forester of Gunnerschaw, David Broiss of Kennet, John Striueling
younger, son and apparent heir of the said John Striueling, James
Lekky of that Ilk, John Murray, Adam Bulle, Gylbert Brady, Thomas
Cragiugelt of that Ilk, John Watson, John Bulle and James Grave.
The lands were valued at twenty merks, and in time of peace at ten
pounds, were held of the King for ward and relief, etc., and had been in
his hands since the death of Sir William three weeks before. Dated at
Stirling, 29th May 1487.
20. Instrument of Sasine, dated 31 May 1487, given by Patrick
Blacader, bailie of the barony of Glasgow, to William Sterulyng as heir
of the deceased Sir William Sterulyng of Cadder, knight, his father, of
the lands of Cadder, which proceeds on and transumes (1) Precept of
clare constat by Martin Wane, Chancellor, Gilbert Rerik, Archdeacon,
and Patrick Leiche, Canon and Official, all of the Church of Glasgow,
Vicars -general of Robert (Blacader) Bishop of Glasgow, then abroad,
for infefting the said William Sterulyng, as heir of his father in the said
lands conform to the succeeding retour. Dated at Glasgow, 30th May
1487; and (2) Retour of the service of said William Sterulyng as
heir of his said father, made before the said Patrick Blacader as bailie
foresaid, by John Maxwell, son and heir apparent of John Maxwell of
Nether Pollok, Thomas Steward of Mynto, Allan Steward of Schel-
zardis, Patrick Culquhoyne of Gleynne, William Schaw, Henry Burell,
John Schaw, Andrew Ottyrburn, burgesses and citizens of Glasgow,
John Symiesoun, Robert Huchonsoun, John Petcarne, James Bynnyng,
Thomas Ottyrburn, Richard Lowdeane, and Patrick Bard. The lands of
Cadder were then valued at eighty-five merks, and in time of peace at
the same ; were held of the Church of Glasgow, and the Bishop thereof
for the time, by ward and relief, etc., and had been in the hands of the
Bishop of Glasgow as superior, since the death of Sir William, three
weeks and three days before.
21. Charter by Colin Campbell of Achowye or Auchinhowe, as
Superior, to William Styrling, son and heir apparent of William Styr-
ling of Cadder and Elizabeth Bochquhanne his spouse and their heirs of
the lands of Kyrkmechall and Blarnarne, which had been resigned by
William Styrlyng of Cadder : To hold of the granter and his heirs for
the service contained in the old infeftments. Dated at Kyrkmechall,
25 July 1493.
22. Charter by King James IV., whereby, after narrating that it had
been shown to him and the Lords of his Privy Council, that his deceased
father James III. (whose soul might God pardon) had, instigated by
11 1 STOiaOAL M ANUSCRI PXS COMMISSION. b'7
evil councillors, during his lust residence at the town of Stirling, burnt maxwell^tlb-
the tower and place of Kere, belonging to the King's beloved familiar, ukoMaxweli.
Sir William Striueling, of Kere, knight ; and that the said William had
stated to the King and his council, that his charters and infeftments had
been burnt and destroyed in the said tower, and had also shown to them
a retour of his lands which held of the King in blench farm : the King
willing that the said William shonld not suffer damage or prejudice by
the destruction of his charters, but rather that he, for his faithful service
should be of new infeft in his lands, granted to him the above lands and
annual rent, which had been resigned in terms of an instrument of
resignation of same date, the lands of Kere, the tower and place of
Kere, and the lands of Kippanedavy, Classingall, Strowe, Lupnoch,
Raterne, Striueling and Dalchlewane, and an annual rent of forty shil-
lings from the lands of Kippenrate, all in the earldom of Strathern, and
created and united them in a free barony, to be called the Barony of
Kere : To be held by William and his heirs, for giving yearly a pair of
gilt spurs at the tower and place of Kere, on the feast of St. John the
Baptist in summer, in name of blench farm, if asked. Dated at Stirling,
9th January 1488.
23. Notarial Instrument, whereby Alexander Kynross and John
Kinross, his son and apparent heir, placed themselves under the control
of Sir William Stryueling of Kere, knight, and his heirs, concerning the
government and rule of their persons, and their entry to the lordship of
Kippenross, and the disposal thereof as Sir William and his heirs should
please, except the sale thereof and the exhereditation of the said Alex-
ander and John and their heirs, and swore that they and their heirs
would from the date thereof be faithful men for ever to the said knight
and his heirs, and thereupon did homage as use was in like cases; and
if they should fail, they would, besides performance pay five hundred
pounds Scots to Sir William and his heirs as damages and expenses.
Done in the chamber of Sir James Belses, Sub-dean of Dunblane, with-
in the City of Dunblane, on 15th December 1497-
24. Contract between Sir Patrick Hwme of Polwortht, knight, and
Sir William Striueling of the Kere, knight, whereby they agree that
John of Striueling, son and apparent heir of Sir William, should marry
Margaret Home, daughter of Sir Patrick, and failing her, Sibbale
(Sybil) Home her sister and so forth, as long as Sir Patrick had a law-
ful daughter, nntil the completion of the marriage, " at the lauchfule age
" of the said barnis, the maill beying of fourtene yeris and the femell
" twelf yeris " ; and that Sir William should give in conjunct infeftment
to his son and his spouse, twenty pounds worth of his lands of Strath-
allone, in the shire of Perth; and as these lands were in wadset, would
infeft them in as much of either the lands of Lumbany or Balquhomry, as
Sir Patrick should please until Strathallone was redeemed. For the
which Sir Patrick bound himself to pay 450 merks to Sir William of
Murray of Tullibardine, knight, and John of Kynross of Kippane Ross,
the heir of the late Jonet of Kinross of Kippane Ross, for the discharge
of a reversion (containing 133/. 13.9. Ad.) of the lands of Lubnoch, made
by the late Sir William of Striueling of Reterne, knight, father of Sir
William, to the said deceased Jonet ; and in security of the completion
of the marriage, Sir William was to infeft Sir Patrick in the lauds of
Balquhomry, in the barony of Leslie and shire of Fife, to be held of him
and his heirs in blench farm for two pennies and reserving half an acre
to do the overlord service : And as Agnes Bruce had the liferent of ten
pounds worth of Balquhomry, Sir William would in warrandice thereof,
infeft? Sir Patrick in the lands of Lumbany in the barony of Banbroch
e 2
68 1I1STOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John and shire of Fife, the lands of Glenty, in the shire of Perth, and his
ling^Maxwbll" ^orty shiWngs annual rent from Kippane Rait, and Sir Patrick would
— give his letter of reversion to resign the whole lands on the completion
of the marriage ; but if the marriage should fail by decease of John, or
of the daughters of Sir Patrick, or if the King should obtain John's
marriage by decease of Sir William, (lien the lands should be redeemable
on payment of 400 merks ; or on payment of 700 mcrks if the marriage
should fail " be dissent or wilfulnes of the said Jhonne or William his
fader " ; and Sir Patrick should not enter into possession until the com-
pletion of the marriage, or failure thereof as above. Dated at Edin-
burgh, 30th March 1501.
25. Retour of the service of William Striuelyne as heir of the
deceased William Striuelyne of Cadder, his father, in the lands of Crag-
brey, lying in the barony of Dummany (Dalmeny) in the shire of
Linlithgow, made before Nicholas Crauf urd, sheriff depute of Linlithgow,
by James Levinstoune of Manerstoune, Robert Listoun of Himby,
Gilbert Hamilton of Lochhouse, James Leuinstoun of Braidlaw, Patrick
Cormie of Ballinheid, Robert Douglas of Pimferstoun, John Litbgow of
Weltoune, John Sandilands of Hilhouse, John Akynhede, Alexander
Akynhede, John Cochrane of Balbachlo, Alexander Benyne, William
Walchop, Thomas Brownne, Duncan Carrebyr of that Ilk, John Akyn-
hede and Thomas Douglas. The lands of Cragbrey, which were then
valued at six merks, and in time of peace at forty shillings, and held of the
baron of Dummany, in name of blench farm, for giving yearly a pound
of pepper, with three suits of court at three head pleas of the baronv of
Dummany, in name of blench farm if asked ; and the fee thereof had
been in the King's hands through ward since the decease of flohn
Moubray, heir of Sir David Moubray ; and the free tenement had boon
in the hands of the said Sir David Moubray of Dummany, knight,
through reservation since the death of William Striuelyne three months
before. Dated at Linlithgow, 9th May 1506.
26. Charter of Mortification by John Striueling of Kere, Knight ;
whereby, on the preamble that because by devout prayers, and celebra-
tion of masses, where the Son of man is offered for our sins, it is piously
believed that sins are put away, and the pains of purgatory destroyed,
and the souls of the dead more frequently delivered from such pains,
therefore, for the increase of divine worship, by a charitable impulse,
for the praise and honour of God Almighty, the Virgin Mary, St. Anna
her mother, and all the saints of the heavenly choir, for the health of
the souls of James IV., King of Scots, Margaret, Queen of Scotland, his
spouse, their children, ancestors, and successors ; and for the health of the
souls of Lucas Striueling, and of Sir William Striueling, and Sir William
Striueling, knights, John's grandfather and father, Margaret Cunyng-
hame, his grandmother, Margaret Creichtoun, Lady Sympile, his
mother, Catherine Striueling, Countess of Angus, his sister, and for the
health of his own soul and that of his wife, and the souls of their an-
cestors and successors, and for the souls of all faithful dead, Sir John
grants to Almighty God, the blessed Virgin Mary, mother of God, and
all saints, and to her altar on the north side of the nave of the Cathedral
Church of Dunblane, and to Sir Thomas Myllar and Sir {Archibald
Balcomy, chaplains, and their successors, chaplains at the said altar, an
annual rent of twenty pounds (Scots) from the lands of Schanraw,
Wodland, and Kippenrate, and the mills of Strowy and Keir within the
shire of Perth : To be held to the said chaplains and their successors in
perpetual alms, for performing divine service at the said altar, either
personally or by a chaplain licensed bv the granter and his heirs as
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 69
patrons ; and the said chaplains were to reside in the city of Dunblane, M SlB John
and celebrate continually divine service there, and if they should fail to do ling^Maxwell"
so for two months without licence the chaplainries should be void : The —
presentation to the chaplainries to pertain to Margaret Creichtoun, mother
of the granter for her life, and after her death to him and his heirs ;
and the collation to pertain to the Bishop of Dunblane and his suc-
cessors ; but if the patron should not present a chaplain within two
months after a vacancy, the presentation should devolve for that time
only on the Bishop of Dunblane for the time. Dated at Dunblane,
2nd October 1509.
27. Decree Arbitral by William (Elphinstone), Bishop of Aberdeen,
Andrew (Stewart), Bishop of Caithness, David (Hamilton), Bishop of
Argyll, George (Hepburn), Postulate of the Isles, Matthew, Earl of
Levinax, and Master James Henrison, of Straton Hall, justice clerk,
arbiters chosen to consider what sums of money John Hamilton of
Pardowy, and others, under- written, have disbursed upon Thomas Gal-
braith, of Balkindrocht, for the alienation made to them by him of the
following lands, namely, to John Hamilton, 51. land to Blacharne, to
John Logan of Gartconvel 51., land of Balkindrocht, to Uchrede Knox
51. land of Kirkpennyland, to John Stewart of Black Hall 5/. land of
Kirkpenny land, to Peter Colquhone 5 nobles worth of land of Kirk-
toun, and to plan Stewart 5 nobles worth of land of Bankell ; finding
that John Hamilton, John Logan, and others who had bought the
lands named from Thomas Galbraith, had expended 600 merks for his
sustentation, and ordaining them to pay the King 900 merks for con-
firming their rights, and to give the said Thomas reversions to the said
lands, and the latter was to have a brieve of idiotry served upon him,
and be interdicted from alienating his lands, and the said persons were,
among them, to pay him 20/. yearly during his life for Ins support.
Dated at Edinburgh, 8th November 1510. Witnesses, William, Earl
of Montrose, Sir Alexander McCulloch, William Scot of Baluery,
knights, Master John of Murray, and Robert Lauson of Hieriggs.
28. Decree by James (Beaton), Archbishop of Glasgow, William,
Lord Borthwick, Master Gawin Dunbar, Archdeacon of St. Andrews,
Clerk Register, William Scot, of Baluery, knight, and Robert Colvile, of
Ochiltree, Lords of Council, finding ami declaring that the lands of
Lupnoch, Dauchlewan, and Raterne-Stirling, otherwise called the Cogs
of Strathalloun, belonging to Sir John Striueling of the Keir, knight,
and held of the King by service of ward and relief, had, notwithstanding
the annexation thereof to the barony of Kere, been recognosced in the
king's hands because of the alienation of the greater part of the lands
without his consent, the said alienation being made previous to the an-
nexation. Decree dated at Edinburgh, 12th May 1513.
29. Notarial Instrument narrating that John, Lord of Erskine,
Sheriff of Stirling, had, in terms of the King's brieve of division,
elected an inquest, namely, Duncan Forestar of Garden, Ninian Setoun
of Touch-fraser, Walter Forestar of Torwod, knights, James Edrnon-
stoun of Bouchquhaderok, Arthur Stewart of Culbege, James Spettale
of Blair, Robert More of Boquhopil, Richard Burne of Hill, John
Knock of Ardmanuel, Robert Calender of Maner, Alexander Leving-
Bton of Trenenteran, Robert Bruyss of Auchinbowy, Thomas Somervel,
son and heir apparent of David Somervel of Plane, Patrick Pardowin
of Thirty-acres, and Walter Sellar ; to find whether Alexander, Lord
Hume, Great Chamberlain of Scotland, had right to the half of the lands
of Innerallone, and the inquest found that he had ; whereupon the said
70 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sib John sheriff caused lots to be cast, according to custom in such cases, which
SngmSIJll". lots being cast, the lot of Lord Hume fell upon the sunny half of the
lands. Done in the courthouse of the burgh of Stirling 3rd October
1514.
30. Contract between Sir John Striueling of the Keir and John
Kinross of Kippenross, narrating a decree obtained by Sir John (on
15th February 1516) before the Lords of Council ordaining John of
Kinross as heir to the deceased Jonet Kinross of Kippenross, to infeft
Sir John in as good land, in ;is competent a place, as freely holden, and
of as great value as the lands of Lubnoch, which had been granted by
the said Jonet Kinross to the late William Striueling, Sir John's grand-
father, with a clause of warrandice, but, which had been recognosced in
the King's hands [as in No. 28 supra] or otherwise to pay 650 merks
for the warrandice of the lands, which sum was the composition that
would have been payable to the King and his treasurer for the said
recognition ; but it is agreed that notwithstanding the decree, Sir John,
" movit of pete and for the steid and afald part to be kepit to him be
" the said Johne of Kinross, nud for the removing of all conuenciens fra
" the said Schir Johne his predeeessouris or successonris, and their sawlis
" heir and befor God, gif ony conuenciens be in the said mater " re-
mitted to John Kinross 100/. of the above 650 merks ; and as John had
not the remainder in ready money, he bound himself to infeft Sir John
and his heirs in the lands of Auchlochy, in the shire of Perth, and in his
lands of Spittal Croft and Merzonis acre, at the Brigend of Dunblane ;
and as half of Auchlochy was wadset to Walter Stewart, he would assign
the reversion to Sir John that he might redeem the same, etc. ; while
Sir John discharged all obligations he had of John Kinross before the
date hereof. Dated at Stirling, 10th April 1516. Witnesses, Walter
Forster of the Torwood, knight, Robert Callandar of the Manar,
William of Striueling, brother to said Sir John, William of Kinross,
Archibald Dausone. and Edward Spettale, notary.
31. Tack by Henry Abbot of Lindores, and the convent thereof to
Sir John Strevelinge of the Kere, knight, of the lands of Benee and
Catkin with the teindsheaves thereof, in the shire of Perth and regality
of Lindores, for nineteen years from Whitsunday then next, for the
yearly payment of 121. Scots, multures to their mill of all corns growing
on the land, and other due service. Dated at Lindores, 16th September
1516.
32. Charter by King James Fifth, with consent of the Regent Albany,
to Isabella Gray, relict of the deceased Adam Creichtoun of Rothvenis,
knight, and her heirs, of the half lands of Inneralloun, which had been
formerly held by her and her spouse of the deceased Alexander, Lord
Hume, who held immediately of the King, and then pertained to the
King by the escheat and forfeiture of Lord Hume, who had been con-
victed of high treason and executed ; but because Isabella was innocent,
and no party to Lord Hume's crimes, the King willed that his forfeiture
should not prejudice her infeftment : To be held for services used
and wont before the forfeiture. Dated at Edinburgh. 18th November
1516.
33. Notarial Instrument narrating that James (Chisholm), Bishop of
Dunblane, with consent of his chapter, erected the nine chaplainries in
the choir of his cathedral church into perpetual chaplainries; and
collated Sir Thomas Watson, chaplain to the first chaplainry of Keir
within the said choir. Dated 14th May 1522. Witnesses, William
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 71,
Cheisholme, Vicnr of Muthil, George Wawane, Vicar of Dunsyar, soiJohn
Dionisius Row, William Anderson, and Robert Akinhed, chaplains. uwomYxwel?!
34. Bond of Manrent by Laurence Craufurd of Kilbirny and Hew
Craufurd, his son, with consent of his father, to John Striueling of Keir,
knight, and James Striueling his son and apparent heir, for all the days
of their lifetime. Dated at Edinburgh, 26th October 1524. Witnesses,
Christopher Craufurd, Thomas Leyrmond, Robert Craufurd, and Sir
Alexander Wilson.
35. Renunciation by Alexander (Stewart), Bishop of Moray, Com-
mendator of the Abbeys of Scone and Inchafrray, for himself and his
convent of Scone, to John Striueling of the Keir, knighr, of the lands
of Strowe, which they had apprised for certain sums which he should
have paid them for their teind pennies due from the "casualityis of
the office of the ^hereffschipp of Perth," for the three years that he
received these : discharging him of all byrun dues, as he had paid the
same. Edinburgh, 4th May 1531.
36. Letters of Excommunication by the Official of St. Andrews within
the Archdiaconate of Lothian, addressed to the Curate of Edinburgh
or any other chaplain, ordaining him to excommunicate in his church,
in presence of the people in time of mass, John Kynross of Kippenross
for not fulfilling a contract made betwixt him and John Striueling of
Keir, knight, (dated loth March 1518), the excommunication to be
pronounced publicly on all Sundays and feast days, without ceasing until
other orders were given. Edinburgh, 1st May 1531, with certificates
attached (both dated on Whit-sunday) by Robert Cristeson, Curate of
Stirling, that he had excommunicated John Kynross within the parish
church of Stirling, and by Thomas Millar, chaplain, that he had made
personal intimation thereof to John Kynross.
37. Decree of Thomas Mailuill, Rector of Hutown, Commissary of
Mr. James Symson, Rector of Kirkforthar and Official of Lothian, judge-
in a cause pending before the said official and as yet undecided,
between John Striueling of Keir, knight, pursuer, and John Kynross of
Kippenross, defender ; Declaring that John Striueling has proved his
rights, and ought therefore to be absolved from the sentences of ex-
communication, aggravation and reaggravation, if he has incurred any,
at the instance of John Kynross for nonfulfilinent of" the contract betwixt
them, dated and registered in the Official's Court books 15th March
1518; notwithstanding the rights, replies and triplies produced on the
part of John Kynross, not proved ; Finding John Kynross liable in ex-
penses, 7th December 1531.
38. Decree by the Official of Lothian, finding that John Kynross of
Kippenross ought not to be absolved from the sentence of excommuni-
cation pronounced against him, and condemning him in the expenses of
process. Pronounced in the usual place of Consistory, being St.
Martin's aisle, in the Church of St. Giles, Edinburg, on 7th August
1532, in presence of John Striueling of Keir, knight, ami also of
Masters James Carmure, James Murray, William Wichtman, William
Johnston, John Cowtis, John Johnston, and Sir Robert Symson,
chaplain. Sealed 11th September 1532.
39. Contract between Marion Maxwell, Lady of Bardowy, and Alan
Hamilton of Bardowy, her son, on the one part, and John .Logan of
Balwee, for his kin and friends, on the other part, whereby they choose
Patrick Maxwell of Newark, and William Striueling of Glorat, Captain of
72 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John Dumbarton, neutral persons, as arbiters to decide regarding all slaughters,
ongTmaxwell! hm'ts> and debates betwixt the contracting parties, their kin and
— friends, etc. John Logan also binds himself to persuade Colin Campbell
of Auchinhowie to concur and agree with Alan Hamilton as to disputes
betwixt them : and if any of the friends, especially the Laird of
Colgrane (Danielstoun) on one side, and the laird of Cowdoun on the
other, will not submit to the arbiters chosen, they shall appoint their
own arbiters. Dated at Dunbarton, 17th June 1531. Witnesses, John
Striueling of Cragbarnat, Maister James Striueling, parson of Kilmodenc,
Walter Striueling in Balagane, Walter Galbraith of Kerscadden,
Maister John Ker, John Busbae of Mukcrawft, John Lenox, Sir
Thomas Jacson, and Thomas Bishop, notary.
40. Tack by John, Abbot of Lindores, and the Conveut to Sir John
Striueling of the Keir, of the lands of Beny and Caitkin, for nineteen
years from Whitsunday then next for payment yearly of 12/. Scots and
other services ; also appointing Sir John their Bailie of their lands of
Feddalis and Beny in the shire of Perth and regality of Lindores, for
the above space with a yearly fee of two merks. Dated at Lindores,
5th October 1532. Signed by John, Abbot of Lindores, John, Sub-
prior, and twenty-four monks.
41. Grift by King James Fifth under his Privy Seal to John
Striueling, knight, granting to him the escheat of the late Colin
Campbell of Auchinhowie, who had been convicted and justified in a
Justice Court held in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh on 15th November
1537, for the slaughter of Alan Hamilton of Bardowy, Robert Striueling
of the Lettir, and Andrew Striueling of Ballendroich ; excepting from
the gift the corn, cattle, and goods within the shire of Stirling in-
tromited with by John Lord Erskine, sheriff thereof, which are to be
inbrought to the King's use. Dated at Edinburgh, 18th December 1537.
42. Decree by William (Chisholm), Bishop of Dunblane, pronounced
at the instance of Margaret Buchanan and Jonet Buchanan, natural
lawful daughters (filias naturales legittimas") and heirs of the late
Patrick Buchanan of Lany, and William Lok, younger, spouse of
Margaret, and Maurice McNawchtane, spouse of Jonet, pursuers,
against Elizabeth and Egidia (Giles) Buchanan, natural daughters
(filias naturales) of the said Patrick, Andrew Murray, spouse of Eliza-
beth, and Alexander Stewart, spouse of Giles, defenders ; declaring the
said Elizabeth and Giles natural daughters begotten between the said
Patrick and Margaret Buchanan (no marriage, at least no lawful
marriage, subsisting between the said Patrick and Margaret) to be
illegitimate, and unable to succeed to their paternal heritage ; also
adjudging the defenders to pay expenses of process. Dated at Dunblane,
23 September 1539. Witnesses, John Chisholm, Archdeacon of Dun-
blane, James Wilson, Canon, Stephen Culross, Vicar of Fyntra, William
Moreson, and David Gourlay.
43. Contract of Marriage between James Striueling of the Keir, on
the one part, and James Chisholme of Classingall, and Jane Chisholme
u cousigness " to William (Chisholme), Bishop of Dunblane, on the
other part, whereby James Chisholme is bound to obtain a dispensation
for third degrees of consanguinity and fourth of affinity subsisting
between James Striueling and Jane ; and James Striueling should infeft
Jane in her pure virginity in his lands of Cadder, and thereafter con-
tract marriage with her: for which Jane Chisholme was to pay him
1,000/,, to be applied in redeeming his lands, and cause the Bishop with
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 73
consent of his chapter set in lease to James Striueling and Jane, and to Sir John
t lie longest liver of them, their heirs, &c, the teind sheaves of the Keirs LiN5^iiWKLL.
Over and Nether, etc. for nineteen years from Lammas 1544, they pay-
ing yearly to the Bishop and his successors three chalders of bear and
one of meal : the Bishop was also to support James Striueling and Jane
lor five years, in all ordinary expenses, and James Striueling was not to
wadset or sell any of his lands without the Bishop's consent. Dated at
Dunblane, 5th March, 1542.
44. Charter by William Menteith of Kers, whereby after narrating
that that he had received the Queen's letters, commanding him to infeft
Alexander Urovmond of Carnock, and Matthew Hamilton of Milnburn
(in default or James Striueling of Keir who had failed to do so) in the
lauds of Easter and Wester Ochiltrees, which had formerly belonged to
Thomas Bischop who had forfeited them for high treason ; he grants
the half of the said lands to the said Matthew Hamilton, his heirs and
assignees : To hold of the granter and his heirs for services. Dated at
Edinburgh, 9th February 1545.
45. Licence by Queen Mary, with consent of the Regent Arran, to
Jonet Striueling, spouse of Thomas Bischop, to remain in England,
where she Jiad gone with consent of the Regent, for twenty days there-
after, notwithstanding the war then subsisting between the Queen and
King of England. Dated at Stirling, 28th March (1547).
46. Collation by William (Chiaholm), Bishop of Dunblane, directed to
the Dean of the Christianity of Dunblane, for inducting (Sir John
Forfar, chaplain, on the presentation of James Striueling of Keir, in the
perpetual Chaplainry of the Virgin Mary, founded within the Cathedral
Qhurch of Dunblane, then vacant by the resignation of Sir James
Blakwod, last chaplain thereof. Dated at Dunblane, 25th January
1549. Endorsed on this writ is an instrument of induction by Sir
James Blakwod, chaplain, and dean of the Christianity of Dunblane,
of the said Sir James Forfar into said chaplainry, by delivery of the
vestments and altar missal. Dated 31 January 1549.
47. Notarial Instrument narrating that James Striueling of Keir lay
patron of the chaplainry and altar of St. Mary the Virgin, founded in
the north aisle of the nave of the Cathedral Church of Dunblane came
before John Leirmonth, notary public, and declared that he had pre-
sented William Blakwod, clerk, to William (Chisholm) Bishop of
Dunblane, to be collated to the said chaplainry, and although the said
William Blakwod was not yet a priest, he thereby licensed him to
accept the said chaplainry, until he should be promoted to priest's
orders ; the said chaplainry being in the meantime served by an honest
chaplain, according to the tenor of its foundation : whereupon the said
William Blakwod took instruments. Done in the hall of the Arch-
deaconate of Dunblane, within the City of Dunblane, 3rd February
1549. A collation by the Bishop in favour of William Blakwod of the
chaplainry vacant by the resignation of Sir John Forfar, is also dated
on same day.
48. Letters of Robert (Reid), Bishop of Orkney, attesting that on the
day of the date, namely, Saturday before Passion Sunday, he had, in the
Church of the Monastery of Jedburgh, promoted William Blakwod,
acolyte of the diocese of Dunblane, having for title the chaplainry of
St. Mary within the Calhedral Church of Dunblane, to the order of sub-
deacon, and that by the imposition of hands, he being diligently
lixo
74 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John examined as to knowledge, morals, and other things requisite, and
AX1Sxwell! found fit and able. Jedburgh, 14th March 1550.
49. Notarial Instrument narrating that in presence of Andrew
Blakwod, notary, &c. there appeared Master Abraham Creichtone,
Provost of Dunglas and Official of Lothian, pretending to have right,
in virtue of a certain alleged signal urc obtained by him from the
Apostolic See, to the perpetual cnaplainry of the Virgin Mary within
the Cathedral Church of Dunblane, and declared that he was unwilling
to disturb William Blakwod, chaplain, in the peaceful possession of the
said chaplainry which he had canonically obtained ; therefore of his own
free will he publicly and expressly renounced the signature obtained by
him, as was asserted, and also his right of appeal to the Apostolic See,
with all other right or action he might have in the matter. *. Done in the
Consistory of the Church of St. Giles of Edinburgh, 7th December 1 551.
Witnesses, Master John Spens, Thomas Hart, Master Alexander
Drummond, James Cheisholme, Sir Edmund Cheisholme, and Greorge
Melros.
50. Account of the families of Leny of Leny, and Buchanan of Leny,
sent by Robert Buchanan of Leny to the Laird of Keir, about 1560.
This is a paper of some length, tracing the " antiquite and genealogie "•
of the house of Leny, since the first Buchanan had the lands. The
writer gives as a reason for writing " I thocht it necessar to lat sic nobill
" men and frendis knaw the same (the antiquity, &c.) and that becaus
" . . . . the Laird of Keir usis to say to sindry honest men quhom withe
" he communicats and speikis of ray effaris .... that 1 am bot ane
" sobir (mean) fallow of base degre, knawing bot tuay or thre fallowis
" of my kin, {is he wald say. He regards nocht my kyndnes nor yit my
" unkyndnes, bot estemes tliaim bay t to ane small effect. Thairfoir I
" thocht it gud to lat the matter be uthirways knawin, quhowbeit the
** hous and leving be brokin at the pleisour of God, his fathir and him-
" self being the instrumentis thairof; yit the freindis of the hous ar
*' nocht decait, prysit be God, bot are abill to revard thair freiud and
" their vnfriend as they deserue at thair hand." The writer then
deduces the family pedigree with its various branches and offshoots,
down to his own day. The first paragraph and the last will suffice to
indicate the remainder. " I find in the beginning the Lanyis of that
" Ilk lies bruikit that leving without ony infeftment, except ane litill
" auld sourd, gauin to Gilesicmuir be the King and ane auld relict callit
" Sant Fillanis twithe, quhilke servit thaim for thar chartour quhyle
" Alexander his dayis ; and than ane Allan Lany, brithir son to the
" Laird of Lany, marriet the Laird his dochtir, and obteinit the first in-
" feftment of the landis of Lany fra the Kingis handis ; quhilk chartour
" servit tham quhill King James the First dayis, and than John Buch-
" quhanane, secund sone to the Laird of Buchquhanane marriet ane
" Jonat Lany, hereitrix of that Ilk, and [she] bowir to him sonis and
" dochtiris." " To conclude, I, Robert Buchquhanane of Lany
" that ringis now I am cheif of the auld family of Lany ;
" quhairof it is weill knauin thair wes alauin knightis and sauin lajrcfis,
" befoir thay war surnainit Buchquhananis, as is fully schawin in the
" tree of the house," etc.
51. Notarial Instrument proceeding on two documents, (1) Letters
dated 21st December 1557, directed by Mary Queen of Scots to Alex-
ander Lord Hume for iufefting James Striueiing of Keir, and Jonet
Chishoirne, his spouse, as his tenants, in the half lands of luneraliown
then in the Queen's hands through the decease of their former owner
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 75
John Hume of Hutounhall, a bastard, without heirs of liis body ; (2) maxwellHStir-
Ratifi cation of the said letters, made by King James Sixth with consent ling Maxwell.
of the Earl of Lennox Regent, dated 4th February 1570 ; narrating that
on the date hereof James Striueling of Auchyll, as procurator for
James Striueling of Keir, knight, passed to the "forzett" (front-
gate) of the castle of Edinburgh within which Alexander Lord
Hume was then dwelling, and there required John Raid, one of
the porters of the rastle, and servant to the Laird of Grange (Sir
William Kirkcaldy) captain thereof, to permit the said procurator to
enter the Castle and intimate the above letters, etc., to Lord Hume.
The porter immediately went and desired Lord Hume's answer there-
upon, who sent his " speciale seruand," John Cranstoun, son to the
" gudeman " of Thurlstane Mains, to answer, that he would not obey the
letters, etc. Wherefore the procurator seeing he could not obtain ad-
mission to Lord Hume's personal presence, then required his lordship in
presence of his servant, the subscribing notary, and witnesses to fulfil
the terms of the letters and ratification narrated : and also, as before, the
procurator required the. porter, John Raid, to permit him with the notary,
etc., to enter further within the castle to Lord Hume's personal pre-
sence, but the porter refused in any way to do this, and " eonstranit the
" said procuratour, me notar, and witnesses foirsaidis to depart and pass
" furth at the said foirzett of the said Castell, and wald not suffer ws to
" entir thairintill agane." The procurator therefore delivered copies of the
documents to Cristopher Frude, Lord Hume's servant, in presence of his
lordship's other servant John Cranstoun, who received the same. The
procurator then " protestit solemnitlie for forder charges thairupoun
and remeid of law," and demanded instruments. This was done within
the said " foirzett, and outwith the samin," on 9th February 1570, at
3.30 p.m.
52. Presentation by Sir James Striueling of Keir, knight, granting to
his son James Striuiling, to be used by him " for support of his inter-
teinment at the sculis," the chaplainry of our Lady Altar, some time
situated within the Cathedral Kirk of Dunblane, with all lands, etc.,
thereto belonging ; the chaplainry being vacant in the granter's hands, in
terms of the Act of Parliament on the subject, Sir William Blakwod
the last chaplain having failed to appoar before the Superintendent or
Commissioner of the diocese, to give his attestation of his faith and
obedience to the King and Government, as required by Parliament, and
so having forfeited the chaplainry. The granter requires the Lords of
Session to direct the necessary letters for causing the said James
Striuiling to be paid the rents of his chaplainry. At Keir, 20 December
1574.
53. Testament (dated at Cadder 4th September 1588), and Inventory
of the goods of Sir James Striuiling of Keir, knight, who died at Cadder
on 3rd February 1588. The sum left by the deceased, after deducting
the debts due by him, was 3,623/. 5*. (Scots) among other articles of
personal property enumerated in the Inventory of his goods are, of
silver work, two silver pieces weighing 16 oz., one silver ** saltfatt "
weighing 6 oz., one dozen of silver spoons weighing 12 oz., one little
" masser " [cup or dish] and five black cups with silver about the edges
thereof, weighing 11 oz., in all 45 oz., of silver work valued at 40*. per
oz. amounting to 90/. The testator left somewhat minute directions for
the guidance of his family. He appoints his wife, and his son Archibald
to be his executors. He ordains them to plenish the half land given to
his younger son James and to build him a reasonable house either in
Kippendavie or Lanerk and plenish it well. He prays Archibald to live
76 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
31 \xweiS,HStie- w*tn ms motner an<l use ^er counsel, for she is his loving friend, but
ling Maxwell, with a special proviso, if they should not be able to agree. He leaves all
effects that belong to his wife in liferent to his son Archibald in fee,
except what his wife pleases to leave to their daughter Margaret or other
friends at her discretion : he leaves the helping of servants and poor
friends to the discretion of his wife, and his son Archibald, adding " as
" to my eounsall quhow Archibald sail gowerne him self or quhais
" companev and eounsall he shall vse, I refer that to his awin wisdome,
" for I hoip in his judgment." .... He ordains his son James to wait
well on hie brother Archibald, and to be a good servant to him, and both
of them to be good and kind sons to their mother, and James to marry
with consent of his mother and brother. He concludes " God gif my
" wyf dayis to leif with thame and be ane gude moder and gowernor to
" thame, and thay to be gude obedient sonnes to hir, quhilk gif thay do
" 1 dout not bot God sail assist thame with his holie spreit, that thay
" may leif togidder in luif, upricht to God, trew to the prince, and kynd
u to thair freindis. My blessing 1 leif with thame and all my bairnes
" oyis (grand -children) and freindis. This I leif for my latter will,"
etc. Confirmed by the Commissaries of Edinburgh, for Sir Archibald
Striuiling of Keir, knight, the testator's only executor, on 9th December
1591,
54*. Contract between Sir Archibald Stirling of Keir, knight, Dame
Jean Chisholme, Lady Keir, his mother, and he as taking burden for
his kin and friends, on the one part, and William Sinclair, now of Gal-
waldmoir, son and heir of the late William Sinclair of Galwaldmoir,
and James Sinclair, his brother, for themselves, and taking burden for
their other brother and sister, and remaining kin ; narrating that the
late Sir James Stirling of Keir possessed the lands of Auchinbie, in the
parish of Dunblane, by two titles, one from Durie of that Ilk, and one
from the late Bishop of Dunblane, that these lands were gi^en by Sir
James to his son Sir Archibald, and by the latter to his brother
the late James Stirling, of Kippendavie, who all had undoubted right
to the lands ; notwithstanding which the late William Sinclair inost un-
kindly obtained from the King a charter of said lands as kirk lands
annexed to the Crown, and endeavoured to dispossess Sir James Stirling
and his heirs. From this act there arose great feud betwixt the parties
" and at the last maist unnaturally and unhappilie upon grit sudden tie,
" fell out the lamentable slauchter of the saidis vmquhill James
" Stirling, vmquhill William Sinclair, Edward and George Sinclaris,
" his sones, and the hurting and wounding of the said William thair
" brother," on Wednesday, 3rd June 1593, since which time the feud
had continued till now, that Sir Archibald Stirling, " be command of
" His Majestie, and be the earnest trawell of the brether of the minis-
" trie, and especially tuieehit with ane christian charitie and dewtie,"
being brought to agree to the righting of the disputes, the parties for
remedy of the said feud bind themselves mutually, with their kin and
friends, to give each other letters of slains for the slaughters of the per-
sons named; the said William Sinclair in addition approving Sir Archi-
bald's right to Auchinbie, and renouncing his own in favour of Sir
Archibald and his heirs, etc. Dated at Stirling, 8th April 1596.
55. Testament Dative, and Inventory of the goods of the deceased
Dame Margaret Ross (daughter of Lord James Ross and) spouse of Sir
George Sterling of Keir, knight. This lady died on 10th March 1633,
having been married to Sir George in December 1630. In the inven-
tory, among other possessions are included " ane gowne of flourenee
" setoune in blak and orience flowris layid over with gold leice," price
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 77
133/. Qs. 8d. ; "ane gowne of orience pan velvet laid over with silver maywellHStie-
** leice," 160/. ; "ane petticott of millan satine," 100/. ; " ane uther of liso Maxwell.
u grein seitine," 80/. ; " sextine ellis of fyne florit satine to be ane
" gowne," 160/. ; M threttine ellis of flourit orience and greine satine to
" be ane gowne," 120/. ; " Item, ane kirk cushioune of red velvet,"
40/.; "Item, ane chainie and ane pair of bracelettis of gold," 200/.;
" Item, ane compleit holland clothe bed," 160/. . . . Among the
debts owing the deceased is a legacy to her and her husband by the late
Dame Jane Hamilton, Lady Ross, namely, " ane silver baisouno, ane
'; sdver lauver, tuelff silver spunis," valued at 333/. 6s. Sd. " Item,
" als meikle fyne tapestrie as wald hing tua chalmeris, pryce iiijc lib.
" Item, ane greine dames (damask) bad, viz., bedis, bousteris, codis
" (pillows) with blankettis, with ane greane dames mat, fyve pair of
" greine dames courtines, pryce iijc lib." The lady's debts exceeded
her assets by nearly 13,000/. (Scots).
56. Commission by the Heritors of the Shire of Stirling, nominating
Sir George Sterling of Keir, knight, and Sir Mungo Sterling of Glorat,
knight, as their Commissioners, to meet at Edinburgh on 19th August
1652, and there with the rest of the deputies of shires and burghs, to
elect fourteen persons to represent the shires, and seven persons to repre-
sent the burghs of Scotland in the Parliament of England. Dated
between 25th March and 19th August 1652, and signed by thirty-seven
gentlemen of the shire.
57. Declaration by Sir James Livingstone of Kilsyth, and Sir Mungo
Stirling of Glorat, a certain Mr. William Freir, one of the sub-
commissioners for sequesiration, having called for the rental of the lands
belonging to Sir George Stirling of Keir, on the plea that lie had
entered England with the King, Sir James Livingston declared that
Mr. Freir was altogether unknown to him, and Sir Mungo Stirling
declared that Sir George never entered England at all. Dated at Edin-
burgh, 1652.
58. Pass by Oliver Cromwell, allowing Sir George Stirling and his
servant to pass from London into Scotland, and to return, without
molestation. Dated 14th October 1653. [This document bears a fine
signature and seal of arms.]
59. Petition by David (Erskine) Lord Cardross and Sir George
Sterling of Keir, knight, to the Protector's Council in Scotland, showing
that the parishes of Dunblane, Kilmadock, Kincardin, Port, Aberfoyle,
Callander, Kippen, Lecropt, and Logic, are within the Sheriffdom of
Perth, although some of these parishes are 36 miles, and the nearest of
them 24 miles from Perth ; that the heritors and inhabitants are con-
sequently put to great expense in law suits, and poindings, goods in the
latter case becoming useless ere they can be carried to Perth, as must
be done ; and as the said parishes lie near Stirling, some of them within
three miles, and the farthest within ten miles, the petitioners pray that
the parishes may be disjoined from Perthshire and added to Stirling-
shire. Circa 1655.
60. Licence by General Monck, permitting Sir George Stirling to
keep one horse above the value in the proclamation, at Calder or Keir,
and to use the same without molestation ; he engaging, if the horse be
taken from him by the enemy, to pay treble its value. Dalkeith, 6th
November 1656.
78 msToniUAL manlsokii'ts commission.
SiuJohs 61. Commission by the N'.blemcu, Gentlemen, Heritors, and Justices
ling^MaxweS! °f tne Peace of the Shire ef Linlithgow, empowering Sir Archibald
— Stirling, of Garden, knight, to meet on their behalf with the Commis-
sioners of other shires at Edinburgh, on 2nd February next, and give
in proposals for the relief of the nation, and as to grievances ; and also,
if necessary, to choose one or more Commissioners to treat with the
Parliament of England or General Monck ; or to do other things
expedient. Linlithgow, 27th January 1660. Signed by twenty gentle-
men.
62. Letter of Protection by James, Duke of liueeleuch and Mon-
mouth, etc., General of the Forces, strictly charging all officers, soldiers
and others not to offer any violence to Sir John Stirling, his house,
servants, or tenants at Keir, and forbidding them to take horses, cattle
or goods, at their peril. Camp at Long Tyke (Lang Kvpe), 24th June
1679. Signed " Buccleugh.,,
II. Correspondence. — 1641-1702.
63. Letter from William Drummond of Riecartoun to Sir George Stir-
ling of Keir, knight, London, 12 May 1641. That he will write nothing
particular in the meantime, " so nowe ye shall only knaw that Strafort was
" execut this day betuixt elevne and tuelfe, and immediatly therafter
" the Kinge called vs, and truly wher I thought we shud haif fand him
" melancholie and harse, we fund him in a very gud temper ; and I
" think ere it be longe our Treaty shall near close. The Parliament of
" Scotland is to be prorogated till the 13 of July nixt, quhilk dyett the
" Kinge hes woued to keepe except siknesse or deathe previne it. . . .
" I shew you be my last that ther ver some hear who ve suspected to
" haif beene upone ane vnlaufull plott ; it is not yit fully discovered,
" hot it is thought to haife been with the Frenche ; already ther ar fine
" fledd, viz. Hary Persy, Hary Jermand [Jermyn], Sir Johne Sucklinge,
" and uther tou who ar not considerable ; it is thought ther will more
" flee erre it be longe, whiche you shall hear of as occatione ofFerrs."
The writer concludes by expressing a belief that now Strafford was
gone the English Parliament would soon despatch the Scotch business.
" I am almost a sleepe all the vreatinge hearof. for I vas upe this
" morninge be two a cloacke to see Strafort execut."
64. Letter from General Thomas Dalyell of Binns. Carrickfergus,
February 1643. ", Honorable Sir, — Youers of the 23 of Januur 1 reseuit,
" confesing that I am not able to requyt the smalist of youer innum-
" merable fauoris, not fbrgeting youer fauorable sensor you haue on the
" resons aledgit be me for not cuming to Scotland this vinter, aledging
ci I can ouer cum deficoltayis vhair I heve a mynd [to] try ; onlay I
'•' maist ingeniusle confes that if thair be not a griter kair had of this
" arme in tymis to cum nor hes bein hiderto, nather tempist nor ane
" thing elis vil lock us ane loinger in ignorens and nessessate. For
"this laist night six of the Lord Genoralis soiers did steil a boit from
" the pier, and resoluit to expois tham seluis to the mersay of the sies
" (vho ver after aprehendit in regaird non of them could roue) vho in
" this poister intendit for Scotland, and ar nou sum of them to be
u hengit.
" Thair is laitle sum prouision of meil cum in, so that the General
" Major intens shortlay to the fieldis, and as the euent prouis I sal
" aquent you ; boit be all apirans ve ar not able to staye out aboue eight
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 79
" dayeis, in regaird ve vaint horsis for caricng our provision. So loitli Sir John
" to truble you, I rest, Youer moist oblidgit Seruant," (Signed) mn?mSwS?".
" T. Dal yell." " I intreityou present my huble serues to youre Laday — •
and all the rest of youer freindis."
65. Letter from Alexander (Leslie) first Earl of Leven. Newcastle,
17th August 1646. " Eight Worshipfull — Ireseavett ane laiter whairin
'* vow desyr ane delation of tym for the paying of these monyes ; I
" showld be wiling to grant your desyr in what I could, bot in that
H poynt yow most exskooss mee in thatt, for that monyes is nather fre
" gift, nor ony pairt of my arreirs, bwtt moneyes deburst by me for the
" wss of the pwblict, which doose praiss [press] me so at this present
*' that I kan swffer no delay ; whairfor I hop yow wil mak thankfwl
" payement, which shall be takin ass ane kowrtasie doon to — Your
" asoored friend. (Signed) Leuen."
66. From John, Lord Areskine, afterwards fourth Earl of Mar, to
Sir George Stirling. Stirling, 16 December 1647. " ... I am
" still desirous to knowe your wellfaer — the best niews I can hear from
" thence; neithar haue I anie to send yow from this place, but that the
" Commissioners are gowing on with the late Lord Napier's forfaltur,
" and sueing hard to have that fine payed whiche I was surtie for him
" in at the Parliament at Perthe ; it is but a little summe of 40,000
*' marks, whereof 11,000 pounds is assigned to two advocatts for their
" service doune the State. . . . (Signed) J. Areskine."
"The unfortunatt Marquess of Huntlie is taken ; how the Commis-
" sioners will dispose of him God knowes."
67. William, ninth Earl of Glencairn, afterwards Lord Jusiice General
and Lord Chancellor, to Sir Archibald Stirling of Garden. 1st Decem-
ber [c. 1656]. That he had obtained six months' liberty, and desiring
Sir Archibald to act as one of his cautioners along with Lord Borthwick
and others for 12,000/, sterling, " for I most haue the honour to be
" double anie other, bot I most not contend." He begs this as a great
favour. Signed " Glencairne."
OH. From Sir Archibald Stirling, Lord Garden, to Sir George Stirling
of Keir. Edinburgh, 24 May 1661. That the Parliament had been
engaged for two days about the Marquis of Argyll's trial, and now " lies
" pronunced the sentence of forfalture against him, and hes ordeined
" him to be beheaded wpon Monday, and his head to be put wp wher
i: Montrose's wes. He receaved his sentence with resoluitione aniogh,
" and is not lyk to acknouledge mutsh guilt altho it be found other-
H wayes. Yisterday in the verie tym when his advocates wer debeating
" against the depositions of the witnesses, their cam ane expresse from
" Londoune, who broght six letters of his whilk he had wreatin to the
" English whilest they commanded heir, soum wheirof wer to Major
" General Deans, soum to General Monk, and one to Mr. Clerk, Monk's
" secretarie, whilk geave mutsh cleirnes to the Parliament as to the
" points whilk in the mein tym wer a debeatting ; for soum thing
" theirof was scairslie cleir provne till then whilk wes his joyning in
" counsels with them : their be other gross things in them." The
writer refers to the burning of the League and Covenant by the English
Parliament, and to the King's marriage, which " is verie lyk to mak war
with Spaine," and concludes with private business. In a postscript
he adds " Waristoune, Will. Dundas, and Jo. Hoome of Kello ar for-
" faulted also, and lyk the nixt week ye, will heir of more."
SO HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Sir John (J|). Letter from Robert Leighton, Bishop of Dunblane, to Sir George
^G™iwBiI Stirling. Edinburgh, 20 March [n. y.]. « Honoured Sir,— Yow know
— " well how painful and vnusuall a thing it is to me to dispute these
" matters either by word or writt. I have wholly intrusted the clerk
" with that buisinesse [the renewal of a lease of teinds], and not limited
" him to any sume. If yow make it appear to him reasonable that yow
" give nothing, nothing bee it ; whatsoever is my meannesse of estate
" and the ability God has blessed yow with, I am far from the mean-
" nesse of mind to plead that ; but if the clerk inform yow that others
" have given some acknowledgment for the very like buisinesse, and
" that though no new advantage accreases to yow (for that is not vsuall
" in any leases) but onely the continuance of the ease yow have, and
" securing yow from being scru'd higher for so many years ; if vpon this
il you be pleasd to give him any thing, it will help to discharge some
" little charities tbst I have left vpon him to doe for mee, but if that
" please yow not, whatsoever yow doe shall not displease, Sir, your very
" affectionate and humble servant, R. Leighton."
70. From George Stirling, Chirurgeon, Edinburgh, to Sir John
Stirling of Keir. Edinburgh, 21 August 1673. Giving an account,
from intelligence, of a battle betwixt the English and Dutch fleets. On
" Monday the fleets ingadged in the morning a sharp conflict, the
" Inglish haueing wind, which imediatlie changed so that a whole
" squad surroundit Sir Edward Sprag, who was in the Royall Prince,
" and so battared thair ship that he was forced to take thair boat shor
" being rady to sink ; by a shot thair boat was sunck and he and all
" with, him loast, one other captaine killed, and Captain Hay loast his
11 leg. The Royall Prince disriged. This continowed whill night, and
" in the dark the Duch retired, haueing a ship or two sunk and five or
" six brunt. The Prince retired to fitt the rigging of his ship which
" coast Tewsday all day to fitt hir„ and upon Wednesday went in search
" of the Duch. Thes accompt is given to the King by on Sir John
" Littltoune, who was sent off with ane East India Duch ship that
" mistook the Inglish fleitt for their oun, valeued to 100,000 lib. sterling ;
" bot as yet the Prince hath wreat no account to the King," &c.
71. From the same to the same, Edinburgh, 18 August 1675.
" Rycht Honorabill . . . Our news here is that the Bishop of St.
" Audrous (Sharp) and Seaforth arrived yesternight, who eschaped
" drouning about Holy Island, cam from thence overland, bot becaus
" they are steatsmen I have got no share of their news. In that defeat
" the Frenches gott neir Straitsbrugh, besyd the generall loas of the
" armie, we have loased seven Scots captains in that batalione of Duglas
" reagement that was with De Turaine, viz., Douglas, Hay, Latuce,
" Kernie, Barcklay, Cotbrine, and Lauless, your brother's captaine.
" Whither George and Alexander was with him I cannot yet learne,
" bot this list I sau in a letter wreaten from the camp, in Sir Williame
" Sharp's chamber, rince which Marachall de Coiquie his armie of 12,000
" men are totalie cut off and himself ether killed or taiken by the Duch
" of Lunengberg, who was brseaging the citie of Treaves. The
" Marachall coming to relive the seage (in which there is also ane other
" batalione of the Scots reagement) the Duke fell upon him and worsted
" all. This is confirmed by three posts, and its now sayd Treaves is
" taken. Last week there was ane uproar in London oecationed by the
" weavers ; its reported som person had found out an ingein bv which
" ane man will perform mor work in on day then ten will do in the
" ordinaire. This so offended that honest tread that they in a tumul-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 81
" tuarie maner puld downe the houses of thes that had the ingeins and Sir John
" brok them all they fund, which cam to that hight that the King cam ^ngIuxwexl!
" to the city in heast, and cald all his gairds and troups, and ishewed a
" proclamatione comanding them to ther houses under pnine of rebellione.
" Som sayeth it quenshed, and other nott. . . . The rebellione in
" Breitaine is not yet conqiesst," &c.
72. Letter (unsigned) to James Stirling of Keir. Glasgow, 13 June
1702. Giving intelligence as to the state of affairs in the Scotch
Parliament, and also as to foreign news. " The King of Sweden is
u still at Warsaw and the King of Polland at Cracow with the army of
" the Crown, expecting his Saxon forces to make head against the
" Swedes. The King of Denmark has entered Germany with 17,000
" men, upon what design not at yet known. The Duke of Wendome
" is at Goito, and intends to march against P[rince] Eugene who is
" strongly entrenched att Borgo forte, and has a bridge over the Po to
" keep commuoicatione with Modena, from whense he has his pro-
" visions. The allies made a vigorous attaque on the conterscarpe of
" Keiserswart, and altho' it was defended seven French battalions in
" two hours time with a great loss made themselves masters of it. It's
" said they lost two Brigadiers Generals, two Major Generals, six
" Collonels, the two Scots Lieutenant Collonels and Major Hepburn,
" with the entire loss of these two Regiments. It's thought that the
" town has surrendered or [been] taken by storme by this time.
" M. Bouflers with 50,000 men had almost surprised Athlone with
" 25,000 men, but by good luck and Wirtenberg's advise, he got under
il the cann3n of Nimegen, wher he posted his foot on the conterscarpe.
" The French got most of the baggage and some cannon, and did them
" a great deall of damage in their rear. The French have blooked them
" up with 44,000 men, and are furraging the contrie round with 6,000
" horse, and all the Duch boors in Brabant and about Utrich are running
" before them. We have the Quen's letter to the Parliament. . . .
" She has asseured them she will mentain the Prisbeterian government.
".','... For anything that I see the Kirk will be higher than ever,
" nor shall we be able to bear their pride. Adieu."
William Fraser.
Edinburgh, 32, Castle Street,
20th July 1883.
REPORT ON THE MANUSCRIPTS OF CHARLES STIRLING-
HOME-DRUMMOND MORAY, ESQUIRE, OF BLAIR-
DRUMMOND, AT BLAIR-DRUMMOND, AND ARDOCH,
BOTH IN THE COUNTY OF PERTH, BY WILLIAM
FRASER, LL.D., EDINBURGH.
The first division of this Report comprises letters and papers belonging Charles stib-
to members of the family of Drummond of Blair-Drummond, descended j$S£2£££
from Walter Drummond, designed of Ledcreiff, third son of Sir Walter Moray, Esq.
Drummond, Loid of Cargill and Stobhall, who lived in the reigns of King
James First and King James Second of Scotland. He is represented
in the elder line by the Earls of Perth. Walter Drummond was uncle
to John first Lcrd Drummond, from whom in 1486 he received a grant
a 84067. F
82 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^lsv'-home115' of the lands of Ledcreiff in tne Sllil(1 of Perth. The grandson of Walter
Dci'mmond Drummond of Ledcreiff, George Drummond, third of Ledcreiff, was
Morat:e-q. wjth his second son William, cruelly slain on 3rd June 1554. The
murderers were William Ohalmer of Drumlochy and others, and the
details of the crime, graphically narrated in the Royal Letters issued at
the instance of the deceased's family, may be stated here as illustrative
of the disturbed state of Scotland at that period immediately before the
Reformation. We read how three neighbouring Lairds, the Laird of
Drumlochy, the Laird of Ardblair, and the Laird of Gormok, with their
tenants to the number of eighty persons " bodin in feir of weir, with
" jakkis, coittis of mailze, steilbonnets, lance staffls, bo wis, lang culver-
" ing with lychtit lunttis," and other weapons, came on a Sunday fore-
noon to the parish church of their intended victim. Failing at first to
execute their purpose the marauders went and dined with the Laird of
Gormok. Meantime their spies kept them informed of Drummond's
movements, and learning that he had left his house of Blair they again
sallied forth about two o'clock in the afternoon. They found the
objects of their vengeance peacefully playing at bowls in the market
street, beside the church cf Blair, and rushing upon them cruelly
put them to death. [No. 4.] For this crime Chalmer and his associates
were duly summoned to appear before the Justiciary Court at Edinburgh.
Whether they obeyed the summons or not does not appear, but the
guilty parties afterwards made overtures to David, second Lord Drum-
mond, and other relatives of the deceased. These overtures were : (1)
To go to the "four heid pilgrimagis in Scotland." (2) "To do
suffrage [pray] for the sawll of the deid." (3) "To do honour" to his
kin. (4) To pay 1,000 merks, or (5) undergo any penalty named. At
first these overtures were rejected, but another treaty was proposed, one
of the offers in which was that Chalmer should appear before Lord
Drummond and offer to his Lordship " ane nakit sword be the poynt."
[Nos. 5 and 6.] Ultimately matters were arranged between the parties,
and William Chalmer of Drumlochy, on 5th December 1558, entered
into a bond of manrent or service to the Drummonds, a class of writs
very common in Scotland in the sixteenth century. [No. 7 infra.]
George Drummond, eldest son of George Drummond of Ledcreiff, sold
that estate and bought Newton of Blair [Blairgowrie] in 1560. In
1588 he joined in a Bond of friendship with other members of his Family
[No. 9] and seems to have incurred the displeasure of King James
Sixth, who warded him in the Burgh of Perth, whence he was liberated
on 23rd August 1589. [No. 10.] In 1682 his descendant George
Drummond fifth of Blair sold these lands, and in 1684 purchased from
James fourth Earl of Perth the Lands of Kincardine in Menteith, to
which he gave the name of Blair-Drummond, and which have been
inherited by his successor in direct descent, the present proprietor.
George Drummond the first of Blair-Drummond was on intimate terms
with the Earl of Perth then High Chancellor. On 6th August 1684 he
received a disposition of all the profits arising from the Great Seal for
one year. After the Revolution when the Earl was imprisoned in the
Castle of Stirling, George Drummond was one of those who became
security for the Earl that he might leave the Kingdom. Mr. Drummond
survived until June 17 17. His intimacy with the Families of Perth
[vide Nos. 144, 159, 178, 180-191 infra.] and Drummond of Lundin who
was in 1680 appointed Master of the Ordnance, seems to have led to the
possession of various Jacobite papers [Nos. 16, 20, 113-130] and also of
a series of letters from Captain John Slezer, the well-known author of
the topographical work " Theatrum Scotiae," who writes from Flanders,
and gives curious items of recruiting experiences. [Nos. 131-143.]
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 83
As may be imagined, George Drummond and his son James who Chieles Stir-
succeeded to him had much sympathy with the Jacobite party, but the SSJ
former was too old to take part in the Rebellion of 1715, and the latter, Moray, Esq.
whatever his views, seems to have been too prudent, though the letter
[No. 179 infra.] addressed to him by a friend, Sir David Dalrymple.
first baronet of Hailes, Lord Advocate of Scotland, may have determined
his adherence to the House of Hanover. His brother John Drummond
of Quarrel in Stirlingshire was a prominent merchant at Amsterdam,
and one of the Commissioners for the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. He
was also a Member of Parliament, and held a position of great influence.
To him were written the letters from Lord Orrery, the Earl of Strafford,
Lord Chesterfield, the Duke of Marlborough, Alexander Pope the Poet,
and others. [Nos. 163, 170-177, 192-201.] Also the letters from the
Camp befere Bouchain in France [162, 164-169].
George Drummond third Laird of Blair-Drummond was Secretary to
the most Ancient Order of the Thistle, and some papers relating to
that Order are referred to in No. 161.
The interesting collection of letters and papers reported on in the
second division of this Report [Nos. 202-315] are preserved at the
mansion house of Ardoch, These papers consist chiefly of correspon-
dence, and were the property of Admiral Thomas Gordon, who left
the British Navy (apparently from pique or perhaps from Jacobite
sympathies) and entered the Russian Service, where he rose to the rank
of Admiral, and was made Governor of Cronstadt and Knight of the
Order of St. Alexander. He died in Russia on 18th March 1741, aged
79. His daughter Anna married Sir Henry Stirling, third Baronet of
Ardoch, whose granddaughter Anna Stirling, in 1778, married Colonel
Moray of Abercairny, and was the grandmother of the present proprietor
of the Estates of Blair-Drummond, Abercairny, and Ardoch.
In addition to the Blair-Drummond and Ardoch papers proper, there
is in the possession of Mr. Drummond Moray a valuable series of letters
bound together in one volume but not chronologically arranged, while
the fact that most of them are undated renders such arrangement
difficult. These letters are 113 in number, and consist of original letters
addressed to Sir George Villiers, Marquis, afterwards Duke of Bucking-
ham, and also of drafts or copies (a few of them signed) of letters
addressed by him to various persons of distinction. In this Report
these documents [Nos. 12-15, and 50-112] are chiefly incorporated in
Section IV. of the First Division, as they seem to have been bound
together in 1826 under the direction of the late Mr. Henry Home-
Drummond of Blair-Drummond.
Having thus glanced at the History of the Collection now reported
on, a few special details may be noted. Of the Royal Letters comprised
in the First Division of this Report the first three are addressed by
Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia to the Marquis of Buckingham. She was,
as is well known, the daughter of King James the Sixth, and married in
1613 Frederick the Elector Palatine who was elected King of Bohemia
at Prag in 1618, crowned there on 4th November 1619, and driven from
his city and kingdom on 8th November 1620. The Queen's first
letter [No. 12 infra.] is dated from Prag 22nd of October, and refers
to the rejoicings at her and her husband's entry to the city, which fixes
the date as 1619. The other two letters [Nos. 13 and 14] are apparently
later. In the same connection also is given [in No. 15] a letter from
Joachim Ernst, Margraf of Anspach, a cadet of the Hohenzollern House
of Brandenburg (ancestors of the present Emperor of Germany), who
was leader of the " Evangelical Union " or army raised for the defence of
F 2
84 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- the Protestants in Germany. Other references to the Palatinate and
dStjSokd KinS James Sixth's policy regarding it will be found in Nos. 61, 63,
Moray, Esq. 80, 88, 106. The first is the draft of a letter from the Marquis of
Buckingham to Sir Edward Herbert, dated 29th September 1620, in
which the former says "I cannot omitt to lett you know that his
Majestic seing the Palitinat inuaded hath resolued not to suffer hir,
grandchildren's patrimonie to be withheld from them, but howsoeuer he
meddle not with tiie matter of Bohemia, yet he will prepare with all
the speed that may be to succour those that are so Deere vnto him."
Commenting on the near approach of winter, which would delay opera-
tions, the writer proceeds, " His Maiestie will in the meantime use his
best endeavours by his ambassadour or any other course to bring the
business to a good accommodation by a general peace," &c. The other
letter [No. 63] is undated, but is described as a draft letter to the King
of Denmark, and is written about the same time. In this letter precisely
the same sentiments are expressed in much the same words, to the
effect that in reference to the Palatinate King James " cannot but
avowedlye declare himselfe for the defence thereof hauinge first
omitted no meanes to withhold and disswade the Kinge of Spayne, the
Archduke and the Princes of the Catholicke League from this in-
vasion, soc that he is now resolued in case hee cannot procure thinges
to bee reduced to tearmes of a reasonable peace this winter . . . .
to defend the Palatinate the best he may by way of force. But the
truth is ho much desireth to be an instrument of peace," &c. But
while the King was thus meditating, the unfortunate King and Queen
of Bohemia, notwithstanding the winter, were driven from their king-
dom. Two letters from William third Earl of Pembroke [Nos. 54 and
101] give an account of the reception of the Ambassadors from the
States of Holland. The letters are undated, but probably refer to the
negotiations between the States of Holland and the English King
affecting the Dutch East India Company and the fishing off Greenland.
The letters from and to Sir Ralph Winwood [Nos. 55-60, and 95] are
also worthy of notice, in their references to Continental politics and Sir
Henry Wotton, then English Ambassador at Venice. The Jesuit
intrigues there referred to are also indicated in the letter [No. 92 infra.]
indorsed " To Spanish Ambassador," the date of which cannot accurately
be ascertained, but which may be about the same time [c. 1617]. The
feeling in England against the power of the Jesuits is weli represented
in the letter [No. 72] written by Buckingham at the King's command
to the Queen Mother of France, deprecating the coming of a Jesuit
confessor with Henrietta Maria, and the tone adopted in the letter [No.
83] in answer to the King of France. The letters Nos. 68, 73, 74, 76,
77, 84, 85, and 93 are instructive. All except the last are written by
the Duke of Buckingham himself, and in the most familiar terms, to
the high personages addressed. They show his intimacy with King
Charles First and the young Queen ; and the Duke poses at one and the
same time as the friend of his master, the innocent and indignant victim
of evil reports at the French Court, and the patron and protector of the
French Protestants. Among the miscellaneous letters addressed to him
the most interesting are the epistle of Sir Francis Bacon while Attorney-
General [No. 50] which contains one or two characteristic sentences ;
the somewhat sycophantic letter of Bacon's rival Sir Edward Coke
[No. 51] ; the florid and obsequious address by the Fellows of Pembroke
Hall, signed among others by Dr. Walter Balcanqual, the friend of
George Heriot and the author of the Rules for his friend's Hospital in
Edinburgh; with the somewhat curious references to Buckingham him-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
85
self in the letter [No. 65] of the Duke of Alva, the descendant of
more famous Duke, the scourge of the Netherlands.
Among the Jacobite Koyal Letters in the First Division of this Report
the most noteworthy are two letters [Nos. 16 and 17] from the
Chevalier St. George, claiming to be King James Eighth, addressed to
William Marquis of Tullibardine (titular Duke of Atholl) in 1720, the
first one perhaps being an answer to the somewhat plain-spoken epistle
[No. 117] addressed by the Marquis to the King. The account of the
public money which was disbursed by the Marquis of Tullibardine
during the Stewart Rising in 1719 shows that Rob Roy joined in that
insurrection and received several payments for his services. [No. 114.]
Three documents signed by Prince Charles Edward (one of them a
Commission) are given in Nos. 18-20. Of the miscellaneous letters in
this division the most interesting are those from Captain Slezer, from
the camp of Marlborough, and the letters of the Jacobites, all of which
have been already referred to. In the Second Division of this Report
the most noteworthy are the letters addressed by the titular King James
the Eighth to Admiral Gordon, who seems to have acted as his Majesty's
Ambassador to the Czar. Among Admiral Gordon's papers also are
copies of King James' letters to his Queen, of 9th and 11th November
1725 [No. 107] at the time of their separation, documents which have
been frequently printed.
There are also a number of letters from James second Duke of Liria,
son of the Duke of Berwick, who was sometime Spanish Ambassador at
the Court of Moscow. A few only of these are quoted as of special
interest. It may be noted that a large proportion of the Jacobite papers
now reported on have been printed in two works connected with the
County of Perth, the " Red Book of Menteith " and the " Red Book of
Grantully." Both of these books were printed for private circulation.
In the last-named work some of the letters noted below have been
printed in full in cipher. Since then deciphered copies have been found and
are now reported on, as in Nos. 257, 259. But many of the manuscripts
now reported on in this division are new and of considerable interest.
The manuscripts now reported on have been arranged as follows :— -
the Charles Stir-
listg-Home-
Drummoitd
Moray, Esq.
Division I. — Blair-Drummond Manuscript;
Section
Section
Section
Section
Section
Section
6.
M.S. Books, 1656-1735.
Original Charters and Miscellaneous Papers, 1330-1589.
Royal Letters and Warrants, 1619-1686.
Collection of Letters to and Draft Letters by Sir George
Villiers, Viscount Yilliers, Marquis and Duke of Buck-
ingham [c. 1614-1626].
Letters and Papers relating to the Jacobite Insurrections
of 1715 and 1745, 1719-1746.
Miscellaneous Letters and Papers, 1672-1746.
Division II. — Ardoch Manuscripts.
Section I. Royal Letters, chiefly to Admiral Sir Thomas Gordon,
1716-1740.
Section 2. Letters from the second Duke of Liria, 1726-1730.
Section 3. Jacobite Correspondence and Papers, 1716-1735.
Section 4. Commissions and Similar Papers, 1693-1728.
Section 5, Miscellaneous Letters and Papers, 1716-1740.
86
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables Stip-
xing-Homi:-
Dkummond
Moray, Esq.
Division I. — Blair-Drummond Manuscripts.
Section 1. MS. Books, 1666-1735.
1. A Manuscript History of the Drurnmonds entitled " An Extract of
the noble race of the Drummonds from their first comming to Scotland
il out of Hungarie, to this present tym."
" Wherevnto is added and intermingled be way of digressione an
number of pretiouse and rare pieces of storie drawen out of authen-
ticque euidences which as they serve and concurre to the clearing of
this taske, so to rectifie many errores and mistakes in our Scottish
Histories neuer published before — Newly collected and emitted be
Mr John Friebairne an old minister and preacher of the Gospell at
Madertie, within the countie of Stratherne
Sola apud Deum libertas est ncn servire
peccatis, summa apud Deum nobilitas est
cJarum esse virtutibus. Hieron Ep. ad Celantium."
The History is dedicated to John Earl of Perth, Baron of Cargill,
Kincardine and Callender, senescal and coroner of the County Palatine
of Stratherne, and Bailie of the Abthanrie of Dull, &c, and to his
children and cousins, and is dated "from my Muse the 20th Junij
1656."
The early chapters of this work contain an account of the Drum-
monds who had settled in Madeira, and their claim to be connected with
the main line of the Family in Scotland ; thereafter the author proceeds
to give an account of the Drummond Family, beginning with Maurice
the Hungarian in the time of Malcolm Can more ; indulging also in many
digressions on questions of Scottish History. There are two copies of
this work.
2. Two volumes of the Session Records of Kincardine, one of which
is entitled on the back " Book of Discipline Parish of Kincardine in
Monteith, 1695-1727 " ; and the other " Kincardine Book of Discipline
A.D. 1729-1735."
Division I. — Section (2). Original Charters and Miscellaneous
Papers. 1330-1589.
3, Charter by Murdach Earl of Menteith, granting to Gilbert of
Drommond for his homage and service, the west half of the town of
Buchchoppill, lying next to the land of Busby in the earldom of
Menteith : To be held by the said Gilbert and his heirs and assignees
of the Earl and his heirs in fee and heritage for ever for rendering to
the king the forensic service pertaining to the said land and three suits
at the three head Courts of Menteith yearly ; provided that in case the
said Gilbert should predecease Matilda his spouse she should enjoy the
said Lands of Auchchoppill during her lifetime ; in case of his death
without a lawful heir-male of his body, the said land to go, after the
death of the said Matilda, to Elen, daughter of the said Gilbert and the
heirs male of her body ; whom failing to Elizabeth, Johanna and Anabel
her sisters successively in the same manner ; whom all failing the lands
were to revert to the said Gilbert of Drommond and his heirs. Wit-
nesses, Maurice Bishop of Dunblane, Sir Alexander of Meneteth the
granter's brother, Sir Walter of Menteth, Malcolm of Drommond,
Gillecrist son of Douenald, Anacol son of Symon, circa 1330.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 87
Original papers relating to the slaughter of George Drummond of Charles Stir-
Leidcreif 1554. dromond
Moray, Esq.
4. Official copy of letters under the signet of Mary Queen of Scots —
narrating that a complaint had been made to her Majesty by " the wiffe,
barnis, kin and freindis of vmquhile George Drummond of Leidcreif
and William Drummond his sone vpon Williame Chalmer of Drum-
lochie, William Rory, George Tullydaff, Williame Chalmer, George
MaNesker Fidlar his houshaldman, Robert Smyth, Johnne Berry and
others tenants to the Laird of Drumlochie, John Blair of Ardblair,
Andrew Blair and Thomas Blair his sons and others tenants and ser-
vants to the Laird of Ardblair, John Gothray in Blair, Alexander
Blair half-brother to John Butter of Gormok, William Butter and
others, tenants to the Laird of Gormok, who with their complecis with
convocation of our lieges to the number of 80 persons, bod in in feir of
weir, with jakkis, coittis of mailze, steilbonnettis, lance staffis, bowis,
lang culveringis with lychtit lunttis and vtheris wappinnis invasiue,
recentlie vpoun Sounday the thrid day of Junii instant befoir none, off
the counsaling, deuysing, raising, sending, command, assistence, fortefe-
ing and ratihabitioun of the said Johnne Butter of Gormok come to the
said vmquhile George Drummondis perroche kirk of Blair, to haif slane
him, the said vmquhile Williame his sone, and vthirris being with him
in company; and becaus thai culd nocht cum to thair peruersit purpois
thai past too the laird of Gormokis place of Gormok and thair dynit
with him and send furth spyis to await vpoun the said vmquhill George
and his cumpany quhen thai cum furth of his place of Blair ; and being
aduerteist be the said spyis that he wes cumin furth of his said place,
thai with thair com pieces with the said Laird of Gormokis howshald-
men and seruandis bodin in feir of weir, of his causing, sending,
deuysing as said is, with convocatioun of oure liegis to the nomer of
lxvi personis the samin day at twa houris or tharby eftir none ischit
furth of the said laird of Gormokis place foirsaid, and vmbeset the gait
to the saidis vmquhile George and Williame his sone quhair thai wer
dowblate allane at thair pastyme playand at the rowbowlis in the high
marcate gait beside the kirk of Blair in sobir maner, traisting na trubie
nor harme to haif bene done to thame bot to haif levit vnder Goddis
peax and ouris, and thair crewellie slew thame vpoun auld feid and
forthocht felony, set purpois and provisioun in hie contemptioun of oure
auctorite and lawis gif sa be." The sheriffs are charged to " tak sicker
souertie" of the committers of the crimes above written to underly the
law before the Justice in the tolbooth of Edinburgh the third day of July
next &c. Dated 13 June 12 year of reign [1554]. Executions indorsed
dated 14th and 22nd June 1554.
5. Paper headed thus "Thir ar the offiris quhilk the lardis of
Gormok, Drumloychye and Arblair and thar collegis offiris to my Lord
Drummond and to the sonn of vmquhill George Drummond his wyf and
barnis and freindis " &c.
" Item in primus to gang or caus to gang to the four heid pilgrimagis
in Scotland.
Secundlye, to do suffrage for the sawll of the deid as [at] his perroche
kirk or quhat vthir kirk thai pleys for certane zeris to cum.
Thridlye, to do honour to the kyne and frendis as efferis as wse is.
Ferdly, to assyth the party e is content to gyf to the kyne, wyf and
barnis, jm merk."
Fifthly, if these offers were not thought sufficient they were content
to underly, acquit and pay as reasonable friends should think expedient.
88 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- The answers that Lord Drummond his kin and friends make are : —
DK?MM°osr>* "Item as to the first, secund and third artickill thai ar sa generall and
Moray, Esq. sempill in the self that thai requyr na ansur."
As to the fourth, Lord Drummond, his kin and friends, the wife and
bairns of George Drumond could not be content with the offer of 1,000
merks considering the cruelty of the murder and that it was done with-
out provocation.
6. The offers of William Chalnicr of Drumlochy for himself, "William
Chalmer his cousiu, George Twlydaflf, William Chalmer and others his
servants.
(1.) The said William offers to " compeir befoir my Lord Drummond
and the remanent frendis of vmquhile George Drummond, and thair to
offer to his Lordschip and the party ane nakit swerd be the poynt," and
to do all other honour to his Lordship and his house as was thought
reasonable in like cases (2) to give his lordship and his heirs a bond of
manrent (3) because through extreme persecution of the laws of this
realm the said William had neither lands, goods nor money, he therefore
u offeris his sonis mariage to be mareit vpone George Drummondis
dochter frelie without ony tochir, and siclike the mariage of the said
Williame Chalmer his cousing to the said George sister."
Item (4) offers him self ready to any other thing possible to him as
his Lordship and friends may please to lay to his charge, except his life
and heritage.
7. Bond of Manrent by William Chalmer of Druiulochie to David
Lord Drummond as chief to the deceased George Drummond and
William his son, in consideration that the said David Lord Drummond
and certain other principals of the four branches and nearest of kin and
friends of the late George Drummond of Leidcreif and William
Drummond his son had forgiven their slaughter to the said William
Chalmer, and delivered letters of slains to him thereupon, under contract
of giving the present Bond of Manrent etc. The band binds the granter
in service of manrent to Lord Drummond and his heirs and to take part
with Lord Drummond against all parties saving the Queen and the
authority of the realm. Dated at Edinburgh 5 December 1558. Wit-
nesses, Andrew Bollok of Duncrub, James Rollok his son, John Grahame
of Gerwok, John Spens of Condy, Laurence Spens his brother. Signed
"Wilzam Chalmer of Drumlochquhye." Seal attached. A shield
parted per less, a demi-lion rampant, with foliage, in the upper half of
shield and three branches in the lower half. " S. Wilelmi Chalmer/'
8. Commission by King James the Sixth to Patrick Master of Gray,
James Hering of Glascloune, John Butter of Garmok, Alexander
Abircrumby of that ilk, George Drummond of Blair and William
Chalmer of Drumlochie, to search and apprehend within the shire of
Perth, try by an assize and cause justice be executed upon David
Hereing in Carnsak, John Hereing his son alias Blak Johnne, John
Hereing his son alias Quhit Johnne, William Kingour sowtar, David
Kingour cowpar, and others, with other "sorneris " and <{ broken men "
for committing various acts of sorning, robbery, theft and masterful
reif and oppression in the shire of Perth. Dated at the Castle of
Stirling the of May 1578. Signed James R., Atholl
canrius, Montrois, Robert B. of Cathnes, Patrick L. Lyndsay, Catheness.
9. Extract Registered Bond of Friendship betwixt Patrick Lord
Drummond and James Commendator of Incheffray his brother german
and a good number of their kin and alliance who being convened at the
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 89
Kirk of Muthill the 10th July 1588, and having maturely deliberated Charles Sus-
an d taken advisement how gocd it was to the standing of the house of drummond
Drymen and maintenance and defence of the name of Drummond, their Moray, Esq.
alliance and dependers, that all controversies and debates that had
fallen out before or should hereafter fall out between any of the said
friends, alliance and dependers, should be judged and decerned by the
said Patrick Lord Drummond and the said James Commendator of
Inchcnray, and the following persons or any four of them, " sua that
ane of the said four or ma be not suspect upon the quarrell bygain or
that sail happen " viz. Sir James Striveling of Keir, knight., Gilbert
Ogilvie of that ilk, Sir James Chisholnie of Dundurn, knight., George
Drummond of Blair, Harie Drummond of Riccartoun, Malcolm Drum-
mond of Borland, Alexander Drummond of Medhope, George Drum-
mond cf Balloch, William Drummond of Megor, John Drummond of
Pitcellonie, James Drummond of Cardness and Thomas Drummond of
Corscaiplie. Aud also that every one of the said name, alliance and
dependers take"trew and efauld part" with each other against all
otheis, except his Majesty and the authority. Signed by the above and
also by John Drummond of Drumnerynot, William Drummond of
Mylnab, William Drummond of Farness, Laurence Drummond of
Bruntyhill, William Drummond of Belly claan, Thomas Drummond,
Andrew Toshach of Munie, Mr. Maurice Drummond, John Comrie
Drummond of Ledmachaine. Dated as above and registered in the
Books of Council and Session 17 October 1721.
10. Warrant under the Signet by King James the Sixth to set at
liberty George Drummond of Blair " furth of his present ward within
our Burgh of Perth and bound is limitat to him therabout." Dated at
the Cattle of Stirling 23 August 1589. Signed " James R."
11. Letters under the Signet proceeding on a complaint by John
Drummond of Blair who was heritably infeft in the lands of Blair in
the shire of Perth, against Catharine Hay relict of George Drummond
of Blair, who pretended she had right of conjunct fee at least of liferent
to the said lands, that she had suffered the halls, chambers, stables,
barns, byres, dovecots &c. " to peris and decay, fall doun and becum
altogidder rwynous in ruiff, thak, wallis, doris, windowis, keyis, lockis,
purpell wallis, jesting, lofting, and vther pairtis," also the close, yards
and dykes of the same, and had destroyed and cut down the greenwood
and growing trees, fruit trees and others and had not kept the planting
and policy of the said lands in the same state that they were in at the
decease of her said husband ; charging the said Katharine Hay therefore
to find caution and surety enacted in the sheriff court books of Perth to
build up and repair all the halls, chambers &c. and make them in as
good condition as they were in at the decease of her said husband and
to keep them so during her lifetime. Dated at Edinburgh 16 March
1613.
Division I. — (Section 3). Royal Lktters and Warrants,
1619-1686.
12. Letter from Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia to the Marquis of
Buckingham 22 October [1619]. This and the three following
Royal letters are from the Buckingham collection and are from
the same Volume as the others reported on [Nos. 50-112].
My Lord these are onelie to thanke you both for your letter and
your fauoring the business for which the baron of Dona was sent to his
Maiesty as he hathe told me.
90 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
°i^£home^ Yesterday we arrived heire being received with a great show of loue
deummokd of all sortes of people. The King hath stayed Morton till he and I be
Mobay, Esq. crouned by him. I will write to yon more at large for I am now in
hast. I pray continue still the good offices you doe me to his Maiestie,
I am euer your most affectionat fiend
Elizabeth.
Prague this 22 of October.
To the Marquise of Buckingham.
13. The Same to the Same, c. 1620.
My Lord, the King vnderstanding that the Spaniard hath refused to
renew the truce in the Palatinat hath written to his Maiestie to intreat
him for his assistance ; the countrie else will be all lost. I must desire
your help to his Maiestie in this and beseech him for vs not to lett vs
loose all. I know the Spanish Ambassadour will make manie com-
plaints against the King concerning the Count Mansfelds proceedings,
but I hope his Maiestie will not iudge till he heere the Kings answeare
to anie such accusation who may be beleeued as soou as the other. I
must intreat you therefore to help vs in this. I haue also written to my
deare Brother about it, next to whom I haue most confidence in you
who shall neuer find me other then
Your most affectionat frend
Elizabeth.
My Lord I forgott one thing which is that the King is much troubled
at this newes more then euer I saw him. I ernestlie intreat you there-
fore to gett his Maiestie to send him some effectuall comfortable
answeare that may a little ease his melancholie, for I confess it troubles
me to see him soe. I pray lett none know this but his Maiestie and
my Brother to whom I forgott to write it. The naggs you promised
me in your letter by Nethersol shall be verie Avelcome specially since
they come from your wife to whom I pray commend my loue.
-n it tt i..f 29of Julie,
From the Hagh this - — 5— 1
8 oi August.
To the Marquis of Buckingham.
Indorsed: Q. of Bohemia to my L. by M. Schomberg with the
answeares from Oking 5. 7ber.
14. The Same to the Same.
My Lord I haue receaued both your letter and horse by Kenett which
I giue you manie thankes for. Yow could not haue sent a more
welcome present. I haue alreadie tried him, and I find hiin as good a
horse as euer I ridde. I am exceedinglie beholding to you for the care
you take in fitting me so well with horses, by which you continue to tie
[me] to you, as you doe by other manie obligations [for] the which I
intreat you to beleeue that I [am] euer
Your most affectionat frend
Elizabeth.
[Sin]ce by this time you know what the King hath done to obey his
Maiesties command that he hath retired himself to Sedan, I pray con-
tinue your good offices to him and me.
Hagh this £§ of Julie.
To the Marquise of Buckingham.
Indorsed : Q. of Bohem. to my Lord.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 91
15. Joachim Ernst, Margrave of Anspach to the Marquis of €^g-Home^
Buckingham, c. 1619-20. deummond
Moray, Esq.
Monsieur, le cheuallier Morton m'at assure de la continuation de
uostre bonne affection et des deuoers uous nous en faictez paroitre tous
les iours. Je ne doubte que ie Roy et Roine de Boheme tacheront de
uous faire paroitre le coutentement qu'ils en recoiuent ; cependant Je
n'ay uoulu menquer en leur absence, de uous en remercier bien humble-
ment de leur part, et de uous prier, puis que ceste premiere relation de
cheuallier Morton enuoyee par ce courrier expres a sa Maieste uous
faira uoir l'estat des affaires et dequoy nous avons a faire promtement
et sens delay, de uouloir tenier la main et disposer sa Maieste a une
bonne et promte resolution a celle fin que nous en puissions uoir les
effect bientost par eel a uous aubligereux grandement le Roy et Roine
de Boheme, et moy en particulier uous en demeureray
tres affectione seruiteur
De Worms ce 25e de Jenuier Joachim Ernst.
A Monsieur Monsieur le Marquis de Bucquingam.
Indorsed : M. of Anspach to my Lord. 25 January.
16. Prince James Son of King James the Seventh of Scotland
and Second of England to [William Marquis of TullibardineJ.
Rome April 29, 1720.
It was a most sensible satisfaction to me to hear that you and your
worthy companions were arrived in France after all the dangers and
troubles you have gone through on my account. In the beginning of the
year I writ a letter to yourself and another to Clanranold and Lochiel
hoping they might then find you in France, so I shall not writ at present
anew to them, but desire you will say to them all that is kind and
gratefull in my name as well as to Glenderule and to your Brother in the
first place who is I suppose with you. I am truly concerned my circum-
stances do not allow me to send you such a supply as I could wish but I
have ordered General Dillon to give you and the gentlemen with you
what I am ashamed to name desiring you to look at the good will and
not at the gift which is but too suitable to my present circumstances tho'
by far inferior to your merits.
Since the letter I writ to you in January affairs are much altered. I
directed you then to go to Spain but now I must retract that order,
having reason to fear that it might be a journey in vain, that Kings
circumstances not allowing him to provide for more of my subjects at
the present time, though his good will for me be allways the same and
the Duke of Ormonde and with all regard and kindness at his Court.
After this, you will not, I am sure doubt of the satisfaction it would be
to me to have you near my person, but besides that I have not realy
wherewithall to pay the expenses of so great a journey, the affaires
of Europe seem to be in a sort of a crisis, and in so odd a situation that
till they have taken some settled form, I should be loath to bring any who
may be truely useful! on occasion into so remote a country. I think
therefore that both you and your companions cannot do better than to
repose yourselves for some time somewhere in France where your usuall
prudence will make you unnoticed, and where my orders and directions
will always reach you.
It is fitteing you should be informed that since my return into this
country I have received a great deal of uneasiness from several dis-
92 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- contents and complaints for which 1 could never find any solid foundation,
SmmS* Dnt what ever were the motives of such proceedeings it is certain my
Moray, Esq. interest could not but suffer by them, since not only my own personal
caracter was not spared, but even a letter of mine was falsified and I
made to write what I am not so much as capable of thinking. Such as
wish me well cannot 'tis true be long imposed on by these stories, and it
may be you may never hear of them, but least you should I was glad to
prevent you on the subject that you might be the better able to give me
on such occasions new proof es of that zeal and affection of which I have
already received so many proofes. If you come to Paris, General Dillon
can inform you fully of such matters.
You will I am sure be sorry to find the Duke of Mar still in confine-
ment. He hath had also his share in malicious reports and stories but
his caracter is too well established for such things to make any impres-
sion on men of sense or who are acquainted with him. I cannot but hope
the approacheing peace will restore him his liberty, the want I have of
him and my just kindness for him makeing me earnestly wish for his
company and assistance again. In the meantime durring his absence
your namesake Mr. James Murray acts in business, Tho' our present
situation be farr from agreable yet wee haue not I think the least reason
to dispond. On the contrary the present situation of Europe doth in
some measure afford a pleasing prospect for the future. It is with
courage and patience we must expect better dayis, without letteing any
disappointment slacken our endeavours in the support and pursuit of a
just cause, and in being true to my sincere friends and these being so
to me wee cannot fail at last with God's blessing of getteing the better of
all our enemeis whether secret or declared ones. As for your own par-
ticular I can assure you my confidence in your singular zeal and affection
for me is such as they merit, and the deep sense I have of them will
ever make me lock upon you and behave towards you with that peculiar
distinction and kindness you so justly deserve.
James K.
You will, I am sure, be glad to know that the Queen is with child,
and in perfect good health as well as myself.
17. The Same to the Same. Eome 23rd May 1720.
This is only to cover the enclosed letters which I desire you will
deleuir and which I send you open for your preuious perusall. Grlenderuls
letter to me required a more particular answer, and I was not long of
having an occasion of expressing myself in suitable terms in favour of
such as have more particularly distinguished themselves in my service,
and who deserue at least good and I am sure sincere words till I can give
them better encouragement, not less necessary for my interest than
their reuard. I look on you to be in a particular manner of that number
and as one who will in all conjunctures loose no opportunity of pro-
moting the good of my seruice, and shall at all times be desirous to shew
you that you have in me a grateful friend as well as a just and a good
master.
James It.
18. Prince Charles Edward to the Marquis of Tullibardine
styled Duke of Athole, Holyroodhouse, 11 October 1745.
Murray writ to you yesterday to press you in my name to com up
with the utmost expedition with all your men. — Dispatch now is so
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
93
England that Charles Stir-
\< T inlpnrl to "KG-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
necessary by the favourable accounts I have got from
makes me repeat this to you in the strongest manner.
part next week for England you wont fail to be here so as to go along
with me ; at the same time write to hesten those who are behind you
and to follow without wating for one another. Adieu.
Charles P. R.
For the Duke of Athole.
19. Commission by Prince Charles Edward in favour of Michael
Brown, Esq., to be Lieutenant-Colonel in the Duke of Athole's
Eegiment of Foot, dated Holyroodhouse, 31 October, 1745.
Charles P.R.
Charles, Prince of Wales, &c. Regent of Scotland, England, France,
aud Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to Michael Brown,
Esq., Greeting. We reposeing especial trust and confidence in your
courage, loyalty, and good conduct, Do hereby constitute and appoint
you to be Lieutenant Collonel of his Maiesteis Forces in the Regiment
of Foot commanded by our right trusty and well beloved cousin
William Duke of Atholl, and to take your rank in the army as such
from the date hereof : You are therefore carefully and diligently to
discharge the duty and trust of Lieutenant Collonel aforsaid, by doing
and performing every thing which belongs thereto : And we hereby
require all and every the officers and soldiers of our forces to observe
and obey you as a Lieutenant Collonel : And yourself to observe and
follow all such orders, directions and commands as you shall from time
to time receive from us, our commander in chief for the time being, or
any other your superior officer according to the rules and disciplin of
war, in pursuance of the trust hereby reposed in you. Given at our
Palace of Holyroodhouse, the thirty first day of October 1745.
C. P. R,
20. Prince Charles Edward to the Marquis of Tullibardine
styled Duke of Athole, Bannockburn, 28 January 1740.
Having received repeated intelligence that the ennemy are again
preparing to march towards us, this is to require of you to hasten up
all the men you can possibly send me without a moments loss of time,
for the thing presses and will in all appearance decide the fate of
Scotland.
Your sincere friend,
Charles P.R.
For the Duke of Athol.
Royal Warrants.
21. Signature by King Charles the Second in favor of Sir William
Purves of Woodhouslie, knight, and Alexander Purves, his
son, ratifying a former commission dated Whitehall 2 September
1662 appointing the said William (now Sir William) Purves his
Majesty's Solicitor for life, and another dated Whitehall, 2 May 16?>6,
ratifying the former Commission and appointing Alexander Purves, his
son, Solicitor for life after his father's decease, or sooner if his father
pleased ; and hereby appointing them of new his Majesty's Solicitors
in Scotland at a salary of £100 Sterling a year. Dated at Whitehall,
94
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Sur
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray. Es<;.
6 May 1668. Superscribed by the King and countersigned by Rothes,
Tweedale, &c. Sealed at Edinburgh, 30^ June 1668.
22. Warrant by King Charles the Second for a Charter under the
Great Seal, granting new Commission to Sir William Purves of that
Ilk and Mr. John Purves his son to be his Majesty's sole Solicitors.
Windsor Castle, 17 May 1681. Sealed at Edinburgh, 18 July 1681.
23. Warrant by King Charles the Second for a gift of the office of
His Majesty's Historiographer in Scotland to Mr. James Fall with a
salary of £40 Sterling. Whitehall, 16 December 1682.
24. Signature by King Charles the Second for a Charter of the
heritage and goods of Isobel Hunter to John Taylor Esq. of the Parish
of St. Martins-in-the-Eields in the County of Middlesex, which had
fallen to the Crown as ultimus heres. The heritage consists of a tene-
ment in the burgh of Edinburgh. Whitehall, 28 December 1682.
25. Warrant for a Commission to Mr. James Smith to be his Majesty's
overseer of all the Works at his Majesty's Palaces and Castles in
Scotland. 3 February 168f.
26. Warrant for a Patent appointing George Earl of Linlithgow to
be Justice General of his Majesty's ancient Kingdom of Scotland.
Windsor Castle, 13 June 1684.
27. Warrant for a gift of the Offices of His Majesty's Conjunct
Solicitors to Mr. George Bannerman and Mr. Robert Colt during his
Majesty's pleasure only. Windsor Castle, 16th June 1684. Sealed
22 July 1684.
28. Warrant for a Letter to be past under the Great Seal giving full
power and authority to Alexander Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews.
Primate and Metropolitan of all Scotland, to consecrate Mr. Alexander
Cairncrosse (late parson of Dumfries) to be Bishop of Brechin. Wind-
sor Castle, 19 June 1684, and sealed 21 July 1684.
29. Warrant for a gift of the office of one of the two Clerks of his
Majesty's Privy Council of Scotland to Mr. Colin Mackenzie, Advocate.
Windsor Castle, 22 July 1684.
30. Warrant for a Letter to be past under the Great Seal giving
power to John Bishop of Edinburgh — Bishop of Dunkeld — Bishop of
Ross, Robert Bishop of Dunblane, and Alexander Bishop of Brechin,
or any three of them to translate Arthur late Archbishop of Glasgow
" from that Metropoliticall see," and to install him Archbishop of the
Metropolitan See of St. Andrews. Whitehall, 31 October 1684.
31. Warrant for a Mandate of consecration in favour of Dr. James
Drummond to be installed Bishop of Brechin. Whitehall, 6 December
1684.
32. Warrant for a Mandate of Consecration giving power to John
Bishop of Edinburgh, James Bishop of Ross, James Bishop of Galloway
— Bishop of Dunblane and — Bishop of the Isles, or any three of them,
to translate Alexander late Bishop of Brechin (now elect Archbishop of
Glasgow) from that bishopric and to install him Archbishop of the
Metropolitan »ee of Glasgow. Whitehall, 6 December 1684.
33. Warrant for a remission to Commissary Alexander Monro of
Bearcrofts of the crime of treason and of all other crimes preceding
the date of the warrant, and particularly accession to any intended
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
95
rising in rebellion or corresponding with persons in England. White-
hall, 29 December 1684.
34. Warrant by King James the Second for a Patent appointing
George Earl of Linlithgovr to be Justice General of his Kingdom of
Scotland. Whitehall, 26 February 168J.
35. Warrant for Letters of Approbation and Exoneration to John
Marquis of Athole for all his actions during the time he held his two
Commissions of Lieutenancy against those that were then in arms
against his Majesty's authority. Whitehall, 25 July 1685.
36. Warrant for Gift of the Office of Master of Hi3 Majesty's Ordnance
in Scotland to Colonel James Douglas during his Majesty's pleasure
with a yearly salary of £150. Whitehall, 26 October 1685. Counter-
signed Queensberrie Thes1', Perth cancell8, Kin tore, Linlithgow, Tarbat,
Geo. Mackenzie, &c. [Also an Extract Act by the Lords of Privy
Council for supplying certain words omitted in the above warrant, dated
12 January 1686.]
37. Warrant for a Commission to Alexander Milne of Caridin, provost
of Linlithgow, to be one of the three Collectors and Receivers and to be
one of the three Paymasters in Scotland. Whitehall 27 February 168-f .
Sealed at Edinburgh, 5 March 1686.
38. Warrant for a Commission to Hew Wallace of Inglistoun to be
one of the three Collectors and Receivers and to be one of the three
Paymasters in Scotland. Whitehall, 27 February 168f. Sealed
10 March 1686.
39. Warrant for a Commission to James Calder, of Muirton, to be
one of the three Collectors and Receivers and to be one of the three
Paymasters in Scotland. Whitehall, 27 February 168f . Sealed at
Edinburgh, 30 April 1686.
40. Warrant for a Commission to James Earl of Perth Lord High
Chancellor, John Marquis of Athole Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal,
William Duke of Hamilton, George Earl of Linlithgow Justice General,,
George Viscount of Tarbat Lord Register, John Lord Bishop of
Edinburgh and William Drummond of Cromlix, Lieutenant General of
His Majesty's Forces, Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, Advocate,
Colonel John Graham of Claverhouse and others for auditing the
accounts of the late Treasurer Principal, Treasurer depute, Cash
Keeper &c. Whitehall, 27 March 1686. Sealed 14 May 1686.
41. Warrant for a Gift of the Office of General of His Majesty's
Mint in Scotland to Richard Lord Maitland during His Majesty's
pleasure. Whitehall, 9 April 1686. Sealed at Edinburgh 1 May
1686.
42. Warrant for a gift of the Office of His Majesty's Historiographer
in Scotland to Doctor Christopher Irvin. Windsor, 30 July 1686.
Sealed 16 September 1686.
43. Warrant for an Approbation, Exoneration, Remission, and In-
demnity &c. in favor of Alexander Earl of Moray, one of the principal
Secretaries of State for Scotland, in all his proceedings as High Com-
missioner, and in his other offices and employments. Windsor, 30 July
1686. Sealed 17 August 1686.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
96
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
xing-Home-
Dbummond
Moray, Esq.
44. Warrant in favor of Doctor Christopher Irvin to be his Majesty's
first physician in Scotland. Windsor, 20 September 168^. Sealed
13 November 1686.
45. Warrant for presentation to the Bishopric of Dunkeld in favor of
Mr. John Hamilton. Whitehall, 15 October 1686. Sealed at Edin-
burgh, 27 October 1686.
46. Warrant for a Commission to Arthur Lord Archbishop of St.
Andrews, Primate and Metropolitan of all Scotland, to consecrate and
install Mr. John Hamilton, lately one of the Ministers of Edinburgh to
be Bishop of the Bishopric of Dunkeld. Whitehall, 15 October 1686.
Sealed at Edinburgh, 27 October 1686.
47. Warrant for an Approbation, Exoneration, and Remission in
favour of George Earl of Dumbarton in all his actings under a Com-
mission dated 2 May 1685, appointing hirn Lieutenant General and
Commander in Chief of all his Majesty's Forces in Scotland, and par-
ticularly his acting under the said commission without taking any of the
oaths prescribed by law. Whitehall, 22 October 1686. Sealed 21 De-
cember 1686.
48. Warrant for a Commission to James Maxwell of Kirkconnel to
be one of the three Receivers and Collectors, and to be one of the three
Paymasters in Scotland. Whitehall, 22 October 1686. Sealed 12 No-
cember 1686.
49. Warrant for a Commission to John Drummond, Merchant in
Edinburgh, to be one of the three Receivers and Collectors and to be
one of the three Paymasters in Scotland. Whitehall, 22 October 1686.
Sealed 12 November 1686.
Division I. — (Section 4). Collection of Letters to and Draft
Letters by George Villiers Marquis and Duke of Bucking-
ham, [c. 1614-1626.]
These letters are bound in a book by themselves including also the
Royal Letters given above [Nos. 12—15], Some of the letters have
been copied in full, while abstracts of the remainder have been given
with the exception of a few which are uninteresting or merely compli-
mentary. With one or two exceptions the letters bear no dates. Those
dates given in this Report are therefore chiefly conjectural, while the
letters, except those given at length, are not arranged chronologically
but in the order in which they are bound together.
50. Sir Francis Bacon (afterwards Lord Bacon), while Attorney
General, to Viscount Villiers. 14 October [c. 1616].
My very good Lord, It was my opynion from the begynnyng that this
company will neuer ouercome the business of the cloth, and that the
impedimentis are as much or more in the persons, which are Instru-
menta animata, than in the dead business it self.
I haue thearfore sent vnto the King hear inclosed my reasons which I
pray your Lordship to show his Maiesty.
The new Company and the old Company are but the sonnes of Adame
to me, and I take my self to haue some credito with both, but it is vpon
fear rather with the old, and vpon loue rather with the new and yet
with both vpon persuasion that I vnderstand the business.
Neuertheless I waulk in via regia which is not absolutely acceptable
to eyther : for the new Company would haue all their demaunds graunted,
and the old Company would haue the kingis woork giuen ouer and
deserted.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
97
My opynion is, that the old Company be drawn to i ucceed into the
contract (els the Kings honor ssiffreth) and that we all draw in one way
to effect that. Yf tyme which is the wisest of thinges proone the
woorke impossible or inconuenyent (which I doe not yet beleene) I
know his Majesty and the State will not Suffer them to perysh.
I wysh what shalbe doon were doon with resolution and speed, aud
that your lordship (because it is a gratious business) had the thankes
of it next the King ; and that thear wear some Comyssion vnder his
Maiesty's sign manuell to deale with some selected persons of the old
company, and to take their awnsweres and consents vnder their handes,
and that the procuring the Comyss;on, and the procuring of their
offers to be accepted were your Lordships woork.
In the treaty my Lord Chauncellour must by no means be left owt,
for he will moderate well, and aymeth at his Maiestys endes.
Mr. Sollicitour is not yet returned, but I look for him presently. I
rest your Lordships trew and most deuoted seruant,
Fr. Bacon.
Monday 14th of October at x. of clock.
To the Right Honorable his very good Lord the
Lord Viscount-Villiers.
Indorsed: "Mr. Atturney."
51. Sir Edward Coke to (Lord Buckingham). [No date.]
May it please your Lordship, aboue a yeare past, in my late Lord
Chauncelours tyme information was giuen to his Maiestie that I having
published an eleven workes or bookes of reportes conteyninge aboue 600
cases one with another, had written many thinges against his Maiesties
prerogative. And I being by his Maiesties gracious favour called
there vn to, all the exceptions that could be taken to so many cases in so
many bookes fell to five, and the most of them more by passages in
generall wordes, — all which I offred to explane in such sort as no
shadowe should remaine against his Maiesties prerogatiue, as in troth
there did not, which whether it were related to his Maiestie I knowe not.
But theroppon the matter hath stopt all this tyme. And nowe the
matter (after this euer blessed mariag is reuiued) and twoo iudges are
called by my Lord Keper to the former that were named. My humble
sute to your Lordship is, that if his Maiestie shall not be satisfied with
my former offer viz. by advice of the iudges to explane and publishe as
is aforesaid those o pointes, so as no shadowe may remaine against his
Maiesties prerogatiue, that then first all the iudges of England may be
called herevnto. 2 that they may certifie also what cases I haue pub-
lished for his Maiesties prerogatiue and benefitte, for the good of the
church, and 'quietting of menns inheritances and good of the comon
welth. For which purpose I haue drawn a minute of a letter to the
iudges which I assure my selfc your lordship will iudg reasonable, and
so reposing my selfe vppon your Lordships protection I shall euer
remaine your most bounden servant,
Edward Coke.
Charles Stir-
lino-Homk-
Dhttmmond
Moray, Esq.
52. Address by the Fellows of Pembroke Hall to Sir George
Villiers.
Honoratissime Domine, dedit hoc Dens providentiae sua? illustris-
simum argumentum, quod in isto degeneris seculi decursu aliquos
semper evehat, viros verd divinos, integros vitae scelerisque puros,
u 84067. G
98 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Cx™g-Home*" patronos humanitatis, praesidium affictorum, improbitatis osores, vio-
BrummondI lentias vindices, quique omnibus largitionum, adulationum, perjurio-
oray^ q. Y[im^ fraudulentiarum corruptelis sint impenetrabiles. Habemus hodie
te in eo genere primum (Nobilissime doniine) Deoque Regique nos-
tro dilectum selectumque, et eo fine in honorum fastigio nieritissime
constitutum, quo confugere possint ad Te miseri mortales, deque be-
nignitatis tuae sacrosancto asylo spem ciaram sibi, salutem certain
nulloque contra hoste concussam securitatem petere.
Pembrochianae inprimis Musae istius per Te faelicitatis dulcedine
non ita pridem delibutae exhibere nunc domino suo summopere cupi-
u nt devotissiniae observantiae aeternarumque gratiarum subinississima
hucc obsequia. Sunt ilia quidem tenuia, et vel occuli tui ictu contra
cara si amplitudinis tuae, humilitatisque nostras ratio meatur : sunt
etiam imbellia, nee aliquas vires habentia, si simplicitatem nostram
ad Adversarii artes comparaveris. Sed his nominibes commendatio-
rem tibi futuram speramus nostri. curam, quo illustrior exinde curau-
latiorque exurgat Honorificentiae tuae gloria, si antiquae et religiosae
domus inermes Musae nu claque solum veritate munitae ab instructis-
simi hostis stratagematibus per tua solius auspicia servatoe in aeternum
memorentur.
Scilicet id unum poterimus nosque posterique nostri, ut quam tu
(Illustrissimo Heros) et pruestitisti jam prius, et etiamnum e re nos-
tra nobis apud Serenissimam Majestatem Reverendissimumque totius
Angliai primatem certissirae prestiturus es gratiam, ea non solum
hodie sed etiam cum omni asvo per vota nostra, per gratias, per
honoris tui celebrationem Deo hominibusque innotescat.
Honorificentias tuae humillimi oratores Societas Pembrochiana.
Matth^eus Wrenn. Alexander Reade.
Theodorus Batthurst. Walterus Balcanquall.
Joannes Gaell. Joannes Jefferay.
Rodolphus Brownrigge. Rogerus Slechstetter.
Robertus Felton. Edouardus Tylman.
Illustrissimo, vereque nobilissimo viro Domino Georgio Villiers,
Hipparchae regio, eximii ordinis Periscelidis Equiti etc. domino
nostro semper colendissimo.
53. The Lords Marshalls to Viscount Villiers. 26 October
[1616].
Our very good Lord, vnderstanding by the relation which th'Earle of
Arundell hath made vnto us, that yt doth not stand with hys Maiestys
pleasure that the Prince showld come downe by water from Richemond,
and to be mett by the Mayour, which in the like sollemnitye hath been
accustomed, the creation being made eyther in Parlament or owt of
Parlament, We intreate your Lordship to signifye thus inuche to hys
Maiesty that with all due respect we have followed thoase directions
which hys Maiesty was pleased to prescribe vnto vs, that thys creation
showld be performed without any excessive or immoderat charge, that
noe innovation should be brought in, yet that all things should be caried
with honor and decency. Thys attendance of the Mayour ys without
charge to hys Maiesty, and to the cittye : warning already ys geven,
and to be vnwarned will cawse an amazement, and bread strange con-
struction. Yf hys Maiesty may be pleased to be here on Thursday by
12 of the clock as the Lord of Arundell doth informe vs he doth resolve
yt will be tyme inough for the performance of that ceremony. We
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
99
desyre to vnderstand from your Lordship whether hys Maiesty will be Chahlm Stir-
pleased vpon the reasons which haue been geeven to geve allowance to Summond
yt. And so we rest Moray. Esq.
Your Lordships loving friends
T. Suffolke. Lenox.
T. Arundell. Pembroke.
From Whitehall the 26 8bei"
To our very goode Lord the Lord Viscount Villers Master of the
Horse to His Maiesty.
Indorsed : Lords Marshalls to my Lord — Princes creation.
54. William Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of England
to the Marquis of Buckingham. Whitehall, 28 December [no year].
My Lord, I beseech your Lordship to acquaint his Maiestie that on
Wensday last in the euening the States Embassadors came to Graues-
and. On Thursday morning Sir Lewis Lewkner went downe with
barges to them and Sir Noell Caron went along with him. Yesterday
in the afternoone they came hither, coaches being prepared for them at
Tower wharf. They seemed to be very much pleased at the manner of
their reception, but they desired Sir Lewis Lewkner to say nothing vnto
me about their audience and that when they were ready they would send
vnto me about it ; which makes me guess that they desire to speake
priuately first with our merchants that they may be the better able to
giue his Maiestie full satisfaction, to which end in all their discourses
they profest an infinite desire. There be three of the States generall
and fiue other of the principall of their East India company, but yet I
know not how many of them are in the Commission of the Embassage,
but that your Lordship shall be sure to heare before they desire audience.
My self will euer unfaynedly remaine your Lordships most affectionate
frend to serue you Pembroke.
To the Right Honorable my very good Lord the Marquis of Bucking-
ham, Master of his Maiesties Horse and of his most honorable Privy
Councell.
Indorsed : L. Chamber ayn to my Lord Buckingham.
55. Sir Ralph Winwood, Secretary of State, to the Earl
of Buckingham. 22 May [1617].
May it please your Lordship, with thease your Lordship shall receave
the letters which lately I receaved from Sir Jhon Bennett with a iournall
from Mr. Trumbull, which gyve an accownt of their proceedings in
their negotiation agaynst Puteanus. Your Lordship may be pleased,
when hys Majesty hath pervsed them, to send them speedily vnto me,
for hys M'ajesty's service wyll reqwyre that I have them by me, that the
lords the better may be enabled what directions to gyve to Sir Jhon
Bennet for the prosecution of this busines.
Vnderstanding by th' advertisements I receaved that in Lorraine there
were certayn students which had seene that infamous libell before yt was
printed written in Puteanus hand, and that Sir Jhon Bennet had moved
th' Archduc for a commission to examine new witnesses to whiche his
demawnd th' Archduc did seeme to lend a deafe eare. I have in dilli-
gence dispatched letters vnto him requiring him, in hys Majestys name,
to press for that commission, which yf yt be refused, nothing can be
g 2
100 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
lin^Hobhj* more certayne then that th' Archduc him selfe in hys knowledge and
Dkummond conscience doth confess that Puteanns ys guylty of the crime wher-
—1 ' with he is charged ; yf thys commission be refused, I then will ac-
quaynt the Lords with the course of all the proceedings, and vnless your
Lordship by hys Majestys directions, shall otherwyse comma wnd I see
noe cawse vvhye Sir Jhon Bennet showld there stay longer for he
shall then but laterem lavare and oleum et operant perdere.
With thease your Lordship shall receaue a copy of a letter in Italian
written by the Due of Ossunn, viceroy of Naples, to the Pope agaynst
the Venetians, and iustifying hys entrance into the Gulphe. I feare
th' Insolencye of thys letter will make hys Majestye when he shall reade
yt lose all patience.
Mr. Packer will delyver you a bill to be segned by hys Majesty for
Dr. Chetwyn for the deanry of Bristoll which ys her Majesty's humble
sute, and so I rest
Your Lordships humble and faythful servant,
Greenwich, 22 May. Raphe Winwood.
Indorsed : Seer. Winwood.
56. The Same to the Same. 5 June [1617].
My very good Lord your Lordship may be pleased t' understand that
some weekes past I receaued an advertisement that Sir Henry Wotton
hys Majestys Ambassadour at Venice was entred into a negotiation with
a gentleman of Polonia, residing at Milan, abowt a busines of greate
moment, importing noe less then the preservation of hys Majesty's
sacred person, and the welfare of hys realmes. But hearing nothing
from Sir H. Wotton him selfe I did forbeare in discretion to acquaynt
your Lordship with an advertisement which might perhaps prove idle
and frivolous. Thys morning I receaved letters from Sir H. Wotton
with others addressed to the Lords wherein at large he relateth a long
negotiation which by letters he hath had with a Jesuit named il Padre
Tomaso Cerronio, who ys the prepositus of the Jesuits of St. Fidele at
Milan. [Note on margin in another hand, " Thys Jesuit treated vnder
the name of Stanislaus a Polonian."] Thys man doth promyse in person
to come into England, and to discover strange practizes agaynst hys
Majesty's Royal person. For which purpose Sir H. Wotton hathe ap-
poynted tow gentleman subiecs to hys Majestye to meete this Jesuit at
Basil and from thence to convay him into England. The tyme assigned
to be at Basil was th' end of May, but whether by the new or oalde style ys
not specified. But yf the partye shall keepe the tyme appoynted by the
middest of this monethe, we shall hauc newes of him. Yf he come into
England, I will have care that he shall be well receaved and treated and
safely accompanied to some place neare to his Majesty's then residence
there to attend tyll his pleasure shall be further knowen : for I hold yt
not safe that he should at the fyrst be brought to his Majesty's presence.
I doe forbeare to communicat Sir H. Wotton's letters to the body of the
cownsayl vpon thease reasons that if they showld be divuulged yt would
make a great noice, which before the arrival of the party might bring
preiudice to hys Majesty's service. Besides ytis not certayn that the
partye will come. Lastly yf he shall come he will not willingly dis-
cover hys secret whatsoeuer yt is to any but only to hys Majesty. Yet I
purpose to acquaynt my Lord of Can tei bury my Lord Keeper with the
letters, nnd my Lord Treasurier at his returne who now is at Audley-
end. Thys is all I can say for the present neyther will I add anything
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 101
of my privat opiuion, only I will say, Jesuits are like poets admiranda Charles Stir-
canunt sed non credenda. DrSmond-
With thease I send your Lordship a Letter from Sir Jhon Beunet by Moray, Esq.
which your Lordship will see the small hopes he hath to draw any reason
from th' Archduc's for reparation of hys Majestys honor. So I humbly
take my leave and am your Lordship's faythful servant,
Raphe Winwood.
London 5 June.
57. The Same to the Same. 12 June [1617].
May it please your Lordship, I did lately aduertise your Lordship
of certayne Letters from Sir H. Wotton, hys Maiesty's Ambassadour at
Venice, wherein he did acquaynt the Lords with a secret negotiation
helde by letters between him and a principall Jesuitt at Milan ; which
Jesuitt was. resolved to come into England to discover certayn practizes
agaynst hys Majestys sacred person, and the generall state of the realmes.
Yesterday thys Jesuitt arryued to thys place, conducted by thys gentle-
man Mr. Archibald Ferningham, and Mr. Richard Seymoore secretary to
Sir H. Wotton. In the company of thys Jesuitt I vnderstand there ys one
Gage an Englishman who hath been bredd in the Seminary at Rome. I
have provyded them in the towne a convenient lodging where they shall
remayne close and vnknowne, vntill I shall haue acquaynted some of my
Lords with their arrivall, namely the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord
Keeper, Lord Treasurier whom I have sent for from Awdleyend, and my
Lord Privy Seale. For aught I can find by conference with Mr. Fern-
ingham and Mr. Seymoore he ys resolved not to disclose ys secrett but
to hys Majestys owne person. Yt seemeth that he hath made knowen
to the generall of hys order his voyage into England from whom he hath
license : Vnder thys pretense that he doth come to interced for the good
of the Catholicks hys Majesty's subjects. Yf he shall freely and
voluntarily open him selfe, I thinck the Lords wyll not refuse to heare
him : but the Lords I presume will be to charye to press him to any
thing.
Sence thease were written I have had speache with the Jesuitt tow
severall tymes. I fynd him resolued only to open him selfe to his
Maiesty, wherevpon I did advise him to write to hys Maiesty that there-
vpon he might the better found his iudgement how to proceede with him.
I doe not fynd by his discourse that there is periculum in motu and
therefore vnless he shall press hys repayr to hys Maiesty or that hys
Maiesty shall reqwyre yt he may well stay here vntill my comming
which wilbe at the beginning of the next monethe. But I shall humbly
attend your Lordships directions according to which 1 will con forme
myself. And so I rest your Lordships faythfull and humble servant,
Greenwich 12 June. Raphe Winwood.
58. The Same to the Same. 16 June [1617].
My very good Lord, having sent by my last a letter from the Jesuitt
to hys Majesty, I hold yt necessary with thease to send to your Lordship
the fyrst letter he wroate from Milan to Sir H. Wotton that, comparing
these with the other, hys Majesty may make the better iudgement what
will be the issue of hys negotiation eyther fruyteless and frivolous or
operce pretiwn, and to purpose,
102
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
lihg-Homb-
Drfmmond-
MORAY, ESQt
My Lord Treasorier yet ys not returned, and therefore the Lords have
not yet seene him.
Sir Jhon Bennet ys returned : so soone as my Lord Treasurier shall
be here he shall make hys rapport to the Lords, which with all diligence
I will send to your Lordship. Mr. Trumbull hathe taken his leave of
th' Archduc, yet he remayneth there : and so I haue aduysed him to
doe vntill I shall for hys returne receave hys Majesty s express pleasure ;
which I beseeche I may by your next.
Th' Archduc hathe an agent here, what shalbe done with him ys con-
siderable : whether he shall be reqwyred by the Lords to returne home, or
be suffred to remayne here. Yet yf he remayn here yt is not for his
Majestys honor that he showld be acknowledged in quality of a publick
mynister. Besydes yt is considerable whether hys Majesty by proclama-
tion or some other publick acte shall interdicte all traffic and intercourse
of commerce, between hys subiecs and the subiecs of th' Archducs.
Thease considerations maynely doe concerne the kyngs honor whiche I
know hys Majesty doth holde in a most precious recommendation.
And whether hys Majesty will there take hys immediat resolution or
fyrst receave from hence th' advise of hys Lords here, I humblye attend
your Lordship's directions.
Of the state of the affayres of the Duke of Savoye, whose cheefe
frontier towne Vercelli ys besieged, and in danger to be carried by the
Gouernor of Milan, hys Majesty shall be fully informed by the letters of
Signor Biondi, the Dues Agent.
Th' Archbyshopps of Spalatras booke ys now ready for the press. He
ys in dowbte as by hys letters to hys Maiesty, which herewith I send,
wyll appeare, whether the epistle dedicatory showld be intitled to hys
Majesty which owt of his dutifull devotion would be most beseeming ;
or that the booke may haue a more free passage, and produce more good
to the churche generally showld be dedicated to all Chrystian Byshopps.
Herein the good Byshopp doth with humble reverence attend hys
Majestys gracious pleasure. Now that hys booke ys ended he hath a
purpose (which motion I fyrst made to my Lord of Canterburye) to
preache in Italian in the Italian churche at London vnless hys Majesty
shalbe pleased otherwyse to direct. Tomorrow her Majesty doth remove
to Otlands : the Prince to Richemond. I humbly rest your Lordships
faythfull servant :
Greenwich 16 June. Raphe Win wood.
59. The Same to the Same. 29th July [1617].
May it please your Lordship, I have thought yt necessar to acquaynt
your Lordship with an advertissment I lately receave d worthy hys
Majestys consideration from hys Agent Mr. Cottington, at Madrid, of
the 28 of June, that the Emperors Ambassadour resyding in that cowrt,
hath propownded a motion of mariage and hath power to treate yt,
between the sonne of Ferdinando of Gratz lately elected Kyng of
Bohemia and the Infanta Donna Maria daughter of the Kyng of Spayne.
The howse of Austria for many yeares together interchangebly hath
maried in their owne trybe : the sonne of Ferdinando and the daughter
of Spayne are cousin germains brothers and systers chyldren : Ferdi-
nando in all apparanee ys to be Emperor, and now doth pretend to be
Kyng of the Romains, and consequently vpon him wyll fall the kyn —
dom of Hungary, and th 'other dominions which the present Emperour
doth possess, which are reasons sufficient to prove that thys matche ys
intended, and that yt may be effected. To which may be added, that
Ferdinando ys the most violent Papist, and the greatest persecutour of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 103
our religion. That which I holde my selfe bowncl in my duety to hys Charles Stir-
Majesty's service to represent vnto your Lordship, ys thys : whether yt drummond
be not considerable for hys Majestys honor, that thys poynt were fyrst Moray, Esq.
cleared, whether thys matche be now treated before Sir Jhon Digby
advance farther in his iorney : for what more scornefull indignitye can
fall vpon the honor of hys Majesty then to send a formall and sollemne
ambassage, whereof the whole worlde doth take notice, yf that daughter,
for whom th' Ambassadour ys to treate otherwyse ys eyther bestowed
by contract or destined by resolution. More then thys wyll not become
me to say : and less then thys, I cowld not wryte withowt neglect of
my duety.
In consequence of thys I shall send your lordship another advertiss-
ment which ys not to be neglected. In Lorrayne there ys at thys
present some mysvnderstanding betweene the Due hys brother Monsr
de Vaudemont and the nobility of that cowntrye. Hys Majesty hath
seene the Baron d'Ancerville who now ys called the Cownt of Boullay,
whose fortunes the Due of Lorrayne desyring to advance hathe moved a
mariage betweene him and the daughter of Monsr de Vaudemont which
he reiecting as a disparagement to hys daughter the Due protestethe
that yf Monsr de Vaudemont will not geve hys daughter to the Cownt
de Boullay in mariage he will not bestow hys daughter th'inheritrix of
Lorrayne on the sonne of Monsr de Vaudemont. Vpon thease contesta-
tions the Kyng of Spayne presents hys second sonne to the Due of
Lorrayne for hys daughter with offer of the Low Cowntryes, which are
vnder th' Archduc. The Due of Guise doth tender hys sonne whoe ys
not above 3 yeares of age, and speeche there ys of the Frenche Kings
brother. I cannot advyse that hys Majesty showld shew him selfe for
our Prince, but vnder correction of better iudgement yf th'Elector Palatine
as of him selfe by some one of hys Ministers who vnderstandeth well the
humors of that Cowrt, should secretly second the diyposition of that
Due, and of suche that are powrefull abowt him, perhaps yt might prove
to good purpose, certaynly yt would draw after yt noe inconvenience.
Th' opposition of thys matche are towe : th' one that the howse of
Lorrayn euer hath had a particular dependance of the sea of Rome ;
thother that the nobillitye of the cowntrye desyre not to lyue vnder the
gouuernment of a province, and therfore doth advyse that the daughter
of the Due showld be maryed to the sonne of Vaudemont. Your Lord-
ship doth see, owt of the confidence I have in your Lordships favour,
the freedom I take, which I humblye beseeche you favorably to interpret.
With thease I send a letter from Mr. Comptroller ; the bookes men-
tioned in them are pamphletts not worthy the postage. So I humbly
rest, Your Lordships faythfull servant,
Rafhe Win wood.
St. Bartholomews the 29 July.
Your Lordship may be pleased to procure the signing of thys proclama-
tion in favour of the Marchant Adventuriers.
To the Right Honorable my very good Lord the Earle of Bucking-
ham, Master of the horse to his Majestie and of his privy CouDsayll.
Indorsed : Secr Winwood. Sp. match.
60. The Same to the Same. 15 August [1617].
May yt please your Lordship, The resident of Venice lately hath
been with me advertising that from that Due he had charge to declare
to hys Majesty thease three poynts.
104
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables Stir-
i/ikg-home-
Dkummond
Moray, Esq.
1. That the treaty between the new kyng of Bohemia and that
commonwealthe was resumed and vpon the poynt to be concluded.
2. That hys letters making relation of hys negotiation in hys fyrst
audience wyth hys Majesty in Scotland were arryved whervpon he was
commanded to rendre to hys Majesty many and humble thanks in the
name of the Due and that state for the demonstrations he was pleased
to shew of love and kyndnes to the prosperity of their affayres. They
not dowbting but as occasion should reqwyre real I effects showld be
conformable to the verball professions.
3. That yt being vnseasonable to remove th'Ambassadour Donati
residing with the Due of Savoye, who ys designed for England, yt is
resolved to seud some other personage of qualitye to hys Myjesty, eyther
as ordinary or extraordinary Ambassadour agaynst hys returne into
thease parts.
Now concerning th' Italian I have written as your Lordship re-
qwyreth to Sir Henry Wotton fully to be informed of hys condition and
reputation. By many letters I have receaved from hym, I fynd that the
man held a good opinion in all places where he lyved. At Genua he
was head of a howse. So ys he at thys tyme at Milan. He ys not un-
learned thoughe not profownd in any faculty. He hath been imployed
between D[on] Pedro de Toledo and the Due of Savoy, yet Sir H.
Wotton doth lay thys note vpon him that he hath not been accownted a
man of iudgment or depth, but shallow and superficiall. Yt were pre-
sumption in me to delyver my opinion of hys discourse to the Lords
wherof your Lordship hath receaved a trew relation. Thys I fynd, he
would fayne be gone, and I am in a dayly feare that he will escape,
which doth make me to sett vpon him a doble guard. Therfore agayn
I wyshe yt may stand with hys Majestys pleasure to speake with him
at Woodstock.
Herewith I send Mr. Cottingtons letter to avoyd your Lordships
trowble for there ys little els worthy your reading. I have interlyned
the place where he speaketh of the manage between th' Infanta of
Spayne and the sonn of the new king of Bohemia. Your Lordship
shall find it toward the latter end of the letter but th'advertisement
commeth from other parts ; as by the last letters owt of France your
Lordship may observe. I humbly thanck your Lordship for your care
of me which I take for an assured testemony of your favor and affection,
which with all humble thankfullnes I will acknowledge and by best
services indeavor to deserve. So I am your Lordships faythfull servant
St. Bartholomews, 15 August.
Raphe Winwood.
61. Draft Letter by the [Marquis of Buckingham] to Sir Edwakd
Herbert. 29 September 1620.
My Lord I giue you manie thanks for the fyne cloake you haue sent
me, which besides other demonstrations putteth me euery hower in
minde of your loue. Togither with my thanks I cannot omitt to let you
know that his Maiestie seing the Palitinat inuaded as you haue "long
since heard, hath resolued not to suffer his grandchildrens' patrimonie
to be with held from them. But howsoeuer he meddle not with the
matter of Bohemia yet he will prepare with all the speed that may be
to succour those that are so neere vnto him for the defence and recouerie
of their patrimonie ; which, because the neere approaching of winter will
not permitt him presently to put in execution, his Majesty will in the
meantime vse his best endeauors by his Ambassador or anie other course
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 105
to bring the busines to a good accomodacion by a generail peace ; which Charles Stir-
course fayling, his Maiestie wiil no longer delaie to interpose himself in Drummond
the other waie for so iust a defence and protection of the countrie, Moray, Esq.
whereof he hath alreadie aduertised both the Spanishe Ambassador
residing heere and his owne in Spaine.
Hampton Court, 29 of September 1620.
Indorsed : Coppie to Sir Ed[ward] Herbert 29 September.
62. Sir Edward Harwood to the Marquis of Buckingham.
[c. 1621.]
Most honorable Lord, the estates hauinge of late made great fiers in
the Infanta her country of Brabant, euen to the warminge of her courte
at Bruxells, the ncyse whereof cannot but before this bee come into
England, I thoughte it my dutye hauinge bene employed therein to giue
youre lordship some accounte thereof. A great parte of the countrye of
Brabante whiche lyes vpon oure frontiers pay es contribution to the States
and so Hue free, but the cheife parte of it deuided from the other by the
Riuer of Deinoin payes none, that is the countrye aboute Louain,
Mechlen and Bruxells, indeede the cheife and principall parte of that
duchye called Little Brabant as fertile and riche a countrey as I euer
came in. Into this countrye some 14 dayes since, the estates sente the
Counte He. of Nassawe withe 33 trouppes of horse and 2500 choyse
foote of all nations, taken by 60 and 40 of a companye, of English some
900 commanded by Collonel Morgan and my selfe. The occasion that
most mooued the States to this was that the vnderstoode that Comte He.
Vanderberck was sente from the other side withe 7 or 8000 foote and
moste parte of their cauallerye ouer the Rheyne against the younge
Duke of Brunswicke to empeache his ascente into the Palatinate, whome
to assiste, and whose ascente to facilitate, they knewe noe better meanes
but by diuersion inuadinge their enemyes countrye whiche most parte of
their cauallerye beinge absent they mighte without any great danger doe,
and soe foirce the callinge backe of the saide Comte Vanderbercke.
The 4the of this moneth the troupes aboue named beinge come together
at Breda withe great diligence and without noyse or sounde of drume
wee marched forwarde and by the waye hauinge al thinges fitte for it,
wee attempted the surprisinge of Herentalles [Herenthals] one of oure
enemyes townes. The Frenche, lottes hauinge soe ordered it, had that
daye the vauntegarde and were to haue executed the enterprise.
Whether they were faultie or not I will not saye, the enterprise suc-
ceeded not and I am sure the Euglishe were not in faulte. Wee were
but to be secoundes and they neuer came to haue neede of vs. Well,
that faylinge, the alarm taken all ouer, forthe wee marched with all
speede to the Riuer that partes the 2 Brabantes, contribution and noe
contribution. Here wee met with some few soldiers and more peasauntes
that woulde haue hindered oure passinge, but in vayne. We caryed
bridges withe vs in wagons, and in lesse then an houre oure bridge was
made and ouer marched the Englishe, then horse and then the rest of
oure foote. Wee had 3 peeces of canon withe vs. Wee presentlye tooke
in a litle forte on the riuers side, and that nighte a stronge castle and soe
quartered that nighte and rested, whiche in 3 nights before wee had not
done. Oure beinge there knowen, had then the countrye come in and
compounded for lifes and goodes, they had not bene further hairmed.
Onely a village or to we nearst to vs did soe, the rest not. Then forthe
wente oure fierbrandes and tiered some 40 or 50 villages euen to the gates
of Bruxells. It maye bee euery village whiche was fiered was not
106
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charlbs Stir-
ling- Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
wlioly consumd, but parte as the winde was, and as the houses stoode
nearer or further of one to another. The nexte daye some villages and
cloysters vntouched came in and compounded, and all in generall
promised contribution hereafter, whiche they sayde they woulde most
willingly haue heretofore given but that their prince wou!de not suffer
them. "Wee did not halfe nor the lOthe parte of the hurte wee might
haue done, and yet did soe muche as would pitie any to scee thoughe
oure enemyes. The Infanta on the walles at Bruxells saw her countrye
rounde abowte on her, soe did M. Spinola, but coulde not helpe it.
Hauinge thus raunsoned and bourned 3 or 4 dayes wee retourned. In
the meane tyme the Comte H. Vanderbecke was in all hast sente for
backe and soe oure designe of assistinge the duke of Brunswick tooke
effecte : 8 or 10 houres after wee had repassed the Riuer of Deinoin
came where wee had lyen the Don Lewes de Velasco generall of the
horse on the other side to seeke vs, as he would haue the worlde beleeue,
but if he were not sure that wee were farre inough of, it was a madd
parte of him, he hauinge but 1000 horse and 400 foote and wee
as before. Wee heare the Comte H. Vanderbercke is agayne gone ouer
the Rheyne either to regayne those townes the yonge Brunswicke tooke
in the winter or else to folowe him into the Palatinate. Wee verily
beleeue wee shall ere longe attempte somethinge to call him backe
agayne wherein if I haue any parte I will not fayle to giue your lordship
accounte thereof, that you may knowe what becomes of him that as he
is most bounden, soe is and will euer bee youre lordship's most humble
seruant
Ed. Harwode.
Hage the 18te of Maye.
To the most honorable Lord the Lord Marquis Buckingham Lord
Highe Admirall of England e these, at Courte.
63. Draft Letter by the Marquis of Buckingham to the King of
Denmark, [c. 1621.]
May it please your Maiestie, I haue receaued your letters dated the
26th of Julye as likewise those of the 10th of August sent by Sir Robert
Ainstruder : and haue willinglie hearde all those particulars which by
worde of mouth hee hath propounded in your Maiesties name; and
doubt not by his aunswer your Maiestie will see how great an honor and
happiness I have judged it to haue any occasion offered of imploying
my self in your Maiesties service, which I doe not onely out of the
obligation I haue vnto your Maiestie for your manie fauours, but for
that I knowe I can doe nothing more aggreable or pleasing to the King
my master, whome I dare confidentlye say your Maiestie shall finde
desirouse to haue the bonds and obligations of frendshipp and good
correspondence as strict as those are alreadye of affiuitye and alliaunce
betwixt your Maiesties. And to this effect, hath commanded me to giue
your Maiestie an accounte from tyme to tyme of the estate of his affaires,
which at present are most distracted with the warrs and troubles of
Germanye, which (setting asyde the cause of religion which he cannot
but bee tender of) soe much concernes him in honor, and his children so
nerely in interest now the Palatinate is actually inuaded, that he is con-
strained to be no longer a bare looker on, but hath held it fitt thus farr to
declare himselfe, that although in the buiseness of Bohemia, hee will
haue nothinge to doe (as being no competent Judg of eithers pretention)
yet for the Palatinate (the vndoubted inheritaunce of his grand children)
he cannot but avowedlye declare himselfe for the defence thereof, hauinge
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
107
first ommitted no meanes to withhold and diss wade the King of Spayne,
the Archduke and the Princes of the Catholicke League from this in-
vasion. Soe that he is now resolved, in case he cannot procure thinges
to bee reduced to tearmes of a reasonable peace this winter, (which he
will by all possible meanes essay), to defend the Palatinate the best he
may by way of force. But the truth is he much desireth to be an
instrument of peace, for that he vnderstandeth by an Ambassador of his
lately retourned from Constantinople, that the Turke meaneth to make
his advantage of these dissentions of Christian Princes and to invade
those parts of Christendome : Bethlem Gabor, whoe now stileth himself
King of Hungarie being justlye to be suspected to be too farr at the
Turks deuotion. Herevppon the King my master intendeth to deale
effectuallye with all parties this winter, for an accomodation : but soe
that if it take not effect he intendeth likewise to make all fitting prepara-
tions against the spring for the defence of the Palatinate. And to that
end is now in consultation for the calling of a parliament to bee assisted
and supplied by his people to this effect.
Indorsed : Lord Dygbyes draught for my Lords letter to the King of
Denmark.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
64. John Maynard to the Marquis of Buckingham. Bergen-op-
Zoom. 23 July [1622].
My Lord, I am bound by many obligations to serve your Lordship
and to the chevest warrant and incurridgement I haue to liue and die
your seruant was your heroick word and promis at Winsor that you did
really beeleue I was an entire and deuoted seruant of your Lordshipes.
The eand of my voyage is to doe your Lordship seruis ; therfore I
thought good to aduertis you what my il eys haue sene, and my weke
vnderstandinge hath obserued at Bargin-vp-Sone. The Infanta hath 14
thousand men about the toune, theare workes one both sides of the
toune are within musket shot. The beesieged are aboute 5 thousand
souldiers besides burgares. Don Luis de Valasco commandes the army
beefore Bargin, and vnder him there is one Ballione an Italian. Spino-
law hath bene heire, butt hee is now wee heare att Emerick. 'Tis sayd
Don Luis and Spinolawe haue had some grumlinge and grudging betwixt
them. If the Infantas army had come home at the first the toune had
bin lost for theare was not above 4 or 5 companies. Butt now the
toune doth fortifie euery day and expect supply vp on the least occasion.
The enimy makes noe approaches, yet they haue as much commodity as
may bee for the earth is soft and sandy, esy to bee wrought. Thear
canon beates but seldum butt the toune playes on them perpetually.
The toune hath made one grand sally, the Englich and Scotich had the
van and were led by Curronel Hendersun. 'Twas thought if thay had
not cum on in one poynt butt dispersed them selues, that thay had beato
the enimy oute of thare workes, butt the Englich and Scotes were too
rach and furious and the Duch were as dull and slow too second them,
soe had it not bene for the horse the Englich and Scotis had bene ouer-
throune. One Monsier de May a French Captayne of horse did bravely.
He took a cornet prisoner and the enemies horse ran as far as Anworpe
I beeleue those of the toune will not ingage themselues so desperately
agayne. Theare were 3 thousand of the toune att this sally. Theare
is an Englich regiment with Don Luis and thay only displayed theare
cullars before vs. The enimies Englich run away euery day : whilst I
was heare (which was butt too days) theare are fifty cum to the toune.
The common peple are willing to pay dubble excise for the mayntenance
108
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
ling-home-
Dbummond
Moray, Esq.
of this tonne. Viuers are very chepe heere and thay are dere with the
enimy, for onrs cumea by water and tlieares cumes by land. 'Tis
thought Spinalaw hath sum other designe but the Prince of Orange still
wayghtes on him close. If this sege continue itt will sure bee a bludy
one. Rihouen a captayne of horse is gouernoure of the toune of Bargin,
butt Curronel Hendersun and Monsier de Famma, a Wallune Curronel
commands the oute workes and giues direction as wel as he. Besides
theare are too of the States in the toune. The Hauen is yet free and
open and the enemy will hardly stop itt. Thus hopinge your Lordship
will accept of my good wil and deuoted hart to do you seruis, I will euer
protest to bee your most humble and deuoted creature,
John Maynard.
From Bargin- vp-Sone the 23 of July.
'Tis confidently reported that Spinalaw is before the Toune since I
have wright this letter.
To the Right Honorable the Lord Marquis of Buckingham Lord
High Admiral of England.
65. Lettkr from Duke of Alva Viceroy of Naples to the
Marquis of Inojossa. Naples, 17 June 1624.
Con la vltima estafeta ho reciuido la carta de V.E. de 10 de
Mayo con auisso que dentro de ocho dias partiria V.E. para la
buelta de Espana por la via de Flandres y assi encamino para alia
esta carta desseando que tenga V.E. muy feliz viage de que supplico
a V.E. me de muy buenas nuenas. Mucho me han desconsolada las
que me escriue V.E. de la persecucion que se hania comenzado con-
tra los Catolicos ayude los Dios como es menester yeneamine el
fin delo que Ve hania intendado en ordena la cay da de Boquingan
que fu pensamento propio del valor y prude ncia de V.E. viendo
que es el que ha commobido tan grandes maldades contra la ehristi-
andad y el seruicio de su Magestad teniendo se por cierto que si
faltare este mal consejero no serian tan obstinados aquel Rey y su
hijo contra quien no es pusible sino que Dios ha de embiar visibles
castigos y cierto que la occassion obliga adessangrarnos todos y pro-
curar se le de nuestra parte estrana maldad y embuste fu el que
vrdio Boquingan contra V.E. interesando all Princepe en que V.E.
hania dicho a su Padre que conspiran contra el commobiendo al
pueblo contra V.E. y Don Carlos Colonia tenga los Dios de su
mano y guarda V.E. como desseo de Napoles a 17 de Junio 1624.
Deferente uida pasara V.E. en Madrid sin Boquingan y con los
amigos y amigas y amig porto postrero me siento biego con todo
eso me holgora de hallor me ay por besar le los manos.
. . . . d Alua.
Marques de la Inojossa.
The last sentence from u Deferente " is holograph of the Duke. The
first part of signature cannot be deciphered.
66. Gabriel Oxenstiern, Swedish Ambassador, to the Duke of
Buckingham. 11 September 1625.
lllustrissime Princeps, mirifica ilia et insignis Celsitudinis vestrae
promptitudo et benignitas in communicandis mini serenissimi mei Regis
nomine iis secretis et arcanis quae Regi meo clementissimo et magno
emolumento et insigni utilitati esse possunt, benevolaque ilia mihi
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 109
serenissimi Magnae Britanniae Regis nomine a vestra Celsitudine facta ling-Home-
pollicitatio de proliibendo ac denegando Poloniae Regi in posterum jJSJJ^^E
omnes spes et suppetias, regno Sueciae noxias, ita me afficit et con- — -
strictum tenet ut nefas et piaculum duxi prius e regione discedere quam
celsitudinein vestram literis meis salutassem. eiqne valedixissem.
Summas itaque et mirificas illustrissimas vestram celsitudini pro eadem
habeo gratias agamque durn vivam amplissimas, eandemque rogo et
obtestor quo in eadem erga serenissimum menm Regem voluntate et
affectu persistat. Ceterum etiam illustrissimam vestram celsitudinem
compello quo Rudvini causam quam promovendam suscepit, tibi quam
commendatissimam esse patiatur, efficiatve quo voti sui reus ac compos
reddi possit, quove sentiat hanc meam prescriptionem sibi utilitati fuisse.
Qua in re factum est Celsitudo vestra Regi meo clementissimo rem longe
gratissimam, quam ipsum abunde recompensaturum certissime polliceor.
Vale illustrissime Princeps. Dabam in Portu ad Gravesand, 18 Septem-
bris anno 1625.
Vestrae Celsitudinis observantissimus
Gabriel Oxenstierna,
Gustavi L. B. de Kimiti
D. in Tireki et Yemisgihj
R. Sveclae, consiliarius.
Illustrissimo Principi ac domino D. Georgio Vielliers duci de Buck-
ingara, MagnaB Britanniae Architalasso, Equiti ordinis Periscelidis
auriae etc. domino meo observantissimo praesentes.
Indorsed : Sweden Ambassador to my Lord.
67. Letter from Sir Ralph Win wood, Secretary.
That the Earl of Shrewsbury was at his last gasp ; and hoping that
His Majesty would take some measures to settle the succession to the
Earldom because Mr. Edward Talbot was likely to take violent courses
to put himself in possession of some of the lands to the prejudice of the
heirs general. Broad Street, 5 March, no year.
68. Letter addressed "To my uery worthy frinde Mr. John Packer at
his house in Westminster Street" and indorsed "French Letter to Mrs.
Packer aduising how the Q. is to gouern herself with the K." No date
but c. 1625. That there was a point on which duty required the writer
to inform his correspondent though his name must be concealed lest in
place of doing service his affection might turn to his own prejudice.
This was to ask the Queen Mother to write to the Queen the writer's
mistress that when she found any failure in obtaining her wishes instead
of shewing discontent she should frankly make her complaints to the
King the writer's master personally, who would almost certainly grant
her requests, etc.
69. Draft Letter by the Duke of Buckingham to the Prince of
Orange sent by Sir John Proude, whom he recommends to his High-
ness. Sir John wished to return to the service of the States, but the
King had only given him leave to return for the transport of his charges
thence. The King intended to bestow the order of the Garter on the
Prince at the first chapter of the Order to be held in April next as a
token of his esteem for his virtues and merits. The Spaniards were
reported to be making great preparations to attack and they were taking
measures for resistance. If the Cardinal in France did not alter his
measures it would not be possible to avoid a rupture. [Draft signed.
110
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CnABLES Stie-
LIXG-HOME-
DBl'MMOKD
Moray, Esq.
70. Draft by the same to M. de Rohan. That M. de Rohan's letters
had been brought by Monsieur de la Touche and had borne out the
opinion which his correspondent bad always had of him of which the last
act of M. de Rohan afforded ample proof making the world see the
sincerity of his intentions ; that during the attacks upon the cause of
Religion he had never wished to abandon it and when a tolerable peace
was obtained he had employed himself in restoring tranquility in his
country. Indorsed : " Mr. de Rohan — altered." No date.
71. Draft Letter indorsed " M. to Mons. de Ville au Cleves." [c. 1625.]
That his correspondent had vastly obliged him by appearing so care-
fully a man of his word but the obligation would only be complete if he
could give him an assurance that his (the Marquis's) sojourn would not
be long, as the state of affairs would not permit of his prolonged absence ;
that he should inform him when all arrangements were made and he
would proceed to France as soon as ever affairs would permit him to do
so. Thanks him for his attention in the affair of Monsieur le Marquis
Desfiat, and to thank the King on that account who before his departure
would likely give him the same satisfaction as Monsieur de Carlile had
received. In regard to the affair of Monsieur de Mansfelt, the writer
continued on the terms his correspondent knew, viz., that Mansfelt should
go by France or Holland provided the French cavalry joined " our troops "
for no man in the world could persuade the King his Master that he
could find vessels to transport four or five thousand horses and their
riders, because ships were laid in dock to be repaired during the winter,
and to leave the English at Dover would only be loss of time and needless
expense, &c. A postscript states that a letter had arrived from the King
of France which he would answer shortly.
72. Draft Letter indorsed " M. to French Ambassador 9 February
[c. 1625] by his Maiesteis direction." That he had shewn the letter of
the Archbishop of Ambrun to his Majesty and to thank him for it.
Assuring him also that the order of Jesuits was odious in England and
that Madame would not be so well welcomed if she were accompanied by
a Jesuit Confessor. That regarding the marriage with a daughter of
Spain it had been promised to his Majesty that no Jesuit should accom-
pany her ; hoping the same would hold of France.
73. Draft Letter to the Queen Mother of France [c. 1625] in which
Buckingham begs the Queen Mother not to pay any regard to the
reports that might have been made to her to his prejudice as if he had
made ill offices between the King his Master and the Queen which he
entirely denies, declaring that time would show his innocence. That if
in the government of her house things were not done as the Queen
wished she should lay the blame only on those who were culpable.
That he himself was more desirous to serve the Queen's interests than
many who had greater credence. That he had asked Father Berulli to
assure her Majesty more particularly of all this and explain what had
passed in the meeting of the Estates touching religion ; that considering
the present juncture of affairs his Majesty could not refuse the prayer of
his subjects whose support his urgent occasions needed, but that nothing
new was done only the confirmation of former ordinances of the Realm
of which the execution rested in the King's hands. But the said Father
was so courteous as to refuse, and told him to charge some other person
with the explanations. Whereby it appeared that he was too passionate
a son of the Church to meddle with what concerned the amity of the
realms. No date.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ill
74. Draft Letter (apparently to Cardinal Rohan) 1025-26. Refers
again to asking Father Bernlli to bear explanations on certain questions
to France, and his refusal to do so ; had therefore taken up his pen to
assure his correspondent of his readiness to join his forces to preserve
the amity between their two masters and the two crowns, which he
regarded as the last means of restoring peace to Christendom. Had
heard overtures were made for a treaty between France and Spain but
was sure nothing would be done to thwart the efforts both had made for
the advancement of their masters affairs. The King of England had
made ready a fleet to operate on the coast of Spain and a second ought
to follow when provisions were got ready, which by stopping all trade
and commerce was likely to bring the Spaniards to reason. His Majesty
was in hopes that the French King who had urged him by Monsieur le
Conte de Tillieres and by hfs letters to undertake something that would
conduce to the public peace, would join with him in his efforts and the
writer doubts not that his correspondent would use his endeavours to
that end. Refers to the coldness between himself and Monsieur de
Mantes which he attributed to his not having wished to aid the enter-
prise of the latter and of the confession of the Queen to cause the wife
and sister of the Duke to receive the office of Ladies of the bedchamber ;
the Duke giving certain private reasons for declining the French
influence in the matter.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
75. Draft of Letter by the Duke of Buckingham to the Marquis of
Martinenque, 1 May 1 624. Took the liberty to give him information
of their affairs which thanks to God were in good train as would be
learned from the Earl of Carlisle who went to France with a double
commission, to treat of a strict friendship between the two crowns and
arrange a marriage. But what had been done had encountered diffi-
culties raised by malign spirits ; the writer had got himself an enemy
thereby who had even accused him of treason but he relied on the
rampart of his fidelity to the King his master ; and his integrity and
innocence had appeared more clearly than before. Hopes that France
would not omit to take advantage of the present chance for repressing
the unmeasured ambition of these people, the like of which had not
occurred for 300 years ; and that the Marquis would put things in the
best posture for receiving the Earl of Carlisle and consider the best
method for furthering the foresaid treaties.
76. Draft Letter indorsed " M. for the Q. to Q. Mother " written by
the Duke on behalf of the Queen [c. 1625]. Since the Queen had
received her Majesty's letters touching the Duke of Buckingham she
had treated him with more frankness than formerly and had clearly
discovered that his intentions were sound and tended only to the service
of the Queen Mother, the good of her Majesty of England's affairs, and
keeping of good intelligence and amity between the two crowns. He
had had a conference with the Queen yesterday evening after a discourse
held with the Ambassador of the French King in which he spoke with
confidence, the subject of his discourse belonged more to the deportment
of a Conseiller d'Estat than to her Majesty's. He had represented the
necessity " ou estoit reduict le Roy mon tres honore seigneur et mary
de reparer son honneur et donner contentement a ses subiects en prestant
secours a ceux de la Rochelle en cas que la paix ne se puisse obtenir."
He confessed frankly that the design of her French Majesty to put down
the party of the Religion would be for the aggrandisement of the French
King but added that it was wholly unseasonable seeing the King was
engaged in a war with the King of Spain to which he had drawn so
112
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
xing-Home-
Dbummond
Moray, Esq.
many princes as his allies, as the Duke of Savoy and others besides the
King her husband who relying on the promise that he (the French King)
would only seek the reparation of his honour and would not run upon
those of the Religion had afforded him his Ships whereby he had put
Monsieur de Soubize to flight whieh was all he pretended to have in
view. But the King not content with this had attacked Rochelle and in
consequence all the party of the Religion, who might thereupon be
compelled to write and seek succours elsewhere. That the King could
not in honour abandon them, which also would offend his friends, put
his own country and subjects in a combustion and increase the power of
his enemies ; and the Queen points out the sad plight she would be in,
in case of a war between her husband and her brother. That his Lord-
ship had prayed her to beg her Majesty of France to seek some remedy
for the present tension of affairs before the Kings had so far committed
themselves that they could not retire with honour, &c.
77. Draft of Letter to the King of France, c. 1625. That though the
late King's father was justly called Henry the Great and had virtually
reconquered his Realm by force of arms, &c, his present Majesty had
accomplished a greater feat having vanquished by his two last letters his
good brother and ancient ally and all the realms pertaining to him ; and
might rest assured that no assistance nor countenance would be given to
any of his subjects of whatever profession of religion who forgot their
natural duty towards him as their King, &c.
78. Draft of Lettkr indorsed " Archd08. Agent copy — French."
That he had newly received advice that Sir Walter Raleigh was
turned pirate as his correspondent would perceive from the Letters of
the same gentleman who had given him advertisement ; and asking the
letters to be returned as the King will communicate them to the
Council. The King had commanded this communication to be made
whence it would be seen that he was determined not to be under the
power of those who were ill, affected to the friendship between him and
the King his correspondent's master.
79. Draft Letter indorsed " Coppie to M. Barneilelt — L. Bucklugh."
Asking him to contribute his good offices with the Estates to get
satisfaction to the Lord of Buccleuch, councillor in the council of Scotland,
in the business he was prosecuting in the Netherlands (referring probably
to the arrears of his pay for service with the United Provinces). No
date.
80. Draft Letter indorsed " My Lo. to the K. of Bohemia — after the
K's death," 8 April 1(525. His Majesty would have already heard all
the particulars of the sad accident that had befallen so that he need not
give him the pain of a recital. Only he would take the boldness to offer
this consolation that as his late Majesty had all his days been of a firm
determination to cause his Majesty to be restored to his rights, so the
King his son had succeeded not only to his Realms but with a full
resolution of pursuing the same designs. His Lordship also would never
fail to do all in his power to the same end.
81. Draft Letter indorsed " M to K. of Denmark," c. 1627. That
the writer had heard his Majesty had received an ill impression of him
as the cause of some difficulties he had met with and that the accord
between the King his master and his Majesty had not been kept.
This touched him to the quick, and, unless he had been sustained by his
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 113
innocence and zeal for his Majestys (of Denmark's) service he would ^^jr STI_K"
have felt lost. It was however the malpractice of those who were them- Dkvmmonh
selves culpable who had cast the blame on him and who had not wished Moray, Esq.
to supply the necessities of the King his master who desired nothing
more than to send succours to his Majesty. His Majesty should not
give credence to such reports without hearing his defence. Although
his Majesty did not honour him with his letters as before which might a
little shake an ordinary affection yet he begs the King to believe that
he was not attached to ceremonies and would try to prove himself his
faithful servant by results. And in a little time his Majesty of Great
Britain hoped to be furnished with means to shew the world his careful-
ness to assist his Majesty's generous resolutions. Was sorry his
Majesty was not to put himself to the (oil and hazard of a voyage so in-
convenient since it would have given him an opportunity to clear his
integrity in his Majesty's affairs since his Majesty's royal favours and
heroic enterprises had bound him firmly to him. The Earl of Nithis-
dalle was raising 3,000 men in Scotland to go into the service of his
Majesty, which with those already raised and the 6,000 men in the Low
Countries made up an army of 11,000 men of the two nations, who, he
hopes, would do their duty and help to restore his Majesty's affairs to a
good condition; and recommends the Earl of Nithisdalle to his Majesty,
&c.
82. Letter to the Prince of Piedmont, London 16 June 1626.
The message that Monsieur l'Ambassadeur d'Escaglia had delivered
in conformity with the promise it pleased his Highness to make to the
Ministers of the King at Paris had given so much content to his
Majesty, that by the King's order the Duke wrote this letter to his
Highness to tender thanks therefor and express the obligations of his
Majesty. The writer in conjunction with the Earl of Carlisle and
others had conferred, and fully written out the sentiments of the King
on every point. His Majesty had also given much confidence to the
discourse of Monsieur PAbbe. And the bearer of this letter was well
informed on all points, &c. Signed by the Duke of Buckingham, and
bearing a fine impression of his seal.
83. Draft of Letter indorsed " To D. of Cheuereuse,"
c. November 1625.
The writer had deferred his voyage from Holland on purpose to be
there at the arrival of Monsieur de Blainville, who had twice had
audience. At the first he had presented his letters, at the second he had
explained his charge, which consisted of three points, the first touching
the Roman Catholics, the second touching the " Maison de la, Rayne,"
and rhe third touching Monsieur de Soubize. In regard to the first, his
Majesty made answer that the King (of France) could not reproach
him with any infraction of the articles since the Roman Catholics did
not comport themselves in a becoming manner, but held meetings and
carried arms contrary to the ordinances of the Realm and what belonged
to the government of a peaceable prince, which his most Christian
Majesty would judge happened inopportunely at a time when he was
making war on the King of Spain, of whom they ^the Roman Catholics)
were devoted servants. In reference to the second point the King says
that the Queen is so closely united with him that he does not hold him-
self liable to render account to any person in the world save to herself,
U 84067. Fr
114 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
rfj?G-HoME-R whom he loves beyond any other creature, and that he would wish her
MIRMM(FfD complaints only addressed to himself, who was more inclined to remedy
— L. ' any defaults than any other could be to ask. For the third point, his
Majesty considered that he rather deserved thanks than blame from the
French King, because not only Monsieur de Soubize had been defeated
by his fleet, but on his arrival the King declined to see him, and that
their chief had been compelled to sell his arms to procure the neces-
saries of life. This was the sum of the King's answer to the complaints
which Monsieur de Blainville had addressed to the writer on a late
visit, <vc.
84. Drafts indorsed " M. to Q. Mother and French King."
[c. November 1625].
To the Queen Mother — that the honours which he had received
from the Queen since the arrival of Monsieur de Blainville shewed him
that it was not in the power of malevolence to deprive him of her
Majesty's good graces. That if he had made ill offices between the
King and Queen it would have been found out by the deportment of his
Majesty towards her ; but nobody could be so shameless as to say that
his Majesty had ever discovered any change in his affection towards the
Queen, <fec.
85. Draft Letter to the King of France [c. same date]. That he
had received the letters his Majesty had been pleased to honour him
with by Monsieur de Blainville, Ambassador extraordinary ; and had
fulfilled his Majesty's commandments according to the judgment he had.
Was passionately addicted to the service of his French Majesty, as
would be seen by comparing his actions with those of others who en-
deavoured to win his Majesty's good graces by doing ill offices.
86. Draft of Letter indorsed" M. to Prince of Orange" [c. 1627].
Had taken the liberty to remind the States General of the promise they
had made him in regard to the Earl of Buccleuch of the first Scottish
Regiment that fell vacant, or which he should raise anew for their
service, and in the interim to give him a pension of 200 livres sterling.
Asks his Excellence to contribute his assistance to this end, and to assure
the Earl's pretensions by a Brevet that with more courage he might
spend his life in the service of the States and follow the footsteps of his
late father. By doing so he would do what was very agreeable to the
King his master and oblige a lord of quality and merit.
87. Draft indorsed " Ooppie to Monsieur de Tillieres, 23 January
Was very much astonished at the report which M. de Tillieres' Sec-
retary made to him touching Pierre Hugon. At the Ambassador's
request he knew not how often he had asked his Majesty out of regard
for the Ambassador to do him the favour to pardon the said Hugon and
set him free from prison. The said Hugon had come by no harm that
was not caused by his own act. True it was that his Majesty had
promised all the goods in one of his chests that was opened and in-
spected in France to Monsieur Herbert, brother of his ambassador
there, who had laboured and spent more than 100 pounds in France in
that affair ; and on his lordship's interposition with the said Hugon he
promised to give him five hundred pounds sterling in lieu of these goods
which were worth much more. That was all the bargain that was ever
made either by his Majesty or the writer in that business, and the whole
bargain was to the said Hugon'o advantage &c. In sum the King was
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 115
endamaged more than sixty thousand pounds sterling in jewels, of which ling-Home-
the said Hugon was debtor ; besides he had behaved badly in sending in mobat'fs?
the name of the late Queen money and sundry articles of church furni- -~^-
ture to a monastery of nuns and also to the Jesuits to cause prayers to
be offered up for the soul of the late Queen of happy memory, an act
odious not only to our religion but specially odious in him being a
foreigner to stir an affair of such consequence without the sanction of
the King. A postscript states that the Ambassador's two requests had
been presented to his Majesty who answered that he would do all that
depended on him provided it should not be prejudicial to him nor en-
danger his rights &c, and had recommended the petitions to the proper
officers.
The letter however does not appear to have been sent, as a note in
English on the margin of another letter to the same personage states —
" After Hugon was confronted the former letter was stayed all but
the postscript and this sent."
Which bears, that his Lordship had retained the Ambassador's Secre-
tary till now — that he had spoken with Pierre Hugon in presence of the
Ambassador's Secretary that the latter might be a witness of what was
said who would give him a full discourse of it. That his Lordship had
done nothing in this release but in consideration of the Ambassador and
the King his master. That if the said Hugon had promised any
gratuity to anyone for good offices it was done without the writer's
sanction. That he had made a bargain with Hugon but it was all to the
latter's advantage &c.
88. Draft French Letter withoul address (perhaps to Spanish
Ambassador). The writer had communicated to the King the letters of
his correspondent touching the propositions of her Serene Highness the
Archduchess about the Palatinate. The King had commanded the
writer to say that his Majesty could not make a decided answer on a
sudden since the proposals came far short of what Mr. Weston had
reported his correspondent had said to him Her Highness would be pre-
pared to do. In three days his Majesly would be at Theobald's when
he would send to Mr. Weston and charge him to go to his Lordship's
correspondent with his Majesty's answer. His Majesty hoped that
" le Sieur Porter " whom he had lately sent to Spain would bring him
such an answer from the King of Spain his correspondent's master that
it would wholly clear his intentions and give reparation to his Majesty's
honour. No date.
89. Draft of Letter. Indorsation somewhat illegible but apparently
to Prince of Piedmont. The King his master was resolved constantly
to follow out his former designs and again take up the thread of his
enterprises. His Highness might have been informed that some ill
affected to his Lordship and others led by misapprehensions meant to
attack him but his Lordship trusted in his innocence and integrity to
surmount the malice of the one and remove the misapprehensions of the
other. The Count de St. Maurice, bearer of the letter was fully in-
formed of the designs and intentions of his Majesty and would communi-
cate them to his Highness. No dale.
90. Draft or copy of Letter by the King (apparently King James)
bearing that whereas he had been informed by the Earl of Arundell
and Surrey (Earl Marshall of England) that Brooke and Treswell, two
of the Heralds subordinate to the government of the Marshall, " .haue
for matters concerning fees, not onely appealed from the Marshals
court, vnto other courtes, but haue both in their pleas and otherwise
B 2
116 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- taken many courses to derogate all they may from the honour and
ldrvmmoiu) power of that High Court." His Majesty being desirous of keeping all
Morat.Esq. his courts within their own true and peculiar limits and give them
reputation and lustre " especially to this which is to judge of all matters
of honour . . . We haue thought fitt to referre this busines vnto you
which our pleasure is you shall take into your present and serious
consideration." With power if on examination the accused cannot clear
themselves to take such an exemplary course of punishing them as
should deter others from the like attempts hereafter "Wherein wee
take our owne honour to be engaged to defend the power and reputation
of that court, which is of so high a nature, so auncient and so imme-
diately deriued from vs, who are the fountaine of all honour, as also that
our said cousin may receaue such encouragement and fauour as both his
generall faith in our sendee and his modest course shewed by appealing
vnto us in this particular doth deserue." The Referees are not named.
No date.
91. Letter from Charles Maupas Bishop of Blois to Lord Bucking-
ham, having been his French master at Blois. The beginning of the
Bishop's letter is as follows : — Monseigneur, la vertu et le bonheur
partisans de vostre grandeur, conspirent ensemble a l'exaltation de vostre
gloire, sous la conduite et divine providence du Souerain donateur de tons
biens nostre seigneur Jesus Christ ; lequel maniant les resnes de vos
inclinations dez vostre tendre jeunesse, vous inspira l'amour de la
premiere et fit reussir le second a toutes vos belies actions. J'en puis
estre oculaire temoinar, ayant eu l'honneur d'estre employe a vostre
serrice pour vous iustituer en nostre langue Francoise lors qu'au com-
mencement de vostre premiere adolescence, vous fistes assez long sejour
en cette ville." With a good many compliments the bishop presents
him with a little work his " Grammaire et Syntaxe de la Langue
Francaise," which he had revised but had not yet published nor dedi-
cated to any particular person ; but now inteuding to publish it would
be delighted that his lordship should allow it to come out under the
patronage of his name and asks his Lordship to permit him to do so &e.
No date.
92. Draft of Letter in Buckingham's handwriting. Indorsed
" To Spanish Ambassador." This letter is much damaged and conse-
quently not very intelligible in some places. The writer wished so much
to explain to his Excellence all that concerned the service of the King
his master that he had lost no time in taking the first opportunity of
informing his Majesty and receiving his resolution that his Excellence
had wished to be touched upon in their last conference principally on
three points ; the first of which was that his Excellence desired to be
informed what Priests or Jesuits, subjects of his Majesty, made their
abode within the dominions of the Archdukes. To which the King
answered that there were two kinds of traitors who took up their abode
there, one sort conspiring against his person and the other against his
honour ; these were principally two laymen and two priests, one of the
laymen being Sir William Stanlie. Some of their accomplices had con-
fessed that the said Sir William was not only privy to the plot of the
Gunpowder treason, but that it was he who chose and sent over Faux,
who was then in the service of the Archduke, to put that horrible treason
in execution ; and yet the said Stanlie made his constant residence in
the Archduke's dominions. In reference to the two priests they were
two Jesuits, Greenwell and Garode, who were in the complot of the
said treason, and they had passed and re-passed once and again through
the Archduke's dominions. Touching the traitors against his Majesty's
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
117
honour, so many Monasteries and Colleges of Priests and Jesuits of his
Majesty's subjects who are bred in the dominions of the Archduke, and
who the letter says disseminate lies and calumnies against the person and
government of his Majesty, witness the various false reports contained
in Books composed and circulated in an underhand way. The second
point referred to the treatment of priests in the King's realm ; as to which
the King defended his actions referring to certain priests who had
broken prison, the necessity of upholding his authority &c, and said the
friendship between their Majesties was grounded on civil reasons,
personal favours and courtesies, and not on matters of religion on which
they were known to differ. As to the third point, which his Excellence
had asked to be referred to his Majesty, which was that the Ambassador
of his Majesty in France had advised the King of France to favor a
project for making the Duke of Baw ...... successor to the Empire.
To which the King answered that he had with his own mouth told his
Excellency all he had done in that affair &c. Finally asks his Excel-
lence to use his endeavours to discover the author of the work " Corona
Regia" which the writer judged it was in the power of his Excellence
to do. No date. The following note is written in the same hand in
English at the foot of the first page. ' They prists to be hanged —
Edmonds ernestnes against Spayne — Puteanus Booke."
93. Letter from J. Dauid, Maire and Captain of Rochelle, the
Aldermen and Inhabitants of the Town of Rochelle to the Duke of
Buckingham, Great Admiral of England [c. 1625]. Stating that they
had learnt from the letters of their deputies of the goodwill which his
Grace had shewn them in all their affairs for obtaining in their op-
pressions and calamities the favorable assistance of the King of Great
Britain. They thank him for his efforts in their behalf, and beg him to
continue according to the great part he had in the favour of so powerful
and magnanimous a king, by respect for whom they had been led to the
acceptance of the conditions of peace however hard and ruinous they
were. His Majesty might procure ameliorations for them of which his
Ambassadors had given them assurances on the promise which they had
received from the most Christian King; and beseech his Grace not to
deny them in their misfortune the continuance of his goodwill in the
great need they had for it, as Desherbiers and their other deputies
would shew him, &c. 15th March.
94. Letter by Count George Ossolinsky, Polish Ambassador,
to George, Marquis of Buckingham.
Wished to have offered his Lordship his service, and good wishes but
not desiring during the latter's indisposition to press his importunity upon
him he had deferred it to a more convenient season. But informs his
Lordship as the only protector of his cause and well inclined to the King
his master, of what he had treated of with Secretary Calvart, to wil,
that he had declared the final demand of his master to be referred to his
Majesty, his Lordship's master, which the Ambassador thinks would
appear just, easy and worthy of the affection of his Majesty to the King
of Poland, seeing that with sixty thousand livres sterling he would buy
himself not only the fraternal love and reciprocal assistance of the
Polish Ambassador's master, but would bind the whole crown of Poland
to his service and that of his children. No date.
95. Draft of Letter indorsed " M. to Mr. Seer. Winwood"
22 August [c. 1617].
Had acquainted his Majesty with the despatches Winwood had sent
him. His Majesty " liketh exceeding well the answeare which the
Charles Stir
ling-Home-
drummosj)
Moray, Esq.
118
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stik-
lixg-home-
Deummond
Moray, Esq.
Duke of Savoye made to M* Desdiguieres and Mr de Bethunc and
would have you write so to Mr Wake that liis Maiestie approueth
of his proceeding with them. .... His Maiestie would likewise
haue you write to the C. Palatin, that seing Count Maurice wishes
the 0. Palatine should forbeare sending till he be desired, he should
follow this advice therein and not send vntill he be sought vnto for
his assistance in that kinde. As for the assembling of the National
Synode, His Maiesteis ioyning to employ some learned men to assist
thereat, His Maiestie would wish that, all the provinces would concurre
in desiring it, but if the f'ower only doe it, his Maiestie will not for
the obstinacye of the other three refuse to send over for so good a
purpose."
His Majesty approved of the course Win wood had taken with the
Jesuit, and his Lordship thanks him for the love and care he had shown
in his Lordship's brother's business. No date.
96. Letter by Count George Ossolinsky, Ambassador of Poland,
to Lord Buckingham. Thanking his Lordship for the favours and
honours he had done him. supplicating him in the name of the King
of Poland his master to continue his wonted protection ; since the
Treasurer does nothing unless constrained by his Lordship's command-
ments ; thus having delivered the six thousand five hundred pounds of
the remainder to reach £12,000 according to the promise of his Majesty,
his Lordship's master, the Treasurer would provide nothing. In the
time that was past the soldiers cost much, so that unless the remainder
were provided for in good time all the expenditure of his Majesty would
go for nothing.
As to the Catholic prisoners, he begs his Excellence to remind his
Majesty of the promise he was pleased to make to the King by his
Ambassador. That was the most estimable and most desired present
which he carried back among all the others by his Majesty, and for
which the King his master would feel the most obliged ; and doubts not
his Majesty would put bis promise in execution without remitting it to
the Archbishop of Canterbury or to any others.
97. Confidential Overtures made by the Duke of Saxe Weymar
by Lieutenant-Colonel Streiff.
(1.) To employ well and usefully the means intended for the defence
and preservation of the common cause and freedom, it was undoubtedly
necessary to attack the enemy at those points where he was weakest.
(2.) There were three views propounded, viz., to attack the enemy in
Spain, in Flanders or Brabant, and in Silesia or Lusatia.
(3.) The King of Denmark judges that in no part is the enemy found
so feeble as in Silesia and Lusatia, and that without prejudice to the
other enterprises that might be undertaken towards summer a good blow
might be struck in these Provinces.
(4.) Two things were to be taken into consideration of considerable
importance, the first that Silesia and Lusatia were plain and open with-
out any notable fortresses ; the second that a considerable number in
the provinces would be well affected to their cause.
(5.) Lieutenant Colonel Streiff would represent how it might be
possible to dispose the King of Sweden and the Prince of Transylvania
to contribute their good offices, aid, and assistance ; and the neighbour-
ing provinces would be inclined to favour, such as the circle of Lower
Saxony, the Elector of Bradenburg, all Poinerania, and to confine the
Elector of Saxony within the bounds of neutrality. For in case he
wished to join the contrary party, he would have to fear that the
enemy would have to be repulsed in his own country, and the circle of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
119
Upper Saxony might suffer a great eclipse and disunion. Some assist-
ance might also be looked for from the circles of Franconia and Swabia,
and with having the advantage of streams and rivers the enterprise
might be carried out in three weeks. The other enterprises were far
more difficult, and there was little appearance that it would be possible
to draw assistance from any Prince or State of Germany into them
(unless the Prince of Transylvania), and there was room to fear that
the Elector of Saxony would take open part against them. The King of
Denmark hoped to be able to put afoot nearly 38,000 men on foot and
12,000 horse ; without reckoning the Count de Mansfelt, who had
furnished funds for a levy of 14,000 foot and 4,000 horse, &c.
(6.) It would greatly facilitate this
design
if it should please his
Majesty of Great Britain to send promptly and without noise 15,000
men or more to the mouth of the river Elbe, and the States General
would make live companies of cavalry and 4,000 Boot with some artillery
join them. Such an expedition would have a favourable effect in the
Hanseatic towns or hinder their trade if they refused to favour and assist
the party. Such an expedition need not interrupt or hinder any other
designs that were held in England or the United Provinces and would
thwart the Councils and designs of Spain &c.
98. Letter from the Duke of Saxe Weimar to the Duke of Bucking-
ham, Great Admiral of England. That having heard of the care his
Grace shewed for the restoration of the common cause, and especially
of the treaties made between his Majesty the King of Great Britain, the
King of Denmark and the States General, the Duke was confident his
Grace would take in good part that he troubled him with the despatch
in which he made an overture of the present state of affairs there &c.
and recommends Lieutenant Colonel Streiff to his confidence ; and if
he considered the overture of sufficient importance, to speak of it to his
Majesty, &c. Dated £§ February from Verden. No year.
99. Draft Letter indorsed " My Lord to the Commissioners —
Manour of Sherbourne." — " My Lord and honorable frends, it pleased
his Maiestie to bestowe vpon me the Mannour of Sherborne, and after-
wards vpon my dislike thereof to condescend to an exchange of it for
other lands, in which businesse you are appointed by his Maiestie to
deale between his Highnes and me. My desire is that by this ex-
change the King haue no disaduantage nor I any benefitt ; and because
I knowe it cannot be contriued so euen but it wilbe aduantageous to
his Maiestie or to rne, I pray you take care in that sort that in case
his Maiestie be as he rather wisheth a little loser, yet it be so cleare
as nothing be hid from his Maiesteis knowledg, for I desire not to
gaine but by his Maiesteis free gift. And so leauing it to your
honourable care I humbly take my leaue and rest your honors at
command."
100. Draft Letter dated at Wansted 12 of September 1621. The
Writer had acquainted Lord Buckingham with his correspondent's letter
and his Lordship gave direction to make this answer. That Sir Ed.
Harbert " being come ouer standeth so much vpon the Justification of
his carriage, that his Maiestie seeing no proofe of the contrarie nor
that the French Ambassador with whome his Maiestie had spoken
of it, can make good his complaints, is so well satisfied tiierein that
he seeth no cause to recall him with any touch of disgrace." His
Majesty further found a necessity of sending him back to finish certain
businesses which were in hand. " There is yet this reason more that
his Maiestie oweth him seven thousand pounds vpon bis entertainment
Charles Stir-
ling-Homr-
Deujihond
Moray, Esq,
120
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- which there is no present meanes to furnish, and without paying him
Drummoto first that which is due vnto him his Maiestie cannot with honour re-
Moray, Esq. uoke him from his imployment."
101. Letter from the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to George
Marquis of Buckingham. 20th [January?] no year. See No. 54 supra.
Yesterday in the afternoone Mr. Secretary Caluarte acquainted me
with a letter vnto him from your Lordship that some intimation should
be given vnto the States how vnfitt it was for them to press vppon
the King without demanding an audience before hand of his Maiestie.
Yesterday night about ten of the clock they sent a gentleman vnto
me, to let me know that they were resolved to take their jorney to-
wards the Court this morning. I asked him whether they had sent
vnto his Maiesty for audience. He told me they had not; but that
his Maiestie had giuen them a generall ieaue when they could come to
no agreement with the Lords Commissioners to'repayre vnto him self,
and that this they tooke to be sufficient ; and therefore they sent me
word onely of it as being vnwilling to doe any thing in that kind
without my knowledg, though they thought it superfluous to trouble
me to send for an audience to be granted vnto therm I answerd 1
was well asured how priuate soever his Maiestie was, that whensoeuer
they would demand an audience, concerning pressing businesses, his
Maiestie would speedily grant it ; yet I did not know whether his
Maiestie might not conceaue this suddaine comming of theirs at such
a time in a cause where necessaryly his Maiesty must haue conference
with others which were absent before he could return answere, to be
in the nature of a surprise ; and therefore out of my well wishing to
a good accommodation in this busines. 1 would take the boldnes to
aduise them to send either themselves by post vnto your Lordship or
to let me send to the same effect, and T would assure them they should
receaue a, speedy answer. This morning the gentleman came to me
againe with many thanks for my good counsayle and intreated me to
send this letter vnto your Lordship and to accompany it with one of
mine owne. I conceaue it is to haue an audience of his Maiestie which
I hope may bring things to a good conclusion, for I heare since their
last rough parting they are fallen much lower and haue desired to
speak with ray Lord Treasurer this afternoone." &c. (Signed^ Pem-
broke Whitehall 20th (no month nor year).
102. Letter from the Due de Cheureuse to the Marques op
Buckingham.
Stating that he had given a thousand crowns to a merchant to pur-
chase him some thirty horses for the Cardinal of Guise his brother and
for himself, and he had heard they had been distrained on the ground
that the merchant meant to defraud the King of his custom dues, which
he had no intention of doing : The Duke therefore requests Bucking-
ham to use his influence with his Majesty that the horses might be
sent to him. Paris, 20 July, no year.
103. Draft Letter in English with a French translation, from King
James the First to the King of France, c. 1610.
" Whereas in the month of August 1595 George Wood, our servant,
arryued in Humflewe [Honfieur] in Normandie with his shipp loden
with whyte rye and poulder, which poulder was then taken from him
by Monseure de Mon Pauce to be imployit in the King your Father's.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
121
our deerest brother's service, and was valoued and apprysit by his
ordinance, readie to be shewed, to the soome of 2,750 french crowns ;
and notwithstanding severall decrees extant given in the said Woodis
favour by the Counsell of the estait in France for his payment, with
the entrest at 8 for each hundreth, he heath remanit these 1 5 years past
in a manner without satisfactione having reseavit a thousand crouns by
assignatioune the 30 day of March 1602, and 2,030 francks by lyck
assignatioune the 21 day of March 1604, which payment by assigna-
tioune vas not vorth to him 1,000 crouns, as he alledgit ; which he
esteimes bot as a part of the entrest. He forther affirmeth that he lost
and spent in France in seving for the said payment more than 10,000
crouns. And althocht I haue wrettin to your late father, our derecst
brother, sundrie tymes in hes favour yet could he neuer reseave lies
pr-y merit ; And being this thrie years imployit in our service, Captaine
of on of our shipps in the narrowe seas, wherby he may not repair to
France to persew satisfactioune for the moneys dew vnto him, which
extendis by his computatioune to 4,383 crowns the last of August. I
haue thocht good to recommend his suite once again vnto yow, hartly
praying yow that some ordre may be taken for his satisfactione that he
haue noe forther occation to complaine. As ve shalbe readie vpon all
occations."
104. Draft Letter indorsed " A coppie of a letter to Venetian
Ambassador for Sir Wm Bronker, 29 October." Stating that it was
agreeable to his Majesty that le Sieur Brounker should take charge and
conduct of such troops of Volunteers as wished to enter the service of
the Seigneurie of Venice under the same conditions as had been given
to Mr. Sackeuille if he had undertaken the charge. His Lordship
and recommends him to the
iven good proofs of his courage
Charlks Stir-
ling-home-
urummond
Moray, Esq.
wishes Sir "William good fortune,
ambassador as a gentleman who had
and valour. No year.
105. Draft Letter indorsed " M. to B. Dona," probably c. 1619.
His lordship had caused hasten as much as possible his Majesty's
despatches which Baron Dona would now receive ; and his lordship
would always be ready to let his affection to the service of their High-
nesses be seen on all occasions. As to what his Lordship had said to
him of the letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury, he could assure him
that it had been shewn to his Majesty who perhaps would judge from it
that Baron Dona had held some correspondence with the Archbishop
" de quoy j'ay voulu vous aduertir, scachant bien l'humeur de mon
maistre, que la meilleure voye de proceder et la plus agreable a sa
volunte est de s'adresser tousiours directement a sa Majeste." As to
his desire that his Majesty should write to his Ambassador with the
States the King " ne le trouue nullement conuenable, ny de sa main ny
" de la mienne, qui est la mesme chose, d'autant que ce seroit s'engager
" tout a fait," and more especially so, as his Majesty had heard that
Monsieur Caron had quite lately received letters from the States on
which he asks audience. His Majesty would be better prepared to
answer when he knew what they had written.
106. Draft of Letter without address but seemingly to the King of
[Bohemia] circa 1620. The affection which had urged his Lordship
from the beginning to contribute all that lay in his power to the
advancement of his Majesty's business with the King his master, made
him desirous of embracing all occasions of rendering to his Majesty his
humble service. " Dequoy luy donnera plus particuliere asseurance ce
mien frere qu'il a pleu a sa Maieste envoyer pardela pour commu-
122
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
ling- Home-
Drcmmond
Moray, Esq.
niquer a Vostre Maieste son adds et ])leniere resolution qu'elle espere
vostre Maieste cmbrassera fort volontiers, en quoy faisant elle se
pourra asseurer que sa Maieste s'embarquera viuement en l'affaire et
ne l'abandonnera point quelque hazard qui en puisse aduenir;
comme mon frere a que je m'en remetz deduira plus particuliere-
ment," &c. No date.
107. Draft Letter to the King of France [May 1625] " Sire, Je
prins la hardiesse d'aduertir vostre Maieste de Boulogne que la
Royne s'estoit heureusement embarquee, et maintenant Jn'ay pfts
estime moins de mon debuoir de luy donner aussy aduis qu'elle est
arriuee a Douure auec mesrne heur, ou le Roy mon maistre Test venu
trouuer a matin ; et puis asseurer vostre Maieste que la rencontre de
l'vn et l'autre a este la plus ioyeuse qui se soit iamais veue, comme si
la fortune eust trauaille a leur donner contentement mutuel et a faire
le choise de part et d'autre plus agreable qu'ilz n'eussent sceu faire
euxmesmes. Du depuis ilz ont passe le temps en ceste uille auec vn
petit balet, ou le Roy s'est fort bien acquitte, comme ne Je ne doubte
pas qu'il n'aye faict la nuict passee ; ce qui est d'autant plus a croire
que la Royne n'a pas danse ; toutes fois pour monstrer qu'elle ne s'en
est mal portee, le Roy la vid par vn pertuis danser la sarabante en sa
chambre," &c. His Lordship subscribes himself " Sire, de Vostre
Majeste tres humble seruiteur et tres obeissant esclaue." No date
but [May 1625].
108. Paper in Latin indorsed " Polish Ambassador's speach." Ad-
dressed to the King. Bearing chiefly on the Ottomans who were
threatening to attack Poland along with other enemies and arguing that
on the integrity of Poland depended the safety of all Europe from the
Ottoman power : that his Majesty of Britain was the only one who had
clearly perceived that the whole of Europe was aimed at through Poland
and that its danger should be a matter of concern to all Christendom.
The King is therefore exhorted to stretch forth a helping band to
Poland in her peril ; that if he did so his name would be venerated by
Poland to the latest ages, &c. No date.
109. Draft Letter indorsed " M. to K. of Denmark by Sr R.
Anstruder" [c. 1621].
That Sir Robert bearer of the letter went so well instructed from his
Majesty's own mouth in ail his affairs ** tant en ia procedure du traicte
de mariage entre Monseigneur le Prince et l'lnfante d'Espagne comme
en sa resolution touchant le troubles d'Allemagne et la voye quelle
est delibere d'y tenir et aussy de l'Ambassade du Mareschal de Ca-
denet n'agueres enuoye de France pardeca," that his lordship deemed it
more to purpose to refer them all to Sir Robert's report than to trouble
his Majesty with too long letters. Adds that he would think himself
happier in nothing than to be honoured with his Majesty's commands,
and recommends Mr. Arnault a gentleman in the suite of Sir Robert.
1 10. Draft of another letter to the same. The writer had received
his Majesty's letters from the hands of Sir Andrew Sinclair and per-
ceived that his Maiestie still continued his former affection towards him
and the writer felt a burning zeal to render his Majesty some proof of
his service. In regard to the matter of which Sir Andrew had given an
account, the king was so well disposed of his own accord that his Lord-
ship could not claim any part of it, &c.
111. Letter from Le Cointe de Tillieres to the Marquis of Bucking-
ham, Master of the Horse and Great Admiral of England. The Count
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
123
writes, he must not fail in the service he had promised and the con-
fidence he had sworn to give his Lordship advice " de la liberte de
Monsieur le Prince de Conde, laquelle luy doit estre d'autant plus
agreable de quelle vient d'une pure bonne volonte du Roy son mestre
et de l'espoir qui'l a d'estre vtilement assiste et serui de luy." This
was all the news in France. For the news of London he could say
nothing unless the extreme regret he felt at the absence of the court and
particularly of his Lordship. No date.
112. The same to the same. Asking a passport for two horses which
at the request of an intimate friend a Marshal of France he had bought
and wished to send to France. No date.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummojvd
Moray, Esq.
Division I. — Section (5). Letters and Papers relating to the Jaco-
bite Insurrections of 1715 and 1745.
1719-1745.
113. Letter with the following note on the envelope " Letter from
the Marquis de Beretti Landi the Spanish Ambassador at the
Hague dated September 29th received at the Isle in Lochmorer,
October 25, 1719."
A La Haye, ce 29.7bre 1719.
Monsieur, estant informe que vous avez de l'argent du Roy mon maitre
entre vos mains et que Mr Bolanio avec sa troup a besoin d' estre secouru
afin qu'il puisse avoir soin de la subsistance des soldats, Je vous prie
tres instament de lui donner l'argent que vous avez apartenant a sa
Majeste dont il aura soin de me rendre compte et moi au Roi. Je pro-
fite avec plaisir de cette occation pour vous offrir mes services en tout
ce qui pourra dependre de moi et vous assurer que je suis avec toute
la consideration imaginable, Monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant
serviteur,
M. Berett Landi.
Milord Milord Tullebardine.
114. Paper headed "Account of the publict money layd out by the
Marquess of Tullibardine beginning at Stornoway the 30th March
1719."
A few items are subjoined : —
Imprimis at Stornoway to an express sent to
Clan Ranald, Glengarry and others -
Item to Mr Zachary for provisions to the
Spanish ships and troops per account
Item to the two pillots who brought my Lord
Marichall from Baro to Stornoway -
To the Marquess of Seafort -
Aprile the 12th To the two Pilots from Stor-
noway to Island Donald Aprile the 16th
To 32 workmen for carrying the arms and
ammonition to the Magazines - - 001
To the Laird of M^Dougall - - - 008
For making up the magazines near Illandonald 001
To Captain Stapleton for subsistence - - 002
To Captain McGill subsistence - - 002
To the Laird of Glengarry - 085
£
001
10
00
153
00
10
003
00
00
017
00
00
005 00 00
14
00
10
00
10
06
10
00
10
00
00
00
124
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stie-
ling-home-
det7mmond-
MoBAY, E8Q.
Aprile the 20ih. To the Laird of Locheall
To the Captain of Clauronald
To Grlenderule -
Aprile the 25th. To Borlom -
To three men who went near Inverness in pur-
suit of the desearter
To wine and brandy bought lor the troops as
per aceount -
Aprile the 26th. To a souldier who deserted
from the enninii -
To Lord George Murray
May the 1. To a company of 30 men as a
week's pay who were sent towards Inverness
To Mr Murchieson for cattle -
5. To six men for carrying the ammunition to
Illandonald -
To 2 expresses -
The 8th. To 3 expresses comeing and goeing to
and from Mr Donald McLeand upon account
of the English ships
To Bayly Falconer of Elgin -
To the French Ingenire -
To ane express from Atholl -
For cows to the Spaniards as per account
To the Spanish souldiers for carying arms and
ammunition -
To the Pilot for the Spanish ships
May the 1 5th. For 4 days pay to 7 of McDougalls
and Robert Roys men -
May the 16. To the man who took the English-
man and droun'd the other -
To the Chisme of Strathglass
17th. To McDougall -
19th. To workmen at the Castle of Ileandonald
and the Crow -
20th. To McDougall -
22*4 days pay to 4 of Rob Roy's men
„ For a kettle lost in the Castle
23rd. To Glencoe -
To the men who took up the lead which Borlom
threw in the water -
24th. The pay of Captain McLean's company to
the first of June, as per receipt
To Captain McLean to account for bringing
men from the Isle of Mull - - -
28th. For losses sustain'd by blowing up the
magazine at the crois of Kintaile
To the drums of the Regiment on the 29th May
To the pipers on the same account
30th. To a desearter from the ennimy -
For horses carryin arms and ammunition to
Glensheall -
For cows given to the Spaniard on the 29 of
May -
31st. To three expresses to Lochile, Tutor
McLeand and Sir Donald McDonald
£
017
00
00
034
00
00
085
00
00
007
17
00
000 17 00
033 14 03
001
01
00
008
10
00
004
05
02
023
06
08
000
06
00
000
11
00
000
09
00
006
16
00
006
16
00
001
10
00
006
00
00
003
08
00
001
01
06
000
14
00
001
14
00
001
14
00
003
08
00
002
05
00
010
04
00
000
08
00
000
08
00
001
14
00
000
17
00
(X)2
03
05
017
00
00
003
08
00
000
17
00
000
08
00
001
01
00
000
10
00
005
00
00
000
12
00
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
125
To Rob Roy -
To my Lord Seaforts company of 30 men
June the 3rd. To ane express from Glengarie -
To ane express with intelligence from Inver-
ness -
£
003
08
00
004
05
02
000
05
00
000 05 00
Chables Stir-
UNG-HOME-
Dbummohd
Mokay, Esq.
115. Letter (torn on one side) indorsed " Tullibardines Instructions
to the Master of the Ship " 5 November 1719.
Sir, It being for his Majesty's service that you for to
the Isles therefore this is desireing yow'll follow of my
brother Lord George Murray and others who can be
what are the properest measures for yow to take about
safely abroad all these who are to goe with him, which will ....
particullar service done your King and Countrey, so I need ....
further here, but shall only tell yow that whateuer pains . . yow are
at in takeing care of his Majestys affairs in the shall
not faile of being faithfully represented to our [master by] one who will
not neglect to doe yow all the justice and good .... in every
thing lyes in my pouer it being what in justice will .... ing
your loyall zeall and the danger such ane undertake
lyable to at this time, and therefore shall be accordingly .... in
so far as lyes in the way of, Sir your reall freind and servant,
TuLLEBART)[lN e}.
November the 5th.
To the Master of the ship who comes to the Isles.
Addressed " To the Master of the Ship sent for the Kings service."
116. William Marquis of Tullebardine &c. Commander in chief of
his Majesty's forces in Scotland — To Colonel Lord George Murray 5th
November 1719 [in duplicate] "By verteu of the power and authority
giv'n me from the King to place and displace officers as Commander-
in-chief of his Majesty's forces in Scotland; I doe hereby appoint you
Collonel Lord George Murray to take care of the right embarquation
and pay such of the Kings subjects as I haue sign'd a list who are to
go abroad in a ship that is ordred to the Isles for that end. They
are hereby strictly requir'd to obey you in all that relates to the said
affaire whatever rank any of them may have in the army and like ways
to follow your advice in what regards his Majesty's service which
you are to answer for till you can all get safe abroad, for which this
shall be to you and all concern'd a sufficient warrant. Given this
5th of November 1719 at the Isle in Lochmorer the eighteen year of
his Majesty's reign To Collonel Lord George Murray."
117. Copy Letter indorsed "Letter to the King at Rome dated
January 24th from Putaux " (from the Marquis of Tullibardine).
No year [c. 1721].
" Sir, I took the liberty of wryteing to your Majisty the 26th of
December, and some days agoe the Duke of Mar favour'd me by directly
sending the letter yow were singullarly pleas'd to honour me with con-
cerning what I could not help mentioning which your Majesty most
graciously condiscends to take notice of with the greatest goodness a
soveraigne can show towards quieting differences by stiff cient allowance
for human frailty ; that ought with the outmost gratitude and self
126 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- denyall make us humbly submitt all private concerns in just resignation
DEraoKD to whatever your Majesty finds necessary, for the benefite ol' your
Moray, Esq. service.
" God forbid any should discourage those that are usefull in your
Majesty's affairs, what I said about Grlenderule seem'd incumbent on me,
to show what some had unhappiely mett with ; but I belive all will
be glad to find him prove advantageous in your busieness, sincerely wish-
ing his activity may be really usefull and I pray the capacity of those
who are most able to stir about your Majesty's concerns, be well em-
ployed in settling a right foundation for carrying on the publict cause
and then every thing must soon prosper.
Tho' your Majesty permitts me to wryte even on ane unpleasant sub-
ject, yet it's impossible to express my regrate at being unavoydablv
oblidged to mention things should prove the least disagreeable to yow
since on no pretence I trafick in any tainting politique, nor even tho' prac-
tis'd would readiely appear much amongst your disrespectfull subjects
or ennimies that are of notted Haunoverian principles, haveing to the
outmost intirely avoyded all sort of division that in the least smell'd of
private designes, which unspeakeably attaches some to one ane other
and that occasions the insnareing pretence of doeing apparent good
offices while on the main well meaning people really suffer more sen-
sibly then by all that can other ways happen, for the unbiassed are
strangely disjointed through the busie artifice of those who find their
account in unexpressable confusion to sustain cliver practises, which
unhinges reall union and therby unmercyfully exposeing all true
loyalty.
It's very certain Mr Campbell had no occasion to speake amiss of
me, and if he or I be now in the wrong, there's none but ourselves to
blame ; seing it cannot weell be determin'd who else could have brought
things to so cruell a pass as leaves no room for our haveing any more
particullar deallings, and whatever this may occasion me to suffer yet at
length will appear how naturally I am averse from entering on the
merite of double management, tho' reduced by necessity to mentaine the
valuable character of a just cause, that should not be intirely loaded by
every kind of projectours : for with true assurance I may presume to
say, as I have till now unfeignedly endeavoured under every situation to
demonstrate ; so it shall constantly appear beyond malice that no private,
personall nor family injury from him or any other will ever draw the
least resentment, where the good of your Majesty s cause can any way
interfere ; on which account I allready tho' affraid without much effect,
have still throwen my small concerns aside, and if capable am ready to
undergoe more : besides, as to what that gentleman propos'd and after-
wards thought fitt to deny, about forfeiting my father tho' it be uni-
versally knowen he never ventur'd on any mercinary designes of being
considerable through labarinths of specious oppression, nor inclyn'd to
trade in building a fortune by meanly undermineing or cunningly
meddling where intirely overturning the ancient rights of King and
country could be expos'd as the purchase pryce of strange ambition, that
violently tends towards miserably inslaveing all worthy compatriots ;
nay whatever faillings he may have if reasonable ways could been us'd
at the beginning of the late unhappy affairs in Scotland its more then
probable he had not prov'd the last even of his poor family to have
sincerely ventur'd in earnest all was to be expected from a dutyfull
subject in faithfully serveing the most gracious soveraigne, and I can no
ways imagine that he with many others of your Majesty's naturall well
wishers at home will in the least faill being found as formerly, ready on
any regullar fixed scheme to performe every substantial! service lys in
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
127
their pouer, while the fate of all is only amongst the hands of such as
they know can be undenyably trusted ; for a misscarriage now might
prove utter mine at least to your whole honest adherents who therefore
may be more cautious then formerly, finding the effects of what has
allready happn'd unsuccessful which prodigiously weakens the interest
of your unalterably disinterested friends ; and others will only act as
serves their oun private ends, that commonly drives at demolishing of
reall merite, which is their undoubted harvest, so be uppermost who will,
they find surest game in generall disturbance, For tho' such people can
lose little, yet by sufficient forewardness to over reach the world with
nimble adress mighty things may be compass'd at length, towards
satiating their undefatigable dispositions. As your Majesty has thought
fitt to determine me by your directions about what is passt with Glende-
rule so I shall not trouble the Duke of Mar nor Mr Dillon in relation
to this ungratefull subject which is not now to be further mention'd by
me and I shall never faill in goeing alongst with them or any other
your Majesty finds proper to employ for the undoubted advantage of
your service that must still be faithfully sought in every thing rny small
capacity is the least fitt to undertake with a true disposition for sub-
stantially promoteing your lasteing glory, which no obstacle can keep
me from pursueing cheerfully.
The Duke of Mar acquainted me in the kindest manner with what
was mention'd to him about the subsistance your Majesty is graciously
pleas'd to order for my brother George and I, who are mighty sensible
and thankfull for the extraordinary regaird you have still favor' d us with
being infinitly concern'd we should hitherto unavoydably put your
Majesty to so much charges while things are in the present situation
and many of your worthy subjects still in great difficultys : God grant we
may be able to find some reasonable plain way of liveing that our
Master's goodness be no further straitned by such a burthen so as yow
may intirely discouer Ave have only endeavour'd to mentaine ourselves in
a capacity of answering any occasion where your Majesty sees convenient
to make use of us when in the least profitable about anything matteriall
for safely restoreing the Royall family by which the world must be fully
convinced, as beyond detraction I hope unaffected manadgement will
satisfy your Majesty, that our whole study in every condition has con-
stantly been to appear with unspotted honour and true discretion
inviolably as I shall ever be.
My brother and I beg leave to give our most humble duty to the
Queen, hopeing her Majesty and the Prince are in perfect good
health.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummonb
Moray, Esq.
118. Lord George Murray to the Duke of Atholl.
Perth, 9th September 1745.
Dear Brother, — The Prince certainly marches tomorrow and for God's
sake cause as many of the men as possible march for Dumblane so to be
there tomorrow being Tuesday or early on Wednesday. If you could be
yourself at Tullibardine to confer with his Royal Highnes tomorrow
about Midday it would be of infinite consequence for the good of the
cause, but if you cannot be there so soon the Prince will leave his
directions for you in writeing which will be to this efect. He being to
push forward with the utmost expedition you are to act with a separat
body and to quarter at Blair Castle. The Highlanders that his Majesty
is posetive will join you from the north and west with the remender of
your own men that you cannot get sent off with L. Nairn &c. will soon
be a stronger body then that which he crosses the Forth with. I reccon
128
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
OnARLEs Stir-
lixg-home-
Drummond
Moray. Esq.
Strickland goes up to you. Your bagage and servant will be this day at
Tullibardine ; if you come there you will order it to Blair and I have
horse and cartes ther at your command. Perhaps you may soon be in
a condition to come down and take up your quarters here especially if
you hear that Cope imbarks for Leith. 100 bolls meall goes up to Dun-
keld this moment ; money, meall &c. will be appointed for you as far as
possible, but the particulars you will know at Tullibardine : Adieu
Yours, George Murray.
Monday 10 forenoon.
Pray keep Mr N. Macgleshen with you for dispatches.
To his Grace the Duke of Atholl at Blair Castle.
119. Letter indorsed " Letter from Glenlyon dated 21st September
and received at Dunkeld 22nd 1745."
May it pleas your Grace — I did rot expect your Grace so shoon back
U) this country when we parted, but being informed last night you were
returned, I did rejoyse least your absence might creat some con-
fusion, becaus there was non in this countray to give orders to
such as were passing for the ami}'. This moment 1 had the honour of
your Grace's orders after writting what is above. I have bein in grat
distrass eince 1 cam horn with a sore back as I was all the way from
Crieff. I had the few men I have convein (sic) last day and finds they
have few or no armes but such as they are shall with Gods grace attend
you there against the tyme apoynted, togithere with the only ?on I
have left me, being but a stripling of fourtein years age who I hope will
do pritty weell, for he'l follow direction and obay orders : And if I in
any case be able to travle I shall wait of your Grace against the tyme
apointed, who ever am with esteim, may it please your Grace, your
Graces most obedient humble servant
Jo. Camell.
G the 21st September 1745.
120. Letter indorsed " Coppy pass to James Malcolm, surgeon.
Septr 1745."
By William Duke of Atholl &c. Commander in Chief of his Majesteis
forces benorth the River of Forth.
You are hereby required to permit t the bearer heirof, Mr James
Malcolm, surgeon, with his servant to pass and repass from this to the
City of Edinburgh without trouble or molestation, he behaving himself
civily and loyally as becometh. Given and sealed at our Castle of Blair
the thirty day of September 1745 years.
To all officers civil and military.
121. Copy orders by William Duke of Atholl to Archibald
Menzies of Shian. Dunkeld 12 October 1745.
William Duke of Atholl etc. under his Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, Commander in chief of his Majesties forces.
These are ordering and requiring you Archibald Menzies of Shian to
raise all the men betwixt sixteen and sixty years of age in the country of
Glenlyon and in Bofracts lands to join us with them at Perth, or any
other place shall be appointed, and to carry off and bring with you the
cattle or horses of such of them as shall abscond or keep out of the way.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 129
This you are puntually and expeditiously to perform as you shall be Charles Sub-
answerable, for which this shall be to you a sufficient warrand. Given dStmmSS
at Dunkeld the twelfth day of October 1745. Moray, Ebq.
122. Draft Letter — William called Duke of Atholl to Prince
Charles Edward. Dunkeld, 17 October 1745.
Sir, — Your Royal Highness gracious letter of the 1 1 instant with
express orders to immediately join you with all the men I have been
raising, according to orders under Secretary Murray's cover, came not to
my hands till this evening. The letters being taken but luckily retaken
occasioned the delay. The convoy under Captain Brown's care, with
arms, ammunition &c. for your Royal Highness from his most Christian
Majesty, arrived here last night after the utmost endeavours. It will be
tomorrow night before all the men necessary for bringing them up to
your army can be got together. Next morning I shall march them from
hence with the utmost diligence can possibly advance the earnest desire
I have of soon being able in person to receive your Royal Highness com-
mands and fully let you know that nothing has been omitted towards the
speedy advancing of King and countrys service. Being ever with the
utmost attachment and zeal, Sir, your Royal Highness, most dutiful and
most obed* subject and servant.
123. Letter indorsed " Letter from the Duke of Perth dated Peebles
the 2nd, received on the road 3 November 1745."
My Lord, I should have been very fond of the satisfaction of waiting
upon your Grace upon the road to concert measures with your Grace
about any orders to be given, but had the misfortune of missing you by
the way, but I am here preparing everything for your reception in hopes
of seeing you here tomorrow, and am in the meantime, My Lord,
Your Graces most obedient humble servant. Perth.
Peebles the 2 November 1 745.
124. Copy Letter from the Prince to the Duke of Perth. Dalkeith
3 November 1745.
I have just now received advice of two ships being arrived at Mont-
rose from Dunkirk. I forgott yesterday to ask the Duke of Atholl for
£3000 Sterling, or thereabouts, remainder of the money that came from
France, which I could wish should be delivered to Seton the Paymaster.
It will be necessary for a part of the Perthshire horse to remain in the rear
of the colonne to press horses in case of need for the stores and train.
Recommend diligence for which care must be taken that horses should
not be wanting. Cluny wants targets and shoes which you should get
delivered to him as soon as possible, but in such a manner as not to
retard their march. Cohoon has these things in custody. My compli-
ments to the Duke of Atholl and Monsieur Boyer.
(Signed) Charles P. R.
125. Letter J. O'Sulivan, Secretary to the Prince, to the
Duke of Athole. Jedburgh, 7 November 1745.
My Lord, H. R. H. orders me to inform your Grace that he parts
this morning from Jedburgh, to be this night at Hagie Haugh, to
morrow the 8th at Strong Garsting and Saturday the 9th if possible at
U 84067. i
130 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIFIS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- Bromtuin [Bromptou] where my Lord Elco's and Pitsligo's horse which
Drpmmoxd" are to be the 8th at Longtown joins him. He likewise expects your
Moray, Esq. column and the artillery will joyn him about four mils fit this side of
Brumtum about miday the 9th. But if by the difficuty of the cariages
it was found impracticable, H. R. H. desires your Grace wou'd advance
with the brigade of Athol, Cluny's Regiment and the Swedish cannon
if possible. I am with all respect my Lord,
Your Graces most humble and most obedient servant,
(Signed) J. O'Sulivan,
Jedburgh the 7th 9bre, 1745, at 4 o'clock in the morning.
126. Letter Loed George Murray to the Dukes o* Perth
and Athole.
Reden 8th November 1745.
Fryday 9 att night.
My Lords, His Royal Highness designs to march from this to-morrow
morning very early so as to be at Rockly by midday if possible, and
desires that att least fifteen hundred men from your column join him
there by that time with the Swedish cannon and ammunition conform ;
also the bombs. The troops with us are in absolute wante of ammuni-
tion so bring accordingly. The rest of your column with the carriages
&c. must follow with the outmost expedition. I am, my Lords, your most
humble and obedient servant.
George Murray.
Rockly is about four miles on this side Carlile.
To the Dukes of Perth and Atholl.
Bring with you ten pair pistoles.
Division I. — Section (6). Miscellaneous Letters and Papers.
1672-1746.
127. Letter [from James Lord Drummond, afterwards 4th Earl of
Perth] to Mr Patrick Drummond. Stobhall 15 January [16]72.
"My dearest freind, your Almanaks arived last week with the
Book directed to me. My father was mightyly pleased with his part.
I assure you mine was no less satisfactorie to me. I have not yet read
it quite through ; for I was ingadged in Doctor Brouns Vulgar Errors.
On Satturday I read his Discourse of Vrn Buriall with which I was
so taken, that in a very short time I read it. No doubt he is an ex-
traordinarie person both for learning and piety : His Religio Medici
I never saw nor is it in Scotland to be had. My reading the first lines
of the discourse I mentioned puts me in mind to shou you that latly
near Drummond (that's to say within 5 myles) amongst the hills which
lye at its back, touards the Forrest which belongs to my Father, tuo
countreymen intending to build a new kiln for corn in the seat of an
old oregroun one, and searching deep to lay its fundation found a great
ring of gold and a considderable deal of monye which they disposed of to
pedlers, for its weight in the common coyne of this countrie : they
carried it to goldsmiths in Perthe ; and for a very inconsidderable gain
sold them. Only one accidentally came to Drummond, where my
father was about his affairs in that place, who bought about 24 of the
pieces. They are about the bredth of a very large 3 pence and thryce as
thick or more. I have not yet taken perticuler notice to them, bot these I
suw had upon them Domitian, Commodus, Antoninus Pius, Trajan and
Diva Faustina. Their reuerse were diferent as uel as their obuerse. I
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
131
belive there be more heads amongst them. The figurs are exellently Charles Stie-
uel stampt and by ther dresse appear to haue bein as old as those they ^r^SSokd
represent. If you intend to speak of them to any, send me uord and Moray, Bbq.
I uil aske some of them from my father; for most of them he has
tuice or thrice. The thing that I am most concerned at is the gold-
smiths put them in work (lyke fools) for they might haue had much
gain by them, bot the siluer was so good it would not mixe with thers
until a third part of alloy was joyned to them. They say, ther was
more then a bushel of them ; bot all the inquiry I could make, could not
get me any of them. The Leaguer of the Romans for one whole winter
lay at Ardoch some 4 miles or more touards the south from that place
and ther is ro be sein ther entrenchments and fortifications in circular
lines deepir in some places then that a man on horseback can be seen :
and north east from that ther are more trenches, alyke in form and
largeness : bot the ground being much better has made the people against
my grandfat[h]ers order till them doune in some places. Ther was
near these a round open lyke the mouth of a narrou well of a great
depth into which my grandfather ordered a malefactor to go, who (glad
of the opportunity to escape hanging) uent and brought up a spur and
buckler of brasse ; which were lost the time that a garison of Oliver's
dispossessed us of Drummond. Ther was found a stone ther vpon
which uas cut an inscription to show that a captain of the Spanish
Legion died ther. If yow please I shall coppie it for yow. It is rudly
cut," &c. Not signed.
128. Letter from Thomas Murray to John Drummond of Lundin.
Whythall 16 Jun [16]79.
Sir, I receaued yours by the ordinar pacquet and one by the flying
pacquet. The King is weell satisfied with the last account that the
forces are so weeil gathering with ane resolution to march against the
rebells. Bot it is verrie dissatisfeing that the E. Lithgow should have
retired seing in all probabilitie the rebellion might then easielie be
crushed, quhich occasions great talk heir particularlie against his
Lordship. The Counsell did this day sitt and the King told them the
last news from Holland. The Earl of Shaftsburie prest still that the
parliament should be called befor the 14 August quhich is not lyke to
be done. The K. hes at present discharged the raising of the Duke of
Albemarle and Lord Gerard s regiments till he hear from yow ther how
his affairs goes. This day was appointed for D. H. to give in that
paper which his Gr. and the rest of the Lords had drawin bot it is not
yet givin, quherwith the K. is dissatisfied and is fullie determined that
without farder delay the samen may be presentlie produced, that once
ther clamors may be heard and ansvered. I hear your brother the Earl
of Perthe takes journey to morrow. Your letter was verry satisfeing to
the D8 who read it to the Duke. It being lait I shall forbear furder
trouble bot my humble dewtie to my lady and am, Sir, your humble and
faithful servant.
Tho. Murray.
For the Laird of Lundie.
129. Instructions superscribed by King Charles the Second and
signed by the Earl of Moray as Secretary, to John Drummond of
Lundin, Master of the Ordnance in the Kingdom of Scotland. These
instructions consist of 9 articles, all concerning his duties as Master of
the ordnance. The 5th article bears that notwithstanding the instructions
given by his Majesty to Mr. Slezer, Lieutenant of his Majesty's
I 2
132 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ohablbs She- Artillery, the master of the ordnance was to employ the brass of the
Bbummoto °ld guns m tne castles of Stirling and Dumbarton as should be most
■MoBAY, Esq. advantageous for the King's service • for which he should be accountable
to the Treasury.
Whitehall, 19 October 1680.
130. List of the Gunnes of the Garison of Dumbrittaine in Maij
1681.
1. Upon the east syde of the neather bailzie above the gate, ane
three pounder tuelve sqwar ten foot long.
2. Bewest Wallace towre ane three pounder 8 sqware 9 foot
3. Upon the north rownd one three poundere 8 square 10 foot long
Li
There are twelve similar entries comprising on the said round a
six pounder ten feet long with the imperial arms, same length, marked
with a rose and crown and the number 1610 ; on the Highhall, one the
same as the last ; and a three pounder nine feet long ; on the south
side towards the water a demiculverin ten feet long ; a six pounder ten
feet long ; at Buttockes Boure a three pounder nine feet long marked
with a lion and a crown on the breech, eight square and round before
marked with thistles and fleurs de luces, and another similar ; at the
end of the laich guard a falkonett eight feet long marked with the
arms of Anna Britannise.
An acknowledgement is subscribed by James Ramsay that these guns
are left in his hands as Ensign in the place after the transportation of
the great guns by order of his Majesty's Council and conform to the
Laird of Lundin's subscribed receipt and acknowledgement thereupon
at Dumbarton 16 May 1681.
(Signed) Ja. Ramsay.
131. Instructions for John Schlezar, Lieutenant of Artillery.
His Majesty having appointed some gunners to be levied for the
attendance of his train in Scotland " and ther being non sufficiently
qualified to be found in this Kingdome at present," Mr Schlezar
was directed with the first convenience to go by sea to Holland, and
look out for attenders following —
One Master Gunner and fireworker qualified for making all sorts of
fireworks and ordering all sorts of batteries, understanding all works
relating to fortification of camps, approaches, trenches, galleries or
mines, with the use of all sorts of cannon, mortar pieces, &c. at 3$.
sterling per diem for twelve months in each year at 28 days the month.
Two as near the same pitch of skill as he could obtain at 2*. per
diem.
Four well qualified gunners at Is. 6d. per diem who must all have
been actually employed in the service of the States General, of France,
Spain or Germany the time of the late wars ; if in addition to their skill
in gunnery any of them were smiths, joiners or f* harnish makers" it
will be much the better.
Their pay to commence from the time of embarking, or the 1st May
according as he could bargain, and to send them over by the first)
occasion.-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 133
He was also directed to order two twelve pounders and 4 three Chables Stib-
pounders according to the models sent. Drummond
For the payment of the guns Mr Drummond was to send him by Moray, Esq.
the first occasion certain old brass, which he was to give at the best
advantage for his Majesty's service ; and having paid the guns was to
lay out the superplus as he should thereafter be directed. To keep Mr
Drummond informed of his progress and return before the 20th of May
next. Dated at his Majesty's Castle of Edinburgh 30 March 1681 : and
signed J. Drummond.
132. Letter from John Slezer to the Laird op Lxjndin, Master Gene-
ral of his Majesty's Ordnance in Scotland at the Castle of Edin-
burgh.
Whitehall 24 May [16]81. Would at length get away, had taken
places in the Harwich Coach. My Lord Duke and My Lady Duchess
take journey on Thursday next for the Bath and he was to leave Friday
after. Had been learning about the rank the Officers of Artillery held
in England and found that the Master of the Ordnance had always a
Regiment and commanded all Major Generals, except a Major General
be commander in chief. Had been promised 150/ for his expences.
133. Hague 1 August N.S. 1681. Had received five letters from
Mr Drummond but was delayed in receiving some of them because John
Carmichaell was out of Town and his people would not open his packet.
Details — Believed the Prince of Orange would give leave to Gunners
to go to Scotland but the pay was thought too small " When I propose
the Instructions I haiue as to their pay peopel smiles at me. Those
that in England or Scotland aire called Gunners aire called heer Stack-
yonckers or gentlemen of the canon, Their pay is 40 gilders a
month (at six weeks a month) in time of peace besides the benefits of
their quarters, now they aire tyed almost toe no kinde of duyty j and
in time of warre they haiue seuntie gilders a month." Lieutenant
Colonel Buchan at Rotterdam told him he might meet with some men
in the frontier garrisons but need not expect them under half a crown a
day at the least. For the salary offered for a fireworker, it would not
do at all. The least they had in Holland was 800 gilders a year, &c.
134. Rotterdam, 12 August N.S. 1681. Had been in treaty with
Captain Seilo at Amsterdam to be Master Gunner who had been 20
years in the service of the States who would come if his salary could be
brought to 4s. sterling a day and a commission were sent over to him.
" I haiue gotten a tasck upon me that I wisch from my hart it was well
of my handes to your satisfaction. For if I send ouer men that
can doe no more then our aine men, it will be, these aire Slezer' s men,
he can maicke choice of such bleads when he is entrusted with it."
If he brought none, he would be charged with neglect j and he could
get no good men at the rate of pay allowed.
135. Rotterdam 20 August [16]81. Letter in French sent by Antoine
Lermeny who had offered to enter the service of the King of Scotland
in the Artillery. Slezer had engaged that his passage back to Holland
was to be paid if he was not taken into the service and had given him
30s.
, .
136. Rotterdam, 22 August 1681. Was to go tomorrow to Breda
and thence to Antwerp and Brussels. The " earning " of the guns was
begun by the Founder at Rotterdam.
134
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaexes Stie-
ijng-Home-
Deummond
Moea-t, Esq.
137. Rotterdam, 23 August 1681. His fireworker was to go by
another ship as Capt. Frissit might stay too long.
138. Dunkerke, 4 September 1681 . The 24th of August last he went
from Rotterdam to Breda where he met Captain Maxwell, an acquaint-
ance, who introduced him to Monsieur Bombel the Engineer of the
Place who showed him several " bleads " who offered to engage but
asked too high wages, <fec.
139. Rotterdam, 26 September N.S. 1681. His last was from Dun-
kirk and gave an account of his progress through the Spanish provinces
— in which " in steade of gunners I didde not meet with a man whom I
would haiue brought alongh with me for a metrosse." At Dunkirk he
had some offers but none would suit — went to Douay by L'Tsle where a
Scotsman named Allen found him out who was in the gens d'armes, who
found him a " coppel of bleads " in present service, but Mr Slezer could
not offer them salary enough. There had been a school and company of
gunners and miners, but that had been removed by the King of France
to Metz in Lorraine. So Mr Slezer had nothing to do but see the
Foundry which turned out 16 pieces of cannon very curiously wrought,
every three weeks. Gives a description of the casting of the cannon,
and had spoken with the founder's master man about coming to Scotland
to start a foundry there — refers the particulars to Mr Drummond. Re-
turned to Amsterdam two days ago. Could say nothing about the old
metal till he saw it. Expected Captain Seilo on Monday next, and
would then send him away with the first ship. In regard to other men
protests that he could not find any that were likely to give satisfaction.
Saw the change that had been made in the Establishment, and that he
was to take 1 at 3s. a day, 1 at 2s. 6d., and 3 at 1*. 6d. or 2 at 2s. per
diem, which fell out very well as he had a proffer of service from a fire-
worker in Denmark, by letters from Copenhagen, whose name was
George Erdman Hummel who had served 28 years in the Artillery of
the Elector of Brandenbourgh and who had written that Mr Slezer
need not trouble himself for gunners for he would make gunners
enough " if we giue him but men that haiue hands feet and coiradge."
Mr Slezer had written back immediately offering him 3s. per day and
six months pay to bear his charges from Copenhagen to Holland he
coming by the post wagon and his pay to run from the time he came to
Scotland. Thinks he need not trouble any more about gunners " Our
ain men will soone be trayned op." However was to go to Nimwegen
and elsewhere to try &c. The founder was soon to proceed with the
casting of their cannon. Wants to know if the words about the muzzle
of the small guns should be Haec Regia vox est for the wax on Mr
Drummond's letter had taken away the first word. Would also go
about the mortar pieces " I am in peine for our old brasse, it has ben
verrie hard wether this two days and I would give a plack to be at
home again my self." Hopes his precept on the Treasury would be
looked after " for I suspect my wife will be as skairce of siller as my
self."
140. Rotterdam 30 October 1681. Had been badly used by Captain
Seilo but every body told him he need not repent it " for we should
haiue ben fascht with him." Had got no answer from Copenhagen.
Had gone to Naerden to meet with William Meister who had been
highly recommended to him to consult with ; but he could recommend
no one. Had heard of one Rokille at Mastricht — and had taken him
on at 2s. per diem and on coming to Scotland if Mr Drummond on see-
ing his work was pleased 6d. was to be added. Was no fireworker but
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 135
had had the command of some gunners as Stackyonker — was of Charles Stir*
English parents and born at Cleve and spoke very good English and p££fJSJJ
was Adjutant of the Artillery at Mastricht &c. Moray^Esq.
141. Rotterdam 4 November 1681. Hoped shortly to hear from
Doway what Sibald Kop should declare about the conditions that had
been offered to him. Had now engaged Rocquille at 2s. per diem and
the other sixpence to be referred to Mr Drummond. No word had
come from Copenhagen. Had been in treaty with a Captain Lieutenant
of miners — a Vallon [Walloon] black as a gipsy and had agreed with
him to come to Scotland. The brass had not yet arrived. The writer
enters into details about the casting of the guns. The mottos for the
muzzles of which sent • by Mr Drummond <fc Non sine fulmine regnat,"
and " Haec regia vox est " Mr Slezer thinks were so large as to spoil
the shape of the heads &c.
142. Rotterdam 18 November 1681. Would be able to send plenty
of gunners — Rinkillje had written to him from Mastricht that the
Lieutenant of the Mineurs had accepted of the 3s. sterling per diem ; and
he expected them both at Rotterdam within 5 or 6 days. Had also taken
on a fireworker named Birsbin at 2s. 6d. per diem ; he had been long in
service and present at various actions. Had also taken on the Com-
mander of the Canoniers at Breda at 2s. per diem. " He is a lustie
bleade, has ben serdgeant before the year 74, and euer sence by the
Artillerie." With details about the progress of the guns, &c.
143. Rotterdam 24 November [1681]. Had received Mr Drummonds
letter last night just when they were getting the cannons out of ship
— Requests a Bill of credit as there were many expenses to pay — With
details about a new mortar piece which he was to get — the cannons
would not be ready for six months. Had not heard from Copenhagen.
Expected Rocquillje and the Lieutenant of the Miners every day. So
soon as they came they were to be thrown into a ship and away with
them. Birsbin and Bloome have been these 10 or 12 days at the Hague
and presented three petitions to the Council of State for a pass and there
was nothing in it yet. Was to go tomorrow himself to the Hague
and speak first to the Count de Horen ; and if that wont do to the
Prince of Orange for their two passes and a couple more and then come
away [to Scotland] as fast as ever he could. Thanks Mr Drummond
for his approbation of what he had done about the mottoes on the guns
and adds " I hope yow wont thinck sheame your naime stands upon
them," &c.
144. Commission by James Earl of Perth Justice General of Scot-
land to George Drummond of Blair for setting the watch for guarding
of the country ; with power also to set the farms of Port, Mosellis and
others. 7 August 1682.
145. Tack by James Earl of Perth Lord High Chancellor of Scot-
land to George Drummond of Blair assigning and disponing to the latter
" the hail) proffeits belonging to his Lordship by the great seall " for
one year after date for the sum of 8000 merks Scots. Edinburgh
6 August 1684.
146. Paper indorsed " Note of the Muster in August 1684."
His Majesties troop of Guaird whairof the Lord Livingstoun is
captaine consists of nyntie nyne horsemen but is not mustered.
The Regiment of Horse commanded by Colonell Grahame consists
of two hundreth and fiftie horsemen.
136
HISTOBICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
xing-home-
Drttmmond
Moray. Esq.
The Regiment of foot Guaird commanded by Colonell Dowglass
consists of seven hundreth and sixtie centinells.
The Regiment of Foot commanded by the Earle of Man* consists of
sevin hundreth and sixtie centinells.
The Regiment of Dragoones whairof his Excellence Generall Dalyell
is colonell consists of three hundreth and thirtie Dragoones.
This is the exact and true account of the armie mustered in August
1684. These who are in the garrisones of Stirling, Dumbartan
and Blackness quhich are detasht from the tuo regiments of foot
being included in the number and the officers servands of horse
foot and dragoones being allowed conform to his Majesties
establishment. And : Middleton.
On the back is a note of the disposition of some of the troops. Teviot-
deall, Meldrums troop hors, Lord Charles Murray's Dragoones : Dum-
fress, Clawerhous's troop hors, Lord Drumlanrick troop hors, Cap.
Strachan's troop dragoon : Clidsdale, Lard Balcarras troop hors, Cap.
Clelands troop dragoon, Sir James Turner's troop dragoon, Lord Ros
troop of hors : Air, 2 squadrons of the Guaird, Cap. Inglises troop
dragoon, Generall Daly ells troop dragoon.
147. Paper intituled " A List of all his Majesties Forces in Scotland
1685."
These consist of : —
(1.) His Majesty's Troop of Guards consisting of 120 besides officers
— Captain George Lord Levingston, pay 16 shillings and 2
horses each 2s. inde 1/. per diem. Lieutenants George Mur-
ray and Dauid Hay, pay for each 8 shillings and 2 horses each
2s. inde 12s. per diem with other officers proportionally.
(2.) A Regiment of Horse consisting of 6 troops under the command
of Collonel Grahame each troop 50 horse besides officers — inde
300. Colonel John Grahame 13s. per diem, Lieut. Col. Earl
of Drumlanrig 8s. Major Lord Ross 6s. Captains, Colin
Earl of Balcarras, James Earl of Airly, Lord William Douglas
each 10s. with 2 horses each 2s., inde 14s. per diem.
(3.) A Regiment of Dragoons consisting of 6 troops 50 in each
besides officers inde 300. Collonel, Lord Charles Murray
13s. 8c?. per diem ; Lieut. Col. John Wedderburn 7s. ; Major
"William Douglas 15s. 4c?. with others.
(4.) His Majesty's Regiment of Foot Guards under the command of
Lieutenant General James Douglas consisting of 14 companies
of 80 each, inde besides officers 1120; Colonel, Lieut. General
James Douglas 12s., Lieut. Col. John Vineram 7s. with
others.
(5.) A Regiment of Foot under the command of the Earl of Marr
consisting of 12 companies each 80 besides officers, inde 1040.
Colonel, Charles Earl of Marr 12s. Lieutenant Colonel,
Thomas Buchan 7s. with others.
(6.) In Edinburgh Castle— 80 soldiers: Captain and Governor
William Duke of Queensberry, Lieutenant Governor Major
White.
(7.) Stirling Castle, 80 soldiers, Captain and Governor Charles Earl
of Marr, Lieutenant Governor Archibald Steuart.
(8.) Dumbarton Castle — 44 soldiers, Captain and Governor Duke of
Lennox, Lieutenant Governor Major General Arnott.
(9.) Blackness Castle — 40 soldiers, Captain and Governor, George
Earl of Linlithgow.
HISTORICAL MAN 0 SCRIPTS COMMISSION.
137
(10.) In the Bass — 24 soldiers, Captain and Governor, James Earl of
Perth chancellor (no pay), Lieutenant Governor Charles
Maitland.
In all
Cap. Gram
120
3,268
Charles Stie-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
A note states that " All the Captains, Lieutenants, and ensignes in
the Garrisons are allowed dayly pay, conform to the foot officers of the
Kegiments except the Governour of the Bass."
148. Letter from D. Toshach addressed " For the Rycht honorable
the Earle of Perth, Lord Heigh Chanceloure off Scotland."
Amboy 1 7 March 1685.
My Lord, the maltratement I hav gotine in the province of Jersey
by thir coursed Quakers who mind nothing but there oun interest ; as
for the proprietors I do not sie one fur they hav in the province nor is
not to be had to them, but hills and rocks, for all the campione ground
and river side ar takine up allradie by Quakers, Independents, Presbi-
terians, Anabaptists, and in a word by all the off scourings off hell. I
went severall tyms to Mr Laurie, the deputie Governour, as Mr Drou-
mond can shew your Lordship enquering for that land your Lordship
sold me. He told me severall tyms he knew no land you had, but if
I pleas'd I should hav land, but such land as was unaccessible ffor
mountans and rocks, off which ther is not a ffew in this province. This
tratement, my Lord, by thir villans the Quakers made me mak aplica-
tione to the Governour of York, Coin. Dongane, who out of meir pitie
and considering that I was a gentleman, desired me to picht on any
land I pleas'd within the Government of York belonging to the Duk,
which I presently did, and hav got ane excellent track of Land on Hud-
sones River, which I tak holden off his Highnes ffor knight service
as I was in Scotland beffor. I resolue to sie your Lordship within
eighteine moneths, and to deliuer yow what wreats I had from yow for
land in Jersey the recept of which will oblidge your Lordship in
all consience to giue me bak the two hundered and fifty pound I
ordered my brother to give yow. Iff your lordship please call for my
brothers letter, it will, in some missure, inform your Lordship off chifts
and cheats of thir Quakers. If your Lordship hes any thing to wreat
to me direct it under cover to the Governour of York. I keep the same
title I had in Scotland which is all at present from, My Lord, your
lordships very humble servant, D. Toshach.
149. Demission by James Earl of Perth Lord High Chancellor of the
Kingdom of Scotland of the office of Great Chancellor of the said
Kingdome, principal sheriffship of Edinburgh, with his places in
Council, Session, and Exchequer, with all profits and emoluments thereof,
into the hands of King James the Seventh to be disposed of by him as
he should think fit. Not dated nor signed.
150. Letter from the Bailies and Ministers of the Canongate to the
Laird of Blair Drummond stating that in the letter which the Lord
Chancellor had procured for them regarding the building of a church
and churchyard in the Canongate the power was given to the whole
138 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- Commissioners of the Treasury to give the necessary orders ; as this
Dbummond would be inconvenient they had requested the Chancellor to get another
Moray, Esq. Letter authorizing any one of the Treasury to give the necessary orders ;
asking him to deliver an enclosed letter to the Lord Chancellor on that
subject and to deal with him to recommend their affair to the Viscount
of Tarbat, &c, Cannongate, 21 April 1688.
151. Order for apprehending George Drummond of Blair.
Edinburgh 2 Januarii 1689.
The Marquisse of Atholl Lord Privie seall, president, The Earle of
Mar, The Earle of Strathmore, The Earle of Lauderdale, The Master of
Balmirono.
The Lords of the Committee of Councill for publick affairs doe
heirby requyre and command Edmistoan of Neutoun to seik for,
search and apprehend the person of George Drumond of Blair and to
convey him with a sufficient guard to the garison of the Bass ; the
Leivetenant gouernour wheroff is heirby requyrd to receawe him and
detain him the said George Drumond till furder order.
Atholl I.F.D.
152. Letter without signature or address. Edinburgh 4 January
1689. The writer states inter alia that yesterday an order passed for
making [the Laird of] Bannockburn sole keeper of the Signet. The
Great Seal was intended to have been given to Entrekin but it was not
done. " Riccartoun Craigs brother wrytes that he met my Lord and my
Lady Melfort near Paris and the Queen and Prince near Calais. This
days letter gives account of the Kings landing in France wher he was
mett by the Duke of Berwick and his brother and Captain McDonald
and Sir Roger Strickland and that his Majistie with the first went
straight to Paris .... It was as I conjectured, Entriken
shewed me a warrand and order for delyvering him the seall and
cashet. The reason was in regard the Earl of Perth Chancellar
is Papist and prisoner in the Castle of Stirling, and no com-
mission from him can longer subsist. So I intend to give him the
seall this afternoone." States further that "Your lady is much
better, God be thanked, but extremlie troubled with the news of the
order for secureing yow."
153. Letter (not signed) addressed to the Laird of Blair Drummond.
Edinburgh 10 January 1689. As his former letters had not reached
Blair Drummond as he learned from a letter of the 7th instant he gives
an account of what was in them. In the first sent by the Stirling post
and directed to John Dick, Dean of Guild of Stirling, he gave an account
that the Committee of the Council had appointed Bannockburn sole
keeper of the Signet and ordered the Writer to deliver the Great Seal
to Entriken which he did. This was past on the 3rd instant, " I heard
afterward that an order was past for apprehending yow the night
before. But I got no notice of it till Thursday late towards midnight,
that my Lord Glassfoord told my Lady Sempill he had mett that
partie which was sent betuixt and Sterling. So it was out of tym to
advertise yow, tho I understand since yow gott notice from some
other hand. At the sam tym ther past an order for my Lord Chan-
cellars closs imprisonment. But both that was alterd and you
allowed to find cautioun to answer when called and upon so doing
to be no more troubled." Had sent the accounts of the seal &c.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
139
Mob at, Esq.
154. Letter not signed addressed " For the laird of Bamffe younger." c°i*^om2"
Edinburgh 10 January 1689. Drummond
" The 2d of this instant at night there was ane order signed by M. of
Athol, Douglas, the Earles of Mar, Strathmore, and Lauderdale for
securing yow as also for committing the Cha[ncellor] closs prisoner,
quhere upon about 9 of the clock the same night the party marched
towards Stirline, bot the Clerk and they haveing sworn secrecy, there
was no notice thereof, untill Frydayes morneing quhich so soone as it
came to my knowledge 1 acquainted you re freinds who thought fit to
send and advertise yow, bot before I could get one to send to yow, I
understood that the party was gone quhich formerly I knew not quhere-
upon youre freinds thought that it was not necessar, they having so much
the start."
On Saturday the writer had spoken to Lord M. who acknowledged
the order had been given, but declared it was not upon his motion. On
which the writer spoke to the rest who on Sunday last allowed him to
be bailed, the party meanwhile having missed him. Athol, Mar, Panmure
and Carmichael went for London on Tuesday ; but the Clerks of the
Council had power to receive his caution, &c.
155. Petition by George Drummond of Blair to the Lords of the
Privy Council craving to have access to the Earl of Perth in Stirling
Castle because of having several affairs with him relating to his estate,
servants and appointment of a chamberlain which could not be done but
with his Lordship. 1689.
156. Extract Warrant by the Meeting of the Estates to Charles
Earl of Mar heritable keeper and governor of the Castle of Stirling
" To allow such ordinarie servants as shall be required be James Earle
of Perth to attend him and his Lady " the servants always staying in
the Castle ; also to allow Drummond of Machany, Andrew Kerr, Mr.
Thomas Crightoune, George Drummond of Blair and John Drummond
late receiver, to have access to speak with the Earl in presence of the
commanding officer for the time. Edinburgh 30 March 1689.
157. Letter not signed nor addressed relating to the Earl of Perth ;
stating that the physicians after a full consultation considered that the
Earl " is in imminent danger of loosing his lyfe (and that very speedily
too) if he gett not free air, exercise (especially ryding on horseback)
and the conversation of friends to divert him, and that his disease has
been occasioned by his long and close imprisonment in a place where
the air is most unwholesome, and agrees very ill with him in par-
ticular." The writer had given in a petition for his liberty when two
other physicians were sent to examine him (which occasioned 5 days
delay) who reported the case rather worse than better than had been
represented : Two days more were lost before the petition was read
and when it was read the enlargement was clogged with so many
limitations and hard terms that the writer was forced to apply to his
Grace to see if he " will show so much favour to me in this caice which
concerns me so near and upon which the lyfe of a persone you have
some concerne in yourselfe depends, as to call a meeting of the
councill and get me my request in my petition granted, which is —
That seeing there can only be two things that can be under con-
sideration in relation to my Lord, that is, his endeavouring to disturb
the present government, and his endeavouring to escape, if these two
be sufficiently guarded against, he may have his liberty to live at his
own house, to visite his friends, and live quietly in the country." As
140 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- to his living quietly the writer offers bail for the 5,000/. sterling
Dbummoxd" required that he shall do so and if not sufficient, bail would be given
Moray, Esq. « by persons responsall for twice the soume." And as for not escaping
his Lordship would give his parole of honour, either in a letter to his
Grace the Earl of Cassillis or Sir Thomas Livingstoun — and further
would be ready to write to the effect that the Earl of Wigtoun should
be brought home. It was not his fault that they were not in Scot-
land &c.
158. Petition for Marie Countess of Perth to the Lords of the Privy
Council. Showing that as soon as their Lordships' pleasure concerning
the Earl of Perth her husband's reentry to prison was signified to him he
came back to Stirling Castle as their Lordships had appointed but his
disease had recurred upon him, as the " testificates " signed by Dr
Murray and Mr Harlay, apothecary, herewith produced would instruct.
Praying their Lordships therefore to allow the Earl again to be set at
liberty, upon bail, to re-enter when he should be called upon, and that
their Lordships would be pleased to represent and recommend his case
to their Majesties " for a full and perfect libertye he being at present
under a continouall decay of health and not agreeing with the air in
and about Stirlin." 1692.
159. Bond by George Drummond of Blair, Adam Drummond of
Megginch, John Drummond of Newtoune, James Hay of Carrubber and
Mr David Drummond of Edinburgh, narrating that whereas the Privy
Council by their act dated the 28 of June instant had given order and
warrant for setting at liberty out of the Castle of Stirling James Earl of
Perth presently prisoner there, upon the Earl's first procuring Bond
subscribed by sufficient persons in the terms and to the effect after-
mentioned, the subscribers bind themselves, their heirs and successors,
that the said James Earl of Perth should depart " furth of their Ma-
jesty's dominions betwixt and the 15th day of August next to come,"
and never return without his Majesty's and the Council's license —
meantime he shall live peaceably and with submission to the present
Government, nor consult nor contrive anything to the prejudice thereof,
nor correspond or converse with rebels, appear when called for (if called
for) betwixt and the said day under the penalty of 5,000/. sterling.
Dated at Edinburgh 29 June 1693.
160. Letter from Matthew Prior (the poet) to Mr Vanderbent.
A la Have ce 10 September, 1697.
Monsieur, Monsieur Stepney en partant d'icy pour l'Angleterre, me
donne ordre de recevoir l'argent dont il s'agit dans votre lettre d'avant
hier Je vous renvoye les billets signes selon ce que vous m'ordonez et
seray fort aise dans l'occasion de vous temoigner que Je suis, Monsieur*
votre tres humble et tres obeissant seruiteur, M. Prior.
Mr Vanderbent.
161. Paper indorsed " Forme of investing the Earle of Stairs."
Camp before Douay May 26, 1 710.
This morning the Earle of Stair was invested by the Duke of Marl-
borough with the most noble order of the Thistle by vertue of a special
commission from her Majesty to his Grace for that purpose. His Lord-
ship was usher'd into the room appointed for that ceremony by the
Marquis of Harwich and supported by the Earles of Orkney and Orrery,
two knights brethren of that order. As soon as the commission wa&
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
141
read his Grace confer' d upon his Lordship the honour of Knighthood
and then having given him the usual oath of the Order and deliver'd
him the statutes, his Grace put the Riban with the medal of the order
over the Earles neck, his Lordship receiving the same kneeling. The
whole ceremony was performed with great decency in the presence of a
great number of the general officers of the army who were afterwards
entertained at dinner by his Grace.
[The above document is taken from a packet of papers, none of
them importpnt, relating to the ancient Order of the Thistle. The
papers are of various dates betwixt 29 October 1705 and 6th April
1763, and belonged to George Drummond Esq. who was Secretary to
the Order of the Thistle.]
162. Letter from Henry Watkins to [Mr John Drummond]. Camp
at Vergier, 6 August 1711. " I cannot forbear congratulating you on
what I may justly call a great victory gain'd by his Grnce over the
Marshal de Villars tho there be not a drop of blood spilt. We all by sur-
prise got into the lines for the security of which the [Mar]shal wrote
to the King a few days since he had sufficiently provided, and was
besides in a condition to spare a third detachment for Germany
in case it should be judged necessary." Would desire nothing more
than that the enemy would attempt to revenge the affront put upon
them by a battle which if declined they would try a siege, and Bouchain
lay next at hand. Postscript : Camp at Avesne le Comte the 7th.
"This should have gone away by yesterday's post, but we were oblig'd
to pack up of a sudden and march over the Schelde to be beforehand
with the enemy who would otherwise have taken post here before us
and prevented our attacking Bouchain for which the disposition is now
making. . . . When my Lord Duke has slept a little, I will put
him in mind of presenting his service to you. I am yours ever, H. W."
163. Letter from the Duke of Marlborough to Mr Drummond.
August the 13, 1711.
The hearing of your design to go suddently for England would
have been sufficient for one to have wish you a good voyage, but the
offer you make me of your service there very justly requiers my thankes.
I have had so many proofs of your friendship, that I cannot doubt the
continuance of itt at this time that you will have an opportunity of con-
versing frequently with the persons whoes friendship and confidence it
is so necessary for me to preserve and improve. My actions and inten-
tions are and ever shall be answerable to the profestions I have made
them and you may depend upon itt my conduct shall not contradict what
you promis for me on this account. If during your stay in England
there happen any thing you may think vseful for me to know, you will
be so kind as to write it to me or to your old corrispondant. I hope
your affairs there will be happyly conclud'd time enough for me to have
the satisfaction of meeting you at the Hague. I am, with truth, Sir,
your most obedient humble servant
For Mr Drummond. Marlborough.
164. Letter from Henry Watkins to [Mr John Drummond], Camp
before Bouchain, 20 August 1711. Bouchain was now fully invested and
the communications cut off; the troops would break ground in three or
four days " and if your deputies are not sparing of their powder I hope we
shall not end our campaign here. I wish most heartily and so I dare
swear does my Lord Duke that the Duke of Argyll may be put into
a condition to act his part in Spain with as much glory to himself as
Charles Stib-
iing-homb-
Dritmmond
Moray, Esq
142
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles stir- he can desire, when he has acquir'd to himself a good stock of repu-
Dbummond tation perhaps he will not envy ours." The ground his correspondent
Moray, Esq. gamed upon Lord Orrery might be very useful to them and hopes he
would bring over the Lord Keeper to them. Would be very glad if it
fell to his correspondent's share to bring P. T's son abroad, who was a
credit to his father. " You may depend upon it there is not a man in
Europe that desires peace more than my Lord Duke and I am sure
he would most heartily concurr with the new gentlemen in any
measures that might hasten the conclusion, but for a correspondence
with them on that subject, I am of opinion 'tis most proper they
should begin it. Advances of that kind from him may be suspected ;
from them they cannot : it may be well worth your while to endeavour
the establishing a confidence on that subject." Would take the first
opportunity of presenting his correspondent's Bill to Mr Cadogan who
had laboured most abundantly in the investiture of Bouchain " in which
the French were not the only foes he had to deal with." Great news
from Bender but it cannot yet be seen how it will affect the situation.
The writer is of opinion " that since there was to be a battle the
victory is on the most favourable side for us. I take the King of
Sweden [Charles XII.] to be of a temper more savage and implacable
than either the Czar or the King of i'oland. France has lately been
very busy with the two latter, but I hope they will be sufficiently
convinced that France was chiefly instrumental in letting loose the
Turks upon them," &c.
165. The same to the same. Camp before Bouchain, 24 August 1711.
Had many irrefragable reasons for not attacking the French on the 6th
instant of which his correspondent might see some made public " besides
what my master Cardonnel writ to you by the last post. When I was
discoursing my Lord Duke about the Deputies letter, he told me two
of them had been with him to excuse themselves and complain of the
other two ; the two former I suppose were Capette and Hooft, and
the other Goslinga and Vegilin ; the latter does really act on several
occasions as if he was fitter for Bedlam than the place he fills. Gos-
linga out of the overflowing of his zeal may possibly be guilty of an
absurdity without any malice. I can hardly forbear letting my Lord
Duke know how like a dog Count Sinzendorff uses him. He has the
impudence to tell his Grace he himself is intirely satisfy'd with his
conduct but desires a deduction of his reasons for not fighting that he
may do his Grace justice with others. I hope you will take care to
guard yourself against so poisonous a hypocrite. I have an account
of the mad proceedings at Ediuburg in print, if the Ringleaders are
not punisht a heavy reproach will fall on our Government," &c. The
Secretary St. John had written that Lord Stair would soon be coming
away. The Duke did not answer his letter, but if his correspondence
required any service in England he would do it with all the readiness
and sincerity imaginable. Had opened the trenches last night at three
several attacks with very good success and would soon take the place.
Wishes his correspondent's lady a good voyage &c.
166. The same to the same. Camp before Bouchain, 27 August
1711. Had friends and foes to contend with. The latter left no stone
unturned to give all the disturbance they could ; and the former would
not mend their slow pace though time and especially good weather
were so precious. Mr 'Lumley and Mr Cadogan with thirty squadrons
had been almost as far as Tournay for the security of a convoy of
artillery and ammunition which was coming from thence but returned
back upon an alarm that a good corps was come out of Valenciennes
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIFfS COMMISSION.
143
and Conde to intercept them. " This convoy with what we had before,
'tis hoped may conclude the siege. Our Batteries will begin to play
on all sides on Sunday. The Besieged are very sparing of their
ammunition which makes us give some credit to the reports of
deserters who say they are in want. Our friends in England call
us to an account for our omissions the 6th instant ; 'tis plain that they
have their intimations from your side but that matter set in its true
light will shame our accusers. If the Prussians were your friends
they could tell you the Prince of Anhalt writes heartily and would be
ready to fight on our behalf.
I believe yow will hear that the mad pranks lately play'd in North
Britain alarm the Court of Hanover. If the gentry there will not be
quiet we may borrow some of the troops that quieted Hungary to
employ against them for I do not see the Imperial Court are likely to
make any other use of them."
167. The same to the same. Camp before Bouchain, 31 August
1711. " Your favour of the 27th instant deserves not only mine but
my Lord Duke's thanks ; if only those who voted contrary to his
Grace's sentiments were to be reconcil'd to him the work would not
be great for they were as far as I can learn no more than two deputies
and one General, who meant well tho' they judg'd wrong. . . .
You may be sure nothing will be omitted after the siege is over to
bring the campaign and the war to a happy conclusion by some decisive
action ; and if you have heard nothing of it at the Hague, I may venture
to tell you we are trying to bring back Prince Eugene and his troops,
for 'tis not unknown we are not numerous enough to be as bold as
formerly : if it be in the Princes power I am not without hopes he will
come for he cannot be ignorant how weary we are of the war and that
we may at last be induc'd to make such an end of it as may not be
altogether agreeable to him and his court if they will not concur heartily
with us in endeavouring to do something that may mend the conditions.
As far as I can see the Duke of Argyll's play is to act offensively at
home and defensively abroad, which is a new way of making foreign
conquest, and like to be as decisive as the battles between the Muscovites
and the Turks, vast armies on both sides kill'd one day and conquerors
the next." Sent him his friend the Cardinal's letter. Lord Orrery's
eyes had been opened as to the Council of State at Brussels, and he
was now full of wrath and resentment against them, &c.
169. The same to the same. Camp before Bouchain, 3 September
1711. Had a plentiful share of rain for six days past but the engineers
did not complain that it had much retarded the siege, but deserters say
it had very much incommoded the besieged who had no tents and dared
not trust themselves in houses for fear they should be beat about their
ears. The Marechal de Villiers had laid a deep design to succour the
place which was to have been put in execution on Monday night. " They
brought all the Grenadiers of their army, well sustain'd by a good body
of other foot with a design to make themselves masters of our com-
munication over the moras. We had the good fortune to beat them off
on both sides, but must still expect continual alarms to the end of the
siege. I will not pretend to prophecy when we shall have the place,
but I assure you our deputies were never less sparing of their powder
than they are at present." States that since the beginning of the war
his Grace was never better satisfied with the regularity of the payments
and deference to what he proposed than at present. Mr Panton was
just arrived from England with the news that "at our court no one was
so inquisitive after my Lord Dukes health as the Queen her self, and
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummokd
Moray, Esq.
144
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
'ling-Home-
Drtjmmond
Moray, Esq,
the way of Ostendc which says
any of the Advocates would be
&c.
I have a letter of the 16th past by
neither the Duchess of Gordon nor
called to account for their late proceedings at Edinburgh
169. Henry Watkins to Mr John Drummond. Hague 13 November,
1711. " There was yesterday a loug conference held at my Lord Straf-
fords which you may believe was mortifying enough to my Lord
Duke, who was to know nothing of the matter. However his Grace
put as good a face upon it as was possible. I durst not venture to
ask at my Lord Ambassadors what was the subject of the conference
but am told by others 'twas to demand of the States passeports for the
French Plenipotentiary to come to such place as they should agree to
for a general treaty ; that the deputies had taken the matter at referen-
dum, and those I converse with are perswaded that the States will drive
if they cannot lead, and for aught I know if they had a mind to have
supported their cause in England they would have sent a better advocate
than Monsr Buys who you know has more the reputation of a talker
than a perswader. I remember some years since when I had one of his
letters to answer I was directed to mix a little cant and it was much
better received than his cant will be with us. You frightened my Lady
Duchess terribly by telling her my Lord was to continue here all this
winter. I suppose she is afraid he should keep out of harms way. I
am glad her magnificent housekeeping this summer has given occasion
for issuing some of her treasure, but do veryly believe her meat is his
poyson." Letters from Franco bore that the French King had
ordered all English ships in his ports to be detained on account of
Monsieur Buys being sent over to break off the negotiations for peace —
but Mr Watkins could not comprehend how there should be any English
ships in the French ports. Hopes his correspondent was now making
an end of his three weeks' visit to England &c.
170. Letter from the Duke of Marlborough to [Mr John
Drummond].
Hague, November the 10, 1711.
Sir, 1 hope you will not repent of the offer you have so often made to
me of your friendship, and particularly vpon your going last to England,
though it is likely to give you some trouble, which I am sufficiently
convinced you wou'd not avoyd when it was to do me a good office.
The favour I am now to ask of you is that you would give the enclosed
to my Lord Treasurer. I send you copies of all it contains, that you may
be apris'd of the whole matter, and add what you think proper by word
of mouth. I know you will act a sincere part towards me, and my
application to my Lord Treasurer is not so much to serve a present turn
as to shew him I vse his friendship in such a maner as if I depended
vpon my having a good stock of it and you cannot engage yourself to
farr in promising such returns as it may be in my power to make. I
assure you that whatever mallice may suggest to the contrary I haue no
other views then what tend to the firmest vnion with his Lordship,
whoes friendship to me this summer has been proof against all the
attempts made by our enemys to destroy it. I wish I may find you
vpon my arrival in England that I may haue the advantage of your
friendly advice. I conclude this with fresh assurance of my retaining ever
a gratful sense of your kindness which I hope you will give me oper-
tunitys of acknowledging wherever I may be anyways servicable to you.
I am with truth, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Marlborough.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
14;
171. Letter to Mr Drummond signed H. S. Windsor Castle, 4
September 1711. The writer could not help being concerned to find
that in Holland as well as Hanover umbrage was still so easily taken,
but they would grow less uneasy at those jealousies day by day. The
Queen Would act with equal affection to friends and allies and with more
firmness and a greater air of independence than before, in short more
like herself. Those who now served her would not be frightened by
any suspicions that might be entertained of them &c. In regard to the
medal of the Pretender sent by the Duchess of Gordon to the College of
Advocates. — Since then one Mr Dundas, who was described by the
Lord Advocate as a light, pragmatical, headstrong young man, had
printed a pamphlet which under pretence of defending the loyalty of
that society was the most violent libel against the Revolution, the settle-
ment of the crown, the past and present reign, the Union and the whole
English nation. Shortly after her Majesty's accession a book came out
entitled The Shortest way with the Dissenters, writ in the character of a
Church of England author, and full of a spirit falsely ascribed to the
members of it, wherein vengeance was denounced against all sectaries
which raised an alarm among all who were under a real or pretended
apprehension of persecution. At last the author was discovered and it
proved to be Defoe. The writer looked on Dundas as employed a second
time to act the same farce. The behaviour of Sir D. Dairy mple the
Queen's Advocate was one of the things that induced the writer to this
opinion, who rather proved the advocate of the Duchess of Gordon and
Mr Dundas " and of whoever else may appear to have had a hand in
sending receiving or defending the medal. His excuses are grounded
on the weakness of the guilty persons, on the ill temper of Scotland and
on mistakes in law which I cannot persuade myself are real ; but sure
it .is that if the administration should be influenc'd by that coolness
which he endeavours to inspire, he would himself hereafter prove one of
the most forward to convert that into a crime. I may own to you that
the Queen is determin'd to turn his artifice upon his own head and to
remove him from his post after which the most strict enquiry into this
whole matter and the most rigorous prosecution of it will be directed "
&c.
172. Letter from the Earl of Orrery to [Mr John Drummond].
Brussels, 21st September 1711. Some reflections had been made on
the gentleman who had been appointed to the command of the citadel of
Ghent viz. Colonel Falconbridge, for whom a commission had been
drawn out by order of Mr Renswoude and the other Deputy by the
Council of State. It was pretended that it might be an inconvenience
to the English troops there to be commanded by one who was not in
them, so the first commission was altered to another in which there was
not the least mention of the command of the troops there, and Lord
Orrery had got a promise under his hand that he would not interfere in
that matter with any person " my Lord Marlborough shall think fit to
give the command of the troops too there tho' but an ensign." This
condescension as yet had had no effect which made Lord Orrery believe
there must be some unjustifiable reason at the bottom of the opposition
to his appointment. " I think 'tis not only a hardship to this gentleman
but a contempt to the Queens authority and in my opinion to such a
degree that if there should be many more instances of this kind the
Queen and States too would have ministers here for the government of
this country to very little purpose : upon this consideration chiefly I
thought it my duty to insist upon this matter, for Colonel Falconbridge
was entirely a stranger to me before I came hither and I do not yet
U 84067. K
Cearxes Stir-
ling-home-
Uetjmmond
Moeay, Esq.
146
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
ClIABLES STIK-
LING-HOME-
Deummond
Moray, Esq.
know of what country he is but I suppose he must be a Roman Catholick
to be capable of the post he has already in the Kings troops .... I
have never had any hint from any of our ministers of that kind of
conduct which they think necessary in relation to my Lord Marlborough
but I have upon all occasions endeavour'd to show him, I think I may
say at least as much complaisance and respect as is either due to him
from his station and character, or as the good of the publick service
exacts and I dont think he will pretend to complain of me upon this
head. I am rather apt to believe that some people may think I ought to
have shown him more coldness, but without regard to one or the other
I do assure you I have prescrib'd no other rule to myself for my behaviour
towards this great man than the interest of the publick." Had sent a
project for the regulation of the Government at Brussells which he
hoped the States would approve. Began to fear they would do no more
this Campaign which in that case would be unsuccessful, &c.
173. Letter, the same to the same. Brussels, 23 April 1713. .Had
obeyed his correspondent's commands in promoting Mr Delcampos
interest. Was glad his correspondent had been appointed Commissioner
for regulating our trade to these countries if the commission could be
advantageous or any way agreable to him. Hopes the Queen would soon
be enabled to consent to the inauguration of the Emperor here where
she had no point to carry by keeping the administration, worth the
trouble and odium which it must often bring upon her. " And there-
fore I think it is to be wished the Emperors signing the peace may
give her leave to rid her hands of it." Hopes the Emperor would
sign the peace within the time prescribed but even if not Lord Orrery
expected to have put things on such a footing that the absence of a
Plenipotentiary would be of no prejudice .... "Affairs there had been
of late in great confusion and the authority of the Queen and States
without a vigorous resolution (to which when it came to the point I had
some difficulty to bring Mr Vandenberg) had been quite wrested out of
our hands by those that we establish'd. Now that faction which caus'd
all the late disorders and threaten'd us very impertinently is so low that
I think there is very little mischief to be apprehended from their
malice." Had sent to England and Utrecht a plan of what Lord Orrery
thought the Queen ought to insist upon before giving up the country to
the Emperor, &c.
174. The Earl of Strafford one of the English Plenipotentiaries for
the Treaty of Utrecht to Mr John Drummond. Hague, 18th October
1713. Sends a copy of the Resolution of the States of the 11 instant as
Mr Drummond had desired in his letter of the 17th " and at the same time
I send you an abstract of part of the letter I just now received from M1'
Laws by Mr Cassidy which will satify you that the States are now
resolued to determine to our sattisfaction. I find you are very doubtfull
of their good intentions and cant blame you because of their actions in
some things, but I dont care to cry out too much against them before I
am well assured they have given reason. I tooke the assurance when I
was at Utrecht to tell the Bishop I did not believe what Mr Laws writ
but 1 found he and you did and I am afraid on such supositions letters
have ben writ to Britain, which cant but cause ill blood between the two
nations, which I am sorry for, and lett our designs be what it will, I see
no reason we have to fall upon the Dutch without cause. I would rather
be upon the foot of oposing their impositions then be the agressor with
them .... I believe and hope my reign is at an end on this side, and
wish those to succeed me may have the success I have had with this
Republick and that our new ministers may have the gift of knowing
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
147
immediately the secret springs of all foreign affairs, as the apostles had Charles Stib-
of tongues, and tho Stainborough is far from the sea coasts I should be dJummond
sorry to see any fatal disastre happen to my country, from wrong Mobay, Esq.
measures when they are at present in so seeming a happy course and I own
to you I dread a civil more than a foreign war. Your professions of
friendship makes me write without reserve and assure you that I am,
with truth, your most humble servant
Strafford."
175. The Same to the Same. Hague, the 22 October 1713. Having
ordered Mr Ayerst to send Mr Drummond last night the resolutions
taken by the States General and the Council of State at the Hague to be
put in execution " which we have so long desired, I now send you an
abstract of part of ray letter last night to Mr Bromley by which you
will see how little these gentlemen with you had to do in this matter
and how much less their Ambassador here had. I am not now a day
upon a foot of raising a merit on what I do with these people ; either
that is known already, or if it is not 1 am very indifferent and will sell
the merit to those gentlemen or any other desires it at a very cheap
rate."
I am etc.
Strafford.
176. Letter to the same from John [Eobinson] Bishop of Bristol
one of the English Plenipotentiaries. Utrecht, January 7th, l7|j. Sir,
I am favour'd with three of your Letters two of which came in course
but I got not that of the 2d till yesterday morning by which time I con-
cluded the occasion for writeing to Mr Lawes was past. If your letter
of the 2d had come in cours, I should have writt to him but the E of
S[traffords] return is now brought so much nearer that I am the less
willing to meddle in matters that undoubtedly are to be under his care.
However I am glad the ministers with you are convinced of the necessity
of putting in execution the contents of their 3d separate article the
reasons for so doing being much stronger than any I have heard to the
contrary. I shall be very glad to see you here again and in the mean-
time wish you all success and satisfaction as do allso my wife and niece.
I am, with great truth, Sir, your most faithfull and humble servant
Joh. Bristol.
A Monsieur Monsr Drummond Commissaire de S. M. la Heine de la
Grande Bretagne chez Mr Lilly a la Haye.
177. Copy Petition by John Drummond to Queen Anne, stating that
on the 30th of March last he was directed by a letter from the Right
Hon. the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, her Majesty's principal Secretary
of State, to settle together with other Commissioners as well of the States
General as of the Spanish Netherlands appointed to treat with him the
matter of commerce as far as the same regarded the Barrier Treaty
.... That on the 23 of August following he received other directions
to treat with the French Commissioner at Utrecht about the trade in
Flanders .... That for the above services he has not received any
manner of appointment or allowance though they had been attended with
great expenses. He therefore petitions that her Majesty would give
directions that such provision should be made for him as well for the
time past as for the future as to Her Majesty should seem fit. No date
["circa 1713].
K ?.
Moray, Esq.
148 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CunoSomTb-H" 1'78* Paper' apparently a draft, indorsed " Copy Letter to Lord
Drummond Edward Murray, 29 September 1715."
My Lord, In answer to yours I wrote to Lord James, and must now
again acquaint your Lordship that if ther is anything of such vast im-
portance as yow mention I should desyre to see him who I beleiue
should have as much concern in any thing of that kind with me as your
Lordship. Besides I think we might be able to determine what were
necessary or at least to as much purpose, and to speak frankly I dont see
it possible that there can be any thing done effectually betwixt your
Lordship and me. So I should be sory yow were putt to the un-
necessary trouble of now seeing your most affectionat nevoy and very
humble servant.
From the Camp at Perth, 29 September 1715. If Lord James think
fitt to come to Nairn Saturday next about two o'clock in the afternoon,
let me know, and I shall be there. He may certainly return safely as
likewayes your Lordship if yow think it necessary to be with him.
Tho any thing from me may not be so well received by my Lord Duke
yet I can say none has a sincerer regaird and duty for his Grace.
Just as I am going to close this Mr Duncan came with the message
yow designed to have brought, and since I know it I find it still more
necessary to see Lord James who knows it seems most of it and I shall
be abler to how how to beheave in it after I have conversed fully with
him, which is the onely way I see to determine me fully on this head.
179. Letter from Sir David Dalrymple first Baronet of Hailes, Lord
Advocate of Scotland, to Mr Drummond of Blair Drummond.
Edinburgh, 7 December 1715.
u Sir, I- haue been long in pain for you in these reeling times. I know
wel the regard you have for the persons of some great men engaged in
the Rebellion ; the situation of your estate with the desire to persue
your building, the pleasures of the country and your duty to an old
father who cannot leave Lome. I say I know these would lay you open
to many solicitations. I am glad however that hitherto your good
understanding has got the better and that you have kept yourself free of
troubles which are like to overwhelm so many and bring such distruc
tion on this poor country. But I judge it necessary as a friend and for
the honour and duty of my office to call upon you to come to town and
not suffer yourself to be longer under the temptation. I am partly
informed of the impetuous fury with which the rebells solicit their
friends to enter into their cause after so many disasters which has been
redoubled of late as if the numbers of the guilty would bring safty to
those who have taken the sword unprovoked, and been the miserable
cause of so much bloodshed and of all the evils that are yet to follow.
But Mr Drummond has too good sense not to see how unsolid these
reasonings are " &c. The writer further says that he took full freedom
if Mr Drummond joined the rebels not to pity him but to prosecute him
in the way of his office " the very use of this letter is either to save you
or render you inexcusable." And renews his advice to him to come
to town without delay.
180. Letter from Jean [Gordon] Lady Drummond afterwards
Countess of Perth to Mr Drummond, Younger, of Blair Drummond,
at Drummond Castle.
Stobhall, 27 February 1716.
Hopes the letter would find him at Drummond Castle; if not she had
ordered it to be sent after him to Bewhaple "I did think the Duke of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
149
Atlioll would haue showed me more friendsheep than to offer to send
a servant of his to see what I bring out of the house. As for the
papers I shall say nothing about their being left at Drummond till
my Lord left Perth, since in his absence only it fell to my chaire to
take care of Avhat regardis the affairs of the family, but one the five
instant I write to your father knowing yow were att Edinburgh and
desires to have his addvise what should be done with the charter
chist ; and he write me the enclosed answer upon which I deferred
causing take the charter chest out of the house being willing to have
first your addvice about it." Desires him to come to Stobhall to speak
about the family affairs.
(Signed) Jean Drummond.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home,
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
181. The Same to the Same. Stobhall, 1 March 1716. Would have
been extremely glad to have seen him before he went to Edinburgh as
he would learn from her letter sent after him to Drummond Castle, but
since she had heard he was already on his road to Edinburgh " it
will be too long to defer busines till you should come here and return
there again, therfor Fie writte a part of what I had to say. I hear
Arvorlich takes up our families rents both of meal, malt and money by
the Duke of Atholls orders which I designe to cause take protesta-
tion against since Jamey is master of the estate and only obliged to
pay ane annuity to my Lord, but you have the paper by which my
Lord bound himself to an annuity therfor send it to Mr Thomace
Orightone that this may be done. Mr Thomace tells me also that you
addvise me to write the Duke of Roxbrough about the concerns of
the family which am to do and which I send you enclosed. You
have heard of the Duke of Athols orders that no rent shall be payed
neither to wyfe nore children : a hard order indeed ; God help us all.
I [have] not mentioned the furnitur of Drummond Castle to the Duke of
Roxbrough, but desires you to do it if you think fite " etc.
182. The Same to the Same. Drummond Castle, 10 March 1716.
Though he must be in grief for his child it was absolutely necessary to
inform him that " Arvorlich is setting up to be made Chamberlain for
the government in this country, which we must opose if posible. I
came here on Tuesday and called at Hounting Tour where I found
a very cold reception. I came in time to have an inventore made
which tho' in the Governments name is the best way att present. God
help this family for we find few friends in neid."
" The garison of Teleybern is not changed and they are calling for
my Lord's rent as fast as possible."
183. The same to Blair Drummond, Younger. Drummond Castle,
12 March 1716. Asks him if it be possible to "get the garison re-
mouved for tho Captain Loide the governor be a civell man yet yow
know a garison is a great truble in a house. I hear no more of takeing
up any of the rents. John McClish of Muthell is to be carried to
Edinburgh ; his wife was with me this night desiring I would write in
his favours but I must have your opinion first to whom I shall write.
Pray give my service to your father and lady and come here as soon as
you can.
I am, Sir,
Your humble Servant,
J. Drummond,
150
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Morat, Esq.
184. The Same to the Same. Druinmond Castle, 14 August 1716.
The letter chiefly refers to her marriage contract which she desires
to have. She then adds " We have got a new governour, one Lovtenant
Farchersone of Chanons regiment, and 2o sogers."
(Signed) Jean Perth.
185. The Same to the Same.
Drummond Castle, the 25 of August
1716.
Sir, Being informed that your Lady wanted some huny I have caused
smoak a scepe and sends her the product of it which is but little for its
not yet the ordinary season of smoaking them. I shall be glade to hear
how your father and Lady are to day, and gives them my service.
You'le have heard the melancoly news of the prisoners being to go to
London. Grod in his goodness preserve so many worthey gentlemen who
are suffering for so good and honourable a cause. Callander went to see
the Lady Logey yesternight, att her desire ; he is to go with her to
Edinburgh to day as I supose. I am sorry that you, to whom my Lord
trusts so much should rely on any other subject so much as to hinder
you from contributing for what is thought good for his family. You'le
have heard that we have got a new governour. He promises fair but
how he'le perform time must shew. Callander will tell your brother att
Edinburgh if he'le accept of the factory [or not] and in the main time
I haue sent to Bellaclone to speak to him about his accepting if
Callander do not. Tie send an account to your brother some time to
morrow : if I can do anything else to serve your family, Tie be most
.willing who am, Sir, your servant,
J. Perthe.
To Blair Drummond, Younger, att Bewhaple, these.
186. The Same to the Same. Drummond Castle, 9 September 1716.
Sends a quarter of venison by the bearer for his Lady &c. " I was glade
to hear from severall hands that my brother was stoped when near
Dalkeith and that the Viscount of Strathallan and Lord Rollo are not
gone. God preserve Logey and the rest of the honest men who are now
so much exposed to the wicked for having done their duty."
(Signed) J. Perth.
" To Blair Drummond, Younger, at Bewhaple, these."
187. The Same to the Same. Stobhall J 7 December 1716. Megins
[Megginch] was to begin his journey to Edinburgh to morrow, who was
of opinion the Lords of the Session's factors could not be stopped but
by a vote of Parliament, " and if they are to be I am surprised who has
put Ardworlich in their head who is known to be a bancrout. I wish
the representation could be deferred till after Christmas for severall
reasons, but if the friends of the family think it absolutely necessary at
this time, 1 will not apose it. I think I cannot come since my father
is not buried, but will send a servant to morrow to know the resolution
of our friends and to bring me a coppy of the representation " The
writer refers to "one of our people who was taken at Shirey mure and
was still lying at Stirling " and asks Blair Drummond to offer bail
for him in her Ladyships name if he could not otherwise be set free,
u which I know the Lords of the Justicery cannot refuse and also for
Morgan who is keeped in against all law. The Duke of Athole is
now at Hunting Tour. He sent for Mr Thomace to speak to him,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
151
but as yet Mr Thomace is not yet returned: so I know not his
affairs, who am, Sir, your servant, J. Perth.
188. Letter from W. Drummond [address wanting probably to Mr
Drummond, of Blair Drummond]. Edinburgh, 16 February 1717.
" This day, after dinner, the commissioners of enquiry sent for me
and read to me a letter from their Surveyor generall telling them that !he
was at Drummond Castle and hade waited on my Lady, and told her
his airand : Grlenkendy is the man. But in place of the tenents com-
pearing upon his citations and making affidavits upon their rents he un-
derstood that my Lady hade sent the ground officer out of the way and
ordered the tenants not to appear and therefore that he would be forced to
bring them in by force and that he hade brought a party from Stirling
with him and that the garrison at Drummond were also ready to con-
curr, and so wated the commissioner's orders." When the writer had
read this letter, he said he wished the Commissioner had informed him
that Glenkindy was gone there, since as his correspondent was in town
they could have got matters so ordered that the affair might have been
easier gone about. There was no answer to that, so he desired an hour
to give them an answer as they were in haste. He went first and in-
formed himself how Panmure and Southesk and Marshalls folks had
behaved with Glenkindy and found they had given him no disturbance at
all, but rather hastened the tenants in to him that they might the sooner
be free of him. Because on examination they found that it was the
special part of the power committed by the parliament to the Commis-
sioners to take up the rents of the forfeited estates and they could not
report the rental of an estate if it was not taken up by their own Sur-
veyor. He then got Mr David Drummond and Meginch and they went
with Sir Walter and advised the matter, who was very clear no hin-
drance should be offered to Grlenkindy's progress at all for it was the
Court of Enquiry's particular power ; nor was it convenient for the
family now to give the least occasion to the Commissioners to report to
the parliament that they were hindered in their progress in a matter so
plainly entrusted to them. His correspondent therefore must write to
Glenkindy and show him that he should meet no hindrance but would
rather get assistance &c .
189. Letter from James Drummond of Blair Drummond. No
address, but probably to George Drummond of Callender. Bowhaple,
26 August 1717.
" I haue not seen the proposals for a watch which you write were to
come to me by Balwhidder and Callender. When they come, I shall wrytte
you my sentiments of them. Meantime some of the tacksmen of Callender
have been with me upon that same account, severall horses being
already stolen out of that Barrony, and I have this very day wrytten
to Commissary Taylor who sent me word he had some proposalls to
make to me tomorrow." Thought it would be best to have a meeting
at Dumblane or Kinbuck of some persons from both sides of the country
to concert measures, for the country was likely to be in a very miserable
state by the time harvest was over.
190. Letter from James Drummond to George Drummond of Cal-
lander. Blair Drummond, 11 September 1717.
Had received his letter of the 9th that morning and was glad to find
he approved of what was proposed at Kinbuck. " I think you need not
Charles Stir-
lixg-home-
Drttmcmoito
Moray, Esq.
152
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles Stir.
eikg-Home-
Deummonw
Moeax. Esq.
be in heast about a Court at Callendar, only I would have you wrytte
to the officer of every barrony where you do not just now hold a
court to intiraat to the tennents that such a thing is agreed upon, and
that they are immediately upon missing any beast to goe to one of the
posts which are Branachally in Stragartnay, Cult in Balwhidder and Ad-
rostoun, with the exact age and marks, and that they provide for payment
of the watch money according to the cast which shall soon be sent them.
So soone as Jo. Stewart sends a notte of his mens names and arms
we shall see to get certificates from gentlemen of the name or friends
of the family to them. I omitted to caution you in my last not to
mention to Brig. Preston or any such Jo. Steuart of Glenbucky's
name but only Alexander Steuart in Brannachallis who is his son and
a pretty young fellow. You may understand my reason. Some
people are easily startled. I am persuaded the Brigadier will give
the necessary orders to his forces. If he should not, I persuade myself
Gfeneral] Carpenter will not refuse it. I am very clear Megginch and
Lenchal be taken in, yourself and Ludovick, and not one more that
are not vassals and in this I am positive in my opinion for reasons I
shall tell you at meeting," &c.
191. Articles agreed upon with John Steuart of Glenbuckie in order
to preserve the Estate of Perth from theft and depredation. Kinbuck,
3 September 1717.
1. The said John Steuart undertakes to do his utmost by night and
day to the end foresaid for one year beginning this day, and is to
have three men at the east end of Lochearne under direction of
Patrick Drummond of Ardrostovne and other three at the Cult
in Balquidder under direction of Alexander Steuart his own son,
and at these places or at his own house at Branchile timous
advertisement is to be given of any goods stolen, with the exact
marks.
2. Betwixt the date and next he is to give in to Mr George
Drummond of Callander, factor upon the estate, a list of the
said eight men who are to procure from eight of the friends of
the family certificates to them of their being their servants, which
certificates also to bear the arms delivered to them.
3. Application is to be made to the Commander in Chief that he give
orders that no soldier nor officer trouble the said servants in
carrying their arms, and to give directions to the several garrisons
to be assisting to the said John Steuart in recovering what goods
shall be stolen.
4. Under his care is to be comprehended the whole property of the
estate and such of the vassals as by an obligatory Letter directed
to the said Mr George Drummond shall desire to be comprehended,
and oblige themselves to pay their respective proportions of the
sum aftermentioned.
5. The said John Steuart for his service for one year is to have out of
the property lands 400 pounds scots, and proportionately from the
vassals that shall desire to be comprehended according to their
valued rent, till it make up the sum of 100 pounds more ; if the
vassals proportion exceeded this, the overplus was to ease the
property.
6. The 500 pounds to be paid at Martinmas and Whitsunday, &c.
7. The whole inhabitants to be enjoined in a. Barony Court to concur
with and give the best assistance to the said John Steuart and
his men when called by night or day, &c.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 153
192. Letter from James Ogilvy, titular Lord Airlie (who had been Charles Stir-
attainted for his share in the Rebellion of 1715) to Mr John Drummond Wmmond
at London Paris, 30 May 1724. " Sir, one of my friends here having Moray, Esq.
write to my Lord Londonderry an account of my circumstances was
favour'd with a return from him wherein he assures him that there
would be no great difficulty in obtaining a pardon for me if my case
were; such as it has been represent'd several times to the King and
Government. I cant address my self to any body whose friendship I
depend more upon than yours, therefore I must beg you'l be so good as
to give your testimony to the veracity of the representation which has
been made of it to his Lordship and which is the same that has for a
long time been offer'd to several of the ministry." The writer had
referred Lord Londonderry to Mr Drummond's attestation of the matter.
The letter is signed " J a. Ogilvy."
193. Letter from Alexander Pope, the Poet, to the Same*
Tvvitnam, August 1st 1724.
Sir, I ought to acknowledge the obliging disposition which Dr Ar-
buthnot tells me you were pleas'd to show of favoring a request of
mine in behalf of a nephew who has been bred a sailor and made four
or five voyages. His desire is to be recommended as a second or third
mate in an East India Merchantman. I know him to be a very in-
dustrious sober and well dispos'd lad j and hope when you do me the
favour to examine him he will not be found wanting in the knowledge
of his profession any more than I am sure I shall in the sense of your
intended obligation to him, who is with respect and sincerity), Sir, Your
most obedient and most humble servant
A. Pope.
To John Drummond Esq. Director of the East India Company at
Norfolk Street in the Strand.
194. Letter from the Episcopal Clergy in Edinburgh to the Same.
Edinburgh, 14 August 1724. Stating that though it was not thought fit
in a public meeting of the administrators of the charity for indigent
ministers of the Gospel, where Mr Drummond's brother was present as
one of the administrators, to insist in a mixed assembly on the favour
and kindness Mr Drummond had shown in being instrumental for pro-
curing so large a supply as was sent lately from England ; yet the sub-
scribers render him their hearty thanks for advancing such a charitable
work &c. Signed — Jo. Edinburgen, Arth. Miller, Will. Irwine, And.
Cant, David Friebairn.
195. Letter from Sir Peter Halkett of Pitfirrane, Baronet, to Mr
Drummond of Blair at Blair Drummond. Pitfirrane, 14 July 1725.
Kecommending the bearer of the letter as an oversman of a colliery.
After a long preamble about oversmen the writer adds the following
advice. " I send you a plan for working a coall that you may have some
notion about the earning it on. All coall hes a dipp and crope, the
less it dipps the better. The roomes are carried on in the strick on
everie side from the sink as yow will see by the plan, the scores on
which are the stoupes of coal which are left for supporting the roof ;
and the blancks are the throwers to go from on roome to another ; and
that all the coal may be taken away that can be spared from sup-
porting the roof, there must always care be taken to work down to
154 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Clin"1j1r STIB" ^e *eve^ roome as soon as it can be convenientlie done, because
Drttmmond that roome should always be carried on befor the rest and is the
Mobat^Esq. lowest can be got wrought for water; and the rest of the rooms
must follow graduallie on another from the levell roome to the highest
roome in the crope, as yow will see by the plan. It is the overs-
mans chife business to see that the levell room be carried on befor the
rest, that none of it be lost by neglecting to bring up the dead water ;
and he must take great care that the wideness of the rooms and large-
ness of the stoups be according to the goodness of the roof and the
hardness of the coal to support it ; and that evrie thrower be made
exactlie opposite to the stoup which will support the roof the better.
There is but on thrower in the wall of the levell roome nixt the roome
above it, for aire and letting in the water from the rest of the roomes.
The rest of the wall must be keeped entire and sufficient. There is
a great deal depends upon the honestie of an oursman, becaus he
must judg of the different prices of the uncoast wadges, such as
putting throw dicks, and gatting and such like, there being some
metalls will cost double treeple the expence of others : and therfor,
I think it aduisable to sett the coal. Since there is not a maister
upon the plaice if you doe sett the coal the tacksman must be obliged
to carrie up the levell roome and other roomes troulie as is directed
above, otherwise he may loss of the levell and pass over some pairts
to take away the best of the coall and leave it in disorder at the end of
the tack if he is not tied down, and during the tack the coall requires
to be visited now and then that it may be carried on according to the
rules given him " etc. (Signed) " Pet. Halkett."
196. Letter from Philip fourth Earl of Chesterfield to Mr John
Drummond in reference to the accidental death of Charles sixth Earl of
Strathmore. Hague, June the 18th N.S. [1728]. Sir, a violent feaver
which I had for near three weeks hinder'd me from acknowledging the
favor of your letter before. I am extreamly concern'd at the accident
that happen' d to Lord Strathmore and I beg the favour of you to
forward the letter which I take the liberty to inclose to the present
Lord. I hope he will continue in the army where by the account his
Colonel gives me of him he is very likely to rise. As for applying to
the King or the ministers that mercy may not be shown to Mr Carnegie
I confess I cannot do it ; one may I think upon slight grounds sollicit
for mercy ; but one must be very exactly inform'd of the barbarity of a
fact, and of every circumstance of it before one can bring ones self to
sollicit against mercy. I am with very great truth, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Chesterfield.
197. The Same to the Same. Hague, 22 March 1729.
Sir, I received the favour of your letter with the inclos'd from Lord
Strathmore, whom I should be extreamly glad to serve in any way that
I could ; and therefore I send him a letter for Mr Pelham desiring him
to use his good offices in his behalf ; but since Mr Vice Chamberlain
interests himself for Lord Strathmore I hope my recommendation of
him is as unnecessary, as the recommendation of an absent person is
commonly ineffectual. I am sure at least he is extreamly oblig'd to you
for the part you take in what concerns him which is likewise an obliga-
tion laid upon, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
Chesterfield,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
155
198. John Hungerford to the Same. Cooks Court, 15 April 1729.
Sir, I humbly take the liberty of laying hould of your obliging pro-
mise to assist in applying to the new Court of Directors to continue me
in theire service for the yeare ensueing, which I begg you to doe : in
this you will continue your obligation upon your most obedient humble
servant
J. HuNGrERFORD.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
For Mr Drummond in
these.
Indorsed : The famous John Hungerford, Cooks Court, Lincoln's Inn
Fields, London the 15 Aprile 1729 — A short while before his death.
199. Duncan Forbes of Culloden [to the same]. Edinburgh, 31
October 1 729. Apologises for not writing because inter alia " matter was
to deficient in the Highlands " where he had been for three months.
" But now my brethern, the Trustees for the Manufactures, will have me
give you thanks in their name for the care you take of their concerns
which I am very hopefull will be in a very small time very much the
concern of the country. We have now 21 head of forreigners, young
and old, including an infant that was born on the Key of Leith and
that wears a name no less considerable than that of George Augustus.
We are busy cantoning them and setting them to work to spin. But
as we cannot begin their houses or set up their looms, till Daseville
come down if he is not yet come from London, I must beg the favour
of you to dispatch him that we may be able to make some progress
before our annuall Report to the King " &c.
(Signed) Dun. Forbes.
200. Letter from Gabriel Ranken [to the same]. Saccargurr,
9 January 1732-3.
Takes the liberty to send a letter to him as his patron as he had also
written to him from the Cape of Good Hope and to acquaint him with
the various fortunes he had met with — His patron must have heard of
the Barrington's being cast away through the obstinacy of the captain.
" After that it being my fortune to enter Surgeon of the Bengali Galley
belonging to the Honourable Company, in which station I had not been
above three months before we and the Bombay Galley engaged the
enemy's fleet off Colabo consisting of four Grabs and about fifteen sail of
Gallevats. We begun about seven o'clock in the morning and the en-
gagement continued hot on both sides, and seemingly the advantage on
ours ; untill proving little wind we were boarded by three Grabs and
some Gallivats who entered men thrice without any great loss on our
side ; but they #ere still recruited by the small crafts, and in making
their fourth attempt some pouder made up into musquet cartridges to the
quantity of half a barrel standing ready for the use of small arms, un-
fortunately blew up, whither by the enemy's fire or our own cannot justly
be determined. This accident totally disabled us, most of our people
being on the quarterdeck at that time, which were all either blown over-
board or rendered helpless. In this confusion they poured fresh hands,
which the captain and a few others withstood untill they were all killd or
wounded; the commander never surrendering untill he had received
his nineteenth wound, which was a spear through his body. The
other galley at the same time was boarded by the fourth Grab, and
rest of the Gallevats. And by the like accident some powder
blowing up, and as I since learned, killed twenty and wounded
156 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- twenty five men which rendred them incapable of assisting of us.
Drummond And before the Victoria which was then nigh could come up we were
Moray, Esq. tow'd into Colabo. There came ashore twenty five Europians mostly
wounded; and about thirty natives which did no service. All the
Europians save seven are since dead through want and poverty : and
I should in all likelihood have undergone the same fate had I not
luckly been in the same prison with Captain McNeale who was taken
about a twelve month before and is treated above the common rank.
Yet we have all suffered much. Since our misfortune the enemy has
taken two merchant vessels belonging to Bombay, the Commander of
one of which died three months ago in the same prison I now am in,
which is on a high hill about seven miles from the sea side and about
twenty five from Bombay, has but two pathways up to it the rest of
the rock being about 100 fathoms perpendicular. Ever since my
captivity have been monthly in expectation of liberty by means of
the Honourable Compauys cruisers who keep a strict look out after
the enemy," &c. and hopes to have the good fortune soon to be
relieved from imprisonment and asks the favour of a letter to the
Governor of Bombay, Mr Cowan or his successor Mr Horn, which he
thought would be of the utmost service to him should he remain in
India after he should be released.
Indorsed : " From Mr Ranken prisoner with Angria."
201. Letter from Captain Francis St. Clair [no address]. " Off
Berwike, abourde of the Sheerenes, 12th April 1746.
" Dear Cousine, I doubte note but you will be surpraised to heare
of the graite misfortune haith hapned me after havainge been so longe
out of the country which is all oweng to the rigourouse order gaiven
me from the Espainish Embasadore at Paris as you will see in maine."
The writer proceeds to state that his regiment having retired from
campaign in the beginning of last winter and he having business
that called him to Paris was about to return to his regiment, when
the Spanish Ambassador ordered him to go along with Lord Marischal
to Dunkirk to pass for the expedition to Scotland " which I represented
him that I would not ingaige my selfe in ainy such affaire as my
regiment beeing to go to campaigne in the spreinge, en which n
fieu days after [he] sent me under his hande a order absolutely to go
and that he had given pairte to the Kinge of Spaigne my maister."
He was therefore obliged to go to Dunkirk and "Lord Marischale
havainge failed ille of a seatike paine at Buloigne sente me one to
execute the Kings orders hou is Lnt generale in the saime servise,
and as superiore was obliged to obay him ; which maide me enibarke
abourde of the sloupe called the Prince Chairlis which was before
the Haisarde and havaing been hard purshoued by the Sheere Nes
man of war obliged us to retaire to the Habit islands layeing of of
Strasnever, wher after four hourse defense and our small veshell
being so much broke and abused obliged us to run hir a shoare
where we disimbarked; and after havaing gone in to the country the
maiter of ten miles we was atakede by four hundred Hillenders, and
we beeing but forty faive men airined did submite to them withoute
knoeing what pairty they belonged to not havaing declaired them-
selves, hou broughte us to my Lord Rese [Reays] house how receved
us veary keindly and sent us abourde of the mane of ware that had
purshoued us, wher sertinlay we meate with a veary goode gentelay
gentelman hou was veary sivile and keinde to us, thr.t seede us
robed and piligaed by the country poiple that we had not a shirt to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
157
cheinge and obliged them to give bake whateuer lay in his pouer ;
that every one gote by his means at least two shirts, which obli-
gation we are all oweing him amongst severalle others for his goode
and gentelmany way he did treate us ; for which reasone as he is the
bearer of this and may remaine somme days in Leithe, what sivilities
you will be pleased to doue him I shall be acknoledgeinge as for my
selfe. The Captains naime is Captain Obraine." On arriving at
Aberdeen the Duke oi Cumberland gave orders that they should be
carried to Berwick. The writer protests he was no rebel, nor traitor,
but was forced to engage, and hopes his correspondent by his intercession
with his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland and with the Govern-
ment would obtain his enlargement, &c. He asks his correspondent to
address to " Francis St. Claire, captain of Grandediers of the Suish
Regiment of Wertz in the King of Espaignes servise."
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
Division II. — Ardoch Manuscripts.
Section (1) Royal Letters 1716-17.40.
Letters from Prince James Francis Edward Stewart, assuming
the title of King James the Third of England and Eighth of
Scotland, chiefly to Admiral Thomas Gordon of the Russian
Navy, 1716-1730.
202. Paper entitled " Copy of the King's Letter upon his retreat from
Scotland [1716]."
I believe none of you can doubt of the constant and ardent desire I
have long had of doing all that was in my power for making this nation
a free and happie people. Ever since, and even before, the last Dunkirk
expedition, my thoughts were fully bent that way and my heart was
here though I could not come in person amongst you. A series of
unlucky accidents and misfortunes constantly interveened to retard my
passage and the hopes of a more universall riseing oblig'd me, much con-
trary to my inclination, to def err in the prospect of attaining att last our
end with more security and less hazard to my faithfull servants. But I
had no sooner an account of your being in arms for me but I laid aside
all other motives and considerations and came immediately to join yow
to share in person with you the dangers'and toil of so glorious an under-
taking full of hopes that we might both soon reap the fruits of our
labours, and that our friends, both at home and abroad, would concurr
with us, without which hopes I should never have consented to your
taking up arms much less have encouraged you to it.
The dismall prospect I found here att my arrivall did not discourage
me. The same motives that brought me here made me neglect nothing
when come for your delivery and to stick to the last extremity by them
who were so unanimously engag'd in my cause.
Since that time affairs have growen dayly worse and worse ; many
freinds att home were slow of declaring. The defeat at Preston and the
securing many noblemen and gentlemen depriv'd us of all succour from
the south, and att the time we wanted so much necessaries from abroad
for mentaining ourselves here, the delay of them, and the vast inequality
betwixt us and the enemy made our retreat from Perth unavoidable as
all men must see who know our circumstances, and that to have stood it
then would have only served to sacrifice yow all without any possibility
of success. But however necessary that retreat was, it putts our affairs
here in a most desperate condition. By abandoning all the south we
158
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Deummond
Moray, Esq
shall be block'd up in a corner of the eountrey without nioney, may be
bread, and without any more hopes of succour from abroad by our lossing
all most all the seaports join'd with the enemies crusers, who, having
but a small coast to guard, could easily hinder nny succours coining to
us. I could not behold the extremity wee were reduc'd to without the
last greef and concern, less on my own account than yours. Your
safety and wellfare was I may say with truth my only view and towards
the provideing for that all my thoughts were bent and I resolved not to
lett your courage and zeal carry you so far as to serve for your own
intire ruine at last without doing any good to mee or yourselves ; and
whereas I considered that there were no hopes att present of retriving
our affairs the whole business was to securing your lives in such a
manner as to be yet again in condition in appearing in a more favourable
occasion. And as I look'd on my remaining amongst yow not only as
useless but as even distructive to yow (convinc'd as I am that yow would
never abandon mee) and that therefore my stay could only serve to
involve yow in greater difficulties, I took the party to repass the seas,
that by that I might leave such as cannot make their escape (towards
which nothing on my side has been neglected) in full liberty to take the
properest measures for avoiding at least utter ruine for which end I have
given power to ... . [blank] .... in the meantime, to command
the army till dispers'd, to act and in all things to contribute as much as
in him lyes to your common safety.
It was nothing less than possitive command could prevail on the Duke
of Marr to accompany mee on this occasion but though his desires to
remain and share with you in all your misfortunes were most vehement
and worthy of that character he lias deservedly gott amongst yow yet I
could not hearken to his repeated instances, his probity and experience
making his presence absolutely necessary with mee. "As for my own
particulars a cruel necessity, 'tis true, obliges me att this time to leave
you, but with the view not only of your own wellfare but of obtaining
such succours as may effectually relieve yow, full of hopes that the justice
of a cause which has been so generously supported by yow will not forever
be abandoned by that Divine Providence which hath hitherto never
abandon'd mee, and that soon a more happy juncture may happen for our
mutuall delivery. Towards it all my thoughts and application shall be
turn'd. I shall be allwise equally ready to sacrifice both my pains and
even my life as long as it lasts. I shall ever pursue with the uttmost
vigour, my just designs, and to the last moment of it retain that senceof
gratitude, affection and fatherly tenderness towards yow, which yow so
justly deserve from me, for I can say with great truth, that your mis-
fortunes weigh more heavy upon mee than my own; that I desire
happiness only to make yow share of it with mee.
203. From Prince James under the signature of * J. Trueman."
Ce 2 Januier 1717.
Vous excuserez, j'espere, Monsieur, si je retranche toute ceremonie de
cette lettre pour la mettre a l'abry de tout accident, le secret etant de si
grande importance de part et d'autre. Vous jugeres aisement avec
quelle joye j'ay appris les sentimens que vous uoulez bien auoir pour
moy, et uours me ferez, j'espere, la justice de croire que je ferai de mon
mieux pour les meriter et le cultiuer. Rien au monde ne scauroit etre
de plus grande importance pour moy que ce que nous meditez en ma
faveur a l'egard de Mr Foster, et si les paroles me manquent pour nous
en temoigner ma reconnoissance, j'ose dire aussi que c'est un projet
digne de uous en toute maniere et que ne scauroit que uous etre tres
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION, 159
auantageux dans la suitte car uous ne deuez point douter qu'apres les C^5gEHome>"
obligations que je uous ayrai et quand je serai en possession de mon Drummosd
bien je ne sois prest a vous aider selon mon pouuoir a poursuiure uos MoBAY' Esq.
iustes desseins. Je suis raui aussi d'apprendre les bonnes dispositions ou
uous etes d'entrer dans un accommodement auec Mr Whitford, car il me
parvit que c'est grand dommage que deux personnes d'un merite aussi
distingue ayent aucune misentelligence ensemble dans un tems que
leur union ne leur pourroit qu'etre utile a Elles en particulier, et qu'elle
leur mettroit entre les mains une belle occasion d'accroitre la grande
reputation qu'Elles se sont si justement acquise en s'unissant pour
deliurer la justice opprimee en la personne de Mr Brown, et pour tirer
Mr Crowley de l'esclauage sous lequel il soupire, et ou il ne demeure
que faute de liberateur. II me sembleroit que le ciel uous auroit
reserue ce grand ouurage pour mettre le comble a la gloire de l'un et de
l'autre. J'ose me natter que uous uoudrez bien ne pas negliger une
conjoncture aussi heureuse et je suis persuade que Mr Whitford n'a pas
un veritable ami que ne le conseille a terminer a l'amiable ses differens
auec uous. Pour ne uous pas trop importuner ici je me rapporterai a
ce que Mr Morphy uous dira plus en detail, mais je uous prie de con-
siderer combien le tems est precieux, et que d'en perdre pourroit faire
echouer vos justes et grand desseins. Je uous enuoye selon votre desir
une personne de confiance pour demeurer aupres de vous, en uous re-
merciant de graces que uous luy destinez, j'ay tache de rendre le choix
que j 'en ay fait aussi conforme qu'il m'a ete possible a ce que uous
souhaittez, mais ay ant en principalement en vue la probite et le secret
que j'ay cm deuoir l'emporter dans cette occasion sur toute autre con-
sideration. II ne me reste que de uous assurer de la haute estime que
j'ay pour vous et du grand desir que j'ay de lier une correspondence et
une amitie tres etroitte auec uous. Je suis, Monsieur, votre tres humble
et tres obeissant seruiteur. J. Trueman.
Dorso. Truemann to Patria.
204. The Same to the Same.
November 17, 1721.
Tho it be long since I heard from you I am fan* from attributing
your silence to want of regard for me while I retain for you the
same friendship which I doubt not but you continue to deserve. It
was with great satisfaction I heard of your masters late accomodation
with his adversary and of his hauing made so advantageous a bargain.
He will haue I suppose at present many idle workmen on his hands and
a great quantity of materials of all kinds. I know his naturall dis-
position to whatever is great and good. Would it not therefore be
possible to induce him to employ part of them in my fauour the rather
since he could not but find his own account also in so doing, besides the
generosity of the action. He knows I suppose how ripe matters are at
present for such an affair, and that, at a smal trouble he could make a sure
game of it. Pray take a proper time, the sooner the better, to represent
these matters to him ; and you cannot say too much of my singular
esteem and friendship for him nor of my desire of acknowledging his
fauours in the most signal manner. I am so much conuinced of your
own desire of being usefull to me that I am persuaded you will do your
utmost to that effect in this occasion. I heartily wish it may be with
success and that after hauing contributed to what all honest men wish
you may reap the advantage of it hereafter by my hauing it in my
power as it is already in my will to make you all those returns for your
services which you can desire or may deserue.
Addressed " To Vice Admiral Gordon."
160
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaklbs SriR-
XING-HOME-
DRtTMMOlVD
Moray, Esq.
205. The Same to the Same.
Rome, February 19, 1725.
When you haue read the inclosed to the Emperor of Russia yow
will not be surprised at ray taking all precautions that it might come
safe to yow, and at my chargeing one on whose fidelity and discretion I
can entirely depend to be the bearer of it. He is apprised of the whole
affair which is of such a nature as requires the most universal secrecy
that it should be transacted directly between the Czar and me and that
yow should communicate it to nobody without exception without the
Czars direction.
Captain Hay hath orders to follow your directions in every thing
when in your parts and if before you think it proper to despatch him
back to me with the Emperors final answer there should be occasion of
writeing on these heads great caution must be used both as to the
cyphereing and conveying of letters. My Letter to the Czar yow will
endeavour to deliver yourself as soon as possible and as for that for the
Duke of Holstein which I hear send you also you will ask the Czar
whether he would have you deliver it, or not, and then do as he shall
direct. It will be also requisite that you receive the Emperours directions
as to your behaviour with Prince Dolkorouky, for though the friendship
he hath long expressed for me deserves both my acknowledgments and
my confidence yet it is but just that the Emperour should be entire
master to impart, or not, to whom he thinks fitt so important an
affair.
I wish from my heart that the Emperour may even for his own sake
undertake the proposed project. Never was there a more fauorable
conjuncture for it ; and he hath it now in his power to restore me alone
which may not all way es be practicable for him.
The great trust I now repose in you is a sufficient proof to you of
my value and esteem. I depend entirely on your zeal and prudence on
this important occasion and I hope you may soon have an opportunity
of being greatly instrumental in my restoration by which yow will justly
deserue the greatest marks of my favor and kindness.
James R.
I referr yow to Mr. Hay for fuller informations and for what other
directions I may haue to send yow.
206. The Same to the Same.
March 26th 1725.
I haue received yours of the 2nd February with the melancholy news
of the Czar's death. You will easily imagine how much I am affected
with it. But what you say of the present Empress gives me no small
satisfaction. You will find here a letter for her which you will deliver
to her as well as that for the late Czar which Captain Hay will give you.
I send you likeways inclosed a letter for the Duke of Holstein and I
hope vou'll find matters in such a posture there as to be able to pursue
the same measures you would have done had the Czar lived. I doubt
not of your zeal, prudence, and dilligence, and you may be ever assured
of my sincere esteem and kindness.
You will have heard that my family is happily encreased and continues
thank God in perfect health. I do not know what you mean by
Mr. Friendly but if it be the Czarienne, as I fancy, what you suggest is
complyed with. This goes addressed as you desire by your last.
James R.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 161
207. Copies of Two Letters in French from Prince James to his wife, Charles Stir-
Princess Mary Clementina, 9th and 11th November 1715. [These have drummond
been frequently printed and need only be noted here.] Moray, Esq..
The first letter declares that her conduct towards him, the threats
that had been made to him and the public outrage of her retreat into a
convent did not touch him so keenly as the misfortune and the shame
she would bring on herself by so strange a step. She must have been
persuaded for a good while bygone that he was resolved to be master in
his own affairs and in his family ; and further entreats her seriously to
consider the step she contemplated taking.
Kome, 9 November 1725, " Signe Jacques R."
In the second letter the King writes that he was glad that she had
written to him because it gave him an opportunity of explaining his
sentiments particularly. That he had always loved her particularly, and
the troubles and dispeace between them had been caused less by the
vivacity of her temperament than her listening to little complaints and
insinuations ; that he had suffered her angry looks for two years when
she would hardly look at or speak to him and had taken no other course
but that of silence, had never limited her in the matter of expense, and
as to her dislike to Lord and Lady Inverness that Lord Inverness had
never rendered her bad offices with him which nobody ever yet had the
hardihood to do but had exhorted him to patience and mildness when
he was not altogether pleased with her, and that the Countess had served
her with zeal and affection, and that neither she nor her husband knew
to that hour in what point of respect they had failed to the King ; that
three years ago to humour the Queen he had taken away from him the
detail of the house. That he was surprised she should threaten to go
into a convent if he did not banish an able faithful and laborious
minister, whom he could not displace in the present circumstances
without ruin to his interest and putting of his affairs into confusion.
It was true he had given a general order that the Governor and under
Governor of the Prince, her eldest son, should never leave him lor a
moment, but the reason of this order was principally to hinder him from
escaping among the domestics who would have taught him nothing
good ; that some time ago Mademoiselle Sheldon demanded her leave
and the King had not been very pleased with her since, and he bad good
reason for removing her, and every one had observed that the Queen's
inquietude came to a height only since he took his son from her hands
and those of the women. Was ignorant of any just ground of com-
plaint the Queen had against him and again dissuades her from entering
into a convent. Rome, 11 November 1725.
[In addition to these there is another paper (undated) also in French
referring to the disputes between Prince James and his wife ; attributing
them to bad advice ; influence of Mile. Sheldon ; employment of Lords
Inverness and Dunbar by the King, etc., and alluding to the Queen's
taking refuge in the convent of St. Cecilia.]
208. Blank Power of Plenipotentiary by the Chevalier St. George
signing " Jacobus R " to treat and negotiate with persons having
authority from Peter, Emperor of Russia, on matters concerning their
mutual weal and advantage and especially with a view to the Chevalier's
return to his Kingdom, with power to conclude treaties and engagements.
Given at the Chevalier's Court at Rome, 24 February 24th year of his
reign 1725. " Per mandatum Regis."
(Signed) Jo. Hay.
/ 84067. t,
162
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles Stib-
ling-home-
drummond
Mobay, Esq.
209. Blank Power of Plenipotentiary by the same to treat and
negotiate with persons having power from Catherine Empress of all
Russia in similar terms. Court at Rome, 15 December 1725. " Per
mandatum Regis."
(Signed) Inverness.
210. Letter from the Same to Admiral Gordon. Bologna, April 3,
1727. This will be given to you by the Duke of Liria for whom I haue
the greatest value and confidence. He will giue you all the necessary
lights in relation to my affairs ; and it is my intention that you should
communicate with him without reserue on all that relates to them,
informeing him of the present state of matters at your Court and acting
in all that concerns my seruice in concert with him while he stayes in
those parts. Adress your letters as usuall, and they will come safe to
me, tho' Lord Inuerness be not here. I am glad of this occasion of
assureing you of my constant kindness for you.
James R.
For Admiral Gordon.
211. The Same to the Same. Bologna, May 1, 1727.
The Duke of Liria is now here and will I hope be with you soon, so
that I need enter into no business here. I have given him a full power
in blank to deliuer to yow and which yow will fill upp with the person's
name he and yow shall think most proper in case yow shall find it
necessary to leaue any body impowered by me at your Court, when yow
may happen to be employed at a distance from it.
James R.
For Admiral Gordon.
212. The Same to the Same. May 3, 1727.
and is signed by Prince James as " Williams."
This letter is in cipher
213. The Same to the Same. May 22nd 1728. I received some
days ago yours of the 10th March and send you this under the Duke of
Liria's cover as the safest channel, and shall continue to make use of it
as long as he is in that country, and when he leaves it, shall then send
my letters by the address you now give me. I formerly sent him a full
power in blank as I do now a Letter of credence for you to the Czar that
you may agree together how it should be deliver'd, for I reckon this
will find the Court return'd to Petersburg and by consequence you will
be aportee of being useful to me there. I am, indeed, affray'd there is
little to be done at present in that countrey for me, but, however, one
must continue to solicite that ministry on proper occasions in my favor
and I shall ere long send you a memorial to give to them and you will
make particular compliments from me to the Prince Dolhorowsky.
The good health of my family, and the near prospect of its encrease,
will I am sure be agreable news to you which with the assurance of my
constant kindness is all I have at present to impart to you.
James R.
For Admiral Gordon.
214. The Same to the Same. Rome, March 5, 1729.
The distance you have been at from all business has been the occasion
of my not writing to yow of a long time tho' I am not less sensible of
your constant zeal for me and desire to promote my service on all occa-
sions that may offer. I have been in this place for some weeks and am
in good health, I thank God, as is mjr family at Bologna. I thought the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
163
Queens, my sons and my own pictures would not be disagreable to yow Chaeles Stie
and they were given to Will. Hay to be forwarded to yow before I left deummond
Bologna. I shall be glad to hear from yow sometimes, altho' yow should Mobat, Esq.
have nothing essential to say having for you all the value and regard you
so justly deserve.
James R.
215. The Same to the Same. Rome, November 18th, 1729.
I receiv'd sometime ago yours of the 20th May, and have since had
the satisfaction to hear of your wellfare from Will. Hay. The distance
yow are at from your Court and the great uncertainty of publick affairs
afford us little matter for our correspondence at present, but I hope this
situation shall not last long, and that, on your side, yow may have
frequent opportunities of being useful to me which I am very sensible
you sincerely desire and in the meantime I shall be glad to hear some-
times from one I so much value. The family here are in good health
which with my compliments to Sir Hary Stirling is all I haue to add to
the assurance of my constant kindness.
J. Williams.
For Admiral Gordon.
216. The Same to the Same. Rome, Aprile 1st, 1730. I was glad
to hear from you by yours of the 19th November. There has been great
changes of late in your parts but I should be apt enough to believe they
will make no great alteration in politick matters and I heartily wish this
new government may be favorable to you personally. 1 find the Duke
of Liria thinks he may be soon removing from that countrey, and when-
ever that is it would be the more agreable to me if you could contriue
matters so as that without anyways prejudizing your own interest you
could be where the court is, and in that case it will be necessary you send
me a new address how to write directly to you and you will find here
inclosed one from me. In the meantime I am so convinced of your zeal
and affection for me that I doubt not of your profiting of all occasions
wherever you may be to forward the interest of the good cause. And
yow may be assured that my constant kindness will ever attend you.
James R.
For Admiral Gordon.
217. The same to [Peter II. Emperor of Russia]. (Imperfect copy,
in Admiral Gordon's own handwriting.)
de Bolognia ce 21 May 1728.
Monsieur mon frere, J'espere que votre Majeste Imperialle ne
pas les compliments que Je veux luy faire sur son couronnement et sur
son heureux et paisible auuennement a l'empire.
les dispositions favorables ou le feu grand
Empereur uotre ayeull et la feu Imperatrice ont parii a mon egard
me font d'autant plus esperer de la grandeur et de la generosite de son
ame de si illustres examples deuant la porter encore dauantage a fauoriser
la justice de ma cause, qui est en effet celle de touts les legitime souue-
raines de l'uniuers. Je prie votre Majeste Imperialle de vouloir bien
escouter ce que l'admiral Gordon luy representera de ma parte et en
luy demandant son amitie auec toute l'instance possible d'estre persuade
de l'empressement lequell je desire la cultiuer et d'estre en estat de luy
rendre utille la mienne. Monseigneur mon frere, de votre Majeste
Imperialle le bon frere.
L 2
164 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles Stie- 218. Copy of a letter, unsigned, apparently from Prince James to the
XING— xiOME* tt-\ • n I-* it
Deummond Prince of Poland.
Moray, Esq. a Rome 28 Mars 1733.
La Reine m'a communique, mon cher Pere, ce que vous lui avez fait
scavoir au sujet de l'election d'uu Roy de Pologne. Je ne saurois
jamais assez vous exprimer combien Je suis touche et penetre de vos
genereux sentiments envers inoi qui vous portent a etre pret a me ceder
les suffrages que vous avez pour votre election a cette couronne et a
faire ceque depend de vous pour qu'elle puisse tomber sur ma personne."
The writer expresses his pleasure at the favourable disposition that
appeared in so many of the Poles towards his correspondent. But con-
sidering his own situation and the general system of Europe, he thought
it would be difficult to ensure the election in his favour. " Mais quand
memo cette couronne me seroit offerte, il faut que vous dise franche-
nient qu'il ne me seroit pas permis de l'accepter. La Providence m'a
destine pour une autre; mes soins et mes penses doivent etre unique-
ment occupees de celle la et je ne puis etre ebloui par l'eclat de celle
que vous mefaites envisager, car a l'age ou Je suis et par les reflections
que J'ay faites Je suis bien convaincu du poid de la Royaute quoique."
The writer thought himself indispensably bound to do what he could
for his own restoration and to render his subjects happy by delivering
them from a yoke unfortunately imposed upon them and in governing
them afterwards. " Je vous auoue que mon cocur et mon inclination me
portent tout entier pour ma propre patrie ; dont les loix et les interests
ont toujours fait mon etude principale." He asks his father to take no
pains nor make any movement for him on this occasion.
" Mais si vous persistez toujours a ne vouloir pas songer a cette
couronne, il est uray que Je regretteray infmiment que mon fils le Due
de York ne soit pas engage d'y pretendre. Le sang de Sobiesky coule
dans ses veines et autant qu'on peut juger d'uu enfant de son age il n'en
sera jamais indigne. Vous voyez, mon cher Pere, que Je vous eerie
avec toute sincerite et liberte en cette occasion et e'est ainsy que J'en
useray toujours envers vous, vous etant veritablement attache de coeur
et d'affection."
219. Letter in Russian from Czar Peter the Great (probably to
Admiral Gordon) with contemporary translation. [The translation is
here given.]
It is very necessary to us if you would write either to England or
Scotland for two men that knows how to find stone cole by the marks
they know upon the surface of the earth, and that they may be well
experienced in their business. In doing which use your utmost endea-
vour.
(Signed) Peter.
Preobrazenscoy, the 21 January 1723.
The seal upon the Czar's original letter bears no arms, but a device.
Two figures in the foreground, one of whom, wearing an imperial
crown, is seated and wields a hammer, driving a chisel into wood or
stone, out of which has been hewn the greater part of the second figure,
which is erect, and also wears an Imperial crown, with robes and sceptre.
In the background is a view of houses and shipping. Overhead is a
triangular emblem of the Deity with the motto " Adjuvante."
220. Louis, Landgrave of Hesse, to [Admiral Gordon].
Monsieur,
Je suis charme de cher souvenir de Votre Excellence et que Mr.
Fulleron massure que vous vous portiez passablement bien ; je souhaite
de tout mon coeur que votre Excellence jouisse tousjours de la plus
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 165
parfaite sante, j'en prendrai veritablement part, et me ferai un sensible Charles Stib-
plaisir trouvant les occasion de vous temoigner l'attention que j 'ay pour drummond"
tout ce qui peut faire plaisir a votre Excellence. J'ai recommende Moray, Esq.
Mr. Fulleron a notre armee et particulierement au Velds Marechalle
Comte de Munich, et suis persuade qu'il trouvera tous les agreemens
qu'un brave jeune cavalier peut se souhaiter et l'engagement que cherche.
Du reste, j'assure votre Excellence que je suis et serai tousjours avec
une consideration tres particuliere,
Monsieur, de Votre Excellence le tres humble serviteur et amy,
Louis Landgrave de Hesse.
St. Peterburg,
le 6 Juin 1738.
221. Prince Anton Ulrich, husband of the Princess Anne of Russia,
to Admiral Gordon. St. Petersburg, 17th May 1739. Monsieur je suis
tres sensible a l'aniitie que Votre Excellence m'a faite en se chargeant
du transport de mes chevaux, et l'assure que J'embrasserai la premiere
occasion pour temoigner avec quelle reconnoissance Je suis et serai
toujours, Monsieur, Votre tres obligee amis et serviteur,
Antoine Ulric.
222. The same to the same [on black-edged paper]. St. Petersburg,
22 November 1740.
Monsieur, J'ay recu la lettre de votre Excellence du 15 de Novembre
par laquelle elle a bien voulu me faire ses complimens de felicitation sur
l'avenement de son Altesse Imperiale la Grande Duchesse de touttes les
Russies, mon epouse, a la Regence de l'Empirc. J'en remercie votre
Excellence et Je vous prie, Monsieur, d'etre persuade de l'estime et de
l'amitie que je vous porte. J'espere que la situation d'a present me
mettra plus en etat de vous en donner des preuves convaincantes dont
Je seroit toujours ravi, etant sincerement, Monsieur, de votre Excellence
le tres affectionee et oblige amis.
Antoine Ulric.
A son Excellence Mons. le Admiral de Gordon.
Division II. Section (2). Letters from the Second Duke of Liria,
Son of the Duke of Berwick and Liria (natural son of King James
the Seventh). 1726-1730. [None of these to Admiral Thomas
Gordon are important, but the following Extracts may be of
interest.]
223. Madrid, 16 December 1726. That the King of Spain has
named him his Ambassador at the Russian Court, and he flatters himself
that this will do the Admiral no displeasure.
224. Vienna, 27 May 1727. Arrived at Vienna on the 15th and had
not yet been despatched by the ministry, but hopes to be towards the
18th of next month : sees great appearances of peace, but that there
may be war, and that all depends upon the answers of the Courts of
France and Spain to the letters written three days ago by an express.
225. Vienna, 1 July 1727. " Every day some new accident happens
that keeps me here, now King George is dead and the King of Spaine
is somewhat iD disposed, which makes me expect the next poste for to
know certainly the state of his health. If I have news of his being
quite well I will part about the 8th instant and make all haste to joyne
you. God pend that George's death, and the new Elector of Hanover's
haughtyness, may produce a favourable change in old England but I do
166 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir, not hope it soone or at least these six months. Pray say nothing of the
drSSowd" King of Spain's sickness, because it would cause a great allarme and
Moray, Esq. that I hope it will be quite over by this."
226. Dantzig, 28 October 1727. Had come so far north that he
hoped to have the honour and pleasure of embracing him in a very short
time. Would set out tomorrow, going by Memel. Had written to
General Lacy to send him an escort there, and to order his dragoons
to get horses ready for him betwixt Memel and Mittau. Was to stop
nowhere till he came to St. Petersburg, and would let Admiral Gordon
know from Eiga the day he expected to arrive there.
227. 29 December [1727?]. ... "I have had no letter from
the King since the last you sent me. I hope in God the Queen will be
safe arrived at Auignon and that an everlasting peace will be established
in the royal Family."
228. Peterbourg, the 13th January 1728. "... The King
orders me to tell you that he is departed Auignon to return to Bolonia,
where he is very much afraid of a new falling out. I pray God to
preuent it."
229. Moscou, the 22 February 1728. "Sir, I am honoured with
your Excellency's letter of the 10th instant by Mr. Hewett, to whome I
shall certainly render all the seruices that can lye in my power.
" The King orders me to tell you that he arrived safe at Bolonia and
that he will write to you soone. He found the Queen very much
resigned to his will and all matters goes on very well there. She sent
Mrs. Scheldon into a convent the day before the King arrived, and his
Majesty in recompence of this condescendance tooke back a Valet-de-
Chambre that the Queen likes and that he had dismissed. In all
appearance all will go well, which is what we all ought to wish for."
230. Moscou, the 26th February 1728. Yesterday the coronation
was held with great ceremony. Prince Troubedskoy and Dolgorouki
that is in Persia were created Feldt Marshals, &c.
231. Moscou, 25th March 1728. Had received a letter from the K.
with a new full power in blank. The K. and all his family were in
good health and things went on with great harmony. On the 17th
instant the Czar, after an audience the Duke had with him to notify to
him their double marriage with Portugal, honoured the Duke with the
order of St. Andrew.
232. Moscou, the 10th June 1728. " Dear Father, I begin my letter
as a son accepting with great pleasure the honour you do me to adopt
me, and you will always find me very ready to obey your commands on
all occasions. This is a very great day and it shall be celebrated in my
house as plentyfully as can be. I am sure that at Cronstadt more than
one great glass will go aboute to our dear masters health and restaura-
tion. I shall not forgett your Excellencys health, which we generally
drink every day.
" I suppose you are informed that the Queen is with child and very
well in her health. God send she may give us a third prince.
"The King went to see the feast of the ascension at Venice, and
I hope we shall hear by next poste of his safe return. J amy Keith
writes to me that he would parte immediately poste to come here so
that we may hope to have him here in a very short time. Pray if you
see him before me give him some good advices as to his conduct in this
HISTORICAL MANUSCBTPTS COMMISSION, 167
country. I expect now daily Count de Wratislau, and we shall often Charles Stir-
drinck together our father's health. The Czar is still in the country, drumhond"
and will return this week to assist at the feast I am to give for our Moray, Esq.
double manages with Portugal.
" Pray honour me with the continuation of your friendship, and belieue
me for euer, Dear father, your most dutyfull son and most obedient
humble servant.
Liria."
233. Moscou, 24 June 1728. Eemits a letter for His Excellency
that had come from Bolonia, and one for the Czar for the Admiral's
perusal who should let him know whether he thought fit it should be
delivered and how.
234. Moscou, 5 August, 1728. The Princess Elizabeth [afterwards
Czarina] was gone afoot to make the devotions at Troitza, and the
Grand Duchess was a great deal better.
235. Moscou, 11 November 1728. Had been bled that day in his
right arm so he could not write with his own hand. Had no letter of
late from the King, but his Majesty had been indisposed. There was
no appearance of his own early return to St. Petersburg.
236. Moscou, 9 January 1729. Had received a letter from the
King, but the Queen was not yet brought to bed. Mr. Mist's paper
was extremely good and much liked by those of their party in England,
" Walpole and Stanhope are gone over to be at the opening of the
parliament and will afterwards return to the Congress. We have no
appearance of its finishing so soone and much less of our returning this
winter to St. Petersburg."
237. Moscou, 6 April 1729. The Czar was in perfect good health,
and intended to go next week a hunting towards Jaroslaw. " Jemmy
Keith makes you his compliments. Pray mine to Sir Henry Stirling
and all your family," &c.
238. Moscou, 25 August 1729. Had heard that his Excellency was
relieved from Cronstadt and come to the town of Petersburg, " where you
are with a greater quantity of friends then in your Island." Had letters
from Rome that assured him the King and all the Royal Family enjoyed
perfect health " The congress seems now to be in a
situation of finishing soone, and I reckon that by the later end of the year
the peace will be signed by which means all our hopes will be gone for
this time, but who knows but some favourable occasion may offer ere
long when we think the less of it."
239. Moscou, 8 September 1729. All that took them up at Moscou
then was the falling out between the King of Prussia and the Elector
of Hanover. " This last is very proud, but the former has forty thousand
men ready besides twelve thousand Saxons. God send he may drubb
my friend George and make him change his bullying way of acting."
240. Moscou, 6 December 1729. Thanks Admiral Gordon for
putting him in the way of obtaining a certain favour. " Three days
agoe the Czar's promittes with the Princess Dolkorouky were celebrated
with great magnificence, and every body is preparing to appear at the
wedding with great richess."
241. Moscou, 30 December 1729. Thanks him for sending Mist's
paper. " It is mighty well wrote, and I suppose you know that it is
the Duke of Wharton that made it."
168
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ciiajiles Stib-
HNG-HOMB-
Deummond
Mobat, Esq.
The Admiral's letter had informed him
at Petersburg, was somewhat in disgrace,
"in which case
242. Moscou, 6 April 1730
that Mr. Fisk was arrived
and that he would lose his employment " in which case I should be
extremely pleased if it was given to Sir Henry Stirling. It is reported
at Moscow that it had already been given to him ;" the Duke expresses
his hope that he would obtain it, &c.
243. Moscou, 4 May 1730. Had received his Excellency's letter of
the 30th of April, and would do all in his power to render service to Sir
Henry. His retreat from this country was not so near as he thought
some time ago, " so that you have time enough to thinck of being with the
Court, and 1 am of opinion you will see it at Petersbourg before I leaue
the country. We have nothing here worth your knowledge, onely that
all the ceremony at the coronation, and after it, have been magnificent
to the last degree : to-morrow is the last day of our rejoicings, and it is
realy full time for us to rest a little."
244. Moscou, 5 October 1730. Had not yet got his recall but ex-
pected it in four or five weeks. " In the meane time I am preparing to
go of as soone as I have taken leave. I have not as yet resolved which
road I shall take, but it is certain that it will be the greatest satisfaction
for me to embrace you before I leave the country .... I drink
often your Excellencys health with our friend Keith, James Hewet and
others. The first is to be Lief tenant CoroDel of the new regiment of
Gardes. Pray my humble seruice to Sir Henry and all your family."
245. Moscou, the 16 November, 1730. "Dear Father I haue the
greatest of concerns that I am obliged to leave this country without
taking leave of your Excellency. To-morrow I begin my journey by
the way of Smolensko to Poland and what I will become from thence is
what I do not know; but whereuer I go you may be sure that yow will
allways haue in me a faithfull seruant. Mr. Carlos the King of Spaines
secretary remaines here in my place and if he goes to Petersbourg I
flatter my self you will honour him with your protection. I embrace
Sir Henry and present my humble service to all your family. As soone
as I am steady in some place I shall lett you know it that you may
honour me with your commands. I haue had no letter from Eome since
the last I sent you but I haue from other hands that all the Royal
family is in good health. Adieu my dear Admiral. Pray my humble
service to Lord Duff us, Captain Little and other friends and belieue me
for euer, Dear Father, Your Excellency's most faithfull and most
obedient humble servant,
Liria."
Division II. (Section 3). Jacobite Correspondence and Papers,
1716-1735.
246. John Earl of Mar (under the name of J. Carny) to Admiral
Gordon, November 13, 1716.
" Sir I hope you have got one I wrote to you the 21st of October in
which I told you the pleasur Mr. Brown [The King] had in the assur-
ances you gave him by our friend of Mr. Buckley's (Czar's) good
inclinations towards him and how reddy he would be to do all that he
possiblie can to improve and cultivat that friendshipe betwixt Buckly
[Czar] and him which may certainly tend to both there advantage. As
I hinted in that letter, it wou'd be a great advantage if Buckly [Czar]
and Hanlon [Sweden] could make up matters together and finding by
our friend that Mr. Buckly inclined that way all pains has been since
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 169
taken by Brown to facilitat that matter, he haueing more interest with Charles Stir.
that gentleman and some of his principle advisers than is generally DRuimoro
knowen and is in all appearance like to haue more very soon. I may Moray, Esq.
own to you tho' you'll easily understand the importance it is to keep it
secret, that these two gentlemen Brown and Hanlon are in a fair way
of joining stokes togither in trade and if so luckie a thing as Bucklys
leaveing his old company, and joining with them two happen, they wou'd
soon be able to gett the better of all who wou'd come in competition
with them and get justice done themselves in all their different pre-
tentions there being enough to accomodat all three. Hanlon's stifness
was what was to be most apprehended to stand in the way of this and
Brown thought the most likly way to bring him to accomodat matters
with Buckly was to insinuat to him by some in the greatest confidence
with him who wish mighty well to Brown that Buckly was farr from being
ill inclined to Brown and that if it were not for the differences betwixt
him and Hanlon he wou'd be willing to assist Brown and join with him
to recover his trade. This was done in the most prudent and secret
way and I am glade to haue it now to tell you that it is like to haue
very good effects ; all irons are in the fire about it ; and I haue little
doubt of those people, Hanlon's friends, for the reasons above which
they have much at heart being able very soon to bring Hanlon to agree
matters with Buckly. It must be Mr. Duddels part to keep Buckly up
in his good intentions and not to let him too soon dispair of Hanlon's
coming to reason. When he comes to try him again I am perswaded
he will find him more tractable. We are told that Buckly intends a
visit to his old acquentance Nealan and I doubt not but Mr. Duddel will
be with him. There is one of Hanlon s friends I mention above and a
chife one with that gentleman, he knows of Duddels inclinations and if
they chance to meet I am confident they wou'd get things concerted to
Buekly's satisfaction. I can assure you that Hanlon is as much piekt
and provockt at Baker as Buckly can be, and I wish the last may be as
steady in his resentment against Baker as I am perswaded Hanlon will
be. Brown, Buckly and Hanlon seem all to have the same rival in
trade, and it will be odd as it will be pitty, if they cannot make up
matters amongst themselves, and join against him who stands in all
their way. If Buckly go not himself to Nealan's, wou'd it not be worth
his while to send Duddel to meet with that friend of Hanlons who is
there and is to be for some time. I haue no doubt of its turning to
account and that it wou'd succeed better than any other way Buckly can
try. I haue no doubt of Mr. Duddels doing all thats in his power for
Mr. Browns advantage which 1 think farr from being inconsistent with
what he ows to Mr. Buckly and I can assure him from Mr. Brown of
all the grateful returns his heart can wish. There is one who used to
be much in Bucklys graces and with whom we hear he used to advice
in the affairs of trade and with whom Duddel used to be very well. If
Duddel find it necessary he may give this gentleman all encouragement
he may in any reason expect from Brown which I can assure you would
be made good and perhaps it may not be amiss that he be assured of
this.
" It will be very unlucky if Buckly and Hanlon cannot make up matters
betwixt themselves for until that be done it may in a great measur
prevent either of them being assisting to Brown therefore this is a point
to be labour'd by Duddel and he may be sure that all pains will be taken
with Hanlon and I hope the good effects of what has been done that
way alreddy will very quickly appear. Amongst other things there was
care taken to let Hanlon know (before he could know it otherwayes)
170 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- that he ow'd to Buckly his not being prest in a certain thing which with
XING-HOME- .,,■ . u^i^i -i /r .. &
Drummond a man ot his temper could not but haue good enects.
Moray, Esq. « ^s t to\& vou m my jast tjie aff'ajr 0f Mad in with Frankling and
Hally is like to work good with Hammer, and all pains is taken to
improve that with him. Should Hammer be brought to join in trade
with the three I speak of above they wou'd make a fine company, and
that is not impossible nor that Hammer may find it his interest to look
more favourablie on Mr. Trueman than he has done hitherto, which I
am far from dispairing may happen pritty soon.
" Mr. Brown is now pritty well recovered. It will tho' be some time
before he can begin his voage, and I wou'd fain hope before he does it
I may hear from you on which it depends in a great measure what
course he will stire.
" I thought it was necessary to let you know these things without
waiting a return to my last. You will communicate it to Mr. Duddel to
whome I beg you may make my most sinceir and affectionat compliments
acceptable, and also to Mr. Hindon if still with you. I'll long
impatiently to hear from you, and I know you will inform me of what-
ever you think can conduce to Mr. Brown's advantage, who has all the
trust in you you can desire. I am with all truth, Sir, your most
affectionat and most obedient humble servant,
J. Carny."
Dorso " Pro Patria."
247. The same to Mr. Elderley. March 23, 1718. Written in
cipher.
248. The Same to [Admiral Gordon] no date, circa 1717.
" You know I am bad at the French, and I haue nobody by me just
now who I trust in business that is much better, so pray forgive this
bad translation of my Secretary, who I got since I came hither only
and was never in Britain." This prefatory note is holograph of John
Earl of Mar. The rest of the letter which is of great length is in
French, and is to the effect that the interest of the King increased every
day in England. Those who were for the present Government were
divided among themselves, George who was at the head of a party of
Whigs had lately sent to several Lords of the Upper House and
Commons in order to demand their assistance to repress the insolence of
his son who was at the head of another party of Whigs against him.
Both these parties paid court to the Tories as being capable of making
the balance lean to the side which they favour. Ten thousand men
were to be soon disbanded and an Act of Grace or Indemnity was soon
to be passed which would make things more favourable for the King.
But since the speech of George to Parliament promising this was made
the Court had given for news that the Duke of Ormond was in France,
and that the King had returned from Italy, so that the disbandment of
the ten thousand, and the presentation of the Act of Grace were always
deferred. States that it would not be suitable that the Duke of Ormond
should go to Sweden as it was not quite certain that he would get a
favourable reception ; and a bad reception would damage the affairs of
the King. After some political discussion he adds that he had lately
had a communication from his master and desired his correspondent to
signify to Admiral Gordon his true gratitude for the good manners of
his Russian Majesty towards him. With speculations as to the Czar
heading a confederacy to re-establish King James and tranquillize in a
manner the troubles of Europe. And if his Russian Majesty would
kindly put himself to the trouble of hearing Admiral Gordon explain
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 171
the contents of the letter and order him to write what he should think Charles Stir-
of it, it would be a great satisfaction to the Earl's master, and an dbSSoSd"
instruction for the conduct of his subjects here. The Queen mother Moray, Esq.
had ordered him to make his compliments to the Czar. Had already
written to Mr. Hooker to return to France.
249. Lady Mary Gordon styled Duchess of Perth, third wife of
James styled Duke of Perth to [Admiral Gordon],
" St. Germains, the 25th of Jully, 1717.
Hauing, Sir, wreat to yow tuice alredie uppon the subject of Monsr
Le Franc recommended to yow by the Queen to intreat (by your credeit
with his Majesty Czarrienne) you would endevor to get him a comission
of a captaine of a ship, whiche he understands perfectly uele hauing
been imploy*d in that station in France all the last uar, and would be
still uer ther now annie service of that kinde here. But I would not,
Sir, giue you the trubble of repeating this dettaile muche mor fully
expressed in my tuo former letters if I did not aprehend them miscaried,
it being a month very near since my first. Soe in case they bee not
com to your hand, I must tell you the reson ther Majesties are soe
earnest to prouide for this Le Franc is that he caried our King to
Skotland with care and fidellitie, thogh he uas very poor and knew what
great reward he might haue by betraying his trust ; and his capacittie
in sea affaires ansuers the rest. All whiche arguments to be us'd to his
Czarienne Majestie, will I hope, joyn'd with your protection, procure
what the Queen so muche desires and what she will be soe muche
oblidg'd to you for ; and if my oun consideration can haue annie weight
with you this will infinitly oblidge, Sir, Your most humble obediant
servant and cosieng,
M. Perth.
250. General de Dillon to [Admiral Gordon] from a copy in the
Admiral's handwriting.
Paris the 26th December 1721. Sir, I execute with pleasure the
Kings commands to acquaint you that he depends on your good offices
near the Emperor you serve who seem'd formerly uery well dispos'd in
his Majesty's favor and as he is much in better scituation since the
honorable peace he made with Sweden, its to be hoped he may be the
easier prevaill'd upon to render the King essentiali services and croune
the great actions of his reign with the glory of restoring an injur'd
Prince to the right of his ancestors. Certaine it is that the dispositions
of the people in England are exceedingly better than euer they haue
been to receaue theire lawfull king if any power on earth would send
him to them with a guard of fiue or six thousand men with armes and
ammunition for twenty thousand. They haue no other way to free
themselves from ane odious usurpation and insupportable oppression. I
have in my hands convincing proofs for what I advance : yow can with
security acquaint his Imperiall Majesty with the truth hereof.
Sir, I haue been long enough in the warr to acquire some judgment
in enterprises. Yow may also safely tell him that not only the Kings
but the people's hopes are fixed upon his Imperiall Majesty's good and
generous intentions. If the King be so happy as that yow can find his
Imperial Majesty dispos'd to thinke of his case I shall be in a
convenient situation to treat with Prince Dolhorouky whenever he hes
orders for it, and shall be able to give him such authentick lights from
the King and the British nation as will give entire satisfaction. When
you are pleas'd to favore me with your answer address it by Prince
172 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- Dolgorouky's channel!. I am, with much esteem antl sincerity Sir,
'djbuhmokd Your most humble and most obedient servant,
Moray, Esq. I)e DlLLON.
251. The Same to the Same.
Paris, the 26th December 1721.
Sir, I excute with mucli pleasure the Kings commands in forwarding
the enclosed to you which gives me the opportunity of renewing our
former acquaintance and making you my compliment on the justice I'm
informed his Czarish Majesty has lately render'd yow whereof I shall
allways wish the improuement for yours and your country's sake.
I know how far the King depends on your good offices near the
Emperour you serue who seem'd formerly very well disposed in his
Majesty's favour and as he is much in better scituation since the honour-
able peace he made with Sweden its to be hop'd he may be the easier
prevail'd upon to render the King essential service and crown the
great actions of his reign with the glory of restoring an injur'd Prince
to the right of his ancestors. Certain it is that the dispositions of the
people in England are exceedingly better than euer they haue been to
receive their lawfull king if any power on earth would sendhim to them
with a guard of five or six thousand men with arms and ammunition for
twenty thousand. They have no other way to free themselves from an
odious usurpation and . insupportable oppression. I haue in my hands
conuincing proofs for what I advance ; you can with security acquaint
his Imperial Majesty with the truth heirof. You know, Sir, I haue
been long enough in the war to acquire some judgment in enterprises.
You may also safely tell him that not only the King's but the peoples
hopes are fixed upon his Imperial Majesty's good and generous
intentions, having shewn all along pursuant to the example of his
ancestors an auersion for usurpers and a love for the English nation.
I -wish Prouidence may order it so that his views and interests may not
disagree from his Majesty's restoration. I haue some reasons for
belieuing that the King of Sweden would not be auerse to joyn in it, but
of these matters you are much a better judge and therefore will refer
them to you. However if the King be so happy as that you can find
his Imperial Majesty dispos'd to think of his case I shall be in a con-
venient scituation to treat with Prince Dolhorouky whenever he has
orders for it, and shall be able to give him such authentick lights from
the King and the Brittish nation as will giue intire satisfaction.
When you are pleas'd to fauour me with your answer address it by
Prince Dolhorouky s channell and inform me what is become of Sir
Henry Stirling whom I haue no account of these two years past : the
King is uneasy for him and some packets that haue been address'd to
him long ago without any return.
Be pleas'd to excuse this trouble and to belieue I am with much
esteem and sincerity, Sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,
De Dillon.
The inclos'd is writ by the Kings own hand.
252. The Same (signing Dutton) to the Same.
Sunday 5th April 1722, N.S.
Sir, The friend who is pleas'd to inclose this to you has informed me
of your owning the receipt of my precedent letter and of your designing
to direct correspondence by a different channell from that I made use
of : yet as the time is precious and the remoteness great I think proper
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
173
ling-home-
Drummond
Moray, Esq.
to lose no time in giving you an account of matters by which the former Charles SriR
proposal may become more easy.
It appears to me that a connection cf interests may probably unite
Coalman and Kemp in this conjuncture which should render Knights
return easie and the aduantage to be reapt from it by the two former
uery secure. Upon this plausible foundation I thought it conuenient
to benefit of an occasion offer'd me by the return of a well dispos'd and
understanding Factor of Kemps who has managed some affairs of his
here for a time. His Factor agreed that his master's concerns seem'd to
require the removal of Heme out of Euan farme but sayd Kemp could not
think of it in his present condition if he be not back'd by your friend
Coalman and that it was euen requisit the motion should be made by
the latter ; howeuer he desired me to giue him a memorial for Kemp to
be presented if the occasion proues fauorable as he hoped it would, on
which he designs to consult Gainly's partner who remain'd a long time
in Euan's family and married a daughter of that house which is of
Jonston's club. This Gentleman is in great credit with Kemp. I gaue
such a Memorial to the Factor in which I explained the facilitys of
compassing the point by an embersley of six thousand south scrooply
disposed on the coast at or about Grottembourgh and to be rendered at
his choice to Mrs. Euans or Mrs. Story. I engaged for mantles to
answer the alms and aplis for full powers to make the bargains in
Knights behalf and for a ready union of Euans relations. The willing-
ness of that Family is such as cannot be well conceiu'd and hardly but
one uoice for Knights cause to come on this terme. I thought it of
absolute necessity to giue you early notice of this step but will obserue
that I made no mention of any aduances us'd near Coalman tho' I
promis'd to haue some made to that purpose. Per/nit me to giue here
my kind seruice to S. H. S g who has an account book whereof you
will haue occasion to giue you a clear view of matters.
I remain with entire esteem and sincerity, Sir, Your most obedient
servant,
Dutton.
[Dorse— Du Dillon, 1722.]
253. The Same to the Same.
Sir, The bearer is a very good friend of mine and a particular
acquaintance of the Factor Mr. Jeremy had here last year and is gone
home some time ago. He was inuited in a most pressing manner by
that Factor to uisit your quarters where he had been formerly with the
D. of O. The bearer consulted Mr. Charles on the matter and desired
his permission to make the journey. The latter agreed to the proposal
and directed me to benefit of the opportunity in sending by him some
fresh instances to Mr. Jeremy which could not be so well confided to
the post in these suspicious times. I recommend him to your friendly
offices in that place being fully persuaded of his worth and attention to
deserue your esteem. I desire the same fauour for him by your
mediation near Sir H. S. [Sir Henry Stirling] to whom I pray my
most kind and humble seruice. I shall own the fauours both shall
haue the occasion to do this Gentleman as a particular obligation.
Please to belieue I am with the sincerest esteem and friendship, Sir,
your most humble and most obedient seruant,
Dutton.
174
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stie-
ijng-home-
Deummokd
Moeat, Esq.
254. The Same under the signature of Duplessis to the Same.
Paris May the 15, 1723.
Sir, Three days ago I had the fauour of your letter dated the 18th
March with an inclosed for Mr. Charles which I forwarded the same
day, and am sure it will do him much pleasure to receive from so good
hands the assurance of Mr. Jeremy's friendly thoughts on this subject
at a time that he seems to be most destitute of friends amongst persons
of that degree. I can, howeuer, auerr with truth that he neuer was so
much wish'd for by the generality of his family as at present: the
oppression and violence practised by his aduerse party serues only to
encrease the desire of a speedy relief. 1 wish your constant and
zealous application may attain their end and you become the instrument
of so good and glorious a work. I'm persuaded you will soon receive
Mr. Charles's thanks for the care you take in promoting his concerns as
you have mine for the fauour and pleasure you did me in imparting
these comfortable accounts. I am uery glad to find that Mr. Jeremy's
factor lately gone back from hence has been punctual in discharging his
trusts about papers confided to him and I haue reason to belieue and
hope he will befriend the case now that he is there in person."
The writer concludes by desiring his correspondent to address under
Mr. W. G's cover as usual " A Monsieur du Plessis, Marchand a Paris."
Signed " Du Plessis and addressed " A Monsieur Monsieur Dempsy."
— — ]. Not certain that Admiral Gordon is
255. The same to [•
addressed. October 3, 1723.
" Sir, I receiu'd with much pleasure your Letter of the 29th August
whereof I will immediately forward the contents to Mr. CharJes. He
will be doubtless much rejoiced to haue from so good hands the com-
fortable prospect you giue in fauour of his concerns in your parts. Our
factors were somewhat depressed at the disappointment of expectations
grounded on Mr. Jeremy's late uoyage, but the fresh assurances you
repeat of this gentleman's good intentions joint to the great character
of prudence and forecast every one allows him will render people's
minds easy and reuiue the hopes of a more fauourable opportunity.
Mr. Dempsy's unwearied attention to keep life in our trade deserues
the greatest acknowledgment from Mr. Charles and all those who are
well wishers to his family." Was very glad that his friend Daniel Perin
had been admitted to his correspondent's society as he might be able to
assist in removing certain difficulties that had occurred in the settle-
ment of their trade, &c. (Signed) Duplessis. Addressed " A Mon-
sieur Monsieur de la Neuuille."
256. The Honourable Captain John Hay, of Cromlix. afterwards titular
Earl of Inverness, to [Admiral Gordon]. Rome, February 24th, 1725.
A long letter. The writer states that the King had written a letter to
the Czar which was inclosed together with one from his Majesty to the
Admiral himself. The King's interest in England as well as in Scotland
was never in so flourishing a condition as it was then in though pains had
been taken to make it appear otherwise. In delivering the King's
letter a great deal would depend upon the facilities Admiral Gordon would
be able to propose to the Czar for the execution of what the King
desires of him. The number of troops could never be an objection,
though they were as many as would undoubtedly do the work of which
the King had the strongest assurances from his friends in England.
That the place (not named) proposed for embarkation was indeed at a
distance and the voyage pretty long but its being so retired and the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
175
UNG-HOME-
Dbummond
Mobat, Esq.
facility of hindering of intelligence from thence was of the greatest Charles Stie
advantage. As for the expence his Majesty as was stated in his letter
to the Czar proposed to advance five and twenty thousand Spanish
pistoles and was willing to enter into engagements to repay the whole
expense the Czar should be at in that expedition ; to enter into a treaty
of commerce advantageous for the Czar, &c. The writer proceeds to
show that the European nations could offer no opposition, France and
Spain would rather have the King on the throne than the Duke of
Hanover; the Dutch were drowned in debt and bankrupt. A paper
credit too was the only support of the Government in England ; the
very noise of the landing would sink their funds to nothing and the
Bank would be shut up in four days. Scotland was never so well
disposed as at present. The Cameronians would be among the first to
take arms, the Highlanders are ready to a man and not ill armed and
the King has as many arms as would make them make a noble figure.
Fifteen or twenty thousand stand of arms would be necessary to be
carried along with the Czar's troops and the execution of the project
could not be proposed but in summer nor could it be done this year.
Also if the Czar were to send his troops with the Duke of Holstein at
the head of them and conquer Norway, Captain Hay thought it would
be quite practicable and at the same time give a noble opportunity for
executing the Archangel project, <fec.
257. The Same, under the name of "J. Edwards," to the same.
June 2, 1725. Chiefly in cipher. The following is abridged from a
deciphered copy by Admiral Gordon.
" Sir, about eight weeks ago the King write to yow by the address
yow sent him under covert to your merchant where was enclos'd a
letter of condoleance to the Empress and one to the Emperor, and since
your letter to the King of 27th March has come safe. The King does
not know how yow mean by Mr. Perrin's friend, but believes it to be
P — Dalgarukie ; if so, I refer yow to what Capt. Hay will have deliver'd
to yow in relation to him, wherein you'lle see how much the King
depends upon P — D — good offices and advice."
The writer alleges that in the present situation of affairs in these
parts the Empress could not fail of meeting with assistance in under-
taking something for the King and explains why it was so from the
condition of the various countries. And the present time seemed the
most proper for the restoration of the King since England was not in
firm friendship with any power whatever the late proceedings of the
Government had gained them the hatred of the generality of the
English. They had taken away the privileges of the City of London,
given a sum of money to the Duke of Hanover without almost giving a
reason for it, which the English look upon as a robbing of them in open
sunshine, have passed a bill for disarming the Highlanders which is a
double advantage to the Kings interest providing an Invasion can soon
be made as it shows first how much the English ministry is afraid of the
Highlanders and exposes their own weakness to the subjects of
England, and secondly it irritated the Highlanders to a great degree,
so that there was never a better opportunity for pushing the restoration.
" The Clans have ask'd the King how to behave on this occasion ; they
are ready to undertake anything, and it would be ane easy matter for
them to prevent the act made against them taking effect for many
months could they have any hopes of being supplied afterwards. We
are hopefull that the Empress designs are such that the execution of
them will deliver them. But even putting the supposition that nothing
can be done from the north this summer and that the Highlanders are
176
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stie-
ling-home-
Deummond
Moeat, Esq.
disarm'd in as far as the English ministry will have it in theire power to
do it, the delivering of a small number of armes to them will make the
consequence of that act rather ane interrest than aduantage to the
Government ever afterwards." Since the Clans would be more anxious
to use arms put into their hands with more courage after the affront put
on them. A Memorial lately sent from Paris to Prince Kurakin asked
more troops than would be necessary : but those who sent it suppose the
Empress could as easily send 10,000 as 5,000. Indeed some people
thought that in the present ferment in England the King's presence with
a few officers and arms would do the business, &c.
258. The Same to the Same. June 23rd 1725. The original is in
cipher, but the following is from a copy in Admiral Gordon's hand-
writing.
" Sir, I wrote to you three weeks agoe. I have not heard from you
since Capt. Hay gave ane account of his arrival at Pettersburg. I hope
to hear fully from you as soon as you have deliver'd the letters to the
Empress. I cannot expect this will find you at Pettersburg since we
are inform'd that yow are to go to the fleet. However, I doe not think
it amiss to inform you of a circumstance that ought to give the greater
encouragement to the Empress to do something for the K without
loss of time — it is the consequence of the act past for disarming
the Hylanders which by the accounts we have will be oppos'd by them
to the very last. The troupes sent down for that purpose from England
will facilitate very much ane invasion there ; for the Hylanders being
in motion will not only keep their troops in Scotland but the English
ministry will be obliedg'd to encrease their forces. This joyn'd to the
d of H absence furnishes a noble opportunity for finishing the
K- restoration. The K desires you to make his compliments to
the d H. upon his marriage."
259. The Same to the Same. 25 August 1725, also in cipher, but an
abridgment is given from a copy.
What had lately happened at Glasgow by those who were formerly
reckoned very much attached to the Elector of Hanover was a plain
proof of the discontent people of all kinds are under against the English
ministry and how ready they would be to deliver themselves out of their
hands. The quelling of this mob might cause the English ministry
not to be able this year to go through with their disarming the High-
landers, " which they would never be able to compass if the King durst
venture to send his order to them to make opposition and it would be a
lucky thing if the K could be encourag'd from the E to do so.
The K is uneasy when you dont write, therefore I wish yow
would lay downe for a rule even tho' you have nothing particular to say,
to let me hear from yow alwayes once a forthnight. All the family
are wcell and will be soon going to the countrey a few myles from this,"
&c.
260. The Same, now Earl of Inverness, to the Same. December 15th
1725.
Sir, I send you here enclosed as promised you by last post a full
power to treat and conclude with the Empress of Russia's ministers
what you may think for the advantage of the King's interest, and may
contribute to the establishing a strick union betwixt his Majesty and
the Empress. As for instructions the King can send no other than
what he sent by Captain Hay. If a treaty be proposed to you to be
entered into immediately you must conform yourself to former treaty
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
177
concluded betwixt England and Muscovy which is all the King can say
till he knows what is proposed by the Empress's ministers.
I shall expect to know from you the particulars of the allyance
betwixt the Emperor and your court which is believed by every body to
be concluded.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
(Signed) Inverness."
261. Letter unsigned, a copy in the handwriting of Admiral Grordon
and probably addressed to him.
January 19th, 1726. N.S.
Sir, I haue receav'd the K's directions to correspond freely with you
of his affaires and in order to enable me to write with the greater safety,
Mr. Hay sent me your cipher, of which I make use In this letter ; at
the same time Mr. Hny acquaints me that care hade been taken to
signify to you the K s pleasure on this head. It is with the
greatest pleasure that I embrace this first opportunity of assuring of you
that no one has a greater sense of your personall abilitys and integrity
than myself, and beg that you will belieue me ready on all occasions to
give you the strongest proofs of the sincerity with which I design to
cultivate your friendship.
I presume Mr. Hay has inform'd you that for some time past, I have
been in the service and that pursuant to the K s commands and the
desire of his friends in E d I have been at this Court, soliciting the
E r to engage in the cause and demonstrating the facility with
which the K s restoration might be effectuated, if the E r would
take us under his protection; 6,000 men landed from Ostend to support
the general dir-afection of E D, S d and I d would accom-
plish this great event without the least doubt or difficulty. I find the
ministers here every day more and more irritated against the H 1
allyance and desirouse to prevent the ill consequences of it by the K s
restoration, but at the^same time unwilling to run any risque or make
any attempt without [being] thoroughly supported by other princes
who may be able at all events to counterbalance the power of France,
E d and Prussia »n case of a miscarriage in the affaire. Spain has
already declar'd his resolution to act a parte in so glorious ane enter-
prise and would the E sse be of the same sentiments and order her
minister heer to press this Court on the same head I am very certaine
we would not faylle of success. I know you have not been wanting
on your part to engage the E sse in our interrest and by what I
learn from R m your endeavours have not been ineffectualL I can
assure you nothing will be more serviceable to the cause than her
pressing the E r at this juncture to embrace our party, and I am
persuaded that the E sse remonstrances in our favor would
entirly finish this worke, and that we should soone see the good fruits of
them.
I receav'd some posts agoe a letter for yow from Mr. Hay which he
would have me transmitte to you by some sure channell. It containes
a paper of great consequence. I shall deliver it to the Russian Resident
who will transmit it by the first safe opportunity.
I have reason to expect some further explication from this Court in a
few dayes in answer to a memorial which I have deliver'd and which I
thinke will obliedge them to speak plaine. As soon as I gett any
further light you may depend upon hearing further from me. I am, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant."
Indorsed: "Vienna, Breval, January 19th. N.S. 1726."
i 84067. M
Charles Stir-
likg-hoaie-
dbummokd
Moray Esq.
178 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaelm Stih- 262. William Hay to Admiral Gordon. Eome, February 2nd, 1732.
"summond After compliments, &c., the writer says, "I have putt up a small
Moray, Ebq. vrooden box containing 2 rings of the order of Toboso [see Nos. 266,
267], such as all the knights wears ; one for yourself, the other for my
dear Sir Henry [Stirling] .... We knights daily after drinking
the healths of the Royal Family, a fair meeting on the green follows ;
our tuo young Princes are protectors of the order and wear the r'ngs,
which I hade the honour to present them with on my arrivall last
summer from Naples, where I hade them made. They are the most
lively and engaging tuo boys this day on earth. Pray God preserve
them long. I made your compliments to Sir George Keith and delivered
your letter. He writt you about 8 days agoe an answear. Yow may
readily imagine the satisfaction we have of his company on many
accounts which I cannot express att present. He has the esteem of
all that has the honour to be knowin to him, and may be justly stiled
the hero of our cause. He with Sir William Maxwell, Sir William
Livingston the Grand Master whom I should have given the first place
join in their hearty service to all our brother knights with you. Lord
Dunbar he desires me to make you his complements. Lord Inverness
and Lady are still att Avignon where they have been for ten moneths
past : these persons are unlucky not to be much in esteam with the
generality of the Kings friends, and verry odd management they are
charged with though noe treachery, yet the King still continues his
esteam and regard for him. About 2 moneths agoe some sudden turn
and resolution seized him and Lady to turn Roman Catholiks and make
their publick abjuration ; this is a piece of conduct surpriseing to all and
will justly lessen him in the esteam of these feu friends he hade. I
shall not enter into the reall manner of his conviction or meritt he has
by it but am perswaded it was doeing his master noe seruice thereby,
which should haue been considered — its certainly struck him out from
being about the King or employed by him again in the manner he was
formerly," &c.
263. Lieutenant General James Keith, afterwards Field Marshall in
the Prussian service, to Admiral Gordon.
" Javarof, February 20th, O.S. 1735. My dear Admiral, I ask you a
thousand pardons for not having congratulated you sooner on the
happy successe of your expedition to Danzig. All the Poles that I have
seen assures me that the so sudden surrender of the town was entirely
owing to the appearance of the fleet which cut of all hopes of succours,
and that therefore they look on you as the main instrument of the loss
of their liberty for that is their ordinary term for us who have been
emploied on this side of Poland. They have no great occasion to be
angry with us having never had the opportunity of doing them much
harm, thanks to the swiftness of their horses ; and now we are in a fair
way of a piece. The Palatin of Kiove who commands the croune army
in chief, has ask'd a suspension of arms, which has been granted him, and
I believe before now he has acknowledged K ing Augustus, for yesterday
a courrier of his past carrying orders to the Governour of Kaminick to
make his garison take the oaths to that King. There is si ill two other
little armies in this country with whom the treaties are not so far
advanced : one commanded by the Staroste Jaselski whom they have
chosen Marechal General of their confederation ; and another by the
Palatin of Volimi ; but both these must in a short time follow the
example of the other who has submitted with the few regular troops
belongs to this crown, the other two armies consisting only of the
gentry who have taken arms and militia of the provinces. For myself
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
179
ling-Home-
Drttmmokd
Moray, Esq.
I'me here in quarters in a village four milles from Zolkief where Prince Charles Stir*
James Sobieski lives, who is inconsolable for the death of the Queen his
daughter. I really thought he should have died when we acquainted
him with it, and ever since he has hardly been out of bed, so that I'me
affraid her death will soon be the occasion of his ; and as none of our
Princes has the indigenat in Poland they can succeed to nothing of his
estate. He spoke to me the other day to know if I thought that the
Empresse at his solicitation wou'd be so good as to write to the King of
Poland to procure it to the Duke of York, in which case he wou'd
write to the Empresse to beg such a recommendation. I told him that
I shou'd acquaint you with the proposal, and that having been always
employed by the King in his affairs with Russia, you wou'd consult
those of the ministers whom you thought most favourable to see if such
a recommendation could be obtained; but if anything is to be done it
must be quickly, for in the condition the Prince Royalle is in, I dont
think it possible he can live many months. Pray let me have the
answer to this as soon as possible, and do me the justice to believe me,
with an unalterable friendship and esteeme, My dear Admiral, your
most obedient and most humble servant,
(Signed) James Keith."
264. The following letter is thus headed, " Copy of the Bishop of
Rochester's letter to Lord Inverness." Paris, March 3, 1732.
" My Lord, About the beginning of December last I writt to your
Lordship and sent you a paper which I had lately printed here. To that
letter tho' your Lordship us'd to answer all mine without delay, L have
bad no manner of return. I heard, indeed, soon after I had written to
you of what had happened on St. Andrews day last at Avignon. But I
did not think a change of religion made any change in the usual form
of civility and therefore I still wonder'd at your silence. Perhaps a
reflection on your not having consulted me in that great affair, tho' I was
the only Bishop of the Church of England on this side of the water,
might make you more shy of writing to me on any other account and
willing to drop the correspondence.
Yon may remember, my Lord, that when you first retired from the
King to Pisa and when you afterwards left Rome and went to Avignon,
on both these occasions you open'dto me by letter the reason of your con-
duct and gave me an opportunity by that means of expressing my thoughts
to you in the manner I would always do, that is frankly and without
reserve. In this last step my Lord you have dealt far otherwise. And
yet in this I had most reason to expect that you would not merely have
inform'd me of what had past but even consulted me before you took
your full and final resolution. My character and course of ^tudys
qualify'd me much better for such an application than for passing any
judgment in matters of state and political managements. If your Lord-
ship entertained any doubts concerning your safety in that religion
wherein you had been bred I might perhaps upon your proposing them
have been so happy as to have solv'd them and shewn you that whatever
reasons you might have as to this world for quitting the communion you
were of, you had none, you cou'd have none as to another.
Since you were not pleas'd to give me an occasion of writing to you at
this time 1 have determin'd to take it and to pursue my former method
of telling you with such a plainness as perhaps nobody else will, what
the world says of your late conduct. My Lord, they who speak of it
most softly and with greatest regard to your Lordship say that it is a
coup de desespoir, and that your Lordship perceiving the prejudices of
the Kings Protestant subjects to run high against you so that you wou'd
m 2
180 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- never be suffered to be about his person and in the secret of his affairs
Drummond" with their consent, was resolv'd to try what could be done by changing
Moray, Esq. sides, and whether you might not at long run be able to gain by one
party what you had lost by another. They represent you as thinking
the Kings restoration as not soon likely to happen, and therefore as
resolv'd since you were obliged to live an exile in R. C. countrys to make
the best of your circumstances and to recommend yourself as much as
you could to the natives ; that so if his cause should prove desperate
for a time you might find your way back again into his service when it
would be no longer reckon d prejudicial to his affairs. And they quote
some words which they say fell from your Lordship to this purpose,
that since you saw nothing was likely to be done yet thought it high
time to take care of your soul. I hope in God they bely you since this
gives us who are at a distance from the secret but a very discouraging
prospect of the King's restoration, — of the probability or improbability
of which you my Lord must be allow'd a more competent judge. And
withal such a saying carries in it somewhat dishonourable to your Lord-
ship since it implys that had the restoration been near and probable
you would not have troubled your head about matters of religion but
suffer' d your soul to shift for itself.
They who thus interpret your last step, my lord, proceed further and
say that you intended by that means if you could not find your way
again into the general and open management of the King's affairs at
least to have that part of them allotted to you which related to foreign
princes and courts, to whom what you had done must have render'd you
grateful; and thus while your brother-in-law shou'd have the care of the
domestick correspondence and you of all the rest the whole would have
run in proper channels. They affirm that even upon your first coming
back to the King from Pisa there was a general expectation at Rome
encourag'd by the Court of Rome itself, that you would then have
declar'd yourself a R. C. and that it was prevented only by the repre-
sentations made at that time to your disadvantage from the King's
friends which occasion'd your abrupt retreat to Avignon. And they
suppose some private audiences you had at that time tended to this point
though it happen'd then to be defeated and the declaration itself was
postpon'd to a more convenient opportunity.
This indeed clashes a little with the former scheme mention'd.
God forbid that I should espouse either of them. I do not, I merely
relate them ; and having done so leave it to your lordship to make such
use of them as you shall in your wisdom judge proper."
The Bishop proceeds to say that others reflected on his Lordship's
conduct still more unkindly and put it in a more odious light, saying
that his Lordship had "play'd the same game as my Lord Mar did,
had a secret understanding with the ministers on the other side and
receiv'd the rewards of it. These men being as they are your avowed
enemies stick not to say that since you could not any longer derive
merit to yourself from your management near the King, you were resolv'd
to do as much mischief as you could to his affairs at parting by an action
which naturally tended to raise in the minds of his Protestant subjects
such disadvantageous opinions of him as I need not explain ; such as of
all others will have the greatest influence towards preventing the restora-
tion." That his Lordship on the present occasion had acted in a way
calculated to gratify his enemies and displease his friends (such as were
also enemies and friends to the Royal house), and that the difficulties
into which the King was brought by this means were very great.
" Every way this affair must perpiex him with regard to the different
interests he has separately to manage. Abroad, if he were thought to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
181
be at the bottom of it it might do him no harm ; at home, it certainly
will, and there his great interest lys, to which he is above all others to
attend.
I have made all this while little mention of what your Lordship may
think a full answer to all those reflections and refinements ; that you
follow'd a motive of conscience in what you have done and depend upon
that for your satisfaction. It may, my Lord, and I hope will justify
you before Grod if you sincerely acted on that principle. But as to man,
the misfortune is (and 1 beg your Lordships pardon for venturing to
tell you so) that not one person whom I have seen or heard of will allow
what you have done to be the effect of conviction. In that case they
say you wou'd have proceeded otherwise than merely by advising with
those into whose communion you were hastening, especially since it is
suppos'd that your Lordship has not spent much time in qualifying
yourself for the discussion of such poinls by a perusal of books of con-
troversy." Those who objected to his Lordship's proceedings, " think
that had you aim'd only at satisfying your conscience, you might have
done what you did in a more private way and enjoy'd the benefit of it
in secret without giving a publick and needless alarm. But when you
chose St. Andrews day for entering on the work and Christmas day for
compleating it, and the Pope's inquisitor at Avignon to receive your
abjuration, they conclude that you intended to make an eclat and to give
notice to all the world of your embracing a different communion, which
might be useful indeed with regard to some political views but could not
be necessary towards satisfying those of mere conscience. These, my
Lord, are the reflections which have been made in various conversations
where I was present on the subject of what lately pass'd at Avignon.
Many of them cannot be more unwelcome to you than they are to me,
who suffer in a cause which such steps are far from promoting. I am
mortify'd my Lord to see it thus go backward instead of forward, and
have a right to express my own sense in such a case, tho' I have in this
letter chiefly represented the sense of others. Losers may have leave to
speak, and therefore I make no apology for the freedom I have taken.
You seem to have approv'd it on other occasions and will not I hope
blame it on this, when it is equally intended for your information and
service. At the distance we now are and are likely to continue, I know
not how to afford you any better proof of the respect with which I am,
my Lord, your Lordship's most humble and most obedient servant,
Fra. Roffen."
265. In this section may be included a paper entitled " The Articles
sent to Lord Bolingbroke from London," March 16, 1716, and mentioned
in the letters following.
This document is only a copy. It is of some length and is here
summarised. The preamble is " Lord Bolingbroke was never to be
found by those who came to him about business. If by chance or
strategem they gott hold of him he affected being in a hurry and by
putting them off to another time still avoided giving them an answer.
The E. of Mar by six different messengers at different times acquainted
Lord B. before the K. came from D k of his being in the utmost
distress for want of ammunition and arms, and prayed a speedy reliefe ;
but though the things demanded were in my Lord's power, not so much
as one pound of powder was sent in any of the ships sent by his
Lordship's direction parted from France.
The K. himself after his arrival in Scotland sent Gen. Hamilton to
inform that his want of arms and ammunition was such that he would
Charles Stir-
ling-homh-
Drttmmond
Moray, Esq.
182 HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
C?1f LH STIR" ^e ol)^ge(^ t0 leave Scotland unless he received a speedy supply. Lord
Drummond B. amused Mr. Hamilton 12 days together and did not introduce him to
Moray, Esq any of the French ministers, tho' he was referred to them for a particular
account of affairs, or in all that time so much as communicated his letters
to the Queen or anybody else. The C. Castleblanco had for several
moneths at Havre a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition and
did daily ask his Lordship's orders how to dispose of them, but could
never gett any even to the hour the K. landed in France.
The K.'s friends at the French Court had for some time past had no
very good opinion of his Lordship's integrity and a very bad one of his
discretion. Att a time when many merchants in France would have
carried privately any quantity of arms or ammunition into Scotland
my Lord desired a public order of the Regent for their embarkation,
which being a thing not to be granted is said to have been done in order
to begg a denial."
The last article is to the effect that the King wrote his Lordship by
every occasion after his arrival in Scotland but never received one letter
from his Lordship in return.
The Lord Bolingbroke's first letter after he received the above
articles.
" The K. and E. of M. and the others who came from Scotland are so
much in want of an excuse for their flight that they have thought fit to
have my Lord B. discharged the King's service in the most abrupt and
injurious manner, under the pretence that the want of powder which he
delayed to send forced them to abandon Scotland. His Lordship says
publicly first that he can prove if they wanted powder it was not his
fault. 2. That according to what the King and Earl of Mar say in their
letters they must have come away as they did had they had all the
powder in France. 3. If they had pleased to have stayed in Scotland a
few days longer they would have received near 10,000 arms and above
30,000 weight of powder and other stores in proportion. Lastly, that
the true reason flows from another source, and that he knew and spoke
of the design to discard him long before the want of powder was so
much as talked of, but was unwilling for obvious reasons to enter into
particulars " especially since he is persuaded he shall neither pass for a
driveler nor a traitor amongst his friends."
2nd Letter. 4th April 1716.
The charge which had been read over to his Lordship was full of
improbable lies, and was the effect of that villainous and ungrateful
treatment he had met with from these people. When ho returned last
summer out of Dauphiny and engaged in the business, he found himself
immediately exposed to a daily struggle with difficulties of three sorts
arising from the rivetted prejudices of one person, the 2d from the im-
possibility of keeping the Q. and the whole rabble of the Court of St.
Germains from meddling in business, and the 3d from the Cabal of the
French English men, women and children, people for the most part of no
name in the world or else of very bad characters, who had been let in to
the most secret parts of business and expected to continue so. His
Lordship goes on to say that he combated the Kings prejudices with
great decency but with great firmness, avoided familiarity and even
intercourse with the people alluded to, and a whole tribe of Jesuits who
were then till the D. of Ormond's arrival who opened his doors to them,
and my Lord could no longer avoid seeing them but avoided all
familiarity with the set, of whom he gives a very bad account.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
183
3rd Letter. 8 April N.S.
All those nests of hornets at St. Germains flew about my Lord's ears
and with the greater spirit, because the Duke of Ormond observed a
differetit conduct. More than six weeks before the return out of Scot-
land, and consequently before the 6 articles were prepared, or any other
of the pretences against my Lord invented, the union of the several
cabals was known, and Lord Bolingbroke spoke to several of his
acquaintances about it, " He was not much concerned at it, being
from the first resolved to serve upon a Protestant and English bottom
or not to serve att all." And adds that the Articles against him were
invented to excuse the precipitation with which Scotland was abandoned.
And that he gave direct answer to business of those who could be of use
or fit to be trusted &c. Till the arrival of Mr. Hamilton my Lord did
not know that there was a particular want of powder, and then used his
best endeavours to procure all that was desired. Sums of money were
sent to Scotland by several vessels, 60,000 crowns of gold at one time, of
which so good care was taken that every farthing of it was lost. There
was little money at St. Germains to buy arms with, what there was
being sent into Scotland or in answering bills sent in from the coasts
&c. and the necessary permission to send arms to the coast could not be
obtained. My Lord knew of only two parcels of arms, one a small one
that might have been in Scotland in October or November if my Lords
and which were at this hour rotting in a
have been for five months. Those
called C. Castleblancos contained a large quantity of arms. *' Castle-
bianco is a Spaniard who by the merite of marrying Lord Melforts
daughter setts up for a manadger of English bussiness." But these
arms did not belong to him, his name was only used in buying them.
These arms were at last stopped by the French. It was a simple lie to
say that Hamilton was amused for 12 days &c.
As to the 5th Article, no merchant without orders and without
money would undertake to transport the arms and ammunition &c.
Chaelks Stik-
UNO-HOME-
Dbumicoitd
Mobay, Esq.
directions had been pursued,
magazine at Morlaix where they
4th Letter. Paris, 18 April 1716.
States that those on this side who first raised the storm begin to be
sensible of their folly &c.
Answer — no date.
The writer when he read Lord Bolingbroke's account that he was
turned out in the most abrupt injurious manner was filled with indig-
nation to see the best of Princes insulted by an unworthy subject, a
negligent minister, excusing his faults at the expense of his master's
honour &c. and gives an account of Lord Bolingbrokes proceedings
adverse to his Lordship.
The following jeux d'esprit may also be comprehended in this
Section as bearing on the amusements of the Jacobite exiles and their
relations towards Prince James' favourites.
266. To our right trusty and Eight entirely Beloved the Honourable
Sir Thomas Gordon, Sir Thomas Saunders and Sir Henry Sterling,
Knights, companions of the most ancient, the most illustrious and most
noble order of Toboso, Greeting. We having taken into our serious
consideration the Great Prudence, the consummate valour and other
Heroick Qualities of Kobert Little, Esquire, have thought fitt to elect
him into the said order, and we do by these presents empower you to
receive him in due form and to invest him with all the rights, dignitys,
Moray, Esq.
184 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
C?n?a-H STIR" Priyileges an(* Preheminences thereunto belonging. Givin at Rome,
Deummokd January 28 A. 1733.
Dn EXEKIEL DEL ToBOSO
Don George Keith
Don Gullielmo Maxwell
Don Juan Stewart
Don Marcos Carse
Don Gulielmo Hay.
267. To all true Knights, Squires &c. Application having formerly
been made to us in the behalf of James Murray Earl of Dunbar to
receive him into the most noble order of Toboso, we have therefore
enquir'd diligently into his meritos y servicios, and have found on a due
and impartial inquiry that he is incapable of being ever admitted into it
for the following reasons.
First, the said James Murray &c. had once the insolence in our
presence to fail in his respect to a right honourable lady who is the
ever honour'd protectress of the most illustrious order of Toboso.
2. The said James Murray &c. had the assurance in the Villa
Ludovici before us and our honourable brother, Sir Patrick de la
Ardicate Espada, to crack a dull joke on the design of reviving the said
order, as if it were only to attack windmills, in which he show'd the
lightness and giddiness of his own head and that he himself was dispos'd
to turn with every wind.
3. The said James Murray &c. has not sufficient valour to entitle him
to be enrolPd among true and valiant knights, for being requir'd in the
year 1715 to ccnvey some messages of importance with all possible
expedition to his countrymen in Scotland, then in arms, he designedly
threw himself into the enemy's quarters by going to Ghent (as the
shortest road from Paris to Diepe), and chose rather to make a safe and
inglorious campaign in Newgate than a more dangerous and honourable
one in the field. Besides we find that in the year 1731 Monsieur
Giraldin threaten'd him TJapprendre a parler &c. and he receiv'd that
French compliment with all possible submission and respect.
4. The said James Murray &c. not having the fear of God before his
eyes but being led by the instigation of the devil went on Monday the
19th instant to the subgovernour of the city of Rome, and did then and
there sollicit the said subgovernour to pass a sentence of banishment
against us, the Grand Master of the order of Toboso ; and even helpt his
brother attorney, Antonio Broggi Crim-Tartaro, to draw it up in a
Gothick stile and most barbarous Latin. And likewise in derision of
our native Country to insert two notable bulls and blunders in it.
By which behaviour not very becoming a Lord the said James Murray
Escozese gave a signal proof of his enmity to true chivalry, of his spite
and envy against our illustrious order, by conspiring with magicians and
wicked negromancers to eclipse the glory and renown of our immortal
and heroick deeds.
5. The said James Murray &c. having been once employ'd by the late
Earl of Kintore to sollicit payment of a summe of money due to his
Lordship in London, had the modesty to charge the said Earl with
300 sterling for coach hire tho' the said James Murray &c. went twice
only from Whitehall stairs to the Crane in a sculler in order to demand
that debt.
6. The said James Munay &c. when a member of the British House
of Commons, and a Bill for encouraging the exportation of timber from
Scotland was brought into the house, which would have been of great
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 185
advantage to his country, he wilfully absented himself by remaining in Charles Stir-
the Court of Requests, under pretence that Mr. Ross had not desir'd d"ru"mmoni>
him particularly to attend, that is had not given him money to that end, Moray, Esq.
and this Bill was lost by a majority of one voice.
7. It appears to us that the said James Murray &c. (who was first
bred an attorney before he was bred a lord, and was never wellbred in
either profession) is an exceeding dull poet as is evident from his
satyrical poems (If they may be so call'd) written against us, and that
he truly deserved the pleasant character which an English sailor gave
lately in our presence of another minister of state that Be has a muddy
head tyd to a blundering memory.
We therefore Don Ezekiel Hamilton, Grand Master of the most
ancient, the most illustrious and most noble order of Toboso, for these
and other just reasons to be produc'd in due time and place and speci-
fyed more at large in a life that will soon be publish'd, have decreed by
the advice and consent of our brethren, all true and valiant knights, that
the said James Murray &c. is unworthy to be admitted into our order
or into the lowest and meanest employment belonging to it, that his
company ought to be avoided by all honourable knights and worthy
squires, that he ought to be condemned to admire himself, to laugh at
his own insipid jests and to read his own dull and malicious poems ;
and the said James Murray &c. is by these presents declared to be for
ever incapable of any of the honours, rights, dignitys, privileges, pre-
heminencys and authoritys belonging to the said order. Given at our
Castle in the Sierra di Radicofani, April 22, 1734, in the eight year of
our great mastership.
Yo El Gran Maestro.
Division II. Section (4). Commissions and similar papers belonging
to Admiral Gordon.
1693-1728.
268. Letters by King William Third and Queen Mary giving per-
mission to the ship " Margaret," of Aberdeen in Scotland, carrying 100
men and thirty guns, being about to sail under command of Thomas
Gordon, captain, from Campheer in the Netherlands through the
Mediterranean Sea : their Majesties therefore order all their officers to
allow their said ship to pass and repass in peace and quietness ; to
defend the said ship if attacked by enemies ; and to assail, take, sink, or
otherwise destroy the enemy's vessels. Court at Whitehall, 28 February
1693.
(Signed) Gulielmus R.
269. Instructions for Captain Thomas Gordon, Commander of the
Frigate " Neptune." These comprise instructions for regulation of the
crew, capture of enemy's vessels, &c. Campvere, 19 September 1693.
(Signed) William Gordon, &c.
270 Passport for " le Sieur Gordon venant d'Holande a Paris anec
vn valet pour affaires de commerce." To last for six months. (Signed)
Louis. (Countersigned) Colbert. Versailles, 16 September 1698.
271. Commission by Queen Anne to Captain Thomas Gordon to be
Commander of the ship " The Royal Mary." Court at Windsor Castle,
17th July 1703. Superscribed Anne R. and subscribed by her Majesty's
command, David Nairne.
186
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
Drum mohd
Moray, Esq.
272. Extract. Act by his Grace her Majesty's High Commissioner
and Lords of the Privy Council upon a Petition given in by the Magis-
trates and Merchants of the Town of Aberdeen, stating that three ships
belonging to Aberdeen had lately, in their voyage homeward bound from
Campvere to Scotland, been seized by the French and Ostenders, and
that Captain Gordon and Captain Campbell, commanders of two of her
Majesty's ships, have also seized each of them a French or Ostender
Privateer, and that the good treatment of the Scotsmen taken there
depended on the treatment the French or Ostenders should meet with
here ; and whereas the setting of the French at liberty upon their
enacting themselves to procure the same favour to the Scots prisoners,
and giving a declaration under their hands of their good treatment here,
may procure the same favour to these seized in the ships belonging to
the said Town of Aberdeen. Therefore craving their Lordships to set
the said Prisoners at liberty. Their Lordships accordingly ordain the
prisoners taken aboard of the Ostend privateer, commanded by Jean
Sable, and taken by Captain Thomas Gordon, Commander of the
il Royal Mary," to be dismissed and set at liberty upon the said Captain
and prisoners giving a declaration subscribed under their hand that they
were taken aboard the said Ostend privateer and were instantly dis-
missed as said is in expectation that the subjects of this kingdom who
are or shall be taken prisoners in France or the Spanish Netherlands
shall be used and treated in the same manner. Holyroodhouse, 19th
June 1705.
273. Commission by Queen Anne to Captain Thomas Gordon to be
Commander of the " Royal William." St. James, 7 November 1705.
274. Commission by his Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark,
&c, Lord High Admiral, to Captain Thomas Gordon to be Commander
of the " Leopard." 3 February 1707.
275. Printed Order by Prince George of Denmark, Lord High
Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, to the captains, masters, and
commanders of her Majesty's ships and vessels, ordering them not to
molest the French fishing boats in terms of an agreement that had
been made with the Court of France, viz., " That all Fisher Boats of
both sides that shall catch herrings, mackarel, oysters, lobsters, and all
sorts of flat and fresh fish shall not be molested from the Orcadiis to the
Landsend in England, the Islands of Guernsey and Jersey included,
and from the height of Ostend to Bayone, but that if any fisher boats be
found with salt or barrels, or any salted fish of both sides, and taken,
they shall be made lawful prizes."
276. Copy of Order by Queen Anne directed to Thomas Earl of
Pembroke and Montgomery, High Admiral of Great Britain, ordering
Captain Thomas Gordon to take his post or rank in the Royal Navy
from the date of the Commission to him to command the " Royal
William." 30 March 1709.
277. Orders by Thomas, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, Lord
High Admiral of Great Britain, Ireland, &c, to Captain Gordon, Com-
mander of her Majesty's ship the " Leopard," to cruise between Pemsey
and Winchelsea in company with the " Gosport " for securing the
herring fishery. 24 August 1709.
278. Orders by the same to Captain Thomas Gordon, commander of
her Majesty's ship " Leopard," at Hastings, to proceed to Marlsstrandt
to be a convoy to certain ships that were coming from Riga with masts.
23 October 1709.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
187
279. Orders to Captain Thomas Gordon, commander of her Majesty's
ship the " Moor," by the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors of
the United East India Company, on whose application the Lords of the
Admiralty had appointed the " Sunderland " and " Moor " to proceed to
sea to look for and convoy the Company's ships expected from the East
Indies, the orders being sealed and not to be opened till he was twenty
leagues to the westward of Scilly, &c. Signed Jona. Andrewse, George
Mathew, Gregory Page.
280. Commission by the Commissioners for executing the office of
Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c, in favour of
Captain Thomas Gordon to be Captain of her Majesty's ship the
" Moor." Office of Admiralty. 5 November 1711.
281. Official copy. — Certificate " by the Principall officers and com-
manders of Her Majesty's Navy," bearing that Captain Thomas Gordon,
Commander of Her Majesty's ship " Moor," between the 23rd of
November 1711 and the 31 of October 1713, had satisfied the Board
touching his observance of those articles of the Lord High Admiral's
instructions, &c, and therefore they had no objection to the payment of
his wages for the said ship for that time. Navy Office, 4th January
1713.
282. Commission by the Commissioners for executing the office of
Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland to Captain Thomas
Gordon to be Captain of his Majesty's ship " Advice." Office of
Admiralty, 6 May 1715. Signed, Oxford, G. Byng, Geo. Dodington,
J. Jennings, Geo. Baillie.
283. Commission [translation in English of a Russian original]
appointing Captain Thomas Gordon as Rear- Admiral in the Russian
Navy. " By the Grace of God we Peter the First, Czar and sole
Monarch of all Russia, &c, &c, &c. Be it known to every one that we
have graciously appointed and constituted Thomas Gordon (Captain
Commander in our Navy for his well recommended to us experiences,
diligence and zeal for our service,) to be our Rear Admiral the first day
of January 1719, as likewise by these presents and by the power hereof,
we do constitute him ; and therefore command all those in our service
to acknowledge him and respect him the said Thomas Gordon in usual
manner as our Rear Admiral. And in return of these presents we hope
that he in this post most graciously granted by us to him will behave
himself so diligently as is becoming to a good faithfull officer and
servant. In testimony hereof we have subscribed these with our own
hand and commanded to affix unto it our Imperial Seal. Given on
board the " Ingermanland " in the year 1719 the 11th of July being
under sail going from the Road hamock."
The original patent signed " Peter."
284. Paper (in French) headed " Articles du Paix " [draft or copy]
1. Of the conquered countries, the provinces of Ingria, Livonia,
Esthonia, with the Town of Revel " et la Carellie " should
remain with the Czar, also the town of Wibourg.
2. The Czarian Majesty will restore to the Crown of Sweden the
Grand Duchy of Finland with dependencies as far as to the
Boundary of Wibourg.
8. King August the Second shall remain on the throne of Poland,
and be recognised by his Swedish Majesty as lawful King.
Chablbb Stik-
MNG-HOME-
Drummoitd
Moray, Esq.
188 HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Cj£IA3U,SsSxiB' 4- ^n the same treaty of peace the King of Prussia ought to be
BbummoW comprehended that he might have satisfaction for his
Moray, Esq. pretensions.
Further if his Swedish Majesty wishes to enter on negotiations he
is desired to send one with full power some place as near as possible
to the territories of the Czar, etc.
285. Contract by which Sir Thomas Gordon Admiral in the Imperial
Russian Fleet, lets his house in the Admiralty Island behind the little
River opposite to the Magtna Dwor to Mr. Jacob Wolff, or his assigns,
for the space of one year from date, for the sum of 400 Rubles of
Russian money ; the lessee to pay 2,000 rubles in case the house
should be destroyed by fire — to bear the quartering of soldiers, to keep
the watnhes at the Bagatkies or turnpikes and to cause clean the streets
as customary &c. St. Petersburg, 17 May 1728.
Division II. Section (5). Miscellaneous Letters and Papers.
1716-1740.
(a.) Letters written by Admiral Gordon, taken from drafts or copies
contained in a Letter Book in his own handwriting.
286. May 20 1737.
A Monsieur Monsieur Le Comte Marichel d'Ecosse, Lt. General des
Armies de S.M.C.
" I have sent a letter from his brother the Lt. General Keith under
cover and have earnestly desir'd him to write me his address."
287. 16th 7ber 1737.
Mr. Williams — Wrote to him that I did myself the honour to write
to him the 4th of August."
[This is probably a memo, of a letter to the Chevalier St. George.]
288. [To Bishop Keith]. February the 10th 1738.
Right Reverend Mr. Keith — " Right Reverend, I giue you thanks for
the particular account you giue me by your letter of the 27 xber of the
illness that carried of my dearest daughter Elizabeth. God gaue and
the Lord hath taken, blessed be the name of the Lord. The relation
you giue of her behavior in your familly is a great comforte to me, I
doubt not through the merits of Christ she is now happy," &c.
289. July 20, 1738.
To Mr. Williams. The young gentleman Mr. Williams had recom
mended to his friendship should never want anything it was in his
power to do for him. " I have been in a bad state of health for four
months past [a subsequent letter states that it. was asthma] that I could
scarce write my name. I thank God I am now on the recovery." A
courier had arrived from Felt Marshall Lacy with accounts of his
taking Pereop, 84 brass guns and several mortars fell into his hands and
2,000 Turks in the fortress surrendered as prisoners.
290. 15, 7ber 1738.
To Mr. Williams — Velt Marshal Lacy " has left the Crimea, and
march'd the army under his command into the Ukraine. 1 am informed
that the Velt Marshall Count Munich has left the River Neister and
marcli'd the army under his command to theire winter quarters about
Kiove in the Ukraine. It is sayde that the Plague is in Podolia and in
the Turkish army which may be the occasion of Velt Marshal Munich
so early marching to his winter quarters. I have hade the honore
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
189
of a visite from the Earle Marischal ; his brother General Keith is under
the care of one Horn ane able experienced chirurgeon. He, the said
Horn, is of opinion, that the Generals leg which is wounded is in danger.
What the Generals fate may be cannot be knowne fcr some time;.
When I can with certainty know how the case goes, 1 will acquaint you
of it," &c.
[In another Letter dated the same month and directed to Mr. Wilson
he says " The 9th of this month I hade the honore of a visile from
the Earle Marischal. He is in good health and intends to stay at
Petterbourg untill his brother the General be entirly cur'd of his wound.
Mr. Horn is em ploy' d on the cure ; at the consultation of the ablest
chirurgeons Mr. Horn differ'd in opinion from the others and sayes that
the generals leg is in danger. However he goes on with the cure and
in a short lime we will be more certain of the fate of the wound."
291. 26 October 1738.
General Keith at Petterbourg — * 7 receiv'd your Letter of the 16th
inst. I hade hopes of seeing you whid. is the reason that I have been so
long in answering the sayde letter. The 25th T hade leav from the
Colege of Admiralty to go to Petterbourg for 2 dayes. The 26th early
in the morning I sett out ; about noon it blew so hard, and snow'd, that
I could not proceed and was fore'd to returne to this place. The winter
seems to be near so that I cannot think of seeing you untill the ice be
strong enough to cary me."
292. 15 June 1739.
Mr. Williams — The situation of affairs at home was more favorable
for Judith than it had been for several years past. The people of
England were in a great ferment against the ministry and crying loud
for a war with Spain — at the Court of Russia preparations were being
made for the marriage of Princess Ann of Mecklenbourg with the
Prince of Bevern. " It is sayde it will be most magnificent and to be
solemniz'd the 3d of July."
293. 15 June 1739.
Capt. Hay. . . . "I now give you the trouble to deliver the
enclos'd letter to Mr. Williams, as General Keith intended to leave
Paris and to go to the famous baths in the Pirenes. You may know the
state of his health from these hot baths better than I can know it at
this great distance from him."
294. The 7 th July 1740.
General Keith — " Yesterday about noon I receav'd the honore of
your Excellency's letter of the 3rd instant. I giue you my most hearty
thanks for your kind proceeding in an affaire that is of the best
consequence to me.
" Sir Hary Stirling design'd at this day to haue wayted of you at
Pettersbourg. The wind being contrary has disappoynted him.
However when the wind turns favorable, he will make you a visite
and when you meet he will advise with you on the proper measures to
be taken in the affaire in question. I am for ever, my dear General,
Your Excellencys most humble most obedient faithfull servant."
295. 12 July 1740.
A son Altesse Serenissime Monseigneur le due de Courland, Livonie
et Serngal, Due Regent de 1' Empire de Russie etc. etc. etc. par ordre
du senat. Monseigneur, La meauvaise etat de ma sante ne me permet-
tant pas (malgre mon inclination) d'essuier les fatigues de mon
department a Croinstadt, Je me trouve oblige d'avoire recours a la
Charles Stir-
ling-Home-
DRUMMOyp
Moray, Esq.
190 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
chaelbs Sue- bonte et humanite de votre Altesse Serenissime dont J'ay tant d'expe-
DbSmond rience, de vouloire bien me faire la grace de s'interesser en ma faveur
Mobat, Esq. d'obtenir de sa Majeste Imperiale mon conge, et la liber te de retourner
a ma Patrie pour tacher de recouvrir ma sante. II me seroit impos-
sible de soutenir la dignite du rang et caractere que Je possede ny en
Russie ; a moins que sa Majeste Imperiall ne me fasse la grace de me
continuer raes appointement sans quoy Je ne songeray plus. Mais si sa
Majeste Imperiale deignera par sa generosite sans borne d'accorde ma
tres humble et tres soumisse requete, s'ill plaise au ceil de me rendre
mes forces, Je seray toujours pret d'obeir aux ordres de sa Majeste
Imperiale et de rependre le derniere goute de mon sang pour son
service. Si le cas arrive son Excellence Monsieur le General Keith qui
rendra a votre Altesse Serenissime cette lettre me fera part de sa reponce,
dont Je me feray un regie, etant avec un attachement inviolable et un
veneration de plus parfaite, Monseigneur, de votre Altesse Serenissime
le tres humble, tres obeissant et tres oblige serviteur."
296. , 21 October 1740.
To the same. Expressing his grief at the death of Her Imperial
Majesty with his felicitations on the advancement of the Duke to the
Regency.
297. 29 October 1740.
Lord Golovin. — My Lord, I have receiv'd a letter from Mr. Maim-
varing dated the 21st instant wrote by your Lordships directions. This
is a fresh prooffe of your valuable friendship which I shall never
forgett and when I have occasion of rendering you service you shall
alwayes find me gratfull.
This last summer when you were at this place I took the liberty to
acquaint you that as I was then in a bad state of health I hade wrote a
letter to his most Seren Highness the Duke of Courland to use his
interrest with the late Empresse of gloriouse memory to obtain her
Imperial Majesty's leave to return to my native countrey for recovering
my health and that my salary might be continued during my life. A
copy of that letter to the Duke of Courland I herewith send you that you
may the better judge of the proper methods to be taken in my affaire.
I have not hade the honour of any answer to my letter from bis most
Seren Highness the Duke Regent. Untill I have the honore to waite
of his Highness and to speak to him of this affaire I cannot in honore
or prudence proceed any further," &c.
298. 5 December 1740.
Lord Golovin. — As the state of his health would not much longer
permit him to do his duty with that exactness which his inclination led
him to, Admiral Gordon requests his Lordship to use his interest to
obtain for him permission to return to his native country with a suitable
pension ; and because when he left Great Britain he omitted to beg the
Government's leave to go out of that kingdom which rendered him
obnoxious to be persecuted by the Ministry of Great Britain, for this
reason he did not ask his discharge from the service but a permission to
return. " I cannot leav this place before the next summer to go home
by sea, I therfore request your interrest that I may be continued in the
command untill the 1st of May 1741."
299. 11 December 1740.
Son Altesse serenissime Monseigneur le Prince de Brunswick
Lunenburg, Generalissimo des armes de Russie etc. etc. [Anton Ulrich]
Congratulations on his advancement to the Regency of the Empire.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 191
300. 16 December 1740, °%gg0*g?-
Mons. Le Comte d'Osterman grand Admiral de PEmpire de Russie jJJJJ™0^™
etc. Congratulations on his being placed at the head of the navy as — L
Admiral General.
301. 16 December 1740.
Mr. Williams. On tbe 9th instant the Duke of Courland then Regent
was put under arrest with all his family, for maladministration during the
short time of his Regency. Princess Ann of Mecklenbourg mother to
the young Emperor was declared Regent during the minority of her son.
302. 20 December 1740.
A sa grandeur Monseigneur le Comte de Munich, Premier Ministre
du Cabinet, Velt Mareshal et Chevalier des ordres de sa Majeste
l'Empereur de toutes les Roussie etc. etc.
Congratulations on his advancement to be chief of the cabinet.
(6.) Papers relating to the Siege of Dantzic, May to June 1734.
303. Copy of a letter from the Empress of Russia to Admiral Gordon,
6th June 1734, acknowledging his Report ;of his proceedings with the
Russian fleet and intended operations against the French ships near
Dantzic : Indicating what his movements are to be after the French are
disposed of and sending formal instructions.
304. Instructions for Admiral Gordon that he shall take command of
the Russian fleet, sail to Dantzic, unload artillery there for the use of
the Field Marshal commanding the troops, act at sea against the French
fleet and against all French ships and otherwise as circumstances shall
require. [7 May 1734.]
305. Paper entitled " Reponce a un Projet Envoye de Dantzic
[c. 1734]. This Paper appears to be written by or on behalf of the
French occupiers of Dantzic who were acting in aid of Stanislas King
of Poland. The contents are briefly : —
1. The writers had the honour to supplicate his Polish Majesty to be
persuaded that their intention in coming from France was to
sacrifice all for his service and for the glory of the King their
master. But they ask him not to take it in ill part that they
make representations to him on the impossibility of executing his
last orders.
2. In regard to an oven which the troops had made in the covered way
from the Fort de la Munde for their subsistence and which was
exposed to bombs, &c.
3. In regard to conveying bread by night from the Fort de la Munde.
4. It was possible to have brought the cannon from the Galliot to
raise two batteries but all that was necessary to construct them
was wanting, such as shovels, pickaxes, fascines, gabions, together
with officers of artillery.
5. The proposition to destroy the Frigate of transport as well as
the two boats could not be accomplished for want of tools
&c.
6. The plans to defend the " auant fosse par le moyen de fleches "
was in like manner impossible for want of gabions, fascines, &c.
The remainder of the articles are of a similar character to the
above.
306. MS. in the handwriting of Admiral Gordon entitled : "Journal
of all the Remarkable Accidents and Proceedings of our voyage to
Pillow and DanUig. May 1734." [Extracts only are given.]
192 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
°u^Home-R' " 0n board ller ImPerial Majesty's Ship Petter the 1 and 2d, May
Dbummond Q1734].
3IOKAT, Esq. a 74, 'phis day at 7 acloake in the Evening wesayl'd from Croonstadt
wind at S.E. at 10 acloake."
viay J 6-23. The Admiral records the proceedings of each day with
much minuteness but his entries chiefly relate to technical matters and
preliminary movements of ships under his command.
25. The Admiral states that on this day he spoke to Hermanus Reur-
man, skipper of the flyboat Duile, come from Amsterdam, last from the
Roade cf Dantzig which he left on the 23rd, who reported that 5 French
ships of 60 guns and 5 frigates of 30 and 40 guns were in the road of
Dantzig, that the French had built a fort on the Island and had four or
five thousand men ashore in the fortification, &c. rt I held a Council of
War with Vice Admiral and Rear Admiral. They agreed with me to
stand into Pillow [Pillau] Roade with the artillery ships and leav them
under the care of Capt. Brant in the Devonshire, the Victoria, and
Esperance and to protect them from the insults of the French cruisers
untill the artillery be landed with 12 ships and the frigatt Arundell.
We are to go to Dantzig Road and with God's assistance endeavour to
subdue those French ships that are there."
26. "At 2 acloake this morning the point of Roderoste bore from us
S.W. 4 leags." Baron Slench of the ship Russia reported that on the
23 he and another Captain met 4 French cruisers of 30 and 40 guns who
had challenged the Baron, etc. Admiral Gordon gave Baron Slench
orders to sail into the Victoria Road with the Victoria, Esperance, the
Bombship, Ac, and fly boats loaded with artillery and to open any
letters addressed to the Admiral from Velt Marshal Comte de
Munich and according as the Velt Marshal directed to unload the
Artillery. " 1 bore away with the fleett with ane intention to saylle to
Dantzig Road to attack the French squadron. As wc were saylling by
Pillow I perceiv'd a vesseil coming from Pillow towards me. I brought
too. I made the Packett Boats signal. He was at Anchor, answer'd
my signal by hoisting his colours. At noon the Veshell from Pillow
came near, I sent a pinnace and brought the Velt Marshall's Wing
Adjutant to me. I informed myself of him concerning the packet boate
and Galliote which I sent from Croonstadt. The Adjutant told me that
the Packett arryv'd last night and the Lt. that commands her went this
morning with my letter to Count Munich. The galliot is not arryv'd.
The Adjutant produc'd his instructions from the Velt Marshale concern-
ing unloading the Artillery and that veshells are ready to receav them."
The writer Jearnt also that the French fleet had left Dantzig, " upon
which I alter'd my resolutions of going to Dantzig and to wayte of
the Road of Pillow untill the artillery be unloaded. I tooke out the
artillerist from the ships Glory of Russia, Petter the 2d, and Riga, and
order'd the Captains to cruise of Ruderoffe and gave them proper
instructions," &c.
27. Made all the sail he could to get to Pillow Road.
28. Packet came from the Felt Marshal with orders to unload one
half of the artillery in Pillow and bring the other half to Dantzig
Road and to land it at the Oliva. As the Admiral knew that was
impracticable without flat-bottomed vessels fit for that service, he
signalled the other flag officers to consult what answer to send the Feldt
Marshal. They wrere of his opinion that it was better to unload the
whole artillery at Pillow. Baron Slenich informed the Admiral that
the ship Victoria was entirely unloaded of the artillery and he would
work night and day to unload the fly boats.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
193
31. Received a letter from the Felt Marshal pressing his sailing to Charles Stir-
Dantzig Road with the squadron and accordingly at night the fleet bore drummonp"
away for Dantzig Roads
1st June. " This morning at 3 acloake we saw the land between
Hick and Ryxhirst. As we came to the Roade of Dantzig I discover' d
several veshells lying at anchor in the Roade. One of them gott under
saylle. Captain Wilster gave him chase. He saw he could not escape.
He made all the saylle he could and run her into the entry of the
harbor and run a ground. I order'd Lt. Patsikifte in the Jupiter Bomb
to saylle into as shoare as he could in safty, and endeavor with his
houbits [? howitzers] to destroy that French frigat. I seut the Arundel I
and Esperance to cover the bomb veshell, 2 long boats and 8 pinnaces
to assist. After the Jupiter had fyr'd 3 shell at anchore, the frigatt on
the ground fyr'd at her ; one of the ball struck the bomb veshell, upon
which the bomb veshell cuitt her cable and returned. The Esperance
fyr'd 2 or 3 broad sides at the French frigatt, but was at too great a
[distancej to domage him. I made the signal for them to rejoyne me.
At 10 acloake at night the upper commissare came abroad and told me
the Velt Marshall would come and see me next day.
2d. At 2 acloake we tack'd, Wind N. At 6 acloake in the morning I
made a signal for ankoring in the line of batle. At 7 we came to an
ankore and fyr'd 9 guns of one side as now agreed by the Veldt Marshall
and sent 3 pinnaces to bring the Veldt Marshale and his company aboard.
About one of the cloake, the Duke of Saxe-Wessenfeldt, the Veldt
Marshall, the Count de Sax, the Chevalier de Sax, two natural sons of
the late King Augustus [of Saxony] and 30 more persons, Lt. Generals,
Major Generals, and other officers. They all din'd with me at two
tables. I saluted the Duke and Veldt Marshal
Moray, Esq.
with 17
on their coming aboard
guns,
drunke the Empress health, King Augustus with the
number of canon due to each, and fyr'd to several other healths. At
their going from the ship they were saluted with 17 guns. They went
to the vice admiral and to the rear admiral.
3d. Wind at north, cold. At 9 acloake T sent my pinnace to wayte
of General Lacy: at one acloake became aboard. Count Fleming, one
Irish gentleman, the Generals son and a Polish Starost. They din'd
with me, the vice and rear admirals. This morning the Thunder bomb-
ketch arryv'd, the frigatt Phenix Capt. Bessemmaker and Peter the
Greats longboat. In the afternoon I order'd the frigatts Esperance and
Phenix, the two bomb veshells to go as near as they could to Wessel-
mund as they could in safety to bombard the Fort and canonade the
French armye and Frigatt that lyes in the entry of the harbore. At
5 acloake General Lacy went from me. I saluted him with 1 1 guns.
4. Wind at north vciy cold and cloudy. The bomb veshells begun
at 6 acloake to throw their bombs. At 8 acloake the Vice and Rear
Admirals went with me aboarde the Steuer Phenix where Capt. Wilster
is to command the bombarding and cannonading. The bombs were well
throwne and as I am informed has done damage to the ennemy. I
wrote a Letter to the Veldt Marshal that the French Frigat is got in
a good way into the entry of the harbore and that it is not practicable
to attack her with boats and pinnaces. But if he pleas'd to cause 3 or
4 guns near to her overland they might soon destroy her. In the mean-
time I order'd Capt. Wilster to bring one of the bomb ketches as near
as he could to ply the frigatts with the 2 hobits as also the frigats
Afternoon the weather clear, they are now continually fyring from the
frigatts and bomb ketch to the French frigatt. The French collours
are still flying en the frigatt. At 5 acloake Ensign Graves came from
the Veldt Marshall with his compliments and told our bombs had done
/ 840(17. v
194
HIXTOKIOAL MAMSritll'TS COMMISSION,
CHARLES SjIR-
LIN&-H.OME-
drummonj»
Moray, Esq.
a great deal of damage, and desir'd the fyrii>g might be continu'd ; as
also ane officer brought me a letter from Lt. General informing
me that a boate had brought several people which wer gon into the
Mund which is a mistake. The boate he saw is one of our long boates
that attends the bomb ketches and the pinnace lie saw was one of ours
sent to bring the long boate."
5. The Admiral sent a Letter to the Veldt Marshall with, account <>f
the state of the fleet. Stood with the fleet to the eastward.
6. At 4 oclock in the morning the Veldt Marshals answer came
advising that the fleet should stay some time cruising off the Hull to
hinder succours entering the town of Dantzig. The Admiral resolved
to stay with the fleet and sent accounts to the College of War &<\ of
his proceedings.
7. Ordered Captain Wilster to take the command of the frigates and
bomb ketches and to go and bombard the fort Wezelmund, &c.
S. An order sent to Captain Labednikoffe to return to the fleet with
the 4 ships under his command, and orders given that all the wounded
that could not be cured in their respective ships were to be taken to the
hospital ship.
10. The fleet off the Hull. At 12 the whole fleet anchored in
10 fathom water off the Olive. The Packet boat last arrived was
ordered to sail in and anchor at the entry of the canal to stop any
vessels coming out of Dantzig and reinforced them with 100 soldiers
from Peter the Great, the Natalia and Slava Russie.
1 1. " Yesterday in the evening arry v'd a veshell from Dundee bound
for Riga with salt, David Ramsay, master. He reports that he saw
fyve French ships at anchore in Copenhagen Roade, and he heard at
Elsineur that one of our frigates was taken by the French without
fyring a gun."
12. At the Felt Marshall's desire the Admiral sent in a long boat a
good quantity of 6 and 8 pound shell and some cup ball shott to be
landed near to the camp.
13. Wind at west-north-west. " At 4 acloake in the morning Monr.
Palewskie return'd with a letter from the Velt Marshall informing me
that the French hade capitulate and sent me a copy of the capitulation.
He desires me to send veshells to transporte the prisoners aboard the
ships of war." The admiral sent for some officers from the French
Camp to inform him of their numbers that he might distribute them
among the ships equally. " After we were under saylle the two ships
[a large ship and a frigate which had been sighted] under the Hull
hoysted Danes colors and stood of to sea with all theire sayle." The
whole fleet gave chase but the Captain of the Frigate came on board
the Vice Admiral's ship and informed him that they were the King of
Denmark's ships, <fcc.
" At 2 oclock Monsieur St. Jean, commissary of war and a major and
captain came aboard, they reported that they had 213 persons, officers,
soldiers, servants, women and children included. I made the division
among the ships and frigates. At 6 acloake I made the signal for the
flag officers and layde before them the Veldt Marshalls demands for
canon out of the ships and 2,000 of our soldiers. We examin'd the
number of the soldiers in the fleet and found 1700 in all. I wrote by
the others advice that we could not spare above 900, and that of the
recruits, and 6 canon of 30 pound, 28 canon of 24 pound. I made the
signal for all Lts. and order'd by Precante that each Capt. should send
a boate and pinnace to receav the French prisoners according to the
number for each ship. The 3 French gentlemen went to their camp.
At 9 acloake I order'd all the veshells I could fynd to go into the Mnnd
IIISTOKK'AI. MAXLSCIMI'TS COMMISSION. 195
and bring of those prisoners. At 11 a'cloake I receav'd a letter from Charles Stjr-
Lt.-Generall Bardinskie that the Mund hade surrendered and desir'd a ^SJISkd
standard and a heyser flag which I sent him by Palenskii with a letter Moray, Esq.
to the Velt Marshale and one to the Lt.-Greneral.
Monr. Barcell Gapt. de Vaisseau commands the French ships.
Aboard the Archile - - - 70 guns 500 men
Le Fleurer - - - - 70 guns 500 men
Le Brillant - - - - 60 guns 450 men
La Grloirc - - - - 48 guns 350 men
L'Astre - - - - 36 guns 250 men
LTsach - - - - 20 guns 60 men
The " Skipper of the Tobias 8 days from Copenhagen says he saw
the above ships in Copenhagen Roade."
14. On this date vessels went in to bring off the prisoners "After
prayers I fyr'd 27 guns, and all the other ships and frigates fyr'd
25 guns. After dinner the Vice Admiral, the Rear Admiral and I went
ashoar to see the French Frigatt that we run ashoar. Afterwards we
went to see Wezelmund fortress — it is a pretty little place with 4 bastions,
a deep fosse and a cover'd way."
15. Orders were given to send ashore to the Feldt Marshal 40 guns
from the fleet with ammunition and 800 soldiers. The Feldt Marshal
sent information that 8 French Ships of the line were coming into the
Baltic with 8 Battalions of Infantry, on which Admiral Gordon resolved
to send neither men nor guns ashore, and gave orders to press all the
vessels in the harbour to bring off the French forces consisting of 2113
men officers included.
16. The French brought off and distributed among the ships — the
magistrates of Dantzig proposing to capitulate.
17. Made sail and steered north.
The Journal records nothing of special interest between this date and
the 30th June when the fleet passed Hoogland on its way to Cronstadt,
save on the 22 and 23 they suffered greatly for want of water. The
Journal ends on the 30th June [1734]. .
307. A document entitled " Copie— Deinandes que font les trouppes
Francoises campes au Fahrwasser pour capitulation. Au Camp de la
Nehrung, ce ^ Juin 1734."
Consisting of 10 articles. The first begging for a continuation of the
suspension of arms lor two days both by sea and by land, marked
" accorde."
The second desiring that hostilities should cease against the Fort de
la Munde and Wester Ahantz till the sick and wounded officers should
retire &c. which is marked u accorde a condition que les travaux ne
cessent pas de notre cote."
3. To march out with the honours of war, with arms and baggage to
return to France &c. which is accorded on certain conditions.
Article 7 bears that sufficient ships should be provided to carry the
French to Copenhagen with sufficient provisions for the journey. The
other articles contain various details of the capitulation, and the terms
on which the demands were agreed to by " Comte de Munnich, General
Feld Marechal Commandant it's amies de la Russie."
308. Copy document entitled " Proposals made by Veldt Marshal
Comte de Munich." These appear to be various questions put by
Count de Munnich to Admiral Gordon and bear on the abdity of the
Russian Fleet then in the Road of Dantzic to hinder French troops
s 2
196
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Stir- from landing, to engage the French Fleet, and what assistance they
ling-Homr- could give in the siege of Dantzic by landing any soldiers, sparing
Moray, Esq. cannon for the siege, &c. With Admiral Gordon's answers, c. 1734.
(c.) Letters addressed to Admiral Gordon.
309. Mr. Johnson, London, to Admiral Gordon, June 22nd, 1719.
" Sir, Upon the 5th instant Major General Wightman marched from
Inverness by the way of Killicheuman (which was 24 miles out of his
way) with the troops under his command, viz. General Stuffles Regiment
(4 companys of Amaronys, Clayton's and Montagues Regiments, 200 of
Harrisons Regiments from Inverlochy, 150 dragoons, 90 of the Munroes
and one hunder of Sutherlands men (making in all by the justest calcu-
lation I could make) 1800 men. They marched at a prodigious rate
considering the road, and upon the 9th current came within 6 miles of
the enemies camp, which they to raise the glory of their victory) say
consisted of 1600 men. But by the best information I can have were
not above 900 Highlanders and 270 Spaniards. Upon the 10th about
6 in the morning the Highlanders advanced to the pass of Glenshell
from their camp in Kintaill where nature had made it almost inaccessible,
and there formed their main body under the command of Marquis
Tullybardin their General whose commission was read at the head of
their small army ; and afterwards detached a pairty of 350 of the
Marquis of Seaforths men commanded by himself, half a mile further
on ; which was divided or formed into two small bodies upon each syde
of the glen. My Lord Seaforth kept 180 Kintaill men with himself
detached. Lord George Murray, Coll. Mackenzie of Fairburn- John
Mackenzie of Avoch and John Mackintosh, Borlums brother, with
170 men to the opposite or southern syde of the glen. The last named
wing was first attackt by the forces about 4 acloak in the afternoon, and
tho they were vastly inferior in numbers to those that attackt them in
three different bodies, yet being equal in courage and superior in their
situation they repulsed them thrice with considerable loss and maintained
their ground bravely for two hours, till at last by their small mortars
(ane invention of General Coehorn) the forces fired the heath and woods
about them and by that means smoked them out of their stronghold.
Upon which they retyred in good order and deliberation to the ground
my Lord Seaforth was possest off, where Earl Marshall and Brigadier
Campbell served as volunteers. Seaforth being next attackt, maintained
his ground lor two hours longer with abundance of bravery till at
last his men being fatigued with so closs and long action began to
give way, upon which he stept out before them and brandishing his
sword to rally them received a shott in the fleshy pairt of his arme.
However he rally'd them and stood it out at ane other strong ground
till suusettwhen both pairties thought it convenient for want of daylight
to retire, — Mr. Wightman to his camp and leaveing severalls of his
wounded behind him, and Seaforth with his accomplices to their main
body which was never engaged. Upon their airivall there it was
advised by some that they should lye all night on their armes and
dispute the same ground next morning with the troops who were by
this time heartily mauled. But their General who was entirely governed
or advised by Campbell of Glenderuel ordered them to march immediately
to the camp they had left that morning, where they were reinforced by
a great many fresh Highlanders, and everybody, Spaniards and all, made
pressing instances with the Commander in chief to fight next morning,
promiseing ane obstinate stand for their lives, honor and country,
lint he by Glenderuells advice declyned it affirming that his orders was
to the contrary until! there was a landing in England. Therefore
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
197
thought it advisable that they should separate into small bodies in the Charles Stir-
mountains where they could protect themselves against the forces for Smmoto
this four or five months: and if they were not supported by that time Moray, Esq.
they could transport themselves over seas till another opportunity for
their master's restoration should offerr. In the meantime ordered the
Spaniards to surrender being they could not suffer or undergoe the
fatigue that the natives were accustomed with, which they accordingly
did except the commanding officer who continues with Seaforth and
Marshall.'3 The writer adds that there were not 400 Highlanders
engaged: that the forces had left above 400 men killed and wounded,
&c.
310. General the Hon. Charles Ross of Balnagowan, brother of
William Lord Ross of Halkhead to Admiral Gordon. Tain, 6 November
1719. The writer after compliments in reference to Admiral Gordon
having taken service with the Czar proceeds : — " I can not but think
it a great honour to me that anything in my small estate can be thought
considerable enough to be mentioned to that great monarch and
to be so far taken notice of by his Majestie as to desire 1o know the
condition of it, which I shall now give you a faithful account of, to the
be>t of my present knowledge. You know what Mr. Smith our first
architect told you of it. I brought Mr. McGille who is the next to him
along with me to this country to take his advice in a little house I
intend to build. He was with me when I received your letter but with-
out communicating the contents of it to him or any other person 1 carried
him to the place where the marble is, and by the assistance of the best
quarrier we could find gott some pieces, but the weather being then
very bad they tooke them only from the surface of the quarry ; notwith-
standing Mr. McGille saw the goodness ef the marble and was
perswaded that the vast hill was all of the same. Since his departure
the topp mason of this country came to me and desired to make a tryall
with more quarriers and liberty to hire as many men as he should have
occasion for to make a greater discovery, which I agreed to. His
report is that he has found marble of several colours but most entirely
white which is the most valuable. He says in the parts he has opened
he can take out posts nine foote in lengthe and seven or eight in bredth
without any flaw in any part, and that nothing can be finer than the
grain of the marble, and that the quantity by all the rules of their pro-
ft'ession is inexhaustible. He has cutt out finer pieces of about three
foote in lengthe, for till a way is made we cannot carry greater to the
place of imbarkation. Those I intend to send to London by the first
opportunity, which offers but seldome here. They shall be polished
there and if his Czarien Majestie thinks fitt to order any of his ministers
or any other person to view them there, they may be afterwards sent
where his Majesty pleases to command." The writer farther thinks the
best way would be for his Czarian Majesty to iin power his minister at
London to send some knowing person from thence in the beginning of
the next summer to make a full experiment of the goodness and colours
of the marble, and then his Majesty may make a belter bargain by
taking the whole for a term of years till his great palace is finished if
by their report his Majesty is informed that the quarry will answer his
intentions.
(Signed) Ch. Ross.
311. John Menzies, Paris,
[No year c. 1721].
to the Same. Paris, December 5 N.S.
1 98
II I ST( ) KICAL M ANUSCR1 PTS COMMISS I < >X.
Charles Stik-
ling-home-
T)RUMMONl>
MORAY. Esq.
" I have been now two years on this side [of the water] but still
steer'd snugg arid elear that I might preserve my credit and safety at
home. . . . John Law is in London. His brother herein a prison,
Fori FEveqnc. Forsaken by friends exeept some few of us who pay
him the same regard as when at the top of prosperity. As for the
Jacobets they say their Chevalier is highly caress'd by people of the
best quality at Rome and that the ministers of most Princes wish him
well. Yet there he sits. The people of England are indeed highly out
of humour but there is an army and a parliament as yet over their heads.
If there were any body to set fire to the train of powder God knows
what would come on't."
312. William Lord Ross (of Halkhead) to Vice-Admiral Gordon.
London, February 27, 1721-2.
" Sir, I had yours of the 8 of Januar with the melancoly account of
my dear sisters death which 1 doe with great sorow condol with you.
We are al much oblidged to his Imperial Majesty of Russias great honor
done my sister in ordering her corps to be buried near to his own
favorit sister. We never doubted ye uold shoe all marks of distinction
to her body upon that sad occasion which is like to a man of your
honor.
" Since my dear sister desired yow befor her death to send my nice to
Scotland to be among her relations ye wil doe weal in sending her
home.
" My brother General Rosse went to Scotland last week, wrier he wil
advise with her freinds ther wher to place her and wil acquaint you of
ther resolutions. I fancy my sister G-illmour will be the most proper
person to intrust her with. And I have no doubt but a person of your
known honor wil doe handsomly for my nice and therby satisfie the
wordle of your great kindnes ye had for her mother. I am very glad to
hear of the great honors put on you by the Emperor ; that ye may stil
grow in his favor shal stil be wished by, Dear Sir, your most humble
servant,
"Rosse.
" My kind service to my dear nice.
" To Vice Admiral Gordon at Petersbourgh." • .
313. Count Munnich to Admiral Gordon.
Monsieur Votre Excellence ne doute pas du plaisir sensible que je
sens de l'heureuse arrivee de la Flotte de sa Maj. Impe]e sur le Rade de
Pillaw.
La premiere chose est de nous envoyer de l'artillerie dont nous
manqucns et ensuite de venir le plustot possible avec toute la flotte a la
Rade de Danzig pour nous garantir de secours Francois ou donner la
chasse leurs vaissaux, &c.
(Signed) Le Comte Munnich.
Okva,30May
lo June
314. John Gordon of Glenbucket to the Same. Fraserburgh, 8 May
1740.
"Honorable Sir, my friend Mr. Gordon some time agoe informed me
that you had acquainted him that my son Sandie was dead but does not
tell how or wher he died; if he was killed and behaved honorable :.t
hi* death it would be great satisfactione to nie. to know, and I am con-
vinced would be no less to yow since you had honored him with, your
countenance and favours so much, which I shall ever have a sense of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
199
whyll I leave tho not in my power to returne, but your goodnes will take
the will for the dead. Mr. Gordon writs me that yow disyred I should
send ane comissione to on Mr. Napier to inquer about Alester bis effects,
which I have done since yow inclyned it, tho I litle cane expect that
wav, tho he bad bad longer tyme to gather, for I dare say he did not
studie much to make rich. In the last you honored me with, yow said ft
great freind of myne had thanked yow for the favours yow had she wen
my sone, which great honor done me is more agreeable nor all the riches
Sanders could make. I doe not despair (old as I am) to doe our great
freind some small service. I frequently converse his friends and fynd
none but much inclyned to contribute all in their power to put him in
a good way and set him up againe if he would come and give his
countenance, but without that if he would imploy the best lawiers in
Europe non of his friends will midle or venture their effects," &c.
(Signed) JoN. Gokdon.
Charles Stir-
T.lfcG-HOME-
i'rummond
.Moray, Esq.
Edinburgh, 32, Oastle Street,
27 April 1883.
William Fkasek.
—
—
■
) > A
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF CHARLES FLEETWOOD WESTON
UNDERWOOD, ESQ., OF SOMERBY HALL,
LINCOLNSHIRE.
. .... -- . -
The Weston Papers, which I have been permitted to calendar
through the kindness of the late William Henry Underwood, Esquire,
and of the present owner of Somerby, consist of State Papers and
letters that came into the possession of their ancestor the Right Honble
Edward Weston, who for many years was an Under Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs.
Edward Weston, thte second son of D1 Stephen Weston, (tutor to
Sir Robert Walpole, and Bishop of Exeter,) was born in 1703 and was
educated at Eton and Cambridge. Soon after he left college lie was
appointed tutor to Lord Townshend's children and to Horace Walpole,
and before long he entered the Foreign Office as i secretary to Lord
Townshend. He was Under Secretary, under .Lords Townshend,
Harrington, Granville, and Chesterfield, from 1729 to I74(>, when lie
was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland under Lord Harrington. He
tilled that office till 1751, but then retired from public business for
nearly ten years on account of ill health. At the earnest solicitation of
Lord Bute he returned in 1761 to his former post of Under Secretary
for Foreign Affairs which he held under Lord Bute, George Grenville,
and Lord Halifax till 1764, when, his health completely breaking down,
he was compelled to retire finally from public employment*
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
200 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles In 1741 he was appointed Editor of the Gazette, whence he was
Weston sometimes styled by his contemporaries "the Gazeteer." In 1769, the
TINPEsq°0D' year De^ore ne died, * Junius," believing him to have been the author
— . of an anonymous pamphlet written in defence of the Duke of Grafton,
assailed him with the bitterest invective in his iOth letter which is often
quoted as a specimen of its author's extreme virulence. Mr Weston
seems however to have been a very worthy and estimable character who
was much esteemed by his contemporaries, and whose judgment in
affairs of state was much relied on.
I have calendered the Weston Papers with considerable minuteness
as they are very inaccessible to the public, and contain a considerable
number of State Papers which once belonged to the Foreign Office.
They have been bound in twelve volumes with the following titles : —
"Treaties, etc. from the Weston Papers 1672-1764," in two volumes
folio.
" Original Letters from the Weston Papers 1722-1770," in seven
volumes quarto and one volume folio.
And " Intercepted Correspondence of the Duke of Ormonde, etc.,
1736-1738," in two volumes folio.
The copies of treaties and drafts of treaties I have noted very shortly.
The most interesting of the despatches is one written in 1757 by
William Pitt to Sir Benjamin Keene, the British Ambassador at Madrid,
in which the writer desires our Envoy to treat with the Court of Spain
concerning an exchange of Gibraltar for the Island of Minorca.
A considerable number of the Weston Letters were addressed to
Mr. Weston by our envoys abroad, but many relate to home affairs ;
and when in retirement Mr. Weston constantly received letters from
the Under Secretaries and other officials in the Secretaries' Offices, who
kept him informed of political news.
At page 442 will be found a letter from the Duke of Cumberland in
which he describes the battle of Culloden ; and on the following pages
are several papers relating to the prisoners taken in that battle.
The intercepted Jacobite correspondence is curious, and the volumes
containing it are described on pages 452 and 453.
Treaties, etc. from the Weston Papers.
1672 to 1764.
1672, May ~~-r^ Sir William Godolphin to Lord Arlington. From
Madrid. Copy of Despatch. — Your Lp hath required my Opinion
touching the cutting of Logwood in the West Indies by some English,
on pretence that the Ports whence they take the same are not inhabited
or possessed by the Spaniards ; whether or no it may consist with the
true Observation of the Articles between the Two Crowns, and what
interpretation this of Spain would put thereupon.
In answer whereunto Your Lp may please to kuow that the said Wood
is brought from Yucatan, a large Province of New Spain extending
into the North Sea like to a Peninsula about 400 Leagues in length,
sufficiently peopled in respect of other Places of those Indies, having
several great Towns, as Merida, Valladolid, Se Francisco de Campeche
&ca, the Government thereof being likewise esteemed one of the most
considerable there, next to the Two Vice Royalties of Peru and Mexico.
Now this Wood growing on the Northern Coast of Yucatan, and being
usually embarked by the Spaniards at Sl Francisco de Campeche, the
nearest and best Port thereabouts (tho' but a very ill one) it is commonly
called here Campeche Wood and used by the Dyers for the Making
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
201
Black, Red, Muske, and Murray Colours, which (I am told) cannot be
made without it, unless with Brazil Wood from the Rio de Janeiro,
whereof there comes to Portugal no great Quantity.
This premised we may reasonably conclude the Crown of Spain to
have as well too much Right, as Advantage in these Woods, not to
assert the Propriety ot them ; For tho' perhaps they are not all in-
habited (which is not to be admired) or distinguished into particular
tenements, but remain in common, yet they are in general possessed by
this People, who may as justly pretend to make Use of our Rivers,
Mountains and other Commons, for not being inhabited or owned by
individual Proprietors, as we can to enjoy any Benefit of these Woods.
And this is the Sense of the Spaniards, who esteem themselves in full
Possession of every Part of that Province, notwithstanding that it con-
taineth much Territory unpeopled, since, (as I have said) to inhabit and
Possess are distinct ; neither is the former essential to the latter. But
that Your Lp may understand what Apprehension they are likely to have
of the present Question it [will] be enough to add, that I have seen
several Projects offered for Monoply of this Wood, at the Rent of a
considerable Sum annually for the same, none whereof have hitherto
been accepted, insomuch as it is very improbable either that a Monopoly
should bo thought upon in Spain for a Commodity, which they would
confess so common as is pretended, or that this Government having
denied the Privilege of trafficking therein (tho' for good Considerations)
to any particular Person or Society, would now be persuaded to give it
gratis to all the World.
Lastly what will render the Pretension to a freedom of cutting this
Wood more Odious to the Spaniards, that, in consequence thereof, and
for the same reason, We may infer a Liberty to inhabit there, opening
the Door to any further Attempt We may design upon their Continent ;
And it may easily be judged how this Reflection will agree with their
jealous Concern for those Parts, and how they, who so obstinately
disputed a peculiar Right to the very Sea there, will endure to have the
Propriety of their Lands called in Question. Thus much to the Merits
of the Cause, and the Point of strict Justice.
But now after all this, I will adventure to give my Opinion, that, if
the English in the cutting Wood of Campecne, would restrain them-
selves to that alone, observing to do it in Parts nearest to the Sea, and
more remote from their Towns, not avowedly, whereby to give Example
& Pretence to other Nations, but underhand, and without making
inroads & other Depredations on the Country, It may be adviseable for
His Majesty, tho' not to authorize, yet to connive at, their so doing,
'till it be discerned to what Degree they will resent it here, for when
they see the American Treaty in other Points punctually complied with,
and no other spoil committed than the bare cutting of that Wood, of
which they have so great Abundance, perhaps they may be induced to
connive likewise; & if they complain, I may be able tho' not to defend,
yet reasonably to excuse the Action, from the grounds of natural Equity,
by which the Rigour of Laws between Nations ought according to the
Circumstances of Cases, to be moderated, as well as those which are
Civil and peculiar to one Country.
A Treaty of a Defensive Alliance between Charles the Second King
of England, and the States General of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands, concluded at Westminster, March 3rd, 1678. — Signed and
sealed by Heneage Lord Finch, Lord High Chancellor ; Thomas Earl
of Danby, Lord High Treasurer; Henry Earl of Arlington, Lord
Chamberlain; Henry Coventry Esquire and Sir Joseph Williamson,
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
202
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CtlAKLKs
Fleetwood
Wkston
Undkrwoou,
Esq.
Principal Secretaries of State ; and also by Count Van Beuninghen,
Netherlands Ambassador. Twelve principal and three separate Articles.
H vv-
Copy of Letters Patent, undated, appointing Udward Weston Esquire,
from the 8th of September 1711, by himself or his sufficient deputy, to
be Writer and Compiler of the London Gazette, at a salary of .500/. per
ann. in the room of Samuel Bulkley Esquire. 3J pp.
A Deduction from Treaties <fce. between England and Denmark, from
1689 to 1728, relating to engagements to lend troops by the former
Power to the latter (to serve in England, Scotland, or Ireland), and for
the Defence of Denmark. 10 pp.
The Treaties etc. quoted are between England & Denmark August
loth 1689, Great-Britain Holland and Denmark, June 15th 1701, a,nd
Great- Britain Prance and Denmark April 16th 1727.
An Act for granting an Aid to His Majesty for disbanding the Army
and other necessary Occasions 10 Will. III. 1698. 2| pp.
Reponse et Refutation preliminaire et abregee de la Deduction Elect10
de Brandenbourg publiee depuis peu, et des liaisons apparentes qui y
sont alieguees, contre les Droits de Succession immediate dans les Pays
de Juliers et de Bergues, qui competent a la Serme Maison Palatine de
Sultzbach, au cas d'extinction (que Dieu veuille detourner longues
annees) de toute Ligne Male de la Serm Maison Electle Palatine de
Neubourg d' aujourdhuy. 7 pp. and two Chart pedigrees.
A Deduction of Transactions relating to Don Carlos's Establishment
in Italy from the Arrival ot the English and Spanish Fleets at Leghorn
in Oct1' 1731 [to Nov1' 1733] with Dates References and Explanatory
Remarks. — In the Handwriting of Lord Townshend and Edward Weston.
43 pp.
Copy of a Letter from Cardinal de Fleury to King George II. Dated,
at Compiegne, June 16th 1728.
Sire : La lettre, dont il a plu a Votre Mate de m'honorer du 6 de ce
mois N.S. m'a penetre de la plus vive et de la plus respectueuse Recon-
noissance, et s'il Se pouvoit ajouteiMpielque chose a la persuasion ou je
Suis de la Necessite d'une intime Union entre les deux Couronnes, les
bontes que Y. Mate daigne de me marquer, Seroient toutes seules un
Motif Suffisant pour y travailler de toutes mes forces le Roy mon Maitre
m'a ordonne d'expliquer si clairement Sa ferme Resolution de ne jamais
Se departir de 1' Alliance qu'il a contracte avec Votre Mate, que les
Allies de Vienne ont perdu toute Esperance de nous desunir, et n'osent
Seulement en temoigner la moindrc Pensee. V. Ma** s'est deja acquis
dans l'Europe depuis le peu de temps qu'Elle regne une si haute Reputa-
tion de Sagesse et de fermete dans Sa Conduite qu'Elle ne contribuera
pas peu a l'heureux Succes du Congres. Au moins avons nous lieu de
nous en flatter, et quoique les diferens Interests, qui doivent s'y trail tcr,
soient certainement difficiles a debrouillei-, nous voyous deja etairemeni
qu'aucune puissance de rEuro[»e ne paroit avoir envie d'avoir la guerre
avec Nous et nos Allies je dois rendre temoignage, Sire, aux trpis
Ministres Plenipotentiaires de V. Mate qu*on ne pent Se conduire .ivcc
plus de Zele pour Ses Interests, plus d'habillete et plus d'Union entre
Eux qu'ils le font a Soissons, il n'y a aucun merite a vivre avec eux dans
une parfaite Intelligence, et aussi ne faisons nous rien que de concert,
et sans nous communiquer jusqu'aux moiudres choses ; ils ont, pur tout,
la bonne qualite d' . «tre Seeiets, et e'est un grand Soulagemeut dan: c<
Conjonctures aussi difficiles de pouvoir compter sur un Gouvernment
HISTOK.U ' A L MAN CJSCJRl PTS COMMISSI ONr.
203
fonde sur d'aussi Solides principes que celui do V. M., et avec lequel on
petit S'ouvrir Sans rien craindre Sur tout ce qui peut contribuer a la
gloire et a l'a vantage des deux Couronnes, je Suis fortement persuade
de cette Verite, et ee qui m'y confirme encore e'est tout ce que j'apprens
dc jour en jour des granges qualites de V. M. Elles ne peuvent que luy
attirer un des plus glorieux Regnes qui ait jamais ete, et le Hoy won
Maitre y contribuera avec plaisir en le conduisant par les memes
Principes. J'ay l'honneur d'etre avec le plus profond Respect.
Sire,
d V. M.
a Compiegne Le tres humble et tres obeissant
ce 16e Juin 1728. Serviteur.
OlIARLES
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood
Esq.
Copies of Despatches, in French, from Monsieur Magnan, French
Ambassador at S* Petersburg, and Monsignor Chauvelin Garde des
Sceaux at Versailles.
1732 June 21st. Magnan to Chauvelin. 8^ pp.
„ July oth. The same to the same. f6J pp.
„ July 24th. Chauvelin to Magnan, 4 pp.
„ August 3rd. The same to the same, Secret. o£ pp.
Pro jet de Traite entre La France et la Moscovie. [Enclosed by
Chauvelin to Magnan on August 3rd, 1732. 4£ pp.]
The Project is for a perpetual offensive and defensive alliance between
the two powers. It contains five General Articles and one Secret
Article, which stipulates for joint action by the contracting parties with
respect to the Pragmatic Sanction and the approaching election of a
King of the Romans.
1732. August 3rd.
Sept. 9th.
Sept. 23rd.
Sept. 27th.
Oct. 16th.
Oct. 30th.
Nov. 4th.
Nov. 4th.
Chauvelin to Magnan, a second letter of this
date. 6J pp.
Magnan to Chauvelin.
The same to the same.
The same to the same.
Chauvelin to Magnan.
The same to the same. 2 pp. Enclosinj
18|- pp.
21 pp.
5} pp.
H pp.
2 pp.
pleinpouvoir for Mons. Magnan, dated at
FOntainebleau, Oct. 29th.
Magnan to Chauvelin. 15 \ pp.
The same to the same. 4^ pp.
1733. August 21st. Extract from a Letter from Lord Harrington to
Mr. Robinson [British Minister at Vienna]. Dated at Hampton Court.
I have received your Two Letters of the 12th N.S. and laid them
before the King, who was extremely surprized to find the Emperor's
Resolutions as to the Polish affairs, so suddenly changed, that Disposi-
tions were making to replace those very Troops, or part of them, upon
the Frontiers of that Kingdom, the recalling of which was the Strongest
Argument that could have been made use of, to convince People of the
Inoffensiveness of the Intentions of your Court ; And His Ma^ was
equally concerned at hearing by the Same Post from Mr. Woodward,
that the Emperor's Ambassador there, had gone with Mr. Levenvoide
to the Grand Marshall to present the Czarine's Letter, wherein She
declares her Resolution of opposing King Stanislaus by Force, and had
joined with him likewise in demanding an Audience of the Primate and
his Council for signifying that Resolution to the Republick. His
Majesty has had the pleasure of seeing by Your Letter of the 27th past,
Esq.
204 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles which You sent by Count Kinsky's Courier that the Emperor had
Westo*1* shewn so great regard to the Representations You made by his Order,
Underwood, as to have declared his Intentions both here and in Holland, of not using
Force upon Account of the Polish Election in order to take away by
such a prudent Behaviour, any plausible Pretext that might have been
alledgedby France, for attacking his Imperial Majesty. You will there-
fore easily judge how great a Disappointment it must be to the King to
see a Point, which he recommended to the Emperor as the most im-
portant and necessary, and which Your Court, by the Assurances which
were there given You, did itself allow to be so, at present seems to be,
so far neglected, and I must not conceal from You, that this Conduct
on the Part of the Emperor, can not but put his Majesty, and the rest
of that Prince's Allies under very great Difficulties.
1734. Nov. 29th. Extract from a Letter from Lord Harrington to
Mr. Rondeau, dated at Whitehall : —
The Town of Dantzig have lately writ a Letter to the King, thanking
his Majesty for the good Offices You have done them in his name, and
desiring his farther Intercession in their favour.
You have a Copy of their Letter herewith inclosed, that You may
continue to give the Dantzig Deputys the best Assistance You can in
obtaining their Request, tho the procuring an Abatemeut of the Sums
they are to pay Capitulation, will be no easy matter, however as the
Czarina is both generous & compassionate, You will modestly intercede
for them.
1734. Dec. 24th. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Rondeau to Lord
Harrington, dated at S* Petersburg : —
Since my last dated the 17th Inst. I have had the honour to receive
Your Lordships Letter datd the 29th Novemr
I have spoken several times to this Ministry, in a modest way, in
favour of the Town of Dantzig. I find nevertheless Her Majesty is
resolved that they should pay her, the second Payment, which will be
due next Month, but Count Levenwolde has told me in Confidence, that
he believes that all. or part of the Third Payment will be remitted them,
tho' he say'd at the same time, that the Dantzickers deserv'd to be
severely punish'd for what they had done, which had put this Court to a
great expence, and probably if they had submitted at first, the Troubles
in Poland would have been ended long ago.
Q
173t. March 16th. Copy of a Letter from King George II. to the
States General of the United Provinces : —
Hauts & Puissants Seigneurs, Nos bons Amis, Allies, et Confederes.
Comme Nous n'avons rien plus a cceur que de resserrer aussi etroitement,
qu'il sera possible, les Liens de cette Union, qui subsiste entre Nous, &
votre Etat, Nous embrassons avec plaisir tous les moyens qui peuvent f
contribuer; et comme les Rois, nos Predecesseurs, out heureusemenL
afferme leurs Alliances avee votre Republique, au bien mutuel des deux
Nations, par des Mariages faits avec les Priuces d'Orange, Nous avons
aussy juge convenable, taut en conformite de notre Penchant de Bien-
veuillance, & d'Affection pour Vous, que pour remplir les Vceux ardents
de tout notre Peuple, de contracter an Mariage entre la Princesse
Royale, Notre Fille Ainee, & Notre Cousin le Prince d'Orange & de
.Nassau. Ensuite dequoy comme Nous venons de faire eelebrer les
Noces memes le I4e de ce Mois dans Notre Palais de Sfc James, Nous
Nous sommes hates a Vous annoncer cette Nouvelle, comme a Nos bons
HISTORICAL MA-NUSCRIFfS COMMISSION.
205
& fideles Amis, & Allies, qui ne manqueres pas de prendre part a Notre
Joie, & d'en temoigner votre Satisfaction. Les Vues principales qui
Nous out porte a agreer eette Alliance, ont ete le Bien de la Religion
Protestante en general, la Surete de la Succession dans Nos Royaumes
selon l'Etablissement present, & l'Esperance, qu'Klle pourroit servir de
moyen pour augmenter la Confiance, & Amitie entre Nous, & votre
Republique. Et Nous Nous flattous d'avoir contribue a l'advancement
de ces Interets si imporlants, en prenant pour Gendre, un Prince, qui
succede si dignement aux Ancetres, par lesquels les Services les plus
signales, ont ete rendus tant a cette sainte Religion, qu'a la Nation
Britannique Ellememe, & aux Provinces Unis votre Patrie. C'est au
reste avec une satisfaction toute particuliere que Nous allons placer
notre Fille, que Nous aimons tendrement, ches Vous, comme ne doutant
aucunement, que cette menie Amitie, que Vous aves toujours fait voir
pour Nous, & pour toute Notre Famille, ne Vous porte a L'^ recevoir,
& a ^ regler son Sejour d'une maniere, qui Nous soit un nouveau
temoignage de votre Affection, & qui reponde en meme tems aux
Sentimens, dont Nous faisons profession, a 1'egard de Votre Republique.
Au reste Nous prions Dieu, qu'il vous ait, Hauts, & Puissants Seigneurs,
Nos Amis, Allies & Confederes, en sa sainte, & digne Garde. Ecrit a
3
Notre Cour a S* James le 16 de Mars 173- and de Notre Regne le
Septieme.
Votre bien bon Ami,
George R.
CHARLES
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
1762. Oct. 26th. Copy of the Contra-Project [for the Treaty of
Paris] sent to the Duke of Bedford ; for the use of Lord Halifax.
Twenty-six Articles as ratified. 30 pp.
1735, Nov. 21st. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Finch to Lord
Harrington, dated at Stockholm : —
I touched upon this yesterday to Mor Von Koeken, when he men-
tioned to me what I knew that both he and Count Bonde, of late, hinted
to Mr. Utterodt, about reviving the project of a Concert, against the
Prussians forcibly listing tall Men, as soon as the affairs of Poland are
regulated, in a way that may admit of such a Negotiation, between this
Court and that of Dresden, Mr. Von Koehen said it were to be wished
that in such a transaction, the King's German Dominions, Denmark,
Hesse Cassel, the Elector of Cologne, and the States General were
comprehended, adding that such a Concert might be of a more general
Use, should affairs take a new turn. I told him that I was persuaded
that they would always find the King ready to co-operate in such a
prudent and necessary Measure.
No. date. A proposal to establish Six Regiments of Marines for the
Service of the Royal Navy, with the pay proposed for the Officers and
Men. 5 pp.
1741. Translation of the paper delivered to the Court of Vienna
towards the end of" August by Mr. Robinson, the British Minister, after
his return from his first journey to Silesia to negotiate with the King of
Prussia. 11^ pp.
1741. Translation of the paper delivered to the Court of Vienna in
the beginning of September after his [Mr. Robinson's] return from his
second journey to Silesia. 3 pp.
Esq,
20<) IIJSTonirAI. .M.\Ni;s<j;!l'Ts eoMUlSSloN.
Cjmti.Es No date. Abstract of the dispute bet -.ween the Secretaries Offices of
1 ^'weston1* England and Ireland, so far as it affects the Under Secretaries Clerks
Underwood, and Office keepers. 3 pp.
1741. April 24th. Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of
the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, by
which they engage in conjunction with His Brittannjc Majesty to em-
ploy all possible good offices to bring about an amicable accommodation
between the King of Prussia and the Queen of Hungary. 61 pp.
1741. Jan> 9th to April 25. Extracts from the Despatches of Lord
Harrington to Mr. Trevor, British Minister at the Hague, and from the
despatches of the latter in reply. 73 pp.
1743. Disposition de fa Marche des Troupes Brittaniques : —
Premiere Division.
Fieldt Mareschal Comte de Stair.
Le Lieut. General Campbell.
Le Brigadier Huske.
4 Compagnies de Grenadiers des Gardes 1 r /•
o/-i-i/~t j- j n r Intantene.
2 Companies de Grenadiers de Courtray /
Fevrier 15 N.S. de Gand a Alost ou le Regiment de Hon, wood le
joint.
16 - - a Bruxelles.
17 Sejour.
18 - - - a Louvain.
19 - - -a Tir lemon t.
20 - - a St. Tron.
21 Sejour.
22 ... a, Tongres.
23 - - Plaine de Maestricht.
24 Sejour.
25 - Gulpen & Environs.
26 - Les Environs D'Aix.
27 Sejour.
28 Les 3 Escadrons a Stolberg et environs & restent la,
et PInfanterie marche a Eschwiller & Westwiller.
Mars 1. L'Infanterie marche a Dueren, et reste la, jusqu'au 3me
quand elle marche, soit le long de la Roer a Nideggen, ou avance a
Norvenich come My Lord voudra l'ordonner.
4 Chariots pour My Lord.
2 Le Lieut. General Campbell.
1 Le Brigadier Huske.
6 Le Regiment d'Honywood.
3 Les 6 Compagnies de Grenadiers.
16 Chariots.
Seconde Division.
Le Major General Ligonier.
Le Regiment de Dragons dii Lieut. General Campbell.
Le Regiment du Colonel Duroure 1 Inf fe ri
7 Compagnies de Grenadiers. /
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 207
Fevrier 17
- de Gand - a Alost.
Charles
18
- a Bruxelles.
Fleetwood
Westojv
19
- Sejour.
Underwood.
20
- a Louvain.
Esq.
21
- a Tirlemont.
22
- a S4 Tron.
23
- Sejour.
24
- a Tongres.
25
- Plaine de Maestricht.
26
- Sejour.
27
- a Gulpen & Environs.
28
- les Environs D'Aix.
Les 3 Escadrons - a St. Cornelius Munster.
Mars 1
-> Sejour.
2
- a Eschwiller & Westwiller.
3
- a Dueren et Environs.
Lequel jour
L'Infanterie de la lre Division marche de la a Niddes^en,
on Norvenich, come My Lord le jugera convenir.
1 Chariot pour le General Major Ligonier.
5 „ „ le Regiment de Douroure.
5 „ ?, le Regiment de Dragons.
3 „ „ les 6 Compagnies Grenadiers celle de
— Duroure, etant comprise dans le Regi
14 Chariots. ment.
Troisieme Division.
Le Brigadier Frampton.
3 Battalions des Gardes. Infanterie.
Fevrier 19
- a Alost.
20
- a Bruxelles.
21
- Sejour.
22
- a Louvain.
23
- a Tirlemont.
24
- a St. Tron.
25
- Sejour.
26
- a Tongres.
27
- Plaine de Maestricht.
28 - Sejour.
Mars 1 . . a Gulpen et environs.
2 - - les environs d'Aix.
3 - Sejour.
4 - - - a Eschwiller et Westwiller.
5 - - a Dueren et Environs.
1 Chariot pour le Brigadier Frampton.
i5 „ „ les trois Battalions des Gardes.
Quatrieme Division
Le Colonel Pattison
L'Artillerie.
ier 21
- a Alost,
22
- a Bruxelles.
208
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Unrekwoop,
Fe\
Mars
23
24
- So jour.
- a Lou vain.
25
-
- a Tirlemont.
26
-
- a S* Tron.
27
28
1
- Sejour.
- a Tongres.
- a Maestricht
Fevrier
Mars
23
24
25
26
27
28
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Cinquieme Division.
Le General Major Hawley.
Le Regiment Royal Dragons.
Le Regiment du General Major Howard i
Le Regiment du Colonel Handsyde j
- a Alost.
- a Bruxelles.
Infanterie.
Sejour.
Sejour.
Sejour.
- a Lou vain.
- a Tirlemont,
- a St. Tron.
- a Tongres.
- Plaine de Maestricht.
Gul pen et environs.
- les Environs D'Aix.
- Sejour.
Les 3 Escadrons a St. Cornelius Minister et
Battalions a Eschwiller & Westwiller & restent la.
1 Chariot pour le General Major Hawley.
6 „ „ le Regiment de Dragons.
10 „ „ les deux Regiments d'Iniamerie.
les 2
17 Chariots,
Mars
Fevrier 25
26
27
28
1
2
3
1
5
6
7
Sixieme Division.
Le Brigadier Pulteney.
Le Regiment du Chevalier Rich, Dragons.
Le Regiment du Colonel Peers 1 i f
Le Regiment du Brigadier Pulteney /
- a Alost.
- a Bruxelles.
terie.
- Sejour.
Sejour.
a Louvain.
a Tirlemont.
a S* Tron.
a Tongres.
Plaine de Maestricht.
- Sejour.
Les 3 Escadrons et le
Gulpen, et Environs, et
Sittart.
Regiment de
le Regiment
Pulteney
de Peers
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 209
Mars 8 Les 3 Escadrons a Borkshot et restent la, et le Regim* Charles
de Pulteney aux environs d'Aix, et celui de Peers a FwbsiSn>I)
Gilliekerchen. Underwood,
9 Les 2 battalions sejournent. 5t
10 Le Regim* de Pulteney marche a Aldenhoven, et celui
de Peers a Linnich pour y rester.
1 Chariot pour le Brigadier Pultenev.
6 „ „ le Regiment de Dragons.
10 „ „ les deux Regiments d'Infanterie.
17 Chariots.
Septieme Division.
Le Brigadier Comte de Rothes.
Le Regiment du Lord Cadogan, Dragons.
Le Regiment du Brigadier Onslow 1 jnfanterie
Le Regiment du Brigadier Cornwallis /
Fevrier 27 - - - a Alost.
28 - - a Bruxelles.
Mars 1 - Sejour.
2 - - a Lou vain.
3 - - a Tirlemont.
4 - - - a S* Tron.
5 - Sejour.
6 - - - a Tongres.
7 - - Plaine de Maestri cht.
8 - Sejour.
9 Les 3 Escadrons a Gulpen et environs, & les 2 Battalions
a Sittart.
10 Les 3 Escadrons dans les environs d'Aix pour J rester, et
le Regim* d'Onslow marche a Gilliekerchen, et celui de
Cornwallis, a Gangelt.
11 Les 2 Battalions sejournent.
1 2 Le Regiment d'Onslow a Linnich et environs pour J
rester.
5 Compagnies de Cornwallis, a Gilliekerchen et les cinq
autres Compagnies a Randerath pour J rester.
1 Chariot pour le Brigadier Comte de Rothes.
6 „ „ le Regiment de Dragons.
10 ,. „ les 2 Regiments d'Infanterie.
17 Chariots.
Huitieme Division.
Le General Major Cope.
Le Regiment de la Reine, Dragons.
Le Regiment des Fusiliers Ecossois 1 T , , .
Le Regiment du Brigadier Huske f
Mars 1 - - a Alost.
2 - - a Bruxelles.
3 - Sejour.
4 - - a Louvain.
t 84067.
210
historical manuscripts commission.
Charges
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
E8Q.
5 - - a Tirlemont.
6 - - - a St. Tron.
7 - Sejour.
8 - - a Tongres.
9 - - Plaine de Maestricht.
10 - Sejour.
11 Les 3 Escadrons marchent a Aubell et environs pour ^
rester et les 2 Battalions a Sittart.
12 Les 2 Battalions marchent a Heinsberg, et Villages
voisins pour $ rester jusqu' a nouvel ordre.
1 Chariot pour le General Major Cope.
6 „ „ le Regiment de Dragons.
10 „ „ les 2 Regiments d'Infanterie.
17 Chariots.
Neufieme Division.
Le Brigadier Ponsonby.
Le Regiment du Colonel Bligh.
Le Regiment du Colonel Johnson.
Le Regiment du Brigadier Ponsonby.
- a Louvain.
- a Tirlemont.
- a St. Tron.
- a Tongres.
- Plaine de Maestricht.
Mars 6 -
7
8
9 - Sejour.
10
11
12 - Sejour.
13 A Sittart et environs ou les Regimts de Bligh & Ponsonby
restent.
14 5 Compagnies du Regiment de Johnson vont a Grangelt
et les 5 autres Comvagnies vont a Walwecht ou ils
restent jusqu' a nouvel ordre.
1 Chariot pour le Brigndier Ponsonby.
15 „ les 3 Regiments d'Infanterie.
16 :
N.B. Les 2 Compagnies de Grenadiers nommes de la premiere Division
marchent avec l'Artillerie.
Le Lieut : Colonel Whitmore commandera le Detachment de
Grenadiers de la secorde Division.
Les 2 Compagnies des Grenadiers des Regiments de Pulteney
et de Campbell remplaceront celles de la premiere Division.
Le Lieutenant General Honywood avec la Cavallerie sous ses
ordres marchera de Gand aussitot que la ville de Bruxelles
sera en etat de le recevoir, ou il prendra son quartier ; et
en cas que la ditte Ville ne scauroit contenir le nombre de
Cavallerie sous son Command jment ; il choisira dans le
Voisinage les Villes qui lui conviendront le mieux, avec
l'approbation de S : E : Le Comte d'Harrach.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
211
174.. March 5th. Copy of an unsigned letter, written on board the
Winchelsea at " Villa France," giving a graphic account of the Naval
Engagement under Admiral Mathews off Toulon on Feb. 11th. It
concludes : — Thus ended a Day, which I thought in the Morning would
have been as glorious as any ever England had, and am persuaded
might have been so had it not been for the ill Conduct of great Part of
our Fleet, (if I may have the Liberty to give it so soft a Name), who
instead of following the example of their Admiral left him alone almost
to be made a Sacrifice. The Admiral during the Action was as cool
as if nothing had happened, and gave his Orders in the same engaging
Way, not shewing ye least Concern after dark he left us and went
aboard the Russel, the Namure being in a shattered Condition, the
Main Mast and Bowsprit shot thro', all the Topmasts wounded, the Main
& Misen Yards shot, hardly a Shrowd left, Cap* Kussel lost his left
Arm, about 60 killed & wounded; Rowley 40 killed and wounded;
the Marlborough 125 killed & wounded, amongst which is Cap* Corn-
wall who had both his Leggs shot off and died very soon, as to the
Private Ships I do not hear of much Damage only a few of their Masts
hurt, the next Morning after the Engagement the Admiral ordered
Mr Mash [Cap* March ?] to command the Namure 'till further Orders,
& sent me to command the Winchelsea 'till further Order & Mr
Robinson to command the Marlborough. We anchored in Port
Mahone the 21 Febr?, and got the Yards & Topmasts & what other
Stores was necessary, & saild the 23d stretching over to the Main,
but met with a very hard Gale at N.E. & separated the Fleet, & did
great Damage to several of the Fleet wThich obligd us to retr.rn to
Mahon. On the 29 most of the Fleet join'd and anchor'd in Mahon
Road to refit. I parted from the Admiral the next morning being sent
with Dispatches for this Place, which I have delivered & shall sail
immediately. I should have told you Fred. Cornwall had his Arm
shot off.
CH ARIES
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
174J. March 13th O.S. A copy of a letter from Admiral Mathews
to the Duke of Newcastle, from on board theNamur in Mahon Harbour,
describing his anxiety to get to sea and the measures he was taking for
refitting and provisioning his fleet, but it does not mention his quarrel
with Vice-Admiral Lestock. 7J pp.
174t- March 17th. Copy of a letter from Admiral Mathews to the
Duke of Newcastle. From on board the Namur in Mahon Harbour. —
I acquainted Your Grace in my last letter, that I wished from My Soul
that I could draw a Veil over Vice- Admiral Lestock's Conduct in the
late Skirmish ; that I would enquire into it, and send Your Grace
Copies of my Enquiries. The very bad Weather with continual Strong
Northerly Winds still detain the Messenger here, which gives me an
opportunity of performing my Promise. I shall not trouble Your Grace
with any Remarks on Mr. Lestock's Replies, particularly his last, but
beg leave to say that Neither of his answers are satisfactory to clear
Him of his ill conduct in the late Skirmish ; I have therefore judged it
my indespensable Duty to suspend Him till His Maj*?'9 Pleasure shall
be known, and to send him home.
But in regard that He has been pleased to accuse Me in the Manner
Your Grace will see in his Replies, particularly in his last, I do intreat
o 2
212 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Your Grace to acquaint His Majesty, that it is my most earnest Request,
Weston tnat His Maj*J will be graciously pleased to order me home, in the
Vndmiwood, manner His Maj*y shall judge proper, that I may receive the Punishment
due to one, who has behaved with so much Ignorance in his Duty,
to the prejudice of His Majty'8 Service, and to the Dishonour of the
Nation. I cannot avoid adding that no person whatever ought to be
continued one Moment in His Majfcy's Service after such an Accusation,,
for if what Mr Lestock is pleased to set forth has the least Foundation
of Truth, Death, ten thousand Deaths would be but a just reward. I
shall not trouble Your Grace with any thing more on the Subject,
having given the Lords of the Admiralty, so many reasons why I ought
not to be continued a Moment longer in so great a Trust, that I natter
myself that their LdPs will think it absolutely necessary for the Safety of
His Maj*?'8 Fleet now under my Command, that I should be forthwith
ordered home to answer for the great Ignorance I am charged with in
every part of my Duty.
1742- March 16th. Copy of a letter from Admiral Thomas
Mathews, on board the Namur in Mahon Harbour, to Vice Admiral
Richard Lestock. — I have received Your Answers to my Replications to
your Answers to the Queries I first sent you. I should not at present,
had I time, tronble you with any Reply to them, but shall defer that till
my Conduct shall be enquired into at a Court Martial. I shall there-
fore content Myself at this time with acquainting You, that I do not
think Your Answers do by any Means justify Your Conduct in the late
Action, and for fear that His Maj*y's Service should suffer for the future
by Your Misconduct, I do therefore judge it is my indispensable Duty
to order You home, where You will have time to prepare Yourself for
Your Defence, and likewise to make good the many Neglects of Duty,
You charge me with having been guilty of. Y ou are therefore hereby
directed & required forthwith to repair on board His Maj'y'8 Ship
Salisbury, whose Commander will have My Orders to proceed directly
with You to England, and I do hereby suspend You from all further
Authority in His Maj'?'8 Fleet, till His Maj*?'8 Pleasure shall be
known.
174t. Feb? 12th. A report from the Head Quarters at Campo Santo
of the Victory of the Allies over the Spaniards at that place on the 8th
of that month, brought by the General Comte de Colloredo. In French.
6J pp.
1745. August 5Sl" Preliminary Articles between the King of
Great Britain and the King of Prussia to serve as a Basis for a Treaty
of Peace between the latter and the Queen of Hungary ; signed by Lord
Harrington at Hanover. — A Preamble and thirteen Articles in French,
7 pp.
1757. August 23rd. William Pitt to Sir Benjamin Keene, from
Whitehall. Copy. — Most Secret and Confidential. — The most important
& confidential Matter which I have the Honor of the Kings Commands,
to open in this Dispatch toYourExcy; and His Majesty's Orders &
Instructions relating to the same, herewith transmitted, cannot but
affect Your Excy, with the deepest Sense of the great and particular
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
213
Trust, which the Kirg is most graciously pleased to repose in Your
known Experience, and long approved Abilities ; And it is greatly
hoped, that the State of Your Excy's Health will be found so well
restored, by the Use of Medicinal Waters as to leave Nothing More to
desire for the proper & ablest Discharge of a Commission of such
high Moment, and which peculiarly demands the utmost Circumspection
Vigilance, Delicacy & Address.
It is judged the most compendious and sure Method of opening &
conveying to Yr Excy with due Clearness & Precision, the Scope &
End of the Measure in question to refer You to the Minute Itself, in
Extensor unanimously approved, by All His Majesty's Servants con-
sulted in his Most secret Affairs ; and containing the Sum and Substance
as well as the Grounds of the King's Royal Intention, in this violent. &
dangerous Crisis : Which Minute is conceived in the following Words,
viz* —
" Their Lordships having taken into consideration the formidable
Progress of the Arms of France, and the Danger to Great Britain and
her Allies, resulting from a total Subversion of the System of Europe ;
and more especially from the most pernicious Extension of the
Influence of France, by the fatal Admission of French Garrisons into
Ostend and Nieuport ; Their Lordships are most humbly of Opinion,
That Nothing can so effectually tend in the present unhappy Circum-
stances, to the Restauration of Europe in general, and in particular to
the Successful Prosecution of the present just & necessary War, until a
Peace can be made on safe & honorable Terms, as a More intimate
Union with the Crown of Spain.
" In this necessary View, their Lordships most humbly submit their
Opinion to Your Majesty's great Wisdom, That Overtures of a
Negociation should be set on Foot with that Court, in order to engage
Spain, if possible, to join their Arms to those of Your Majesty, for the
obtaining a just & honorable Peace ; and namely for recovering &
restoring to the Crown of England, the most important Island of
Minorca, with all the Ports & Fortresses of the same ; as well as for
reestablishing Some Solid System in Europe. And in as much as it
shall be found necessary for the attaining these great and essential
Ends, to treat with the Crown of Spain, as an effectual Condition there-
unto, concerning an Exchange of Gibraltar for the Island of Minorca
with the Ports & Fortresses thereof: Their Ldsps are most humbly
of an Unanimous Opinion, that the Court of Spain should without Loss
of time be sounded, with respect to their Dispositions thereupon ; And
if the same shall be found favorable, that the said Negociation should
be carried forward & ripened into Execution, with all possible Dispatch
and Secresy.
" Their Ldsps are further of Opinion, That Satisfaction should be
given to Spain on the Complaints touching the Establishments made by
the Subjects of England, on the Mosquito Shore, and in the Bay of
Honduras, since the Treaty concluded at Aix la Chapelle in October
1748 in order that all Establishments so made be evacuated."
Your Excy being now informed, by the Perusal of the above Minute,
of the Views and Consequence of the arduous, and critical Negotiation
committed to Your Care, it becomes necessary by your guidance therein
to furnish Your Excy, by the several Inclosures herewith transmitted
by Order of His Majesty, with such Lights, Informations, and Intel-
ligences, concerning Either the fatal Events already come to pass, or
the accumulating of more desperate Mischiefs now meditating, and too
probably impending, as will enable your Excy, to form Yourself, far
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
214 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables better than any Deduction of Mine can do, the Melancholy Picture of
XXEETWOOD ,1 . tit i
Weston the present Work.
Vwd!sq°0D' 'though His Majty is so fully persuaded of Your Excy's distinguished
— ' Zeal for his Service, that the Suggestions of any Considerations, to
animate You in this great Work, are so entirely superfluous, yet it is
impossible for me to pass in Silence, that affecting & calamitous Part
of" the Subversion of Europe, namely the French Conquests &
Desolations in Lower Saxony, which affords the afflicting Spectacle of
His Majesty's Ancient Patrimonial Dominions, transmitted down with
Glory is His Most illustrious House thro' a long Series of Centuries,
now lying a Prey to France : And still farther the Fatality of His
Majty's Army of Observation, now retiring under the Orders of His
Royal Highness to Stade, exposed to the most alarming Uncertainties,
whether even the Royal Magnanimity of His Majesty, seconded by the
Valour and Ability of H.R.H., can find Means to surmount the cruel
Necessity of receiving the Law of the Conqueror.
As it would be needless, to lead Your Excy further on, in this
gloomy Track of Mortifying Reflections, I will only observe before I
pass to the Execution of the Plan now opened, that the Day is come,
when the very inadequate Benefits of the Treaty of Utrecht, the
indelible Reproach of the last Generation, are become the Necessary,
but almost unattainable Wish of the Present, when the Empire is no
more : the Ports of the Netherlands betrayed : the Dutch Barrier Treaty
an empty Sound i Minorca, and with it the Mediterranean, lost ; and
America Itself precarious.
From this State of Things, calamitous as it is, Your Excy has a
fresh Proof, that Nothing can ever shake His Majty's Firmness, or
abate one Moment His Royal Concern, for the Glory of His Crown,
and the Rights of His Kingdoms ; Nor can any Events withdraw the
necessary Attention of His Majty's consummate Wisdom, from the proper
Interests of Europe, or divert his generous Care from endeavouring
to prevent the final Overthrow of all Europe, and [to support]
Independency among the Powers of the Continent. In this salutary
View, it is, That the King has in his great Prudence come to a
Resolution of ordering the Dispositions of the Court of Madrid, in this
calamitous Conjuncture to be sounded. And as the same shall be
found favorable a Negotiation to be without Loss of time, opened on
the grounds, and to the Ends contained in the Minute above recited.
The King is pleased to repose such Confidence in Your Excy's
Ability, and perfect Knowledge of the Court of Madrid, that His
Majesty judges it unnecessary to send You particular Orders, and
Instructions, as to the Method & Manner of breaking this Tdea, or
presenting it at the first View in Lights the most likeiy to captivate
the several Characters and Passions of the Court with which you have
to deal. It is hoped however, That the Spanish Dignity, & natural
Feelings of the Duke of Alva, may on this Occasion coincide with the
great transcendant Interest of Spain, who can no longer indulge the
little false selfish Interest of a lucrative but inglorious & dangerous
Neutrality, at the Expence of the Subjection of Europe, without
weakly & shamefully renouncing her wise, & so much boasted capital
Maxim, of reviving & reestablishing the Independency and Lustre of
the Spanish Monarchy : Nor can Mor Wall fail to discern, how particu-
larly it imports a Minister to embrace with Ardour, the National &
darling Point of Honor of the Crown he serves.
These Considerations, amongst many others, give reasonable grounds
to hope that the Court of Spain, whatever its present unpromising
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
215
Complexion may be, cannot suffer Itself to be surprized and captivated
by any alluring1 Offer, made, or to be made on the part of France;
It being Self-Evident, that all Such Offers, however dazzling, can be
Nothing, but the Price of a Dependance in Security & Dishonor.
I must not here omit, in Obedience to the King's Commands, to
open further to Your Excy, a very material concomitant Branch of
the Measure in View, and naturally springing from It ; which, as it
concerns so nearly the Interests and favourite Wishes of the Pre-
sumptive Successor to the Crown of Spain, May, it is hoped, in Your
Excy?s Hands, prove a Source from which Your Address may possibly
derive Facility to your Negotiation, and add essential Strength to the
Execution of a Belligerent Plan, should Your Excy be so happy as to
succeed in so great a Work. The favorite Object of the King of the
two Sicilies, conformable to his non-Accession to the Treaty of
Aranjuez, can be no other but the securing to his second Son, the
Eventual Succession to the Kingdom His Sicilian Majesty now enjoys,
in case he shall hereafter come to mount the Throne of Spain. The
King is of Opinion that it is of the highest of Importance, that your
Excy should endeavour (in as much as there shall appear Day-Light
in the Negotiation above pointed out) to penetrate the Disposition of
the King & Royal Family of Spain, as well as of the Spanish Nation,
with Respect to such a contingent Event ; And I am commanded by
His Majesty to recommend to Your Excy the greatest Address and
Circumspection in expressing and touching so delicate a Matter, con-
cerning which We are so much in the Dark, and which so intimately
& personally concerns the Interests, and affects the Dome»tick Passions
of so many crowned Heads, and Princes of Spain. With Regard to the
Court of Turin, from a Situation and Connection so essential to any
Plan, that concerns Italy, it is superfluous to observe, that every Con-
sideration dictates an extreme Caution & Reserve in bringing their
Name in Question, till Things shall be in some Degree ripening, And
whenever that shall be the Case, the more the Pride of Spain, is left
to take the Lead, and call on the Powers of Italy to co-operate with
Her, the better probably the Views of His Majesty may be answered,
in rendering the Conditions of a firm & affectionate Ally the King of
Sardinia more advantageous to that Prince, and beneficial to the future
System of Europe. It may be useful to add here, that we understand
on very good Grounds, the just Umbrage the Court of Naples takes at
the Dangerous Designs of the House of Austria, whose Plan of Power
in Italy, is visibly This, to render incommunicable the States of the
Kings of the two Sicilies & Sardinia by cutting Italy in two, &
possessing a Contiguity from the Tuscan Sea, to Saxony, and to
Belgrade.
I am now before I close this long Dispatch, to discharge His
Majesty's particular Commands, by recommending to Your Excy in the
strongest Manner, to use the utmost Precaution & Circumspection in
the Overture of this Conditional Idea with regard to Gibraltar, least it
should hereafter come, altho' Spain shall decline the Sole Condition of
such an Intimacy, to be construed into a Promise to restore that Place
to His Catholick Majesty. And Your Excy will take especial Care
thro' the whole Course of the Transaction relating to Gibraltar, to weigh
& measure every Expression with the utmost Precision of Language,
so as to put it beyond the possibility of the most Captious & Sophistical
Interpretation, to wrest & torture this Insinuation, of an Exchange on
the sole Terms above expressed, into a Revival and Renewal of any
former pretended Engagement, with Respect to the Cession of the Place :
Charles
Fleetwood
Wbston
tjxderwood,
216 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles ^nd for greater & clearer Indication on Matters of this Importance,
Fleetwood „ , i » •■ \ , • i^ -n • \tJ xti
Weston 1 am (tho unnecessarily) expressly to acquaint Your Excy, that the
XJNDEsq00P' King can in no supposed Case, ever entertain the Thought of putting
— Gibraltar into the Hands of Spain, untill that Court by a Junction of
their Arms to those of His Maifcy, shall actually and effectually recover
& restore to the Crown of England, the Island of Minorca, with all its
Fortresses, and Harbours.
With Regard to the Part of the Minute concerning the Establish-
ments made by the British Subjects on the Musquito Shore, and in the
Bay of Honduras, Your Excy will observe on the Perusal of the inclosed
Copy of Mor D'Abreu's last Memorial on that Subject, that Notwith-
standing the Generality of that Paper, Yet towards the Conclusion of
the Same, That Minister expressly gives to understand, That His
Court would for the present content Themselves, with the Evacuation
of the Mosquito Shore, and the recent Establismts in the Bay of
Honduras, which he has explained himself to mean Those, made, as
expresed in the Minute, since the Conclusion of the Treaty of Aix
la Chapelle.
I am sorry to find it necessary, at this Time, to mention again to
Your Excy, the King's great Anxiety for the Property of his Subjects
concerned in the Anti-Gallican's Prize, which from the known Equity
of His Cath. MaJ*>', the King trusts, will receive a Decision, agreable
to Justice, and the Friendship subsisting between the two Crowns.
1757, Sept. 26th. Sir Benjamin Keene to William Pitt, from Madrid.
Copy. — Most Secret & Confidential. — I shall now hasten to give
you an Account of the Execution of the important Commission, with
which I am charged by His Majesty, in the Honor of Your Most
Secret & Confidential Dispatch of the 23rd of Aug* ; Received by the
Messenger Evans on the 10th Instant.
I have most seriously weighed, and combined together, the different
Parts & Branches of that Dispatch. The touching Portrait you have
made of the present unhappy State of Europe : The particular Mis-
fortunes which lye so heavy upon Those Parts of it, wherein His Majesty
is so nearly concerned : The Mischiefs we feel, and those we have but
too much Reason to fear as impending over Us : Such Motives, Sir,
joined to the true Sense of the Honor of being entrusted with a Com-
mission calculated to put an End to such Calamities, have not failed to
animate my Zeal for the publick Good, and to warm au Ambition in me,
to be instrumental in the Completion of so great a Work.
By several Expressions in Your Dispatch you appear sufficiently
informed of the present unfavorable Complexion of this Court, which
being but too true, I have considered with more Care than Ordinary,
the most proper Manner of procuring an Attentive Reception of the
Insinuation I had to make to the Spanish Minister. I obtained it by a
previous Conversation T had with him, under the Pretence of asking
an Hour more at his Leisure ; and 1 was not mistaken when I imagined,
that if I gave him an Op] orttnity of venting his Passion in this short
Conversation I should hear less of it, in the more important One I had
asked of him.
As what passed in this Vis-it, is applicable in great Measure to our
subsequent Interview, I shall take the Liberty to acquaint You, that He
bewailed in a warm Fluency of Words, his uneasy & dangerous situation :
which he attributed to the Usage he had met with from Those he
had desired to serve. Two Points (not to trouble you with disa^reable
wandering Narrations) were uppermost in his Mind. The Insults,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
217
Spain had met with from our Privateers ; whereof, he said, not a single
one had been chastised during the two Years in which they had lorded
it over her Coasts, & Subjects, neither sparing their Properties, nor
their Lives. What could he (Mo1' Wall) say, to the Reproaches that fell
upon hi in from all Parts, in Excuse or Alleviation of such Grievances ?
The Form of Our Government might be something to Those who knew,
or cared for it ; But who were They in Spain who did either ? On the
contrary, the general Way of reasoning was ; what Friendship could be
cultivated or preserved, with a Nation that could not, or would not
chastize its notorious Delinquents?
The next Point was, upon what he called Our Usurpations in
America ; when he ran out pretty largely and did not spare his Minister
Abreu, for sollicking an Answer to his Memorial on that subject, which,
he said, he ought to have left to Our Choice to give or not. — The other
Parts of this Minister's Conduct, did not escape the Censure of his
Principal ; but it was not, for being too active, or lively in his
Proceedings with his Majesty's Ministers.
As my design was to let him satisfy his Passion now, I contented
myself with Short Answers; and he appointed me to meet Him the
next Morning pretty early, at his Appartment, and not in hjs Office.
I was punctual to his Time, & addressed myself in a Manner to
revive our old Friendship & Confidence. I told Him, he had been a
little warm the Day before; but surely the unaffected deferring the
Punishments of some Villains on either Side, was not an object to stop
the greater Views and Ideas, that these Calamitous Times might make it
necessary for Our Courts, to take into their Consideration. — He
broke out again — Not a single Villain to have been punished in two
Years ! How can I support myself. You, sais he, know this Country
as well as myself, how can I hold up my Head : — But not to go on in
the old Round, I told him, that as to that other Point of his Grief & his
Resentment against us, on what he called the Usurpations, I had all the
Reason imaginable to be persuaded, he would receive Satisfaction by
the first Courier Mor D'Abreu dispatched to Him.
I beg leave in this Place to give an Account of the Reasons of my
Proceeding, in mentioning this Point to the Spanish Minister. It is
indeed made part of the Opinion of the Council, and follows the great
Conditional Proposal to this Court : but its being so widely different in
its Nature, and having no connection with that important Point, other-
wise than as a Means, not a Condition for entering into a closer Union
with Spain, I thought proper to make use of it as such in order to put
the Minister in a better Disposition, to hear what I had further to say to
Him.
It was here that he again blamed Abreu, and entered into a Detail
with me of what had happened from the Time he told me, that the King
of Spain, out of Regard to our Circumstances with France, was willing
to remit those disputed Points, to a friendly Determination between the
two Courts. — What had been done by Us since that time ? Not so much
as a Memorial ausweied. — What Calumny had not been raised against
him by their Council, for agreeing to submit to a Discussion, Matters
so evidently the Property of the Crown of Spain ; Whose Rights had
been invalited by such a Concession ? In a Word, Sir, That I may cot
be too prolix in Particularities on this Point of Restitutions, I may
collect the whole in presuming, that I believe Spain will endeavour to
do herself, what She calls, Justice, if she thinks, we do not. For such
I take the Meaning of Mor Wall to have been, when he let drop the
CHARLE3
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Esq.
218 HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles following Expressions, "That on several Occasions and Epochs, the
Wbsto5?D Spanish Governors, in Virtue of their usual Orders & Instructions, to
Uwi>wr^oo:d* defend the Territories committed to their charge, had driven the English
Logwood Cutters Kc other Intruders out of the Places of their Labour &
Residence, without Imputation of having committed any Act of
Hostility against Great Britain ; on the contrary, the two Nations had
continued in Friendship, till in the course of Time, by the Negligence
of Spanish Governors, and the Artifices of the Logwood- cutters, the
latter crept back again into their Huts on the Bogs and Lakes, which
gave Room to new Disputes. That Spain had fourteen Sail of Ships of
War at Sea, and could add Six more to them when She pleased."
Before I finish the Article about Restitution of American Possessions
I beg Leave to acquaint you, That when I informed Mor Wall, of the
Satisfaction Mor D'Abreu would have on this Point, I did not think fit,
to mention, that Gentleman's Concession with Regard to the Epoch,
from whence the Possessions in Question were to be restored for the
present ; And I find likewise, that in the last Letter Mor D'Abreu has
wrote on his Conferences with His Ma^ys Ministers he mentions nothing
of those Limitations, or his having agreed to any Facilities of the kind :
I left therefore the Matter to take its Course.
I ask Pardon for so long a Preamble ; but I knew not, how to give
His Majesty a true Idea of the Dispositions of Things and Persons
here, without the Trouble of such a previous Detail, before I should go
on to lay before the King, my Proceedings upon the important Orders
with which I have been honoured.
I have already mentioned my Endeavours, to procure some sort of
Return of the old Friendship & Confidence between Mor Wall & myself,
in which I wras not entirely unsuccessful : And as I flatter myself You
will believe, I did my best Endeavours, to set your Instructions in the
true Light ; and to accommodate Them to the Temper and Disposition
of the Person to whom I addressed Them, it will be superfluous to
acquaint you, how I opened to Him, The great Scenes of Misfortunes
with which Europe was oppressed ; It's Liberties destroyed ; and the
only Remedy for putting a stop to these Calamities : The Glory and
Advantage whereof, would redound to his Cath. Majesty, in whose
Power it was, to bring this great Object to bear.
Let me beg Leave, Sir, to assure You, That when by the course of
my Conversation to Him, which was fair & friendly, I came to the
Insinuation (for I would not call it a Proposition at its first Birth) of
the Recompence Spain would receive for joining her Arms to Those
of His Majesty, in order to put The King in Possession of the Island of
Minorca, with all It's Ports and Fortresses; which Recompnnce was
Nothing Less, than the long wished for Restitution of Gibraltar; I used
all the Precaution You were pleased to prescribe to me, in not giving
any Handle to Spain, to add new Pretensions, or Force to antiquated
ones, from any Hint or Expression on my Part.
I have used greater Brevity in giving His MaJty an Account of the
Part I have acted on this delicate Occasion ; in order to come to what is
much more material for His Majesty's Knowledge, I mean, the manner
in which Mo1' Wall received this Insinuation and Pressentiment of the
Idea of his Court.
The weight of the Business gained the Attention it deserved. His
lively Imagination, wanted no Information of the wretched Circumstances
in which Europe was near overwhelmed at present, nor did his Memory
want to be refreshed, by my recapitulating to Him, the noble Maxims he
proposed to follow, when he first came into Office. — After running thro*
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
219
both these Subjects with great Precision, he replied to my Insinuation
about the conditional Restitution of Gibraltar, with a cool Politeness,
" That I knew, He was a Stranger in this Country, and alone without
Aid or Support, from any of his Colleagues, whose Inclinations, as well
as the general Bent of the Nation, were not for entering into a War
against France in our Favour." — He accused England of ruining the
Credit, he might have had with this Nation, if we had supported Him
by Acts of Justice, and Attention, tho' we should have strained a Point
to serve Him : a Credit he said, " That would have been warmly
employed for the Service of Both Crowns, notwithstanding all the
suspicions his Birth and Education might have exposed him to : but both
the one and the other, made but weak Impressions on a Mind, that, by
the Experience, and Knowledge it had gained in England, saw, that he
could not better repay his Obligations to Spain, than by cultivating a
sincere Friendship between Her, and England ;" And I thought I
observed, something of a Regret, either that this Proposition should
come too late, or in Circumstances, when he would not, or dared not,
make use of it.
You will blame the Length of my Letter, if I charge it with more
Particularities than is necessary for His Mary's forming a true Idea of
what has passed here ; I shall therefore cut short in this Place, since
there needs no farther xYddition to show Mor Wall's Resolution, not to
charge himself with, nor mention, much less support, the entering into did
the vigorous Measures, that the Execution of this Project required; Neither
did he give me the least Room to think (but quite the Contrary) that he
would take Notice of it, to his Master, or to his Colleagues.
Whoever is here upon the Spot. Sir, will see and bewail the Indiffe-
rence with which the present situation of Europe is regarded in the
Highest Places at this Court ; And how easily their Thoughts are
diverted from such interesting Objects, and employed in very trivial
Occasions, of which I could give You fresh Instances. And Whoever
sees the Nature of this Administration, will be but too well convinced,
that there is neither Spirit, Activity, or Union of Sentiments amongst
Them, to flatter himself or their daring to propose on any Account
whatsoever, the drawing the Sword against the French in favour of
Hereticks, to Those, who I presume will rather look out for Excuses to
cover their Tameness, than for Means to support their Honor &
Independency.
I make these Reflexions, Sir, in order to reply to that Part of Your
Dispatch, wherein You are pleased to mention my addressing Myself
to the Characters, and Passions of Such of the Court as I have to deal
with. They are all of them reduced to Mor. Wall alone. There are
four Secretaries of State, who are Chiefs in their separate Departments.
He that is charged with State Affairs, has nothing to do with the Marine,
War, or Finances ; And were I to address myself to either of the
Latter on such Subjects as the Present, They would shrug up their
Shoulders, and set me worse than I am with Mor Wall, for this unusual
suspicious Application. — The Duke of Alva has long been absent from
Court, and has Permission still to prolong his Absence. He seems tired
of meddling in Political Affairs. The King loves him, but the Queen
does not care to trust or confide in his Influence over Her Royal Con-
sort, and cuts it short ; Nor will She allow of too great a Harmony
between the rest of the Ministers.
It would be a Task above the present, State of my Strength, to give
You a thorough Description of this Court, I will only say in general,
that the Secretary at War — Eslava, led by some Warm headed Young
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undekwood,
Esq.
220 HISTOIUCAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
FleeRL? Relations, is rather inclined to War against Us. The Marine Secretary
Weston Ariga, would have no War at all, but in case of one, rather against us,
U3rDEsQr°°I>' tuan f°r US: ^n(* tne Count de Valparaiso — who has the Finances,
— would rather increase his Treasure, and not employ it, either for, or
against us. Give me Leave therefore, Sir, to refer it to Your better
Judgment, whether from these Qualities, either of Ministers or Prin-
cipals, it would not be Illusion in me, to Hatter myself, with raising
the least Spark of that generous Spirit, which Spain has so great &
noble an Opportunity of exerting for her own Grood & that of the
Publick.
Permit me, Sir, at present, to say a Word or two, in Answer to that
Idea which is proposed as a concommitant Branch of the Measure in
View; I mean, the facilitating the Designs & Desires of the King of
the two Sicilies, to secure to his second Son, the Possession of Those
Kingdoms, in Case he should mount the Throne ot Spain.
That Matter is indeed unhappily out of the Question, by the Non-
Attention, or Refusal of the great Point now offered to the Court of
Spain. But in the Supposition of a Negotiation begun upon it, I believe
it would not have been agreable to the King of Spain, to have heard
any Mention made of his Brother of the two Sicilies, by England, or any
other foreign Power whatever. Those matters are looked on by this
Court as Family Concerns, in which no others are to meddle, The King of
Spain expects Submission to his Will & Example, and Dn Carlos does
not care to make the Figure of a Sort of Vassal. From these two
different Principles, the two Courts are not always in the best Humour
with Each other. The two Kings write to One Anolher by every Courier,
but They never talk of their Affairs : Their Letters are onely accounts
of the Game They have killed in the foregoing Week. It has happened
accidentally, since I received the Honor of your Letter, that I have been
authentically informed, That when the Neapolitan Ambassador, has
made Application to this Court on the Subject before us, He has been
told, that surely the King of Naples may be content with the Crown of
Spain in the same Manner his elder Brother now wears it.
As to the Opinion of the Generality of the Spanish Nation, with
Respect to the Succession of Naples, it is, That those Dominions should
revert to the Crown of Spain, as being conquered by its Arms and
Treasure ; and that the late King & his Queen, had not Power or Right
to separate it from the Monarchy.
It is Time, I should come to the last Period of this Tentative upon the
Court of Spain, to support her own Independency with that of the Rest
of Europe ; and I am sorry to add, that if the foregoing Part of this
Letter, gave no Hopes of Success in that Attempt, what now follows
will be a much Stronger Confirmation of their Repugnance, or rather
absolute Refusal to come into such Salutary Measures.
On the 19th Inst. I received a Note from Mor Wall, desiring to see
me before the French Ordinary departed that Evening. — It was to com-
municate to me a long Letter he had received in Figures, from Mor
D'Abreu, which He read to me in a very grave Manner, telling me, he
would spare me the Pain of hearing any of his Observations upon it. —
The Facts would be sufficient. They were reduced as well as I remember
to three : His mentioning the Hints given him by Part of His Majesty's
Servants, that he should have a favorable Answer to his Memorial upon
the Affair of the Mosquito Shore and Honduras. — To this Mor Wall
said, he had done wrong to speak of it to Our Ministry any more. Had
he (Wall) been in England he should have left it entirely to their
Pleasure. — The Second Point was upon the Interpretation of the Treaty
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
221
of 1667, with regard to Counter-band Goods ; and our retracting from
that Interpretation with Respect to French East Indian Goods. — The
Third related to the not punishing our Privateers, after all the fair
Words that had been given to Spain. On all these points Mor Wall,
has wrote him a very Sharp Letter, which I apprehend, will sharpen his
Expressions still more than those he has hitherto made use of.
I gained but little by endeavouring to set these lesser Matters in a
true Light, in opposing Them to the greater Objects in View : but it
was much more easy to irritate than convince. — u Are these Times and
Circumstances, to talk on such Points as the Liberties of Europe, and a
closer Union with Spain ; when You have given Us, so much Room to be
dissatified with You ; and not only Us, but your Enemies the French
& the Austrians, who are continually blowing up the Coals against
You, for Your Behaviour toward Us? What worse can happen to us,
when the Liberties of Europe are gone than what you do to us ? If we
are to be despised let it be by the strong, & by our own Blood &
Relations : And what are we to expect from You in Your Successes, if
such is Your Treatment in the present State of your Affairs. You may
possibly make a Peace, and I hear there are already some Overtures
made to France ; Perhaps," says he, u by the Danish Minister who is
lately arrived there ; but, continued he, I shall leave it as a Legacy, not
to be Friends with England, after her Peace with France, if we have not
Satisfaction for the Complaints I have mentioned : " Hinting, that we
might be mistaken, if we thought Ourselves secure from the Resentment
of Spain, if we made up our Affairs with France.
What shall I say, Sir, in Excuse for this long disagreable Letter, unless
that in Answer to such a Commission as I was honoured with, It was
necessary His Maity should see every Step that I have taken, & the
unfruitful Effects of Them, which I have chosen to lay before The King,
rather in Mor Wall's own Words, and Manner, than by my Conception
of his Meaning ; and from them will best appear, what is to be hoped or
apprehended from this Country.
Sure I am, that I need not say a Word of the Pride & Honour I
should have been covered with if*5n this late Part of my Life, my little
Fortune & Abilities, had not met with such ^insurmountable Obstacles
in the execution of His Majty'8 Commands ; — But since I have not had
that Happiness, I beg leave, to repeat my most humble Prayers to His
Majesty, That the King would be most graciously pleased, to grant me
that Relief, which Nothing but the uncertain and bad State of my Health,
that frequently renders me incapable of satisfying my Zeal for his Royal
Service, could ever have obliged me to request, as long as His Majesty
should have thought proper to accept my poor Services at the Court
where I reside.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
1761. June 8th. Copy of a letter from Lord Bute to Sir Joseph
Yorke. — Private. — The King having been pleased to Order the Allowance
of Two Hundred Pounds a Year, which was made by His late Majesty,
to Our private Correspondent in Sweden, named Wilkinson, to be con-
tinued fc him : as the Quarterly Payments of that Sum, have been
hitherto drawn for by the Dutch Minister, at Stockholm who was
authorized to make these Draughts as I understand by order from the
Gremer; lam to desire that You will now apply to that Minister, to
send Directions to Mr Letocart to draw for the future upon Mr William
Davis, at the Treasury here, for the same Quarterly Sums, as were
before drawn for, upon My Lord Holdernesse, and to pay the same as
usual to Mr. Wilkinson, with whom He is well acquainted.
222 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood 1<761' Sept* 18th C°P} °f B Pal)er delivered to tne King hJ Lor(1
Westox Temple and Mr. Pitt. — Mr. Wall has declared, in a Paper delivered to
Unbjkwood, the Earl of Bristol the 28th past, that the Memorial, which Mor de
— . Bussy presented here, by order of his Court, concerning the Disputes of
Spain with Great Britain, was a Step taken with the full Consent,
Approbation, and Pleasure of His Catholick Majesty.
The said French Memorial specifies three Points of Dissension which
subsist between England and Spain; lmo The Restitution of Prizes
taken on the Subjects of Spain during the present War — 2d0 Liberty
to the Spanish Nation of Fishing on the Bank of Newfoundland — 3ti0
The Destruction of the English Establishments formed on the Spanish
Territory in the Bay of Honduras ; and further declares, that, if the
Catholick King should, on Account of these Disputes, determine on
War, His Most Christian Majesty is engaged to take Part therein.
This unjust & unexampled Proceeding of the Court of Spain, by
enforcing her Demands on England, thro' the Channel, and by the
Compulsion of a Hostile Power, denouncing eventually future War in
Conjunction, while Spain was still professing Amity and Friendship with
Great Britain ; and the full Declaration and Avowal, at last mnde by
the Spanish Ministry, of a total Union of Councils and Interests between
the two Monarchies of the House of Bourbon, are Matters of so high
and urgent a Nature, as calls indispensably on his Majesty to lake forth-
with such necessary and timely Measures, as God has put into his
Hands, for the Defence of the Honour of His Crown, and of the just
and essential interests of His Majesty's People.
It is therefore most humbly submitted to His Majesty's Wisdom, That
Orders be forthwith .<ent to the Earl of Bristol to deliver a Declaration
signed by his Excellency, to the above Effect, and to return immediately
to England without taking Leave.
1762. Sept. 24th. Copy of a Secret Dispatch from the Duke of
Bedford to Lord Egremont, from Paris. — In my Letter of the 22ud inst :
by Mor de Choiseul' s Courier, I told your Lordship that I should see
that Minister to Day, and endeavour to bring him back to the Points so
strangely departed from.
I, accordingly, have seen him, and the Duke de Choiseul this Morn-
ing; and I enclose to your Lordship herewith their Project, with the
Alterations in the Margin, as finally adjusted between Us, on each
Particular ; By which I flatter myself it will appear, that I have brought
back every Thing to the same Situation They were in, and as I stated
them to be, in my former Dispatches of the 15th and 19th instant.
After what I have already wrote to your Lordship, on the 21st, upon
the very great Change made in my Full Powers and Instructions, since
I had the Honor of leaving His Majesty's Presence, it may appear
almost unnecessary to say any Tiling farther of it here, and the more so,
as it cannot possibly enter into any Man's [head] to conceive, that, unless
I was entirely divested of Prudence, I could possibly covet a Latitude,
which might be of so dangerous a Consequence to myself, and that
Nothing but my ardent Desires of carrying into Execution his Majesty's
Desires of giving Peace to his Subjects and Mankind in general, could
have induced me to take this arduous Task upon myself. But when I
consider the very different Light this Circumstance must place me in at
this Court, where your Lordship, by your Letters to Count Choiseul,
had represented me in a Manner I as little sought for, as I think I
deserve, and when I reflect that possibly the Difficulties I have already
met with, may have been occasioned in some Measure by the French
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
223
Ministry finding a Person, represented to them as authorized to conclude
and sign without any further Reference to his Court, to be in Fact as
much bound to the contrary as Mr Stanley was last Year, I do appre-
hend that these Restrictions must occasion Distrust as well as delays,
which together must prove fatal to the Negociation, at least to the
Completion of it within the Time fixed by His Majesty for the Meeting
of Parliament, I will add (tho' I hope it is needless) that, desirous as I
own I am of Peace, and strengthened as the Desire is, by the Knowledge
of the same Sentiments in the Breast of my Royal Master, yet I trust, I
should never (were my Powers ever so extensive) have submitted to
sign any Terms, which I was not persuaded were fully consistent wich
the Honor, as well as Orders, of the King, and the true Interests of my
Country. Tf therefore His Majesty shall be pleased to reinstate me in
the same Situation in which, I always understood by my Instructions, I
was, when I left his Presence, I hope to be yet able to sign the Pre-
liminaries before the Middle of next Month, as the Courier sent to
Spain, will (as the Duke de Choiseul assures me) be back by the 6th of
next Month ; And I think there will be the less Objection to grant me
this Latitude, as your Lordship will certainly be able to signify to me in
Time His Majesty's Pleasure, in the fullest and clearest Manner, upon
every particular Point of this arduous and important Negociation.
P.S. I objected, very strongly to the specific Mention of the Savan-
nah in the Article for Restitution of Conquests, that may have been
made during the Course of the Negociation. But the French Ministers
assured me, They only meant it as a Bait for Spain, in which the Bailli
de Solar (who was present at the Conference) perfectly agreed with
Them. — And, in Fact, it can be no more ; as the general Words of that
Article without any Specification of that Island or Newfoundland, would
naturally have included both. — With regard to the 6th Article I flatter
myself, His Majesty will think that Point fully settled to his Satisfaction,
as the Words dans tout son Cours must secure to U3 the Navigation of
the whole Mississippi whether that of the Ibberville thro' the Lakes be
illusory or not. — With Regard to the Epochs for the Cessation of
Hostilities at Sea, I send no Project of an Article, my Time having
been so much [taken] up with Points of nicer Discussion ; But I pre-
sume there will be no Difficulty on that Head, as my Instructions
authorized me to extend the Term of Six Weeks to the Canary Islands
without which I am sure They would not conclude.
1762. October 19th. Copy of a Dispatch from the Duke of Bedford
to Lord Egremont, from Paris. — Your Lordship's Dispatch of the 14th
Instant, and your separate Letter of the same Date, were delivered to
me this Morning, at this Place, by [the Messenger] King. Your Lord-
ship is still pleased to adhere to your Opinion, " of the Deviations of
the Court of France from their original Agreement in many instances,
as well as the Backwardness nf the Catholick King, and the high and
obstinate Language of the Marquess Grimaldi ;" and to ascribe it to
the perfect Security of the Court of Madrid with regard to the
Havanna, and to their confident Expectations of the fatal Consequences,
which must have attended the Failure in that Attempt, to His Majesty's
Fleet & Army, which was according to that Supposition, communicated
to the Ministers of Versailles, and had a like effect upon their Councils.
As I shall not enter hypothetically into this Debate, and shall only
observe on your Lordships Letter, as far as relates to my own justifi-
cation, I shall first dispute the Fact of the French Ministers having
departed in any material Point from the original Agreement, tho' that
Chables
Fleetwood
"Weston
Undebwood,
Esq.
224 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Question is more than once begged by your Lordship, & as often
Weston00 denied by me. And it would give me the greatest Concern, could I not
Underwood, with great Truth deny it, as I should otherwise have justly incurred
_f2." the Displeasure of my Royal Master ; And indeed I do aver that except
in those particulars which were necessarily occasioned, by blending in
one Sketch of Preliminary Articles the Affairs of Spain & Portugal,
(which I was obliged to do for the safety of the latter) no new Matter
of any Consequence is introduced by the French Ministers in their own
favour contradictory to their former Agreement; but on the contrary, I
have gained upon Them, as well as in the 6ih Article, where the
Navigation of the Mississippi is given to us dans tout son cours, as in
the 16th and 19th where, by the Insertion of the Words — dans V Em-
pire, His Majesty's Engagements with the King of Prussia are most
religiously fulfilled. I must likewise once more venture to differ in
opinion with your Lordship, as to the high and obstinate Language of
the Marquess Grimaldi, for tho' I have in former Disoatcb.es represented
him as ill-inclined to Peace, and puerile in some of his Arguments, yet I
never have stated him to Your Lordship, as of a high & obstinate Be-
haviour, and indeed I must do him the Justice to say, that I believe his
Hands were tied up by his own Court from signing with me on the
Terms I offered him, most probably depending, as You suggest, upon
their perfect Security with regard to the Havanna, and likewise that he
always behaved with the utmost Civility towards me. Having, in order
to justify myself, gone so far, permit me, My Lord, to touch a little on
these Points, in which lam informed I am blamed for giving way. The
First, <fe most Capital, is in the 4th Article, where there is an Omission
of the Inspection Raisonable. This was so strongly stated to me by the
French Ministers, as personally repugnant to the French King, that I
thought I might, upon that Monarch's giving his Parole Royale, which
is inserted in the Article, go so far, as to recommend to His Majesty's
Consideration this small Attention which I knew would be so acceptable
to His Most Christian Majesty. This was all I ventured to do, as Your
Lordship will see in looking back to my Dispatch of the 15th of last
Month. In the 5th Article relating to Dunkirk the pour vu which I had
never given up, is reinstated, instead of the Word apres, which doubtless
as it altered the Sense would have justly, had I receded from the Point,
have brought Blame on myself. Did my Time permit me, or did the
Words in dispute in the 10th Article, relating to the East Indies, merit
the taking up so much of Your Lordship's Time, I could explain why
these Ministers, tho' they care little about it themselves, insisted on
adding the Word Possessions to Comptoirs, but all I shall say to it at
present is that, when I was asked by them, whether We really intended
to give them up Pondicherri, upon my replying to them, We did, I had
not Sophistry enough to convince them, nor desire to make use of it, if
I had, that such a large City as Pondicherri could be justly included
under the- Word Comptoir, or trading House.
I shall in obedience to His Majesty's Commands, most carefully avoid
quoting any Thing to the Ministers here, of Your Lordships confidential
Conversation with Mor de Mvernois, in order, as Your Lordship observes,
to prevent the disagreeable Consequencee of a Disavowal, which might
be of infinite Detriment to that Minister, as I fear he has never been
authorized by his own Court, to go so far as Your Lordship informs me
he has done.
P.S. — I have this Moment received Your Lordships of the 12th ins*,
from the Comte de Choiseul ; arid I beg leave to congratulate you on
the continued Success of his Majesty's Arms.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
225
Three Lists of Jacobite Papers.
No. I. — Letters and Papers taken out of the Pockets and Table
Drawers at Colonel Cecils [with observations].
No. 1. A letter from C. H. to
Col° Cecil dated Bristol Septr
12, 1739.
2. Do. to Do. Paris Jan^ X,
1739.
3. Do. to Do. March 11, 1739.
This letter Col° Cecil said was from
Capt : Hardy, as were the others
that were signed C. H.
These Letters contain only Compli-
ments & News, & an Invitation
to Paris. They were taken &
brought away because it was
observed that in some of the
Subsequent Ones the Writer ap-
pears Solicitous about his Letters
being opened.
This seems to be a Compliment to
the Pretender under the Cha-
racter of Caesar.
This Paper is in Cant Words but
appears to be a Scheme for in-
vading this Kingdom, by Spain
during His Maj^'8 Absence, to be
supported by France.
This seems to have [been] torn
from a Letter from Madme de
Mezieres & to be written in
her hand. Containing an Adver-
tisem* of France intending to
make War upon England this
Summer, cet Ete. and the Dutch
will be neuter.
N.B. There were a few other Papers taken in this Bundle which
upon revising appear to be of no Importance.
No. 4. An epistle from Cleo-
patra to Mark Antony at
Rome : in Verse with an In-
troduction in Prose.
.5. A Paper entitled a Scheme
to be proposed by the Trustees
to the Procurator Gen1 with-
out Date or Name.
6. A Paper dated Dec1'
from Paris (no year).
10th
Chabxes
Fleetwood
Webton
Underwood.
Esq.
No. II. List of Papers taken in Col. Cecil's Bureau [with
observations].
No. 1 . "1 Letters or rather Copies
2. > of Letters without Sig-
3. J nature, Place, date or
Direction .
These Letters seem to be written in
the Year 1742 from Paris, by
some Agent of the Pretender's
who gives an Account of the Steps
he is taking to induce the French
to invade England in favour of
the Pretender; He says his Pro-
posal is what Mr. Ba : (who is in
the following Line called his Lord-
ship) suggested, viz : — that if the
English Forces then Ordered for
Flfinders, should actually be trans-
ported thither, in that Case the
K might land with (S 1721)
/ 840G7.
2*26
HISTORICAL .MANEJSCUUTS COMMISSION,
Chables
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood.
Esq.
No. 4. A torn bit of Paper con-
taining what follows
For
805, 347, 1339, 1375, 1200.
No. 5, A Letter signed Tho :
Carte, and directed to Col :
Cecil dated July 11, 1738.
No. 6. An Anonymous Letter to
M* Cecil.
or term thousand nrench troops
upon the Coast of Sussex, Kent,
or Essex, and march directly to
London wher he was persuaded
1 lis Matie would be received with
general satisfaction, and joynd
by such Members as would deter-
mine the rest of the Kingdom to
follow the Example of the Capitall,
and that if a small body wer sent
at the same time into Scotland
the speedy Acquisition of that
Kingdom, And the Numbers that
would take Arms in itt for the
Service of the lawfull Sovereign,
would convince His most Hard-
dened Enemys that they could
have No reasonable hope but in
His Majesty's Clemency.
N.B. In the Paper No. 3 Mention is
made, that he finds the French
Minister in England's Accounts
with regard to the Dispostions of
the People in favour of the Pre-
tender, are more favourable since
he has cqnvers'd with the Ea :
Barrimore.
This Letter is only to acquaint the
Col : that Mr Perrot will wait
upon him.
N.B. Mr. Perrot is mentioned in
the Letters from C. H. to be in
treaty with him for hiring his
House at Paris.
This Letter appears to have been
written at the time that Lord
Harrington issued his Warrant
for apprehending Carte some
Years ago, and is in his Justifica-
tion.
No. III.
List of Papers found in different Parts of Colonel Cecil's
House [with observations].
N.B. There are Figures in it Stand-
ing for the Names of Colo : Cecil
& Mr Carte.
The Writing in this Paper seems to
be of the Same hand Writing with
the three Copys N° 1, 2, 3 in
JNo. 1. An English Cypher in
Figures & Cant Words very
much worn.
No. 2. A Paper containing Some
Lines decyphered, wherein the
above Cypher was wrapped up.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
227
No. 3. A Scrap of Paper without
name or date.
No. 4. a Lett' Dated
N.S. 1742, Signed
and directed To Mr.
Dec1' 12th
T. Lacy,
Dawkins.
List IX. supposed to be of
Letters from the Pretenders
Agent at Paris.
This is in the same hand writing
with ye Cop}'s above mentioned,
& seems to be part of a Jacobite
Correspondence.
This Letter appears to be written
from Paris and to be from Lord
Sempil, Lacy standing for Sempil
in the Cypher, but the name
Dawkins is not to be found in it
that was wrapt up in a blank
Cover. Part of the said Letter is
written in Cant Words which
appear by the Key to signify, that
nothing material has been done
in the Pretender's Affair since his
last, tho' the French Ministry
seem more desirous than ever to
forward it ; and that the Delay
seems to proceed in a great
Measure from the Cardinal's bad
state of Health.
N.B. Mr Drake, as appears by the
Cypher, stands in this Letter for
the Pretender, Messrs Andrews —
the French Ministers, & Ashley —
the Cardinal de Fleury.
N.B. There are several Letters from the late Dutchess of Buckinham,
which are not legible.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undbewoob,
Esq.
1765. Jany 5th. Abstract of Grievances of British Subjects in
Portugal from 1760-1763 with their applications for Redress. Enclosed
in Mr Sedgwick's letter of this date. 7 pp.
1765. Oct. 25. The 10th, 23rd, & 24th Articles of the Treaty of
Adrianople of 1675, quoted by Mr Sedgwick a propos to the case of
Mr. W[ortley] M[ontague],and enclosed in his letter of this date. 1 p.
1764. March 6th. A Copy of a Representation made to the King by
the Board of Trade with reference to the Newfoundland Fisheries. — It
is signed by Lord Hillsborough, Edward Eliot, Edward Bacon, George
Rice, and Lord Orwell: —
In Obedience to ^our Majesty's Commands, signified to us by the Earl
of Halifax, One of Your Majty'8 Principal Secretaries of State ; in
His Lordsps Letter to us of the 25th ult°, We have taken into Con-
sideration the Propositions offered on the Part of the Court of France
for regulating the concurrent Fishery of the Two Nations on that part
of the Coast of Newfoundland, where, by the Definitive Treaty of Peace,
the Subjects of France are permitted to carry on such Fishery ; And, as
it appeared to us, upon mature Consideration of these Propositions, to
be very doubtful in Point of Law whether Your Majesty can enforce
such Regulations as are therein proposed, considering them either in a
general Light, or with Reference to the Act of King William, for
p 2
228
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
encouraging the Trade to Newfoundland, We thought it Our Duty to
communicate these Propositions to Your Majtv's Advocate, Attorney,
and Sollicitor General, and to desire Their Opinion upon the following
Questions; viz*.
Ist. Whether the several Regulations proposed are consistent with
the Act of Parliament of the 10th & 11th of Willm the 3d Cap : 25th to
encourage the Trade to Newfoundland ?
2d. Whether Your Majesty can legally enter into, and has any
Power to enforce such Regulations, so far as they relate to the Subjects
of Great Britain, either in the Substance of such Regulations, or in the
Mode of carrying them into Execution ?
We have accordingly received this Day, and humbly beg Leave to
annex a Copy of the Report of Your Majesty's Advocate, Attorney, and
Sollicitor General ....
We cannot however, avoid observing to Your Majesty, that we find
upon perusing the several Articles of this Proposal, That, in the 13th
Article, the Ambassador of the French Court has revived and introduced
the extraordinary Position, that Cape Ray and Point Riche are one and
the same Place ; Which Position we humbly conceive to be evasive and
groundless, not warranted either by the Letter or Construction of the
Treaty of Utrecht, and ought, upon all Occasions, to be deemed
absolutely inadmissible.
1764. March 6th. Copy of the Report referred to in the foregoing
paper. — Signed by George Hay, Sir Fletcher Norton, and William de
Grey afterwards Lord Walsingham : —
.... We have taken Mr PownalPs Letter, and the two Questions
therein Stated, and the Project sent therewith, and hereunto annexed
into Our Consideration ; and are humbly of Opinion :
1st. That the Articles of this Project are not consistent with the Act
of 10th & 11th of King William the Third cap : 25, for the Encourage-
ment of the Trade to Newfoundland ....
2d. We humbly conceive that the Crown cannot legally enter into
nor has power to Enforce such Regulations, The same being contrary
to the Statute of King William as far as they relate to the Subjects of
Great Britain, either in the Substance, or in the Mode of carrying them
into Execution.
1764. April 3rd. Copy of the Preliminary Articles of Peace Friend-
ship & Alliance entered into between the English & the Deputies of
the Seneca Nation by Sir William Johnson Bart. His Majesty's Sole
Agent & Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Parts of
North America & Colonel of the Six Nations &c. [9 Articles 3 pp.
Signed by Sir William Johnson and eight Indian Chiefs, the latter
signing by their totems.']
1762. Octr. 7th. Copy of a letter from Ferdinand Duke of Brunswick
and Lunebourg to George Grenville from Kirchayn, in French, an-
nouncing his expectation of the speedy evacuation of Cassel by the
enemy.
1763. Septr 24th. Copy of a letter of compliments, in French, from
Count Moltke to Mr Titley from Friedensbourg expressing the pleasure
that the King of Denmark will have in keeping Mr Titley at his Court,
Enclosed in Mr Titley's letter to Edward Weston of Septr 29th.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 229
Extracts from the Lords and Commons Journals with reference to Ohables
the case of Mr Wilkes. Undated. 4 pp. F ^55S?D
Undbbwood,
Copy of an undated Memorial addressed by Edward Weston to the Es<*-
Duke of Newcastle. — Humbly shewing : —
That the Alnage Office in the Kingdom of Ireland was constituted
and appointed by an Act of Parliament passed in the 1 8th Year of the
Reign of King Charles the Second, etc.
That the whole Profits of the Alnage Office arise from certain Fees
& Forfeitures granted by the said Act, and paid by the Clothiers.
That in the Year 1666, the first Grant of the said Office was
made by King Charles the Second to the Earl of Arran for Sixty one
Years.
That in the Year 1717, it was granted by King George the First to
William Molesworth Esqr for Thirty one Years.
That upon the Expiration of the last mentioned Patent, His late
Majesty King George the Second was pleased to grant the Alnage
Office to Your Memorialist, being then Principal Secretary to the Earl
of Harrington Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for the Term of his Natural
Life.
Now your Memorialist humbly represents, that having served His
Majesty's Royal Great Grandfather and Grandfather in the Secretary's
Office in England under three secretarys of State, for the Space of
Twenty if ears, He contracted therein, by his long sedentary Applica-
tion to Publick Business, the very painfull Distemper of the Stone,
by which his Health has been greatly impaired and his Life often
endangered.
In consideration whereof Your Memorialist most humbly implores
your Grace's Protection, that by your favourable Representation and
Intercession, he may obtain a Grant of such Term of Years in the said
Office, pursuant to the Act of Parliament above recited, as the King in
his great Wisdom, and Princely Regard to an old laborious, and faith-
full Servant of the Crown, shall judge to be expedient.
1763. Septr 7th. Copy of a Warrant, addressed to Richard Neville
Neville Esqre, Paymaster of the Pensions, to pay to Edward Weston,
during the Kings Pleasure, in consideration of his eminent and
faithful services of upwards of forty years, a Pension of 7-50/. per
annum. — Signed by the King, and countersigned by George Grenville,
Thomas Orby Hunter, and James Harris. — An endorsement in the
handwriting of Edward Weston states that : " Ye word upwards was
inserted by mistake instead of near, which was my own account, but I
did not see ye Warrant till being actually signed by ye King it was too
late for correction."
1764. April 23rd. Copy of Minutes of a Cabinet Council held at
Great George Street. — Present : the Duke of Bedford, Lord Sandwich,
Lord Grower, Lord Egmont, Lord Hillsborough, and Lord Halifax : —
After mature Deliberation it is the Opinion of their Lordships, that
the Claim of France to an exclusive Fishery is totally inadmissible now,
and at all Times ; And that the Right of His Majesty's Subjects to a
concurrent Fishery be asserted, as a Point fully determined by the
Definitive Treaty, and which ought never to be called in Question or
referred to future Discussion. And that no Copy of His Majesty's
Instructions to the Governor of Newfoundland should be communicated
230 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles to the French Ambassador, till he has formally receded from such un-
FLEETWOOD .OL'lf'V* ti J
Weston justifiable Pretension.
U>r>Bso°OI)' Their Lordships are of Opinion, that no Alteration should be made in
His Majesty's Instructions to the Governor of Newfoundland with
respect to the Subjects of France being permitted to fish between Pointe
Riche, and Cape Raye.
That the Instruction of the Board of Trade, not to burn or destroy the
French Fishing Boats, do take place.
That the Governor of Newfoundland be instructed to sutler the
French to remain on the Coast as long as They shall be actually
engaged in the Employment of Fishing, or drying of Fish.
Their Lordships are of Opinion that Captain Ruthvens Conduct in
having ordered the Destruction of the Boats appears to be blameable ;
But that the Demand of France for an Indemnification ought not to be
taken into Consideration, till She has receded from the inadmissible,
and unjustifiable Pretension of an Exclusive Fishery from Bonavista to
Pointe Riche, and for a Fishery from Pointe Riche to Cape Raye.
1764. May 1st. Copy of a Report addressed by the Lords of the
Treasury to Lord Halifax, from the Treasury Chambers, with reference
to the Exemption of Ambassadors Baggage from search at the Custom
House, and to a complaint of Count de Guerchy the French Ambassador.
Signed by George Grenville, Lord North, John Turner, Thomas Orby
Hunter, and James Harris. — Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of June
24th. 8 pp.
1764. June 18th. Copy of a letter in French, from Prince Masserano
to Lord Halifax, dated in London, begging that his Britannic Majesty
might send orders to put an end to the outrages committed by British
subjects on the subjects of Spain in the neighbourhood of Havanna.
Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of June 19th. 2 pp.
1764. June 28th. Copy of a letter in French from Count de Guerchy
to Lord Halifax, dated in London, ridiculing the complaints made by
George Milner against French fishermen at the Isle of Newfoundland,
and informing his Lordship that in future he will refuse to receive
similar memorials. 2 pp.
1764/ July 7th. ' Translation' df a "letter from the Marquis Grimaldi
to Lord Rochford from Buen Retiro, with reference to complaints that
British subjects had been disturbed by orders from the Governor of
Yucatan whilst cutting Logwood ; and assuring his Lordship of the King
of Spain's intentions that no one should impede the English in cutting
Logwood, in the stipulated places, and that he will renew strict orders to
that effect. Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of July 20th.
1764. July 15th. Copy of a letter in French from Count Guerchy
to Lord Halifax, dated in London, enclosing a mejnorial from the States
of Brittany claiming compensation from Great Britain for damages done
to their property in Belleisle whilst the British Troops were in posses-
sion of that Island. Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Sept.
13th.
1764. July 22nd. Copy of a letter from Colonel John Crawford to
Lord Halifax, from Belvedere. — I have the Honor to acknowledge the
receiving Your Lordships Letter of the 20th July, inclosing by His
Majesty's command, the Copy of a Memorial from the States of Brittauy
claiming as Proprietors of Estates in Belleisle reparation of Damages
Esq.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 231
they received in their private Properties during the lime that Island Charles
was in Possession of His Majesty's Troops. Weston^
Tn answer to which I have the Honor to assure Your Lp, that no u^dekwoop
representation, or any other State of Pretensions were ever laid before
me, during the time I commanded in Belleisle ; neither indeed does the
representation as now stated, show that their claim could have any
Relation to Military Jurisprudence, or than an Officer could with any
Propriety determine with Equity where the pretensions were so
complicated.
T will only beg Leave to observe to Your Lordshp that the Capitula-
tion was never considered to extend to any other Proprietors than those
or Houses, in the Towns or Villages, & those under certain Limitations.
— That the real property of the Island was considered as belonging to
His most Christian Majesty, & consequently transferred to the King of
England by the Right of Conquest. Indeed I have heard that the
Revenues of Belleisle were assigned to the States of Brittany in
Consideration of Sums advanced by them to the Crown of France ; but
I never heard of any Body so unreasonable as to imagine, they were to
receive any indemnification, but from that Crown from whom they
derived their Titles, & in whose cause they suffered. His Britannick
Majesty whose Disputes were with the Crown of France, & not with
the States of Brittany, could not be supposed to know anything of the
Titles, which, have been set up subsequent to the Capitulation. The
Capitulation shows that the States of Brittany were not considered by
His most Christian Majesty's Generals as Proprietors of the Island,
neither in any Conversations with them did I ever hear an Insinuation
of this kind. — But supposing them to have been included in the
Capitulation on the same Footing as the Proprietors of Houses, was it
possible for the King's Commr in Chief, to do more than protect them
in the reaping & collecting what part of their Crops remained upon the
Ground, without subjecting them to pay any part of it, either on Ace*
of His Britannick Majesty, or on ye Ace* of those who commanded in
his Name. This I am sure was the Case while I had the Honor to
command in the Island, & I believe my Successor will be found to have
observed the same Conduct. So that it would be very Extrv to make
the King of England refund or account for a Revenue, which His
Majesty nor. His Generals ever received. The Indemnification is so
evidently in my poor Opinion from the Equity of that Crown in whose
Cause they have suffered, that I only add the sincere Respect & Esteem
with which I have &c.
1764. July 17th. Copy of a letter in French from the Due de
Choiseul to Lord Hertford, from Compiegne, forwarding two Orders in
Council of the French Court with reference to the liquidation of the
Canada Bills. Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Augt. 14th.
1764. Augt. 11th. Copy of a Memorial in French on the Question
of the Canada Bills. Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of this date.
1764. Augt. 6th. Copy of a letter in French from the Due de
Choiseul to Lord Hertford, from Compiegne, with reference to the
Canada Bills. Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Aug. 11th.
1764. July 18th. Copy of Articles of Peace Friendship & Alliance
concluded by Sir William Johnson, Bart., <fec. on behalf of his Britan-
nick Majesty, with the Huron Indians of the Detroit. — Five Articles.
Signed by Sir William Johnson and four Indian Chiefs Enclosed in
Mr. Sedgwieks letter of Nov. 6th.
232 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS commission.
Charles 1764. Aug. 6th. Copy of a Treaty of Peace & Alliance between
^'e8toi?D His Britannick Majesty <fc the Chenusio Indians & other Enemy
[Jndicb,wood, Senecas, concluded by Sir William Johnson Bart, with the Chiefs of
— ' That Nation. — Five Articles. Signed by Sir William Johnson, L* Col.
William Browning, Lieut, Bernard Raker, Greorge Johnson (Deputy
Agent for Indian Affairs), and Six Indian Chiefs. Enclosed in
Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Nov. Oth.
1764. Augt. 15th. Copy of a Report to the King from the Board of
Trade, from Whitehall, with reference to the Turks Islands. — Signed
by Soame Jenyns, E. Bacon, Bamber Gascoyne, and J. Dyson. 3 pp.
The following passage may be quoted : —
That in order to state Your Mtys Right to these Islands, in the
clearest light it will be necessary to shew
1st. That the Lucayos or Bahama Islands do of right belong to your
Mty:
2dly. That the Turks Islands are a part of the Lucayos.
That the Lucayos or Bahama Islands do of right belong to Yonv
Mty : is a fact of such notoriety, & this Right has at all times been so
strenuously asserted & maintained, as hardly to admit at this time of a
question upon it, but if it shod be controverted, it can be shown from
the clearest Evidence, that Your Mtys : Subjects have been in actual
possession of them at least ever since the Year 1670. When they were
granted in propriety to the Duke of Albemarle & others by Letters
Patent from King Charles the Second
1764. Sept. 3rd. Copy of a letter from Admiral Cornish to Lord
Halifax, from Parliament Street. — With the Confidence and Tranquility
which a good Cause always produces, I sit down to answer the Memorial
which I have had the Honour to receive from your Lordship.
The Stipulations of the Treaty between His Majty's Officers & the
Inhabitants of Manilla are stated in the Memorial with sufficient
Exactness, but to appeal to the Faith of Treaties is the Right only of
Those by whom Treaties are observed. We are here insulted with
Remonstrances of violated Compacts by Men who ransomed their Lives
for Money, which when they should have paid they buried in the
ground ; Who preached Rebellion against His Majesty with the Oath of
Allegiance yet in their Mouths ; Who, with Professions of Submission,
laid down their Arms, & afterwards put them into the Hands of
Enemies, whom They had Themselves excited to Hostilities.
The whole Force of this Memorial may be reduced, I think, to Four
Allegations.
First that the Convent was sacked and plundered by the English.
When the Time came in which the Sum stipulated for Ransom was
to be paid, The English being amused with dilatory Excuses, &
believing that the Poverty of the Manillians was counterfeited,
published, by Proclamation, a Reward of Twenty in the Hundred to
any who should give Intelligence of concealed Treasure. Notice was
then given them of Money buried in the Augustine Convent ; They
entered the Convent & dug it up, without any Injury to the Building,
or Moveables ; The Charge of plundering the Convent ends therefore
in this, that the English seized the Money which was Theirs by Compact
& was hid from them by Perfidy.
Second, That the Religious were very harshly treated.
The Augustines were detected holding Intelligence with the Indians
& Spaniards, then maintaining the Provinces against us in open Arms,
for which the Prior & Eight of his Brethren, who were all that could be
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
233
found, were ordered to be removed to Bombay, in one of His Majesty's
Ships ; These Religious are perhaps the First Men, who having by the
universal Law of Nations, forfeited their Lives, have had the Im-
pudence to represent Themselves as harshly treated, by a short
Confinement.
Thirdly, That the Prior, & Three others were carried Prisoners to
London, & compelled to pay for their Passage.
Of this Allegation every Part is so remote from evident & publick
Truth, that it ought to expose the Memorialists to the severest Resent-
ment of Their own Sovereign.
The Prior & Eight others (not only Three) were made Prisoners. Of
These not one was carried to London. None were compelled to pay for
their Passage.
When the Prior & his Brethren had forfeited their Lives, their Con-
vent was shut up, & They were put on board the Ship, where by my
particular Order, They were victualed at His Majesty's Expence, &, by
my Order, treated with Distinction, as Prisoners of Rank. Our Design
was to detain them at Bombay, 'till They should have no longer the
Power to do Mischief; but, at the Request of Themselves & their
Friends, They were, witli Lenity which they did not deserve, lauded at
Goa, & left there, The Augustine Religious at that Place engaging
Themselves for Their Behaviour.
Fourthly, That The Augustines could not restrain the Temper of the
People.
We do not charge The Religious of the Augustine Convent, nega-
tively, with not restraining the People, but positively with inflaming
Them, with inflaming Them in contrariety to Their Compact, their
Duty, & their Oath. In their Sermons, after the Capitulation They
proclaimed the Merit of destroying English Hereticks; by their
Emissaries They prohibited <fc impeded our Supplies of Provision, &
by their Noviciates, one of whom was taken in Arms, They made War
against Us.
For all this they suffered only a gentle Imprisonment, & a Removal
to another Convent of their own Society, yet as Perfidy is naturally
ungrateful, Those who live by our Tenderness are complaining of our
Cruelty, & are now with Falsehood & Calumny rewarding that
Mildness, which forebore to punish their Treason & Rebellion.
I flatter myself that Your Lordship will now think the Spanish
Memorial sufficiently confuted, & that You will honour with your Ap-
probation a Degree of Lenity, with which War has not often been
acquainted, but of which no ungrateful Requital shall induce me to
prepent. [Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Sept. 6th.]
1764. Sept 5th. Copy of the reply of the Court of France to the
Memorial of the English Ambassador at Paris, concerning the
Liquidation of the Canada Bills. — Enclosed in Lord Hertford's Dispatch
of this date, and in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Sept. 1 oth. [In French.
6* PP.]
1764. Sept. 2nd. Copy of a Dispatch from the Due de Choiseul to
the Comte d'Estaing, Governor of the Leeward Islands. — Enclosed in
Lord Hertford's Despatch to the English Ministry of Sept. 5th, and in
Mr. Sedgwick's letter to Edward Weston of Sept. 20th. [In French.
4 pp.]
This despatch is expressed to be written by orders of the King of
France with reference to the English protests against the occupation of
the Turks Islands by the French, and commences by requesting a reply
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
234
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
UxuEinvi h>]>.
KSQ.
to the enclosed Memorial thereon that had been presented to the French
Court by the Britisli Ambassador. It goes on to state that the King
without waiting for explanations, has replied to the Court at London by
the enclosed Memorial (No. 2) which will serve to regulate the conduct
of the Count, and which repudiates any intention on the Kind's part to
take possession of the Islands in question. As regards the English
vcssrls which have been taken to Cape S* Domingo the Count is
directed to send oft* a dispatch boat to Jamaica immediately with a letter
i'or Governor Littleton to inform the latter that he will at once indem-
nity the English subjects who have suffered losses at the Turks Islands
if the Governor will in concert with him investigate their claims.
1764. Sept. 5th. Copy of the reply of the French Court to the
Memorial of the British Ambassador on the Turks Islands question. —
Enclosed in Lord Hertford's Dispatch of this date, and in Mr. Sedg-
wick's letter to Edward Weston of Sept. 20th. In French. 4^ pp.
After expressing the desire of the King of France to maintain and
perpetuate the union of the two nations, the reply states that he has had
no detailed reports of what had happened at the Turks Islands, and was
simply informed of the enclosed orders which Count d'Estaing had given
to Count Guichen^ Captain of the vessel Le Brillant, instructing him, as
the Islands were a rendezvous for pirates, to send to Cape San Domingo
all the vessels he might find at those Islands unfurnished with papers
proving their nationality, and further instructing him to erect two light
houses on the Islands to prevent the shipwrecks that were so frequent
there. The answer goes on to repudiate any desire of the King of
France to take possession of the Islands and promises that any damage
suffered by British subjects in the search of pirates shall be forthwith
repaired.
1704. Sept.. 5th. Copy of the Orders given by Count d'Estaing to
Count Guichen with reference to the Turks Islands. Dated at Cape
San Domingo, May 24th, 1764. — Enclosed in Lord Hertford's despatch
of this date, and in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Sept. 20th. In French.
H PP-
These orders are to chase the pirate vessels said to infest the Turks
Islands and to form establishments there : to destroy the said establish-
ments-: to arrest and send to Cape San Domingo the pirate ships: to
build lighthouses on two of the Islands : and then to make sail for Brest.
17(54. Sept. 5th. Copy of Dispatch of Lord Hertford to the Earl of
Halifax from Paris. [Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter to Edward
Weston of Sept, 15th] :—
I have the honour of transmitting to your Lordship the inclosed.
Answer to the Memorial which I had presented with regard to the
Invasion of the Turks Islands. It is accompanied with a copy of the
Count d'Estaings Orders to Mor de Guichen, Captain of a Ship of War who
executed that Invasion; and also, with the subsequent Orders *>enl by
the Court of France to the Count d'Estaing. Mor de Praslin put all
these Papers into my hands yesterday, and he told me, at the same time,
that he hoped They would give entire Satisfaction to my Court, & would
put an end to that unaccountable Alarm, which had seized the People of
England, by reason of an Incident so frivolous, & derived so little
from any serious Purpose on the part of France. Nothing can exceed,
said lie, our Desire of preserving a good Intelligence with HisBritannick
Majesty ; In prosecution of this Purpose We are determined to remove
the least Appearance of Umbrage, & even to shew our amicable Dis-
position by Advances beyond what the strict Rules of Negotiation would
Esq.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 235
require. Without writing to know what the Count d'Estaing may say Charles
in vindication of his Conduct, We have beforehand disavowed the ^westES?0
violence committed by his Orders ; We have commanded him entirely to Uxderwood,
abandon the Islands in Question ; We have enjoined him to eraze every
Thing which may wear the Appearance of taking or keeping Possession
of it, and We have ordered him to estimate, in conjunction with the
Governor of Jamaica, all the damages sustained by British subjects on
this Occasion, and to make Reparation for them. These are, My Lord,
almost all the Points insisted on in Your Lordship's Dispatches to me.
There is only one, vizfc the Punishment of the Offender, whether he
shall l)e found to be the Count d'Estaing, or Mo1' de Guichen j in which
perhaps, the Court of France may not be found to come up entirely to
His Maty's just Expectations. The Reason, which They assign, is, that
last Year a like Act of Violence was committed by an English Officer
on the French Fishing Boats at Newfoundland, and the Utmost We
could be prevailed on to go, in punishing him, was to give him a
Reprimand.
M. de Praslin also delivered to me the inclosed Answer to the
Memorial, which I had formerly presented against the Liquidation of
the Canada Paper Money.
When I came to discuss with M. de Praslin the Expences for the
Maintenance of Prisoners, I found that I could persuade him to shorten
the Term of Payment formerly proposed. Instead of four Years, and
four Months, the Court of France is willing to pay the Sum of Fifteen
Millions in three Years, & four Months, But all my Persuasion could
not induce that Minister to consent, that this Payment should be made
on any open Account, or otherwise than as a full Satisfaction of all
Demands, except the East India Account, & the Maintenance of
Prisoners after the 11th of November 1762. We shall not insist, said
he, on a national Convention, as an Acquittal of your Claims ; That we
entirely give up; As your Ministers are best acquainted with the Terms
of your own Government, They shall draw the Acquittal in what
manner They please. It is sufficient for Us to be assured, that on the
Payment of Fifteen Millions, there will no farther Demand be made
upon Us. And it is Reasoning contrary to all Ideas of judicious Nego-
tiation, to imagine that France will part with so immense a sum, & leave
all the material Articles of Dispute still undecided.
As it is a Part of His Maty's Instructions to me, to be watchful over
the Progress of the French Marine, I have taken some pains to be
informed of the Importations made of Naval Stores since the Peace.
The inclosed is the Account, which I have received, and which, T believe,
may be relied on by His Majesty.
Mor de Sorbe, the Genoese Minister, put into my hands a Copy of the
late Treaty between France & Genoa; I perused it, and found it
exactly conformable to the Representation of it, which I formerly gave
Your Lordship.
1764. Sept. 20th. Copy of a Letter, from Prince Massereno to Lord
Halifax. [Dated in London and enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of
Sept. 27th. In French. 1J. pp.] i
In this letter the Prince informs Lord Halifax that he has received
from Spain the documents necessary for the Appeal in the case of the
Santissima Trinidad ; but he adds that the King of Spain, who would
not deprive his subjects of the sole means remaining to them of
recovering their property, has ordered him to declare that the Claim for
the Restitution of that vessel, made by him by his Majesty's orders, still
subsists in full force, and that Hie Catholic Majesty does not admit that
236
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undergo m,
Esq.
any decision come to by the English tribunals could be legal or prejudice
his rights, seeing that the said ship is not in the same category as
[dans le cas de] those about which it had been agreed, between the two
Monarchs, that the right to decide as to the legality of their capture
should be left, in time of Peace, to the respective tribunals of the two
Crowns.
1764. Sept. 21st. Copy of an Extract from a letter written by
Major Gen1 Gage to Lord Halifax, from New York. [Enclosed in
Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Nov. 6th.]
It's Time to acquaint Your LordP with what passed at the Congress
lately held at Niagara. Sir Wm Johnson arrived at Lhat Fort the Begin-
ning of July according to Appointment, in order to treat with all
the Nations, who should, agreeable to the Notice given Them, send
Deputys to meet Him there, to conclude Peace. He was met by near
Two Thousand Indians of different Tribes & Nations, from the most
distant Parts, The Majority of whom had not committed any Hostilities,
at least publicly, against us. These therefore only renewed Their
Alliance, and made Protestations of Their paciflck Dispositions ;
Agreeing to the reestablishment of the Post of Inichillimakinak and
promising to protect it as far as They are able ; Likewise to get all the
Prisoners out of the Enemys Hands, & to procure some Restitution for
the Traders Losses. The Chenusios, who were to have been at the
Congress to ratify the Peace which They had made with Sr Wm Johnson
in the Spring, did not chuse to attend. Several Messages passed, when
at length, being threatened with a visit from the Troops, They made
Their Appearance, and delivered up a Number of Prisoners. They
have made a kind of Second Treaty, in which they introduce a Tribe of
the Delawares, who were drove from the Heads of the Susquehanna in
the Spring, and had put Themselves under Their Protection. I transmit
Your Lordp a Copy of this Treaty, as well as the Copy of Another
Treaty concluded with the Hurons of Detroit. No Deputys came from
the Ottowas under Pondiac, The Hurons of Sandusky, or the Shaw-
nese & Delawares, or Some other Tribes who had been in Arras. The
Shawnese and Delawares instead of Peace-Makers, sent an insolent
Letter, which They had forced one of their Prisoners to write for Them.
The very great Number of Indians upon the Carrying Place of Niagara,
made it unsafe for Colonel Bradstreet to go forward with the Troops,
till after Their Departure : And by being detained there, He had the
Opportunity of hearing from Major Gladwin from Detroit, that the
Hurons of Sandusky, as well as the Ottawas on the Miamis under
Pondiac, had brought in Their Prisoners, and asked for Peace ; and
that the Ponteatamies had done the Same. On this Account Col°
Bradstreet changed His Design of attacking Them. They have play'd
this Game before ; The not Sending their People to Niagara to make
Their Peace, tho' Notice had been given Them that Sir W'm Johnson
would hold a Congress there ; and tho' they saw so many other Nations
repair thither for that End, gives too much Reason to suspect, that
these Overtures are not more sincere than their former ones : But
Colonel Bradstreet will undoubtedly bring Them to conclude a regular
Peace with Sr Wm Johnson, according to their Forms and Customs, or
will march against Them.
Colonel Bradstreet embarked on Lake Erie about the 8th of Aug1,
having first secured the Carrying Place of Niagara, as well as possible,
and erected a Post at the Entrance of Lake Erie for the Security of the
Vessels and the Conveniency of laying them up in Winter in a safe & com-
modious Manner : He was accompanied by 250 Indians, of which near
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 237
100. belonged to Canada. Letters have been received from Him of the Charles
14th of Aug*, from Presqu' Isle, where He met Ten Indians, who pre- Weston
tended to have been sent thither by the Shawnese, Delawares &c of Underwood,
the Plains of Scioto to sue for Peace ; and betrayed the Colonel into a
Negotiation, who was at too great a Distance to be acquainted with the
Falsehood of their Assertions, by assuring Him that They had recalled
Their Partys from our Frontiers, in order to make Their Peace. Their
Views were certainly only to ward off the Blow, which threatened Them,
on the Approach of our Troops ; For, whilst They amused us with
Offers of Peace on Lake Erie, They were committing Murders on Our
Borders. Our last Accounts from Virginia & Pensylvania contain
horrid Relations of Murders to the 5th of Septr, particularly a bloody
Massacre of a Number of Children, with Their Mother, in a School-
House. The whole Conduct of the Shawnese and Delawares shews
that Their Dispositions are net pacifick. We have, after long Struggles,
assembled & put in Motion Two Bodys of Troops, at a great Expence
to the Crown & the Provinces : They are now ready for Action, and
the Season advanced : We have no Time to be in Doubts & Un-
certainties : Our Troops will therefore pursue steadily Their first
Orders, and oblige those Nations to give immediate Satisfaction for their
treacherous & bloody Murders, and send Deputys to Sr Wm Johnson to
sue for Peace, or will use Their best Endeavours to extirpate Them. I
trust my Letters will have reached Col : Bradstreet Time enough to
undeceive Him in the Designs of these People. Col : Bouquet, whom
I conclude at Fort-Pitt with all this Force, is in a Situation to be
perfectly acquainted with their Treachery.
1764. Octr 8th. Copy of the Postscript to the General Letter from
Bengal dated Febv 27th. Received per Pigot at this date. [This and
the two following extracts were enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of
Oct, 14th.]
Since closing Our foregoing Address, Wei have been alarmed with an
accident as sudden as unexpected, and which had well nigh exposed
these Provinces to fresh disturbances, <1 thrown Youv Affairs into
greater Danger than all the Strength of Your Enemies. The Soldiers
of Our Army who were encamped about Six Miles from the Carum-
nassa having conceived that there was a design of stopping their Share
of the Donation promised them by the Nabob, or that some Injustice
had been done them in the Division, which Notion We suppose had
been industriously propagated & aggravated by some amongst them who
wished to raise a defection, assembled themselves by general Agreement
in the Morning of the 11th Instant, & having formed, & chosen them-
selves a Leader, loaded their Muskets, fixed their Bayonets & marched
off, declaring they would go over to Shujah Dowlah & Meer Cossim,
The Nabob went out to them & offered them immediately Payment of
their Share of the first division of the donation, but they were not
satisfied with that & continued their March as far as the Banks of the
Carumnassa, where Capn Jennings who at that time commanded the
Army, & the rest of the Officers followed & at length prevailed on all
the English to return to their Colours : but a French Serjeant with
about 150 Soldiers of that Nation, crossed the Carumnassa, & proceeded
towards Banaris [Benares].
The Troops on their Return to Camp were paid the Money the
Nabob promised, & the next day the whole body of Seapoys followed their
Example, took to their Arms & in the same licentious terms demanding
their Share nor could they be quieted until they were paid twenty
Rupees each Man, which was more than their Share came to.
238
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
By our last Advices from Cap11 Jennings all was quiet again, & the
only Loss we have sustained is that of the Frenchmen above mentioned.
A loss not much to be lamented as it is highly probable they were the
Promoters & Fomenters of this extraordinary Revolt.
But our greatest Concern is the Difficulty of restoring good Order to
an Army who have got such a Spirit of Licentiousness amongst them, &
have proceeded to such Lengths unpunished, lest therefore any further
disorders should happen or the advice of this dissention should en-
courage Shu j ah Dowlah & Meer Cossim to engage in fresh Attempts
for disturbing the Provinces, We have thought it necessary to request
of Commodore Tinker to remain with Us in the Medway, & to stop
that part of the Bombay Detachment which had not left the River.
Considering the great Value of preserving the Security of Bengal,
We think this Measure must appear to the other Presidencies entirely
consistent with the general good, & as the Presidency of Fort S* George
will be strongly reinforced by the Troops landed from the Pitt, those
returning from Manilha, & the Bombay Artillery Company, which went
hence in his Majesty's Ship York, We flatter Ourselves they will be
able to prosecute the Siege of Madura with Success.
At the time when this Mutiny happened Major Carnac & Major
Champion were on their Way to join the Army, & We hope will have
now reached the Camp, We have wrote to Major Carnac Our Opinion
& Advice of the Measures most proper to be taken on this Occasion,
& We trust by his discretion & Vigilance that he will be able to quiet
the Army & prevent any Repetition of these Irregularities, & We pro-
pose in a few days to reinforce him with a Detachment of those hundred
Europeans, that such as may appear to have been the Promoters of this
Mutinous Spirit may be removed.
1764. Extract from the East India Company's separate General
Letter from Bengal, dated the 19th of March. Received by the same
conveyance : —
In the Postscript of Our Address by the Boscawen on Military &
Country Affairs, We acquainted You of an extraordinary Mutiny in Our
Army which ended in the desertion of about 150 Frenchmen.
These deserters went over to the Army of Shujah Dowla who has
entertained them in his Service & We find Cossin Aly Cawn has as We
expected made Use of this disorder in Our Army as an argument to
persuade Shujah Dowlah, to espouse his interest & invade Bengal, by
Our last Advices the King, Shujah Dowlah, & Cossin Aly Cawn were
at Eliabad [Allahabad ?] & it is affirmed that preparations were making
to march to Barrairs [Benares ?] which lies close to the frontier of these
Provinces.
Major Carnac is using his Endeavours to restore good Order in Our
Army, which done, We shall have little donbt of defeating all the
Attempts of Shujah Dowlah, should he continue in the design of march-
ing this Way, but We are of Opinion the Prosecution of that design
will depend on the Intelligence he gets of the State of Our forces, &
when he finds We are prepared to receive him on the Frontiers or even
to march & meet him in his own Country, & hears of the Reinforce-
ments We are sending to the Army, by the Assistance of the Bombay
Detachment & the Marines of His Majesty's Ships Medway & Argo,
he will rather wish to make Us his friends than his Enemies.
1764. Extract from Governor Vansittart's Letter to the Court of
Directors dated at Fort William the 2oth of March : —
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
239
The last Advices I have received from Major Carnock are dated the
loth Inst : the same Reports still continue of Shujah Dowlnh's intentions
to take part with Cossin Aly Cawn, & invade these provinces, but I am
far from thinking these reports to have any certain foundations, neither
have I the least doubt of the Success of Our Arms if such an Attempt
should be made as the cause of the late mutinous disorder in Our Troops
is in a great Measure removed.
1764. Oct. 23rd. Copy of the Report of Sir James Marriott,
Advocate General, to Lord Halifax, on the case of the Santissima
Trinidad.— Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Oct. 30th. 10| pp.
1761. Nov. 13th. Copy of an Affidavit in the case of the Santissima
Trinidad. Annexed is a copy of the claim made in the Appeal on
this case. These papers were enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of
Nov. 24th.
1764. Nov. 30th. Copy of the Report of the Advocate General on
the refusal of the late and present Kings of the Two Sicilies to be bound
by the Treaty concluded at Madrid in 1667, by which the Rights &
Privileges of the British Commerce with Naples and Sicily were
originally established. — Enclosed in Mr. Sedgwick's letter of Dec. 13th.
I6h pp.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
1'ndebwood,
Esq.
Original Letters from the Weston Papers.
1724 to 1738.
Vol. I.
1724. July 25th. Stephen Ponytz to Edward Weston I am
appointed his MaUs Envoy to Sweden and am to sett out in a fortnight
or three weeks I hope soon to give you joy in your Fathers being
made Bishop of Exeter, which point I think is in a manner settled ....
I desire my service to your young charge [Horace Walpole.] ....
Dec. 21st
1725. j ,- . Lady Townshend to the same. From the Hague.
We have had an account that the King is upon the road and
proposes to be at Helvoet Sluis next Fry day, my lord has been here
ever since last thursday but for myself haveing been at Amsterdam I
came hither but last Sunday. I should be glad to know if my brother
Walpole has said anything to you about his son, if he has not don't say
anything to him about it till I see you. Mrs. Selwyn writ me word
she had writ; something about you. I never recd the letter so dont
know what it was but if att any time you Avant anything you need no
advocate but your self for both my Lord and myself shall allways be
very ready to do anything that is in our power to serve you.
1725. March 25th. N.S. Monsr Barbeyiac to Lord Townshend.
From Groningen. A letter of compliments in French accompanying a
work dedicated to King Gfeorge the First by the writer.
Townshend to Edward Weston. From
1725. July ^ Lady
Pyrmont .We was just a week at Hannover before we came to
this place, the King begun the waters the day after and is mighty well,
my Lord Mr Townshend Mr Hodges and myself begun them at the
240
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood.
same time but I cannot say they agreed with me so well as with them,
so drink them but a very little while. We live a most regular life.
The King is at the place they drink the waters every morning between
nVe or six o'clock and almost everybody's there at the same time except
myself, and it is generally a little after seven before I get there. I
walk with his Majesty till ten and then come home to dress ; at one go
to dine with the King where we stay till about three ; then come home
and at fix go to court again, and at nine the King always goes to supper
and this is our constant way of liveing every day. I believe we shall
return to Hannover about the beginning of next week where we expect
the King of Prussia within three days after we get there
July 23rd _
1725. A y Q ,. The
Aug. 3rd
domestic matters.
same to the same. From Hanover. About
1726. Sept. 19th. Sir Robert Walpole to the same. From Chelsea.
Asking Mr Weston to stay at " Twittenham " till the end of October,
instead of moving to town, " as it will be very inconvenient as long as
my family continues at Chelsea for my boy [Horace] to go & come
every day."
1727. Jan. 5th. Stephen Poyntz to the same. From Stockholm.
Describing the Aurora Borealis etc.
1727. July 26th. The same to the same. From Stockholm. Ac-
knowledging the receipt of " two cargoes of books."
1728. June 28th, N.S. The Duke of Wharton to Horatio Walpole
[afterwards Lord Walpole of Wolterton]. From Lyons. — Sir, Your
Excellency will be surpriz'd to receive a letter from me ; but the clemency
with which the Government of England has treated me (which is in a
great measure owing to your Brother's regard to my Father's memory)
makes me hope that you will give me leave to express my Gratitude
for it.
Since His Present Majesty's accession to the Throne I have absolutely
refused to be concerned with the Pretender or any of his affairs &
during my stay in Italy have behav'd myself in a manner that Dr Peters
Mr Godolphin & Mr Mils can declare to be consistent with my duty to
the Present King. I was forc't to go to Italy in order to get out of
Spain where if my true design had been known I should have been
treated a litle severely.
I am coming to Paris to put myself intirely under your Excellency's
Protection & hope that Sr Robert "Walpole s good nature will prompt him
to save a Family which his generosity lias induct him to spare. If your
Excellency would permitt me to wait upon [you] for an hour I am certain
you would be convinc't of the sincerity of my repentance for my former
madness and would become an advocate with His Majesty to grant me
his most Gracious Pardon which it is my comfort I shall never be
requird to purchase by an step unworthy of a man of Honnour.
I do not intend in case of the King's allowing me to pass the Evening
of my days under the shaddow of His Royal Protection, to see England
for some Years, but shall remain in France or Germany as my Freinds
shall advise & injoy Country Sports till all former story s are buried in
oblivion.
1 beo* of your Excellency to let me receive your orders at Paris which
I will send to your hostel to receive, The Dutchess of Wharton who is
with me desires leave to wait upon Mr8 Walpole if you think proper.
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
241
1728. June 29th. Sir Robert Walpole to Lord Townshend. From
Hockrel. — My Lord, I send y1* Lordship a letter from the Duke of
Wharton to my Brother at Paris, wch the messenger bought hither to
me this morning, I beg you will lay it before the King, & take his
Majesties orders upon the subject, & transmitt them to my Brother, wch
He is very desirous to receive wthout loss of time, that He may know in
what manner to behave himself when the Duke of Wharton is at Paris.
I am sorry the Duke of Wharton mentions me in particular, wch putts
me under some difficulty, but I cannot forbear saying I see no reason
for his Majesty8 altering the Orders, He has allready given about the
Duke of Wharton, but think it necessary that my Brother should be
acquainted in Form by a Secretary of State, wth the King's pleasure upon
this subject, wthout loss of time. I am with great truth & sincerity, my
dear Lord,
Yr Lordship's most affect1?' & faithfully,
R. Walpole.
If his Majesty should ever be induc'd to think of pardoning the Duke
of Wharton tis surely now advisable to carry on the Prosecution, when
there are legal & full evidences, wch may afterwards be hard to come at,
& mercy is no lesse in ye King's Power after conviction.
1728. July 13th. Duke of Wharton to Walter Price, Under sheriff.
From Rouen. [Begging the latter to come at once to him on business.]
. . . Should your time not allow you to come hither I will meet you at
Dieppe which is but twelve leagues off.
You need not be under any apprehensions that the Government of
England should take it ill that you should come to me for I have assur'd
Mr Walpole at Paris that I am here upon no publick affairs & T believe
he is satisfy'd with my remaining here. Dear Watt dont fail coming
to me for I can do nothing till 1 have seen you. Direct your Answer to
me under Cover to Mr Fitzgerald Marchand here. I am yr freind &
Ser* Wxharton.
1728. Oct. 8th. Sir Robert Walpole to Lord Townshend. From
Chelsea. — You will see by the inclosed wch came to me last night that
our scheme about the Duke of Riperda must be alter'd unlesse you can
way-lay this Evening or tomorrow morning, & prevail wthhim to alter his
course, whether you will think this most advisable, or lett him come on
to London, & give me His Majesties directions about meeting Him in
town, 8c fixing him in private Lodgings, I desire you will [send] me
word, it will be no difference to me but coming on Tuesday to Windsor
instead of Wednesday, perhaps more easy to him to pursue his own
method.
1728. Oct. 9th. Lord Townshend to Anthony Corbiere. From Windsor.
As I parted with You last night in a good deal of hurry, I had not then
had time to inform myself whether there could be sufficient Accommoda-
tion, or no, for the Duke de Ripperda at Swinley Rails, which since, upon
Enquiry, I find there is not; and therefore I* think the best thing that
can be done will be for You to prevail upon the Duke to send his Coach
and Servants on to London, & to stay alone with You at one of the Inns
either at Egham or Staines, till such time as You shall have given me
notice of your arrival there, and have heard from Me.
1728. Oct. Lord Townshend to the King [Draft].— I send your Maty
the Account I have had from Mr Corbiere whom I sent last night to
meet Riperda. The expectation I have been in of hearing from Riperda
was the reason of my not waiting this morning on your Maty a hunting.
i 84067. ^
Chaeles
Fleetwood
Westott
Undebwood,
Esq.
242 HISTOKIOAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables I sent back by the Messenger Orders to" Mr Corbiere not to stay at
Wb3tonD Swinley Kails, but to come forward with Riperda either to Egham or
XJvvjsnwoov, Stains ; from whence I will bring the Duke in a Coach hither. I have
_!2* sent to the Dean of Durham who has a House in the Cloysters here,
where I propose to lodge Riperda, as privately as possible. I likewise
send your Matf a rough Sketch of a Paper of Heads which your Mat?
ordered me to draw up yesterday.
1728. Oct. — . Anthony Corbiere to Lord Townshend. From Hartly-
rowe. — Wed? 4 in the morning. — I got hither just now, after having
knockt up all the Inn-keepers on the road, without finding what I
wanted. But here I have intelligence of a Coach, the description of
which answers my expectation. That Coach came to Salisbury on Monday
night, and having bad horses, must have sett up last night considerably
short of this place ; and as it must necessarily pass here, I think it best
to stop, and wait till it comes, tho' the hour of its coming is very
uncertain.
J after 8.
Since Your Lordship's first design will be frustrated, because ir grows
late & the Coach does not yet appear, I believe you will not think it
amiss that I send away this Messenger to know Your Lps pleasure what
I am now to do, and indeed to prepare Coll Negus, to whom I have
writ at all events. Chaundler knows the route I shall take to Swinly-
rails, in case I meet the Gentleman ; so that if Y[our] LfordsMp] is
pleased to honour me with your Commands, he will probably meet me
on the road thither.
1728. Oct. 10th. Lord Townshend to Anthony Corbiere. From Windsor.
I desire You will make my excuses to the Duke de Ripperda for my
sending him a hired Coach. I should have been very glad to have sent
my own Coach to attend him, but it was impossible to do that without
giving some suspicion, you will give the coachman directions to drive
to Dr Blands at Eton, without passing thro' Windsor, and will contrive
to be there about seven this evening ; at which time either myself or
my Brother Walpole will not fail to meet the Duke there. But if
anything should happen to prevent my seeing him there this evening, I
desire You will assure him that I shall certainly do myself the honour
of waiting upon him between nine & ten tomorrow morning, and will
introduce him in the evening to his Majesty.
1728. Oct. 2nd. Sir Philip Yorke Attf Gen1 [afterwards Ld Chancellor
Hardwicke] to Lord Townshend. From Lincoln's Inn. — My Lord
Grange spoke to me this Evening, as by your Lordships direction, about
a Draught for a Warrant for a Pardon, which have been applied for on
behalf of the late Earl of Mar. I apprehended from him that it was your
Lordship's intention that I should consider of some words to restrain his
coining into Great Britain, for which purpose I presume to send to your
Lordship the inclosed Draught of a Clause. I have added thereto
Ireland, and if it is mean't that Lord Mar should be restrained from
coming into any other his Majesty's Dominions, those words should alsoe
be added. I think it my Duty to take notice to your Lordship that there
is a materiall difference between the forms of the Pardons, which have
passed on these occasions. That to Lord Bolingbroke was the fullest,
and as it pardoDs the Attainder, extends to restore the party to all Civil
Capacities, such as taking by purchase or grant from the Crown, from
the date of the Pardon. That to Lord Duffus, & severall others have
only pardon'd the Pains of Death, Execution tie Invprisonm1 of ye
person, upon which it is extremely doubtful whether any civil capacity
Esq.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 243
whatsoever be restored, or only the Person of the offender exempted from Ci
punishment. The Precedents of the Warrants for both these kinds of FwS>h0D
pardons are in your Lordships books, & according as the one or the Undebwood,
other shall be thought proper to be folio w'd in this case, the inclosed
Clause may be added to it.
1728. Nov. 23rd. Edward Weston to Sir Eobert Walpole. From
London. A letter of compliments, with thanks for favours present and
future.
1729. July 8th. Dr Edward Gibson, Bishop of London, to Lord
Townshend. From Fulham I think publick affairs and
particularly in the Church will feel ye want of your Service and Assis-
tance to a great degree, and I also think that your Lp who has always
been accustom'd to business, will feel the want of it, and not enjoy that
entire ease and Satisfaction you imagin in a private life. . . . , . I
gave Dr Tyrwhitt Institution to ye Rectory of S* James's yesterday,
and have left ye Jermyn Family to seek their remedy at Law, if they
think it worth their while to contest the right of Patronage ; but I
think [ shall hear no more of them. It was very happy for ye publick,
that they had it not in their power to plant an eager Tory in so large
a Parish, and so near ye King's Palace. Dr Tyrwhitt is a man that I
can answer for in all respects
1728. Aug. 8th. The same to the same. From the Cockpit. A
long letter relating to the Archbishoprick of Dublin and the Deanery of
Dromore. ..." By ye account I had from Sr R. We this morning,
I hope I may congratulate your Lp upon a Peace wth Spain." . . .
1730. Jan. 16th. Lord Townshend to Edward Weston. From
Rainham. — I return you many thanks for the favour of yrs, <fe heartily
congratulate you upon yr marriage ....
1730. May 19th. Edward Weston to Lord Harrington at Paris.
From Whitehall. [Draft.] — My Lord Townshend having now given
up his post of Secretary of State & I having thereby lost a very
generous Friend & Patron, I hope yr Lp will forgive my taking the
first opportunity of begging leave to recommend myself to your future
Favour & Protection I have reason to hope that none of
his Mat?8 Ministers will deny me the honour of their Recommendation
& natter myself yr Lp will not attribute my begging to be continued in
my post in yr office purely to the Necessity of my present Circum-
stances for I can with the greatest sincerity assure you, that I shd not,
in ye most affluent Fortune, be less ambitious of the honour of an
Employment under yr LdP.
1730. June 10th, N.S. Lord Harrington to Edward Weston. From
Paris. — I have received your letter of ye 19th p* : OS, and was very
well pleased to find by it that you are desirous to continue with me in
the Secretary's office, for altho I have not had the good fortune to be
particularly acquainted with you, I am no stranger to your character,
which has been represented to me in so advantageous a light by all that
know you, that I shall think myself very happy in having your assis-
tance in the execution of my employment, and will endeavour to make
every thing as agreeable to you as possible.
1730. Nov. 21st. Dr Stephen Weston, Bishop of Exeter, to his son
Edward Weston. From Exeter. On private affairs.
Q 2
244
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles 1730. Dec. 22nd, N.S. Lord Chesterfield to Lord Harrington.
Weston*0 From the Hague. To introduce and recommend Sir Cyrill Wich to
Ijtderwood, the favour and protection of the latter.
Esq. r
1730. Dec. 19th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. ... I confess I have my doubts about the success of our
Vienna Treaty ; at least about the dispatch it will meet with there,
and I am persuaded it will employ Couriers some time longer. When I
saw the plan transmitted to your Lordship, by Mr Robinson, I was
concern'd to find it clogg'd with conditions which they could never
imagine would be agreed to ; such as the Guarranty of Russia, the
Duke of Holsteins Affair, &ca, and consequently seem'd to be intended
delays. Prince Eugene's behaviour to Mr Robinson, would naturally
give one hopes of success, but when I consider how much that gentle-
ness is out of Character, I own, I refine enough to suspect it. The
Treaty sent to Vienna, as farr as it relates to England and the
Republick, is such as the Emperor (I think in prudence) ought to agree
to, but considering his haughty ness and obstinacy, and the knowledge
he certainly has of the distrusts and Jealousys among the Allys. I fear
it is uncertain whether he will or no. I hope Mr Dieden's demands,
will not prove an obstruction to this Affair, but I cannot comprehend
what can be mean't by an additional security of the Kings Electorall
Dominions; which are already guarrantied over and over by all the
powers upon earth, and by the whole Empire, as being a part of it; so
that I suspect additionll security to mean additional Dominions, which
can only be by dismembering Meissenburg upon a pretence of paying
in that Manner, the expenses of the Commission. And this I think the
Emperor never can and the Empire never will consent to ; it being a
total subversion of all the fundamental laws of the Empire. I am very
willing to stay here till this affair be determined one way or other, and
the more so because should the Emperor agree ; I foresee there will
be some difflcultys in finishing here, where from the Nature of the
Government, every wrong head or heart, has a right of Opposition, and
can do hurt, though not good.
1730. Dec. 26th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. — You will give me leave to trouble you with this letter, to ask
your advice both as a Minister, and a friend. Mr Finch has writt me
word, that he embarks next Monday in the Yatch that is to attend me
here. And I propose making it wait, till I have some answer from
Vienna ; If the treaty conies back sign'd to be sure I will stay here till
I have gott the Republick into it ; but supposing the answer should be
doubtfull, and dilatory, and plainly show, that at least it will take up a
good deal more time ; I begg both your advice, and instructions, what
I should do, in that case, which I am apt to think will exist. For
having told Count Sinzendorf in generall that I had forwarded a
Courier to Vienna, who would one way or other determine Affairs, in
about three weeks time ; he said that lett it be what it would that that
Courier Carried; even though it were acceptable, yett he knew from the
constant dull delays of his Court ; that they would take at least a Month
to consider of anything finall. And that he hoped I should not look
upon such a delay so naturall to the Imperiall Court, as any design to
amuse or gain time. I told him I certainly should, and that considering
the Crisis things were now in, it was impossible to see it in any other
light. If Mr Finch should come here before I have an answer from
Vienna, I shall not deliver my letters of revocation till 1 receive one,
but if when it comes it should be such a one as I apprehend it will ;
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
245
Your Lordship will be pleas' d to instruct me perticularly what I ought
to do.
I am very apprehensive that the King will have been displeas'd, that
I gott nothing to send from hence by the Courier to Vienna, but I
really found it impossible to do it, with the least degree of security for
the Secret ; and I hope your Lordship will contribute to excuse me to
the King.
1 heartily wish this Affair may succeed, for if it does not I think we
shall be in a very bad condition ; The Design of France, to do either
nothing or too much, is now too plain to be doubted of ; and the
Jealousys and distrusts among the Allvs have taken too deep a root to
be removed, with any prospect of future concert. .And if the Empr is
obstinate enough to reduce us to return 1o France, after this Jealousy,
we shall be oblig'd to give them fatall pledges of our future fidelity.
I am persuaded there will be nothing ready for the meeting of the
Parliament, for even should the Court of Vienna approve of the treaty in
generall, yett something or other always happens to retard the Conclu-
sion of such important Affairs, beyond the time one wish'd or propos'd.
If accidents don't happen, forms and Ceremoneys supply their place.
And such a Court as Vienna will undoubtedly make some alterations in
the Treaty, were it only to say that they had not subscrib'd a Treaty
Just as it was sent them. Therefore in my poor opinion the Parliament
should be putt off as long as possible, because whatever his Majesty
says at the opening of it, will be of the Utmost and nicest consequence.
1731. Jan. 16th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. — I was extreamly glad to find by your Lordships letter a-part,
that the trouble I had given both you and myself, about Mr Hop's
intercepted letter, was unnecessary, and indeed I should never have
thought it necessary to have taken the least notice of any of that
gentlemins surmizes, had I not found by Mr Walpole's letter, that, at
least they had made some impression on him.
Your Lordship will have seen by this time from Mr Robinson's
letters that I guess'd pretty right as to our negotiation at Vienna, that
it would still require Couriers, and that Mr Dieden's demands would
create the great difficulty s. And this I find has exactly happen'd,
though I am very sure the Court of Vienna was resolv'd to bring all
possible facilitys to Mr Dieden's demands. I should be wanting to
the regard and friendship I profess for your Lordship, if I did not
lay before you the fatall but naturall and even necessary consequences
that will attend the breaking off of the Negotiation upon Electoral!
points, in which you are more perticularly concern'd as being in your
department.
This negotiation is already known by many and suspected by all,
should it now break off; we must be more in the power of France than
ever, who then, knowing that we have no resource left, will use us as
they think fitt; and insist upon dangerous pledges of our future fidelity.
We must either enter into all their destructive schemes, or at best,
continue a good while longer in the disagreable and unpopular situation
we are at present in. But this is not the worst neither; for it is
impossible that this Negotiation so farr advanc'd, can now break off,
without additionall Acrimony on both sides ; and in that case it cannot
be expected but that the Emperor will take the Naturall advantage of
declaring to the Nation, and to this Republick ; that the publick tran-
quillity might have been restor'd, that he had agree'd to all the points
that related to England, and this Country, but that Electorall con-
siderations only, prevented the conclusion of so desirable a work, and
Charles
Fleetwood,
Weston
Usdebwood
Esq.
246 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Flbet*LBS Pmng'd us mto so dangerous a warr. What Effect, tbis will have, I
Weston need not say, our Enemies will tell us with pleasure. Nor can I
Vvt>E*q00J>' answer that when the Republick shall once know it, as they certainly
— . will know it, that they will not conclude a separate peace, or a Neu-
trality upon any terms ; such are their apprehensions of a warr, and
especially of this warr.
The Pensionary at first apprehended difficultys from the Electorall
points, even without knowing them, and only from the outward aspect
of Affairs in that part of the world; and he thought it would be impos-
sible to adjust them by treaty, but he hoped they would be referr'd to
future Negotiation after the Harmony between the two Courts should
be restor'd ; and that then the Empr mi»ht connive at what he could
not publickly Authorise. But if the whole Negotiation should break off,
upon any or all of these Electorall points ; I think it is impossible to
describe the fatall consequences that must result from it ; both to the
King the Ministry and the Nation.
I find from the accounts from Berlin that the King of Prussia is
frightn'd out of his wits, if he ever had any ; and wants to be friends
with the King, and for that reason desires a Minister may be sent there ;
which in my opinion, should not be done; for he takes every instance
of Complaisance to be an indication of fear, and grows insolent upon it ;
whereas if he is really frightn'd as I believe he is, there is no imagin-
able meanness to which he will not stoop, for his security ; and I should
think it would be better to make him take some of those steps first,
before he meets with the least return from his Majesty. Grumkow's
conversion I hope will be cultivated in a proper manner, a sum of money
will be well employ'd there, and putt him too much in our power for
him to go back.
1731. Feb. 9th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. — I trouble your Lordship now with another complaint against
the Regency of Hannover ; and were I to inform your Lordship of half
the complaints that are made of them, it would take up all your time
and mine ; but this was so perticularly recommended to me by the Elec-
tor of Cologne himself, and Count Plettemberg, that I could not refuse,
acquainting your Lordship with it. This important affair, the present
object of the deliberations of the Hannover Regency ; is no less than a
Post waggon, as your Lordship will see, by the inclos'd extract of a
letter by Count Plettemberg's direction, You will do what you think
proper in it, I have executed my Commission in laying it before you. It
will soon appear by originall pieces which Baron Twickell intends to
publish ; and which were seiz'd in the Town house of Hildesheim when the
renitents were turn'd out of it ; that great part of the money of the
Caisse publique which the said renitents had seiz'd, was distributed
among the Regency of Hannover, to obtain their protection ; when that
appears I hope it will lessen the weight of their representations; before
it is long I believe I shall be able to send your Lordship those pieces,
I wait with impatience for the arrival of your Vienna Courier, though
not without the same apprehensions I had at first, and which I com-
municated then to your Lordship ; that the Emperor seeing the streights
we are reduced to by france, will hope to make a better bargain with us
some time hence, than we proffer him now. And this last Memoriall
of Monsieur Castellar's which is universally known, I doubt will not
facilitate the conclusion of the Treaty.
I am glad the sessions has begun so well, but I am astonish'd at the
imprudence of Finch and Carteret, to begin their opposition upon such
a point, and with so inconsiderable a minority.
HISTOEICAL MANUSCEIPTS COMMISSION,
247
1731. Feb. 14th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part Though my thoughts upon the treaty sent to
Vienna and upon the reception it will meet with there very little deserve
your Lordship's attention, yett since you command me to trouble you
with them, 1 will tell you that I think the King has gone as farr as he
can well go, in this last treaty ; and that if the Court of Vienna really
intends to conclude, they cannot refuse this reasonable opportunity of
doing it, but I confess I very much apprehend the ill Consequences, that
the Death of the Duke of Parma and the Memoriall of Castellar will
have, at that Court ; that is so easily elated by any favourable incident.
Castellar's Memoriall will give them just reason to expect the utmost
confusion among the Allies of Seville, and may make them think the
opportunity favourable of seizing the tempting Morsell, that the Duke of
Parma's death presents them with. Upon the whole I fear delays and
Chicanes, that will be as bad as a refusall. These inconveniencys would
have been all prevented ; if we had taken these Measures, when I went
to England last, and was charged by the Pensionary to recommend them
in the strongest manner, which 1 did, though to no purpose.
I am likewise farr from being perswaded, that our Electorall demands
are made much more reasonable than they were. For why should not
Mr Hattorf have declar'd it to you if they were. And by the way I
think there are some good reasons to suspect, that he is not very
desirous to facilitate the conclusion of this Treaty. If the Court of
Vienna has really no mind to conclude ; but to break off advantageously ;
the Hannover points ; which they may easily do ; every one of those
points being at best, but doubtful ; and yett it is certain we shall not
receed from them all. If that should happen to be the case, and that
case become publick, as it certainly will, we shall be in a fine situation.
I am a little uneasy at the communication I have taken upon myself
to make of this Negotiation to the Republick, as well as about the
instructions I have sent to Mr Robinson ; If the King should be
displeas'd at either ; I depend upon your Lordship's good Offices.
1731. Feb. 16th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. — Count Sin7< ndorf having sent me word yesterday morning
that his Courier from Vienna was Just arriv'd. and that he was going to
forward him immediately to Count Kinski in England ; I went streight
to Count Zinzendorff to see that this courier had brought him, besides
what Mr Robinson inform'd me of. As soon as I came in Count
Sinzendorf spoke to me in these words with a great deal of surprize and
concern. "You have kept the most materiall point a secret from
me ; and never told me that this whole affair turns upon the King's
Electorall demands ; which are such as it is not in the Emperor's power
to comply with. The Emperor has show'd the utmost facility in every-
thing that concern'd himself, or depended upon him. He has given up
the Ostend trade by which the Netherlands will be ruin'd ; he has
consented to the Introduction of Spanish Troops into Italy, by which
all his possessions there will be in danger, and yett all this is to avail
him nothing, unless he engages to do what it is not in his power to
perform ; but depends upon the Empire, and to which the Empire never
can nor will consent. The present King demands ten times more as
Elector of Hannover than ever the late King did ; and yett everything
between England and the Emperor is to be deem'd null and void, unless
these impossible demands are comply'd with ; as you wili see by this
declaration of Mr Robinson's." And then he show'd me a declaration
of Mr Robinson's setting forth that unless, touts les points Allemands
(those are the words) be settl'd to his Majesty's entire satisfaction, every
Chaelbs
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
248
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
"Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
thing else doit etre cense nul. I told him that the King having a
German Minister at Vienna to transact those Affairs, I was an utterr
Stranger to them, and that were 1 to know them, I was too ignorant of
the Laws and Constitution of the Empire to be able to Judge how farr
they were consistent or inconsistent with them, but that I took it for
granted impossibilities could not be ask'd. He said yes but they were ;
and runn into a long detail of the several demands, and then concluded
with saying that it was to no purpose for the Emperor to explain
himself so fully as otherwise he might have done, upon the points
concerning England only, since they were to be of no effect unless these
impossibilities were granted at the same time. As Count Kin-ki in
England will receive the same accounts I submitt to your Lordship
whether this can be done with any other view than that I have so long
apprehended; of declnring to the world that the Negotiation broke off
only upon Electoral! points; whether it really breaks off upon those
points or no, or whether for other reasons the Court of Vienna should
have no mind to conclude it. And what Effect this will have every-
where, but especially in England, I leave your Lordship to Judge. I
inform your Lordship of this Affair by this letter a-part ; that you
may make just what use you think fitt of it. Count Sinzendorf
show'd me a letter from his Father in Law wherein he expresses not
only the desire, but the impatience of his Court, to conclude with
the maritime powers. How sincere this is a little time will now
discover ; I own I can form to myself no opinion of the event of this-
treaty ; in good Politicks I think the Emperor ought by all means to
agree to it, but whether his ardent desire of the totality of Italy,
Joyn'd to some seemingly favourable incidents for him at present, may
not make him regret or delay it, which is in a manner the same thing,
I cannot determine.
1731. April 3rd., N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
A-part. — I am oblig'd to trouble your Lordship at present about a very
silly thing, because I know you either have been or will be apply'd
to about it. My Lord, or I believe rather, my Lady Denbigh, has a
great mind to succeed me as Minister here ; and in order to bring that
about they made one Mr Trooies a Merchant of Amsterdam and who
married a sister of Lady Denbigh's came to me here to desire me to
recommend to your Lordship, My Lord Denbigh for my Successor, as a
person whom he (Mr Trooies) assur'd me would be extreamly agreable
to the Town of Amsterdam, as well upon account of his Alliance in
the Country, as of his excellent personall qualifications and endowments.
I told Mr Trooies, that, in the first place Mr Finch was already Nam'd
and that I expected him here soon, aud that in the next place 1 was
determin'd for reasons of my own, to have nothing to do with the
recommendation of my Successor. Mr Trooies reply'd that Mr Finch
being destin'd for Spain would probably not stay here long, and desir'd
that since I would not recommend I would at least relate to your
Lordship the fact of his sollicitation, which I promis'd him to do. And
I begg that when you are apply'd to by Lord or Lady Denbigh, as I
dare say you frequently will, that you will say that I have related the
fact. But I begg too at the same time that your Lordsp will not take
this relation of mine as a recommendation from me of Lord Denbigh ;
because it is a matter I am resolv'd not to meddle in ; nor am I
enough acquainted with Lord Denbigh to be a proper judge of those
perfections Mr Trooies has discover'd in his Lordship.
Monsieur Ittersum having had very great occasion for the six
hundred pounds due to him last January ; and his success in the Province
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
249
of Overyssel, being of very great Consequence to the Prince of Orange,
I have advanced him that sum, of my own money ; by which I hope
I shall be no loser ; whenever it is paid, I beg it may be paid to
Mr Bowcn Clerk of the Treasury, upon my account.
If your Lordship thinks proper, you may prepare Mr Finch to come
here in about six weeks time ; for I am perswaded, that by that time,
I shall have finish'd every thing here.
P.S. The Garde des Sceaux acquainted Mr Van Hoey, that the
Cardinal had receiv'd a letter from Mr Walpole, to excuse the Separate
Negotiation with the Emperor ; but without communicating any of the
perticulars of the Negotiation. The Garde des Sceaux accompanied
this communication with many unkind expressions both from himself
and the Cardinal.
ClIABLES
Fleetwood
Weston
¥ndebwooi>,
Esq.
1731. April 15th.
Eevd Svmon Patrick.
To Edward Weston from his father in law the
From Cambridge. A letter in verse.
1731. Oct. 30th. To Edward Weston from his brother Stephen
Weston. From Exeter. On domestic matters.
1732, May 24th, N.S. Thomas Eobinson to Edward Weston. From
Vienna. — Your last is of the 25th past, by which I found that the Dutch
mail, which was arrived the Day before, had not carried, as it ought,
my Letters of the 19th, which was the greater misfortune, as they gave
You an account of the motions of this Court, upon which I expected
orders. But misfortunes seldom come alone ; Last night's Post has
failed, the Mail of the Empire having been robbed near a place called
Newmark between Ratisbon and Nuremberg ; So that we have no
letters, either from England or Holland, and shall be in ignorance of
His Majesty's pleasure, as well upon my Letters of the 19th even sup-
posing they dropped in by the Subsequent post, as upon my Letters of
the 23rd. I am besides in the Dark as to the King's Journey. In the
meanwhile I must take my party as things comes out. On Monday next
this town will be a desert. The Prince goes to his Country Seat for a
few Days, to follow the Emperor soon after into Bohemia. The Chan-
cellor goes the same day to precede the Emperor . . . His Imperial
Majesty will stay at Prague till the 12th of June, from which time till
about the 8th of July, during his Stay at Carlsbad, there will be a Kind
of Stagnation of all Business. However to morrow I expect to have a
final Conference with the Chancellor in Town upon all points, and as
soon as I shall have received the Papers 1 expect from this Court, I
shall dispatch Mr Gould either to Hanover or directly to England,
according as I shall best be able to judge by Mondays post. From the
beginning of July the Court will Stay Six Weeks at or about Prague,
so that we shall have the leisure till the End of June, of going, every
one as he pleases thither ; for without the roost pressing affairs, there
will be no possibility of seeing the Ministers at Carlsbad
Upon the Supposition that some orders relating to the Kings motions
may have been sent to me by the post that has failed ; I have made out
a Duplicate of this Letter, which will be ready for you at Hanover
And as for the rest I shall trust to Events, and the best judgment I
can make of things, either as to my going sooner or later to Prague, as
shall conduce most to His Majesty's Service, or as to my waiting upon
His Majesty at Hanover, if by my future Letters I shall find myself
anyways authorised to repair thither.
250 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles P.S. It is surmised that the many Elections now on foot in the
FWEsrroS-OD Empire may have excited the curiosity of some Curious persons to
Underwood, inspect the letters between Ratisbon and Nuremberg.
1732. July 1st, N.S. Hon. Robert Trevor [afterwards Viscount
Hampden] to Edward Weston. From Hanover. . . My Lord [Lord
Harrington ?] reached this place early on Sunday morning without
having had any the least accident by the way. Tilson was extremely
alert during the whole journey, but yesterday he relapsed into his com-
plaints, & began to threaten us with a temporary Abdication ....
Mr Robinson had been here four days before the King .... I know
of nothing New & Memorable except the Elopement of her G[race]
of Bucks to France and all that.
1732. . Lord Harrington to the same. — The inclosed have been
approved by the King, which when writ out fair I desire you will send
to me at Petersham to be sign'd. There shou'd be an addition made to
the letter to Mr Robinson acquainting him that the King has good
information that whatever is transacted in the Spanish Secretary's
office at Vienna is never long a secret at the Courts of France and
Spain, for which reason the King would have Robinson give an intima-
tion of this where he may think proper and safe to do it, and that he
does not communicate anything relating to the Sardinian affair to any-
one except C* Staremberg Monsr de Berken-Stein and Sinzendorf if
necessary but not otherwise. I have not been able to get Trevor's
affair dispatch'd. The King was in haste to read his German letters
which I hope was the occasion of it, tho betwixt you and I seems to
have reflected a little upon the expense since I saw him yesterday : so
that I shall not venture to write anything about that matter by this post
to the Hague.
1732. Nov. 6th. George Tilson to the same. — I was with my Lord
this Evening and send you the letters of ye last 2 posts ; his Lop: did
not observe that there was anything that required orders, but would be
glad to have something tomorrow to carry to the King, & particularly
for Mr Robinson.
His Lo:p mentioned taking notice to him of Mr Jansirots letter
about a Minister coming from the Palatine Court, that no doubt he
would be charged with matters concerning Bergues and Juliers, & that
Mr Robinson should know when he came what he had brought, in the
meantime we had nothing new to Say from hence upon that head.
His Lop observed that ye Mags of Hamburg as Sr C. Wich suggests,
hold off only on account of their doubting whether ye Imp: Court really
mean to discourage the interloping Trade & that if they were persuaded
that the Emperor seriously intended to abide by what he had lately
done they might be induced to give ye Declaration desired. Wherefore
Mr Robinson should apply himself to have ye Imp: Ministers convince
the Hamburghers that the Emperor is determined not to countenance
any collusive Trade &c.
Cons[ul] Deane has writ an account of another ship sailed from
Ostend with all the signs of an Interloper, an extract of his letter may
be sent to Mr Robinson for his Information.
His Lop took notice of ye D of Leria's insinuations as if Mr Keene
had not acted vigorously in ye business of Florence ; & it should be
observed to Mr Robn that he will find by ye papers that those surmises
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
251
were intirel y false, & that ye Spaniards rather complained of his being Chables
too partial on y« Emp» side. Fw5ESr01>
I don't remember any other hints his Lop gave ; but seemed desirous Underwood,
to have some letters formed.
(P.S.) The letters for ye Bp [of] Lubec will be ready to be sent to
morrow if my Lord has them signed.
Esq.
19
1733. Octr 3Q.
Robert Trevor to the same. From the Hague.
We have no news of Mr Wynne as yet, and indeed his
Highness could not set out at present, if the Yachts were arrived,
he has so bad a cold, & swelled face. Mr Dayrolle returns you his
compliments
(P.S.) My compliments to Tilson, Waad, & all friends at the office.
1733. Nov. 23rd. Lord Wilmington to the same. From St. James's
Square. Enclosing papers and returning despatches.
1734. Feb. 14th. Dr John Thomas to the same. From Hamburg.
. . . . . This reminds me of another wholesome piece of advice
you gave me to many an agreeable Person of a good Family, which I
have carefully performed with the assistance of my Lady Wich. Do all
you can, Dear Sr to let. me see old England again .... The
Dutch Amsterdam Coura i is full of the Sermon preached by his Lord-
ship [Bishop Weston] on lany 30 before the House of Lords . . .
1734. April oT-t Robert Trevor to the same. From the Hague.
, . . . Mr W[alpole] is looked upon here as an indirect Minister
of the Emperor's : People here are in much less pain for the Ballance
of Europe than for the continuation of their Ministry : I believe they
will soon return us the compliment of Mr Walpole's Mission by a more
extraordinary on[e] to Paris.
1734. April 077b' ^e same to tne same« From the Hague.
.... We wait here with impatience for your Sentiments upon the last
Resolution, (if any Proceedings of these People at present deserve That
name) & still more so for the Answer to what went by Money ; which
I confess, I hope will bring a Revocation rather than Credentials, for
from all I have learnt I cannot but be of opinion that Mr W[alpole]'s
longer stay here will only serve to make him more responsible for any
money Measures These People may run into ; who are grown so jealous
of his Maty, on account of his being Elector of Hanover, & Father-in-
law to the Prince of Orange, that I am persuaded, they'll rather purchase
a precarious & temporary Security for themselves by the weakest &
meanest Complaisance to France, than by a manly & firm Conduct, in
concert with England try to secure it effectually. Nay they seem so
persuaded of the necessary Connexion between the two Events of a
War, & a Change in their Government, and of his Ma**'8 design to make
Either subservient to the other, that Mr W — 's journey, & sollicitations,
& the late Proceedings of Parliament for strengthening the King's
hands, have but confirmed them in their fears, & driven them to a
greater distance -from Us. So that in short I see no way left for render-
ing this State of any service to England, & to the generous system, that
252
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood.
Esq.
his Ma1? has always pursued, of preserving the Peace, & Happiness of
but that of the very part that they
Mankind, 84 . 26 . 386 adopting 878 . 1495 . 935 . 92 . 467
pleased to to us a sincere and
783 . 46 . impute 82 . 47 . and of gaining 1107 . 927 . 385 .
are
1538.
useful
1745.
Ally
240
m
582
the person
871 . 1045
of
30
86 .
that
986
peevish
99 diffident 1311 . 140
the Prince instead of
131 . 1138 . 1121 . 36 . 11
and irresolute one
193 . 599 . 1107 . 719
175 .
in
942 .
of
1312
the
26
Pensionary.
30 . 1403.
1734. July 30th. Horatio Walpole [afterwards Lord Walpole of
Wolterton] to Lord Harrington. From the Hague. — I send Mony ye
Messenger wth ye inclosed not having had time to putt it in cypher, and
I have addressed it in a manner as I hope it will not be opened by any
body but your selfe; I can't flatter myselfe that ye Pensionary will alter
his opinion in our next conference, but I shall have an occasion to talk
over matters wth him.
I am to tell your Lrdp, in confidence that Mr Pinch wth a very
serious air told me this morning that he was resolved to write by this
post to your Lrdp to desire his Maj^8 leave to return home, for wch he
gave me no other reason but that he had served long enough abroad ; I
enter'd in a friendly expostulation wth him to dissuade him from it,
telling him very plainly that it would be understood, that my coining
hither as Ambassadur had made him take that resolution, & I was
apprehensive that he might by that means fling himselfe quit out of
business, and consequently grow out of humour wth ye Court, & ye Court
vfti* him, that it was by no means intended to remove him from hence
by sending me hither, & I sayd in short as many kind things to him as
I could desiring him still to consider of it j but I cant tell as he scarce
gave me any answr whether I have prevayled on him to change his
design ; you will know by ye letters, wch goe by ye post ; for as he went
this afternoon into ye Country, he knows nothing of this Messengers
being dispatched. It is past 12 at night; and 1 have been both
Minister & Secretary this day & am consequently much tired.
1734. Augt. 3rd, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
Your Lrdp will have found, as I told you in my last, that Mr Finch
desires his Majtys. leave to return Lome, but I hope, from some
discourse that I have had with him since, that he has done it in such a
manner, as not give an occasion for his being recalled ; for altho,
perhaps this step may arise from his Pride in not being willing to
remain here wth a less character than I have ; yett he may not perhaps
be desirous of losing the appointments especially since I do not see
anything else that can be done for him at present, and I would not
have it understood in ye world, as I am afraid it will be, if he is
entirely removed ; that my Brother & I contrived to jostle him out of
his Employment for my sake. I have wrote to Sr R: W : on this
Subject, and I desire you will concert it together, & gett ye affair so
managed, that in case Mr Finch will insist upon going home, he may
have leave given him so as not to take leave of ye States, as if he was
recalled.
(P.S.) I hope ye draughts of answers to ye Ainbr8 ofcFrance & Spain
will be approved entirely ; I think they are extreamly well, if they shall
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
253
be as well supported according to ye issue of them, the Pensionary will
constantly consult me in all his projects before they goe to ye Deputys
of ye States, if he finds they are approved in England, & I will doe my
best to make them agreable to his Matys sentiments, 8c will desire him
when I find it absolutely necessary, but the less alteration that is made
in England the better, because ye gout makes the Pensionary peevish-;
I think he is absolutely resolved to goe hand in hand with ye King, but
ye untoward behaviour of ye Imperiall Court, and ye bad condition of
this Government, & their finances make3 him inclined to Peace ; tho he
often talks wth spirit to Mr Fenelon.
A. courier from Vienna goes to Kinski by this packett boat, but
Mr D'Ulefeldt will not tell me ye motives for sending this express.
Cjiables
Fleeiwood
Westok
Underwood,
Esq.
1734. Augt. 17th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
Private. — Mr Finch seeming resolved to demand his letters of
Be vocation .... I shall avoid in my conferences wth ye Pensionary
when he is present to enter into matters of nicety & importance, because
from some dark expressions that he has lately let fall, I apprehend that
if he leaves this place entirely he will leave ye Court entirely too . . .
and consequently I shall not talk before him to Mr Siingeslandt upon
the subject of ye D[uke] of N[ewcastle']s letter to Lrd W[aldegra]ve
of ye 30 past O.S. particularly wth regard to ye conference wch the Kings
Ministers have had wth Mr Ch[avig]ny & I shall in due time give an
account of ye Pensionary's sentiments on that head in a particular letter
to yr Lrdp, this is sayd upon a supposition that Mr Finch insists upon
being absolutely recalled for his words are so few, and his meaning often
so obscure, that I cannot determine what he will doe, but I am apt to think
that he will retire from ye Court, & goe over to his brother W[inchel]sea ;
but your Lrdp will be better able to judge of ye certainty of this fact
by this post from himselfe & therefore you will manage this letter
accordingly.
P.S. May I be so free as to ask whether your Lrdp was in perfect
good humour when you dictated ye dispatch to us of ye 30 past.
1734. Sept. 3rd. N.S. From the same to the same. From the
Hague. — I send ye inclosed secret dispatch under a particular cover to
you, that it may be managed, it being by no means proper that ye
dispute (altho it passed in friendly manner) between ye Pensionary &
me should gett air, especially as I hope I have diverted him from taking
a step wcb I apprehended might very much embarass the King ; in ye
mean time you are to consider what answer you will return to ye last
resolution of ye States ; it will certainly be by no means proper to lett
me communicate Kinskys Memoriall to ye States, it has enraged ye
Pensionary ; at ye same time great care must be taken not to take ye
Emperor's part ; while endeavours should be used to render ye Corre-
spondence between the Imperiall Court & the States, wch is looked upon
here to be . at a dead stand, by Mr Ulefeldt's having declared to ye
Pensionary that he was ordered to acquaint him that he Ulefeldt should
never give any thing more in writing ; wth wch ye Pensionary is per-
sonally affected ; as looking upon it to strike at ye Resolutions wch have
all been of his own drawing ; how his Majty will be able to steer, wthout
disobliging one side or other is difficult to say ; yr Lrdp had some hasty
thoughts of mine in my last dispatch wch may be improved by you, and
ye Imperiall Court be contented to lett drop what has passed, & order
their Minister here to go on as usuall in business wthout pride or acri-
mony ; but I am apt to think wth the Pensionary in one thing ; wch is,
254 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles that ye Impe11 Court will never think they are well treated untill his
wISohOI> Ma3ty & ye States actually engage in a war in their behalfe.
Underwood, What is ye meaning of ye most positive assertion in all ye news papers
— from all parts that ye D. of Holsteins Minister at London has presented
ye Princess Emily wth a snuff-box wth his masters picture in it ; and that
ye match is actually agreed upon ; I say it is all a lye.
Mr Duncan designs to write to your Lrdp for Commissarys to be
appointed to settle & secure ye Lands for answering the joynture to her
R. H : in order to have ye remainder of ye Portion pay*1. If I am to be
one I beg you will send me ample instructions for my proceedings and
lett me know what advice I must take.
(P.S.) Was ye Pretenders Son at Gaeta. All ye news here from
Sweden say that, that Court of Denmark have as good as concluded an
allyance by wch ye Swedes are obliged to guaranty Slesw ick to ye
Danes.
1734. Oct. 20th. Dr Sherlock, Bishop of Bangor, to Edward Weston.
From Therfield. On private affairs.
1734. Oct. oSv« Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From the
Hague. — Your Lrdp having sent me a copy of ye Bishop of Namur's
credentials for my information only, & given to that an account of his
conduct since arrivall, I shall not pretend any otherwise than as a
private friend to give you my sentiments & observations upon his errand
& views.
If ye letter from ye Emperour to ye King brought by him is to be
looked upon as a Credentiall, I must own considering ye circumstances
of ye Bishops life, & his Religion, being at ye same time as I imagine
a subject of England, I should make some question whether such a
Credentiall should have been received, and ye hesitating about receiving it
on a very good pretence might have given an opportunity to Judge by
his conduct whether he should be suffer' d to continue in England or
not.
As to ye letter itselfe Joyned wth what Mr Robinson sayd of him
before he left Vienna, I think it appears to me (unless you find ye contrary)
by his behaviour that ye whole is a contrivance of his own, to play
his pretended confidence & credits wth ye respective Courts in such a
manner against one another, as may make both contribute upon false
principles & persuasions to his being made a Cardinall ; The Emperour
tells his Maj*y in this letter thatye Bishop having insinuated to him his
design to take a turn into JEngland, and knowing that the King had
some goodness and confidence for him fyc. that is to say the Bishop of
Namur had made ye Court of Vienna, or ye Ladys there believe that he
is extreamly well at ye Court of England, & that he could if the
Emperour would give him some sort of creditt doe wonders there to
answer ye sentiments & wishes of their Impu Majty3 : at this great
Juncture ; & now He is in England, He is to make ye King & Queen of
England believe that he has ye confidence & creditt of their Imp11 Msj^*,
& from this foundation if He is to be believed, he is to obtain new
strength, & credit, in England to promote and forward hi.s views at
Vienna, & therefore he says he comes fully instructed in the E?n per ours
sentiments fy ye motives of his conduct the sense of wch will as I appre-
hend prove to be that he is furnished wth pieces to Justifye ye conduct
of ye Imperiall Ministry ; and considering how different that has been
from what his Maj*y has desired, ye same peices will serve to lay ye
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
255
blame on ye conduct of the English Ministry, & if these motives of ye
Emperours conduct should appear satisfactory to their Maj*?8, the con-
sequence I think is plain, and then it well be no hard matter to guess in
what manner the uneasy ness of either side is to be removed, these are as
I take it ye views & meaning of ye Bishops errand wth regard to himselfe
& ye Publick, & I dont wonder that he does not intend to stay upon ye
foot of a Minister in England his business is of another nature tho some
times practised by Imperiall Ministers; & therefore I look upon ye
Credentiall letter as calculated only to gett him Admittance, & Protec-
tion, that he may continue in England for purposes that can't be long
hid ; But it will be a cruell thing if under the Privelege of a Minister,
wthout being so, he should be suffered to doe all ye mischeif he can to
ye administration of a Court, who gives him that Protection ; My dear
Lord, give me leave to say, that I have known this Gentleman per-
fectly well, for many years ; and did not care what preferment he had at
Rome ; wch is his cheif desire, but is not ye only business of his present
mission ; Beleive me he is a Mountebank in Politicks, & does not care
where nor how he dispenses his poyson, If it will but answer his own
ends, this is sayd wth all due respect to a Minister credited by ye
Emperour ; and wth a readyness to retract my Opinion if Bishop Strick-
landt's behaviour should prove different from what I imagine, as I
heartily wish it may.
1734. Nov. 19th. Lord Harrington to Horatio Walpole. From
London. [Draft.] — Private & particular I send you
these papers in this private & confidential way purely to let you see
that I have no Secrets or Reserve with you, and altho' they can be of
no use to you, yet I can't tell that you may not be displeased with the
Communication of them, and if it would not be too much trouble I
shou'd be desirous to have your Sentiments in the same private & con-
fidential manner upon them. I joyn to them the Dra* of a letter wch I
had prepared for you some time ago upon the Subject of the Low
Countrys, wch your Brother not approving I also let drop. At the time
of my writing that letter I own I had but little hopes of seeing what was
proposed in it agreed to in Holland, however tho that shou'd have been
the Case, I thought it possibly might have been of use to us hereafter,
in order to the justifying the Measures we are now taking with France,
by enabling us to convince the world, that all other means of saving
the Empr & the Equilibre of Europe were become impracticable by the
impossibility of engaging the Dutch to take any vigorous measures for
that purpose.
1734. Dec. 3rd. The same to the same. From London. [Draft.]
Private. — The private letter, which I had the honour to receive from
you by the last post, I gave to Sr R. Walpole immediately after it came
into my hands, who it seems has left it by mistake at New Park so that
not having it before me, I am not able at present to return you any
answer to it, though I cannot let slip this first opportunity of thanking
you for it, and of telling you without a Compliment that I think I never
read a better letter in my life. From what I can collect from only one
hasty reading I believe I shall perfectly agree in Opinion with you upon
almost every Point in that letter, except That of our not endeavouring
to confine France to make Warr in Italy only, in case the Empr shou'd
(woh I flatter myself he will not) refuse to accept our Plan. I say
endeavour, for there appears to me a wide difference betwixt what we
may be forced to acquiesce under, and what we shall previously agree to;
nor indeed can I ever think France sincere in their Professions of desiring
CflAELES
Fleetwood
Weston
Undeewood,
Esq.
256
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles
Fleetwood
Wbbton
Underwood,
to preserve the ballance of Power in Europe whilst they insist upon
carrying [on] the Warr (as Gedd?i expresst it) in the Empr3 Hereditary
Countrys, and into the heart of the Empire ; for I cannot imagine they
wou'd, nor indeed see how they possibly cou'd, venture to do so without
the Assistance of the Three Electors, who, when once engaged, will
certainly have put it out of the power of France (as farr as the Tyes of
Treatys can do it) to fulfill, tho they were otherwise never so sincerely
disposed to it, their Engagements with His Maj*y & the States. . . .
1735. June -^— . The same to the same. From Hanover. [Draft.]
26th
I am very much obliged to you for the Account you sent me in your
private letter of the — inst. of the Conversation and behaviour of Mr
Chavigny in his passage through the Hague. And more particularly so
as he was pleased to quote what he pretended has passed in a Conversa-
tion betwixt him and me, in support of the false arguments he was
forced to make use of for the better carrying on his own pernicious
views and those of his Court. I shall not however trouble you in this
letter with an Account of all that passed iu that Conversation, since you
will find in one of my publick ones to you of this day, every thing
as well as I can remember it, that had any relation to the matter in
question, which if fairly repeated could not be interpreted to carry any
other meaning; and 1 certainly meant nothing else than to show a just
Indignation at the Indignity offered to his Ma*y and the States by the
Contemptuous and insolent Answer to the plan given in by him a few
days before. I know that Gentleman too well ever to make him any
confidencys ; and I hope you will not think me capable of talking in
publick (for all Conversations with him I look on in that light) such
things as would be so very improper to have repeated; and you may
depend upon it, that if I am sometimes civil as you call it to that D 1,
when he comes to me I talk to him, and always shall, upon business
with as much firmness, as your self could desire. For no one can more
heartily despise the falseness of the Man, nor hate that of his Court, or
would readier go into proper Measures for humbling, and chastising
them both than myself
1735. June 20th. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From the
July 1st
Hague. Particular We must if possible avoyd a division and
dispute between us & ye Dutch, ye Pensionary does now & then grumble
that we lay ye fault upon them only ; I think ye present discontent agst
France will not goe so far as to carry ye States into a War, but I do not
think it impossible but ye Extravagance & Pride of Spain may occasion
one in wch ye Dutch may be alsoe involved, in this case ye King of
Prussia must be had ; his troops & friendship will be of infinite service;
so must in consideration of them have suitable assurances of a proper
partition of Bergh & Juliers ; and that is in its selfe a point of soe publick
a nature that a Peace cannot be made wthout it, and therefore for God-
sake my Lord try if you can possibly bring about a reconciliation, surely
Punctilio should not prevayl where all is at stake a word is enough
to ye wise.
7th
1735. July . The same to the same. From the Hague The
J 18th
scheme for ye exchange of ye Dutchys of Lorrain & Tuscany is certainly
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
257
ye most eligible and if it would be effectuated, would be, as things are
circumstanced, I may say a Glorious end of this War I think
nothing should be left untryed, no court nor anything else should be
omitted towards Mr Chauvelyn to bring that project lo bear, and I
can't tell whether your Lrtlp's letter formerly wrote to Lrdp Waldegrave
on that subject was so earnest, as ye exigency & merit of ye thing
required
1735. July 27th. Lord Harrington to Horatio Walpole. From
Hanover. [Draft.] — Private. — I perfectly agree with you in thinking
that the Scheme of the Exchange therein mentiou'd wou'd, if it could be
brought about be a very desirable ending of the Warr, and have the
same fears and for the same reasons that vou have as to its Success.
I am not at all surprised at your not thinking my letter to Lord Walde-
grave upon that Subject, earnest enough, since you was unacquainted with
the great Dislike with which that Scheme was at first received here and
consequently with what difficulty I was allowed to give it any sort of
Countenance A reconciliation between the Empr & Spain by a
particular Treaty, altho' not the most eligible wTay :>f putting a Stop to
the present Warr, is in my Opinion infinitely preferable to the suffering
it to continue much longer as Europe is at present circumstanced ; but
if what you suggest of Marriages betwixt the Austrian and Bavarian
Familys cou'd possibly contribute towards bringing about a Peace, or if
the Peace cou'd be procured by any other Means than by the Marriage
of Don Carlos with an Arch-Dutchess, I should think as you do,
nothing shoul'd be left untryed for the making it succeed I have
endeavoured to undeceive Cl Kinski, and by him his Court, as to the
false Notions Cfc Ulefeldt had enteitain'd, and inspired him with as to your
Conduct in Holland and have shown him part, and will the rest, of your
paper of Reflections, but I cant say as yet that I have succeeded to my
Wishes As to Lord Kinoul you will find by my publick letter
that the King is determin'd to recall him immediately, his conduct being
certainly too suspicious to be born with any longer. As to the King of
Prussia ycu will see also by my letter to Robinson, what Step has been
taken towards setting on foot a Reconciliation with him ; I heartily wish
more cou'd have been done, for no One can be more convinced of the
necessity ot gaining him, if possible, than 1 am
1735. Aug. 1st, N.S. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From
the Hague.— Private Your Lvdp will have received ye answer of
ye States to Count Ulefeldts Memoriall ; it is not answered in any harsh
terms, it avoyds coming to an explicit declaration, ami seems to aim at
nothing more than not to suffer y" fruit of ye Emperours misfortunes to
be layd upon them, nor his Maj(.r I cannot devise ye meaning of
ye Cardinals proposing to ye Minister of Lorraine y3 Marriage of those
Princesses to ye King of Sardinia & Don Carlos ; can ye King of
Sardinia or ye Queen of Spain, or yc Cardinal himselfe think that such
a thing can be compassed but by y° means of y3 Emperour ; It is a
mystery to me I think yc coalition of ye Bavarian and Austrian
familys would not be of immediate service for y° Emperour's recovery
of what he has lost, or wants in Italy ; but I think it would soon put an
en(l to V ^ar J)(icauso ty ye means of accomodating ye King of Prussia
thro ye interest of ye Palatin family with regard to Rergh & Juliers,
we might engage that Prince in our interest w'h would decide every
thing on this side, and I veryly believe that ye States would come sooner
in to defend ye Emperour after such an arrangement should France atack
him in these parts
e 84057. R
0HAELB8
i^EBTWOOD
Westok
underwood,
258
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CThasles
Fmbtwoo#>
W«BTOH
Ukdhrwoop,
1735. Augt. 7th, N.S. Lord Harrington to Horatio Walpole. From
Hanover. [Draft.] — Private May not the Card1'8 proposing the
Marriages of the Duke of Lorraine's sisters be in consequence of some
private Negotiation with the Emp1', and this late Step be to save appear-
ances in the manner of breaking it to the world ? This I own is but a
loose thought just come into my head from having been told within this
half hour by Count Kinsky, in a mysterious Wfiy, thai he had been
acquainted with that affair of the marriages above these two Months
If the Dutch do not shew an equal readyness for entering in
Conjunction with the King into proper Engagements with the King of
Prussia, they cannot for the future lay the fault of their Inaction upon
his Majty'8 unwillingness to joyn with them in taking the proper
Measures for engaging that Prince.
1735. Augt. -^-r1. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From
16th
the Hague. — Private As to our Justifying ourselves for not
assisting ye Emperour I think there is a great deal to be sayd, in our
behalves ; his refusal to accomodate matters wth Spain when it was in
his power, his negligence & Pride in despising to hearken to any pro-
posals from ye King of Sardinia joyned wtb ye affair of Poland giving
an occasion to yc War, were good reasons, for our not declaring ourselves
in his favour wthout employing first our good offices fur so long together
when there was a prospect of their having an effect ; while at ye same
time his towns forteresses & Dominions were taken by his Enemys for
want of being supplyed wth any thing necessary for their security &
Defense ; to such a degree that it would have been impossible for his
Maj*y & ye States to have saved them if they had gone to his assist-
ance
1735. Augt. 16th, N.S. Robert Trevor to Edward Weston, From
the Hague. ..... That you should endeavour to improve with Lord
Harrington to my advantage the Incident of poor M. Dayrolle's Illness,
in the manner I had taken the freedom to suggest to you, was no more
than what I ever expected from your Friendship : But that his Lord-
ship should enter into this Thought in the kind manner He did, & not
only suggest an Expedient for rendering it still more beneficial to me,
but even carry his Attention so far as to order you to consult my personal
Inclinations first upon it, was indeed what even the Experience I have
had, as well in my own Person as in that of my Brother^ of his Ld£s
Goodness had not yet made me vain enough to dream of, and I must
desire you to express in the most lively manner my Surprise as well as
my Gratitude on this occasion ....
1735. Augt. A2-1. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From
° 23rd L
the Hague. — Private. — His Majestys determination upon y* last resolu-
tion w(h I transmitted to yr Lrdp from ye States is a matter of great
importance. It is evident that nothing will bring the Province of
Holland to a resolution to Encrease their forces as long as France for-
bears to give them any alarm on this side, and continues her solemn
Contestations as they call them of her disposition for Peace, they will
therefore pursue ye employment of good offices wtk y* hopes tho very
distant of some favourable incident for a Ratification, or rather because
if they cease their good offices they can have no excuse for not arming,
wch as I sayd before they are resolved not to doe, arid don't know what
answer to return to ye pressing demands of ye Emperour for succours,
w(;h they are still less disposed to grant.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
259
What they now propose is (as your Lrdp will have seen by ye Resolu-
tion) to take ye last answer from ye Imperiall Court, and ye last
answer from ye ADvs wth explanations given publickly & privately
by Mr Fenelon as a sufficient foundation to promote wthout
loss of time a Congress Unless we are resolved
to goe into ye war without ye States, what shall we say to ye Emperour
for not giving him assistance, after we shall for some time have stop'd ye
negotiation i>y way of good offices, on ye account of ye insincerity of
France, nnd shall have nothing better to propose that can take place; I.
am afraid we shall be told not only by these people but by others, that
there was a prospect of procuring a Congress, and in consequence of it
of procuring a Peace, by y0 explanations & professions even of France,
But England would not hearken to it nor propose any other measure
lor putting an end to ye War ....
1735. Sept. 5th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
Private I must own I am surprised, T cannot tell how to recon-
cile ye Eraperours kind reception of Mr Robinson wth ye paper given
by ye Ministers, nor why Mr Robinson should say that ye difficultys
arise chiefly from ye Emperour himself*, whose behaviour was so gra-
cious and had given such hopes of a favourable answer; and as to ye
conduct of ye Court itself it seems madness, unless they have some re-
source, considering ye violent & desperate state of their affairs
Perhaps the Austrian pride will make them satisfyed wth less from their
victorious Ennemys than they will take from ye good offices of the
Maritime Powers who they look upon as their Guarantys, and who as
such ought to go into ye war to recover their losses .....
1735. Sept. 9th, N.S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
Particular & private. — I am infinitely obliged to your Lldp for y9 mark
of confidence, in leaving under a flying seal your particular special letter
to ye D. of N. I cannot be persuaded but that ye important communi-
cation contained in it was made by order, unless your Lrdp have some
particular reason, wth respect to ye person that made it, to conclude ye
contrary; & I think he was order'd to doe it wth a view of alarming &
intimidating his Majty wth y° danger of a secret negotiation, that he
might be brought to prevent it by coming iuto ye War in favour of yc
Emperour ; I could have wished that since we had gott y° same intelli-
gence another way, you had in a glancing manner lett ye person per-
ceive that we were not entirely ignorant of it, before he told it, altho'
still as much obliged to him for ye confirmation, and as to your Lrdp's
last proposall of Lld Waldegrave's acquainting yc Cardinal wth our know-
ledge of his secret negotiation wth ye Emperour ; these dark and subter-
raneous negotiations wth ye promise of secrecy in all events are so lyable
to a variety of artifices & turns that it is impossible to know what effect
(wthout knowing yc heart of man) such a communication will have
upon ye French Ministers, but considering ye difficultys we shall soon
be under, upon ye foot our negotiation is at present wth France, relating
to ye abandoning, or forcing the Emperour, and ye Allys of France to
accept the conditions proposed ; and considering ye darkness & confusion
that must arise from three different negotiations being carry'd on secretly
together upon ye same subject, I think there can possibly be no harm,
in taking ye step proposed by yr Lrclp, of wch ye Lords in England will
be better able to Judge, after they shall have had an account, of ye con-
ference wcU Lrd Waldegrave was to have on last tuesday ye 6th Inst wth
ye French Ministers I mutt desire your L^p not to
send me his Majtys orders pursuant to ye minutes of ye Council! of ye
«,2
Charles
Fleetwood
Wbbtoh
■iJjsdeb.wood,
Ee<j.
260
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwoop.
E3Q.
25 & 20 past web you will have by this messenger, untill yc letter
wch I shall write to you tomorrow by ye post shall have come to your
hands.
(P.S.) For Clous sake when will yc King sett out for England, sure
<he critieall situation of these secret negotiations on all sides should
make him hasten his Journey.
1735. Sept. 11th, N".S. The same to the same. From the Hague.
If we can't fight we must negotiate or else we can't con-
tinue in England upon ye foot of hiring soe many troops as we have
there at present.
(P.S.) Prince of Modena is here he dines with me tomorrow, when
I suppose as 1 have been informed he will mention his waiting upon ye
King either at Hanover or in England. If I divert him as I think it
will be an easy matter from ye first, yet he will certainly follow his
Maj{}' to England.
1735. Sept. 19th. Andrew Stone to Edward Weston. From White-
hall The Emperor is very much to be pitied ; Every Hody is
ready to command, or to serve against Him ; and even His Friends will
not be courted into His Service ; upon the best Terms, that he can
offer We are as willing as you to make the Duke of L[orraine]
a Great D[uke], or a great Turk, if he likes it ; But the Difference is (if
there is. any Difference) that we dont think it civil to force Him, to be a
greater Duke, than perhaps, for Reasons best known to himself, he may
care to be My particular Ccmpliments to Dick Trevor,
with my heartiest Congratulations upon His good Fortune in succeeding
My Old Friend Dr Terry [as Bishop of Durham.]
12th
1735. Sept. rto~j' Hoi atio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From the
Hague. — Private Count Kinskys discourse to you seems to
have ye tendency of a sudden conclusion wth f ranee, and that ye Em-
perour thinks he shall be better able to doe it by His own Negotiation,
than by one carryed on by Us wth france, he will certainly find himselfe
disappointed in that notion, for altho' the Cardinall may now & then
appear alarmed, and apprehensive of a War ; vett ye Court of Vienna
stakes themselves ioo much wth ye hopes of obtaining great consessions
from that principle of his Eminency; Chauvelyn will take care & cure
that apprehension by his advices from home, & by showing how
incapable ye Emperour is [of] hurting france alone ye
Exchange of Lorrain immediately for ye reversion of Tuscany wthout
naming any security for ye Reversion is unaccountable ; ye difference
between yc Emperour & franco about ye cessions to be made to ye King
of Sardinia are I think almost insurmountable, unless his Sardinian
Maj(J could be perswaded to abate of his demands ; My Lord you see
clearly ye confidence of that Prince towards his Majty has been pure
artifice, and therefore I leave it to be considered whether any hint can
be given to alarm him if he persists in not being reasonable, woh may be
done (altho' I own it is a nice matter) by making him perceive that we
are sensible of the part he is acting or secondly by alarming
him wth ye possibility of an accomodation between ye Emperour &
Spain by means of a marriage wchmust end at last in his destruction. .
1735. Sept.
Private; . . .
19th
30tli
The same to the same. From the Hague.
I am inebned to think that yc Emperour should be
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
261
immediately pressed to declare his consent to ye Armistice, I doe not see
that he has anything to loose by it, and certainly it is of great conse-
quence to him to safe Mantua if wthout signing in particular,
yett by encouraging & promoting as much as possible this negotiation &
by showing fiance we are seriously disposed to procure a peace upon
their principle wth regard to Tuscany & Lorrain mutatis mutandis for
ye security of ye I), of Lorrains equivalent ; we can by our application
to ye Emperour & to France procure an armistice wthin such a time as
to save Mantua I think it will be a great point gained
(P.S.) if ye armistice" should continue in Statu quo an article may be
proposed that provisions &c. may be sent into Mantua during ye suspen-
sion of arms.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
Underwood,
Esq.
1735. Oct. 2nd, N.S. From the same to the same. From the
Hague. — Private 8c Particular I think everybody is agreed in
endeavouring to combine ye two secret negotiations together, & ye dif-
ference bejween ye Councill in England & your Lrc,p about ye time of
proposing ye Quadruple Alliance for ye execution of what shall be settled
is of no great consequence, since Lord Waldegrave takes care to incul-
cate an opinion in ye french Ministers of our disposition to come to an
agreement wth them I must own I am desirous that ye
D : of Lorrain should keep Tuscany altho he becomes heir to ye Austrian
Dominions, & Emperour, but I could wish that in that case, Leghorn
was made a free & independent town & port; for should either ye
Emperour or Spain become masters of Tuscany & Leghorn, possessing
at ye same time other great Dominions ; I am afraid they would not
think it soe necessary to procure ye liberty of trade in that port, as a
privaie Prinee must find it his Interest to doe that has no other posses-
sions.— Loid Waldegraves dispatch of ye 21 past to ye D. of N gives
me a great dral of uneaiyness; & between you and me I am afraid
his Lrdps supple & mild temper, joyned wth a laudable desire of bringing
so good a work as peace to a conclusion suffers him to flatter ye french
ministers too much wth ye hopes of our signiug a plan on their own
loose terms wthout its being thoroughly digested ; and also to have too
good an opinion of their being sincere, wch if they should prove otherwise
will give them an advantage over Us. — Does not your Lrdp think that ye
sending an express at ye request of ye Cardinal to desire that his Majty
will agree to an immediate signing of what he's proposed in such a
generall manner, and to induce ye Emperour upon those terms to come
into an Armistice on ye foot of Statu quo a little too premature ? . . . .
I would in my opinion give ye french all possible assurances of our
disposition to bring maters to an accomodation, that we would use our
utmost endeavours to prevayl wth ye Emperour to agree to an armistice,
but y* ye Cardinal 8c Garde des Sceaux would agree to it upon ye foot of ye
Statu quo proposed by his Majty & ye States, and that they would in
concert wth ye King of Sardinia take such measures as might prevent ye
taking of Mantua, while we should in ye mean time make use of ye
danger of loosing that place, wth ye Imperiall Court as a motive to agree
to a suspension of Arms
1735. Oct. 9th. Lord Harrington to Horatio Walpole. — Private &
particular.— I received with great pleasure the honour of your private
letter of the 2nd instant, and was very happy to find by it, that we
agreed so wed in our Observations upon the project lately come from
France Th^ only point in our projects, or rather observations,
in which any material difference appears, is that of the disposition of
Lorrain, but might not a third way be struck out founded upon your
262
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
uharjlbs
Klebtwooi*
WB3TON
ukdeewoop,
Esq.
Idea of Security for the Succession of Tuscany ? I mean the putting
of French Troops into the Strong Places there ; which would be a real
Security to France for the Reversion of the Dutchy of Lorrain after the
death of the Duke of Tuscany
(P.S.) We are still quite in the dark as to the King's return.
1735. Oct. 13th. Monsr von Alt to Edward Weston. From Cassel.
. . . . Je suis faehe, que je ne puis d'abord satisfaire aux souhaits
de Monsr le Collonel Cope par raport a l'envoy de Conserves. L'homme
qui les fait n'en a pas tou jours de reste , . . .
1735. Oct, 14th. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From the
Hague. — Private & particular I am glad to find you are
setting your faces towards England ... I think ye : greement in
General! between yeEmperour & France is far advanced; altho ti>ey will
not tell us precisely how far it is gone, and what is or is not absolutely
concluded .... if these transactions are to serve as private pre-
liminarys for negotiations at ye congress into wch we shall for that
reason certainly be admitted without seeking it, we must take care to
have an article signed (if we are concerned in these preliminarys) that
nothing shall be treated & negotiated at ye congress to ye prejudice of ye
possessions & rights at present enjoyed by ye Maritime powers ....
1735.
~ ■ 9th
0ct- 20EE-
The same to the same. From the Hague. Private.
Your Lor^p will find that ye conversation wch Chavigny pretends that
you had wth him & Montijo m.jkes a considerable part of my dispatch,
wch was unavoydable because Mr Chavigny has very industriously sayd
to everybody & to my own Face that there was no more question in
England of ye Plan, that it was absolutely layd aside there; and he goes
further & pretends to add, that ye Plan is not liked there, that ye
ministers themselves never thought it would doe & it is generally sayd
that it was of that nature as rather to encourage ye carrying on of ye
War, than putting an end to it ; besides decrying down ye Plan ; his
next business and I believe principall business is to attack ye Memoriall
[ presented; and it is plain Ids drift is to have it thought, that It was an
invention of my own, that I had no orders for giving it, it being soe
contrary to the sentiments in Kngland to his own knowledge; the next
thing that he aims at is to make everybody hear believe that france is
disposed to Peace, & that his generall assertions wthout any proof are to
pass for realitys ; and I suppose tie is to make ye Cardinall believe by
proper letters wrote to Chauvelvn that noboby here is disposed to show
vigour besides my selfe, I am afraid it will certainly end soe, but I. am
sure most of ye considerable people wtl1 whom he has talk'd have held
another Language ; he is under ye colour of suplesse, affability and an
apparent air of confidence. ye most insolent false, dissembling & prevari-
cating fellow, that I ever knew ; >md I am sure that he makes me so
considerable a person here ; t(»at his malice is directly levelled to hurt
me, & make me pass w<h \e Court of france as an Incendiary ; I must
therefore, My Lord, most earnestly desire you not to show him too much
confidence nor give him too much encouragement. I am very sensible
that your good breeding, & natural! disposition cant help being civill to
ye De 11 if he waiti d upon you but believe me your friendly con-
versation wth this man, or letting fall anything more than w* is necessary
can doe no good & may doe a great deal of harm, he lays hold of every
word to make some ill me of it, & he is ye greatest Ennerny that Eng-
land has, his notions are of ye old stamp that France should push on
their conquests, and he's ye Impudence at je same time to think he has
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
263
dexterity enough to make ye rest of yc world easy & unconcerned at
their conquests from generall assurances, that they intend nothing for
themselves, & and to do no body any harm; If France should offer ye
suspension of arms wthout making ye Plan ye Basis ; I am afraid this
people will accept it, but as ye Imperiall Court positively declares that
they will not agree to ye armistice wthout ye Plan is to be ye Basis of y°
Negotiation it was our business to support that point wth yc french
minister in order to procure ye armistice, &> in consequence of it give ye
Emperour an opportunity to negotiate his agreement v/th one of ye Allys
if he has any scheme for that purpose.
(P.S.) Since writing what goes before Mr Chavigny has been wth me
to take his leave he setts out tomorrow for Hannover ; He owns now
that ye Pensionary & I are very right in ye main in desiring explanations
from fiance; and was as humble & as supple as possibly could be ; but
this I look upon as all falseness he will do what harm he can by his
dispatches but believe me a little firmness especially mixt wthyour good
breeding does no harm, I am of a rougher temper yett I hope I don't
hurt ye cause.
1735. Oct. 12th, N.S. Lord Harrington to Horatio Walpole. From
Hanover. [Draft] — Private So particular I don't appre-
hend much difficulty in prevailing upon Mons1' Osorio to do his utmost
for the bringing about an Armistice, and for preventing the taking of
Mantua, he having constantly assured me that his Court had those two
things extremely at heart My time has been so wholly taken
up with reading the voluminous dispatches that came last night from
Vienna and England that I have not been able to consider th 3111 enough so
as to fix any opinion in my own mind as to the Success of the present
Secret Negotiations, nor is it clear to me whether any tiding has been
actually signed at Vienna or no, tho I am inclined to think not. My
present way of thinking I own is that a messenger should be forthwith
sent to Lord Waldegrave with Robinsons last Letters, and witli orders
to his Lordp, conformable to those I am sending to Vienna, to press his
Court in the strongest manner to make an entire confidence forthwith to
the King of the State of the negotiation, especially if they expect as it
would <eem both partys do, any Concurrence or assistance therein from
his Maty, and if there is any probability of the negotiation succeeding at
last, to consent to & conclude immediately the armistice for the saving
of Mantua, and let Them perceive that their complying or not in those
two Points will be looked upon by the King as the touchstone of their
Sincerity.
1735. Oct. 19th. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington. From the
Hague. Private & particular, — 7 in ye morning. — I was honoured last
night wth your publick dispatches of ye 16, & as I was extr<jamly busy
in writing to England I had hardly time to peruse them, referring my
self to ye copys I had ordered to be made of your last letters to ye D :
of N: & Mr R : for my breakfast this morning (for I live upon papers;)
but I am now called up by Over \e messenger, and as I doe not think
fitt to detain him any longer than while he is getting his orses ready,
knowingye Kings impatience ; I Shall only beg leave to obstrve ; that I
doe not agree w,h your Lrdp in showing so much dissatisfaction, at ye
imperfect communication made to Mr R : altho I would not appear
pleased wth it, I should in my humble opinion instead of solliciting wth
ressentment a farther explanation have waited & seen what they had
farther to say to us. The Empr has plunged himselfe into a negociation
wth france w* out us ; he must gett thro it as well as he can and he must
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
204
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables
Flebtwood
Weston
i NDEEWOOD,
Esq.
have our assistance for it ; & I think lie plainly tells us so, the paper
deliver'd to Mr R : is rather in ye nature of a Request than of a Reproach,
and ye Court of Vienna must become petitioners to us for accomplishing
their own work, instead of our having been [as] hitherto Petitioners to
her ; wth respect to France supposing that Court disposed to be hostile,
as by keening up the Cardinal's apprehensions, I think he will become
hostile ; I think pretty much yesame conduct should have been observed
ye Cardinall should be made sensible that we know and have constantly
known wthout ye help if y° Imperiall Court ye secret negotiation, he
should have been lett to see, that we were not at all surprised at his
denying it, because he must have been under ye strongest previous
obligations imaginable not to own it, & perhaps to deny it, & was prepared
to doe so; (and indeed I am not at all surprised at that denyall) and
after proper intimations to him of our not being at all in yc dark I would
wtbout solicitation, or appearance of uneasyness, to gett to yc bottom of
ye negotiation [have") left it to ye french ministers to explain themselves ;
if they are desirous, as well as ye Emperour, to make a Peace they will,
as things have fortunately turn'd out, want our Concurrence and assistance
as well as he; ye Imp11 Court will want money ; and ye Cardinall some
countenance from Us in opposition to Spain, and it seems our business
to wait & hear them explain themselves and make a meritt of what we
are to doe ; but yr Lrdp will pardon these hasty, & I believe injudicious
reflections.
George Tilson to Edward Weston.
From White-
1735. Dec. 30th.
hall Fitzgeralds answer is put off to Thursday. We write
separately about the Debt ye King claims from ye Dutch as E lector, and
there are two letters upon the King's pretension > to Oort Frise, which
the Cardinal's telling Lord Waldegrave that it was proper to prevent
that Principality falling into the King of Prussia's hands gave rise to.
Mr Finch & Mr Titley have only their heads filled as well as their
letters wth ye Proclamation about the East India Trade. M1' Robinson
had pleased the Imp. Ministers much wth the Kings Sentiments upon
their preliminarys. He is sceptical yet upon what has been done & has
writ you an account ol his doubts which is in my Lords bundle. There
is nothing worth writing from anyone else. Mr Kobn says a Courier
was passed from Rome wth ye Popes recognition of K. Augustus, & that
it was pretty sure ye D. of Lorrain would be marryed ye 12 Feb. P.
Charles of Lorrain was come to Vienna, but no appearance of his being
soon to marry ye 2. A. Dutchess. . . .
(P.S.) My Lord has got ye King to agree to signing Mr Trevors
Com" for Secry of ye Embassy.
1735. Dec. 31st, N.S. Thomas Robinson to the same. From Vienna.
.... I am glad for my good old friend Hamel's sake that his offlair
has taken a good turn in Holland, at least the Greffier has softened it
for him. You will guess by 1113- letter to my ^ord that this Court
cannot but be under a good deal of pain, and I am verily persuaded they
are so. Setting aside conjectures, there are certain facts which show
that I have not been quite mistaken in the opinion I had at first sight
of this phantom L'Estaing, and am happy that I would never let him
enter into a confidence ; scarce into any conversation with me He has
outshot himself, like a Meteor of a moment, and he did not know whither
His Court blew him with his Vanity. . . .
1736. Jan. 25th, -X.S. The same to the same. From Vienna.
Robson I hear was arrived at the Hague, & C[oun]t
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
265
Kinski, I see by the newspapers at London. Da Buis was never
here, and it is not from hence that you are to expect news about Spain.
[The next paragraph of this letter is in cipher numbers, over which
has been written the following interlinear translation] : —
As to France Observe only ye several Epoques of her addressing to
this Court always at times when she had the most \anxiety\ to alienate
the Emperor from them {the Dutch), At Christmas teas a Twelve
Month when in consequence of her own earnest acquiescence in their
good offices the Pensionary icas forming his Plan, 8? she knew the
Emperor was alarmed at it, the Cardinal makes the first advance to
this Court, when the Plan was offered, and the Dutch instead of taking
fire at the haughty manner \in\ which the French rejected it, only
made a second Tentative by way of good offices, France sends
Neuwit to tell the Emp\ero\r that he sees he has nothing to hope for
from those offices, and lastly just when France do\es\ not demand the
concurrence of the Dutch in the Effectuation and consequently give\s\
the latter a Pretence to declare that they do not \intend\ by their
approbation of the preliminary articles to give any Guaranty for the
Effectuation of them* it is at that very moment, and not till then that
France guarantys herself that very Effectuation in general, after
which I leave you to consider, whether, when the separate Convention
for the specifical and actual Effectuation shall be eventual France
shall think she will have more to gain or lose by your guarantying of
her Possession of Lorraine. In this Conjuncture you disarm in Eng-
land, Mor Chavigny wrote by the last Post three words to Dutheil to
let him know with a malicious Pleasure that things were as quiet in
England as in the profoundest Peace of Europe.
I do not know whether these thoughts carry any confirmation of what
has rowled in my mind and in some of my late Letters but such as they
are thrown out to you in confidence which is no less than the truth.
1736. March 26th. Rev1 John Thomas to Edward Weston. From
Hamburg I do not hear anything farther from Mr Eyres,
which makes me think he is not fond of coming hither after I have
acquainted him with the Circumstances of my Chaplainship. Mr Laurentz
who is more sollicitous for me than I desire of him advises me that he
hears as if there were hopes of my being made Clerk of the Closet to
H. R. High53. It is sure that ye Prince has given me formerly a positive
Promise of that Post but since our Discourse at Hanover I have dropt
that pursuit. However if I were first presented to the Living, and you
think the other addition would be for my advantage, you will be so kind
[as] to talk to my Lord of Salisbury upon that Subject. . . . .
1730. March 29th. Robert Wightman to the same. From Edin-
burgh .... I have good reasons to think the Rebells have no
intention to remain %t Inverness longer than till they have train'd His
R : Highness the Duke thither. They mean no more by the Shew they
now make of giving him Battle at Spey or Inverness, than to place him
& his Army at a Great distance when they make a Second attempt upon
England, by inarching under favour of French & Spanish assistance,
from Brest or Ferrol, or Both, thro' Argyllshire into ths Shire of Ayr,
& thence thro' Nithsdale to Carlile
1736. July 13th. Revd John Thomas to the same. From Hamburg.
Your kind letter of the 22 June has brought me the agreeable news of
my obtaining the Living of Sfc Vesdast. I hope to have now soon an
Opportunity of embracing you and returning my hearty Thanks for the
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood
Esq.
266 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
charges extream attention You have shewn in advancing my Fortune. . . .1
* Westo?1' brought with me from Hanover a violent Rheum in my Teeth, which I
I^msbwoop.. have not been able to remove by Blistering, Fomentation, Fumigation,
Purgation, drawing of Teeth &c. &c. I have had no Sleep or Rest in
fourteen Days till I was advised Riding which dislodged the Humor.
This has been the only Cause of my long Silence and not acquainting you
with my Return to this Place. I had the Happiness to be very well
recommended to Mr Walpole, from whom I have received the kindest
letter imaginable since my Arrival here. He tells me that he has
spoke again to his Majesty in my behalf, and that he finds the King
entirely disposed to give me the first vacant Preferment, and that he
wrote to Sr R* Walpole, to acquaint him with his Majesty's Gracious
Intentions and Goodness to me, and added, as he says, what is justly due
to my long Expectations.
1737. May 20th. George Tilson to the same. From Whitehall.
. . . . The Mail came in from Holland this morning. M1' Trevor
made half the packet, with Resolutions &c. about Berg and Juliers,
upon the Plan he mentioned before, but he has doubts & scruples in his
head whether it will turn out right ; tho' a pele-mele is likely to be
settled with Ftmelon & Ulefeldt, & a sort of a Congress of the four
Powers meet to modell their Schemes. M1' Durrant jroes on to speake
of nothing but Warr, Monr du Theil had taken his leave, & was going
home with ye Plan of Pacification. M1' Titley does little more than
send us the Edict for a Quarantain. Finch talks as usual of Gedda &
Cesteja, & is uncertain as to both. Dayrolle, Wich & Boate, are Names
only — The Answer was sent to Hop as you saw it. And Mon1' Borcke
had a few Lines, short & dry to tell him that the King was of the same
Opinion, as in ye former letter, not to acknowledge him as a publick
Minister, and therefore would not give him ye Audience desired. What
Message Guy-Dickens may have after this one may pretty easily guess,
unless Stomaeks should come down for we have yet no answer from
Berlin to the last.
1737. May 24th. The same to the same. From Whitehall. . . .
What passes in the Office, & what comes from abroad is not worth
repeating, tho' my Lord par maniere d'acquit has writ to Trevor, Titley,
Durrant, Finch, & Guy-Dickens. The latter had copys of Mo1' Borcke's
letter & the Answer ; & the Story in M1' Finch's about Mr Silva's
being sent out of Sweden with a Guard is surprising, he had proposed
to ye King to get P. Wm's Son appointed Successor by the Assistance of
France & the French Faction ; wch being reported to the Senate, his
fate was to be strip'd of all he had in Sweden, & to be turned headlong
out of the Kingdome. I don't see that duTheil will load this great
while. I made your Compliments to my Lord who received them
kindly.
1737. May 27th. The same to the same. From Whitehall. . . .
I understand that under great Secrecy the Cardinal gave the hearing of
the Treaty of Pacification to Lfl Waldegrave
1737. May 28th. Colonel Cope to the same. From Petersham.
. . . . Mr Horace Walpole is expected in London from Norfolk
this night. The Parliament, tis thought, will sett about a fortnight after
the Holydays, in which time The Scotch Bill may be passed in case the
North Brittains are not strong enough to throw it out before, for as they
divided 99 against 140 odd, on the early or late day for the consideration
of the Bill, 'tis imagined they will come pretty near in the progress of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
287
the Bill, by many of the Majority going out of Town & such, as the
Master, Mr Pulteny & others, I am told, not designing to attend it, they
were accidentally in the division for the Coinitment of the Only Bill by
waiting to flame & exclaim about the Playhouse Bill, I mean
Mr Pulteney, for the Master was strong for the suppression of Play-
houses Ac. and said that tho it was a thin house, yet he thought if
those Gentlemen who were absent, as had been urged, should differ in
opinion with him & be against the Bill, he thought they were better
employed in looking after their own private Affairs, upon which Pulte-
ney did roast him most violently, & said a man who made so great a
figure in his Profession in another place, might better keep to that place
then fell upon Wilmington without mercy, & spared not Sr Rob* nor
gr vvm Yonge urging that this restraint upon the Writers for the Stage,
was a certain preamble to the taking away the Liberty of the Press in
general, told a story, that Charles ye 2d seeing a man in the Pillory,
asked the crime, 'Twas libelling Lord Clarendon, odds fish ! crys the
King, why did not the Fool go on libelling of mee, he must now cer-
tainly Miffer for libelling this great man, ye Bill will pass & no playhouse
be allowed but in the Libertys of Westminster, & those to be lkens'd
& under the direction of the Lord Chamberlain. I believe I have tired
you, but I have just this minute, since I had written so farr, heard a
piece of News, I know will please you extremely, as it does mee. My
Lord has just told mee that by Letters come in this morning, the
Comissarys will certainly sett out very soon, that he expects to give me
orders to write for my Son by next Tuesdays Post, & I think he does
not much doubt getting my Son to be on the said Foot in all respects
as the Commission to Spain is on, if so, to be sure it is a luckj' setting
out in the World, in few words dear Weston lett me assure you I feel
myself most extremely obliged to you, for I know you have done me
good offices relating to it, tho' upon my Word. & honour my obligations
are nut at all the more for ye Success of your endeavours to serve mee ;
the intention in my way of thinking is the obligation. .... lean
assure you, I believe my Lord is as well at Court as ever, and very well
with every branch of it, which I much re Joyce att, he told me, with
OltAHLE;*
Fleetwood
Weston
Undebwooo,
Esq.
pleasure, that he heard the Waters agreed with you.
you with letters very often
I shall now pester
1737. May 31st, !N.S. Robert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague I continue perfectly well, & if I am not sick of
the affair of Bergues, & Juliers, I think, I hardly ever shall [be]. —
Gen1 de Debrose on the contrary was desirous to have a finger in our
future Mock-Congress, as I can be to wash my Hands of it. He now
desires, the Maritime Powers would at least do his Master the Honour
to think him capable of raising Troubles in Those Parts, as well as
other Folk, & that we would accordingly address Ourselves to Him to
be a good Boy, & not make a Noise ; But I believe, the States find too
much to do with the Parties, they have already to deal with, to multiply
them without Necessity. What do you think of Count Zinzendorft's
C- nfidence to MrDurrant? It has however procured Us the know-
ledge of* a few small Razures in that Piece, as published at the Hague
by Fenelon, & Compe. I am apt to believe that Wasner's pecuniary
Negociations at London may constitute the primum mobile of the pre-
sent Courrier. If the inclosed Piece can be imagined to come from any
Informed Hand, the Conqueror seems to have a fine Carriere before
Him ; however it is reported here today, that the Turks will not be
found ho destitute, & helpless, and was expected, having received the
268
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPIS COMMISSION.
'OHARXE8
f'XEETWOOD
Weston
rNDERWOOD,
Esq.
main part of their Troops from Asia, which had been employed against
Kouli-chan.
1737. June 2nd. George Tilson to the same. From Whitehall.
. . . . Guy- Dickens says yc K of Prussia is extremely out of
humour about ye joint Answ1', he has nothing on yr letter of 2G Apr : &
says wn ye Ministers spoke of Barbut, he bid them not trouble him any
more about their Agent. So he fancys all that story is false. . . . ,
1737. June 14th. The same to the same. From Whitehall. — Wasner
has got a loan of 320,000li instead of 250,000u but he has been spoke
to,& Mr Durrant writ to about C[ount] Harrack's giving a passport from
Rome to the Pretenders Son, a prince Lobkowits at Parma treating him
with distinction, & the Family of tSo Stampa's exerting themselves with
zeal at Milan. It is hoped the Emperor will openly discountenance
such practices in his Officers
1737. June J 7th. The same to the same. From Whitehall
We have nothing in the Office worth mentioning, tho' we had a Mail on
Wednesday. Boate says Munich has besieged Oczakow, & Lacy is in
the Crimea ; & so we shall have smother uti possidentis. As ye Session
will end on tuesday, we hear of many preferments soon to break forth.
Mr Walpole goes away next Wednesday & by ye way of Paris as we
tell Mr Trevor
1"37. June
to go to the
1 7th. John Wace to the same. — The King intends
House of Peers next Tuesday to give his assent to
several Acts, & to prorogue the Parliament. Giles Earl Esq1' is consti-
tuted one of ye Comrs of ye Treasury in the room of Sr George Oxen-
den. Mr Arundel Master of the Mint, vacant by Mr. Conduit's
Death. Mr Fox to succeed him as Surveyor of the Works, & M1 Rip-
ley as Surveyor of the Kings private Roads Ld De la War Gov1' of New
York, & Sr Orlando Bridgman Govr of Barbadoes. Mr Herbert, one
of Ld Pembrokes Brothers, a Comrof Trade in his Room. Mr. Jennison
Master of the Buckhounds. No Notification yet for any military
Commissions.
1737. June 28th. George Tilson to the same. From Whitehall.
. . . . Monr Busenelle the Venetian Resident was ordered to go
away in 48 hours, because the Republick had paid such Honours to the
Pretenders Son, as are only used towards Princes; he was I think
admitted into the Senate at a peculiar Door, & sat upon a peculiar Seat.
The l)[uke] of Newcastle wrote him a letter on thursday last, which I
did not hear of till yesterday. . . . . Mr Walpole went away this
morning.
1*"37. June 28th, N.S. Robert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague.— Hearing by some of our Common Friends at London, that the
Tunbridge Waters continue to have the desired effect upon you, I
ima^me you may begin to come again to your appetite for Politicks ;
which happens so much the more luckily for you, as this Scene is in all
probability going to grow proportionally more important, as the Actors
who appear upon it, are more considerable. I expect his Ex0?' here
before the End of next Month; before which time Du Theils, & Bar-
ti- ostein's Bratt will be brought hither to be Christened, or Circumcised.
Possibly His Ex°y's visitts at Inn may sett the wheels of the Palatin
Busness (which at present is in great measure disjointed) a going again,
& bi ing our prematurated Round Table into Use
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
269
The Turks on the 28th of May last would not hear of giving up
Azoph. They appeared as much out of Humour with the French, as if
they knew the Cardinal had given the Emperor leave de smaller delasser
de ses dernieres Fatigues par une petite Promenade en Bonnie.
Fawkener & Calhoun ir stead of mediating between Others, want a
Mediator between themselves.
Marshal Biron has the good Luck to be chosen unanimously, & with-
out Hesitation Duke of Curland. His Father, when He used to light
old Ketler's Fire in a Morning, little thought of such an Event. You
see the Truth of Horace's Observation : Quo Pairia natus Omnes
Mortales curare, ac queerere coget.
I am very glad to hear that Dr Thomas has gott some Hold of the
Temple Pulpit; for I fancy, His own Meritts, & the Bishop's kindness
for Him, will soon make way for his whole Body. His Flock at Ham-
burg have done Him the honour to choose Him for another year, & he
will stay amongst them, as I hear, till Micbaelmass.
I forget the names of our three Antwerp Commissaries, unless they
are Bladen, Tuffnell, and Drummond : Pray is the Cope, I see mentioned
for Secretary to that Congress, the Colonel's son ? . . . .
(P.S.) — Borck has passed thro' here for Berlin ; & I should not be
surprised to see Degenfeldt pass thro' here for London.
1737. July 1st. George Tilson to the same. From Whitehall. . . .
Our mail came in today, & Count Uhlfeld had his bundle of Treatys by
a Courrier, & I suppose Wasner has his too by this days Mail, whether
he will have any doubt in producing them I can't tell, but there is a dif-
ference in the French and Imperial Copys at the Hague, which may
make scrupulous Fenelon deferr. We expect soon to see the Imperial
Manifesto against the Turks, for the Buption seems determined tho' we
don't hear of Munich's Exploits yet. Mr Walpole got to Dover on
Wednesday, & sailed but we don't know when he got to Calais.
(P.S.) — Poor Spence you'll see is dead by J. Hedge's Chaise <§
Horses.
1737. July 12th, N.S. Robert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague As to Political Chit-chat, all I have material to enter-
tain you with, is, that One & the same Courier has brought Us hither
the Imp1 Manifesto against the poor Turks, & the definitive, or recapitu-
latory Treaty of Pacification in Europe. However, the French, and
Imp1 Ministers here are so much out of Humour at our not setting our
Horses with theirs at the Palatin Affair; & on the other hand the
Dutch are so indifferent, & incurious on those Heads, that those two
Gentlemen have not yet opened their Budgetts. Some think their
Orders, nor their Papers, relating to the Treaty, are quite uniform, —
others, that they Avait for Mr Walpole's coming, before they will draw
up the Curtain — should our Taste stand for acceeding, and guarantying,
We are like to have but an unpromising Piece of work of it to bring
our Sister into the like Disposition.
Our College of Nobles were safely brought to be bed this morning
(almost before any Body suspected their being Pregnant) of two fine
jolly Boys : viz* — the Conseiller Wassenaer, & Monsr Boekelaer, the
Eldest son of the Deceased ; who accordingly took their Seats in the
Assembly of Holland
1731. July 24th. Stephen Poyntz to the same. From Tunbridge
Wells. .... I was ordered to add the slimy tribe of Snails anol
Worms, but some people have such an aversion to them that they can't
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undeewoqd,
Esq.
270
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Cjbables
J^LBKTWOOD
Weston
USDKRWOOli,
Esq.
gett down any liquid into wch they are' but strainM. T shall only say
that if Mrs Weston can devour animals of that kind, the Miliypedes or
Wood-lice have a sulphureous spirit in them woh I have known do
wonders on weak constitutions
Since you left us the company is much inereas'd ; Ld & Lady Litch-
field, Lady Thanet and her daughters Mr & Mrs Pulteney, with their
Children, Mr Carew of Sheane. Duke & Ds of Kent, Lady Lynn, Miss
Edwin, Mrs Sherratt, Mls Floyd, Mrs Norris, & hundreds of others are
to come
1737. Aug* 6th, N.S. Kobert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague. . . . We have nothing to do, but propria in pelle qv.iescere for
the present; & whenever it may become necessary, treat with the
several Powers, concerned, or offended, en detail. — Should their fear of
France, or the trifling Desideria, they have now :\t Stake at Paris in
relation to the Renewal. & Amelioration of their Commercial Treaty
with that Crown, make Holland at last ply, & adopt the Terms of the
Emperor, & France with respect to the Palatia Negotiation,- M. Fenelon,
from having been lower in spirits, & credit, than I ever knew him here,
will grow insnpportably flippant, & overbearing. — I see Bussy leads
Wasner much such a Dance with you, as Fenelon does poor Ulfeld
here.
16tl1
1737. Aug. ^
Horatio Walpole to the same. From the Hague.
inclosing
27th *
I received at Amsterdam your favour of ye 8th Inst : O.S
ye honnour of one from the Queen ; and I must beg your care for ye safe
delivery of ye inclosed for her Majesty. Having not time to answer by
this post Mr Tilsons letter of ye 12 O.S. I desire you will make my
compliments & excuses to him ; He mentions to me ye probability of Bp
Fleetwood's library being to be sold, by ye death of your brother in
Law ; [must own that I should be glad of purchasing a good collection
of ye ancient Classicks, & other valuable authors, and I had rather doe it
at a lump than at an auction, and would give more for them on a reason-
able valuation than a Bookseller would doe I believe your obser-
vation upon ye acts given by ye King of Spain & Don Carlos beginning
wth ye Spanish word JPor is very just, My observations were made by a
printed copy of that treaty, wch ye States caused to be printed wth ye
insertions for ye particular use of ye Provinces ; and to make y° acts in
Spanish more intelligible they caused a French translation to be added
on ye side ; where ye expressions, & yG stops, make ye sense I took
them in, quite different from that in ye Originall Spanish in that place ;
however I must confess make ye best of it I never saw such a confused
incomprehensible Work in my life
1737. Aug* 31st. Robert Trevor to the same. ... Sir Charles has
settled all as well essentials, as ceremonials with the Court of Spain, &
the Introduction now seems to be immanquable. — I do not know how
tolill this letter, unless it be with two curious extracts in confirmation
of the Event at Parma : the first is from his Highness's own Physician,
who attended at this juncture, or rather rupture: viz1 12mo d'Agosto
arrivo all' Altezza sua un naturaie copioso Corso di Sange aecompag-
nato di materie saniose, es di viziosa qualita, eon sommo incommode
del' Altezza sua in seguito di cotesta evacuazione, s'abasso affatio il di
Lei ventre rendutosi molle, restituitosi quasi al naturaie suo state! The
other is the Cesarean translation of this passage by Count Borromei —
abundans sanguinis et morbosa aliee materiei copia ex utero Ducis
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 271
Henricettee adeo exient, ut nunc ventre ipso ad priorem naturalem chj&£es
formame rediicto, concepta Graviditaris spes omnino evanuerit. F w^tSk0
1737. Get. 7th, N.S. Mens1' Alt to the same Auboutdela UvB|£^0C**
Campagne les Turcs aurons selon toute3 les apparances la Victoire. — -
Comme ces nouvelles ne sont gueres avantageuses pour la C. Imp.,
8. Excelle fera en sorte, que ce que Mv le G1 Diemar en marque, soit
cache a, Mr. Wasner
(P.S.) — Si je savois, que ma petite psonne ne seroit point desagreable
amyl[or] je viendro's un jour expressement pour y passer la nuit jouer
auec vous autres Whist et vous gagner l'argent.
1738. Nov1' 17th. Lord Harrington to the same. From Houghton. I
received yesterday the favour of your letter of ye 13th ins* and return you
by the same Messenger the three mails you sent me by him, I propose to
be in London upon Sunday next, which will be so soon after this letter
gets to your hands, that I need not trouble you with anything more at
present, than only to return you thanks for your several letters, and to
assure you that it is impossible to be more affectionately or more
sincerely than I am Dear Weston.
Ever yours
Harrington.
Original Letters from the Weston Papers, Vol. II.
1739-1747.
1739. April 5th. Stephen Poyntz to Edward Weston. From Mid-
gham near Reading.— Many thanks for your last though it spread
thick clouds over England from every quarter of the Compass. I
despise Sweden, for unless France will bear the whole expence of their
Fleet and transports as well as the Ext1'? of their Land- Forces, they
cannot stirr a step out of their Rocks. The nobles who hope for Com-
missions may bluster ; but the owners of mines and the merch8 who are
intent on recovering and enlarging their Trade, and who must bear the
greatest share in the new Taxes as well as in the losses of a War, will
not will not easily be brought to submitt to one ; the Burghers may like
to joyn in the cry of hunting down the Chancellists and Senators j but
when they are call'd upon for Field Money I am mistaken if they dont
stop short, except Fiance & Spn will supply them wch will be a very
round about way of hurting us, when the Pretend1* may be for the same
money be lett loose upon us
1739. June 16th, N\S. Robert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague. Possibly the Debates of yesterday may have matured
•M1' Walpole's Resolutions & Motions. For my own part, I pity His
Exc>'; who from a Meridian, where one has much ado to hold People
in, will immediately pass into one where He will have as much to do
to make them stirr .-r— When I first mentioned Lui ...[?], tho' His Mis-
fortune was indeed pretty publickly known, People seemed inclined to
prevent, if possible, its becoming Juris Publici ; as the poor Devil was
like to come again into the World ; And as to the Phrase of cutting his
Throat,! own it stuck in my Pen, as something too harsh. At present
vou'll find Him attended by a Physician of His Prussian Ma'y'8
272
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ch \ .
FLEETWOOD
WESTON
U>DERWOOT>;
Esq.
providing ; but how He will treat Him, whether with Lenitives or
searching Medicines, I cannot yet say.
I do not wonder at Finch's joy at his Deliverance from a sett of
French Free-Men & Protestant Jacobites ; nor should 1 wonder, if He
thinks of offering you his service farther Northward.
The account Preis gives of His Land Motions seems to tally perfectly
well with that, France gives of Her Maritime ones. One would think
to see Her Declaration to Lichtenstein, that their Fleet had been only
fitted out by the Accademie des Sciences at Paris, & was to make the
same Experiments upon the Sea, as Monv Maupeituis, & his fellow
Traveller had done by Land.
Count U If eld begins to threaten us with an Elopement to Vienna ; &
I expect within a few weeks to see young Baron Duben return here, to
be a little out of the present storm, from Stockholm. We have no
News yet of the Duke of Holstein's Death, that deserve any Credit.
I hope my old friends & Fellow Labourers in Scotland Yard will
think I have made them amends this Post for my Negligence the last
with respect to Mr. Robinson's Cypher ; However they must often
expect to find Me relapse into the same Fault on a Friday. You'll find
a Passage, or Two in the present performance that wants to be re-
touched by you before it goes to Kensington.
1739. Augt. 28th. D1' Thomas Sherlock, Bishop of Salisbury, to the
same. From Salisbury. — You may well be surprised at your letter —
you will not be less so when you read the enclosed to my wife from
Betty Montgomery .... for my own part I thought him and B.M
both out of their senses. This letter to my wife was enclosed to me,
directed by Mr P. & sealed with his seal. The other letter to me is
a direct notification of the marriage. I shou'd answer it to day but I
cannot devise what to say to him. If this marriage will cool his head
it will be a great bargain ....
1739. Sept. 3rd. The same to the same. From Salisbury. [Abcut
the same " Mr P."] .... I am very sorry he is coming ....
I take it for granted he will be going to Sr K[obert] & Lord J[erse]y
as soon as he comes, and be making speeches to ym, and it will be a
great escape if they doe not think, that they have an Officer unfit for
the business & trust reposed in him — I wish you could prevail on him
to defer his compliments till he is fit to make them. You may tell him
I shall be soon in town, and glad to goe with him — but if he is, as I
fear he is, he is gott beyond advice ....
1739. Sept. 1,1th, N.S. Horatio Walpole to the same. From the
Hague : —
^Notwithstanding that I have been in greatest agitation both of Body
and Mind these ten days last past to discover ye dangerous insinuations
of ye French Ambassadour & to obviate ye pernicious consequences of
them in this weak & dishartnd Government, yett I have employed some
leisure hours in scratching out an answer to ye reasons that have been
dispersed here by ye Spanish Ambassadour, wch however weak & ground-
less they appear to us, who are acquainted with ye falseness of ye facts
have not been altogether received here on ye same foot, & they are
thoughtt by many to be wrote wth dexterity and art, and altho that part
wherein the Preeminence of Spain over ye American seas is imported or
at least insinuated, and in consequence a power to interrupt ye free
navigation is inferr'd, give great offense, yett what is sayd about ye
orders not being sent to Carolina, and ye Declaration relating to yc
G8000 has some weight amongst those that are not fully apprised of ye
HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
273
state of those Questions, and are well intentioned & sensible men too.
If upon ye perusal of this answer, wch I send you enclosed translated
by my secretary, it meets approbation I think it should be immediately
printed off in England and a hundred or two sent me over .... I
have thought of adding something more relating to ye smart remark
upon our appropriating to ourselves a power over ye Channell, and a
proper conclusion in answer to what is contained in ye same paper by
way of menace and I hope to have done it by next post ....
CHA.RIH3
Fleetwood
WE9TOS"
Ukderwood,
Esq.
1739. Sept. 18. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury.
... I saw a private letter which blames Lord Chan [cello] rs conduct,
& ascribes the war &c. to him. If any truth in this, I suppose matters
are bad between Sr R[obert Walpole], and my friend the D[uke of
Newcastle] .
1739. Oct. T2^. Horatio Walpole to the same. From the Hague.
I have received your favour of ye 25 past OS. I am almost peevish
with my friend Trevor, whose fear of being tossed by ye sea in a packet
boat makes him stay, I am afraid till ye wind is come fair for him &
consequently contrary to me ; however I have taken my leave of ye States
and you will [learn] the reason for my doing it [in] my dispatch to
Lord Harrington ; and I hope that if I have done right his LrdP (altho'
it may be possible that I may be gone before I hear from him) will lett
me have his Maj*^8 approbation wch if I am gone may be sent to me
again to London ; for in my criticall situation, altho I do not seek com-
mendation, I desire ye usuall fare wth my brother ministers abroad of
having my conduct approved ; and as I can assure you that what I am
going to say does not proceed from being humoursome or capricious ; I
was a little concerned to find that my Lord was pleased to acknowledge
my letter of the 18th past I think it was inclosing a copy of ye paper
that I gave ye Pensionary to be translated by him into Dutch, & read
to ye States of Holland to prevent their leading us into a negociation
under ye good offices of France ; but he never sayd one word of my
having done right, altho' 1 am sure whatever judgement was made of it
at home, it had ye greatest effect, & I think prevented the greatest mis-
chief that could happen at this Juncture. If I have done in that or any
other respect wrong, tis time for me to come away, if not, some generall
clause in approbation of my conduct during this negotiation, I may call
it a most painfull one indeed, is not I hope an extravagant demand or
expectation ; but I will say no more for fear of being thought to be,
what I can assure you as I did in ye beginning that I am not. But I
am ever with the greatest regard and affection, Yours &c, H.W.
1739. Dec. 22nd. Robert Wightman to the same. From Newbiggin.
Sir By the letters I have lately Received from my friend Mr Douglas
I evidently see Mr S[olenthal]l trifles w* him in the same maner he did
with me, in the view of forcing me to accept of 1500/. or perhaps 1000/.
whensoever the Lawsuit terminates, to his Mind as he is assured by his
Agents & Lawyers here, it certainly will.
T think little of his trifling with us, But I wonder at his takeing the
Liberty to triffle w* Ld H[aningto]n as I think he does in a notorious
maner. This I resent more than anything he can do to me ; and
Therefore I Begg his LordsP will be so good as to allow, or approve of
my retracting my offer of accepting 2500/., unless it is immediately
Agreed to on his part, Without waiting the Lords of Sessions Decision
of the Point now before them.
e 84067. S
274 HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles I think Mr S[olenthal]l's Retracting what he said in his first conver-
Y Weston^ sation with Mr Douglas, not only Warrants but requires my breaking
ITKIEsi<700I>' UP witn him> tiU ]ie aPPtys to My ^d H[arringto]n to lay his commands
— '- on me to Compound Matters.
I kuow of a Method to Bring Mr S[olenthal]l to this pass, if My L<1
H[arringto]n is so good as to Give me assistance at the Court of Dane-
mark, and to allow me to make the proper use of Mr Titleys Letters in
carrying on the Lawsuit. As to which I Begg to know from you His
LordP8 sentiments. Excuse my giveing you the trouble of forwarding
the inclosed to Mr Douglas, and Beleeve me to be Your Most obed1
faithful humble serv* Robert Wightman. N.B. — I dont mean by what
I have said to break up all treaty with Mr So[lenthal]l, But to bring
to him a resolution speedily of treating w* me in good earnest.
1739. Dec. 25. The same to the same. From Newbiggin. — Sir, The
foregoing letter having Miss* the post I am now to acknowielge the favour
of yours of the 28lh instant. I thank you for putting my Ld H[arringto]n
so opportunely in mind, to Mention my affair to Mr So[lentha]ll ;
you1 see how he trifles with his Lords? when I tell you what he said to
Mr Douglas, on the 4th instant. He resumed his old thread bare story
about my dropping the Lawsuit and at parting told him he did not know
When he Might have any Letters about my affair. Hence judge if I
ought not to Digg up the Mole and throw it into broad day light. I easyly
see throw all his litle Wyles; and am quite easy about them. He makes
himself contemptible to me. My friend Mr Douglas is very angry with
him he says, he is an Arrant Shuffler, and no more dependence is to be
had upon him. I Begg the favour of your communicating this 8c the
other letter, at a proper time to my Ld Harrington & letting me know
his Lordsp8 sentiment What I ought to do. You see my own Opinion
is, that nothing but constraint will procure me Justice and if My Lord
H[arringto]n Continews to give me countenance Ile quickly bring Mr
Solenthall to think & act in another manner. I once more presume to
Begg the favour of your forwarding the letter to M1' Douglas herewith
sent you by Your Much obliged <& Most obdfc faithful humble Servtfc,
Robert Wightman.
1739/40. March 22nd. Colonel Bladen to the same. From Hanover
Square. — 1 found this morning the Packet you was pleased to send me
last night, upon my Table. I shall consider the Preavis of the States
of Holland and West Frize, and the Extract of Mr Trevors Letter,
(upon the subject of the Russian Passports) enclosed in it, and be ready
to give my Lord Harrington my opinion concerning them, at his return
from the Country. I have seldom seen a Paper less digested than the
Preavis. But for anything that at present occurs to me, I do not ap-
prehend there will be occasion for My Lord to give himself the trouble
of a fresh Reference to the Board cf Trade upon that Subject. It will
however be impossible to form a perfect Judgement upon this Affair,
without seeing the List said to have been sent to the States by their
Resident Monsieur Swartz, in his Letter of the 5th of September 1739.
If therefore you have any such Paper by you, be pleased to let me have
a Copy of it, I presume it must relate to ye Dutys payable at the
Sund.
14th
1740. June^it- Lord Harrington to the King. From Hanover.
[Copy.] — Sir, The Confusion I should be in upon mentioning to Your
Majesty anything relating to myself from the apprehension of seeing
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
275
You offended by my using such a Freedom, has made me venture to
take this way of laying my most humble Bequest before Your Majesty,
that you would be graciously pleased to bestow upon me the Place of
Teller of the Exchequer now vacant by the death of the Lord Onslow.
The extreme Streightness of my Family Circumstances is the only Con-
sideration that could have imboldened me to make an Application of this
kind, in any Shape to Your Majesty. If Your Majesty shall be pleased
to receive it favourably, I shall be the Happyest Man in the world, tho*
I beg leave at the same time to assure Your Majesty that tho' You
should not think fit to grant my Request, I shall still look upon it as a
very particular Mark of your Indulgence to me, if I may hope not to
have incurred Yr Mat?s Displeasure in presuming to trouble you with
it and ever remain with ye utmost Humility & Devotion. Yr Mat?8 most
Dutifull Subject & Servt, Harrington.
1740. July 1st, JS.S. Lord Harrington to Sir Robert Walpole.
From Hanover. [Draft.] — Sir. Upon the receipt here of the news of
my Ld Onslow's Death, I took the liberty to make an humble Request
to His Maty that He would be pleased to conferr upon me the Place of
Teller of the Exchequer that becomes vacant thereby. You are so well
acquainted already with the Motives that induce me to hope for such a
Favour from the King, having often troubled you with an account of
my particular Situation & Circumstances that I need not now enter at
large into Them. The Principal is that His Mat^8 having taken me from
a Post of a much better Tenure, when he was pleased to make me
Secretary of State, and the very indiferent Prospect I have, whenever
the Income I 'enjoy thereby shall cease, of being able to support myself
and Family in any tolerable manner. My Lord Townshend with a very
great Family Estate, obtained, whilst he was Secretary, the very same
Post for one of his younger Sons for life, and the Ushership of the
Exchequer for another. I hope therefore that I shall not be thought
unreasonable in preferring this Petition to the King, & if I may have
the happiness of your assistance in it, I shall not despair of success.
The Reason of my troubling you with this Letter is to desire it of you,
which I do most earnestly, & to assure you that the Friendship you will
please to show me upon this occasion, which is of so great importance
to me & so essential to my future Happiness, will be received & always
remembered by me as the highest Obligation. I have ye honour to be
with greatest respect Yrs, Harrington.
Sent 28
1740. ~ * Q • Edward Weston to the same. From Hanover. [Copy]
My Lord Harrington, having as you desired in your letter to me, taken
an opportunity of speaking to the King concerning His Royal Highness's
Request of going with the Fleet to the West Indies, His Maty ordered
him to bid me (as His LordP directs me to acquaint you) write you
word in answer, that tho' he could by no means consent to risk His
Royal Highness's Person in that very unhealthy and dangerous
Climate, yet the Zeal k Spirit the Duke had shown in desiring the
Kings leave to expose it even there, was very far from being disagreable
to His Majesty, with which my Lord Harrington desires you will make
His Royal Highness acquainted. As to the gentleman recommended
by you for a Lieutenancy, the King was graciously pleased to promise
to confer one upon him, tho his Mat? observed that such circumstances
might occur perhaps in relation to a particular Regiment, as He might
not be able to provide for Him the very first vacancy. My Lord
Harrington bids me tell you that He is persuaded the King will do it as
s 2
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
276 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles soon as possible, arid desires you will let him know whenever you have
EWE8iSir0I> information of a proper occasion offering, that he may remind His Mat>
TJkdebwood, of his Promise. My Lord Harrington begs you will do him the honour
?f*; to make his Compliments in the most respectful manner to His Koyal
Highness. Having nothing else but to present his LordP3 particular
service to yourself, I beg leave to add to it the assurances of that most
perfect Truth Affection and Respect with which I am always &c.
E. Weston.
(P.S.) The King sets out from hence Tuesday Sennight to embark
at Helvoetsluys the Friday following.
1741. March 28th. D. Van Heck to Edward Weston. From Leyden.
A letter of compliments in French.
1741. April 21st. Robert Trevor to the same. From the Hague.
1 wish you may think the lumping Pennyworth, Her Hungarian
Mat7 bought on the 11th inst at Dresden, makes up for the Loss she
seems to have sustained the day before at Niep. People indeed would natter
themselves here, that when the Accounts of this Action can reach us
from Vienna, the Odds will not be found so great as our Berlin
Correspondents represent Them ; but I am afraid supposing the Loss
to be equal the Consequences will be far from being so ; nor do I see
how Neuperg can stay where He is ; nor see where He can retreat to.
I need not I find have been so apprehensive of broaching this bad Piece
of News; it having in its first Effects raised more commiseration here
than Fears ; but what it may do upon second Thoughts, I'll not answer
for.
Lord Hyndford I imagine has Orders to concurr with Ginkel in
executing the joint Instructions from hence. Their Tenour will be
indeed terribly out of season ; & I think it much more likely that Those
Gentlemen will evacuate Silesia than His Prussian Mat?. However
something was to be done hear & we can only do what we can.
According to the Confession, His Eminence has lately made of His
Treaty-Faith ; He is likely to be more embarrassed than pleased, by the
Compliment some of His humble Servants in this Country would needs
make Him of what is passing here ; founding it upon his His being under
the like engagements with Themselves in favour of Her Hungarian
Mat^
The Advices from Paris quote even His Eminency's own Mouth for
Dantins Return ; Sed non Ego credulus Mis : at least I would act, as
not believing Them.
If you would have me make any Use of what has passed at Dresden;
you must tell me so ; for otherwise I shall not dare to do it. I some-
times apprehend Wratislaw's being disfavoured upon His Arrival at
Vienna, & meeting Neuperg's Courier there. Money's Passage thro'
Dresden seems to have proved a Shoeing-Horn to this Affair.
Luckily for you the Post-boy is come to my Door to relieve you ; so
Adieu.
Ever yours R.T.
1742. May 26th. Lord Chancellor Hardwicke to Edward Weston.
From Powis House. — I am so extremely obliged to You for the trouble
You were pleased to take in procuring letters for my Son from Mor
Wasner that I cannot any longer delay returning You my particular
Thanks for so great a favour. I ask pardon for not applying directly
to You at first, but as I had very little pretence to it and my Friend
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
277
Mr Stone came in my way, I thought it would be more easy to You to
desire him to speak to You. If I might presume to add one trouble
more to this, it should be to begg that You would take some opportunity
to return my humble Thanks to Mor Wasner for the great Honour he has
dene me, & for his uncommon goodness & politeness on this occasion ;
and to let him know how much I am ashamed of the unreasonable
Trouble I have given him. As soon as I can find a moment at liberty
I will not fail to do myself the honour to call at his door.
1742. June 26th. Anthony Corbiere to the same. — Few words but
substantial ones you will like best I suppose. The Saxons will be
contented with some small matter in Lorrain or Alsatia, when either of
them shall be recovered from France. The States of Holland were to
determine on Friday last whether they should put in motion 50 Batalions,
& as many Squadrons ; and it was thought the proposal would be
unanimously carried for putting them in motion. Maillebois in all
appearance will soon retire. Great discouragement on one side, & high
Spirits in proportion on the other. The whole works to heart's content.
[Signed T.A.C.]
1742. Aug. 31st. Stephen Poyntz to the same. From Midgham.
— I beg you would present my warmest thanks to my Lord Carteret for
his kind promise of writing to the Primate. The Duke of Devonshire
has been applied to by Col1 Mordaunt and has promised to provide for
Mr Bradey as soon as he has it in his power, but owns himself under
some prior engagements. In the mean time one Dr Pocock of the
Diocese of Waterford has offered Ld Mount] oy to resign 280/. a year to
Mr Bradey in exchange for Silchester, and as we cannot reasonably
desire the latter to take up with distant hopes instead of a certainty,
this unlucky incident obliges us to sett the price so high as ab* 300/.
a year, and leaves us no hope of success if we cannot obtain something
of that value in the three or four months left for Ld Mount joy to present,
for I don't believe he will like to lett it lapse to the Bishop of Winchester.
From these circumstances my Ld Carteret will see, that it was not any
proneness to abuse his goodness but meer necessity that obliged me to
have recourse to his kind interposition from wch I promise myself the
best effects.
174k. Sept. 5th. The same to the same. From Midgham. — This
only serves to lett you know that the Primate of Ireland has been in
London some time. I wonder he should not have been to pay his
respects to my Ld Carteret, who possibly on this notice may be so kind
as to gett him to him. I am at this distance quite confounded with the
Kings having thoughts of going to Flanders so late in the year, and
wish when it does not interfere with the Secrecy so necessary to be
observed in affairs of moment, you would clear up to me the motives of
so extry a resolution, wch I hope if it takes place will terminate in
something more than a Review.
1743. June 26th. The same to same. From Midgham. [Written
ten days after the victory at Dettingen.] — I heartily congratulate you
on the opening of the Campn and hope the blow will be pursued;
jacta est alea and we have nothing for it but to weaken France as much
as possible. The D[uke of Cumberland] charged in the Front of the
Canter ; his horse recd four shot and it was with difficulty he was pre-
vailed on to quitt the field to have his wound dressd. All this sounds
well ; yet I cant help thinking of old Evander and Achates
I hope to kiss your hands in Town about Wed. next.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
278 HISTORICAL MANUSCEIPTS COMMISSION.
Chajile3 1743. June 26tli. Dr. John Thomas [Dean of Peterborough :
Weston^ afterwards Bishop of Lincoln and Bishop of London] to the same. From
UlfDEIorOOI>' PeterDorough- — Dear Brother I give you joy of the Success of our Arms.
— . even all the Malcontents in these Parts are rejoiced at it, and the more
so as they expected nothing less. Every one of them now begins to be
ashamed of being dissatisfied . This Victory cannot but put the Conqueror
in great good Honour and I hope among the Rest to feel the good Effects
of it. The Bishop of Norwich whom I saw at Cambridge on my way
to this Place, told me that the D. of Newc[ast]le had commissioned him
to let Dr Newcomb know that he could not succeed me in my Deanery
without promising a firm attachment to Lord Fitzwilh'am's Interest,
wch the Dr has accordingly promised. The Bishop told me too that
there were two Lists sent to his Majesty, one of the present Deans
Chaplains, and another of Deans that had been removed from being
Chaplains, to weh was added the Archbishops Son in Law, and Dr
Lisle the Prolocutor. I must stand the Event, but I am surprised the
ArchbP should so warmly oppose the Ministry in this point. I am very
much concerned at the Report in the Papers of the Death of Lady
Carteret, but I hope there is no truth in it.
1743. Oct. 8th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury.
— Before I recd yours this morning, I had great forebodings of a bad
Session this winter. The Kings personal behaviour at Dettingen had
such an effect on the people, that a little prudent managem* would have
given his friends a great superiority. But the inactivity of the army
since, the reports from the army, and the great expences, will I am
afraid overbear the good disposition that was arising. The late pamphlet
Faction detected has beyond measure exasperated the Opposition, and
their resentment will be shown with more violence than ever. There
has been a meeting of some of the heads at Mr Dod. . . .n8 and I hear
the pamphlet will be answered by the best hands. And you see already
that the distinction for this winter is to be Hannoverians & Englishmen.
If occasion has been given for this distinction, the Hannoverians will be
hard set in an English parliam1. To what lengths this may be carried
no body can say. I cannot think or write upon this subject without
great apprehensions.
The report of my illness came I suppose from a letter of mine to
Dr Hulse. I wrote to him for advice, but my complaint was what ought
to have been the gout, and I have once or twice had it in my feet, but
for a little time only. I am at present very well.
I am told the waters agree with the AbP, but the jaundice at 69 is a
bad distemper. I do not think it unlikely that London in the present
circumstances may be willing to goe to Lambeth. Sr Robert is out,
Argyle is dead, and he has always been well with the Pelhams. All my
concern is to have no share in any scheme formed upon this foot. When
I came to Saruni I promised the king to remove to London, but that
was upon the prospect of the removah being made upon the former
vacancy at Canterbury. The case is now altered.
I have been for some time undetermined about the time of leaving
this place ; if I thought the parlmt wd not meet till the end of Novbr I
should be inclined to spend a month at Wallington ; But if it meets soon
I shall come the latter end of this month to town
P.S. Sunday morning. I have now again the gout in one foot and
cannot goe out.
[1743 ?] Dated Wed. evens. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — I return
you many thanks for the perusal of the answer to the letter of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
279
the Roman Catholic Ministers (of the Austrian Clan) which I have read
over several times with the greatest satisfaction, as it appears to me to
contain the most solid refutations of every one of their Arguments
and Pleas ; but I am humbly of opinion that it should not be printed till
you see whether they make any reply, and whether the Portuguese and
Venetian Ministers receive any orders to join in the complaint. The
former I suppose is not returned from Vienna, and the latter, I imagine,
might have his scruples about joy ning in The Protest, which in the Eye
of the Civil Law, or Jus Publicum, is an act of a very High Nature,
and in the present case a great Indignity offered to the Crown. These
Ministers cannot but know that the Proclamations of our Kings only
Declare and Enforce Laws already Established ; so that their Protest
must be construed either as a Tribunitial Intercession and Negative
putt on the execution of our Laws (to which nevertheless their Im-
munities must ultimately resort) or else as a taxing the king with
having exceeded the Powers vested in him by Law ; either of which
intentions is injurious and criminal. This may safely be passed over if
they stop here on receiving their answer ; but should any of the
Catholic Courts at the instigation of their Ecclesiastics try to avail
themselves of this Protest in any shape, I think their Ministers will have
laid themselves open to a severer animadversion than there may be
occasion for at present.
1743. Nov. 30th. Horatio Walpole to the same. — Sir, If ye Bishop of
Salisbury has mett with you he will have acquainted you that
Lrd 0[rfo]rd has agreed to Mr. Sleech succeeding Dr Bland, not doubting
but that care will be taken to fill his fellowship with a Whig, and de-
siring that Mr Thomas Ashton Fellow of Kings and who was private
tutor to my Nephew Horace a man of learning & merit may succeed in
that Fellowship ; if whenever you think it necessary or seasonable that
I should write a line to Mr, Goldwyn for that purpose I am ready to
doe it ; if my good offices have at all contributed to serve Mr Sleech :
It is a great satisfaction to me in having had an opportunity to oblige
so many good friends and among ye rest yourselfe who will allways find
me your most sincere & Sir, your mo3t obedient humble servant,
H. Walpole.
Chablbs
Fleetwood
Weston
uwderwood,
Esq.
1744. May 31st. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — 1 am greatly
obliged to you for the enclosed which afford me exactly the degree of
light wch fitts the Pupill of my eye. I am sorry not to find my Ship
news ab* the D. of Monteleone confirmed ; tho' some of our most sub-
stantial Italian merchts had first and second lettrs of it. Y* Gazette to
wch you refer me did not come ; the lateness of its publicatn must be a
great damp to its sale. I buoy myself up with the hopes of Pr. Ch8
crossing the Rhine and our army's at least challenging the Fr. to a
Battle. They appear to me a little off their High Ropes, but not low
enough for Peace; the Prizes we take at sea certainly pinch them to the
quick. What has become of Hardy ? When will Davers sett out, and
tiie Dutch squadron be here ?
1744. June 1 1th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Wallington.
— The enclosed bill was sent to me by Mr Fouutayne, directed to the
Temple, <fc followed me to this place. I desire Mr Whaile will carry it
to Mr Childs, & place it to Mr Fountayne's acct, and take Mr Child's
note for it, & send the note to Mr. Fountayne. My Hall at Sarum is
not yet done, and it will be 27th or 28th before I get to town : I must
be at Sarum the first week in next month, & will contrive to see you
Ebq.
280 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaklbs and Nancy as I goe by. I thank you for the accts you sent me. Jf the
Weston01* French take a town or two more the Government in Holland, and the
Underwood, Ministry in England will have a fine time of it. Mr Poyntz, I hear,
has returned the papers I should be glad to find them at the Temple.
1744. June 21st. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — I am glad to find by
yr last favr that our army intends to do something when joynd. I wish
they may not be obliged to it in order to obtain the junction. My
Mast1" who was here for two days assures me that the K8 baggage &a
fro Mentz was only wfc was left there last year, and might be thought
in jeopardy fro the Fr. but that there has been no symptom of going
abroad. Our fleets remaining inactive at Spitheacl, while the Brest
Squadron is supposd to be in the Chops of the Channel, and the
Spanish Registr Ships are stealing into the Ports of Biscay, occasions
heavier clamours in the City than perhaps our ministrs are aware of.
It is not charged on the Adm*y but on a Panick about an invasion wch
is supposed to lurk in some of our grosses tetes.
(P.S.) If the Fr. can cutt off our communic" by land wth Ostende I
own I think we shall soon hear of them again fro Dukk [Dunkirk].
1741. June 26th. The same to the same. From Midgham. — I
return you Ts lettr wth many thanks ; if Ostende falls next the outworks
of Engld are gone, and except Pr. Charles mends his pace and operates
a strong revulsion, I expect by Aug* the Campn will be translated to
Middlesex. If at the same time the Toulon and Brest Squadrons gett
the better of ours, we may fairly sing the ditty of Fuimus — forus omnia
Jupiter argos Transtulit, but sometimes affairs when fallen very low
catch a rebound. I am glad to hear we are likely to engage Cologn, but
beg to know for what, and on what footing, and whether all hopes of
the Electr of Mentz are over. Yr Gazette did not reach me Sunds Post,
tho' you referrd me to it. I hear not a syllable of the Ds going with
the K&. I hope to call at Turnha Green ab* Mond. next in my way to
Town.
1744. July 1st. Dr Richard Trevor [Bishop of St Davids: after-
wards Bishop of Durham] to the same. From Christ Church Oxford,
to say that he has entered the name of Mr Westons eldest son Charles
(who was afterwards Archdeacon of Wilts) on the roll of Ch. Ch. for
a Studentship.
1744. Aug. 7th. Stephen Poyntz to the same. From Midgham. — I
return you the last from T. and rejoyce to see so sanguine a lettr from
Wade, wch, if Mar1 Saxe does not some way outwitt us, promises some
good news very soon. I long to hear that the Russian Troops are
landed from Swedn and posted in such a manner as to keep the K. of
Prussia in some awe, who otherwise seems ready to give a loop to his
Machiavelln Policy. 160m Enemy s, and almost as many friends, in arms
chiefly on Fr. Ground, meeting with a total obstruction of Trade by
Sea, must pinch the Fr. K& if he has any feeling. I am sorry Lob-
kowitz and the K. of Sarda make no better a hand of it ; a Romn
Catholick family in this neighbourhood has lettrs fro Madrid intimating
that the latter is going to throw himself on the protect11 of France &
Spain. If Ma1 Saxe will not unburrow I have advised our sending
strong partys of horse on short excursions as far as Amiens and Abbe-
ville for there is nothing to stop them till they come to the Somme I
languish for news from Flanders which may make an easy Sessn. Now
or never is my word.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
281
1744. Aug. 19th. Henry Pelham to the same. From Bishopstowe. —
Dear Sir, I must trouble you with the inclosed letter for Marshal Wade,
which I desire you will send by the next packet, be has been so good as
to entertain me wth numbers of onerous and unreasonable Memorials
Kepresentations &c, to which I can give no answer as yet, and perhaps
never a very satisfactory one. The poor old man does the best he can,
but a hungry Ally and a rapacious Army is too much for one of his
years and constitution to deal with. I did imagine you would think of
my correspondent no better than I found, it was my own j udgment also,
however, I thought it would not give you much trouble to read his non-
sense over, and I should be better arm'd to give him my answer when I
see him in London. I have read over your dispatches, there is nothing
very edifying in any. I wish Trevors friends in Holland make out as
well as he expects, for my part I despair of anything being done
material in Flanders this year. I wish Prince Charles is not call'd over
the Rhine again to defend, what they call, the Queen's Hereditary
Countrys, if so, what will said to our Treaty, and how shall we be able
to carry on the War next year ; You see I am full of black atoms, to
you I trust'em, tho' I know it is dangerous to be too communicative of
such sort of Ideas in your quarter. I ask pardon for the trouble I give
you, and beg leave to assure you that no one can be more than I am
Sr your most affectionate and faithful serv*
H. Pelham
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
[1744 ?] Dated Tuesd. 6 in ye morns in procinctu. Stephen Poyntz
to the same. — Give me leave in few words to return you a thousd thanks
for all yr favrs wch make the pleasure of my life. I always intended to
return to the country as soon as possible and to stay there till towds
Christm8. I have seen T[revor]'s last dispatch and mourn for the dis-
union wch seems taking root between us and the Dutch ; dum singuli
pugnant universi vincuntur ought to be a maxim more present to their
minds. I wish the K. of Pr. were either drubbed or starved, that the
Fr. may be discouraged from marching their Fryburg army to West-
phalia, and that we may have some good news in hand to sett ags* the
bad wch I think may be expected from Rowley ; for I wish the . . [?]
of [Sir John] Balchen may not descend with a larger attendance than
the Grampus Sloop.
1744. Sept. 6th. The same to the same. — The D. being with me I
have only a moments time to thank you for yr favr of the 1st and to
return the enclosed. Col1. Bladen who has been in this neighbourhood,
shewd me the Pruss" Pamphlet, wch spare Ld Orfd in order to belabour
Ld C[artere]t & the Court. I see no shadow of proof all the way, but
Ipse dixit. The Q. of Hungary s former Rescripts ag9t France answer
it in part. I hear her last direct answer is no extr'T performance. As
to what past at Hanau I think I saw it and that it was by no means a
foundatn for making mattrs up with the Empr. It is still in the power
of our Flandra army to mend mattrs by some bold stroke, but I expect
nothing fr5 them, and am in utter despair for what this winter must
produce.
1744. Sept. 5th, 17th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Christ
Church Oxford. — Dear Weston I am much obliged to you for ye favour
of yours to Abergwilly, & particularly for ye good advice you gave me
in it, which arrived very seasonably, while 3 was engaged in examining
the candidates for Orders ; I will not be so partial to my own sagacity,
as to attempt assuring you, that no unworthy persons have passed thro'
Esq.
282 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles my hands into the ministry ; I can only answer for my doing my utmost
We8to»D to prevent it, as far as the miserable circumstances of my puor diocese
Ukdeewood, wou'd allow me. I came hither last Saturday, after a tedious, wet
journey of six days from my house in Wales ; I propose to stay here
till towards the end of next month, unless ye meeting of parliament
shou'd call me sooner to town. I shall be very glad to have a line
from you on that subject, that I may settle my affairs accordirgly, &
may know, whether there is any likelyhood of a fifth of November
sermon before the house of Lords, as it will probably fall to my share.
I beg you'll present my compliments to Mra Weston, & forward the
enclosed to ye Hague from Dear sir, Your most affectionate friend,
R. S* David's.
1744. Sept. 20th. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — I return ye last
enclosures and agree wth Mr Porter that the taking of Prague will
weaken the K. of Pra'8 army in the Field. Rowley's being at Leghorn,
while the Brest, Toulon, and Carthagena squadrons are at liberty to
[attack Sir John] Balchen, gives me great pain ; and it is another
mortificatn to see that Davers is not saild, who might have a chance to
fall in with Torres, if he has not already reached Gallicia.
1744. Novr 1st. The same to the same. — I am puzzled to find what
is become of Pr. Charles and the Saxons, that the small detour of the
Sasawa shd have brought the K. of Pra unmolested to Prague ; I hope
at least that they are destroying his magazines at Leitmeroitz and
Taschin in order to make his retreat thro' Saxony impracticable, else we
shall see the War transferred to Dresden and Leipsig. I am as much at
a loss to find what Bathiani is doing while Zeckend[orf]t and his master
are revelling at Munich. I hope the K. of Sard* will harrass the Fr. &
Spds in their transalpine march and that Friburg will for some time longer
keep the French in play ; What pres* force have we to oppose them in
their march to Westpha ? The 16m Hanovns are still ab* Antwerp, the
rest at home and the Cologn Troops I take for granted in no condition
to take the field. I rejoyce to hear that the publick is to have the same
pleasure I had in reading Schmettau ; I hope you will not castrate him,
but send him entire to Noailles & Zeckendorf.
1744. Nov. 11th, N.S. George Townshend to Stephen Poyntz.
From the Hague. This letter, of four closely written pages, is suffi-
ciently described in the next letter which enclosed it.
1744. Decr 10th. Stephen Poyntz to Edward Weston. From
Midgham. — Dear Sir, Your long attachment to my Lord Townshends
family, encourages me to trouble you (in the utmost confidence) with a
most ext1^ lettr which I have recd from his eldest Son at the Hague,
containing a proposal for his obtaining the K^3 leave to raise a Regmfc of
Irish (without distinction of Religion) for the Service of the States, of
wch he hopes to obtain the command at his age and with no other expe-
rience than that of having served as Volunteer the single Campaign of
Dettingen ; where it must be owned he behaved extremely well, and if
the K. had thought fitt to take the least notice of him, he might have
made a usefull officer by a rise in our own army suited to his Birth.
You will find his scheme supported by labourd specious argumts but
chiefly from the countenance which he pretends it has mett with from
some of the leading members of the States (to whom I suppose the
memory of his Grandfather may have procured him some access) and
particularly from Count Maurice.
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
283
If the Iettr had come from any one else, I might justly have declined
answering it, as an application very improperly obtruded on my Age
Infirmity and Retirem*, but as I am determined to preserve measures
with him as long as I can for the sake of his family and in hopes of
being of some little use to him one time or other, I design to write him
some of the objections which crowd in upon me agsfc his undertaking
such a scheme.
As first, supposing the thing practicable in itself, what an odd intro-
duction it must be into the world and the opinion of his Countrymen
to see an Engl, nobleman of his age and fortune entring into Foreign
precarious service as the head of a Regim* composed chiefly of sworn
Enemies to the Protest* Success11, incapable on any occasion of being
sent to the defence of either England or the Electorate, and liable to be
seduced by their Countrymen in the French Service on the first attempt
in favour of the Pretend1".
2]3\ Supposing the late act ags* enlisting the K&s Subjects into
foreign service to have left a latitude with the Crown for particular
occasions (wch I am not sure of any farther than for the Scottish
Eegimts in the service of the States) yet Ireland itself will not care to
spare the men, being in want of hands for Tillage, Navigatn and the
Linnen Manufacture as appears by their being obliged to restrain by
new Laws the Inhabit*9 of their Northern Counties who some years ago
were attempting to transport themselves to America.
3dIy. If they cd be raised in Ireland yet the transporting them by Sea
directly to Holld wd require a vast expence in Transports Convoy &c.
and the marching them through England or Scotland at a time when we
have rumors of an Invasion, might only prove the raising a body of
Recruits for the immediate service of the Pretendr. But if he proposes
to raise them in Londn (where their numbrs are doubtless too consi-
derable) he will pick up such a sett of Banditti and Ruffians as no one
w5, 1 think, care to hire, much less to command.
These are my own hasty thoughts on the proposal, but as I dont care
to engage in controversy with him, and as ihe appears to build much on
Count Maurices approbation, I beg the favr of you to watch a leisure
moment for laying the aff1' before my Ld Harrington with my best
complim*8 desiring the favr of him just to sound the Count upon it
and to favr me with his own opinion (wch shall be kept secret) for my
governm*.
You will be so kind as to return me the lettr as soon as you can, that
1 may sett down in sad civility to answer it.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westoit
Underwood,
Esq.
1744. Dec. 13th. The same to the same. — -Since my last I have
recd the enclosed apostill from Trevr in relatn to Mr Td,s scheme wch I
own gives me little bettr opinion of it than while I considerd it only as
the suggestion of a warm and Juvenile head. You will be pleasd to
return it to me, as I shall want [it] in time to communicate it to Ld T.
I thought C* Maurice had been in Engld when I wrote you last, but
hear he is not yet arrived.
The Duke has been so kind as to call here for two or three days ;
I find H. R1 Hs in the greatest good humr with my Ld Harrington, to
whom He owns particular obligat118 and is desirous to cultivate his
acquaintance and friendship, which I make no doubt will meet with
mutual returns. I beg my best respects to his LdP and am ... .
(P.S.) The winds we have had here make me surprised at the
detention of the Dutch mails.
Esq.
284 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables 1745. Jan? 3rd. Lord Chancellor Hardwicke to Lord Harrington.
Pw5tShD From Powis-House. — My Lord, I have persu'd the inclosed Draught
Underwood, of an Answer to be given to the Ministers of the Roman Catholic
Powers on the Subject of their Priests. It is drawn with great Judg-
ment & Spirit, & states the matter in a very clear & strong light. I
would beg leave to offer to Your Lordship's consideration only the
addition of two or three words in the last page of the second sheet at
this mark (*). The point there treated of may possibly be thought to
be rested too much on the Act of ye 11 & 12 of K : Wm 3d, whereas
there are several precedent Acts of Parliam1 to the same purpose, tho'
not containing the Exception of Chaplains to foreign Ministers, not
being natural born Subjects or naturaliz'd. In order therefore to avail
ourselves of those former Laws, I would propose to add after the words
— des Pretres nationnaux, the following words — Of this kind there are
Several Acts of Parliament now in full force, which have been made
repeated fy enforced in the strongest manner, at different times, since
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign.
When these words are put into freneh, they will connect very well
with the Sentences precedent and subsequent.
1745. Jan? 3rd [N.S. ?] Count Braun to Lord Harrington?
From Gluckstadt. In French. Unaddressed. The writer states that he has
been detained two months at Gluckstadt by the frozen state of the Elbe,
and fears that the change of ministry in England may render useless
the passport obtained for him from Lord Carteret by Mr. Weston. He
begs for a fresh passport to enable him and his suite to enter France
in safety by sea, and concludes thus : — " Son Excellence le Comte de
Lowendal, mon General aura l'honneur de vous en marquer son obli-
gation, Monseigneur."
1745, Jan. 12th. Lord Townshend to Edward Weston. From
Rainham. — I hope you will excuse the trouble I give you of the in-
closed letter, and do beg that you will be so good as to forward it with
your next dispatch to Mr Trevor. The reason which obliges me to
trouble you with this letter is that T am not certain whether my son
may not be set out for England before this letter can get to the Hague,
if that should happen to be the case my letter would be lossed if sent
by the comrron way of the Post, and therefore I have taken this liberty
to desire you will send it in your dispatchs to Mr Trevor because the
letter will then be safe, my son will receive it if he be at the Hague,
and if he should be set out for England the letter will be returned.
My sen is so extremely anxious for the success of his intended scheme
of entring into the Service of the States that he fears as I am not in
Town that he may fail, for want of sollicitations in obtaining leave to
make a Levy in Ireland, or that it may come too late, and therefore tells
me in his last letter to me that he believes he shall set out for England
directly. He says time presses very much, all things go on to his
wishes in Holland, and he greatly apprehends that if leave be obtained
here for the Irish Levy it will come too late as the States are very much
pressed to raise the last augmentation they made, as fast as they can.
I am not certain therefore whether he be now set out for England. I
have explain'd this a little more minutely than I should have done to
any one I had not formerly been intimately acquainted with and with
whom friendship would not excuse the liberty of it. I am with
Truth Sir,
Your most obed* humble serv1
Townshend.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
285
1745. March 8th. Stephen Poyntz to the same. Thursday evens. —
I am extremely obliged to you for the enclosed, which appears to me a
garbled extract of Mr de Cours relation, concealing every circumstance
to his own disadvantage, and trying to pay the Spands with good words
for the want of hearty assistance. I have seen a letter from Marseilles
of the 4th N.S. wch mentions Mathewes being off Cape Palamos to the
North of Barcelona, so that I am not without hopes of his calling in at
Alicant, wch is an open road, and of our having the first news of him
fro the Streights. When you have anything new fro Dunkirk or the
Downs be so kind as to favr me with it in order to satisfy the Duke's
eagerness ; I shall not be so troublesome when the Calm is restored.
It vexes me to see yr Gazettes come out too late for the Post, and yet
early enough for the next days paprs to purloin yr news. I hope you
will publish an Extry when you have any news fro Matthews.
1745. May 6th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Wallington.
— I am very much obliged to you for the account you sent me. I was
not able to write to you by yesterdays post, the news had so affected me.
I am impatient to hear, but afraid to hear the consequences of this
affair. It can hardly be conceived that the loss of the Enemy shd be
equal to ours — attacking intrenchments, & defending intrenchmts are
very different services ; but why should I trouble you with my specu-
lations.
I am glad the Duke is safe, and that his behaviour has been so
much to his credit.
1745. May 15. Dr Edward Willes, Bishop of Bath and Wells, to the
same. From Rowe-Green near Hatfield. After Congratulations on the
birth of a daughter, goes on, " As my affairs will probably not permit
me to be in town before you leave it, I am obliged to take this method
of wishing you all Happiness upon your Journey, and at Hanover, and
as speedy a Return to us as may be.''
1745, June 12. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — My blood boils
with indignation at reading the enclosed. I beg to know what axoKpuriq
has been made or what justice may be hoped for Democracy agsfc such a
Deacon. These are but the first fruits of the Sic volo sic Jubeo pre-
paring for our necks. If there were occasion to animate the Nation
agst France, the publication of these pieces would do it most effectually ;
for what you and I feel Thousands \vd feel. I hope you will soon have
some more lights from Holld and Scotld, by the latter of which my
motions will be regulated.
(P.S.) V. Hoey cd have no ordrs from his constitts to transmit such a
piece, much less to declaim and preach in favr of it. I never yet heard
of a minist™ taking so much on himself, in so nice and Capital a point ;
But he knows the anarchy of his own Country ; and appears even vain
and proud of this office.
1745. June 17th. The same to the same. — 1 don't understand that
part of Fortissimus's Lucubrat119 where he intimates that his valleys are
in labour but that the Placeman is no longer to Father the offspring ;
neither can I reconcile the near approach of the dichostacy with the
motions of the Peripateticks, since the Town where rrvapv lives will
probably shut its T.opn; agst them, I conclude that dyioa-KXaipoq [Sinclair ?]
is proceeding to Ke<p. ayy. tho' I wish he had been to stop shorter. I beg
you wd give me the earliest ace* of the Duke's return, tho' I think of
calling at Eton on the 24th in my way to Lond11 whether He be coming
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
286
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COM3IISSION.
Chables
fleetwood
Weston
"Underwood,
Esq.
or not, I fear the Dutch are already so much subjected to France that
we shall obtain no satisfaction for Van Hoeys impudence. If Ma1 Saxe
has really detached 40m men under Lowendaal, 1 shd think Balthiani's
army grown very near a match for the remainder. 5&rt/*pr$ second lr
seems to contradict his first; on the whole I have no great opinion of
his Explorators.
(P.S.) I have returnd Aristius Tuscu3 what he sent me.
174f. [Undated.] Robert Wightman to the same. From Edin-
burgh.—Sir I duly Received yours of the 17th January and in con-
sequence of it now communicate the News of the day other than is
contained in his Highness8 letter of this date. The Rebells having been
no more than 6000 at the Battle of Falkirk, and having left 1000 dead
on the field of Battle, and these of their best men, together with several
of their best officers, of which Mr Sullivan is said to be one, are now no
more than 5000 in number. They felt on that occasion What it is to
attack Regular troops, When they are fully formed, and do their duety
and thence I concluded they would not be forward to fight a second
time, And now I see I am not mistaken.
The Battle of Falkirk was doubtless misconducted, and would have
been a total Defeat on our part, if G11 Huske had not acted like himself
and retrieved matters. It is true the severity of the weather was a
great prejudice to our soldiers, and was the best reason for abandoning
the Camp ; But it was by no means the Cause of the Disorder of the
Left Wing, the true Reason of that matter, was the Cowardice of the
Irish Dragoons, who fled outright, as soon as they were fired upon, in
place of treading the Rebells down after their fire was sustained.
Lochiels Brother was brought in Prisoner hither, this afternoon, and
a Number of others are pickt up to day. It is the common Opinion here,
that the Rebells will now Disperse and every man shift for himself;
But I am not of that opinion. I think they will keep themselves in a
Body to the number of about 4000, till they receive French Succours,
which Im affrad theyle get sooner than's imagined. When I consider,
how easy it is for a few Transports to sail out of Dunkirk, in a Winter
night, without being perceived by our Cruisers, when they have a
Leading Wind.
I heartily wish his Highness Success in this Expedition ; But I.m
humbly of opinion the Rebells will not disband so long as they have any
hopes of french Succours, and it is not easy for Regular Troops to Hurt
Highlanders among their own Hills. Meanwhile the Argyleshire Men
can do it, and can effectually Destroy them by burning their Hutts.
The Hessians do net as yet appear, its to be hoped their is little uce
for them in this purt of the Island. I only add that I do not expect any
Directions to you from My Ld H[arringto]n, on the subjects of my letters.
Its sufficient, that they are read to him, if they are of any uce to him I
have my aim.
This from, Sir, Your Most Obed* Humble Serv" Robert Wightman,
[1745?] July 1st.
Andrew Stone to the same.
-I was sending you the
Letters from M1 Wade before I recd your Message ; but must intreat
the favour of you, as soon as you shall [have] made use of them, that you
wd be so good as to send them to My Lord Chancellor's House, in my
Lord Duke's name ; His Lp expecting them. The Express you mention
from Chester brought Depuitren's agents two men, who carried a letter
from the pretender to Ld Barrymore's house in Cheshire ; but [without]
any superscription like that wch Hutison was charged with. They
delivered it to Ld Buttevant His Lps Son, who burnt it, and dismissed
HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 287
the Men j but after wrs being better advised went & took them at their Chables
Inn : This is the whole of Ld Cholm*9 Letter. wSJox*
[1745 ?] Dated Friday J past one. From Stephen Poyntz to the same.
- — I hear that one Woodward has the greatest reputation at present for
curing Stammering ; but as he has several under his care, his terms will
probably be very high. I take it for granted that he is not a Master of
Foreign Languages, so that a sensible interpreter may be wanted.
Whenever you want further enquiry to be made I shall be ready to do
it j but the less the affair is talked of the better. Be so good as to 1 ett
me know whether you give the Duke any hopes of more Battaillons
from hence. I shall trouble you with a Packet for Flandrs this even?.
1745. Nov. 28th. J. Bell to the Postmaster General. From New-
castle.— The inclosed Pacquet was brought here by Capt. Pittman Com-
mander of his Majesty's Sloop ye Saltash from Inverness. Capt. Pittman
says he saw a large ship off Buccaness on Tuesday last upon coming up
to her he fired a Broad Side at her & drove her among the Rocks at
Peterhead but could not follow her, the Wind blowing very hard. He
saw a Fishing Boat next Morning with 4 Fishermen who told him the
Ship he drove a Shore had 4 Companys of Lord John Drummonds
Regiment all dress'd in Red and Spoke English that there was Nine Sail
More all from France with Soldiers landed at Stonehive or Montrose.
1745. Nov. 28th. Extract from a letter of Gen1 Ligonier. From
Litchfield ; unaddressed. — I think ye Rebels have missed their oppor-
tunity of passing the Mersey, <te attacking the Head of our Troops,
whilst the Rear was at so great a Distance. This is Thursday night,
& tby all our accounts They have amused themselves at Preston, these
two or three days, & if they please to give us till next Sunday, our Turn
comes to look for them. M1 Wade is, by a Lr I have from M : G : Ogle-
thorpe this night at Pierce Bridge with the Foot, & Mr Ogleth. with ye
Horse & Dragoons at Richmond. I compute M1' Wade has about six
marches to Manchester, & if the Rebels remain in Lancashire, They must
infallibly be destroyed. Our situation, in regard to our forbidding Them
Wales, & Derbyshire, is very difficult, because from Stockport to 8 or
10 Miles on this side of Macclesfield, is a Ridge of impracticable Hills
called Bow Hills, which part this country from Derbyshire. On the
other side of the mountain is the great Road from Lancashire by Buxton
to Derby. If We move up to the Mersey, They may, behind that Moun-
tain, march into Derbyshire ; If we remain here in order to prevent
That, I fear They may get into Wales. If the Duke of Devonshire
could make that road thro' the Peak, by Coupures, Abbatis or other
Ways difficult or impracticable, then his R. H. would be at liberty, &
might march right up to Them, <fc the business would be soon over. But
in the present Case it is hard for H.R.H. to determine, not so much
on account of the Danger, as of the Ravages which those Banditti would
make, if they should slip by us, & get into the Heart of the Kingdom.
If Mr Wade marches quick, I hope we shall give such an account of the
Gentlemen, if they will let either of the Armys come at Them as will
satisfy you all. My Fever has not yet left me, I am weak & dispirited,
However after H.R.H. had settled the Routes towards both Derby &
Wales, in case of ye Rebels marching towds Either, I had the honour to
attend him in order to pitch upon a Field of Battle for their Reception
if they shd come towards us, <fc 1 was 5 or 6 Hours on horseback without
suffering by it.
Advise all your Friends to buy Stocks.
Fxderwood, 1
Esq.
288 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIFTS COMMISSION.
Charles Friday Morning
F wStok15 Nothing more from the Rebels but that Eight or Ten of them came
underwood, into Wigan on Wednesday and as many into Leigh.
1745. Nov. 29th. Memorandum in the handwriting of Edward Wes-
ton, dated at Knutsford, Cheshire. — A person this morning from Men-
chester says that some few of the Rebels entered y* Town yesterday ab*
2 aftn — when ye mob rose, huzza'd & beat up for Volunteers, & y* morn,
inlisted ab* 50 besides 2 parsons — They had white cockades immed1^
given them, & went ab* Town to inlist others — The P[retender]'s few
were expected ye 29th afternoon with ye main Body — & it is much feared
numbers will go with Them — They were yesterday got to Wigan &
Leigh — Some Transports were arrived this morning between Gravesend.
1745. Dec. 1. Andrew Stone to Edward Weston. — We have a Letter
from M. Wade, this morning, dated the 28th at Newbridge. He proposes
to be at Boroughbridge tomorrow, & on Tuesday at Wetherby. — He has
an account (& so had we last night) from the Saltash Sloop, arrived at
Newcastle from Inverness, that She chased (& ran on shore near Peter-
head or Stonehive I forget which) a French Transport, which however
I don't find receivd any Damage. He took a boat which had been on
board ; & the men told him, that Nine such Ships had landed there, & at
Montross, on the 22nd which (in the full Number) I cannot believe to
be true. There is a Dutch Ship arrived in the River from Flushing.
The Master declares, He was at Dunkirk when Drumonds Reg* &c
were embarking. He also saw there the Soleil, & was well acquainted
with the Master. The Dutch Man went from Dunkirk to Flushing on
the 18. On the 19th he met the Soleil at Sea. His friend the Master
of Her, came on board him, & told him, He had the Young Prince on
board who passed for the Pretender's Cousin : which (you know) Mr
Ratcliffe is. If the thing is not impossible to be true ; this evidence
would almost make one give Credit to it. You have now all our News,
as well as I can tell it. 1 did not come home till two this morning ; and
find I cannot bear that sort of work as I have done. Dabit Deus his
quoque finem.
1746. Jany 23rd. Stephen Poyntz to Edward Wreston— The Duke
called on me last night and promis'd to desire Mr Fox to minute down
Mr Weston your Brothers name, for the first Company of Marines that
shall become vacant, and it is His Rl. Hs'8. advice that he should by no
means throw up his Lieutenants Commission, till he is in possession of
the other. The Captains of Marines are (as the Duke belives) to be
employed at Sea, as formerly. I shall try to get M1 Wade to continue
his leave of absence. I believe it will be proper to apprise Mr Fox of
the Duke's promise, that if His R1. Hs through multiplicity of business
should forgett to give the recommendation (which I think He will not)
He may be putt in mind of it, before He setts out, which will probably
be towards the end of next week. You will oblige me in calling here as
soon as your leisure permitts.
1746. April 22nd. Robert Wightman to Edward Weston. From
Edinburgh. — I shall be sorry if theWhisper proves true of LdH[arring-
to]ns giving place to Ld G[ranvil]le, pray ! be so good as to Let me know
how that matter stands. This imparts my sentiments of the State of
the Rebells and their Designs once more at a Juncture of time more
Criticall than at any time past, and the more so, that the Rebells have
been lately routed, By his R. H[ighnes]s, the D. of Cumberland. I fear
the Victory will have very bad consequences, if it render the M[inist]ry
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
289
uppish & secure, and thereby lead into Wrong Measures. Im amazed
to find that the 4 Reg"* now in Leith Road are ordered to Inverness, as
not being able to find out a good reason for ir. I perceive the Common
Sentiment is here & in the Army also, that Nothing remains but to
Hunt the Rebells among their Hills, and Root them out. Whereas
indeed they have lost few more men than they did at Falkirk, arid are
more formidable than ever to my apprehension, because they have pro-
vided themselves of Meal & lodged it in the Highlands, Sufficient for
their Expedition into Argyleshire. If they overrun it, and having
penetrated into Kintire as far as Campbeltown, and be thence trans-
ported into the shire of Air, by the Brest Squadron, after they have
landed the 6,000 Men, they Escort They Will Thence March Directly
into England By Cumnock Saneqhar Drumlangrig & Dumfreis, and
Without touching Carlisle go over Stanmoor to Borrowbridge, or By
Brampton & Hexham & Corbridge to Newcastle 8c thence With all
Speed to London, in a much better State & a better maner than formerly
and can neither be overtaken by the Duke, nor mett By the Army now
about London, if the French Resume their prospect of Landing an Army
nigh to London. I assure you the Camrons under Lochiel & Keypoeh
went home in no other View But to rebuild their Hutts, and prepare
for the Invasion of Argyleshire. It may be thought that the Rebells
are now so Dispersed, that they cannot Gather again together into a
Body ; But the contrary Will soon appear, for they will Rendevouz in
Broad Albin, and thence march into Argyleshire, Whither our Army
cannot follow them.
I was lately told of a Line to be formed from Stirling to Glasgow,
consisting of the Hessians, the 4 ±legtt9 now in Leith Road & 8000
Hanoverians, in order to Hemm in the Rebells & Confine them to the
Highlands Where they must starve if proper measures are taken to
Harrass them, by Partiesans, and prevent Their getting provisions ; But
Im affraid that Wise Measure is Dropt, and a Much Worse one substi-
tuted in its place, which I cannot but Lament, as easily foreseeing its
consequences. I Wish the French may have gott other Fish to fry,
than to think of invading Brittain ; But I am much mistaken if their
defeats in Italy, & other disapointments Will not fordward an attempt
upon us, rather than obstruct or prevent it. God forbid I ever see a
French Army landed anywhere in Brittain, for I dread its consequences
on too good grounds. In thus imparting my thoughts I mean only to
give hints & to Do my Duety leaving Events to the Sovereign disposer
of all things. And mean also to shew that I truely am a faithful sub-
ject, and Esteemed Sir, Your Most Obed1 Humbl. Servtl,
Robert Wightman.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
ustderwoob,
Esq.
1746. May 21st. Major General John Campbell to Lord Harrington.
From Appin Camp. — I am ashamed it should appear in Publick that I
have been so much in the wrong as never once to have wrote to the
best and dearest friend I have upon Earth since I left England so
chuse to make this private submission and pray forgiveness. All I plead
is that is that since I arrived in this curs't Rebellious Country thers not
one Clerk in your Office that has wrote so mucli, (this you'le tell me is
no excuse) and no man in His Majesty's Service His Royal Highness
excepted that has undergone so much fatigue both in body and minde :
If His Majesty did but know my zeal and attention to His and the
Public Service I am persuaded he would approve of most that I have
undertaken which is all I expect or disire from having done my Duty.
Permitt me in this private familiar way to offer my Complt8 to the
E 84067. T
290
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
"Weston
Undebwood,
Esq.
Petersham tribes not forgetting my good friend Mrs Carey and her
beloved, I really am worne out and want a Nurse can't she recommend
me ? Your Lordships telling me that I am still in favour with you will
give me fresh Spirits, It's what I want. I am with the utmost sincerity
gratitude and esteem, My dear Lord, Your Lordship3 most affectionate
& faithful Humble Servant,
John Campbell.
1746. May 25. Bishop Sherlock to Edward Weston. From Wel-
lington.— I have but just got the gout out of my right hand, so as to be
able to set pen to paper. The few hot days followed by East & N.E.
winds, have used me hardly. I see the Duke of Saxe Weisenfell is
dead. The Garter, &c. are by the Statutes of the Order to be returned,
and I have the King's warrant to receive ym. That Sovereign Knights
do return their ornaments is a clear case. The present Bp. of Win-
chester] was paid for the Duke ofYorks; and there are many instances
of like kind in the books, particularly I remember an ace* of an Embassy
from Sweden to return the Insignia of Gustavus Adolphus. But how
shall I apply for them ? I hope will let you write to the Minister at
Dresden, to make a demand for me of the Dukes Executor ; if not I
must submit to the loss, for there is no dealing with Princes. I hear
nothing of w* business is to be in the house when they meet. Two
things I am sure ought to be well considered this Session. The State
of Popery ; and the State of the Highlands. There were good laws in
the last case in the year 15 — but never executed, — and perhaps, the main
thing to be provided for, is to secure an Execution of the Kings laws in
y* country ; wch is at present under the absolute will of the Lairds. My
hand is weak and I can only add love to Nanny, & y* I am very afFec-
tionatelv yours
T. S.
1746. June 5th. Stephen Poyntz to Edward Weston. From
Midgham. — My last to Mr. Browne will have shown you how welcome
yr favr of the 3d must have been. The juncture is so critical to Engld
and all Europe as well as to the Duke, that I earnestly beg to hear from
you again when any thing new arises relating to the negotn. I am
surpris'd after what had passd to find the Ministrs unanimous on any-
thing relating to it ; yet you seem to intimate they are so on the point
of C. B. I desire you wd lett me know whether the Duke has obtain'd
leave to return, or under what restrictions. I own it seems to me un-
safe while the young Pretr is lepKo^evoq upon Scottish ground. Mr
Pordage (my old School Fellow and Fellow-Boarder) calld on me the
other day to lett me know that he had applied to Dr Sleech, and by his
encouragem* to the Society at Eton, for the vacant Fellowship. I have
heard him well spoken of by the late Dr Clark while he was his Beader
at S* James's, and his close connexion with the Lewis family made
Ld Orford zealous for him. I hear from others that Mr Cook and Dr
Somnet are Candidates. Be so kind as to lett me know how this aff*
stands. I congratulate you on Dr, Sleech's promotn wch has much
reconciled me to Eton.
1746. June 10th. The same to the same. From Midgham. — I am
much obliged to you for your E\7^vi<tikoc and value myself for being able
at sight to construe aypavBioq. I shd have thought that K^ivo-Kopoc* would
have drawn ^Tpc&oiretioiypofi after him. S* Basil will blow up 'NeccKpoitoAt^
* Tlie Duke of Bedford. f Lord Chesterfield.
% The Duke of Newcastle.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 291
ad iMuriav. I beg the continuance of the translation which is very in- Oka.bi.e8
teresting and puts me in mind^of voXXa Vavavra, KaravT*, Ttapavrarej doyfXioc Fleetwood
tvjK6ov. I shall be very happy in Dr Sleechs acquaintance, which some Underwood,
Eton journey may enable me to begin. I shall now defer carrying my BB*
Sons thither, till the Dukes return calls me to Town, which I wish you
could by Dr Sleech lett Mr. Plumptre know, for I find my letters must
go round by London and are long in getting to him. I have fixd them
at Mrs Sumners, as a house more particularly under Mr Plumptre's
inspection. I beg the favr of you to recommend the enclosed to some- .
body in Holland, without which Entrepot our Post Office lett us know
it will not go. Mr3 P. joyns with me in serv. to Mrs Weston and ye
family. Mrs Shipley has a little Boy which rivals your3 and is not un-
like it.
1746. June 10th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Wallington. —
I have met with some old Divines, who, complaining of the ignorance
of their times, have told us there was a great famine of the Word :
such a Famine we have here with regard to w* is doing in your world.
Don't wonder then that I call for help, tho I know how busy you are.
What is to be done in parliam* ? Is anything to be done with regard to
the Highlands ? if so, in wch house is the bill to begin ? There can be
nothing of greater moment to the King & the publick than this con-
sideration; and if the present opportunity is lost, the nation must goe .
thro another rebellion to retrieve it. The Acts made upon the rebellion
in 1715 were in many respects deficient, & in others never executed ;
the Vassals dare not take the advantage even of an Act of parliam* ag3t
their superiors, nor if they dared have they any disposition to do it.
And the forfeited estates having been granted away, the Crown has no
more power there than it had before. This puts me in mind to tell you
a circumstance, wch, if I am rightly informed, is a very material one in
the present case. The Country of the Rebellious Clans, is a] vast tract
of country, now forfeited to the Crown, & lying contiguous in the heart
of the Highlands, it divides the well affected Clans some of them lying
to the North and some to the South : The forfeited country being put
under a proper Governing supported by a sufficient military force, w'd
not only be kept quiet itself, and in time civilized ; but it w'd be a
barrier agst the now well affected Clans, should they ever alter their
mind ; to wch there wants nothing but an alteration in the affection of
the Chief ; web may happen when the present Chiefs dye, & make way
for new ones. Nothing can be done at present with the well-affected
Clans, their rights must remain as they are — but a proper use made of
the forfeited country, will be in effect, for the reason before mentioned,
a regulation of the whole Highlands. It will require time, perhaps more
than can be spared this Session to settle a Civil and Military Grovernm*,
(I mean a military governm* only so far as to enable the Civil power to
execute the law) but then I should hope the King would consent to a
clause ag9t making any Grants of these forfeitures to any person what-
ever : without such a clause he will be teized out of them : and the next
election for a new parliam* in Scotland, would probably sweep them all
[up]. And if they are parted with, there is an end of all hope of seeing
any good use made of this great opportunity. As long as this country
lies in the hands of the Crown it will be subject to such regulations as
the Crown, or the Crown and parliam* think fit: if granted out it
becomes private property and nothing more is to be said to it. This
thing in the present case seems to me to be the unum necessarium : If
the King is not secured by some clause from being teized out of these
t 2
292
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CUABLES
Fleetwood
Westoit
Underwood,
Esq.
forfeitures, I think whatever else may be done, how specious so ever,
will have little or no effect.
When you read this, I know you'll say, why doe you i ot come to
pallium* ? My answer is, That if I was in the Highland I w'd come, if
I cou'd do any service in this cause in wch the King and my County are
so much concerned. But I will tell you my Suspicion : I am afraid the
bill for the Highlands will be little more than Articles between the
Ministry, and the Scotch members of parliain* ; if so, what reason have
I to be a party to them ? I shall expect nothing from them that will
be of real Service : The North Britains are so attached to the usages of
their country, so fond of the superiorities, so jealous of all attempts to
introduce regular governmt even into those parts, where sometimes they
will complain, that there is none, that I am afraid their national preju-
dices will not let them, and their great Influence will not suffer others
to do what is right.
1746. June 12th. The same to the same. From Wellington. — I recd
yours last night at eight o' the clock — too late for me to think of being
at the house this day. If the debates shou'd be adjourned so, that I
may have notice soon enough to get to town the day before, I will come
to that day, tho' I must return again to bring off my family. 1 know
not how to understand the intention of those who moved for the day —
If it is upon the old foot of having nothing to do with the continent, we
have heard I believe all that is to be said : If it is from an apprehension
that the Rebellion, upon sending away our troops, may get to an head
again, there will be weight in the argument, unless a very good ace* can
be given of affairs in Scotland.
1746. June 13th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Christ Church
Oxford. — I am obliged to you for ye pleasure of yours & for the notice you
gave me of the summons to the house of Lords for yesterday, however
your letter did not come to my hands time enough for my attendance
. . . . I am impatient to hear, what was done there in this important
crisis, tho' I tell you plainly I have no great hopes of anything, truly
great and publick spirited, coming out of that quarter. By what appears
to me at this distance I cannot say I am much edifyed with ye rejection
of the Peace, & fear our State Physicians are going on with their former
prescriptions for their own sakes chiefly, that they may have ye credit
of letting us die by rule .... Is the affair of the trial yet settled, or
do we want courage ever to bring a couquer'd enemy to justice ? . . .
1746. June 19th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Wallington.
— I am very much obliged to you for the good news of the last post : if
followed by success, it may incline France to be more willing to get out
of a war, that may come to be an heavy one. I pity the Ministers ;
C.B. — Will one way or the other undoe them , . . . You know how
little Bps have to doe in tryals of Peers in capital causes, so little that
my attendance on ye ace* may very well be dispensed with : But the
Scotch affair I shou'd be glad to attend ; supposing it to be a case
subjudice, and not already agreed. I cannot imagine, why any Grants
are to be made to Glasgow, or to the Kirk — their zeal may be easily
accounted for : one is grown rich by the Union, the others depend on it
entirely for their establishment. They fought their own battle ; and if
they are rewarded, it will be for pursuing their own Interest : I mean
not this as a Reflection on them : The case has been the same elsewhere.
But if the Scotch are to be compensated for their losses, or for their
zeal, must not England too : If Glasgow is to be paid — must not
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
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Carlisle, Derby and all the other towns be satisfied in like manner. Or
must the English who take Scotland to be Caput rerum et causa
malorum, set down by their losses, and see the Scotch caressed & re-
warded. I apprehend this will bring great demands for reparation of
damages from many places ; and create perhaps very inconvenient com-
plications For my own part I am not for parting with an
acre of the forfeited lands : Retaining the property in the Crown, is the
only thing that can give the King & parliament the power they want,
to make a perfect Settlem* of the Highlands. Tn the year 1715 the
forfeitures in Scotland were very great, but little or nothing came to
the publick — the chief reason was that the Rebells had made voluntary
Settlemts & Incumbrances, many of them to the full value of their lands.
The same thing has been, I question not, done now. The Commis-
sioners in 1715 had full powers to enquire into these Settlem*8 ; but then
the proof lay upon them — to shew the Fraud. There is no way to
prevent this, but to put the proof upon the Incumbrancers, to prove their
rights to have accrued by bond fide contracts.
1746. June 22nd. Stephen Poyntz to the same I am a
little puzzled to determine who is mean by the Court-catcher ■, but I
suppose it may be Antimac. I fear it will be long before our Ausonian
friends can turn their thoughts towards itpofityKei ; such an event might
mend matters mightily. I dread the o<xe*a a-xio-pcna, which the
Spondee now on foot may produce. It is true that Stratopedagros
[Lord Chesterfield] will revisit 'Aytraipuv [the Hague],
1746. July 23rd. Andrew Stone to the same. From Kensington. —
Mr. Murray late Secretary to the Pretender's Son and now a Prisoner
in the Tower of London, having desired that some person might be
immediately sent to him on the part of the Government : I am ordered
to acquaint you, That his Majesty has been pleased to direct, that you
& I should immediately repair to the Tower, and hear what He has to
say. You are therefore desired to come to Town, as soon as you have
dined, for that purpose. I will be ready when you send me to call upon
you at your own House, & carry you to the place appointed. It is
hoped (as the King will be very impatient) you will be in Town, so that
we may be able to go before Six o'clock this Evening. You will be so
good as to send me word by the Bearer, when I may expect you. I
shall be at home till I hear from you.
1746. July 24th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury. —
I think as you doe, That according to the Order of the house of Lords,
I shall have no Tickets ; if it proves otherwise, They are very much at
your service .... We live in hopes here of some alteration for the
better in the affairs of Europe upon the death of the King of Spain. I
am sorry the Duke is not to be at the decisive blow in Flanders.
1746. Augt. 6th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Abergwily. —
In thanking you for ye favors I have allready received from you, like a
true beggar, I am asking for more, which is, that you will send me down
the Lord High Steward's Speach, which he made in Westminster Hall
upon pronouncing Sentence upon the rebel Lords — let me know too
something about the rising of parliament, & when the next Set of trials
is likely to come on before the Peers, which will probably wait for more
company ; I see by the papers, if they can be trusted, that the Curtain is
throwing open very wide, & a new set of Actors appearing, who
thought themselves very safe & incog — Pray Grod, they may all come
to light, & the nation be settled, & secured— is Lord Sandwich going
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
UXDEKWOODt
Esq.
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Chabxes
Flbbtwood
Westox
UsDEEWOOD,
Esq.
in post haste to the Hague for farther proof, that nothing more can be
done there, than has been ? to tell you plainly my mind, I think our
friend is not used well, if it is so, & shou'd be glad to see him in circum-
stances to let others know, he thinks so — My brother of Worcester, I
hear, cannot long rest in quiet at Hartlebury, but is come up, notwith-
standing his professions to the contrary, to show, he has no business at
the trials ; surely, the Primate's death is not the cause of this sudden
change of counsil, & yet when I consider the man, I half perswade
myself, it is ; let me know, if you can, how that matter is likely to go ;
should a successor be taken from our bench in England, the bishop of
Bangor is without doubt the fittest man, If he would take it — You see, I
have given you many queries to answer, which I trust to your goodness
to pardon.
1746. Oct. 30th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Bath.— The
news your letter brought me this morning, is one thing, among others,
that appears at present unaccountable to me. I can't help reflecting
on Lord Townshend's case, and Lord Orfords — I heard the explanations
of both. As to yourself I hope you will not be in haste to quit your office.
It may be done at pleasure, but can't be resumed at pleasure. You will
oblige no friends by it ; but may perhaps give a secret pleasure to some
who w'd like to see the Office quite chained. I know how disagreeable
it must be to enter into the affairs of the new world — but take time to
think, you will have no occasion to repent of that.
1746. Nov. 3rd. The same to the same. From Bath. [A long
letter advising Mr Weston not to resign his Undersecretaryship on
account of Lord Harrington's resignation if, after consulting the latter,
he is advised to stay on.] . . . . The alteration of measures to be
expected on this change, is, as your case is circumstanced, a very dis-
agreeable view : But this part I don't understand — a considerable Lord
here said to me — what is this change for ? the D[uke] and Lord
Ch[ancello]r are for a vigorous war; Ld. H[arrington] was for peace on
any terms ; so is Ld. Ch[esterfiel]d. In this I suppose he was mistaken,
and I am quite ignorant .... From my Lord Ch[esterfie]ld, I
doubt not but you will find very good treatment, an agreeable situation,
as- far as the kind & multiplicity of business can be agreeable ....
1746. Nov. 8th. The same to the same. From Bath. — It is a great
pleasure to me to find that you are delivered up from all difficulties in a
way so much to your satisfaction ; and I hope to Mrs. Westons too. I
wish this post in Ireland, may produce something for life, that may
enable you to retire, when you see proper, ad otium cum dignitate. I
hear Mr Trevor is recalled, & is to be provided for in Ireland also :
This is a great change of hands for conducting the affairs of the continent,
wch is to me very mysterious ; But my appetite is not very strong for
politicks, and I can wait till time explains all these motives. Is it part
of the contract that Stone is to be Primate [of Ireland] ?
1746. Novr 22nd. The same to the same. From Bath. — I am very
much obliged to you for your application to Lord H[arrington] in Dr
B[arnard]'s case; but I cannot but wish for your success for Mr Cook ;
knowing what comfort it will be to you & Mrs Weston to find an old friend
in a new country. Dr Knights death is been so much expected, that his
Office has been considered as Vacant ; and I am too far engaged to be
at liberty to come to a new resolution. I am sure there are not two,
whom I should oblige with greater pleasure than Mr. Poyntz &
you self.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
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1746. Decr 4tb. Stephen Poyntz to the same. — I fear Machs pre-
cipitate flight will end at last in his carryi?ig the War into
Sax-V and therefore I can't but wish that alliance were in greater-
forwardness. We have now reports of Ld Chestds being intended for
Holld. How far has Maillebois gott and what force has he wth him ?
Is not Passau in immiuent danger ? have we any ships cruising northwd
to hinder the French from recruiting their loss of Naval Stores at Brest
by our Spoils ? Your Hellenisticks tho' wrapt up in the obscurity of
JEnigmas, have afforded me much light. I send you an avtcwypa., wch
has nothing in it, but will hold you lugg, particularly if you chance not
to hitt off the Syllable marked as French, viz. The City wch gave birth
to Polybius the Historian, experienced the same ^KvOpuita^Koq on the
defeat of French xpva-o-nopcq [Orford] but it wore off as the activity
of the former became necessary.
1746. Decr 7th. — N.S. J. Burnaby to the same. From Berne in
Switzerland. — It is not long ago since the same Post, brought us the
News of my Lord Harrington's having resigned the Seals, one day, and
retaken Possession of them the next. This time there has been a longer
interval, for we have been informed by two different Mails, of his Excel-
lency's having resigned the Secretary's office, for the Honours of the
Irish Throne ami that from being Deputy in England, you are become
Principal Secretary of State in Ireland All the foreign News
Papers are fitted with Encomiums upon my Lord Chesterfield; and
since it was declared that the Seals were to change hands I am heartily
glad they have been delivered to his Lordship ; but where to find your
equal to fill up the Vacancy or rather the present Void in his Office?
Without such a one I greatly apprehend that the Weakness of his Lord-
ships Body will not be able to keep pace with the Vivacity of his con-
ceptions, nor permit him to apply to Business in such a manner as is
known to be most agreeable to his Inclination. I am this moment in-
formed from undoubted Authority, that the Austrian and Sardinian
Troops under General Brown passed the Var on the 30th Novr, with
the Loss of only forty or fifty men, either killed or wounded. The
Allied Army is now encamped near S* Laurence, when General Brown
proposes to make no longer Stay than till his whole Artillery comes up
with him. It is not yet determined whether the Spaniards will oppose
his further Progress or not, but it is sure that they have had Orders to
halt, and nobody knows why. Very luckily for Us, ev'rything was
settled for this Expedition before the King of Sardinia fell ill of the
Small Pox. His Majesty has a favourable Sort and is now in a pro-
mising Way, so that His Accident will not retard Our operations. I
do not mention these particulars to my Lord Duke of Newcastle, as to
be sure he will receive an ample detail of the Passage of the Var from
M1' Vilettas, before my Letter reaches your hands.
1746. Dec. 8th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Bury St.
Edmunds I thought the Primacy had been settled, and never
had any Hint before from any Person to the Contrary. But on receiv-
ing your Letter I writ to a particular Friend at Court to let me know
how that Affair stood at present and to insinuate that I should not
refuse the Primacy, if it were offered to me, and that if he found a
Disposition in the Court towards me I would see to improve it. When
I wrote to Lord Harrington to congratulate him on being appointed
Lord Lieutenant I said that if the Primacy had not been disposed of I
should have been very ready to have attended his Excellency to Ireland,
and you will be so good to talk with his LordP on that Subject. 1
Chaeles,
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
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Chakles
Fleetwood
"Westox
TJndeewood,
would not willingly commit my Credit but if I was sure of succeeding
to the Primacy I would thankfully accept of it, I have not yet received
an Answer from Friend at Court, but as soon as I do you shall hear
further from me. I thank you for being so good to give a private lift
to Mr Beaufort if it should fall in your Way, wch is all the Favour I
had to ask of you with regard to him for I had no thoughts of your being
his Introductor.
1746. Dec1" 20th. — N.S. Robert Trevor to the same. From the
Hague. — As Mr Wallace will inform you of the Quid agitur of This
Place ; I have only to trouble you by This Post with my Thanks for
your favours of the 2nd & 5th ins1 O.S. — My poor mothers Decease will
rather shorten my stay here, than not; & I at present propose to lay
down my Ministerial Buskins the end of This Week, & pull on my
travelling ones the First week of January your style. — Be persuaded,
dear Weston, there are few Phizzes on your side the water, that I & my
Wife shall be more impatient to see, than yours. — My Compliments,
pray, to our Vice-Roy ; who, I hope, has by this time gott the better of
His Gout. — Adieu.
Ever Yours,
R. T.
174.7. Jan. 12th. Bishop Sherlock to Edward Weston. From the
latter's house at Turnham Green I have been so long confined
that I know little of the world, I am not in very high spirits, and I hope
things appear worse to me than they are, but to me they appear very
bad. They talk Lord Ch[esterfield] out, but he says (as the report has
it) that he can't be out, for he wras never In. Lord Sandwich is men-
tioned for a Success1". By the last expresses, the Fr. seem to be pre-
paring to do something with an Eclat very soon — their Forces are near,
and 1 am afraid ours, wch are coming from the Northern pole will not
be [in] time to save the provinces.
1747. April 1st. Lord Percival to Lord Harrington. From Pall
Mall. Soliicitiug the^latters support to his petition for a grant in
reversion of the office of Customer of Dublin then held by his uncle
Mr Percival.
1747. May 7th. Bishop Sherlock to Edward Weston. From Wal-
lington We see no fruit of the Change in Holland. The Prince
comes into a shattered & half ruined governm*, & may perhaps soon
finds that he wants a peace, as much as those before him did
1747. Jan. 1st. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Bugden. . . .
Lord Sandwich is come down to secure his Interest in the Country.
He is pretty bold in his Undertakings, for upon some quarrel he
has with his Brother Captn Montague he determined to drop him tho
the gentlemen had agreed to choose him for the County, and to bring
in Mr Wortiey a Relation of his, m ho has not a foot of Land in the
County nor any Relations to it, how this proposition will go down
at the Meeting next Saturday at Huntingdon I know not but I have
no other concern in it, I am only to support Lord Sandwich's Interest
in any private Way without appearing on these Occasions . . .
1747. July 4th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Glynd. — I
guess I am obliged to you for the Gazette extraordinary of Thurs-
day, for which I return you my thanks, &, tho we have no success
to boast of at land, am glad I can congratulate you upon our country-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 297
men's good behaviour ; at sea we seem to have more cause of rejoicing, Charles
but, unless Peace is the consequence of success, I am not certain weston°D
how far it will deserve the denomination. Elections seem to go Underwood,
everywhere, beyond hope, well ; those iu this country are almost over — .
without difficulty, except from a ridiculous opposition to Lord Gage's
at Seaford, that he might have something to talk about at Leicester
house
1747. July loth. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Bugden.
.... I recd a Letter from Sir Robert Wilmot by your Order acquaint-
ing me with the Reason of Mr Murray's Pension not being continued
to Him wch he believed to be this, that no application has been made
to the Ld Lieutenant in his Behalf since the Lord Primate Bolter's
Death, and that he has been told that Mr Murray has not of late
been in Ireland. As this is the case I can only advise Mr Murray
to return to Ireland, and make his application there to my Lord Har-
rington for the Continuance of his Pension
1747. July 16th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Glynd. . . .
For God's sake when shall we have done fighting for a desperate
game, with Flanders gone, Zealand going, and the K. of Sardinia
retired to defend his frontier ? and yet we are amusing ourselves with,
I know not what, Imaginary advantages. Pray, is our old friend
Horace gone, as some news papers have informed us ? if he is I
think him a loss, not only to myself, but the publick, which might better
have spared many, another man who has taken the liberty to laugh
at him
1747. July 19th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury.
I am very much obliged to you for the favour of yours. I have
great hopes that Mr Fountayne will have success in the affair de-
pending, I wish there were but as good hopes as to our affairs abroad,
woh Seem almost desperate : Some of the Fr. officers here on paroll, say
the Dutch have been neither good friends to France nor good Allies
to England. And, indeed, if they won't fight for their own last Stake,
nothing is to be expected from them
1747. July 20th. Andrew Stone to the same. From Whitehall. —
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that Mr Fountain is nominated
to the Deanery of York in the room of Dr. Osbaldiston, now Bishop of
Carlisle. My Ld Duke of Newcastle will send an Account of it this
Evening to the Bishop of Salisbury
1747. July 27th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Abergwily.
.... I shall be glad to hear that Lord H[arrington] carries with him
to Ireland so proper a mark of his Majesty's favour, as a Garter; but
doubt whether the King will be as complaisant, as his Ministers have
been to him in that particular there seems to be a demurr in disposing
of the D. of M[ontagu]'s dep. . . . \illeg.~\
1747. Aug. 2nd. The same to the same Thomas is, I find,
talked of for the See of Peterborough ; something was said to me on
that score before J left town, but I think I shall not stand in his way in
that easy & convenient bishopricke
1747. Aug. 27th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Newbury.
.... We suffer by the great heat, but as the visitation work is
divided between me & the Bp. of L. we have got thro it with great ease.
298 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood Tne general distemper that we and our servts are subject to, is a Great
Westox Thirst, wch wou'd be more tolerable, had not the hot weather spoiled all
UXBEEWOOD, the drink of the country#
1747. Sept. 6th. — N.S. Sir Thomas Eobinson to the same. From
Vienna We want three mails from England. They are in as
much fear in Holland of loosing Bergenopzoom as they are in the French
Camp of not taking it, and as to any operation on the Italian side of
France, I cannot refer you to anything better than to Don Rodorigue of
Cologne, who is well informed immediately from the Army.
1747. Dec. 4th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury.
.... The taking of Bergen was a shock to everybody and has left a
sad impression of the Dutch upon every mind. The only hope remain-
ing is that the new Stadtholder may agst another year get a new
Administration If y* won't doe, we are surely at an end of military
operations. But these are Sarum politicks, hatched in the walk by the
Canal side. The papers (as you see) tells us of Lord Granvill's going
to Berlin. I give no credit to it, but wether the Ministers call for help,
or wether the people think they want it, and call for help for them, in
some respect it is the same thing
1747. Oct. 29th. The same to the same. From Salisbury. — Dear
S1', Doe not blame me. You cannot feel what I felt upon the occasion.
I had upon me a return of the illness weh I had last winter, and have it
still. Cou'd I at 70 years of age, & under these circumstances think of
entring upon a new and active scene of life ?
I have no pleasure in the vanity of declining a great Station. Quite
otherwise ; I could have been glad for the sake of some friends to have
been in a Station, in wch I might have served them. Besides it hurts
me in regard to the King, who shewed an uncommon regard to
me.
I wrote a letter to the King last week, and had, by the King's direc-
tion, a letter from the Duke of N. this morning, in wch his Matys
goodness to me appears strongly.
When this was offered to me, the D[uke of Newcastle] sent me word
that, if I declined, York would be moved, and Bristol sent to York —
but you see Hutton goes to York. I remember that about 2 years ago
the D. told me, that the Bp. of London speaking of Canterbury said,
He was too old, and Salisbury too old, but y* [illegible] might
move & Hutton go to York — Wether what is done, be the effect of this
scheme, or wether the Yorkshire Interest has prevailed for Hutton, or
wether Bristol is sure of Durham, and desires to wait for it, I know
not. With respect to myself, the Bp. of London was desirous that I
should have it, and I have nothing to complain of.
If I live to see you I shall have many things to say. In my present
state it will be an happy compensation If I can enjoy Salisbury a little
longer.
Love & service to Dear Nanny, and all with you — I am most
affectionately & sincerely
Yours, T. S.
1747. Nov. 19th. From the same to the same. . . . If we live to
meet I will shew you my letter and Answer from the Duke, wch was
expressive of great graciousness on the King's part. If I had been in a
State of health, I think I should not have wanted confidence in myself
to trust myself among the great ones : But tis now more than a year
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that I have suffered under a complaint, that I find manifestly impairs my
strength, and leaves me without spirit for great affairs .... I hear
nothing from London of any moment, except the great Subscription for
raising money next year : But how they will raise men I know not.
Here is a regiment that suffered in Flanders, Mountague is Lieutenant
Colonel, he tells me after all they have been doing for months past they
want 300, they have 13 officers out recruiting with very little success.
We may tax to the last farthing, but if we want men, the money will do
us little good, and our enemies little harm.
1747. Dec. 11th. The same to the same. From the Temple . . .
As busy as we are at Westminster in preparing for war, yet there seems
to be a Stagnation in politicks. The Opposition (if such there be) is
Silent, & waits for Events. By this means we have little noise, but
perhaps not better pleased upon the whole, f hear Mr P[elham] opened
the state & ex pence of the war in a very masterly way, and what he said
was much commended ; but I have been told by some good Observers,
that there was a manifest dejection in many faces, when eleven millions
(now considered as an annual charge during the \\ ar) was proposed to
be raised. By what I can observe the Military Sp[irit] abates very fast,
among the higher ranks especially, and I shou'd not wonder to see the
people in a little time as eager for a peace, as they were some years ago
for a war. The next piece of ill success will probably bring us into
this state. I pity the Ministers, they cannot have a good peace noic ;
if they make a bad one they may be called to answer, when the Necessity
by which they were driven is forgotten. You know that H[oratio]
W[alpole]'s scheme is to make up with the King of Prussia, and by
securing Silesia to him by a strong alliance with the Maretime powers,
to induce him to interest himself in procuring such a peace, as may leave
Europe in quiet for some years. I should not mention this but for the
sake of telling you that this notion prevails very much as well with some
considerable ones in the Ministry as with many out of it. I will tell you
one passage and leave you to reflect on it. — One talking of the necessity
of calling in the aid of P[russia] had a very obvious objection to the
practicability of the scheme thrown in the way.— The answer was, —
Why is not as much done to bring in the K[ing] of P[russia] as was
done to throw out Granville ?
It is very probable that the Dutch fears have helped to fill the loan.
I have asked what share they had but have reed no clear answer.
The army for next year, as it is now proposed is to be 180,000 in
Flanders
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
TJndebwood
Esq.
English
Dutch
Austrians
70,000 or 60—
70,000 or 60—
60,000
of these 30,000 are in Russia, 16,000 in Switzerland, where the Austrians
are I know not, But I suppose the French have not a great way to
march to the field, when the time for it comes ; a circumstance that
makes a great difference between their preparations and ours.
There has been a negociation for a separate peace with Spain, but I
apprehend it is over, and I suppose Fr[ance] will enter into strong engage-
ment to procure Spain the terms they want ; and as things are Spain
may think it the most likely way of succeeding.
You have here a little light into the sentiments y* seem to be growing,
tho at present they are rather the subject of private conversation than
of publick talk.
300 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles As to my self I am at this time under a bad cold, and cough much
Weston with it ; otherwise I am better of my old complaint, and ascribe a great
Uni>erjood, deal to the morning pipe.
I have had an audience of the King, who was very gracious ; so
that I have gone through the Ceremony of refusing [the Archbishqp-
rick of Canterbury].
Original Letters from the Weston Papers. Vol. III.
1748-1759.
1748. March 28th. James Porter to Edward Weston. From Con-
stantinople Our Persian news is stagnated and our views
have been on Babylon which was a bone that the Porte had to pick /or
that province has been for some years past in propriety to the Pascha's.
Achmet the last Pascha who died about three months ago was
Sovereign, and despotick, govern'd of himself, and when he receiv'd the
ports commands, despis'd and threw them aside. One Solyman Cheaia
or his Second, assum'd the same power on his decease, and the people
joind with him so that they sent a check [Sheikh ?] or principal of the
Dervizes, as a deputy here to solicite his being confirm'd, the porte sent
away the Deputy without a hearing and appointed the most able and
determined man in this Government, Chur Achmet Pascha, who was
Vi sir on the conclusion of the last peace and since Pascha of Aleppo and
of Vaun to be Pascha of Babylon. The party of Solyman Cheaia
opposed him, which made us expect that the fate of that Province was
to be determined by arms, but Chur Achmet practis'd by several In-
struments, before his arrival, so efficaciously with the people, that he
has enter'd the town, and is in quiet possession, we may on these, and
many other singular and difficult events which has happen'd to this
Sultan during his reign justly say that he has the fortune of Cassar.
Adel Schaik by all accounts is fix'd on the Persian throne the horrors
and miseries of that Kingdom during Nadir Scach's [Shah's] reign have
been great and inexpressible, they want a long peace to recover, they
had plague war & famine at the same time, more especially just before
the massacre of the usurper. They send hither an Emissary with the
character of Envoy who is daily expected, it is thought this mission
will be followed by great Embassy's. We have neither memoirs nor
particulars worthy of notice relating to the King's reign, all we can
pick up is oral tradition from some and very few observing Turks, &
some imperfect and uncertain letters from franks establish'd in that
Kingdom slip on us.
As accounts may come to me of any weight or authority I shall
collect them and communicate them to you, and as my leisure increases,
if I can hope for any, I shall more seriously think of medals busts &
inscriptions of all which I hope to make you partake. I have already
wrote on the Coast of Syria and to iEgypt, we may perhaps find some-
thing in Greece but our Consuls there are Greeks and the very dreggs
of Ignorance.
I had some serious talk with a learned and very intelligent Turk con-
cerning the situation of the Grand Seignor's library, he gave me some
lights which as he is well known, and very circumspect in his in-
formation I am inclined to believe. He assures me that all the MSS
which were in possession of the Greek Emperors are yet in the Serraglio,
HISTORICAL MANUSCPwIPTS COMMISSION.
301
that the room is adjoyning the Harem or the Womens appartment that
it lies in absolute Confusion, and is never enter'd into, that the Con-
dition they are in is very bad, no turk krows what to make of them, and
it is impossible to admit a frank into that interior receptacle of the Ser-
raglio. I have devis'd every method possible to have some nearer
information, but in the desperate state of suspicion and Ignorance among
the Eunuchs and the body of this people the difficultys seem insuper-
able.
We have received advice by a letter I have of the 4th of
March from Babylon that Chur Achmet was drove out of that town by
the revolt of the Janizarys which was done by the intrigues of Kesterby
Pascha the Porte's Ambassador to the late Schaik Nadir, who waited
there, Chur Achmet sav'd himself with difficulty and the Janizarys
chose Kesterby for Pascha who is confirm'd by the Porte, and Chur
Achmet degraded from three tails to two.
1748. May 25th. From the same to the same. From Constanti-
nople I left my medals with a collection of Hungarian
numerals in a scrutore in my closet, secured in a bagg, but my brother
writes me he cannot find them, with Search surely they must be re-
covered, their greatest value is that of being a compleat series of the
Middle Age and there is a good one of the notoriously virtuous and
religious S* Helena
I am continuing my researches for something really valuable among
the Arabs, instead of which if they bring a MSS of Conic Sections, it is
a translation from Apollonius, if of any other branches a transcript by a
very bad comentator from some of the Greeks. So that I am afraid I
am looking for a knob on a bulrush
(P.S.) There are fresh letters arrived from Erzerum to the Mer-
chants of the Country which say that the new Shah of Persia maintains
his Government with the general approbation of the People, that the
several Pretenders are reduced or dispers'd, and that he has invited the
Merchants of Erzerum to come and Traffick in his Kingdom as before,
promising them the utmost security and Encouragement, and they are
preparing to sett Out. This is a great good piece of News for the
Trade of Aleppo which has been drooping for several years past.
1748. June 10th. Lord Kingsborough to the same. From Boyle.
A letter of Compliments from which the following may be extracted : —
Was I to give a loose to the Q-low of my Heart & the Sentiments with
which your Kindness has filled me, I believe this would appear more
like a letter wrote to a beloved Mistress than to a friend. But I assure
you infinitely more Sincere; and yet I have sometimes wrote when my
Heait dictated.
1748. June 26th. N.S. Sir Thomas Robinson to the same. From
Vienna I desire you to make my most humble compli-
ments to Lord Harrington. You will judge of my pleasure in seeing
his Lordships name among the Regents. He at least will know my style,
and turns, and hints, and meanings. You are near getting out of
one scrape ; take care you do not negociate yourselves into another. Do
not do with your iEquilibre as the King of Sardinia has done with his
Ponente. Out of too much care to keep it, he has lost it. But what is
this to the Secretary of Ireland ? why faith about as much, as I hope,
it will be to myself a few months hence. Mitte senescentem — Adieu,
dear sir, more than senescens, Ever and Ever yrs, T.R.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
302 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles 1748. Sept. 9th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Wallington..
^WeIton* .... The business of the diocese, and of the plantations (wfh
Underwood, last article is immense, and to be carryed on by foreign correspondence)
—' sits heavy upon me ; and I forsee great difficulties to arise with the late
Bp8 Executors, upon the perplexed affair of the London house. .
(P.S.) If I quit the Temple & hire a house it will be a further loss
to me.
1748. Sept. 13th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Melton.
About securing the reversion to the Deanery of S* Pauls. It con-
cludes : — I shall not be uneasy at any Disposal of Preferments, till I
see a junior put over my Head, wcb I own wou'd give me some
Emotion.
1748. Sept. 25th. The same to the same. From Buckden. . . .
The Archbishop of Canterbury has wrote to Mr Baron Clarke that it
has been settled by the Ministry that Bristol goes to London
1741. Oct. 1st. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Salisbury.— I
have determined at last not to tyre out the King's regard to me by
perpetual refusals of his kind offers — I write this post to accept [the see
of London.] ....
1748. Oct. 13th. From the same to the same. From Wallington. — -
As to the Deanery of the Chapel (worth 2001 per ann) it will not replace
the difference in the sees, and I write to the Duke that it may be con-
tinued to me as it was to the two last Bps of London, only Robinson I
think was removed when affairs changed — as to the Almonry I know
little what the practice has been — its value is a trifle — I have about 801
or (reconing my perquisites) about 1001 to dispose of; and have so
many pensioners depending on me for it, that I know not how to pro-
vide for them, unless I continue the pensions at my own expense. When
I see you we will consider this affair together — I will not willingly
stand in anybody's way, and least of all the Bp of S* Davids. . . .
(P.S.) . . . . I shall be glad to hear of a house, having no
thoughts of continuing at the Temple.
1749. Jan. 4th. John Porter to the same. From London. . . .
as to the Reduction of ye 4 p ct anns, tho' the Act of-Parliam* is passed,
I fear It will be of no Effect by the Contrary, or opposing Spirit of ye
people, Even ye Publick Compy8, ye only one ye East India Compy, had
a Baleot yesterday ye substance of which you see In ye Daily Papers, It
was Carry'd against ye question, this I think determines Pretty much
against ye Generall Scheme, as it would have fixed it, if ye question had
been Carry d, many of our Cits blame Mr. P[elha]m for comeing yester-
day to Pole [poll], it is now whisperd that this scheme will be droped,
& nothing new attempted this year for a Reduction
(P.S.) I voted yesterd^ for ye question, & have actually subscribed my
Am*, People Rekon me an ame Damne of ye minisy on no other Reason
than that I am for ye good of ye whole against myself, without seeking
fee or Reward. I recollect you mention01 to me sometime agoe that you
was Inclined to sell yr place In ye Gazette, there is a young fellow of
good family with whose Prother I am in great friendship that Desierd
me to Inquire if a place was to be Purchased, I can answr that ye
person is a perfect good Subject & of a good Caractr, he has been
brought up at Christ Church Oxford a little beyond his fortune which I
reckon about sufficient, to Purchase ye place. If you are inclined to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
303
Sell & that you mention ye Income & price, I am or' oppinion he will
bee a Purchaser, I shall not mention anything about it till I hear from
you.
1749. Aug. 12th. Dr Thomas Gooch, Bishop of Ely, to the same.
From Ely. The writer says that he had done his best, at the instance
of Mr Weston, to procure the remission of the punishment of some
Cambridge undergraduates.
l749a Aug. 2oth. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
. . . . I have received from Cairo the Egyptian figures one of
which in their Way I do not think bad, there is a mother with her son
and a sister with her brother, the latter tolerable good, hyeroglyphycks
on the pedestals, where [can one] find any one vers'd in that kind of
learning ? It gives me great pleasure to hear Sir Thomas Robinson is
happy I wish his revenue extended, his Lady is as worthy a woman as
lives I suppose he finds his account in buying the house,
houses in England are bad Estates, abroad exceeding good. . . .
1749. Oct. 3rd. John Porter to the same. From London. — I am very
much to seek what to answer you In regard to your 4 p.ct anns, as their
is not yet any plan talkd off, for ye Reduction the 3 p ct.
are at 101 J including what Interest is due on them, & the anns 1747
are at 107, that is 105, deducting ye 2 p ct. Due the 29th of Last month.
. . . . 1 am told by people that pretend to understand matters that
all publick affairs In Ireland will go on Smooth and to wishes, it gives
me Great Pleasure, In regard to ye Great & Worthy Lord Lieu* & you,
as sometimes mankind are apt to Ride Rusty
1749. Oct. 2 ith. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
. . . . If I remember right I advised you of Solyman Pascha of
Bassora having rebell'd and attackd Babylon with a considerable force,
he form'd the blockade and starv'd the town the citizens all for him and
the Janizarys Dispos'd, only as they were paid, however not to per-
petuate this rebellion the Grand Seignor has reinstated Solyman Pascha
as to all his honours, and Confer'd on him the Paschalyck of the Pro-
vince and town of Babylon His second Imrehor or Master of the horse
is set out with the Caftan and other marks of honour. Thus a rebellion
is no sooner comenc'd than finish'd. Shawrooke Schach is peaceable
possessor of the Throne of Persia, Ibrahim Mirza Khann is either fled
or destroy'd no other competitor appears in that Kingdom, the Schach
was expected at Tauris by the last advices from thence
The Porte considers the Algerines &ca as independent republicks, and
assume little as to their affairs, the utmost interest they would take in
them, would be as common friends, except against the Spaniards, who
are the ports declar'd enemys. In any other case they would wish as
good Musselmen to prevent their destruction, but would not engage in
a War for them. Nay in complaints made formerly here by the Ger-
mans, and daily the Venetians and Neopolitans, they have told and do
tell these ministers to curb them with a superior force. They have
sent from Algiers & Tripoly this year the usual present or tribute of
100 Slaves, and of a Lyon and Tyger, the Grand Seignor has in return
given them some Canon and amunition, and permitted them to buy
more
I had here for about a month an Irish young Nobleman, Lord Charle-
mont the worthiest youth I ever knew, as full of good sense as of virtue,
abounding with amiable qualitys, he has since been recorriended to me
by my brother in the name of Dr Delancy and several others. If I
Charles
Fleetwood
Westow
underwood,
Esq.
304 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ohasles could have kept him consistent with his plan and his friends intention I
Weston should really never have parted with him. He was at Alexandria well
UkdIsq.00D' 8oin£ for Cairo on the 26th o£ August-
1749. Nov. 7th. Henry Pelham to Lord Harrington. From Lon-
don.— I had the honour of your Lordships letter of the 21st of Octr,
yesterday morning upon my return to London, and immediately laid it
before his Majesty, who was exceedingly rejoiced, to find the condition
of the Revenue in Ireland so good ; that, after paying the whole Charge
of the Establishment both Civil & Military, and all other Expences
during the last two years, there was still a Ballance in the Exchequer,
which together with the growing produce of the Revenue, for the two
ensuing years, would not only be sufficient to carry on the current
Expences, but also that a Considerable part of the said ballance might
be applyed, towards the discharge of part of the publick Debt
1749. Nov. 7th. The same to the same. Private I
should have obey'd your commands as to Sr John Cope, but it was over
before I receiv'd your Lordships letter. I can assure your Lordship
with truth that everybody here speaks of your conduct in Ireland with
the same approbation that your best friends do, and the condition that
your publick revenue is in, must be a great consolation to you, as I, by
experience know, that when you have that weapon to fight with
advantageously, other squibs vanish in air.
1750. Jan. 6th. Charles Delafaye to Edward Weston. From Wich-
bury.
1750. Jan. 26th. The same to the same. From Wichbury.
1750. Feb. 12th. The same to the same. From Bath.
The above are three long letters complaining of the dilatoriness and
mismanagement of the writer's lawyer in prosecuting his suit for the
recovery of the patent office of Ulnager in Dublin.
1750, Feb. 6th. Sir Thomas Robinson to the same. From London. —
I promised to inform you of what might happen in the house about the
treaty of Aix. Yesterday Lord Egmont attacked the 17th article con-
cerning Dunkirk The debate lasted above six hours, and
was managed with the full force of each side. He was told that the
right of demanding the entire demolition of Dunkirk was preserved by
the Specific renewal of the treaties of 1713 & of 1717 in the third
article, to which and to which alone the words anciens traites were
relative, but whether the insisting upon the literal sense of those treaties
at this time and in our present circumstances was expedient or not was
left to the house, and was carried in the negative by a majority of 120.
Mr. Dodington was moderate. He desired to be informed whether
innovations had been made during th War, and as to those innovations,
if any, he thought we might insist upon their being rectifyed, tho' it
might not be so adviseable to insist upon the most literal and most
minute execution of our treaties. I had the honour to answer him, by
way of informing him what I knew of the late and present state of the
place which consisted of no more, as I apprehended, than of erecting
of batteries towards the Sea, which I supposed were by this time
levelled. The intention of the opposition was to work up the house
into a flame upon this Subject as was done in the time of Sr Wm
Windham & Mr Pulteney, and indeed one would think that for the
bare sake of distressing the ministry they would not care if they
involved us in a new war.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
305
We were threatened with the coming of the great day of judgement
sooner or later upon the whole infamous inglorious and scandalous
treaty of Aix la Chapel] e, but it is thought that this will be the last
attack of this kind this Sessions.
. . . . I have been venturing the experiment of inoculation upon
my whole little flock at once. My two boys and three of the Girls took
it and are now as well as ever they were in their lives. It did not take
place with the eldest daughter upon the first tryal, but she has been re-
inoculated, and there are already all the favourable symptoms one can
desire of its having its effect. . . .
1750. July 23rd. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Aberg wily. . .
, . I want to receive your report from Lincolnshire after you have had
a little longer experience of it. If you give a good one, however out
of my road to S* David's, I shall hope some time to find you there.
Let me hear how poor Lord Harrington goes on, whose case I have
often recollected with a sincere concern
1750. Sept. 1st. Charles Delafaye to the same. From Wichbury.
1751. Feb. 11th. The same to the same. From Bath.
These two letters relate to the writers lawsuit.
Charles
Fleet wool*
Weston
Underwood,
1751. May 4th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Downing
Street The bill for the regency is to be brought into our
house on Tuesday ; many alterations have been supposed to be made in
it, since the first digestion ; but what I know not ; I fear these delays
will give time for parties to be formed not very advantageous to it, no
removes have yet taken place, but, I think must by the end of the
session, which, by the by, is not talked of, till the middle of next month
at soonest
1751. May 18th. Bishop Thomas to the same. — I suppose you have
heard that the Speaker of the House of Commons has opposed the
Eegency Bill with great vehemence ? perhaps because he was not one of
the Ten, but notwithstanding the Opposition It is said will be carried
by a great Majority. As this comes to you safely and not by Post, I
may venture to write Politicks with the greater Freedom. There are
many who are displeased that the Princess Dowager of Wales is not
invested with the whole Power during the Minority of her Son, as a
Council of Regency will be for the Time introducing a new form of
Government, and People think that if the Contrivers of this Scheme
were not pretty sure of being Members of that Council, they would
have acquiesced in the common sense of the Nation, that the Princess
might have been trusted with that Power using only the assistance of
the Privy Council. But the Scheme is so approved of in the Closet,
and the Ten appointed are so powerfuil as to meet with little opposition,
but One Thing both Houses are unanimous in, namely in their Wishes
and Prayers, that the King may live to render all their Pains and pro-
visions useless. It is impossible to imagine a Greater Dissentiou than
there is between the two Secretaries, one is indisposed of the Rheu-
matism, does not appear, is not consulted in any Measure, and as I hear
woud have opposed the Bill if he had been in the House, which woud
have compleated his Disgrace, but he is saved by staying at Home.
And I am assured, as he will not resign, that there is not Power in
the other to get him removed. In that Point he has ever sett him at
Defiance. I have had this from the Admiralty and Arlington Street,
E 84067. T7
306 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles and it is now generally believed that Aid will be called in, and then m y
^Westoj?1* friend will preside in the Privy Council, he says, he has no assurances
Underwood, 0f it, but all the World sees it by his being caressed by the Ministers,
-f^" and speaking so strongly as he did in favour of the Bill with regard to
the prolonging of the Parliament for Three Years, which he said was
the only Thing that could give Stability to their Proceedings, and that
unless they did that, they did Nothing. I think he has now the only
opportunity he can expect for getting in again, having the Favour of
One Secretary and no opposition from the Other, who woud not be
Sorry at present to see him in Port, and I should think that if he was
in, it would not be his policy to help to remove the Other, as it would
be to his advantage to have them both court him
1751. May 21st. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Downing Street.
. . . . I have sent, you the heads of the Bill as far as I can
recollect them. In our house it met with a trifling opposition, the
Minority being but twelve upon the two questions of the Council, and
the continuation of Parliament. In the other house twas more consi-
derable, not by their numbers, the Minority never exceeding Ninety ;
but by the Speaker's flaming out against the Bill in a long, and as, tis
said, a good Speech ; and by Mr F xs doing all he could to shew
his dislike of it, while he gave his vote for it ; the latter of these was
of the most consequence & shews, that Factions are forming. To-
morrow the King comes to pass it. Tis not expected we shall be up
till midsummer, then possibly something material will be done ; if not,
twill be a troublesome intriguing summer. Lord Gr[ranvi]lle is thought
to stand fairer than ever for President, a Post grown more consequential
by being now one of the Council to the Regent
(P.S.) The Duchess of Montagu is said to have left her daughter
Cardigan about £200,000.
1751. June 5th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden.
Promising to visit Mr. Weston at Somerby in August. . . . Sister
Patrick is gone to Bury
1751. Aug. 3rd. Andrew Stone to the same. From Whitehall.
1751. Aug. 29th. Lord G-eorge Sackville to the same. From
Whitehall.
1751. Sept 14th. Bishop Sherlock to the same. From Fullham.
The last three letters refer to a petition that Mr Weston had presented,
to the King, but they do not explain its contents.
1751. Dec. 12. Dr Thomas Seeker, Bishop of Oxford, to the same.
From London. Asking Mr Weston to make some enquiries for him
about the Revd Roger Gillingham.
1751. Dec. 24th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Downing
Street The high prices you may have observed on lotter y
tickets during the course of its drawing, will give you some Idea of the
general spirit of Gaming, arising from what Dr Young calls, the
luxurious poverty of the age. His Majesty has no sooner recover' d
one of his family from death, than he is struck with the unexpecte A
loss of another ; whose case is the more affecting, as it resembles th at
of the Q[uee]n, and as it gave her time to write a very moving letter to-
her sisters & him before death ; I hear, he bears it however with a
proper patience. Parliament matters have been very quiet ; the houses-
/
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
307
Esq.
scarcely attended, & the Commons as disengaged, as the Lords. I saw Chtaeles
Lord Harrington the other day, who looks most sadly, but was then in ^wSZi0^
better health than he had been ; he has given his summer-house up to Underwood,
the Princess, which is taken extremely well.
1752. Jan? 30th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From London. . . .
The Dead Calm in Parliament has been a little interrupted by Debates
in both Houses in Relation to the Saxon Treaty. Mr Horace Wal-
pole censured that Measure in a long Speech but did not vote against
it. The [Duke] of Bedford on Tuesday made a Motion in our House
to have it Censured, and was answered by the Duke of Newcastle.
Then Lord Sandwich spoke in Vindication of the Measure, but in other
Respects joyned with his Friend the Duke of Bedford in disaproving of
the Conduct of the Ministry in being profuse where (Economy was
necessary, and over frugal where they should be liberal, and spoke
against employing such exorbitant Sums in the Affair of ISTova Scotia,
and was answered by Lord Halifax. The Duke of Bedford replied,
and upon the whole spoke with so much Dignity, and Force as shews
he will be no contemptible Opponent ; and it looks as if an Opposition
was forming against the next Session, but the Duke was here Sole in
the opposition without a single Second. Lord Granville concluded the
Debate wch lasted about four Hours with so much Life and Spirit as
entertained the House, and the Question being put whether the Duke's
Motion for censuring the Treaty be read a Second Time it passed in
the Negative without a Division. The House was filled with Foreign
Ministers and Strangers, who heard their Masters treated with Respect,
but at the same time with great Freedom. . . .
1752. Feb. 6th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Downing Street.
. . . . Tis said the King will set out in Easter Week, & the par-
liament be up the week before. There are two poor's bills in the
house of Commons, one from Sir R. Floyd, & the other from Ld Hils-
borongh, which the house will go thro with, & leave to be consider'd
for another Session ; there is also another bill to put down the houses
of diversion, & another for the alteration of the punishment of Felons;
but what will be their end I cannot say. The evill is so great, that
people seem generally to be agreed, that something must be done, & yet,
I fear, nothing w7ill be done to cut up the root of it.
1752. May 23rd. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
There is a town in Thessalia on the confines of Epirus called
Jannina, inhabited by a set of rich Greek Merchants, these have made
a law, divided themselves into three classes 1st 2d & 3d order, the 1st
give but 1000 dollars in marriage to a daughter about 150/. the 2d
750 the 3d 500. The reason of that Law is that those of the 2d
order exhausted All their substance alienated it from the rest of their
family to marry them in the first order, and that same vein ran from the
3d to 2d. By this regulation, it is prevented and their daughters go
off with 1000 as well as with 100 free, but this is not the case in
Christendom, weigh & pay, so that we must conform to custom.
1752. June 18th. Lieut. John Waite to the same. From Fort Lawrence,
Nova Scotia. ..... I am now very easy in my situation, I have learnt
more by this trip here, than I should have done in all my Life Time in
England. I must say that it has been the best school that ever cod be
for Young Gentn. I never thought it possible to go thro' the Hardships
and Fatgiues that We have done since We came here, but that I hope is
u 2
308 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles now all over and that Dame Fortune will begin to smile upon us
* WeSo?1* If I had a Company I shod not Care where they sent me to. But as a
Underwood, Lieut I am as Well here as any Place else I was in great Hopes
- — ! of a step or two by our Expedition here either by Death cr Actions
We are at present Comanded by a Lieut who was a Serg* in the
Guards, & learnt the Duke his Exercise The Men now begin to
think that we shall not be relieved at all, & being besides almost Eat
alive with the innumerable Quantity of Musquitoes, it drives them into
despair, and away they desert to the French Fort, wch is not above Two
Miles from us, & Commands us. We have let them build a Very large
Strong Fort, in which at this Time they say they have forty pieces of
Canon, & two thirteen Inch Mortars, any day they please they may
drive us out of this Fort, its only pitching two or three of their Bombs
amongst us and it will be impossible to stay in our Wooden Houses.
1752. Oct. 2nd. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
.... You will have heard by the publick Papers that after near six
years complete Tjranny, four to its height, the Grand Seignor has rid
his country of the Tyrant. The people groand so grievously under the
load, that the only resource was burning the whole town of Constanti-
nople, reducing it to a Capital of ashes, from the 5th of June to the
13th we were not scarce one day free. Change of Vizir Janizary Aga
did not help, it was his Chief of the Black Eunuchs, his slave a young
fellowT of 29, and an Arminian who governed with unheard of Despotism,
they wanted a sacrifice. They were all three put to death, with three
others, and thus publick tranquility has been restor'd, but indeed not
without apprehensions of a greater change a deposition of the
P[rince] himself, tho' his prudence has gotten the better of it, and he
seems firm and stable. These blockheads without knowledge or
common sense would reduce lawr and religion to mere power, and because
an honest j udge would not give sentence against his conscience, they
destroyd him and a poor innocent girl his daughter, in their beds, the
Prince was the executioner of the judgment of heaven, and made them
victims to their own cruelty. They had amassed in their own coffers
at least 8 or 9 millions sterls to which the Grand Seignor is heir
1752. Oct. 16th. Lieut John Waite to the same. From Halifax,
Nova Scotia. — Since my writing to you last we have been relieved from
Chignectou, by Col1 Moncton, who is our Lieut Col1, in the Room of
Col1 Guy Dickens. . . . The poor Germans who came out here are
dying in the streets daily, there were 500 came over the other day, one
hundred of wch are deserted to the French, and desert daily, and its
believed they will most of them go, as they are Catholicks. They have
sent over a vast number of them, very old, Old women of 80 years old
amongst them & very little children, what can those poor Miserable
Creatures do, they can't WTork, and without Work they must starve
1752. Dec. 28th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden. A
detailed account of the reason of the resignation of the Governor &
Preceptor of the Prince of Wales which agrees with the account given
in Doddington's Diary.
1753. Nov. 24th. Bishop Thomas to the same.
1753. Dec. 3rd. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Hanover Square.
Two letters of compliments about a MS on the Restoration of the Jews
to Palestine that Mr Weston was proposing to print.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
309
1753. Dec. 16th. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
.... My scheme did not take effect. The apprehension I was under
that in gratifying self the publick might suffer prevented me, I had not a
proper substitute. I am now exclusive of 5 weeks in 1742, near 15 I
may add 17 years from home. I shall wait my fate content if I can beat
my retreat honourably, and as easy as any man living about my future
fortunes ... . As to my return I fixed my self no particular time but
such as I originally intended, if I reached it, to beat a retreat after
Seven years five paid and two as a work of supererogation. I have
nearly accomplish'd it, and have fully explained myself to my friends.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1754. March 453rd. Sir Robert Wilmot to the same. From S* James's
Street. — I am extremely obliged to you for your Diaspora Lord
George is returned. The Saving of Public Credit in Ireland, an account
of which you see in the Common News Papers, has restored to the Duke
of Dorset no small share of his former Popularity. The Regency of that
Kingdom is not yet settled
1754. Aug* 1st. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
Proper representation I how difficult to find anywhere, What
knowledge of the Constitution of our own country? of others? what
acuteness of judgment and discernment? what true self denial and
fortitude ? is not necessary to fill that office with honesty and virtue. . .
. . . The accounts of Prince Heraclius you send in Gazettes are all
false, thrown in or rather composed at Berlin. The poor man lay up
with his old father at Tefiiis glad to preserve himself. It was thought
by such little tricks to stirr up His Courts jealousy against that of
Russia whose interest was represented as connected with the Georgian
Princes
1755. Jan? 21st. Rev. William Cooke, Fellow of Eton, to the same.
From Eton. A letter of thanks and compliments for Mr. Weston's present
of his Aiaa-nopa,.
1755. Feb? 16th. Bishop Trevor to the same. From Hanover Square.
. . . Our news both from the East and West Indies have of late been
favourable. As to your Northern Hero, I fear, he must perform as great
wonders this year, as the last, to be able to keep his head above water . .
1755. March 19th. Rev. D? Stebbing to the same,
letter written on receipt of Mr Westons book.
A complimentary
1755. April 15th. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
. . . I would endeavour to satisfy you concerning the Persian
affairs, could I do it with an appearance of truth, a Swede who with his
brother was in the service of one of the contending Khans gave us a
relation here two years ago, and but just liv'd to pen it, he died a few
days after, emacerated by the journey & the hardships he underwent,
it principally mentions the governing men of that time. I have only
some advice from a person about Dazad Khan dated in Decr last
which informs me that Dazad Khan is master of the greater part
of the Kingdom, that he was then marching from Sina or Sineme,
from whence the letter is dated, to dislodge one Mou hammed Khan
who had taken possession of the Castle of Kirman Schack. Hence it
seems that whole country is in the same confus'd state that it has been
for some Years. Sina is near Hamadan. . . . We have had here
310 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION
Charles a vast change the loss of good Sultan Mahmud, he died as quietly and
Weston inoffensively as he had liv'd. His brother has journed from a prison to
i>derwood, a Throne at 58 or more ; he seems a good man, but more of the Monk
— . about him than the Prince, he seems however to dilate himself and fall
into some amusements, he has made one of the ablest men in the
Empire his Vizir Aly Pascba Echim Agla who is now for the third
time in that great post, with more power than any other has enjoy'd
for these 25 years past, for Sultan Mahmud was his own Vizir, and left
the whole government in such a situation, that we have [never] seen an
example in history of the accession of a Sultan, with so much quiet &
tranquility as that of Sultan Osman. A few days ago he went into the
Vizirs Divan of Justice appear'd there as a Supplicant, was too soon
known, and threw them all in such surprise that he stept their motions
for some time, he is curious to see everything, coming out into a new
world, what we can say with truth is that now four months he reigns,
there has not been a drop of blood shed, which is a good omen. Every
circumstance from hence looks like peace
1755. July 22nd. Dr. Benjamin Kennicott to the same. From
Exeter College Oxford. A letter of compliments with answers to some
Biblical questions.
1755. Sept. 13th. Sir John Cope to the same. From Bath. De-
scribing the finding of Roman Baths and hot springs under the ruins of
the old Abbey in Bath.
1755. Sept. 30th. Guy Johnston (Midshipman) to the same. From
" The Prince" at Spithead. Describing a cruise and asking for
advice.
1755. Octr 6th. Revd William Cooke, Fellow of Eton, to the same.
From Denham. In reference to the living of Burn ham.
1755. Octr 30th. Sir Thomas Robinson to the same. From White-
hall.— I am to acquaint you according to your desire, with the result of
what has passed with regard to my office. Mr Fox is, I hear, inclined
to make no other alteration than that of placing his nephew Mr Digby
in the room of Mr Rivers, who is to be made easy some other way in
the office, and Mr Amyand is desired to continue on the same footing
as in my time ; you may depend upon my taking care of Mr Fox.
1756. Feb? 7th. Sir Robert Wilmot to the same. From St James's
Street. With compliments and thanks for " The Country Gentleman's
Advice to his Neighbours."
P.S. All the News I can learn for certain is that His Most Christian
Majesty is angry.
1756. Feby 7th. Dr Samuel Nicolls to the same. From the Temple.
Thanking Mr Weston, on the part of Bishop Sherlock and his family,
for his acceptable present.
1756. Feb? 7th. James Cope to the same. From St James's Place.
I think the more general opinion is that an Invasion
from France will be attempted I hear that the Hessians
and Dutch Auxiliarys are sent for, tho' having Hanoverian Troops to
help us to defend ourselves is now become the more popular cry, as
troops we might depend upon when they should come. That was Lord
Ravensworth's Motion in the House of Lords ; the D. of N. prevented
hy putting the previous question On the other hand,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
311
\ve have our Sanguine Reasoners (among wch Ld Feversham stands pretty
foremost) that no Invasion will be attempted, that France only hangs
this Threat over us, to procure better terms, and by drawing our more
general Attentions to this Object, oblige us to keep our Fleeto at home, and
give them an Opportunity of pushing their Point in America ....
I will finish, a propos de rien, with a plaisanterie, I was told yesterday
of the present Pope ; in the late War in Italy, upon some success the
Empress-Queen's Troops had, the Spanish Embassr told his Holiness,
that it was not true but that the Empress-Queen being with Child, her
Ministers gave out such Eeports to amuse her ; " Why then," said the
Pope, " my Ministers think that I am with child too, for they send me
the same accounts."
1756. Feb? 21st. Bishop Thomas to the same. From London. . . .
I have as you desired me asked Lord Granville's Opinion of your Per-
formance, and it gave more Satisfaction on his own Account than yours
to hear hoAV much he approved of it, for I am glad to^ find the Nobility
serious upon Subjects of this Nature
1756. FebJ 23rd. Lord Feversham to the same. From London. . .
Mr Pitt makes no way with his small family, he is not well
and is returning to Bath with Lady Hester. Madame Pompadour has
•ordered an Apartment to be built for her at ye Capucines nere Paris
after ye example of Madame La Valliere. The Ministers wish she
would put off that consideration a little longer, and hope with Mrs
Quickly it is not come to that yet
1756. March 2nd. Dr. Clayton, Bishop of Clogher, to the same.
From Dublin. With compliments and thanks for Mr Weston's book.
1756. May 1st. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
So much French is talked here that hitherto my wife's
progress in the English language is but little I have felt
something of [the Earthquake of] Lisbon here. I hear the evil has not
been so great as the first consternation represented it
1756. May 11th. Eevd William Trevor to the same. From Barrow.
Asking Mr Weston to make a payment for him at the First Fruits
Office.
1756. June 2nd. James Porter to the same. From Constan-
tinople. Acknowledging news of the death of his brother Alderman
Porter.
(P.S.) I have made my old friend Sir \Toshua Van Werk who
married my cousin and Mr Amyand my attorney [s].
1756. Sepr 28th. The same to the same. From Vienna
I must now beg leave to know whether I shall receive recredentials for this
Court not that I shall wait for them if I am ready before they arrive,
'but Lreckon it impossible for me to depart from hence in less than a
month, as I must acquaint Mr Aspinwall to prepare all things at the
Porte for my reception on the frontier, and as I have vast Equipage to
gett ready to appear with becoming dignity amongst the orientals ; you
may depend that I shall not neglect one moment. This Court is some-
time ago informed of it but I have not notify'd it to them in form [and
shall not do so] untill I receive my instructions. I shall like S* Paul
shake the dust off my shoes & bid them adieu.
My only pain will be quitting Sir Thomas & Lady Robinson. I
leave the honestest man the most Zealous and able Minister, in his
(-'ir.UtLES
Fleetwood
Weston
Unperntocd,
312 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION-
Chablbs Majesty's service, full of true honour and true friendship, if I regret
F Westoi?0 leaving him it is only in the hope I shall hear of his being in a proper
Uwdbbwood, time at quiet rewarded for his labours. His family increases and his
— . oeconomy in this extravagant Country cannot mend. I have been a
dilligent evidence of that able man's service.
1757. Feb? 26th. Edward Owen to the same. From Warwick Lane.
— As the AlFair of Admiral Byng has made so great a Noise throughout
the Kingdom, it may not be disagreeable to you to hear what passed
yesterday in the House of Commons relating thereto. About 2 o'clock
Commodore Keppel desired Leave to acquaint the House of the great
Uneasiness he [was] labouring under on Account of his being one of
the Court Martial that found him Guilty ; and after a long Speech in
Favour of the Admiral, he desired Leave to read a Letter he had re-
served from the President Admiral Smith, in which the Admiral declares
he has not had one Moments Peace in his Mind Since the Pronouncing
the Sentence, and that he is So Uneasy that he Scarce knows what he
does, for tho' by the Letter of the Law, he was obliged to find him
Guilty, yet in his Conscience he does not think he deserved to Suffer
Death ; and that, if he was Shot, he should always think in his Con-
science his Death in a great Measure lay at his Door. The reading of
this Letter was followed by a very moving Speech from Mr Fazakerley,
which were Seconded by Lord George Sackville, Mr Pitt, Sir George
Lee, and eight others of the most noted Speakers in the House ; after
which Dr Lee moved the House, that an humble Address be presented
to the King, to pray him to Suspend the Execution till they had ex-
amined into the Affair. But this was objected to as being Unconstitu-
tional, and as it might be looked on as a Breach of the Prerogative ; and
at 6 at Night it was agreed, that Commodore Keppel should go round
to Such of the Court Martial who were in Town, to know if they could,
consistently with the Oath they had taken, lay before the King their
private Keasons for recommending the Admiral to Mercy, and to
acquaint the House with their Answer to Day ; and if they think they
cannot in their Consciences do it, an Act is to pass immediately to
enable them to do it. In the mean Time a Cabinet was Summoned to
meet at the Duke of Devonshire's this morning, to consider of the Affair.
So that most People now think he will not be Shot.
There was a very full House Yesterday, between 4 and 500 Members,
and all in Favour of the Admiral, except one, who moved for the Order
of the Day's being read, in order to get rid of Byng's Affair, but he was
so hunted and roasted by the House, that he was glad to withdraw his
motion.
P.S. — Part of the Oath taken by the Court Martial is, that they shall
not now, or at any Time hereafter, upon any Account whatsoever, dis-
close or discover any Thing relating thereto, unless required by Act of
Parliament.
1757. March 5th. The same to the same. From Warwick Lane.
The affair of Byng is looked upon in the City as a Tryal of
the Strength of the Old and New Ministry, in which the latter have
greatly lost themselves, and exposed their Weakness. Old Velters
Cornwall Said in the House of Commons, that, probably, that was the
last Speech he should make in that House, for that he found himself
breaking apace, but yet he thought he should hold out as long as the
New Ministry ; and looking Mr Pitt full in the Face, Said that Mr
Byng had been the Means of Throwing out the Old Ministry, and
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
313
certain he was, that Mr. Byng would Shortly be the Means of turning
out the New Ministry.
Admiral Smith who wrote a Letter full of Remorse of Conscience to
Capt. Keppell, Seemed to be terrified before the Lords, and had nothing
to say ; and even Keppell himself was so alarmed that he Seemed to
stand Motionless for a minute or two before he could Speak. They call
him in the City Mr Pitt's Poppet.
Thus the whole City, that last Week were certain Byng would not
be Shot, now unanimously agree that he is to Suffer, as we understand
it, next Monday Seven Night.
P.S. — All the Court Martial seemed terrified at their being examined
before the Lords, except old Admiral Holbourn, who curst and Swore
at the Bar of that House, because Byng was not Shot out of the Way,
without giving him the Trouble of coming from Portsmouth.
1757. April 9th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From London. — You
have heard of the £sew Change. Pit is out, but who comes into his
Room is not yet known, nothing is hitherto settled but the Admiralty
Board with Lord Winchelsea at the Head, which gives a general satis-
faction as he behaved well before in that Station. Lord G[ranvi]lle
will remain as he is, but seems to direct the Alterations as several of
his Friends are likely to be in. He is so taken up that I have not seen
him but for a few Minutes since I received your Letter of 1 1 March,
and indeed I have paid no Visits during the Contest about Ecclesiastical
promotions, wherein Gilbert has succeeded beyond all Expectation, for
as I was no Candidate T need not be suspected of being one. Lord
G[ranvi]lle has carried his favourite Point of getting Dr Taylor my
Chancellor to be Residentiary of S* Pauls as soon as Terrick's removed
to Peterborough, and if the New Ministry yet unformed, should subsist,
his Lordship will have great power without becoming Responsible.
But surely we are in a Sad Situation with a War and without an
Administration. It is said that the French are in full March towards
Hanover. The Duke sets out to day or as soon as possible to command
the Electoral Troops ....
1757. July 9th. Revd Stephen Sleech, Provost of Eton, to the same.
From Eton College.- — I gott to Eton on Saturday last and found this
town as well as Windsor in an Uproar. Mr Bowles had declared him-
self a Candidate against Mr Fox the day before and the Election to
come on Tuesday .... Mr Fox carried his Election by 51 Majority
& I cannot but rejoice at his Success tho' it cost him dear .... It is
reputed the K should say on ye settling ye Ministry. He had three
Persons he would imploy. Ld Anson, Mr Fox, Ld Barrington. They
might settle the others as they pleas'd. Truly little enough for one to
insist on, who ought to have the Naming of the whole ....
1757. July 25th. The same to the same. From Eton College. .
You hear poor Hanover is under Contribution. The Duke is too weak
to stop the French, and as some think, the King of Prussia too weak to
stop the Austrians .... I saw Admiral Knowles on Friday, he goes
second Admiral in the Expedition which is kept a secret. He takes my
Nephew Hilbert Harris with him. J found only by him, that it was an
Expedition he has not been consulted upon, & that if there should be
Success in it, it would be of no great consequence. The London Coffee
house Conjectures upon it are that it is to Corsica, that the Spaniards
are to join us in it, & give us Possession of it & they are to have
Gibraltar for their Trouble I dont find but the Coalition holds
very well, yet have heard that my Lord Granville shoud say, he believ'd
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
314 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Tleetwood ** woud not be possible for him to hold his Place. — The Lord Keeper
Weston owes his Promotion to Mr Pratt. Mr Pitt insisted that he shoud be
fslj0015' Attorney General. Pratt said he had been obliged to Mr Henly, & he
— would not take his Place unless he was provided for. So he had the
Seals .... [The Windsor Election] cost Mr Fox 4000/. besides
more anxiety than he ever had in his life.
1757. Nov1' 3rd. Monsr Reiche to the same. From London. In
French. To say that the writer is forwarding their affair at Kensington.
1757. Novr 14th. F[rancis] Godolphin, Fellow of Eton, to the same.
From Baylies near Windsor.
1757. Novr 17th. Revd Stephen Sleech to the same. From Eton
College.
1757. Novr 20th. The same to the same. From Eton College.
1757. Novr 30th. Revd William Cooke, Fellow of Eton, to the same.
From Eton College.
1757. Dec1' 1st. Revd Thomas Ashton, Fellow of Eton, to the same.
From Bishopsgate.
1757. Dec1' 9th. F[rancis] Godolphin to the same. From Baylies.
The above six letters relate to the living of Burnham, in the Gift of
Eton College, for which Mr. Weston's son Charles was then a candidate.
1758. March 29th. S. Metcalfe to the same. From " the St. George
at Sea." Describing a naval engagement off Cape de Cat in which the
* Foudroyant ' was captured and the ' Oriflame ' driven ashore ....
Captain Gardiner cf ye Monmouth is unfortunately kill'd, & Captain
Stor of the Revenge wounded in both Legs ; the number of kill'd &
wounded on board the Revenge and Monmouth together is about 160
1758. May 17th. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
Advice to Mr Weston as to sending his son Edward to trade in
Turkey.
1759. Jany 5th. Revd Charles Weston to the same [his father].
From Christ Church Oxford.
1759. March 5th. Revd Stephen Sleech to the same. From Eton
College. With reference to the living of Burnham.
1759. March 16th. Revd William Cooke to the same. From Eton
College. His views about the Jews.
1759. April 14th. Charles Delafayc to the same. From Wichbury.
Thanking Mr Weston for his obliging present. He mentions that he is
in his 82nd year.
1759. May 19th. Richard Cox to the same. From Albermarle
Street. — Ever since you left us the melancholy Turn of our Metrapolis
has indulged itself with the apprehension of an Invasion. I believe
there is no foundation for it, but however all necessary Precautions are
taking to keep Us Safe and Quiet. A considerable Encampm* will be
formed in the Isle of Wight, and Transports to attend it, in order to carry
the Troops where the Service may require. The Militia is to guard our
Prisoners. The Cavalry will be quarter'd or encamp'd near London.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
315
The Guards not to move unless it is necessary. A very considerable
Fleet of 25 Sail of the Line and Frigates will rendezvous at Torbay.
Hawke saiPd yesterday for that destination.
Our Affairs in N : America wear a very excellent Aspect. A Mail
arriv'd yesterday from G[en.] Amherst. His Plan of Operations, and the
manner he proceeds in, gives our Ministers the highest Opinion of Him,
and themselves the greatest satisfaction. Matters amongst Them are a
little accomodated within these ten days, but cordiality cannot well
exist.
No Regiments yett disposed of.
Our Advices from Guardaloupe paint in very strong terms the inactivity
of Gen: Hopson whilst he was living; the command now succeeding
upon £[rigadier] G[eneral] Barrington, our hopes increase of something
effectual being done by this time.
Our German Affairs wear a dubious Aspect. It must be Prince Fer-
dinand's Head and not the Number of our Forces pour nous tirer
d'affaire this Campaign.
Nothing was ever so low as Public Credit. It falls hard upon les
Agents. We hope for a change ; but I fear it will not be soon.
1759. June 7th. The same to the same. From Albemarle Street.
. . . . . The Political world seem's quiet, •& Since Mr. P[itt] has
again appeared, after a long illness, Animosity subsides, in outward" ap-
pearance at least. We propose without apprehension for what the
French would gladly put in execution ; but I cannot conceive they
mean to attempt anything here. Our News from Germany is good for
nothing hitherto, and indeed I cannot think our Prospect is flattering
on that Continent En Revenche M : Gen1 Amherst gives Us the most
flattering hopes of success in N: America, & should he be fortunate, the
Peace, surely, cannot be far of. Whilst the War lasts Mr P[itt] will in
all human probability be au Timon des affaires, and bear the Burthen of
Day and it's consequences.
Sad behaviour in three Captains of Men of War in the East Indies.
Had they done their duty, everything must have been successfull there.
Lord Ligonier, I believe, at last, will have the Ordnance ; I hope to
confirm this to You next week. It opens a new Scene in my favour
which may produce a permanent Advantage. The Powers vested in a
Master General are first to be curtail'd, and then, I conclude, it will take
place.
Monsr de Broglio is recall'd for disobeying orders by standing his
ground at Bergen. Our Scheme was to dislodge them, and had Prince
Ferdinand succeeded in his Attempt, by his Plan it appears that, He
would have retarded their operations, at least, three months. He cer-
tainly suffers for doing well.
We hear much of late of the Militia, and those who were first the
Well wishers to It, now endeavour to promote it more earnestly. I am
afiraid the Scheme will not succeed ; however it goes on, and should
there be any alarm ; they will be plestin'd to guard our Prisoners, whilst
the Regulars form an order of Battle. It is said that Sr Edd Hawke
is recall'd. The motive I do not hear. On the whole, the Invasion is
held in Contempt, and I hope with reason. Should we be mistaken, the
Dutch Treaty will not be Forgott ....
1759. June 22nd. The same to the same. From Albermarle Street
This last week has produc'd some few things which I con-
•clude you will not be displeas'd to hear. Imprimis. Lord Ligonier
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
316
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
will have the Ordnance as soon as His Instructions & Patent are made
out. The Duke of Newcastle wish'd his Lords? joy of it yesterday
before Mr Pitt and Lady Yarmouth. This promises well for me, as I
am already nominated Secretary to the Master General, and hope soon
to succeed to the Agency of the Reg* of Artillery, which lasts for life,
and is very considerable.
I never knew less rejoicing for so important a Conquest as Guada*
loupe ; but whatever the Selfishness of some, and the Party feuds of
others may suggest, The object is great, either to keep or resign as may
seem best.
It is George Townshend Membr for the County of Norfolk, and not
Charles who has got a Regiment ; George is now with Col : Wolfe on
the Expedition to Quebec.
"We are making all the Preparations necessary to receive our
neighbours the French. The Dorsetshire and Wiltshire Militia march
immediately. The first to Winchester, the latter to Exeter. The
Devonshire and Norfolk Militia have their orders also to hold themselves
in readiness, and will soon be in motion. The Encampments for His
Majesty's regular Forces are at Chatham, Dartford, Sandheath in
Surrey, and the Dragoons cantoon in the parts adjacent. The Affair at
present looks serious. From the best intelligence we can gett they
certainly mean to attempt something ; but it appear'd to be attended
with so much risque to the French that I shall not believe them in
earnest till they sail.
Prince Ferdinands Army and Marsh1 Contade's Army are not two
miles from one another. A Battle is hourly expected, but I don't believe
it will happen. P. Ferdinand is at Buren in so strong a Camp that it
would be folly for the French to attack Him ; and was he to attempt an
action, the Defiles and many difficulties his army must undergo to pro-
duce it, makes the risque too great. Mars1 Broglio is with a detach'd
Corps pointing to Hannover; what this may oblige P : Ferdinand to do
is the question. I wish him well out of the scrape. We have however
most undoubted accounts which inform Us his Army is near 70,000
strong, and in excellent order.
Monsr d'Armentieres passes the Rhine and marches towards Minister.
Notwithstanding it appears as if the French would in time surround
them ; the Letters from the Army are wrote with good Spirits and
Confidence.
At home the circulation of Money moves very Slow : but whether from
the injudicious method taken to raise the supplies of this year, or from
the immerse Expences the Nation is now at, or from other Causes
which, put together, may have weight,
and more, I do not presume to say.
y* this Grievance prevails more
1759. July 10th. The same to the same. From Albemarle Street.
. * Upon the whole, our affairs look favourable. North
America certainly so. Germany is dubious : But Monsr de Coutades
does not yett care to engage Prince Ferdinand, and my own Opinion
from what I hear is, that He ye Prince will make no bad Campaign.
The World is strangely different in their Opinions concerning the
present Invasion which France is supposed to meditate against Us.
Some are convinc'd their Design is Here, whilst others laugh at the
Project as chimerical. Many assert their Force at home to be chiefly
consisting of Militia : so much has the present War drain'd them of
their Veteran Troops. By the Report Admiral Rodney makes since his
Return from Havre, Flat-bottom'd-Boats in that Harbour make no
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
317
Progress. There are but Six equip'd for Service, many only plank'd,
and upwards of 100 which cannot be ready these three months. He
threw 1900 Shels aDd some Carcasses during his stay there, set fire to
a Magazine ; but did no Injury to the Boats, and independent of the
Eeport or the intelligence he gives Us, it does not appear to me that
His Expedition has been of very great Utility. Indeed it may teach
them to return it Us in kind, and set fire to our little Towns on the
Coast, with little molestation.
We are very attentive to the Service by Land ; and tho' the Mititia
is held cheap, 1 confess I think there are some Battallions of them that
will acquit themselves with honour ; so much does a military Spirit
prevail in those which are now on active Service.
We were alarm'd the other night with the French Fleet being off
Deal. I was call'd up at one o'clock and staid with the Marshal till
four, when a Second Express inform'd Us the first was a false alarm.
We have now so good a Look out that, The French can hardly stir but
we must be prepar'd for them both by Sea and Land
Most certainly the Ministry believes their intentions are to land here,
and that they have the powers.
We are augmenting our Light Troops to 30 men each. The Guards
to 10 men more pr Company. There are three Battns of Scotch Militia
also to be rais'd.
Money is by no means current, and Credit at a very low Ebb. We
are eagerly expecting Events. God grant ! they may be favourable,
and that the Credit, which I suppose one of the Bulwarks of this
Kingdom, may soon be re-establish'd.
The Political World appear's quiet; and jealousy lies dormant.
Changes are expected by some and wish'd for by others. It always was
so I conclude, and no one knows this better than yourself ; but now all
are silent, waiting for critical Events.
1759. Septr 13th. The same to the same. From Albemarle Street. —
I thank you much for your last Letter, and congratulate You on our late
success from all Parts. Lord GT[eorge] S[ackville]'s crime is declining
to execute the orders Pr Ferdinand sent Him, alledging that they were
contradictory. The first Aid de Camp inform'd His LordP that the
whole right Wing of the Cavalry was to march and charge. The
second a few minutes after, brought Him word that the British Cavalry
only was to march, & charge. As This created a doubt in His Lordship,
he chose to receive the Order from the Prince Himself and went to His
Highness for that purpose. How far this was Military I leave you
to [judge : but certain it is that the opportunity was lost, and that the
Cavalry did not charge.
I presume you know the Punishment inflicted on Lord G[eorge].
The King has given away his Regiment to L* Gen1 Waldegrave, and
the L* Gen1 of the Ordnance is now Lord Granby.
So finishes the Career of a Man who was within ten minutes of being
the first Man in his Profession in this Kingdom, whenever it had pleas'd
God to take Lord Ligonier from this World.
All is quiet hitherto relative to Spain ; but I own I have my sus-
picions. I confess myself that either the War must finish this Campaign,
or Spain will have a share in a future one. As France is a losing
Gamester hitherto, perhaps She may try what Change of Climate may
do for Her, and assist Spain in her wishes to place her second Son on
the Throne of Naples. The King of Sardinia is on the Watch, and the
Queen of Hungary has her wishes also. A few weeks will inform us of
these Matters.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
318
HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaklks
.Fleetwood
Weston
TJnderv.o it),
Esq.
Lord Ligonier is perfectly recover'd and we are going a Tom- in a
day or two round the Coasts of Kent & Sussex, which I hope will be of
service to him.
Our affairs wear a most favourable Aspect in Germany. The Cam-
paign in all probability will finish there most wonderfully glorious.
We had yesterday a Promotion of Major Generals which has taken in
Col. Bradenel. L* Col. Oughton, a most worthy and valuable man, has
got a Regiment after many Disappointments. . .
I am inform' d there will not be the difficulty which was once appre-
hended in raising the Supplies for the next Year in which the War con-
tinues.
1759. Octr 11th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden.
. . . . I condole you on the Death of our Friend the late Bishop
of Worcester, who always expressed a great Regard for You. He had
many good Qualities, and the worst he had, that of Ambition which was
always active is now at Rest. The Duke of Newcastle soon provided a
Successor, as His Grace can use Dispatch, when he has a Mind to do it,
and be as dilatory as he pleases, when he is not in Great Haste. . .
. . . The Invasion is much talked of. I hope you will not [feel]
alarm in your Parts, as Mr Hewit says that Monsr Silouette has
formerly been sounding your Coasts. In that case, which I hope will
not happen as I would not have you Surprized I offer you my Castle for
Your Head Quarters. We are impatient to hear from North America.
Success then will in all probability secure us a Peace. Boscawens
Victory was very fortunate for us, and his meeting with Mons de la
Clue a signale Act of Providence, for that Fleet had been fifteen Days
from Toulon without our having the least Intelligence of it at Gibraltar,
where there was so little suspicion of it, that Boscawen was that After-
noon and Evening riding out into Spain when Intelligence was given
by a Frigate, that was accidentally surrounded by the French Fleet, and
fell astern undiscovered to give the Signal.
1759. Octr 20th. Richard Cox to the same. From Albemarle
Street I congratulate you on the joyfull news of
Quebec being taken, which does so much honour to His Majesty's Arms.
If we are but as successfull in Germany, at the close of this Campaign, I
suppose nothing in History will parallel the amazing rapidity and good
fortune which have attended Us,
I believe the Troops now at Quebec will not come home this Winter,
and it looks as if they were to remain there to the End of the War ;
and perhaps till the Government of N : America is put on another Estab-
lishing If we fight another Campaign it must be in Germany, and then
all our force will, in all probability, be pointed. We are now so much
us'd to the word Invasion that, notwithstanding Monsr Thurot is sail'd
wth five Frigates and two Cutters to the Northward, no one seem's
alarm'd about Him. The last we heard of Him was from Nieuport and
Ostend.
We daily expect something decisive will happen between Count
Daun & Prince Henry of Prussia ; but 1 can form no Opinion of the
King of Prussia and His Enemy the Russians.
The Guards being augmented to 90 men pr Comp : & anew Regiment
of Scotch under Cap* Morris, husband to the Dutchess of Gordon, being
now to be rais'd, add to this Militia Battns continually order'd to be em-
bodied, &c. makes me conclude a Peace is not so near as we in general
may either hope or believe. What our great Man meditates, God only
knows ; but I feel in myself a Confidence I think Him entitl'd to, for so
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
319
greatly daring and effecting a Plan which, few Ministers would ever have
ventur'd at, and which has no other Censure to be thrown upon it, than
the Expence wch attends it ; and that difficulty also, I think, will be
conquer'd, if able men undertake it. I am more disposed to think it is
owing to the deficiency of Head, than the real want of Money that This
has of late appear'd a grievance.
1759. Oct. 29tb. G. Black to the same. From Hampton Court.
. . . . I hope the reduction of Quebeck & probably of all Canada
before this time, which does so much honour to the bravery of our troops,
& the uncommon Spirit and Conduct of their Commanders, will at last
incline our enemies to a reasonable peace Yesterday I was told
by Ly H[olderne]sse that Mr D'Affry published everywhere in Holland
that orders were sent by his Court to Mi*. Connans on the 18 current to
put to Sea as soon as possible & and to engage the English fleet where-
ever he could find them. This I think was the very day that Ad1 Hawke
sailed from Plymouth, & I hope our whole Squadron will be collected
to give them a proper reception. I was told at the same time That
Thurot finding that he was too closely watched to pursue his enterprise
successfully, was got back into Dunkirk. I hear that the French Papers
seized after the battle of Minden open up many things of a very curious
& interesting nature, particularly with regard to the French Army, their
views according to the various events of War, and their German con-
nections & alliances. They have been transcribed for the K.., & he em-
ployed 36 hours the first three days in reading them. Mr Wood has
been busy in ranging & digesting them, but the labour is so great that
he finds it necessary to employ assistants. It is said that 7 or 8 more
letters are to be published in the Gazette, chiefly with a view to expose
their cruel plans in case of success, & to open the Eyes of some of the
German Princes who are treated with contempt, & merely as tools for
carrying on their designs without regard to treaties, or difference of
Religion. Many persons I find are of opinion that a treaty is on the
Anvil betwixt G. Britain & Russia, wch conjecture is strengthened by the
late moderation & inactivity of the R[ussian] Army. I write everything
I hear without reserve, tho' it is probable that what is true of my
intelligence will be sent you from better hands. The discovery of the
Longitude is brought so near to perfection, That I hope the Ingenious
Discoverers will be entitled to National rewards. Harrison has almost
finished 3 of his Watches, wch it is thought will give a more exact
measure of time at Sea than the best pendulums do now at Land. And
another Person has just at the same time discovered a Longitudinal
chair, in wch the 0[b]server can sit with a 2 foot reflecting Telescope to
observe Jupiter's Satellites at Sea, every clear night, without being
disturbed by the ships motion.
1759. Nov. 3rd. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
About Mr Weston's son Edward going to India or to trade in the Levant.
1759. Nov. 23rd. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden. . .
The Court was very gay and joyous, and the Parliament unanimous.
Mr Pitt expatiated on the unselfishness of the Militia as it would enable
him to land a fresh Body of our Troops next Spring into Germany. . .
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood >
Esq
320
HISTOKICAL MANUSCKIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Original Letters from the Weston Papers, Vol.
1760-1762.
IV.
1760. June 23rd. Dr E. Barnard to Edward Weston. From Eton
College. Complimentary.
1 760. Aug. 24th. Hon. Thomas Townshend, Teller of the Exchequer,
to the same. From Frognal. Asking the assistance of Mr Weston in com-
posing a Latin epitaph on his brother Roger who was buried at Chisle-
hurst.
1760. Oct. 25th. George Brown to the same. From Whitehall.
10 o'clock. — I think you once authorized me to send you an Express
upon any very Extraordinary Event, which the present melancholly
Occasion affords me an Opportunity of now doing, which is the sudden
Demise of the King. His Majesty plaid at Cards, eat a hearty Supper,
& went to bed in good health last Night, drank his Cholate this Morning,
& died between 7 & 8 o'clock.
1761. Jan. ^¥. Robert Keith to the same. From S* Petersburgh.
. . . . Things continue in a fair Way at Court, and the Emperor has
dispatched one of his Aides-de-Camp to Konigsberg to conduct his
Cousin Pce George of Holstein to this Place. Veldt Marechal Count
Peter Shouvalow dyed this Afternoon. — They say the French Minister
has got an Account of the King of Spain's having come to a Rupture
with his Majesty ; if this Intelligence is true, I hope his Catholic Majesty
will live to repent this Step.
1761. (Feb.) Cecil Jenkinson, afterwards Lord Liverpool, tc the
same. Dated " St. James's, 7 o'clock."
The Determinations of this days Council have been to accept the
last proposals of France, except in what relates to the passage of
Mr Stanley to Calais before the arrival of Mr Le Bussy here ; & the
Proposals in this respect have been that the Ministers of each Power
should cross the Sea in a Ship belonging to each Power respectively,
& that the one should be at Dover & the other at Calais on the same
day, that is on the 22nd of this month.
1761. March 26th. Lord Bute to the same,
patch to Mr Mitchell, our Minister at Berlin.
1761. March 27th. The same to the same,
patch to Prince Ferdinand.
1761. April 1st. The same to the same. Instructions for a despatch
to Mr Mitchell.
1761. April 9th. The same to the same. — I inclose the sketch of the
letter, with Mr Pitt's observations, that I desire you would follow
punctually, & preserve his letter; it will not be difficult for you, to
penetrate my meaning in this, when you consider, that this measure was
originally proposed by Him.
1761. April 9th. William Pitt to Lord Bute.— Mr Pitt presents his
compliments to Lord Bute and in obedience to his Lordship's Commands
submits an alteration in the Dr*, partly in point of form and partly not
to dwell more than necessary on vexations and sufferings in Hesse ; it
is as follows in the Parts Markt : et apres m'etre aussi fait rapporter les
considerations de mes ministres sur ce sujet, ce qui S'est uniquement
trouve possible dans le moment present c'est, par un effort de mon
Instructions for a des-
Instructions for a des-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 321
Amitie, de vous faire remettre, outre le secours deja accorde* par mon chari.es
parlement, la somme ulterieure de soixante mille Livre sterling, afin de FweSoS°D
vous mettre a meme, vu. la position actuelle du Pais de Hesse, de *tjxderytooi>.
recruter et completter ineessament Vos Troupes, pour qu'elles puissent RsQ-
entrer en campagne d'aussi bonne heure que le bien de la Cause Com-
mune l'exige indispensablement. Mr Pitt further submits that it might
be better if, throughout the Drfc, the sufferings of Hesse, though fully
admitted, were somewhat less amplifyed.
1761. April 21st. General Cornwallis to the same. — General Corn-
wallis presents his compliments to Mr Weston & begs the favor of
him to acquaint Lord Bute that my Lord Cornwallis having had the
misfortune to lose his second son Henry, whose patent was passed as
Gentleman porter of the Tower. Lord Cornwallis hopes Lord Bute
will obtain a fresh patent in the name of his son James for that office.
. . . The Constable of the Tower has always recommended to that
office.
1761. May 18th. Lord Bute to the same. — I find His Majesty in-
clines to permit the french Merchant to come over ; so that a letter must
be writ to Mr Delavall, commending him for demurring till He had
orders from Hence ; but at the same time signifying that His Majesty
will not suffer D'Affrys answer to Col. Vernon to affect this french
gentlemans Petition, and that he may have a Passeport accordingly. I
enclose a note from Mr Alt, & desire you would take the trouble of
appointing Him to morrow at the office about eleven.
1761. June 11th. From the same to the same. — Thursday night past
ten. I forgot to mention this Morning the letter that must be prepar'd
for the Kings signing to morrow, to the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick,
it should be short consisting in thanks, the high esteem the King holds
Him in, & the great relyance H.M. has on His Superior Courage and
Military Talents ; that join'd to the Bravery of His Troops, make the
superior numbers of the Enemy less formidable.
1761. June 26th. Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden. .
. . . I am in no Haste to hear, nor very Sollicitous about the Evens
of Lord G[ranville]'s Interview with Ld B[ute]. I think more of my
being Seventy years compleat on Saturday Sennight, when I set out
for Cambridge to attend the Duke of Newcastle at the Commence-
ment
1761. July 14th. The same to the same. From Buckden. . .
I wrote a Letter by last Thursday's Post directed to you in Park Place
S* James's, and as you make no mention of receiving it I am afraid it
has miscarried, which I should be sorry for. The D[uke] of New-
castle] desired me to write to the Arch B[ishop] of Canterbury], and
his Grace returned me a most Friendly Answer. The Affair must now
take its course, I can do no more in it, and shall be very resigned to the
Event. The dread of [the Bishop of] N[orwi]ch will work for me,
and our good Friends state of Health will give us Time. Barring
fresh accidents he may last long, and God grant it may be Avithout
Pain and uneaseness to Himself and Friends. . . .
1761. July 16th. Charles Lloyd to the same. Instructions from
Mr Grenville to draw up despatches to Keith & Titley with reference
to the Duchies of Mecklenburg Schwerin and Strelitz.
e 840G7. X
322 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
jSiSwoov ^61* July 23rd' Bishop Thomas to the same. From Buckden. — Tho'
Wkstok I could not wish the Prolongation of our Friends Life in his Circum-
fo^lgffd.OD; stances, yet I could not refrain from Tears on hearing of his Dissolution.
Mrs Sherlock has too much good Sense and Piety not to bear the Loss
as she ought. . . . I have received a most affectionate Letter from
the D[uke] of N[ewcastle], together with a copy of his letter to
Ld B[ute] in my Favour, and I/1 B's answer which does not give any
Hopes but the contrary. ... It woud have been hard to have set
me aside without the least Notice being taken of me, But my Friends
appearing for me has saved me from Disgrace, and I am perfectly easy
about the Event. I do not envy the Successor of Gibson and Sherlock.
To you my dear Brother I am infinitely obliged for having done all in
your Power. . . .
1761. Sept. 6th. Lord Bute to the same. — You are to despatch a
Messenger with this letter directly & I wish you would pitch on one the
most likely to make dispatch, 8c acquaint me with the exact time he
sets out ; You will also enquire carefully into the meaning of the Cannon
being fired without orders & inform me of it, that I may report it to
the King.
1761. Sept. 8th. Lord Hardwicke to the same. From Grosvenor
Square. — Yesterday I found an opportunity of speaking to my Lord
Bute on the Subject of my Friend, General Parslow He
concluded that He thought the Government of Gibraltar would remain
as it is for a twelvemonth, &, in the meantime, possibly things might
take such a Turn, as might be agreeable to my Wishes & his own.
1761. Sept1' 10th. Lord Bute to the same. ... I am uncertain
whether I ought not to write with my own hand to the Landgravine ;
if not all I wish to say at present is, that 1 have lay'd the contents of
H. S. H. letter before the King, & shall take the first opportunity of
acquainting Her with His Majesty's Ideas on the subject of it. . . .
1761. 17 th. Lord Granville to the same. From Hawnes. — I
wish you may not be mistaken concerning my influence, however I
have done as our friend has desired. I send you my letter to Lord
Bute open yt you may take a Copy of it to shew ye Bp & then seal
mine & deliver it from me to Ld Bute.
| past 10 sent by one of my servants to be delivered to you in 6 hours
from hence in case no accident happens.
1761. Octr 26th. Lord Bute to the same. . . . There must be
a letter wrote to Lord Stormont ; conveying H.M, orders for him to
return as soon as He pleases to England ; to receive fresh Instructions,
on Ld Egremonts being preferr'd to the Seals, not caring to suppose
the Congress at an end, the Route he is to take is left to his own
discretion.
1761. Octr 26th. From Lord Bute to Prince Ferdinand. [Draft.]
— As the Pari : now draws near, & that it will be necessary to lay before
it the estimates for the ensuing year ; the K[ing] is desirous to have a
very exact state of His Army. . . .
1761. Nov1' 5th. Lord Bute to Edward Weston. Instructions for
Despatches.
1761. Nov1' 9th. Lord Hyde to the same. From the Grove. With
compliments on Mv Weston's Latin ode on the King's marriage.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 323
1761. Novr 23. Lord Bute to the same — The. King has gone to Charli^
the opera, so that I can't take His Majesty's orders till to morrow; I wbotwp
myself incline not to put the Letter in the Gazette; but to offer a u^DigwooD,
reward to anyone who shall give information of a threatening letter; — ^
sent to one of the Secretary s of State, relative to &c. & sign'd so & so,
I have my reasons for preferring this method if it can be done, one of
them is, that I am not without hopes of discovering the letter writer in
another way, & the entire publication of it would prevent me, if this
is not regular, I will take my final opinion on it to morrow.
1701. Dec. 14th. Edward Weston to Lord Bute. — I would humbly
desire y1' Lclp to consider the draught to the E.I. Directors, .as I have
inserted something in it according to my own Notions, purely for your
Consideration. 10 m. p* 9.
1761. Dec1' 14th. Lord Bute to Edward Weston. — I have perused
the draught to the E. Ind : Compy with attention, and think it ex-
tremely well drawn, & corresponding perfectly to my idea ; but the
latter part relating to Commissary s, Sullivan has already given me his
opinion upon ; viz : that it would rip up a thousand old Sores, &
therefore should if possible be avoided.
Past ten.
1761. Dec. 24th. The same to the same. — The change about to be
made of the Att? General will make it necessary to delay a few
days my letter ; I am this minute inform'd of a most insolent answer
given by Wall, & Ld Bristoll being on His return ; & war in a manner
declarM on both sides.
m
|p past ten.
1761. Dec. 25th. The same to the same. . ... Our Messenger
affirm'd the Spaniards were in March towards the frontier of Portugal,
that on the Portuguese requisition the King has determin'd to support
, them with as many Troops as he can spare, with some money ; 20 or
30,000 stand of arms, & a large Train of Artillery; that the great
difficulty consists in finding the men ; that however as the Case presses
and that the safety of Portugal is most essential to the Interest of this
country, His Majesty has very decidedly consider'd the methods, that
may be taken for supplying that country with a body of Troops ; &
amongst others, none appears so feasible, so fit for the Service as the
Scotch Brigade in the pay of the States. The King knows the delicacy
attending the Dutch giving Troops, but these have ever been consider'd
as National ones, it is therefore the King's pleasure that Mr Yorke
should sound P. Louis upon this, & use every argument that occurs
to him upon it. All this must be in Private Separate letter & I wish
to have a fair copy of it to carry with me between twelve and one
tomorrow to the King.
-— past ten.
5
1762. Jany 1st. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . .
Lady Mary Wortley went down yesterday in her way to join the
trader her Ladyship intended to take her passage in, but by the quantity
of ice the ship was obliged to return hither. . . , One man alone
in this country is perhaps fitt to cultivate a good understanding be-
tween the two countries, but I do not know neither his nor his friends
thoughts upon it, and the man is Mr Charles Bentinck.
x 2
324
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
I'KDBBWOOD,
Esq.
176J.
Dec. 25th.
Robert Keith to Lord Bute. From S* Peters-
JanT 5th.
burgh. — After the good Account which I gave your Lordship on Friday
last, of the Empress's Health, you cannot fail to be greatly surprised
when I inform you ; that this Day her Majesty dyed about two o'clock
in the Afternoon ; She was attacked on Saturday last in the Evening
with a violent Homoragie .... and from that moment her Life
was dispaired of, however weak as She was she kept all her Senses
and finding herself going She sent for the Great Duke and Dutchess
yesterday, and took her Leave of them with great Marks of Tenderness,
and spoke several things with great Presence of Mind and with equal
Resignation. Your Lordship may easily believe that a Princess of her
goodness and Clemency must be greatly regretted by all her subjects,
who had lived so happily under her mild and benign Government.
Immediately after the Empress had breathed her last, The Senate and
the other Colledges of the Empire, who were assembled in the Palace
for that Purpose, took the Oaths to the present Emperor Peter the 3d,
and then the Regiments of Guards who were drawn up before th<
Windows, had the Oath of Fidelity administered to them, and every-
thing passed with the greatest order and Tranquility
1762. Jany 5th. Walter Titley to Edward Weston. From Copen-
hagen. With thanks for, and compliments on, Mr Weston's Latin ode on
the Royal Marriage.
1762. Jany 5th. Lord Bute to the same I am by H.M['s]
Orders to inform you ; that far from taking P[rince] Lewis's answer
amiss ; His Majesty gives all due weight to the reasoning it contains ;
as however the critical minute seems approaching; in which the exact
option must be made ; of continuing the German War ; tho' without
hopes of success ; and at an expence that will cripple every other
service ; or of withdrawing our troops & leaving the Kings Electoral
Dominions, & the Princes His Allys, to make the best terms ; possible
with the enemy ; an extremity to which His Majesty's generous nature
would never yield ; unless forced to it by absolute necessity ; before
therefore this most important business comes to be decided, I am
directed by His Majesty ; to Communicate to your Excellency ; this
very allarming situation ; and you are, to insinuate (tho' in very guarded
terms,) to P. Louis; the impossibility this country is under, of con-
tinuing so expensive a War ; against which Mens minds seem more &
more averse every day ; that however this measure may be attended ;
by the most afflicting Circumstances ; yet the situation of the Republick,
adds greatly to all the other Calamitys that will probably follow our
evacuation of Germany, since the French by possessing Westphalia be-
came dangerous neighbours ; & may soon talk a language to Holland,
that no free State can bear with Patience ; this disagreeable prospect
gives the King great uneasiness ; which your Excellency will com-
municate to P. Louis, & endeavour to prevail on H. S. H. to open
Himself to you on the subject ; that His Majesty may know if possible ;
before the final decision is taken ; whether the Republick is likely to
rouse from the dangerous lethargy in which it at present is immerg'd ;
or chuses rather than exert itself; to accept such terms as France may
think fit to dictate ; in the last case; His Majesty will have only to con-
sult ; the safety & honor of His Kingdoms ; but in the former one ;
measures may be taken to unite effectually the two nations against the
common enemy &c. &c.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
325
1762. Jany 12th. Dr Richard Osbaldestone, Bishop of Carlisle, to Charles
Edward Weston. From Hutton-Bushel. Soliciting Mr Westons in- F$|£]J&on
terest towards procuring him preferment. Underwood.
Esq.
1762. Jany 12th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
As to the Book sent by His D[anish] M[ajesty] to the
British Museum, it is the First Volume of an History of Curious
Shells, composed, engraved & coloured Here. It makes a very fine
Appearance to the Eye, is a costly work & remarkable for having been
performed in this Country ; nay, even in the very Village, where my
Country House is situated From what I have seen Here
it appears plainly to me, that the Court of Spain has declared War
against Mr Pitt. And surely, of all the great & singular Honours
hitherto paid to the right Honble Gentleman, This is the most Extra-
ordinary one, if not the Greatest.
1762. Jany 13th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
Offers services and introductions to any friend of Mr Westons who may
intend to travel on the continent.
1762. Jany 15th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. —
The Madrid letters of the 28 past do not say a word of a Declaration of
War, but the Court of Spain was impatiently looking out for the return
of a messenger from Lisbon As I do not hear that Lady Mary
Wortley, who went to Helvoet to wrait for a convoy or to go by the
Paquet Boat, is sailed, I have, by Sir Joseph Yorke's orders, put a
Paquet Boat under her Ladyship's order, to sail att her own time.
1762. Jany 15th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Asking Mr Weston to use his influence to get him nominated to grant
the certificates required by Merchants trading with Spain.
1762. Jany 18th. Lord Bute to the same. —I have had some Con-
versation with Boreell; wherein I dropt, that I would endeavour to
prevail on the Ind : Directors to name 2 or more Commissarys ; if the
Republick would appoint an equal number; with certain limitations;
to confer only on such matters as should be agreed on I
wish also to acquaint Yorke ; that however the Pensionary, may seem
pleased with the last answer I sent regarding the East Ind : Company ;
I have reason to think he by no means approves it, & that he should
therefore be on his Guard ....
1762. Jany 19th. Sir John Goodricke to the same. From Copen-
hagen. To correct a mistake in the cypher of a previous despatch.
1762. Jany 2 1st. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magde-
burg. Mentions the death of the Empress of Russia and encloses a
Berlin Almanac.
1762. Jany 26th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Solicits Mr Westons interest to procure payment to Le Sieur Beck of
100/. which has been promised him for two years past, and begs Mr
Weston to speak to Monss de Reiche, " Secretaire Prive du Roi pour
les Affaires Allemandes," upon the subject.
1762. Jany 26th. The same to the same. From Hamburg. — We
have certain Intelligence that General Seidlitz has dislodged the Troops
of the Army of the Empire from several Posts in Saxony, and that
General Seidlitz was endeavouring to oblige the Austrians likewise to quit
326
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
I'.nderwood,
Esq.
Freyberg As the Prussians are Fortifying of Rostock in the
Dutchy of Mechlenbourg Schwerin, it does not appear as if They in-
tended to evacuate that Country so soon.
1762. Jany 30th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
We are now very curious to see under what auspices the
States will re-assemble, since the great alteration that has lately hap-
pened at Petersbourg. Tis thought they can do nothing but make
Peace ; after which They may contemplate the flourishing condition of
Their affairs & reckon up at leisure the many advantages of this War,
which is the Second they have undertaken purely at the Instigation of
Their good Allies the French. Most people are by this time convinced
of the Insincerity of France in the late Negotiation with England.
1762. Feb? 2nd. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magdeburg.
We have been greatly alarmed here with Reports that a
Motion was to be made for the recall of the English Troops from
Germany, uninformed as I was, I contradicted such surmises as injurious
to the honour of the Nation, and a measure that could only be thought
of in case of extreme necessity.
1762. Feby 3rd. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
I have nothing new from hence to trouble you with. We
have it here as if a war with Spain was unavoidable, that Lord Bristol
had left Madrid & Count Fuentes recall'd ; some [say] that our ships
are seized in their ports , . . . I am exceeding glad of Mr Amyand's
1762. Feby 4th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. An
offer of services, and enclosing " An Almanack of the French Court."
1762. Feby 6th.
Mr Robert Smith.
Thomas Wroughton to the same. To introduce a
1762. Feby 7th. Lord Bute to the same. — The Duke of Newcastle
& Ld Hardwicke press much that I would suspend the execution of the
order to Keith concerning Denmark till we have more data ; I therefore
send the inclosed that it may be dispatch'd instantly by a Messenger in
order to overtake Wroughton to whom I wish you would write a line
informing Him of the Contents of my letter as he had the same Verbal
orders from me ; if it is necessary to put the word Denmark or the
Sentence in Cypher it may be eras'd, & the Cypher inserted. I am
going to Kew so have not time to sign a letter from the office.
1762. Feby 9th. Emanuel Mathias to the same.
Thanks for letters, and promises to follow advice.
1762. Feby 9th.
A letter of thanks.
From Hambur
Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magdeburg.
1762. Feby 15th. The same to the same. From Magdeburg. . . .
I wish you joy of getting rid of Mons1' Gross, he is a very disagreeable
bad man, and I believe was in the pay of the Court of Saxony &c. This
woes under cover to Gen1 Yorke by Mann the Messenger, who I have
directed to return hither forthwith as considering the vivacity and
Activity of my Hero, I may have occasion for him every moment.
1762. Feby 18th. Duke of Newcastle to the same. From Ncav-
castle House, 5 o'clock. — I hear by the greatest chance, that you have a
Messenger from Holland, and that He came last night, & that there are
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
327
Reports of a Peace between the Czar, & the K. of Prussia, any thing cuaruks
from abroad, must be so Interesting, that you will not wonder, I am Fx,eetwoo»
Impatient to know, what you have, & therefore as an old friend, I beg Undebwooi>,
you would send me by the bearer a short ace* of what you have. J^
1762. Feby 20th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
As I am a Sincere Lover of Peace, I cannot but lament
to hear of Englands being grown so entirely Martial ; That I think, is
not agreeable either to our Natural, or Constitutional State. But at
present it is absolutely Necessary ; there being nothing but the Sword,
well supported & well guided, that can make our Way through the
Dimcultys, which now surround us. And I doubt not but a sharp
Sword and a long Purse will (by the Blessing of Providence upon the
just Measures
Glorious End.
of Our Wise & Virtuous King) bring this War to a
1762. Feby. 27th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging letters & papers.
1762. Feby 27th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magdeburg.
I am much pleased with the fate of the Duke of Bedfords
Motion in the House of Peers, I hear with great satisfaction that Lord
Bute distinguished himself nobly on that occasion, but I cannot help
wondering, that His Grace should have persisted to make that Motion, I
may say in Despite of Providence, which has so miraculously, and I hope
so compleatly, changed the face of affairs upon the Continent. I hope
there will be no Second part in the House of Commons, which however
trifling it may appear to us at Home, has still a bad effect in foreign
Countries, where they have not the least Idea of our Constitution,
1762. March 1st. General H. S. Conway to the same. From
Osnabruck. — I have the favour of your letter with a copy of the Spanish
Papers inclosed by order of the E. of Bute
In my humble judgement they prove what from the first of Mons.
Bussi's Overtures on the Spanish Affairs I strongly suspected, that the
plan of either treating with England or driving us to inadmissible terms
of accommodation has long been settled between those Courts.
1762. March 2nd. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
About the Revenues of the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holstein
in the Dutchy of Holstein.
1762. March 2nd. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. Acknowledging the receipt of a volume of Letters and Papers
relating to the Rupture with Spain.
1762. March 5th. James Porter to the same. From Constantinople.
Announcing his speedy retirement.
1762. March 6th. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From S*
Petersburg. Announcing his return to England.
1762. March 6th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
.... The Diet still subsists ; & indeed It has subsisted so long, that
I think It is now become superannuated. At least It's Transactions are
rendered, by some late Events, of so little Concern to the World, that
there seems but One Resolution left to be taken, that can really affect
the Neighbourhood ; which is to lay Violent Hands upon Itself & put
an end to Its Own Existence
328
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CilAKLES
Fleetwood
Weston
LTXDEE'\rOOD.
Esq
1762. March Gth. W. Money to the same,
he has no news to forward.
From Warsaw. To say
32 17(52
March 9th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam.
I must tell you, entre nous, that Lord Pembroke and his
female companion arrived here yesterday morning from Middleburg, and
sett out this morning for Utrecht
From Copenhagen.
1762. March 9th. Walter Titley to the same.
Enclosing a Map of the Dutchy of Holstein.
1762. March 10th. G. Oessener to the same. From Maestricht.
T now communicate to You in the highest confidence that
One of the Archdutchess at Vienna has been too well acquainted with
the Duke of Wirtemburg but that the E[mpress]
Q[ueen] will not consent to have it legitimated by a marriage ....
1762. March 12th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. About letters received and forwarded.
1762. March 1 3th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magde-
burg. The writer has delayed Long the Messenger at the earnest
request of Count Finkenstein, and expects Mann the Messenger from
Breslau by the 2nd [of April] .
1762. March 16th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging letters and enclosing Intelligence for the Gazette.
1762. March 6th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. Acknowledging letters and asking to have his correspondence
forwarded under cover to Mr. Butemeister at the Hague and by the
same conveyance as Sir Joseph Yorke's Despatches.
1762. March 17th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magde-
burg.— Long the Messenger set out from hence for Petersburg late at
night on the 15th. I have been confined to my Chamber for almost
four weeks, and have suffered much ; my Doctor says all goes well, and
if so, the Kings business shall not be neglected, whilst I have a spark of
life & health. I wish indeed his Majesty's affairs here were in other
hands, my health, &c. is too precarious to be charged with them, . . .
1762. March 18th. Richard Cox to the same. — In Lord Bute's
Letter of yesterday to Lord Ligonier, He desires in writing the Mar-
shals sentiments on a Letter of Prince Ferdinand's of the 7th of Novr
last the Copy of which was sent sometime ago, but which Lord Ligonier
has mislaid. Be so good [as] to order a second Copy of his Highness's
Lettr to Lord Bute to be sent as soon as convenient to Lord Ligonier,
that he may obey Lord Bute's commands
1762. March 19th. John Cleveland [M.P. for Saltash, and Secretary
to the Admiralty] to the same. From the Admiralty. ..... Lord
Anson thinks himself much better since this Day at Noon, and the
Phisitians are of the same Opinion, which flatters us with the hopes
of his recovery, and that the Danger is over.
1762. March 19th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam.
The orders given by the French Court to all British and Irish merchants,
as well Catholicks as Protestants to evacuate Bordeaux in three days,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
329
has occasioned the greatest consternation here, as so sudden a departure
must occasion great revolution in the trade
1762. March 19th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magde-
burg my Phisician thinks, if business requires my going
to Breslaw that I may undertake the Journey with proper precautions,
Please therefore to acquaint his Lop : that I shall set out for Breslaw as
soon as his Prussian Majesty gives the least hint that He wants me (it
will be to no purpose to be there sooner) or whenever his Lop shall
order.
1762. March 26th. The same to the same. From Magdeburg.
. . . . I flatter myself Martinico once subdued france will become
raisonable, and may we not be puffed up.
1762. March 27th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
I may possibly be able this summer to lay in a Stock of
Health to serve me some few Winters more. The case is This. The
K. of D. will certainly go to see His Troops in Holstein, but will pro-
bably make no long stay there ; & most of the Foreign Ministers, for
Particular Reasons, will get orders to follow Him. Now I was thinking,
on the contrary, humbly to ask Leave to remain Here, upon account of
my Infirmities
1762. March 29th. Lord Bute to the same. — The King would have
a draught of a letter prepared from H. M. to the King of Prussia
acknowledging the receipt of the two sent Him congratulating Him on
the Happy change in the North, & especially on the Czar's Declaration ;
expressing His own desire for Peace in the strongest terms ; & declaring
His resolution of cooperating with the Czar in that salutary work ; that
his desires to assist His Pr : Majesty continue airways the same ; but
His ability to do it, decreases dayly, from the heavy pressure of a new
War, & the support, absolutely necessary to be given to His good Ally
the King of Portugal ; that however when His Pr : Majesty shall open
to Him the means He prepares for bringing about the peace he will
do everything in His power to enable Him to attain it
1762. April 2nd. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magdeburg.
Acknowledging letters.
1762. April 6th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburgh. —
The Corps of Russian Troops under the Command of General Czernichef
have passed the Oder to return to Russia ; and General Romanshoff is
expected from Petersburgh to take the command of the Russians who
are remained in Pomerania.
1762. April 6th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. Enclosing accounts for travelling expences.
1762. April 8th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. — You have taken my
sense very exactly in the Draughts. All that remains is to mention the
Kings desire that Mr Mitchel should show the three French Papers to
the King of Prussia under the Seal of the Strictest Secrecy. The
same orders are to be given to Mr Keith with regard to the Czar. Mr
Mitchell may also give the King of Prussia general assurances, that in
case of the Negociation with France taking place, the greatest attention
will be shown to his Interests.
What is above, was dictated to me by My Lord. He bad me after-
wards mention to you that you. should refer Mr Mitchel to His own
CltARLE.s
Fleetwood
Weston
TTxPERWOon,
Esq.
330 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COM3IISSION.
Cuarles Dispatches by mentioning the Dates of them, for what the King of
' 'wesxo3?D Prussia had formerly said of His not wanting a Subsidy from Us, if the
Underwood, Russians were taken from His Back.
Esq.
I am to write to Sr Jo Yorke & Monv Boreel to acquaint them with
the Kings consent to the Election though not immediate, of the Elector
of Cologne to the Bishoprick of Munster. This makes a small alteration
necessary in your Draught to >Sr J[oseph] Yorke when you say that it
is all you have to trouble him with by this post.
The other Draughts I have kept back, that they may be copied
tonight fair for signing, that the clerks may have leasure to go to church
tomorrow.
My Lord will [come] here tomorrow before dinner, but I don't know
that he has any busyness, but that of Signing his Letters.
1762. April 10th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen
I entirely agree with You in praising the New Emperor
of Russia, who has set out perfectly well & is in the right way to gain
immortal Honour ; if He does but act Uniformly up to the Principles
expressed in His Pacific Declaration
War is truly detestable & ought to be abhorred by all Mankind ; yet
I cannot but rejoice in the Many Fruits, which England (by the Blessing
of Providence) has reaped from it. And I heartily congratulate You,
Dear Sir, upon the late Recolte at Martinico. Some People are pleased
Many angry & All astonished at Our glorious Success. But I still say
go on & prosper; fight vigorously, since You are forced to it ; drub,
Spain, as well as France, & then I doubt not but you will soon find War
to be the rough Father of gentle Peace ; for whose fair Birth I heartily
wish & pray.
1762. April 14th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Magdeburg.
The writer is just starting for Breslau.
1762. April 13th. Lord Hertford to the same. From Grosvenor
Street. Begging Mr Weston to lay before Lord Bute certain facts in
support of a petition for the reprieve of a Warwickshire sheep-stealer,
sentenced for execution on the following Monday.
1762. April 4th, O.S. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Sfc
Petersburg ...... I send by Long two Bottles of Tea, which
I desire you would deliver to Lord Bute, with my Duty & Compliments.
His Lordship knows for what quarter they are destined. I expected to
have received from Mosco a Sack of Ermines in time to have sent by
this Messenger for Lady Bute. As I believe they will be very fine, I
intend to request that Lady's acceptance of them, but they muot come
by another Conveyance. I hope you will have taken care to order me
away with honour to our own Court, for the manner in wrhich our
Minister has behaved here to me is most dishonourable to his own
Master.
1762. April 5th, O.S. The same to the same. From S* Petersburg
I hear there is a letter come from M1* Mitchel by
Estafette to Mr Keith (which Mr K. has sent to all the Englishmen
here, but to me he has taken no notice of it) with an account of the
reduction of Martinico. Whether I ought not to have been informed of
it, I leave you to judge
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 331
1762. April 16th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . . Charles
. . . You may judge that as the reduction of Martinico &c knocks ? Weston^
up the Sfc Eustache trade, a great part of the Dutch are hurt att it, but Underwood s
the thinking part of the nation are far from being allarmed at our —'
Successes ...
1762. April 17th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
If ever I happen to turn Author, it shall be to write against Offensive
"War ; with a View to cry down & utterly abolish (if possible) that
Brutal Method of deciding the Disputes of Reasonable Creatures. . „
. . . [etc. 4 pp.]
1762. April 20th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging letters and enclosing articles for the Gazette.
1762. April 21st. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Berlin. —
I have suffered a good deal on my Journey from Magdeburg, but I am
resolved to go on, especially after receiving the dispatch by Maddox,
though I confess I have little expectation of doing good ; things are
gone too far, and I have to do with the most extraordinary man that
ever existed.
1762. April 22nd. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
. in a very little time We shall have more News than will be
wanted, as the Allied Army are ready to take the Field and are
marched as they write me towards Arensberg. . .
1762. April 28th. W. Money to the same. From Warsaw. . . .
Prince Charles of Saxony set -out on Monday last for Vienna, where
He will stay for a few Days and there per sue his Journey for Carlsbad.
Prince Albert sets out To-morrow for the Austrian Army.
1762. April 26th. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Sl
Petersburg. — I send this letter by an English ship called ye Integrity,
Cap" Brown, to whose care I have also delivered four Bottles of Tea for
the Earl of Bute, two for you, and two for Mr Jenkinson. I have also
added for you thirty of the best Archangel dried Tongues
I quit this place, please God next week. .....
1762. April 27th. The same to the same. From Se Petersburg. ,
. . . Having since received from a particular hand some very fine
curious Rhubarb, I send by this messenger a parcel for the King,
another for Lord Bute, one for yourself & a fourth which I desire you
will send to Lord Mansfield with my compliments. I think of setting out
from hence on Thursday next.
1762. April 27th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
. . . . . my last Friday's Expedition in a Coach to Friedensbourg
(which is about as far from Hence as Windsor is from London) & Return
the same Day, left me hardly able to stir out of my Room for Four and
Twenty Hours afterwards. ....
1762. April ^ , ' Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Peters-
burg. . . . Spencer the Messenger delivered me That of the
23d March which is wrote with so much kindness and tenderness as
only a good Heart could dictate. The mark of Confidence which the
King has been pleased to give me in placing me at Poland hns been a
thunder stroke for my Enemy here, who has taken all . the pains possible
332 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
<jhvf.le3 by means of his Emissaries to publish that my Heels were sufficiently
F Wes5S?D triped up in the beginning of my Career
UXDERTTOOD,
Esq. 1762. May 4th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
. . . . I have had a difficult & disagreeable task, how I have per-
formed my part others must judge, your private opinion willhowever be
most agreeable.
1762. May 10th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maastricht.
%., \ \ ••• •. There has been a great desertion in the French and Swiss
Guards, they come here 6, 8, 10 & 12 together, a Deserter of the French
Guards told me that there was a Plot in the Batallion to which he
belonged, & that Four Hundred would get away before they arrived at
the Army, both Officers and Soldiers are tired of the War, and have no
Opinion of their Generals this Campaign, so I think We may expect
Success if our Force is near equal to theirs.
1762. May 15th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
.... Yet an Article from Paris of the 3rd Instant just arrived would
make the Public believe that a Spanish Courier had brought News of a
considerable Advantage obtained by the combined Fleets over Admiral
Rodney near Sfc Domingo. ... I suppose this Advice may be nothing
more than One of those Chimeras, which it is reckoned good for the
People to swallow every Now & Then in order to keep up Their
sinking Spirits. . . . The Public Papers have frequently mentioned
of late a Mr Townshend to be sent Hither to relieve me. If this be
true, &• that Gentleman be a Descendant of my ever-honoured Patron,
the late Lord Townshend, Who brought me into this Post, I hope He
will look upon me as His Faithfull Humble Servant, & employ me
accordingly in Whatever I may be of Use to Him. And This, if You
please, Sir, You may let Him know with my sincere & Hearty
Compliments.
1762. May 18th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
We received yesterday Advice from Berlin that a Courier was arrived
there from Prince Henry of Prussia, with the agreeable News that on
the 12th Instant, the Prussians had obtained a Considerable Advantage
over An Advanced Post of the Austrian Army in Saxony at about a
German Mile lrom Dobeln, and that the Prussians had made a General,
Twelve other Officers and Fifteen hundred Men Prisoners of War, and
had taken besides Three Pieces of Cannon. We expect with the first
Letters from Berlin, further Particulars of this successful opening of the
Campaign.
1762. May 21st. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . .
Private letters from Bremen say that two or three French privateers are
cruising att the Mouth of the Weser, of which I acquaint the Lords of
the Admiralty today, as their being there might endanger the envoices
that are dayly made of Gunpowder and other Stores from Zealand to the
Army, and might indeed blow up the Secret of this whole transaction.
1762. May 21st. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
.... the Advantage which Prince Henry of Prussia has obtained
over an Advanced Post of the Austrian Army the 12th Instant near
Dobelu in Saxony is confirmed, & that after the Affair was over, the
Prince had marched to Freyberg the 14th where He had fixed His Head-
Quarters. . . .
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
1762. May 26th. W. Money to the same. From Warsaw. Enclosing; Charles
i L n - n i: Fleetwood
a letter or importance in Cypher. Weston
Underwood,
1762. May 28th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Brunswick. 5|?;
Acknowledging letters.
1762. May 28th. Lord Egremont to the same. Enclosing a letter
from the Due de Choiseul and other papers.
1762. May 29th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
. . . . You cannot well conceive how Happy & Thankful I am, to
have escaped this fatiguing Journey into Holstein. It would have
subdued me quite. But I have now an Opportunity of fortifying against
the Gout. . . .
The detached Squadron of Eight Ships sailed a few days ago for
Holstein, with about Three Thousand Troops on board. The Peace
with Sweden has duly followed, like an humble Attendant, That with
Russia ; & thus the great Combination, formed against His Prussian
Majesty by Personal Enmity, is happily dissolved by an effect of
Personal Friendship. May the Olive still flourish & spread.
1762. June 1st. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . .
I am at a loss what to do about the copy of my intelligences which I send
to the Duke of Newcastle, and I think I must continue it, till I hear from
the Office or from You, that I am to send it to Lord Bute, if you think
that his Lordship cliuses to have that copy sent to him. . . .
1762. June 4th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. Fram S* James's. —
I am glad to hear that you are got so much better. I would not have
you write or think of Busyness at present, & I only trouble you with
this because I do not chuse to trust what I am going to tell you to word
of mouth. The Answer from France is returned. There are a great
many letters & they are not all decyphered, so that the full purport of
it is not yei known, but as far as is yet understood, the only Point on
which the French make any Difficulty is the Island of Sfc Lucia.
1762. June 4th. Monsr Palairet to the same. From Piccadilly. In
French; soliciting Mr Westons interest in getting the writer's son
appointed secretary to Mr Keith the Envoy at S* Petersburg.
1762. June 5th. W. Money to the same. From Warsaw. Ack-
nowledging letters.
1762. June 7th. Gr. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. . . .
Be assured, Sir, I shall not fail to send you Articles for the Gazette,
my Obligations to You are too deeply imprinted to be worn out by time,
& I shall pride myself in shewing my Gratitude ....
1762. June 11th. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Warsaw.
. . . I cannot say that this town pleases me much as yet ; it is very
dirty, very ill built, & dear beyond expression so that I am afraid of
being ruined, live as frugally as 1 can ! . . . . The travelling in this
Country [in the matter of expense] surpasses all others, the Russian
Army has had such an effect on the prices of all things. . . .
1762. June 11th. Roberts Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . .
You do not tell me if Mr Grenville chuses that I should continue as
heretofore to send a copy of my intelligences to Prince Louis of Bruns-
wig att the Hague as 1 have allways done hitherto .... I this day
334 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles give the Admiralty, as I yesterday did to Commodore Moore in the
FWesto?D Downs— intelligence of a french Row galley which is upon our coast,
T^-pewoop, and which may do mischief and obstruct the paquet Boats.
1762. June 14th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. . . .
Our Friend General Dilkes tells me You have been very 111, I am glad
I did not know it till You are recovered, as I assure You Sir I should
have been truly concerned. The Distance of the Armys, and the New
and very bad regulation of the Posts prevents our having News here so
soon as formerly, but I shall seize every Occasion of communicating to
You what comes to my Knowledge.
3 762. June 15th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging a letter, and expressing congratulations on Mr Weston's
recovery from illness.
1762. June 15th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam.
The news of Ternay's taking part of an East India convoy was not
credited att Paris even by the mercantile tribe, you see att least that it
has had no effect upon their East India actions. Sure the motions at
Dunkirk will soon produce something or other ; their fears of a Bom-
bardment are real.
1762, June 18th. Charles Delaf aye to the same. From Wichbury. —
I desired my Nephew Wace to acquaint you with my Sentiments upon
the Danger and providential preservation of a Friend for whom I have
so great a value as I have for You. I was in the same Condition in
October 1733, and must have died had not the Surgeon, who visited me
daily during a Kit of the Gout, happened to come in at the critical
moment, and (when other methods failed) opened a vein
Yet I iiave dragged on Life, if I may call it such, to very near the
Expiration of my Eighty-fifth year
1762, June 21st. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. .
I have ordered a Chest of Cologne Water to be sent to
Rotterdam, and I will desire our Friend Mr Walters to convey it to you.
I take the liberty of presenting it to Your Lady, as I am fully persuaded
She will banish all Hungary Waters as soon as She has tried the Cologne,
& found out half the Virtues of it, it's the only Drug I know, that
answers so well what is said of it in the printed Paper ; I am sure You'l
be pleased with it.
1762, June 26th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
. . . . When a Fire breaks out Every Body runs to the place ;
& I assure You, Sir, if I had a prospect of doing the least Good, I would
immediately lay aside my Crutches & fly into Holstein with a Pitcher
of Water to damp this Flame. But it has burnt too long under Ground
to be easily quenched. Besides, the Czar seems not to care that We
should have much to do in it. In short, Both Sides must make larger
Concessions, than either of them will yet hear of with Patience, before
they can come to an Agreement.
The Bustle with the Town of Hamburg, I hear, is over. The Magi-
strates seemed at first resolved to defend Their Purse ; but when They
saw the Danish Soldiers lording it in Their fine Gardens, They con-
sidered better of the Matter, and by letting go a little— a million of
R[ix] D[alers] of Their Gains have made everythirg quiet & Easy
again.
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
335
I was surprised & concerned at the late Changes in England ; but
am not a little comforted by .the agreeable News of Your Continuance
in the Office, tho' You say it is but for a Time, yet I hope that Time
will be lengthened & stretched out as far as ever Your Health & Con-
veniency will permit.
1762, June 27th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
I propose staying here till the situation of Affairs
obliges me to change my place of Residence, and I must desire the favour
of you to order my letters to be directed for me at Berlin, having already
given order to the Post Master there to forward them.
1762, June 30th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
. ... I don't write M1' Secretary Grenville to-day, as I have
nothing to communicate that merits His reading, by the new regulation
of the Post, the German Letters don't arrive here till the Dutch Post is
set out, so we receive all our Advices 26 hours later than formerly.
1762, June 30th. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Warsaw.
. . . . The trifling presents I sent to Lady Bute & Lord Mans-
field I perceive had been seized by the Treasury Board, but as I cannot
conceive the Laws of the Land to be infringed by such bagatelles, I
make no doubt but that they were very soon released, & should be very
happy if they gave pleasure equal to my Intentions. . . . I thank
God I am very well here, in regard to Politeness & Friendship no
Minister receives more of it, which in present circumstances is not a
triffle. But the expence of living here exceeds all imagination ; I shall
spend this year even with all the CEconomy lam Master of five Hundred
Pounds more than my allowance, weh except I was to dishonour nly
Master and Country by living like a Prussian who keeps no House,
cannot be avoided. If you find an opportunity of mentioning this to
Lord Bute, I should be glad. . . .
1762, June 30th. Charles Delafaye to the same. From Wichbury.
There are very few of my old Friends and fellow
Labourers whom I have not outlived, and it is a great satisfaction to find
I still preserve some share in their Remembrance. You can not want
the best advice, in your situation ; however, I will remind you, that in
My Lord Townsend's case, after he had been let blood to a prodigious
quantity, he was advised to take every day a Tea Spoonful of Hartshorn
drops in order to thin his blood. . • . . Lord Chancellor Cowper
ascribed to the Flesh brush, which also promotes the Circulation of the
Blood, as well as perspiration, his being able to go on with the Discharge
of an Employment that required constant Application, and confined him
from every other Exercise. There is a Vanity in comparing one's self
to great Men, tho' only in their rnfirmitys. Were I to give way to
Drowsiness, as I doubt Bishop Sherlock did, I believe I should be in
the same State free from pain, but barely alive ; tho' as to his mental
ability s, they appeared, upon short intervals, of his bodily Indisposition,
to continue the same ....
1762, July 1st. James Rivers to the same. I am directed by the
Earl of Egremont to send you the two inclosed papers, in order that
Copies may be taken of them for the use of Mr. Secry. Grenville ; the
Memoire belonging to this Dispatch is sent to Lord Bute for a copy to
be taken for His Lordships Use, but It is desired to be returned as soon
as possible, & shall be immediately forwarded to compleat Mr. Gren-
ville's Sett ; I am also to desire that these Drats may be returned as soon
as possible, Lord Bute being extremely pressing for His copy of these
Papers.
Fleetwood
Westok
Tnderwood.
Esq.
336 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles ORIGINAL LETTERS FROM THE WESTON PAPERS.
Fleetwood
Weston Vol. V. 1762.
"^DERWOOD,
S5: 1762, July 7th. Charles Lloyd to Edward Weston.— Mr Grenville
directs me to acquaint you that the officer who arrived last night from
the Army was Captn Sloper ; who brought the Colours, & was presented
with them to the King, at the Queen's House ; That He brought no
Detail of the Late Action at all ; Pr : Ferdinand having dispatched an
Account, before He sat out, which Captn Sloper imagined would have
been in England before this time. Mr. G[renville] desires a Note may
be immediately wrote to Captn Cowper (whose Addresse was Left at the
Office) informing him that Mr Madan the Person He was so anxious
about, had been taken Prisoner, but Captn Sloper says He was now
returned to the Army safe & well. I am sorry to hear your Disorder
still continues.
1762, July 9th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From Great George
Street. — I am just going to Lady Blandford's at Shene where 1 shall
stay till Monday morning and shall be in Town by 10 o'clock that day.
I shall be very glad if you can send me to-morrow the draft of ye dis-
patches to Mr. Mitchell & Keith upon the plan we talked of yesterday
which Lord Bute whom I have just seen agrees to. The separate papers
containing the 10 & 11 French Articles beginning at the words " la
France Consent de son Cote &c." & the French observation on ye II
Article must be copied out & our 10 and 1 1 Articles with ye observations
upon them & sent to Mr Mitchell & Mr Keith with the same directions
to read them in ye greatest Secrecy without giving copies in like manner
as was done in the last communication. That part of Comte de ChoiseuFs
letter which relates to the Empress Queen's proposals beginning wilh ye
words " l'lmperatrice Heine " & ending with " les moyens de Pacification "
together with that part of Ld Egremonts answer to Cte de Choiseul
which relates to it must likewise be copied out & sent to them to be
communicated with a conclusion to show that, after so many years war
supported almost entirely by G[reat] Br[itain] against France in
Germany & in pursuance of the treaty of 1 756, our consent to withdraw
ye Armies on both sides, & not to let any Troops paid by Great Brittain
or France join the King of Prussia or ye Empress Queen, is not only a
strict 8c litteral performance of our Engagements by ye Treaty of l7o6
but likewise a very advantageous agreement for ye K. of Prussia with
regard to ye safety of his dominions which by this means he will be fully
able to defend after ye change of situation with regard to ye Czar which
we sincerely congratulated him upon & his separate peace with Sweden.
1762, July 9th. The same to the same. From South Audley Street. —
I have just spoken to Lord Bute about the letter you want, who says the
King has mentioned [it] to Him ; His Lordship acknowledges, that He has
the letter in his own Custody, He says that he will look for it & try if
he can find it ; but He thinks He recollects there is nothing in it that
requires or is capable of an Answer.
1762, July 13th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging letters.
1762, July 16th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick I hope by the next Post I shall have it in my
power to congratulate you on the evacuation of Cassel and the delivery
of Hesse from the cruel & barbarous treatment that Country now
suffers.
HISTOKIOAL MANUSCBIPTS COMMISSION.
S37
1762, July 16th. Edward Weston to Thomas Rous, Chairman of the
East India Company. [Draft.] — I am very sorry that I was not at the
office yesterday to receive your Commands when you called there. The
Papers, which you left, I have laid before Mr Grenville, who has ordered
me to desire that He may have something from you either in ye way
of Meinor1 or Letter, which may inform H im what use the C* of Directors
wish he shd make of these papers, & whether it is desired that a Com-
plaint shd be made to the States upon ye Contents of Them, & if so He
would be glad to have ye ground of Complaint particularly explained, &
to have information as to what is alleged with respect to ye conduct of
ye English in Building Forts &c, to the end that He may be enabled
to hold a proper Language to the Dutch Ambassador or to write to Sr
J. Yorke if it shall appear to be necessary or convenient.
1762, July 16th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam.
. . . . The separation of the Dunkirk Camp is a little odd, and a
very short time will shew us what they mean by it.
P.S. By letters which came in yesterday we hear that the report
of the french irregulars having been att Embden is false, and that they
had not even been at Leer. ...
1762, July 17th. N. Fen wick to the same. From Elsingoer. — Please
accept my best thanks for your kind favour of the 2d in* this morning,
inclosing an account by Royal Authority of the very great Advantage
acquired by his Majesty's Army in Germany. . . .
1762, July 21st. (x. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
Acknowledging letter*?.
1762, July 23rd. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
. . . . I am really uneasy at hearing nothing from Mr Keith,
but I hope he is well, having heard no Report to the Contrary. Fortune
seems to delight in humbling, in raising, and in disappointing my Hero's
fervid Schemes and Expectations.
1762, July 31st. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Warsaw.
The following paragraph I desire you will decypher
Yourself ; it is cypher F. [A translation is interlined.]
The Publick Papers tell us, the Earl of Holderness of late
308
is
1080
. 2864
named
579 . 1607
is much
1080 . 2612
2388 . 1145 .860 . 2842
Ambassador to Petersburg. This
. 1990 . 897 . 1625 . 355
my enemy by Means of
1470 . 756 . 367 . 562
if The King should think proper
1197 . 699 . 373 . 2777
[Secretary?] I should be
1267 . 373
with Mr Keith Ambassador. I should be glad
507 . 476
Nobleman
393 . 895
Therefore
in
1149
2640
as
295
831
to
2121
bad
1945
[as]
295
460 . 2596 . 1990
could have been sent
1699 . 164 .
I am sure the most proper
2634 . 2731 . 2640.
could be sent.
326 . 164 . 895 . 523 .
E 84067.
373
there,
1126
Man
895 .
38 . 690
[?]
2388.
all
1198
Mr Keith.
. 2596 .
send me back
. 164 . 439 [?]
a Situation as
. 1446 . 1184 . [295]
if Sir Joseph Torke
[1197] . 2251
[Ambassador]. He is
in
523
1996
respects,
1807 . 1727
1652
that
2224
1198 . 1807.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
358
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1762, July 31st. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
. . . I heartily rejoice with You at the late Illustrious Success
of His Majesty's Arms in Germany, tho' at the same time I cannot but
be concerned to find that a Particular Occasion of Grief has arisen from
thence to Mr Townshend, who has a Right to my Constant Wishes for
his Welfare & Happiness ....
1762, Aug* 6th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau. —
I am favoured with yours of the 20th July, and though I am much
fatigued with my travels in the Mountains, I am glad to have been
there, it is almost impossible to have a just Idea of the Strength of the
Posts M. Daun has quitted without securing them everything that Art
could add to Nature has been done and yet he has left them. If the
Pic of Teneriff was in Silesia he would certainly be at the top of it.
1762, July 23rd. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam
My own health is much impaired, and I am advised to
drink the Spa Waters, which I shall do at the house of Count Bentinck
near the Hague, where I am within call, and att hand of a Post day.
Hamburg.
1762, July 27th. The same to the same. From Rotterdam. . . .
the gin may be bottled as soon as you gett it. As the ship must be
some time att Helvoet waiting for a Convoy, and that you may have
immediate occasion for the gin, I hove lodged one bottle att Helvoet, to
be given for you to the first messenger that comes that way.
We are here full of the unexpected and strange news from Russia
which as you may judge is a vast field for conjectures
1762, July 27th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From
Acknowledging letters and thanking Mr. Weston for advice.
1762, July 27th. The same to the same. From Hamburg. — Advice
was received here Yesterday that the King of Prussia had attacked the
21st Instant, all the advanced Posts of Marshal Daun's Army, which
were looked upon as so many Fortresses, and with such success, that the
Enemy is now entirely cut off from Schweidnitz. The Prussians have
made upon this occasion a Thousand Prisoners of War, and have taken
Fourteen Pieces of Canon, with a loss only on their side of Three
hundred Men Killed and Wounded. This successful Manoeuvre was
performed in Presence of the Russian Corps under the Command of
General Czernichef, and the next day He left the Prussian Army by
order of his Court, on account of the sudden Revolution at Petersburg,
and has taken his March back to Russia by way of Poland.
The Russian Army, which was expected to enter the Dutchy of
Mecklenbourg Schwerin is now on its March back to Calberg, and we
hear that General Panin has taken the Command thereof in ye room of
M° Romanzoff who is recalled to Petersburg.
1762, July 28th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
Acknowledging letters and stating that the writer has written to the
King of Prussia asking for an Interview.
1762, Aug* 6th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . .
You will hear from the Hague that Lambe the Messenger in Captain
Baggot's Boat was chased into Campveer by a French Privateer, which
also keeps Captain Cockerel with our Mail of the 3d Instant blocked
up at Helvoet, and gives us
Uneasiness for the Mail from
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
<m
England with the letters of the said Date. We must expect, as there
are several Privateers out from Dunkirk, to have these Obstructions
frequently, unless Two or Three Cutters are appointed to cruise for the
Protection of the Packet Boats, which would also be of great Advan-
tage to the Trade .....
1762, Aug* 9th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. The
writer states he is sending to Miss Weston by Miss Dilkes a little white
Barbet four months old whose Father belongs to the Prince of Clermont
Tonnere.
1762, Aug* 10th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. . . ... It seems almost impossible that something very
important will not happen in a day or two, and from the prudence
with which Prince Ferd : combines his opperations I think we need not
be apprehensive of the event. ;
1762, Aug* 11th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. In
praise of the little dog he is sending to Miss Weston.
1762, Aug* 12th. Monsr Luders to George Grenville. From Dean
Street. In French, accompanying a parcel, that had arrived by courier
that morning, for Mr Grenville from Prince Salitzen at S* Petersburg.
1702, Aug* 13th. Andrew Mitchell to Eijward Weston. From
Breslau. — I forgot to mention that I have now no Messenger with me,
but hope there is one already on the Road, Events of importance may
happen here daily.
•
1762, Aug* 13th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging letters.
1762, Aug* 16th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same. From Bruns-
wick. .... I sent back the Messenger Staley who brought me
Mr Grenville's letter of the 6th to Ld Granby's quarters, not judging it
worth while detaining him here. I do not doubt but the news of the
evacuation of Gottingen will rejoice you as it does us1 extremely.
1762, Aug* 17th. Andrew Mitchell to the same, ■ From Breslau.
The writer states he has drawn a Bill for his Extraordinary Allowance
for two years.
1762, Aug* 'jg
Robert Keith to the same. From S* Petersburg.
. . . . Blackmore, the, Messenger arrived here this last Night be-
tween twelve and one o'clock, in the Morning .... We have
got no News of the Earl of Buckingham and as we have had excessive
Stormy Weather for some days past I am afFraid he will have passed his
Time disagreeably. .... .
1762, Aug*, 23rd. Charles Lloyd to the same. From S* James's.
. . . Lord Buckingham set out for Russia this Day at Noon.
(P.S.) . . . .A letter has been sent to Keith on the 17 th by
Worcnzow's Courier, referring him to Ld Buckingham for Information
touching his recall. On the 20th Besides the Letter despatched to
Mitchell by Pollock, the only one sent was to Sr J[oseph] Y[orke]
enclosing some Letters transmitted by the Board of Trade, from the
Governor of Cape Coast Castle relating to the Dutch having interfer'd
in some disputes between the People under our Protection there & the
Natives, desiring him to represent This Matter to the States.
y 2
CHA.ft£E9
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
340 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
f£5£Stood 1762> AuS* 24th. Peter Michael Morin to the same. From St. James's.
Weston . . It seems there have been heavy Rains in Hesse, as well as here,
XIEsqT00I)' which probably prevented the Effusion of much Blood in that Country.
— Tho' there are some deep Politicians here who pretend to say that ; if
there has been No Engagement between 'the Two Armies, it is owing
more to Secret Orders sent to Prince Ferdinand than to the Swelling of
the Fulda. We are in anxious Expectation of News from the Havan-
nah, and in Hopes, when they come, they will prove Such as we desire ;
If so, I imagine such a Stroke will at once operate in determining the
Dons to listen to their own Interest, and no longer to oppose the Re-
establishment of Peace. I hear the D[uke] of B[edford] is carrying on
his Preparations vigorously for His intended Expedition ; and that He
proposes to take along with Him pretty near as many Secretaries (not
reckoning Understrappers) as servants ; Young Larpent is vastly desirous
to go in some Shape or other ; I can't find it amiss as I think such a Trip
must improve Him ; He only wants Mr. Grenville's Approbation and
Yours, as I believe he is near sure of the D[uke] of B[edfor]d's. Ihear
also that Lord Pembroke's House in Privy Gardens, is secured for The
D[uke] de Niv[ernoi]s. Put all these things are most likely old News
to You. Otto came back this afternoon from Wotton ; M1' Grenville
lies To Night at Missenden, and proposes to be in Town To-Morrow
Morning early. Lord Egremont who went to Petworth last Friday
returns also to Town To-Morrow
1762, Aug* 24th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
We received yesterday the News from Berlin of the King of Prussia's
having obtained on the 16th Ins1, a considerable Advantage over a strong
Corps of Austrian Troops near Reichenbach, consisting of Thirty Three
Battalions and Eighteen Regiments of Horse, which Marshal Daun had
detached to succour Schweidnitz, in which action the Prussians made
Fifteen hundred Men Prisoners of War and taken Five Standards, with
a very inconsiderable loss on their Side. — As the Austriaus have not
succeeded in their design of relieving of Schweidnitz, it is expected,
the Garrison of that Place will shortly be obliged to Capitulate to the
Prussians.
1762, Aug* 25th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht . . .
Vienna mail has been robbed 3 times within 4 weeks, the Letters opened,
some tore ; others carried off, and the delivery of the rest retarded . .
. . . such vigorous Orders are given in the French Army and so
well executed, that no Officer durst write any thing which happens to the
disadvantage of the two Marshals, and I find the same Order is given in
the Prince of Conde's Army .... by this means they conceal
the Confusion, Discord, and Want that reigns in that Army.
1762, Aug* 25th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
. . . I have nothing to add .... but that its expected
Schweidnitz will Capitulate in less than eight days, this however is only
conjecture. Mr. Porter who is very sincerely your friend, set out from
hence this morning and I guess in about eight days may arrive at Berlin,
as he is obliged to travel very slowly on ace* of his young family, so that
he will not reach Holland till the 20th of next month at soonest.
1762, Aug* 25th. Charles Lloyd to the same. From S* James's.
. . . Mr Grenville who came from Wotton this Day, where he has
been ever since Friday, desires his Comp8 to you. I believe I mentioned
His Directions to have All Letters Received & Dispatched enter'd in
Books at Length. He desires now beside that, immediately to have all
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
341
the Prussian Correspondence from the 5th of October last to this time; Chaeles
This must be enter'd upon directly .... Collins came between Weston
12 & one this morning from Mitchell. ^eST^'
1762. Aug. 27th. P. M. Morin to the same. From S* James's.
. . . Last night we had three messengers in at once, from Peters-
burgh, Breslaw, and the Army. The first brought no very material
News; The Empress seems now quite reconciled to the K[ing] of
P[russia], and the Russian Troops have entirely evacuated his Domi-
nions. Everything was quiet at Petersburg; old Best [uche]f appears
inveterate against the French and well disposed towards us ; the Renewal
of the T[reaty] of Commerce has been mentioned, and They have
promised to take it under Consideration forthwith. ... I hear the
E. of Westmoreland died yesterday ; Lord Litchfield went up with the
Address at the Head of the University. . . .
1702. Aug* 28th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
. . . We are here in a State of Tranquility in every Quarter, and I
do not see any likelyhood of a New Disturbance ; tho there is some
Difficulty remaining with respect to the Guardianship of the Young
Duke of Holstein. But this Point has already been settled (if it could
be settled) between His D[anish] M[ajesty] & the K[ing] of Sw[eden],
who is the nearest Relation
1762. Aug* 30th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. The
writer is about to send the little dog Marquis in the care of Lady
Frances Steuart, General & Miss Dilkes having disappointed him.
1762. Sept. 1st. Colonel E. Ligonier to the same. From New
Norfolk Street. — I am favoured with your letter & I beg in answer to
it, that you will present my humble respects to Mr Greuville, and
acquaint him, that it will be very inconvenient to me, to set out at so
little notice, but that if he thinks it necessary, I shall waive every
consideration to obey his commands. I will immediately send a copy of
your letter to Cap11 Conyngham. I will not trouble you with several
reasons I have for wishing to stay a few days longer, as I submit
entirely to Mr Grenville's pleasure.
1762. Sept. 1st. George Grenville to the same. — I desire you will
let Col. Ligonier know (with my Compliments to him) that he having
expressed his wishes to carry to P. Ferdinand any letter that I should
have occasion to write, in order to comply with his request I had desired
you to inform him that I should write to P. Ferdinand to night, & that
if it was agreeable & convenient to him he might carry the letter, but
if neither he nor Cap* Coningham were ready to go upon so little notice
you will then add the Postscript you propose & send that letter to
P. Ferdinand to night by the Messenger. In order to put the K[ing] of
Prussia out of all doubt of what is to be done with regard to Cleves, &c,
I would have you add these words at the very end of ye dispatch to
Mr Mitchell after ye words in the present situation & to the preserva-
tion & recovery of every part of his dominions ,
1762. Sept. 3rd. The same to the same. From Great George Street.
. By the enclosed letter from de Boreel you will see that he
applys earnestly for ye money for j e Elector of Cologne. I have writ
him word that I would lay it before ye King when I return'd from ye
Country where I was going tomorrow for 3 days. I promisd him to
send his Complaint about ye Spanish women & children taken out of a
3^ HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Dutch Merchant Ship to the Admiralty, in order. to procure them all y°
*We8tow>D relief the case admitted of. ... 1 therefore desire you will send
Underwood, the paper of Complaint about the Spanish women to Mr. Clevland. ...
— ' I shall therefore set out very early tomorrow morning for Ld Thomonds
House at Shortgrove near Newport in Essex. . . .1 rejoice in your
appointment to be a Comm1' of y° J.'i ivy Seal, which I meant to have
told you yesterday but I forgot it.
1762. Sept. 8th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. — I
am honoured with your Letter of the 31st past, and heartily thank you
for the Good News of the nomination of Ministers to the Courts of
London & Paris. I hope that will he the surest Way of bringing about
a General Peace so necessary to Europe. . . . You can't imagine
the; pains I take to furnish my Quota to the Gazette, but everything
from our Army is Old ere it arrives .here. ...
1762. Sept. i Oth. Emanuel Mathias to the same.' From Hamburgh. —
We are informed from Lubeck that as soon as the Danish Troops had
evacuated the Dutchy of Meehlenbourg Schwerin, & repassed the Trave,
that it was followed a few days afterwards by That of the Territory of
Lubeck, and of the Town of Travemunde belonging to that Kepubiick.
1762. Sept. 13th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. . .
The Inactivity of the Armys and the Order given the French officers to
write ndthing frOm the Army but what is advantagious to them, as well
as the opening of all Letters at the Imperial Post Office, hinders my
receiving any Intelligence that merits Mr Secretary Grenville's
attention, or a Place in the Gazette.
1762. Sept. 14th. Edward Weston to George Grenville. From
Whitehall.— They are at a Loss at the Office what to do, as you have
not sent back the Letter to Mr Boreel, not knowing whether you have
approved, & signed it, or not; & consequently whether They may send
the Copy of it to Sr Jos. Yorke, as mentd in your Letter to his Ex')', or
no. There is a Copy of the Letter from the Lds of the Admiralty ready
to be inclosed in yours to Mr Boreel. I beg the favour of you, to send
an answer to This, as the Post cannot be dispatched till We have your
Orders upon what is above for our Information.
. 1762. Sept. 14th. George Grenville to Edward Weston. — I have
signd the letter to Mr Boreel & M1* Cli. Loyd copied the letter from
ye Lds of ye Admty & enclosed it with my letter which he made up
directed & deliverd to M. Boreel who was here who went home imme-
diately to send it by this Post to Holland. You may therefore send my
letter* to Sr J. Yorke & inclose the Copy of the Admty letter in it, I
send you back yfe Adlutv letter & take it for granted you have that which
I signd to Sr J. Yorke as M1' Loyd has not left it in any of ye boxes.
1762. Sept. 17th. Kobert Hampden to the same. From the General
Post Office.— I am much obliged to Mr. Sec1"? Grenville, & to y° Lords
of ye Admiralty for the Attention, They have been pleased to pay to the
Anxiety, I sometime ago exprest for the Safety of our Dutch Mails. I
now see, both from the Directions given by the Admiralty, & by the
constant Attention given to Them by Cap1 Lobb, & the Other Cruizers
in Those Seas, that all possible Care has been, & is taken to secure the
Passage of the Packett-Boats between Harwich and Helvoet-Sluys ; &
will, I hope, be attended with the desired Success.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
343
1762. Sept, 1 7th. Emanuel Mathias to the same, From Hamburg.
Acknowledging a letter and papers.
1762. Sept. 17th. Samuel Wilson to the same. From Pulchrohon,
near Pembroke, South Wales. — I hope you will pardon the liberty I
lake in troubling You with a Letter, but did not till, last post hear You
hud the Custody of the Privy Seal. ... As I had the honor of
being Secretary to the Duke of Bedford shall intreat the favor of Your
A probation of my Continuing Secretary to You and the other Genttomen
which will be Conferring a Singular Obligation on ...
1762, Sept. 18th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen
At present Peace seems to be really desired on Both
Sides ; & it may happily & speedily succeed, if unlucky Events do not
full out, just in the very Hour of Projection, to retard it
The Earl of Buckingham passed by Here on the 14th instant, without
stopping. The Wind was then very fair for him but did not long con-
tinue so. I doubt not, however, but His Excell^ will
arrive safe in Port, & I hope He will meet with no Disappointment after
His arrival. The Tumult is appeased for the present ; yet many think
it is only Ignis suppositus cineri doloso. We shall soon see what a
Coronation will do to mend the Matter. ■ In the meantime People cannot
help observing that Things look very Black in the North.
1762, Sept. 21st. N. Fcnwick to the same. From Elsingoer. Ac-
knowledging a letter.
1762, Sept. 22nd. George Grehville to the same. From Windsor. —
As the King has been pleased to give me leave to be absent for a few
days, I propose to set out to-morrow for Wotton according to my former
intentions, & shall stay there till Tuesday if no event happens to call me
back before that time. With regard to your stay at Eton, or your
return to Town, I refer that entirely to your own choice, being fully
satisfied that if anything shoud make your presence necessary in London,
you woud go thither immediately ; & on the other hand I see nothing
to keep you here if you are inclined to return. Lord Egremont thanks
you for your kind Offer to him, but has not at present any occasion to
make use of it. He intends to stay here as long as the King does, which
as you have been truely informed will be till next Saturday. I men-
tion'd to the King to-day that I believed it was in some degree a dis-
appointment, by His Majesty's not stopping to hear the Speech made
by one of the Eton boys as was intended. The King said he never
heard of the intention, & that if he had he woud have stop'd, & upon
my suggesting that it might as well- be done at his return. His Majesty
immediately consented to it, & directed me to inform them of it, which
I propose to do by stopping at Eton to-morrow morning & calling upon
the Provost according to your invitation between nine & ten o'clock.
I therefore desire that you will stay at Eton at least till 1 have seen you
there. Our News from Portugal is good &' very honourable lor the
King's Troops, a detachment of whom under Gen1 Burgoyne have
attacked an Advanced Post of the Spanish Army at Valencia d' Alcan-.
tara & have carried [it] Swor;l in Hand, having utterly destroyd & taken
the Regiment of Seville an old Spanish Regiment of Horse. Gen1
Burgoyne, Col. Somerville, & Lord Pulteney are particularly mentioned
as having distinguished themselves. The Account comes from C<tf de
la Lippe who has sent an Officer with this account. I think ye applica-
tion ab* ye Dutch Ships to ye Adm1? is irregular of which I will talk to
you when I see you.
Charles
Fleetwood.
Westok
TJnderwoo »
Esq
344 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles 1762, Sept. 24th. The same to the same. From Wotton. — £ past
Westok>I> 11 P»M. — I have just received by the Post the inclosed letter & affidavit
U5^J"roOD' from Mr Hooper one of the Commrs of the Customs, relating to a violent
outrage, committed near Pool by some Smuglers (as is strongly sus-
pe«ted) on board of the Ranger, a Guernsey Privateer. The likeliest
means that I know both for redress & punishment is to desire M1'
Cle viand to direct an enquiry immediately to be made into this story,
as all the Privateers must be commissioned by & give Security to the
Admiralty. I therefore wish you would send Mr Hooper's letter & the
affidavit to him, & enquire of him what can be done to relieve the un-
happy object of the present complaint, & by punishing the offenders if
the complaint is true to prevent the repetition of such acts of violence &
inhumanity for the future.
1762, Sept. 24th. Robert Boyd to the same. From the Headquarters
at Kirchain I beg'd to know what I was to do, in case
a peace took place, & I added, that as the Hessian Treaty was to expire
in June next, I flatter'd myself His Majesty would be graciously pleased
to continue my appointments as Commissary of those Troops, till that
time
1762, Sept. 24th. George Grenville to the same. From Wotton.
J past IOp.m I have signd the letter to the Adm^, &
have inclosed to you two Militia letters to which I desire you will order
the answers to be prepared for my signing at my return. I will send
you back the letters by the Mails as soon as I receive them from
Windsor. What do you think of the request made by P[rince] Ferdinand
to be informed whether the King will continue the light troops &c. ?
which he hath raised, or allow him to recommend ^those corps to the
K[ing] of Prussia if he will accept them ?
(P.S.) I shall certainly be in Town on Tuesday if nothing calls me
from home before that time.
1762, Sept. 24th. James Rivers to the same. From Whitehall.
The last is dated the 21st at Night, & incloses a very
long paper, which is the Dra* of Preliminaries, given That morning by
the D[uc] de Choiseul to the D[uke] of Bedford at Versailles ; His
Grace seems very much dissatisfied with this paper; the D[uke] of
Bedford's Letter transmitting it is short, & as I had not time to read the
paper, I cannot tell any particulars ; His Grace had not had any Con-
ference with either the Due or Count de Choiseul, since receiving that
Paper. I have ordered this to be carried to you early to-morrow
morning, hoping it will reach you before you dispatch to Mr Grenville,
& am sorry I cannot give you fuller or more agreable information.
1762, Sept. 25th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
Ld Colvil, I see, is got upon the Coast of Newfound-
land with no despicable Force, before the French have been able to
extend & settle Themselves, or are secured there by Fogs & Frost.
The Fate of the Havannah seemed only to depend upon the storming
of the Moro, which was just going to be attempted the 18th of July.
I shall therefore be impatient for the News of the next Express from
thence, which must arrive quickly if Good Luck attends us. All I am
afraid of is the Rainy Season and Sickness
1762, Sept. 25th. Thomas Wroughton to the same. From Warsaw.
The prospect of an approaching peace makes this Court
very happy, as they think a General one will not be long in following.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
345
I don't suppose they will lose a moment in returning to Dresden, when
the foreign troops shall be withdrawn from Saxony.
1762, Sept. 25th. Eevd Jeremiah Milles, Dean of Exeter, to the
same. From Exeter. — I am honoured with your letter of the 20th, in
answer to which I have only to express my full assurance that the E.
of B., from his well known regard to ye virtues & characters of men,
will recommend to us a Bp of an irreproachable character which is
particularly necessary in this populous & censorious place
I shall endeavour to shew my gratitude to the Earl of Bute by rendering
every service in my power to the person whom his Lordship shall think
proper to recommend to us, & to make his situation here as agreeable as
I can
1762, Octr 1st. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburgh.
Acknowledging a letter.
1762, Oct. 1st. Dr Thomas Wilson to the same. From Oxford.—I
take the Liberty of inclosing ye subjects to be spoke next July in our
Theatre, when, if we have a Peace, There will be a Public Act, & we
flatter ourselves with ye Hopes of being honoured with the Presence of
the Royal Family here at that Time. I can assure you that the
University were never better disposed to shew their Duty to his Majesty
& his Family, & indeed they never had greater Reason. We have
great Numbers of Youth of Genius & Learning & only want Encourage-
ment to stir their Emulation. His Majesty's great Love of ye fine Arts
& Literature raise ye highest Expectations in this Place, when they
know also that Augustus has a Mcecenas, the Patron of Ingenuity &
Learning. Forgive this freedom, & believe me
1762, Octr 7th. John Kerrich to the same [his uncle]. From
Rome We met his Holyness, which obliged us
not only to stop but to get out of our coach & go on our knees. . .
. . . The Pretenders Secretary died since we came here. Cardinal
York attended him just before he died 'tis said, but did not prevail upon
him with all his endeavours to alter his sentiments of Religion. I havo
not got a sight of the Cardinal, he is looked upon here as proud <fc foolish
but withall charitable and humane
1762, Octr 7th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
I long to hear that the Preliminaries are signed, and I
should be overjoyed to learn at the same time that my Country-men are
returned to their right Witts, the fever is too strong to be of long
Duration, that is my only Comfort, for here Passion, Pride, and Resent-
ment Triumph without Controul.
1762, Octr 8th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. — I have
received from Mr Cressener and forwarded to Helvoet a case containing
some bottles of Cologne Water, which goes by the Paquet Boat recom-
mended to Mr Simms at the Custom house ; to avoid difficulties, in my
letter to him I give it the name of Medicinal Water. I congratulate
you upon our glorious and important success at the Havannah, may it
produce Peace abroad, and cheerfull unanimity at home.
1762, Octr 13th. George Grenville to the same. From Great
George Street. — I cannot return the drafts of the circular letters upon
my leaving the Office of Secretary of State, without writing you a few
lines, which are neither formal nor circular, but are designed to convey
to you my Sincerest & kindest thanks for your assistance to me in
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
UG
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
the execution of that labourious Office, and to testify to you in this
manenr the Sense I have of your merit & conduct towards me, & to
desire the continuance of your friendship. I saw Lord Halifax imme-
diately after I left you who expressed to me his most earnest wishes
that you should remain with him upon the same footing you was with
me, & as I am fully satisfied that you will find him desirious to make
your Situation as agreable to you in every respect as he is able, you will I
hope change your term of disappointed into that of an appointed &
faithful Servant as you have been for so many years to your King &
All;,; . J- J y , J c
Country.
(P.S.) — If you will send the ".Recredential for M. Boreel in a box to
the King I will countersign it if it is brought back to the Office before
12 o'clock at which time I shall certainly come to the Office for the
Seals which I beg you will take care to have ready for me.
1762, Octr 13th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
I have desired our Friend Mr Wolters to forward You a
little Case of Cologne Water, that was sent from Cologne at least 6
months ago. I believe you will find it much excells Lavender,
Hungary, &c, and I natter myself it will be agreable to your Ladys.
1762, Oct1' 14th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From South
Street. Stating the Attorney-Generals opinion as to the proceedings to
be taken against Beardmore and Entick the authors of libels that had
appeared in several numbers of the Monitor. 5 pp.
1762, Oct1' 19th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Ham-
burgh.— Advice was received here yesterday from Berlin, that General
Haddick attacked on the 13th instant the Front of the Army in Saxony,
under the Command of His Eoyal Highness Prince Henry of Prassia,.as
well as a separate Corps under that of General Hulsen ; but that the
Austrians had been repulsed on every side, and with no considerable
loss .....
]762, Oct1' 19th. Eobert Boyd to the same. From the Head-
quarters at Kircham. — I beg to offer my warmest thanks for your good-
ness in answering my last letter so expeditiously, & for the promise
you are pleas'd to make to remind M1' Grenville of my request, of which
I am convine'd, I shall find the good effects. In that application of mine
to Mr Grenville, I have only ask'd His Majesty's permission to come to
England, in case a cessation of arms should take place, but in the present
I have desir'dthat permission, when the Troops go into Winter Quarters,
because the negotiation for peace, may bo a work of time and not finish
with this Campaign. I say it may be, altho' I hope & trust that
will not be the case. This is odd language for a military man to talk,
but as I cannot help respecting the Sacred rights of humanity, which I
have seen so frequently & so horridly violated, I most earnestly wish
for peace altho' I shall pay 1,000/. a year for it.
1762, Oct1' 22nd. Lord Halifax to the same. From the Admiralty.
The King of Prussia's memorial is a curious Piece, & demands
much more Consideration than I have had Time to give it; & much
more Intelligence than I as yet have on the subject of it. I think it
however My Duty to my Brother Ministers to return it that it may as
soon as possible be circulated among them. I cannot however help
wishing I had a Copy of it as soon as may be ; that We may work upon
a Draft of Answer. On this important occasion I shall stand much in
need of You both as to Form & Substance ; & therefore much wish
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
347
to see you tomorrow morning about ten of th' Clock, if convenient to
you. I intended going to Bushey, but certainly will not, if my Presence
be necessary here. Possibly while this Memorial is in Circulation, I may
employ myself as well at Bushey as here, if you bring me tomorrow
morning the former Papers, which have passed between our Court &
Prussia, as far as they relate to the subject of the Memorial. Put me in
the right Course of Study and I shall be able to get thro' a good deal
tomorrow & Sunday. But alt this I leave to you, & shall come to no
Resolution till I see you tomorrow. Lord Holdernesse has just now sent
me the Inclosed. If it be usual to lend the Kings messengers on Such
Occasions, you will give immediate Directions for one of them to attend
his Lordship's orders. If not favor me with a Line or Two letting me
know what Answer I shall send him.
Charles
Fleet wc on
Westcx
Underwood,
Esq.
1762, Octr 26th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
[After congratulations on the Capture of Havannali] .... the Joyfull
News of this great and, I may say, Unexpected Event is come at a rzght
Time for me, to enliven an Entertainment ; which I am preparing to give,
as usual, to His D[anish] Al[ajesty] at my Country House. The Day
is not yet fixed, but I expect every Moment to receive Notice of it from
the Gr[and] Marshal.
1762, Octr 26th. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam.
— You will see what is said to have happened to the Duke of Nivernois
att the Royal Exchange put very strongly in the French Amsterdam
Gazette, it is still much stronger an. I with many more circumstances in
the Dutch Amsterdam paper of this day. As the thing makes a great
noice here, and that private letters onely represent the whole as having
been the common and natural effect of curiosity, permit me to hint to
you that it might not be improper to contradict it by some vehicle of
the publick papers; you will pardon the liberty which I take, but you
know my motive.
1762, Oct1* 3Cth. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen
The writer condoles with M1' Weston en the death of the latter's second
son.
1762, Octr 31st. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Breslau.
. . . . The situation of affairs in Saxony is very alarming, and the more
to be lamented that it might have been preventer!, if his P.M. Avould
have accepted of the terms proposed on the 24th or 26th of Septr
viz., the Garrison not to serve for one year, but our misfortune is that
we are never to hearken to any proposal that does not originally spring
from ourselves — I shall write to you again before I leave this place,
which I can not do till I have more insight into the King of Prussia's
intentions.
1762, Nov1' 1st. Robert Hampden to the same. From the General
Post Office. — I had the honour this morning of being very kindly
received, and as favourably heard by L(l Halifax ; Avho has agreed not
only to give me, as soon as ye King shall have declared my future Col-
league, a New Warrant, in the usual Terms; but also to honour me with
his confidential Commands, pro re natd, as often as Occasion may require :
You will easily imagine, that This will entirely reconcile me to my present
Post; provided His Ma^ continues to think me properly qualified for the
Discharge of it.
Esq.
348 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Ciiarles 1762, Novr 5th. Emanuel Mathias to the samo. From Ilam-
riWESTON>D burg. — Sending news of the victory of the Prussians, commanded by
UK1i55l,rool>' Prmce Henry of Prussia, over the Austrians and Imperial troops, at
Freyburg on the 29th of October.
1702, Nov1" 9th. Robert Hampden to the same. From the General
Post Office. Not to trouble Ld Halifax, let me acknowledge to you the
receipt of his Lordship's Commands, in relation to Yourself, & the Rest
of the Gentlemen employed in his Lordships Office ; & inform you that
I immediately gave the necessary Orders accordingly.
I cannot lay down my Pen, without wishing you joy of the Signature of
the Preliminaries ; & of the normal Share, 1 imagine, you have had in
That Salutory, & desirable Work.
1762, Novr 13th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From South
Street. — I have had the favour of your letter. I will not fail to mention
your Critism, that the alteration maybe made, if thought proper. I only
fear that however ridiculous the Title may be thought here ; the Count
may be very angry, if it is not given Him. Let me in return send you
a Critism upon a passage in your Memoire You have once or twice ex-
pressed yourself as if the King of Prussia had made the formal requisi-
tion for the Succour We should furnish Him in consequence of the
Treaties of Guaranty. 'This he certainly has not done, & I think it of
very great Importance to prove clearly that He has not done it ; because
We are not bound till He has done so, to furnish the Succour, & as it
proves either that the K[ing] of Prussia does not wish that we should send
those Succours, or that He thinks there may be circumstances which
force us from the Obligation of sending them — Lord Bute wishes to have
a Copy of His letter to Sr Joseph Yorke concerning His Insinuations to
the Court of Vienna upon the Family Compact.
1762, Novr 13th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Berlin. —
After a very painful and fatiguing journey I arrived here the 10th, ex-
pecting the Consolation of letters from England, in which I am Badly
disappointed I am pestered with Messages about the signing of
the Preliminaries, to which as I give an honest and fair answer, that I am
not informed, I have the mortification to find that I am not believed, bur
looked upon as a profound Disembler the most contemptible of ail
Characters.
1762. ISovr 13th. Sir John Goodricke to the same. From Copenhagen.
There is nothing come to me from Sweden by these
last two Posts worth troubling my Lord Halifax with ; But as the King
and Queen came to Stockholm for the winter last Monday was sen-
night, it is supposed that a Resolution will be taken with regard to
their Course of Exchange & money affairs, which are the objects that
employ at present all the attention of that Government.
1762. Nov 20th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same From South Street.
— Much is said at present to endeavour to prove that though We did not
renew last year the Subsidy Treaty with the King of Prussia, & though
on that account We were not bound to pay him any more Sub.-idy, yet
that every other Part of the former Conventions still continue in force
& particularly the 4th Article, which says that We shall not make
Peace or Truce but by mutual consent fy expressly including each
other. I should be obliged to you if you would let rue have your
opinion on this point, & whether you know any precedent to direct our
Judgement upon it.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
349
His ancient Treaties. And
very last Memorial has given
1762. Novr 20th. Edward Weston to Cecil Jenkinson. Prom St.
James's. — In the first Place it is an unheard of thing that an annual
Treaty should contain perpetual Engagements. The very Renewal of
the Whole from Year to Year shews that neither of the Parties consider
it in that Light ; 2dlF the King of Prussia's Minister Certainly thought
the 4th Article as well as the Others would expire if not renewed,
because He said expressly to Mr Mitchell (see His Dispatch of )
that in case the last Subsidy Treaty were not renewed His Master
would be left without any Ally, &c. & reduced to tlio Stipulations of
because the Same Mr. Finckenstein in His
It under His Hand that as the Court of
Britain wished that the Subsidy Treaty which he called La Convention
annuelle might not be renewed, His Master had consented to take the
Subsidy without It, though it would have been prejudicial to His
Interests ; Now if the King of Portugal having the Subsidy, would
still be prejudiced by not renewing the Treaty, It must be because He
could no longer claim the Benefit of the 4th Article, For there was no
other the Non-Renewal of which could hurt Him, The Object of
the first Act being sufficiently provided for by the Old Treaties them-
selves & their Confirmation by the Treaty of 1756, still in force, & the
2d & 3d out of the Question as relating to the Subsidy only.
3dly. If People will still have the 4th Article to be in force, Let it be
so ; So much the better for Us, since if We have broken It, We have
only followed the King of Prussia's Example, who concluded His
Treaty both with Russia & Sweden, sans y comprendre nommement
S.M. B^ue the only way to answer This must be by saying that Those
two were not Powers qui avoient pris part a la Guerre. But what-
ever be alleged by People seeking for Objections, the King of Prussia
will, I daresay, never charge Us directly with the Breach of a Treaty,
which He knows must make against Him, & You will observe that
Count Finckenstein though His Subject led Him to make great Advan-
tage of Ir, never Offers to mention it in his Memorial.
The Truth of the whole is that the whole Subsidy Treaty expired in
Decr last ; Viz* antecedently to either the Prussian or English Negoti-
ations with the Enemy.
1762. Nov1' 20th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From South
Street. — I am much obliged to you for the Information you have been
so kind to send Me ; You will add to the favour by letting me have a
Copy of Count Finckenstein's letter to Mr Mitchel in which he says
that, if We do not renew our Subsidy Convention, We shall have no
other Treaties subsisting between Us but the Ancient ones of Guaranty,
& that the King of Prussia would be left without an Ally. We have been
waiting all this morning for your Answer to the Prussian Memorial ;
but it is not come yet. Lord Bute is very impatient for it, as it is the
Point on which He expects to be attacked.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1762. Nov1' 20th. Andrew Mitchell to the same. From Berlin.
I am much obliged to you for the pains you have taken
about my E. E. Bill [His claims for an allowance for Extraordinary
Expenses.] . . . . as a Bounty or rather a continuation of a
Bounty, I cannot with decency press nor solicit for it nor do I even
intend to write Lord Halifax about it unless you should be of another
Opinion.
1762. Novr 23rd. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. I
am the more surprised that you have not received your Case of Cologne
350 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood Water that it went of by the Paquet Boat as long agone as the 12th
wkston of last month to the care of Mr Davies, Collector of the Customs att
rxoKRwoop, Harwich If, as the publick will have it, the
British Troops are to embark at Williamstadt, I shall perhnps be called
back to that my old Station.
1762. Nov1" 23rd. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From South
Street. — I have no part of Mr Mitchels Correspondence in my posses-
sion. I will mention to Lord Bute what you say in support of your
Amendment. In your Memorial about the middle of it you have these
Expression?, speaking of the King of Prussia, qui demande V assistance
$ reclame la Gnarantie de son A Hie. These are the words I wish to
see altered for the reasons I mentioned.
1762. Novr 23rd. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen.
I have the great satisfaction to find that you continue
still in the office, notwithstanding the late Alteration
my Mind is now wholly bent upon the Means of quitting with Decency,
both this Political Stage, on which I have bcea Graciously permitted to
act above Thirty Years ; & also that of the World, where I have lived
about Twice as long The K[ing] of D[enmark] in-
tended to have honoured me, as usual, with a Visit at my Country House ;
but as He is at present a little out of Order (a circumstance not known
to Many) and as the Weather at this Season is very Raw & Cold, He
has thought tit to alter his Design A Danish
Courier, who arrived from Fontainebleau Ten Days ago, having brought
News of the Signing of the Preliminary?, I am impatient to learn
somewhat of the Particulars of that long wished for Event by the
next Letters from London. Peace is certainly desirable in itself, &
always beneficial to a' trading Nation; but to close a most Glorious &
Successful War with an Honourable & Lasting Peace, which is I hope
or will be soon Our Case, may justly be esteemed the highest pitch of
Advantage & Prosperity, that any Nation can arrive at.
1762. Novr 24th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
. . . . No man in the Three Kingdoms rejoyces more sincerely
than I do on the signing of the Preliminary Articles of Peace, in these
7 years past, I have never been absent from my Post 12 Hours at any
time, & have wrote myself almost blind, so judge Sir how agreable
Peace will be to me
1762. Novr 27th. Cecil Jenkinson to the, same. From South
Street. — Though I have no concern & interfere very little with money
transactions in the Treasury, yet I can have no doubt but I can obtain
the favour you mention of 20,000/. in the new [3 per cent.] subscription.
1762. Novr 30th. Emanuel Mathias to the same. From Hamburg.
Acknowledging a letter & sending congratulations on the signing vof the
Preliminaries.
1762. Decr 3rd. Martin to the same. From Abingdon Street,
Westminster. — Mr Martin presents his compliments to Mr Weston;
and will be obliged to him, if he will be so good as to lett Mr Martin,
know, at what time it is expected that the combined army in Germany
will separate to return into their respective countries. Because the
Treasury proposes to make a remittance of money to Germany, if there
be a probability that the British troops should remain there long
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 351
enough, to allow of the conveyance of money from hence to the Deputy Charles
Paymaster, attending the King's troops in that country. Westow
Underwood,
1762. Dec1' 4th. Dudley Cosby [afterwards Lord Sydney of Leix] ^-
to the same. From Great George Street. — Saturday morning. — His
Excellency desired I wou'd write to remind you to give the proper
Notice that there is to be a Council in the King's Closet at one o'clock
on Monday.
1762. Dec1' 4th. Walter Titley to the same. From Copenhagen. . .
The Ministers of Gr[eat] Britain, Who have the Courage to serve Their
King & Country in the Work of Pacification, especially after a Successful
War, run no less Risk than Those Military Commanders do, Who lead
Their Troops to a dangerous Attack. From the. present Temper of
Our countrymen, which I observe with Regret, Disputes & Altercations
are to be expected at Home ; & These may possibly (for some lime at
least) be fomented from Abroad, if what I hear be true ; Namely that
our Great Friend in Germany, Whom we have supported with a Zeal
& Expence unheard of before, is now so displeased with Our Measures,
that He is going to publish a Manifesto against Us; and as we are
happily out of His reach He threatens, They say, to make poor
Hanover smart for what He dislikes in Our Behaviour. But of this
You must know more than I can pretend to. . . . . . . Yet after
all, while Ambition & Avarice govern the World, the making of Peace
signifys little more than the taking of Breath } & the Public Tranquility
will last no longer, than till some aspiring Power is able to disturb it
with a fair Prospect of Advantage. France generally lays the Scheme
of a New War, immediately upon the Conclusion of Peace ; tho' I
suppose, after such a Drawback, she will not speedily be in a Condition
of executing any Hostile Project. And Spain will be much more
quiet for the future, duly keeping in Mind the Specimen She has lately
had both of Our Force & Moderation ; so that this Agreement will
probably be of some duration. It will last for Our Time at least ; & as
for future Wars & future Victorys — Carpent ea Poma Nepotes.
1762. Dec1' 6th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht.
. . . . Permit me Sir to most sincerely congratulate You on the
Ratification of the Preliminary Articles, if they are such as have
appeared in the Publick Papers, I must Say We have much more
Reason to be content than the French have, and yet they are
pleased, but We never are, if Foreigners may judge by what appears in
print
1762, Dec1' 6th. Cecil Jenkinson to the same. From South Street-
Asking for an answer to some questions which do not appear.
1762. Dec1 14th. James Rivers to the same. . . . I was told
last Night that the Newspapers mentioned Mr Delafaye's Death; a
Clerkship in the Signet is a Thing which I own I have long wished to
obtain ; & I trust my Pretensions will not be thought unreasonable ; I
conclude That now vacant, will be deemed in Lord Egremonts Disposal
as Senior Secretary of State
1762. Decr 15th. G. Cressener to the same. From Maestricht. . .
Permit me Sir once more to Congratulate You on this Honorable &
Advantageous Peace ; all our Friends on this Side of the Water, think
We have great Cause to rejoyce at it, and I am sorry any Man in the 3
Kingdoms thinks otherwise.
352
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles
Fleetwood
Weston
Uhderwood,
Esq.
1762. Decr 25th. Lord Bute to Lord Halifax. From South Audley
Street. — Lord Bute presents His Coinpts to Lord Halifax & takes the
Liberty of recommending to His Lordship, that what is mentioned in
the Inclosed be carried into Execution; He further begs Leave to
inform His Lordship, that He has received an Application in favor
of Mr. Rob* Brown, Minister of the English Church at Utrecht, that
He may be appointed to do the Business of Mr. Ponchard deceased,
who was King's Agent at that Place receiving only half the Salary ; —
If Lord Halifax is not under any Ingagement for this Agency ; Lord
Bute wishes that Mr. Brown who is a very worthy Man, may be
appointed ; & Half the Salary will be thereby saved to the Crown.
1762. Decr 31st. Emanuel Mathias to Edward Weston. From
Hamburg. Enclosing paragraphs for the Gazette with the Compliments
of the season.
1762, Dec. 31st. Robert Wolters to the same. From Rotterdam. . . .
I shall by the next post send to Lord Halifax my publick account, and a
detail of the manner in which I would continue the correspondences.
It was a particular pleasure to me that my Memorial about the
German Emigrants gave some Satisfaction to his Lordship; I shall
allways be very happy to cooperate and to assist in so salutary a Work,
which is all that I mean in recommending myself, and whatever
Methods be taken, or whoever is the instrument of them, I shall be
contented provided the thing succeeds well.
Original Letters from the Weston Papers, Vol. VI.
1763 and 1764.
1703, Janr 2nd. Lord Halifax to Edward Weston. From Bushey
Park. — A thousand thanks to you for your kind Wishes of the Season,
and I beg you would accept the Same from Me. I don't know how the
Year Sixty three will turn out ; but if I am as happy during the course
of it as I have been for more than Twenty Years past (for of Childhood
and the Days of giddy Youth I take no Account) I shall have no reason
to complain. — to speak the Truth, I should think Myself ungrateful
to Providence if I did not esteem myself hitherto to have been a
remarkably happy Man I am sorry for poor Lord
Granville's State, but don't know what I can wish him better than a
Speedy Release
1763, Janr 6th. Andrew Mitchell to the same, from Berlin. . .
My field equipage consisted of 36 and sometimes of 40 Horses with
Servants proportionate. The late Kings E[xtra] E[xpenses] Allow-
ance was paid to the 1st of September 1760 and I remained with the
Army from that time to the month of June 1761. So there are ten
months to which no Objection can be made as there was no Cessation
of Service on my part. After I recovered from the Fever at Magde-
burg I made no farther reform in my Equipage, than by selling of
eight pack Horses and dismissing of three Grooms, the rest I was
obliged to keep at a great expence during this Winter in Expectation of
being able to join the King of Prussia in the Spring. In the begin-
ning of April last when I received the King's orders to repair with all
possible expedition to Breslaw, I set out directly (though then in a
very bad state of Health) leaving my whole Equipage and the greatest
part of my Domesticks at Magdeburg, with directions to hold them-
selves in readiness to follow me upon the first notice, where they
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
353
remained the whole summer, the Events of the Campaign not answering
expectation. Now Sir I can not help thinking that from the month of
April I ought to be deemed in the field, having had all the fatigue of a
Campaign with the additional Expence of paying for my Equipage and
Servants at Magdeburg though deprived of the use of them. . . .
1763. JanJ 15th. Oliver Macallester to the same. Enclosing a copy
of a letter to Mr Fox setting out a project which has not been preserved
in this collection.
1763. Jany 21st. Lord Halifax to the same, from Great George
Street I send you Count Bothmar's Letter for two
Reasons ; one because I think it ought to be in the Office, and the other
is that you may prepare an answer to the Count, informing him that I
have obey'd his Commands, & refer'd the affair by His Majesty's Com-
mand to the Recorder of London. In the Same Box I send you an
Answer from Sir James Lowther, by which you will observe that he
insists his Militia has not been regularly disembodied and consequently
do still continue on Pay However this matter appears to
me wholly military, & as the Major dismissed the Corps in Consequence
of orders from the Secretary of War, it seems to me that Mr Ellis is
the proper Person to take Cognisance of it
G SABLES
Fleetwood
WE3TOK
Underwood,
Returning a letter
1763. JanF22nd. Cecil Jenkinson to the same,
not preserved in this collection.
1763. JanF 29th. James Porter to the same You are
born too soon would to God you was 20 years younger to have the care
of my little boy, if providence preserves him then it would matter little
as to my own carcass where it went but honest conscientious men are
now so scarce that where can 1 find them ? for mere Executors. The
pay of Envoy is Small as times are at the Court [Vienna] 1 think it
can't exceed [after] ail deductions 2000/. what is there for the journey ?
Sir Th[omas] R[obinson] had minister plenipot : payor it was made
up above 3000 & pas de trop of these matters we shall talk I'll en-
deavour to call on you tomorrow even? tho I dine with an old Lord for
old men are my portion I have livd too long adieu Dear Sir no man
living can love & Esteem you more than I do.
1763. Feby 3rd. Cecil Jenkinson to the same, from South Street. —
Lord Bute desires that you would select for His use some of the most
scandalous of Annel's letters if they are in your possession, & send
them to me, as he wants to shew them to persons who are applying for
an Alleviation of His punishment.
1763. Feb? oth. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushey Park. . . .
General Conway seems very sore ; and his Intentions may have been
good, but he in no degree justifies himself for leaving us so much in the
Dark as he did in his first Letter. If anything has been wrong he
seems to lay it at the Door of Prince Ferdinand & Ld Granby, as he
says he did nothing but by their order. He is much in the Wrong
when he Attempts to Excuse his giving the Legion Britanuique their
Arms, because it is customary, as he says, to do so in our Service, it is,
I believe, the Custom, in Cases where Part of a Corps is only reduced,
as the Arms are supposed to be laid up by the Commanding officer for
the use of the remaining Part of the Corps : but when the whole Corps
is reduced, it has been always customary to take away the Arms, &
restore them to the Ord'nance, with whom the Colonel of the Regiment
e 84067. z
354 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles originally indents, & this was the Case of my Regiment in the rear
Westok 1745 when broke at Northampton.
UNDEsorOOD' *^ne ^mPress °f Russia m her Behaviour with Respect to the Dutchy
— ' of Courland seems to act as imperiously and cruelly with Respect to the
King of Polands Family as the King of Prussia himself does in other
Quarters. How Miserable is the Stale of that unfortunate House to
suffer ye same Calamities in different Places from Friend and Foe. — In
my Retirement it has occasional some Observations on the Condition
of Kings; but for the present I do not intend to carry them down to
their Ministers ; for I should be wond'rous Sorry to be as sick of being
Secretary of State to the King of Great Britain, as I should be of being
King of Poland.
1763. Feb? 15th. Edward Weston to W. Money. Copy of ft
despatch to the latter at St. Petersburg.
1763. March iOth. Philip Stanhope to Edward Weston
having been laid up for these eight weeks past, with the Rhumatism,
and deprived for the greatest part of that time, of the use of all my
limbs, I am at present, though greatly recovered, utterly incapable of
going to Court, and kissing his Majesty's hand, for the preferment he
has most graciously been pleased to bestow upon me, I hope however
next Week to be able to have that honour
1763. March 31st. Lord Bute to Lord Halifax I send
also the Resignation of Mr Lind, who does [it in favour of Mr John
Home, who his Majesty had named for that office of Conservator before
but a Parliamentary interest forc'd me to put Him by, this last presses,
& I shall be much oblig'd to your Lordship to get the warrant sign'd as
soon as you shall find convenient.
1763. April 5th. The same to the same His Majesty is
for Lord Stormonts being appointed Envoy Ext: to Vienna with pay
& Credentials of Embassadour, your Lordship will I am certain enter
into my reasons, & take the King's Commands upon it, to whom I shall
mention this evening what I now write.
1763. April 13th. James Rivers to Edward Weston. — I am much
obliged for your Letter this Afternoon, relative to Your Interview with
the D. of Bedford ; if His Grace's Return does not vacate Our Com-
mission, I do not think the Tender You have made of the Seal can
affect our Authority to act • If the Validity of our Commission admits
of a Doubt, None but the Kings Lawyers can determine the Question;
& if it shall be necessary to lay the Case before them, no time ought to
be lost, for some Instruments are now at the Signet, & more may come
in every day, which will not allow of Delay on account of Writs of
Ellections; Tf there is to be a new Ld Privy Seal tomorrow, the
regular Method would be for the D. of Bedford to receive the Seal
from Us, & deliver it up to the King, but in this We have nothing to do
but as We shall be bid
1763. April 13th. The Attorney General [Honble Charles Yorke] to
Lord Halifax, from Highgate. Opinion of the former, writing in the
third person, against the King's Pardon being granted to certain
persons convicted of perjury, before Lord Mansfield, for having denied
their attestation of Mr Jollyffe's Will.
. 763. April 24th. Lord Halifax to Edward Weston
I am glad you did not put Lord Stormonts Appointment in the Gazette,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
355
but am heartily Sorry it was so Soon made. Don't you think Michell's
Letter to the King of Prussia the most impudent one You Ever read ?
indeed Some Meaus or other should be taken to curb that Fellow's
Insolence I had read the North Briton before I received
Your Letter, and formed the Same Opinion of it which you have done.
I would by all Means have it referred to the Attorney & Solicitor
generals for their Opinion,
1763. April 26th. Walter Titley to the same, from Copenhagen.
Describing the writer's desire to retire from his post on the grounds of
ill health P. Si. Surely You have now a parcel of the most
Seditious Foul-mouthed Writers, that ever abused the Liberty of the
Press.
1763. April 29th. Welbore Ellis, Secretary at War, and afterwards
Lord Mendip, to the same, from the Privy Garden. Forwarding a
letter to the Earl of Buckinghamshire to be enclosed with Lord Halifax's
despatches to the Court of Russia.
1753. April 30th. Walter Titley to the same, from Copenhagen. . .
I beg leave to set my Notion in a clearer Light. When I was first sent
to Denmark, charge d Affaires, I was quartered upon Lord Glenorchy's
Appointments which were thus divided between Us ; His Lordship
residing in England had 3/. a Day & I 21., but as His Lordship's usual
Bills of Extraordinarys continued to be passed, I had 250/. a year out
of that Yearly Allowance of 400/., because I was at all the Ext?
Expence. Now should a Person be sent here upon the same footing I
was then, I should not be unwilling to share the Appointments with
Him in the manner aforesaid I should be in no haste for
any alteration, if Gout & Fever would let me alone P.S.
1 should not be against giving up One Half of the Whole Appointments
to purchase a Quietus here for the rest of my Days. — You say nothing
of the Phil : Islands. However I cannot but rejoice at the success of Our
brave Countrymen ; tho at the same time I am very glad the Sword is
Sheathed. I think We had nothing to do but to make Peace, when we
had beaten Our Enemy s all the World over.
i 763. April 30th. Sir John Cust [the Speaker] to the same, from
Downing Street. — I thought it might be necessary to keep a short
Memorandum of the Message which You brought Me this day, from
the Earls of Halifax & Egremont, & therefore, as soon as You left Me,
I put down in writing the material things that passed between Us in
relation to M.r Wilkes's Commitment to the Tower. I have inclosed it
for Your perusal, that if there is any Mistake between us it may be
rectify'd.
The memorandum above referred to, dated as above, and signed by
the Speaker : — Edward Weston, Esq1* came to Me this day fronr the
Earls of Halifax and Egremont, His Majesty's principal Secretaries of
State, and acquainted Mp, that full proof had been made, that Mr
Wilkes, a Member of the House of Commons, was Author of a Libel
called the North Briton published on Saturday April 23rd, and that He
had carried the said Libel to the Press in order to be printed ; that He
had refused to make any Answers touching the said Libel, & that he was
committed to the Tower, the Offence being a Breach of the Peace, to
which Privilege of Parliament does not extend.
Mr Weston further told Me, by Order of the Secretaries of State, that,
if the Parliament had been sitting, His Majesty woud have immediately
acquainted the House of Commons with Mr Wilkes's Commitment;
z 2
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
356 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables an(i Mr Weston added, that He was fully persuaded, that the King
Westox woud send a Message to that purpose on the first day of next Session,
Undeewooi), but that in the meantime He was ordered to acquaint me with what had
— been done.
To this I answered, that I was very sensible of His Majesty's tender
Regard for the Privileges of the House of Commons, which I conceived
did not extend to a Breach of the Peace ; and that I hoped such a
Message, as Mr Weston mentioned, woud be sent to the House, on the
first day of next Session.
1763. May 1st. Edward Weston to Sir John Oust. [Draft.]
After acknowledging the latter's letter of the previous day and its
enclosure : — ... I only beg to observe that what is said of the King's
Intention, that was no part of my Message : But upon your saying to
me at parting, That you hoped such a Message would be sent the first
day of next Session, I answer'd that it would without [doubt] be done,
or to that Effect. The Truth is that I understood it to be a Thing of
Course, but had no Orders to declare it as an Intention of His Majesty.
If you think of producing the Paper, of which you have been so good as
to send me a Copy, I beg a small Alteration in that Part, & the rather,
because, at the time when I had the honour to be sent to you, the
Secretarys of State had not had an opportunity of seeing the King since
the Commitment of Mr Wilkes to the Tower.
1763. May 1st. Sir John Cust to Edward Weston, from Downing
Street. — I did not know but I might be appealed to, in relation to the
Message, which You brought Me Yesterday from Lords Halifax & Egre-
mont, & for that reason, I thought it necessary to put down in writing what
I took to be the Substance of it. I am very glad I sent you a Copy of it,
because I find, by the favor of Your Letter to day, that I misunderstood
You, in relation to the King's Intention, of acquainting the House of
Commons, the first day of next Session, with Mr Wilkes's Commitment,
which mistake I will take care to rectify. I will beg the favor of You.
to bring the paper with You when I have the pleasure of seeing You
next (which I hope will be to dinner on Wednesday) and I will alter it
agreeably to what passed between Us.
1763. May 1st. Lord Halifax to Edward Weston. — Bushey; Sunday
afternoon \ past five.— I return You Thanks for Your Letter. At
the Same Time I received it I had one from Ld Egremont with a
curious Inventory of Mr Wilkes's Arcana. I am of opinion that Papers
of Consequence were destroy'd during the Delay occasion'd by the
Cowardice of our Messengers. Inclosed I send You a Note from Lord
Mansfield, & desire that the Papers he wants may be immediately sent
to him. I likewise Send You an anonymous Letter concerning the
Seizure of Mr Wilkes. Pray let us have the Attorney & Sollicitors
opinion concerning the Point in Question. I shoud be glad to see You
tomorrow at Eleven, & am ....
(P.S.) — I am very well Satisfied with what passed between the
Speaker & You.
1763. May — . Robert Blackmore to the same? [Undated and
unaddressed]. — Sir, Whereas it has been represented by Mr. Philip
Carteret Webb that Mr. Wilkes had been taken and Suffered to
escape, by me; I am under a necessity of begging the favour of
your Honour to permit me, to give a true and faithfull account of
the whole Transaction
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
357
On the 29th of April 1763, Mr Larpant the first clerk of the Right
Honble the Earl of Halifax's Office, according to the usual custom on
these occasions, borrowed my warrant, to make out another by it, which
Charles
Fleetwood
Westok"
r^DEBWOOD,
was not returned 'till the next Day, after Mr. Wilkes had been com- EsQt
mitted to the Tower.
On the 30th about one in the morning Mr. Money, and Mr. Watson
called me up, in order to go and apprehend Mr. Wilkes. I told them
that Mr. Larpant had not returned my warrant, and therefore found I
was not authorized to act : nevertheless that I might give neither my
Superiors nor equals any just Cause of Offence I went with my fellow
messengers to be ready to assist them so far as circumstances would
permit or require.
About 7 in the morning, as we were waiting for an opportunity of
taking Mr. Wilkes, I met him in George Street, when the other
Messengers happened not to be with me ; here I did not take him,
because I had no warrant ; but lest, our purposes should be defeated, I
told Mr. Wilkes (after paying my respects &c) that I intended to call
upon him that morning having Something of importance to communicate
to him. Mr. Wilkes replyed that he was going to the temple then, but
was engaged to breakfast at home, with two Gentlemen, and therefore
would be back within about the Space of half an Hour, and would call
upon me, at my own house on his return.
As soon as I saw Mr. Money & Mr. Watson I acquainted them
with what had happened, and proposed that one of them should wait for
Mr. Wilkes in De la Hay Street and the other in King Street, whilst I
went home to meet him according to promise, ir was also agreed who-
ever should take him should bring him to my house, soon after this
Mr. Watson took Mr. Wilkes, and conducted him to his own (Mr,
Wilke's) House contrary to my expectation and the agreement which
had been made
1763. May 21st. James Rivers to Edward Weston, from Whitehall.
Directing him, by Lord Egremont's commands, to order the Agent at
Harwich to direct an Extraordinary Pacquet Boat to sail with a Mes-
senger to Helvoetsluys.
1763. June 11th. Charles Lloyd to the same, from Downing Street.
Mr Grenville having acquainted me this morning that he intended to
appoint me Comptroller of the Port of Cardiff, I take the earliest oppor-
tunity of delivering You for the future from the Incumbrance I have
hitherto been to You. But tho' I am not from this time, to receive any
further Emoluments from the Office, Mr Grenville directs me to signify
to You his wish that my Name should continue in the Office, in order to
preserve to me the Convenience of addressing his Letters. . . .
1763. June 13th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushey Park. . .
I wonder Monsieur Alt will trouble me with what he knows is Business
belonging to the Treasury. . . . As to Lord Buckingham's Letters,
the first only tells us that the Chancellors Tapestry was spoilt when
seized some years ago by an English Privateer, and that his Lordship
thinks him a very honest Fellow. — his 2d Letter seems to have Some-
thing more important in it by notifying Assurances that there is no
Treaty made between Russia & Prussia & intimating that the Empress's
Alliance with England shall be the primum mobile ; but this Piece of
Political Comfort is a good deal destroy'd by the Account he gives of
the Empress's great Desire of being on good Terms with the King of
Prussia. ... his Lordships Postscript implies Offence that he has
358
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
not been acquainted with Lord Stormonts Nomination to Vienna, which
however I think he was as soon as it became prudent for me to acquaint
him with it.
Michell is a lying Scoundrel, he has long been so & I am glad he
continues so, as he strengthens the ground I have taken. — Bothmar's
Second Letter which You now send me is as absurd as the first, but does
not make one laugh so much. — I had special Fun with the first with my
friends Ld Egremont & Mr Grenville. I return You Webbs Copy of
the Declaration against Wood, & if he is guilty of the Destruction of
Smith's Work, with which he is charged, he ought to be looking out in
Time for a Number of Lock Smith's.
This is the first Summer Evening we have had, and therefore I think
you will rather wonder I have wrote so much than that I have not wrote
more. . . .
1763. June 16th. Charles Lloyd to same, from the Treasury Cham-
bers.— I am sorry to acquaint You that the Good News respecting my
appointment to a Place is subsided. — The Gentleman who was thought
Dead is alive & well. . . .
1763. July 11th. James Porter to the same, from Richmond. — I
intended to call on you at Fulham yesterday but was prevented by idlers
dropping in. You may depend on my exerting all my ability in favcur
of Mr Herbert Harris, that I shall act as warmly & pressingly as if he
was my own relation, in such light yours stand with me. On a letter I
wrote the Court of Directors before the departure of the last ships they
help'd a poor young man to an ensigncy. I shall now take them by
Jack Boyd who is as much of the secret committee a Sulivan or
Amyand. . . . (P.S.) — My little boy creeps on in the Richmond
air and bids fair for a total recovery. . . .
1763. July 17th. The same to the same, from Richmond
As to Mr Herbert Harris I have settled all his business with Mr
Amyand who will not only serve but protect him effectually, they have
sent so many writers last year that this year they determind amongst
themselves the directors, not to augment too enormously the number,
they therefore came to a resolution that every director should name one
only, this has been done some time ago and Mr Amyand nam'd M.r
Justice Willimots eldest son. Lord Barrington applied to him since for
a relation of his own ... he will either provide for Mr Harris
the next year as writer and not engage with any other or he will imme-
diately in the navigating way as 3d 4th or 5th mate according as he is
found capable on passing his examination ... he tells me the
surprising applications made by the top familys for writerships this year
confounded him and are incredible. . . .
1763. July 1 1th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Petworth. Monday
Night 11 oth Clock. ... 1 conclude You have read the impudent
North Briton of Saturday last, if not I send it you for your Perusal ;
and I send with it a short Letter which I desire may be put tomorrow
in the London, Whitehall, Sfc James's, and the other Evening Posts, and
I desire it may likewise be inserted in the Publick Advertizer, and the
Daily Gazetteer of Wednesday Morning.
[The enclosure.] Whereas a most impudent and malicious Insinua-
tion appeared in the North Briton of Saturday last, importing that a
certain Pension on the Irish Establishment has been lately granted by
his Majesty, I think proper to Send You these few Lines, that the
Publick may be disabused. No Such Pension has been granted, None
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 359
Such has Ever been asked, and Ever thought of but by the Author of Charles
the Falsehood, who for the Purpose of Defamation invented it, and has V*w£btSSD
since presumed to offer it to the Publick as a real Fact. Underwood,
r Esq.
1763. Aug* 22nd. Dudley Cosby to the same, from Great George
Street. — Monday. Noon. — I am very sorry for the Melancholly occasion
which obliges me to send you this Express, but I thought you wou'd
like to have the earliest itelligence of so important an event. Lord
Egremont was seized/ sterday Morning at ten o'clock with a fit of
Apoplexy & remained i nsensible. My Lord received the News from
Mr Grenville at 4 in the afternoon & I set out with him immediately.
We arrived in town about five & found Lord Egremont still alive but
speechless & insensible in this Condition he lay till eight & then
expired. You may easily guess what a Stroke this is at the present
Critical time & know better than I can tell you how much my Lord will
be oppressed with Business & what need he will have of your assistance,
he is now with Mr Grenville but has told me he will write to you if
possible. In hopes of his return I shall detain the Messenger.
1763. Aug1 22nd. Lord Halifax to the same, from Great George
Street. — Past Twelve. — Mr Cosby has wrote You an Account of the
Melancholly Event of Yesterday, & therefore I will add no more on ye
distressfull subject than that his Majesty has lost a faithfull servant,
I a dear & well beloved Friend, & the World an honest & valuable
Man. Your Presence here is absolutely necessary, therefore I wish you
would come to us as Soon as You can ; & if Miss Weston (who I hope
is recover'd of her late Illness) be not strong enough to attempt the
Journey, You may return into Lincolnshire & bring her Some Time
hence to Town. — I have the Pleasure to acquaint You that I have given
Your Memorial into his Majesty's hands, and at ye Same Time said
Every Thing that I thought woud ensure it's Success. I have little
Doubt but that Matters will end to Your Wish, for I have the King's
Leave to tell you that his Majesty received Your Memorial very
graciously. My respects wait on Mrs. & Miss Weston.
1763. Aug* 23rd. Walter Titley to the same, from Copenhagen.
. . . You have probably by this time resumed Your Post at Sfc
James's and I hope with recruited Health and Spirits. . . . As to
the Difficulty of finding a proper Coadjutor (who must be a Person
actually fit to succeed in the Post & yet content to wait till it becomes
vacant) it may indeed be great : but will not (I hope) prove insur-
mountable. Mr Money of whom I have heard an exceeding good
Character, would have done perfectly well, but for the Objection You
have mentioned .... give me leave particularly to recommend the
Choice to Your attention ; a bad One might hurt His M^'3 Service,
embroil the Two Courts & consequently make me extremely unhappy.
1763. Aug1 28th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushey Park.
Sunday 12 oth Clock. 1 thank You for Your Letter in which You give
me an Account of Mr Pitts having been three Hours with the King.
They seem to have been three Hours pass'd pretty unnecessarily, as I
shoud think that Carte Blanche might have been given in less than
three Minutes.
I likewise have had a Letter from Mr Cooke, whom I shoud be glad
to Serve, but he and my other Friends must, 1 believe, for ye future
take the Will for the Deed.
1763. Sep* 24th. The same to the same, from Bushey Park.— By
the two Messengers now here I return You the four Boxes I am in
360 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood P°ssessi°n °f> tne first containing Count de Guerchy & Lord Rochfort's
Westojt Passes which I have countersign^, & a Letter to Monsr D'Eon which I
TJNDEsq.00I>' nave signe(i (by the bye I am very glad to find that that superficial pert
— Gentleman has got a thorough trimming from the Duke of Nivernois &
ye Duke of Praslin.). . . .
1763. Sept. 27th. Walter Titley to the same, from Copenhagen.
. . . I see that my Affair is compleatly regulated and fixed, and
I repeat my warmest Thanks to You, Dear Sir, for Your kind Offices
therein. . . . P.S. — I am actually preparing the Way for Mr
Cosby, Who I hope will be received here a bras ouverts.
1763. Sept. 29th. Lord Bute to the same. — I now venture to answer
Your Letter, having perform'd my promise & given my face to Ramsays
canvass ; I have directed him to finish it immediately, with a Head
of His Majesty that I obtain'd long ago. I sincerely rejoice with
You on the King's goodness, & wish You long health, & a green old age
to enjoy it.
1763. Oct. 1st. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushey Park. — I
return you Monsieur D'Eon's account of his Garantie Misfortune, and
of Mr Beaufort's Expedition to Deptford. I call him Mr instead of
Monsieur Beaufort, as he signs himself in his Declaration English
John. John ought to be an honest Fellow, therefore, I will hope he
knows nothing of the Silver Box.
I think a Letter shoud be wrote to Monsieur D'Eon to send me the
Duke of Orlean's letter to his Majesty, for tho' he is Minister Plenipo-
tentiary, I conclude he has no Right to present any Letters to the
King, but from his Master, the King, or Queen of France. — D'Eon's
Letter to the Duke of Praslin I likewise return, what will be the fate
of the poor simple man, when this unhear'd of accident of losing a
Treaty shall be added to the Account of his other Absurdities ? . . .
1763. Oct. 22nd. The same to the same, from Bushey Park. . . .
As to the Letter relative to Mr Tisdalls being made a Privy Councillor,
I have been obliged to suppress it. . . . the Secretary of State
may have always been a Privy Councillor, but he has never before been
Attorney- General, which Mr Tisdall is, and being Such, He is a
Servant of the Council, & cannot I apprehend with Propriety wait on
himself, & at the same Time be Servant & Master. . . .
1763. Oct. 25th. Colonel J. Clavering to the same, from Bruton
Street. ... I was ordered to offer presents to General Donop and
Monsr de Schmeerfelt, the first accepted of it, the latter refused the
offer, which was 500Z. ... I told that Gentleman that the tran-
saction was with the Earl of Bute, who was retired from publick
business . . . but it seems he has again renewed his claim by the
enclosed Postscript to Mr Alt. . . .
1763. Novr 1st. James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
I think 1 shall have here regular hours & quiet, dine at two somewhat
more Christian like than in London, and indeed, nearer Mahometanism,
to which you know I am most accustomed. I find many old acquaint-
ance they will grow upon me. We have one that is a new one. . . .
Mrs Points, her son the young priest a very sensible young man, two
inches taller than the old Bishop of Salisbury's chaplain Secretary, &
I know not what, is come with the King's permission to see the old
Lady who is a going to Paris with a young daughter of Lord Spencer's,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
361
and now would wish if she could to stay at Brussells ; there is with
them a Sir Mordaunt Martin, who he is I know not except that she
calls him nephew
1763. Novr 13th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushy Park. — I
return You many Thank3 for both Your Letters. Johnston's Exami-
nation appears to me very important as it furnishes Proof of Wilkes's
Handwriting. I think you managed the Affair very ably. . . .
I am much Surprised to find that Sir Joseph Yorke has been left so
much in the Dark by his Relations. I will, as you give me leave to do
it, keep his Letter to show the King to-morrow, but you may be
assured Nobody Else shall see it. . . .
Chables
Fleetwood
Weston
Undeewood,
Esq.
1763. Novr 15th. James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
If I trouble you at present it is only confidentially on a letter I receiv'd
from our worthy friend Sr Jos[ep]h Y[orke] he"seems in pain & concern
for an affair he neither knew nor could not help that is the Att^ Genls
resignation, he thinks it may affect him & his ardent wishes is to stay
where he is. . . .
1763. Decr 3rd. Lord Halifax to the same, from Great George
Street. — I am very Soiry to find that Mr "Wood's threaten'd Subpoena
has given You, and still gives you So much uneasiness. I hope it will
be removed by my telling You that I have wrote to Mr Webb & Mr
Wood giving Directions that You may not be summon'd. . . .
1763. Decr 4th. The same to the same, from Bushey Park. — Sunday
night 8 oth Clock. — You ought to be perfectly at Ease with Respect to
your Attendance in Westminster Hall on Tuesday, for You may be
assured that my Letters to Mr Wood & Webb have put a Stop to
any further Thoughts of it.
The Outrages committed Yesterday in the City are most abominable,
& unsufferable and I agree with You in Opinion that all possible Spirit
founded in Prudence shoud be Exerted on the Occasion. I see by one
of the Papers that Some of ye Offenders are taken up, if true, we shall
have something to go upon, if not, a Resolution of Parliament shoud, I
think, he made, perhaps with an Address to the Crown to prosecute the
Offenders. . . .
1763. Decr 11th. The same to the same, from Bushey Park. — I take
for granted that Mr Wilkes's Friends are much disappointed by Alex-
ander Dunn's having been proved a Madman ; for if it had happened
otherwise I make no doubt but many injurious Aspersions and Insinua-
tions would have been thrown out against his Majesty's Ministers.-—
The Issue of Leache's Suit is no other than I expected, but ye L[or]d
C[hief] J[ustice]'s Language was not just what I thought of, or what I
think Prudence Suggested. The bare Supposition that the other
Eleven Judges may differ in Opinion with him strongly implies that
he is aware his own judgement is erroneous, or that he is a wiser Man
than he apprehends his Bretheren may be. . . .
1763. Decr 14th. Monsieur de Ference to the same, from London,
in French. With compliments, and enclosing a present of 501. for the
Clerks of the Foreign Office.
1763. Decr 15th. Monsieur Reiche to the same, in French, Begging
Mr Weston not to distribute the present to the Clerks until the
writer had seen him, as its amount had been miscalculated.
362
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
fleetwood
Weston
uxdekwood,
Esq.
1763. Decr 20th. James Rivers to the same, from Whitehall. . . .
Permit me to take this opportunity to congratulate you on the birth of
a grandaughter. . . .
1763. Dec. — . Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
I shall endeavour to take off your delicacy as to G[eorge] A[myand's]
affair. [His being created a Baronet]. I answered \ou slightly
because I should think it will rather please the eldar than displease
[him] ; there is time before us, however if I have it to-day, I will write
to Claude [Amyand] & inclose it to you. I can tell you one truth,
there is a difference in character between the two men. I found both
friendly but I believe infinite difference between the rough hewn
sincerity of the one,; & the Court politer. ess of the other, it makes a
contrast tho perhaps there may be affection, this between us. . . .
1763. Dec. 27th. The same to the same. ... I send you in-
closed a letter for Mr Claude Amyand which if you do not approve of
pray burn & let me know by a word. I am afraid he may blab and
George may think I have discover'd what perhaps he may mean [to
keep] a secret. ... I hear Sr J[ame]s Gray stays in England
or is destin'd for some other station than Naples.
1764. Feb. 2lst. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Great George
Street. . . . My Lord took the King's pleasure yesterday upon
Mr Pit[t]'s request, & aquaints him by this Post that he has leave to
come home in April.
1764. Feb. 25th. The same to the same, from Bushey Park. . . .
The Cabinet Council which met at his Lordships on Thursday night,
have agreed that an Admiral & a Captain of the Navy shall be sent to
Dunkirk. Durell will be the Admiral & either Campbell or Paliiser
the Captain
1764. Feby 28th. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
By my Lord's desire and in consequence of the Encourage-
ment you give me, I trouble you with a Petition of a Mr McAllister,
who says you are well acquainted with his Case & mentions you in it.
My Lord wish[es] to know whether he really deserves more than has
been done for him, & if so, what would be reasonable Reward.
1764. March 8th. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
. . . The mode of appointing the seamen destin'd for Dunkirk is
a matter in which some difficulty has arisen. Mr Grenville insists the
Admiralty should appoint & pay them. Stephens says the Admiralty
can do neither, but only give them leave to go, on tho Kings Orders.
1764. March 7th. The same to the same, from Sr. James's ....
Lord Hardwick died yesterday about 2 o'clock.
1764. March 9th. Lord Halifax to the same from St. James's. . .
My nephew Major Burgoyne who sets out for Ireland on Sunday, will,
by my order wait on ye Prime Serjeant, the Provost, Mr. Le Hunte, &
Mr Rowley, Mr Mason & the Solicitor General, with my Thanks for
the Part they were so kind to take in the Debate.
1764. March 11th. The same to the same from Bushey Park. — I was
much grieved at the Contents of Your very kind and friendly Letter,
which I received Yesterday Afternoon ; as it puts an End to all My
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
363
hopes of Your Continuance in My Office. Tho' You Many Months ago
gave Me Notice that You intended to retire from Business at the End
of the Session ; yet as that Plan was formed on no other Motives but
such as a declining State of Health Suggested, I was willing to flatter
Myself that, before the Period You had fixed for the Execution of it, a
Relief from Pain, and the Blessing of better Health might induce You
to defer it at least for Another Year and such is my
Affection for you that I was willing to keep Hold of any Twig of Hope
that was left me You have my most ardent Wishes that,
for the Sake of Yourself, Your Family, and all who know You (for all
who do must honor and love You) You may find all the Relief You can
wish Yourself in Retirement, and that Ease and Health will return
when Cares & Business are at an End
1764, March 14th. The same to the same, from S* James's. . . .
I send You a letter which Lord Sandwich has received from Mr Harris,
& entreat You to do all You possibly can to persuade him to Vote for
Lord Sandwich, who says, if he loses his Place under Sir Edward
Walpole, he shall be reinstated in as good a one.
1764, April 3rd. Sir Joseph Yorke [afterwards Lord Dover] to
the same, from the Hague. Asking Mr Weston to try to procure him
an exchange of his colonelcy for some other Preferment.
1764, April 6th. The same to the same, from the Hague
I really never wonder at the attempts to overreaching & Cunning in a
Fr[ench] A[mbassador]. It is the ruling passion of their Court, & an
Experience of 17 Years has sufficiently proved to me, the absurdity of
expecting anything better ; frankness Candour, & Moderation have to
my Certain Knowledge no effect upon them, & after having been witness
to a Solemn promise made by Louis XV. to Lord Albemarle for the
evacuation of the Neutral Islands, wch was not only never fulfilled but
never intended, I can never treat with that Court but with the greatest
reserve, s'il est permis de la dire la Canne levee. No other argu
ment has weight. I hope in God we shall long hold, as we now do, the
right end of the Staff.
1764, April 17th. The same to the same, from the Hague. . . .
I certainly did not mean a pecuniary advantage, that is not only against
the present Rule, but agst my Sentiments, & upon my honour I have no
right to ask it, nay I would rather live upon my independent tho' not
considerable Means than leave such a blot upon my Memory in the
service. What I wish'd was an honourable Employment of 800 or
1000/. per ann. in lieu of what I had to resign
1764, April 24th. Emanuel Mathias to the same, from Hamburg.
Immediately upon receipt of Your Letter I sent to
enquire for Selter Water ; there is indeed some to be had in the Town
of last Year, but the fresh supply is only expected the beginning of next
Month it is to you, Sir, I am solely beholden for my
present happy situation
17H4, April 29th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Bushey Park.
My Lord Chancellor is at the Grainge, the Duke of
Bedford at S treat ham, and Mr Grenville at ye Bath
1764, May 1st. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
. . . . I was desirous that the K[ing] should know how sensible
I was of the indulgence show'd me, how sensible at the same time that
Charles
Fleetwood
Westoh
Underwood
364 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles I had not any right to expect it, & that 1 was not vain enough to talk
F Westow>I> °^ myse^ one way or other without the intervention of my friend ; as
Underwood, you have stated my Situation and my Wishes I am Contented to leave
EsQ> the whole in the breast of a gracious and indulgent Master
1764, May 1st. Cecil Jenkinson to the same, from Parliament Street*
I will mention to Lord Bute what you desire. I am
convinced that His Door would not have been shut to you, if he had
not been in the Country. I will lay before Mr Grenville Mr Hare's
& Mr Gee's Bequest & I will not fail to remind him on every proper
opportunity of your Nephew
1764, May 5th. Dudley Cosby lo the same, from Copenhagen.
I beg you will look out for some fit person whom you
cou'd recommend me for a Secretary & Avhom I cou'd leave here under
Mr. Titley's direction in case of my return
1764, May 8th. Andrew Mitchell to the same, from Berlin. . . .
A few days ago I thought myself almost certain of returning to England,
but H[is] P[russian] M[ajesty] having complied with the King's
request of Recalling Michel my flattering prospect has vanished at
least for some time
1764. May 8th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland Yard.
(P.S.) You were expressing an Inclination to dispose of your Place of
Gazette writer, may I ask what sum you would expect for it ?
1764, May 15. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
I have the Pleasure to inclose to you the answer of Lord Clive to Lord
Halifax's letter in favour of Mr William Weston which I hope will be
satisfactory to you & Mrs Weston. Lord H* received it with pleasure
& bid me send it you with his affectionate Compliments
I have no more to say concerning the Gazette Patent, it is far out of my
Reach. When I took the Liberty of asking the question, I was not
aware you could sell it for any other person's life than your own.
1764, May 19th. Dr Richard Terrick, Bishop of Peterborough, to
the same, from Clargis Street. — You will give me leave to be assur'd
that I shall give you pleasure by communicating to you His Majesty's
gracious Appointment to the See of London. I kiss'd hands yesterday
for that distinguish'd mark of Royal Favour. . . . (P.S.) Dean
Lamb succeeds me at Peterborough, Dr Tarrant it is said removes from
Carlisle to the vacant Deanery, and Sr James Lowther secures that of
Carlisle for one Mr Wilson of that Country.
1764, May 22nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Sfc James's.
I believe I forgot to tell you that the K[ingJ ofP[russia]
has consented to recall M[ich]el, but has not done it with the best
grace
1764, May 24th. The same to the same, from S* James's
Sr Wm Johnson has concluded Preliminaries of Peace with the Senecas,
the most inveterate of our Indian Enemies.
Johnston is recall'd from Minorca. Complaints about Revenues are
the ostensible Reasons, but I believe Sr R. Lyttleton's Resentment &
Interest are the true ones
1764, May 25th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
We begin to hope that the affair of Poland may end
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
365
without Cannon shot, tho* it hardly will without a little Prize-fighting ;
Since the news of Prince Czartorinski's having been chose Marshal of
the Diet, the accounts from Dantzick represent Poniatowski's party as
gaining ground every day The great Error which has
always struck me in all Englishmen's reasoning about the Continent, is
that they confound the Interest of their Country in the General System
with the particular Mode of Expence which is follow'd, and the Sending
a Body of National Troops abroad at an Expence which is insupport-
able, but which we ourselves are the cause of; I am sure however that
with* we do preserve a certain influence upon the Continent, we cannot
maintain the Peace we always fight for & purchase
1764, May 26th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Great George
Street Lord Drogheda is appointed principal Sec^ to
the Ld Lieut, in the room of Mr Hamilton !
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood
Esq.
1764, May 31st. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . I believe tis not yet settled at Paris who is to be the
. But M. D'Eon told a group of foreign Ministers in the
he was well assured it was to be Madle de G y
ruling
Park,
1764, June 15th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
I have a letter from friend Cosby who is well at
Kobenhagen old Titley fixes there for life a wise man — Cosby is happy
with him — what more — nothing lately from Sr Joseph [Yorke] — all are
quiet at home — Mr. Gr[enville] has acquir'd immortal honour with all
partys — the only able man — this is the language I hear — let me hear
from you how is your good parson once more [my] wifes [and] my
complime*9 &ca to all.
You know if God spares my little boy & girl to me I must be at over.
Popery weighs heaviest on me here — a bad ingredient —were I shall fix
is the point if I can as ministr plenip. at home. I am beating about for
a bit of land & a small house provisionally but the stocks with every
prospect of quiet & peace permanent will not rise, the sum total is the
Weight (P.S.) I am indebted for some trouble [and
for] paying [for] my Knighthood to Mr Larpent shall I send some lace
or money ?
1764, June 21st. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard. . . • . . Monsr Guerchy has met with two new Causes
of Complaint in Point of Privileges, which I suppose we shall soon
receive in form. Monsr d'Eon met his Secretary in the Street, & told
him he was the greatest Faquin, Jean foutre &c. &c. in the world. And
his Ecuyer who married Madamlle Gambarini has had the Peace sworn
against him by his Mother in Law, whereupon a Justice has granted a
Warrant for taking him up
1764, June 22nd. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
The due de Choiseul never mentions us with* an
effort in his Countenance & fist, & an Exclamation of ah ces Gens la I so
that under his Grace's administration I do not expect much favor or
Complaisance, much less any Justice or impartiality ; our good fortune
is that their Finances cannot recover yet, & if they shew their Teeth too
soon, they will find themselves unable to bite
1764, June 26th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard I forget whether I acquainted you with the trouble -
some accident which has lately happened at M. Guerchy's. His Ecuyer
366 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles married Miss Gambarini whose Fortune is a Collection of Pictures.
* Weston^ ^er motner swore the Peace against the Ecuyer for that he intended to
UiTDKEwooD, set fire to the House, whereupon Justice Kynaston granted his Warr*
J^l which was attempted to be executed in Guerchy's Basse Oour, but the
Servants overpower'd the Constables, and, by their Masters Order locked
them up in the Cellar. Guerchy made a furious Complaint of Breach of
Privilege. The Attorney General was clear he had no Privilege in
such a case. But Lord Mansfield knew that no Case of Ambassador's
Privilege is clear, & advised an accommodation
There is a most furious North Britain of last Saturday on the Sub-
ject of Logwood. If I can get one, I will inclose it. It talks of the
perfidious & inhuman House of Bourbon. Asks why the Spanish
Ajnbassr is not either in prison or sent out of the Kingdom ? Why is not
a fleet sent to take Portobello immediately, <fcc. &c. The Attorney G.
is desired to give his Opinion whether it may not be prosecuted as a
Libel by Information.
1764. June 28th. The same to the same, for Great George Street.
"We are waiting with great impatience for the Attorney
Gs. report upon the Affair of the Ecuyer, and are still uncertain whether
it can be accomodated or not. The other Affair of D'Eon's abusing the
Secretary is not as yet likely to be taken any notice of.
1764. June 29th, the same to the same, from Scotland Yard
I think we have got rid of the troublesome Affair of Guerchy and the
Constables. The Great Men of the Law have at last agreed
that, altho' Guerchy may be unjustifiable in tearing the Warrant &
confining the Constables, they certainly were guilty of a Breach of
Privilege in attempting to arrest the Ecuyer within the Ambassador's
Walls
1764. June 29th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
I suppose you know by this time the truth of the Duke
of Wurtemberg's Story, he has not gone off as was reported, but the
States of his Country have applied for Guardians for him, the Courts of
Vienna & Berlin of Course disagree in the Method of proceeding, but
the States incline most to the latter as being Protestants, & because
the Succession Must go into the Line of the Younger Brother Prince
Eugene, whose children are Protestants. I was diverted with the
Duke's answer [to] the Remonstrances of H[is] P[russian] M[ajesty]
— That he had been educated at Berlin, & inbibed Prussian Maxims
of Government, which he had follow'd for which reason he could not
help wondring that the K[ing] of Pr[ussia] could find fault with his
Conduct
1764. July 6th. Edward Sedgwick to the same
Lord H[ertfor]d is very apt to stand still the moment you leave off
spurring. If however Clamour shd arise on the subject of the Canada
Bills, it will always appear that there has been no Neglect of this
Object in the Secy of State whatever there may have been in the
Ambassador.
(P.S.") Mr Reynolds has I am told finish'd your Picture of Lord
Halifax.
1764. July 10th. The same to the same. . . . D'Eon was found
guilty yesterday of writing a Libel against Guerchy &c, but as Term
ends tomorrow he will not receive sentence till next. Lord M[ansfiel]d
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 367
they say threw out some strong things concerning the Privileges of Charles
Ambassadors with an eye, you may suppose, to the Story of theEcuyer, WebS>J>
concerning which we are still uncertain whether the Court of F[rance] Underwood,
accepts the satisfaction which has been given„ —
1764. July 10th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
Sr John Cust passed here we talked much of you he
has seen foreign countries beyond seas a little late. Took a dinner went
to Antwerp so to Spa where he is Dr Cust who
preceded Sr John likes Miss W : will marry when he returns is a
genteel man brought out port wine & a Cheshire cheese I believe some
bread tin tea spoons &ca, fear of wanting on the road a provident man
— was advis'd to it — speaks good english — not a word of any other
language — eats ravenously sleeps well — hopes to recover appetite rest,
&ca, at Spa one Mr Blencowe a Clergyman the same symptoms and
Mr Jones a lawer all three in Company — Jones found the Cheese &ca,
cost more than it was worth for carriage particularly the port wine
nous avons des drolles de voyageurs.
(P.S.) I forgot to tell you that Ld Halifax has wrote me a most
obliging letter and pitched on me to desire his nephew Mr. Osborne
may be with me, he is heartily welcome but I live in a Scene of mere
idleness & little good company none to compare to yrs.
1764. July 12th. Edward Sedgwick to the same
M. Guerchy has received the Answer of his Court upon the affair of the
Ecuyer. They alloy him to be content with the satisfaction he has
receiv'd, but insist on the Privileges of Ambassadors being ascertain' d
by an Act of Pari* next Session
1764. July 13th. The same to the same. — I will take care to execute
your Orders about the Picture as soon as possible. At present I under-
stand Mr Reynolds is in the Country, and it will be impossible, I
presume, to get the picture out of his House till he returns.
Mr Hamilton is appointed to Naples in the room of Sr James Gray,
but not with so high Character or Pay
A letter from Lord Rochford today assures Us that the Alliance
between Spain France <fc Austria, which has been so much talk'd of,
is not concluded, & that there will be great difficulty in persuading the
House of Bourbon to admit Austria into the Family Compact, because
at present tis an Affaire de Coeur, if Austria was admitted twould be
Affaire de Politique.
1764. July 17th. The same to the same I calPd
today at Reynolds's & find that your Picture is not yet quite finish'd.
As soon as it is I will obey the Instructions you gave me
(P.S.) Poor Cosby is gone Mad. — He has written to both Secries to say
that Expences & Arrears have so thoroughly distress'd him, that he
cannot go on, & must desire to come home immediately. Both Secries
agree that That would be Ruin in every respect, and therefore bis
Request will be suppress'd.
1764. July 20th. The same to the same The Triple
Alliance is certainly put off, but, I believe, not the less agreed on. The
signing it would have alarmed all Europe, and the Parties perceiv*d
that the End might be well answer'd by letting it lie by, till the favor-
able moment should call for it
368 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Csables 1764. July 24th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
"Pf?rE8TOH)I> * ^° not know exactly the present value of a french
Ukderwood, Livre but I reckon it at 10 pence sterl.
Esq.
1764. July 24th. James Rivers to the same, from Whitehall. — I
should not have defer' d, for one post, acknowledging the favor of Your
Letter, had I not gone out of Town for a Night or Two. I have long
been sensible of Mr Money's Merit, and Nothing could have been a
stronger Confirmation of my Opinion than Your Testimony of it, or have
sooner induced me to have used my poor Endeavours for his Service ;
but the Object, He points at, has been long arranged, in favor of a Mr.
Macartney who is to relieve Lord Buckingham, whenever the time
comes for his Leaving Russia, and I am sorry to add that I do not fore-
see Any other Opening likely to happen, of which Mr Money can have
any Prospect to avail Himself.
1764. July 24th. Sir Joseph Yorke. to the same, from the Hague.
My Brother thank God is in a fair way of Recovery,
which is a great Comfort to me. He is a worthy, virtuous, & learned
Man, and it is a loss to his Country that he had not been a Younger
Brother, & forced to push himself, or that his friends had not forced him
into Publick Life long since ; I could amuse you with many family
stories, wherein you would be surprised to see the Modesty of my late
good Father with regard to his own family, & the lukewarmness of
those he supported when our advantage & interest was in question. . .
1764. Aug* 9th. Dr Fountayne, Dean of York, to his brother-in-
law Edward Weston There is no time fixed for payment
of ye Legacies but I propose to pay Mrs Chester before we part. I
have paid all ye Serv*' & shall pay you when we meet at Melton.
Sir Thos Gooch came on Saturday with his son, & Daughter &
housekeeper &c, he talks of staying a Month. I turned over ye house-
keeping to him Yesterday.
You shall have a Copy of ye Will when we meet you know I believe
all ye particulars of it.
On Wednesday [ go to Hunsden with Mrs Chester. I hope to stay
there but 5 or 6 days to pack up & sell off my goods there, & then to
go to Melton. She then goes for a Month to Mr Vachels, then returns
to Town to send off her goods to Windsor, where she intends to fix in
ye Bp. of Salisbury's house. I was with her to see it on Monday, there
is room enough for her Family & very pleasant. I hope she will be
very happyly settled, her Bro will I believe will go into ye house at
Hunsden when he comes over with his Family next Month till he can
meet with a place for them to his mind.
[Dean Fountayne was executor to Mrs Sherlock, widow of the
Bishop of London, and writes from her house in Hill Street.]
1764. Aug1 10th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
. . . . In the evening between the 16 & 17 of last Month,
the Lieutenant who was to relieve the Guard of the Castle, where the
dethroned Emperor Iwan is detained, (which is at Sluselbourg, within
a small distance of Petersbourg) attempted to get possession of his Per-
son, & according to our accounts lost his life in the attempt ....
an Estafette dispatch'd to the Russian Minister here on the 24th ult.
informs him that the Empress was not yet return'd, but had named a
General whose Name is Weymar to enquire into the affair, in order to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION^ 369
find out whether he had any Accomplices. This Letter which is from Charles
M. Pan in Governor of the Grand Duke, & who is principally charged Weston
with the administration during the Czarina's absence says that the Underwoop,
Officer had forged an order from the Empress, which was discovered by —
two old officers who have the Guard of the Captive Prince ....
it is to be remarked that Iwan is not named, but the Prisoner is made
mention of as un Inconnu que V egarement de son esprit , et des raisons
d'etat ont fait confiner dans ce Chateau. — After that attempt we shall
probably hear of many others, either against the Young Prince himself,
or against those who were come into his place, and whilst the Lady is
Zealous to put a Crown upon the head of another, her own totters upon
her head ; we expect with impatience further particulars of this affair,
which may have extraordinary Consequences, you have heard without
doubt of the rumours wch have gone abroad of the Czarina's intention
to marry Poniatowski & to abdicate her Throne in favor of her Son, I
own I should not be surprised at such an Idea coming into her head, but
I believe it difficult to execute
1764. Aug. I lth. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushey Park.
Lord Hertford, who you will see, persists in mis-
understanding the Point, & disobeying Orders, concerning the French
Arrets relative to the Canada Bills. There have been five of those
Arrets ; the three first of them declared that whatever Canada Paper
was not register'd at Paris within the Times thereby prefix'd should be
null & void. The fourth declared what parts of the Paper so regis-
tered should be paid, and the fifth appointed the Mode of Payment. H[is]
ExF has been repeatedly told in the plainest words, that Our Objection
goes to every one of these Arrets & to the whole of this Proceeding :
But he has nevertheless supposed that the only thing to be dreaded or
objected to was that the Operation of the three first Arrets, if extended
to the claims of His Majesty's Subjects, would exclude them the tem-
porary benefit of the two last, which we consider as a Robbery not as a
Payment. And he now rejoices in having receiv'd a Letter from the
D. of Choiseul which has bauish'd his fears, and declared that all the
Canadian debts due to the K's Subjects shall be decided on by that very
arrangement which his Exc? was directed to protest against as totally
inadmissible. Instead of a Protest or even a firm demand of the execu-
tion of the Treaty, you will see a flimsy palty Memorial weak as water
in every part and in some injurious to our Cause, asking a new Liqui-
dation as far as the K's Subjects are interested. I presume we can do
nothing till we see the Answer return'd to that Mem1. But what shall
we do after, if it is, as it may be expected, unfavorable ? Will it
signify to explain to him who will not understand, or to give Orders to
one who will not obey ? Or how shall we get him to pull up an Affair,
in which he has done so much Mischief, when there is no getting him
to put a grain of Strength or Spirit in any thing he writes ? I beg the
favour of your Opinion what will be proper to be done in case of such an
Answer as I expect ; and if you shall think with Lord Halifax that we
must send him a Memorial ready drawn (which would probably have
this good Effect that it would make him ask to be recall' d) pray give
me your thoughts upon the Heads, manner & Style of it
• • •
1764. Aug* 14th. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
We have today a shocking Ace* from Ld B[ucking-
ha]ra, that a Lieu* on Guard upon Prince Iwan, attempted a Revolution
in his Favour, and being very near overpowering the Guard in his
E 84067. A A
370 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
FmStopd Appartment, the latter declared it to be their Orders, when they could
Weston n0 longer secure him, to put him to death, & they murder'd him accord-
Esq mgly.
1764. Aug1 17th. Andrew Mitchell to the same, from Berlin, — I
have just received the King's Permission to go to Spa, and thence to
England Mr Burnet my secretary remains here
during my Absence. ...... I shall pass some weeks at Spa, if
any thing occurs that you [think] proper for me to know, direct to me
under our friend Sir J[ames] Porter's Cover at Bruxelles.
1764, Sept. 7th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
Sir John Cust wrote to me, I answered him, made your compliments,
told him of Mr Charles Weston's preferment, and that I supposed the
only desideratum remaining was a good marriage for one of the hand-
somest & most virtuous young Ladys in England, &c, he is gone to
Holland from Spa to see the room the States assemble in, he was pleased
with that he saw here, returns to Spa & takes this in his way home,
he pickd up the gout & health with it, he can stand another session.
I told you I had Mr Osborne Ld Halifax proposed him a SecretJ or
under or what I would, he is intelligent but an Education that wants
trimming he brought over a Valet de Chambre has him at near 50 (. per
ann. when he wants none or can have one here for 20/., never was us'd
to discipline, and never will from me, all ease & delicacy — they are
not convenient in a family, but I could not refuse Ld H. for whom I
would not do anything pity he is not in a more active station he is ex-
peditious in what he does but without he slips into fortune at once will
never do to serve under others — he should be in France or Spain — he
wants to be an officer & demande ses aises plus qu'une dame — else
sober well disposd
1764, Sept. 11th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushey Park.
As to Canada Paper We shall see what the Cabinet
will think proper to direct, but I fear they will not hit upon any means
of obtaining justice Algiers I hope will be consider'd this week.
But Country Villas, partridge shooting &c. <fec. take up so much time
and so greatly increase some people's indolence & aversion to attend to
any thing, that I am almost out of Hope & Patience
1764, Sept. 11th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
.... , Russia since the Tragedy of Slusselbourg has furnish'd no further
anecdotes, We were promised Manifestos, trials, Examinations, & all
kinds of satisfaction, but the Story is not yet made out satisfactorily, so
we must live upon the old horrible one, tho' I hear Mr. Gross denies
lustily even the death of I wan. In the mean While the Glory of my
friend Poniatowski seems beyond dispute, for tho' we have hitherto no
account of his being Crown'd, we have no reason to Suspect that any
Competitor will appear in the Field to dispute the Diadem with him
An article I read this day in the English Papers gave me great
concern, I mean the death of Ld Halifax's daughter Lady Fanny ....
1764, Sept. 13th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard I inclose Copies of Guerchy's Letter & Crawfurd's
Answer on the Belleisle Affair I see no reason for being either
expeditious or Civil towards France while Justice is not to be obtain'd
from her in any great point, and when she does it imperfectly in a matter
of inferior consequence, it is mixt with a degree of Impertinence which
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
371
almost amounts to a second Affront, as you shall see by the Answer
upon Turks Island, as soon as I can get a Copy of it, at present the
clerks are harrass'd. We are however so happy in that Answer and so
taken up with our private Amusements, that we are in no haste at all to
answer Ld H[ertfor]d.—The Cabinet is not to meet for that purpose
till this day sennight. How many disagreeable Constructions may
France put upon so long a Silence !
1764, Sept 18th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
on fryday last my Lord saw Mr. Plumer in order to put the Portugal
affairs in train upon your Plan. The Gentleman was pleased to make
difficulties about doing what he said has been done over and over again
to no purpose, & behaved in a way that would have provoked a P[itt]
and many another Secry of S. to have turn'd (not to say kick'd. him out
of his closet. To oblige Ld Hx however he undertook the job . . . . . .
1764, Sept. 20th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard
Ld H[alifa]x is clear that L'Estaing was authoriz'd to make the attempt,
[at Turks Island], and that his Court only only gives it up now, because
they see we wont bear it
1764, Sept. 21st. Sir Joseph Yorke to Stanislaus II. King of Poland,
from the Hague. — (Copy.) Sire : Voir le Diademe sur la Tete d'une
Personne, qui nous a honore de son Estime et de son Amitie, est une
Satisfaction, dont on ne doit gueres se flatter dans la Vie ; mais de la
voir accorde au Merite de cet Ami, par la voix libre d'un grand Empire,
est tout ce que peut le plus flatter le Co3ur Sensible d'un honnete homme.
Voila Sire la Situation ou je me trouve vis-a-vis de V. M
Daignez, Sire, agreer dans cette Occasion unique les Voeux de toute ma
famile avec les sentimeus, du profbnd Respect, et de la haute Veneration,
avec lesquels je serai toute ma Vie, Sire, de V. M. Le plus humble, le
plus Soumis, et s'il m'etoit permis d'aj outer le plus AfTectionne
Serviteur.
1764, Oct1' 6th. King Stanilau3 II. to Sir Joseph Yorke, from War-
saw. (Copy.) — De tout ce que Vous me dites, Mon cher Chevalier,
dans votre Lettre de Septr rien ne me flatte autant que l'Assurance avec
laquelle Vous comptes sur les Sentimens tendres et inviolables que je con-
serverai toute ma Vie pour mes Anciens Amis il y a longtemps
que Perserverance fait ma devise, et il faudra bien y ajouter ]efestina
lente. Adieu encore une fois, et pour le Coup tout de bon. Certainem*
personne, ne vous cherit, ni ne vous honore plus sincerement que
Stanislaus Auguste Roy.
1764, Oct. 19th. Sir Joseph Yorke to Edward Weston, from the
Hague I am much obliged to you for your compliments upon
the Elevation of my friend Count Poniatowski, from whom I have had a
very amiable & friendly letter since the Election to the Polish Throne.
Charles
fleetwood
Weston
uxdeewood,
Esq;
1764, Oct. 19th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
Sr John Cust pass'd here and family all well staid but a night, the Duke
of Devonshires corps [e] pass'd on with passport, air and exercise did Sr
John's business the water's finish'd the Duke he had some part a small
one of the brain of a more fluid or more solid nature than the other I
dont know well which, had no sutors in the scull, he might have liv'd
sometime longer if it had not been for Spa you will know by
this time that Iwans death has been acknowledg'd by authority .....
A A 2
372
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Char lbs
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
the poor boy fell a strange victim his personal failings is a bad apology.
We are vegetatives formed by education who found him so ill ? what is
become of the father and the two other children for there are two,
brought up under other names near Archangel in the Archbishops hands
they know not their own origin Poniatowski is King the lirst peaceable
election ever known in that kingdom, even John Sobieski had difficulties
we must see what will follow Ld Shelburn pass'dhere in his way
to Paris. Paris is full chock full
1764. Oct. 20th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from St. James's.
The Attorney General reported that the N° Briton, N° 103, is
a Libel, and that the Author Printer &c. might be prosecuted by Indict-
ment or Information. Doubts however arose upon the Expediency of
prosecuting at this time, and nothing has yet been done in it
Two letters have lately appear'd in the St. James's Chronicles, the one
sign'd Civicus & the other X, which have given much offence, and
they are now under the Attorney Gen18 consideration.
1764, Oct. 22nd. Colonel James Adolphus Oughton to Mr Adair
from Nuneham I am heartily sorry that you have had so much
trouble about this worthless fellow Hawke ; but hope your friend will be
satisfy'd with his having his Discharge, in case of the Regiment's goeing
abroad ; and in the mean time, no Orders shall be given for takeing him
up — I had three fellows deserted this week
1764, Oct. 23rd. Edward Sedgwick to Edward Weston, from Bushy
Park Having got the Papers translated which passed between
Jamineau & the Neapolitan Ministers on the Death of Sr Nath[anielJ
Thorold, I think his Representation of their conduct by no means a fair
one. They do not refuse to perform the 34 Art : of the Treaty of 1667,
but think the Case of Sr Nath : (who died possess'd of half of the Island of
Caprea, which he had purchased) not such an one as that Art : was meant
to provide for. Accordingly they say "that H[is] Sicplian] Maj[esty]
considering that this Affair is not relative to Commerce, but to Inherit-
ance, which belongs to the G. C. of the Vic (Great Chamber of the Vice
Royalty, I suppose) has ordered that this Tribunal shall immediately
cause that with the greatest diligence & exactitude, the requested In-
rentory be taken, the whole property secured & make ther Report to
his Majesty." On this as on many former Occasions they do the thing
you ask, tacitly but never openly denying the Validity of the Treaty of
1667, a point which they mean as we know by many proofs, to avoid
the Discussion of at least at present
1764, Oct 13th. Sir George Baker, M.D., to the same, from Jermyn
Street The Minority has rec'd another wound by the death of
the D[uke] of Devonshire]. He has left 30,000/. to his Daughter, &
4,000/. pr ann to his two younger Sons : And he has left 5,000/. to Mr.
Conway.
Accounts from Worplesdon inform us, that the P[rovost] of Eton has
had no return of pain these last 5 weeks. Therefore perhaps he may
perhaps languish on for years, but I fear it will be vita vix vitalis. Mre
Wollaston had the same disorder 20 years.
The D[uke] of C[umberlan]d has been very ill of St. Anthony's fire,
which has produced more than one abscess, & has made more than
one painful operation necessary. People had got their mourning in
great forwardness ; & probably they may find occasion for it ere it be
long. Tis not likely that such a body should keep long out of the
grave.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
373
1 expect the Speaker every day. He left Spa ten days ago ; but the
wind has been in his teeth ; and it has been high enough to frighten
Ladies.
The size of ray house induces me to think of a Com-
panion more particularly than I have hitherto done. I am sure of
your approbation as to my pious intention. As to the event, that I
leave to Providence.
— Illi
Nbtum qui Pueri, qualisque futura Uxor.
However all this is, at present, undecided & uncertain
Ohaeles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1764. Oct. 27th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushy Park.
.... My Lord [Halifax] entirely approves your Idea of checking
the Insolence of [the] N[orth] B[riton] &c. and the Mode which you
suggest of doing it : And I am persuaded his Ldsp will follow it, but
he waits at present for the Att^ G[eneral]'s report on Civicus & X . . .
I enclose a letter from Col. Oughton to Mr Adair He
says that before the three desertions mention'd in this Letter there were
17 others, and that the giving a discharge to a deserter, at such a time,
would be such an Encouragement to desertion as he cannot answer. . .
he thinks the utmost he can venture to do, is to abstain from all En-
deavours to apprehend Hawke, and to give him a discharge when the
Regiment goes abroad (which it is expected it will do) in the Spring.
I heartily wish I could obtain a more speedy & compleat Accomplish-
ment of your Request.
1764. Oct. 30th. The same to the same, from Bushy Park. , . .
I saw Reynolds a few weeks ago & pointed out certain Objections
which struck me, as well in the Face as the Figure of your Picture of
Lord Halifax. And he admitted them so far as to say he would desire
another half hours sitting which he has not been able to obtain.
But I will remind the Sitter and the Painter whenever a good Oppor-
tunity offers
1764. Novr 1st. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
. . . . It is said that D'Eon is preparing to run away, to avoid the
Sentence which he is to expect from the Court of K's Bench in the four
first days of the Term which begins the 6th — But I have no notion
that he will expose his Liberty & Life, as he must do by running
to any other Country, to avoid what in comparison can be but a flea
bite
1764. Nov. 6th. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
. . . . My Lord [Halifax] desires his kindest Compliments to you
and bids me assure you that he will give Reynolds the first half hour he
can spare. I will get him to fix it with Reynolds as soon as possible,
& do everything that can depend on me towards getting the Picture
into Park Place where I trust I shall have the Pleasure of seeing you
in about two Months
1764. Novr 6th. Dudley Cosby to the same, from Copenhagen. . .
Your Idea of the life we lead entertained me extremely ; ever since the
Court removed to Fredensburg, a Palace 25 miles off, there has literally
been not half the Society or Amusements here you have at Somerby.
Once a fortnight we go the 25 miles & back again after having paid
our Court to His Danish Majesty & dined at a table kept at Court for
374
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION".
ClUBLES
Fleetwood
WJB8TON
TTjTOEINVoOTt,
that purpose, once a week we have our Conferences with the Minister
for foreign Affairs & the rest of ones time one is at full Liberty to
indulge ones meditations, for as for a sensible conversible society, there
is no such thing, and I find the advantage of avoiding what little
private Company there is, for everyone of the midling sort are delighted
to be able to distort a Strangers discourse into something improper to
bring him into a scrape, of which I see daily examples among my
Brethren of the Corps Dip : at the same time sailing on quietly myself
without meeting with the least rub. People are now returning to
Town and the Court will arrive in about a fortnight. Then will begin
what is called pleasure, twice a week Court in the forenoon and dining
at a long Table of about 50 Covers twice a week appartims chez S. M. la
Reine & two or three times a week dinners at private houses of 50 or
60 Covers with Cards, Suppers as numerous as the Dinners & Cards
again these dinners and suppers are really sumptuous & elegant, tho'
rather too abundant in victuals, & they serve them, not in the filthy
manner you see gaudy entertainments in France, but with a neatness &
decorum that comes very near the Tables of our english JNoblemen, all
these entertainments pass away with a ceremonious reservedness that
never wears off, you hardly know relationship or connexion by
seeing People together without farther information & Mr Titley who
has been here these 36 years does not seem to be a whit more intimate
with one than another so that I may well content myself with the share
of general well being I am so fortunate as to have. Adieu my D1' Sir
the post is going out.
1764, Nov. 9th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. —
. . . My wife's sister an infirm young woman who could not stay
alone in Turkey without friend or relation was to have return* d from
thence to be here next summer, but finding a good opportunity she is
departed from Constantinople to come by the way of France she is
arriv'd in her way at Smyrna My friend & much yours
Mitchell is here, sometime, & I shall keep him as long as I can to recover,
he told me long before your letter that if you was not in London he
would run down into Lincolnshire he loves you & knows your friend-
ship and I love him for it . . . .An odd event of the King of
the Romans he had a meeting at Toplitz with the Princess Cundegonda;
of Saxony did not like the name or the face or the hair for she is red
and is now gone to Straubing to have a peep at the Bavarian not hand-
some neither The Russians are angry on a comment
publish'd in the chronicle or a paraphrase of that Courts declaration on
the death of Iwan, reports are spread that Prince Anthony LTlrick the
father is dead, not certain, also that the Empress is for fixing a Succes-
sion in favour of the unfortunate family .... when I pass'd
through Poland I met a confidant of the late King's & of that Court one
Camarowski I had known as sent from them or him at Constantinople,,
he told me then confidentially that the late King, Bruhl and his friends
were working to abolish the lib[e]rum veto and to determine by a majo-
rity. Desperate as that King's affairs were they hoped to succeed. I
represented the impossibility .... I rather think any King who
will risk it risks his throne and I should think this one too wise to set
about it, and his frontier neighbours not such fools as to suffer it. . . .
the Kingdom is potent immensely populous and with discipline might
make all the continent tremble, it would raise an enormous power, &
the moment it happens the whole system of Europe has or must take,
another extraordinary form. Sr Js Lowther has passed through here
& brings us the news of ChurchiJls death at Boulogne, he went thither
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
875
with one Mr Coates to visit Wilkes who is return'd to Paris, who will
sing away at present the heroes & deeds of heroes. . . .
1764, Nov. 10th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushy Park.
. . . . Potter return'd yesterday from Madrid . . . . you will
probably be surprized to hear that many Regiments and a considerable
Artillery are marching to the Frontiers of Portugal, and immense Maga-
zines are forming in the adjacent Provinces. What all this may end in
God above knows
1764, Novr 20th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard,
. . M. D'Eon who was to have receiv'd his sentence on fryday last
did not think proper to appear ; but chose rather to take post in the
neighbourhood of Whitehall, in the Verge of the Court, well advised, I
suppose, that the common Capias would not venture to violate that
Privilege. It has happened just so, & it is now a question to the
Attorney G[eneral] whether the House so situate or any other House may
lawfully be broken open, in order to apprehend him. You will readily
conceive that in the mean time Guerchy & his Court are ready to go
mad at this unexpected Defeat of what they have so long & impatiently
expected
1764, Nov. 22nd. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . The House when D'Eon was said to have taken refuge has
been search'd, but he was not found. Gu : says they have purposely
let him escape, and I cannot deny but there are appearances that are
very unfavourable either to Mr. A or Mr. W ov both.
(P.S.) The Atty G[eneral] has reported that the Letters signed
Civicus & X (sometime ago in the Papers) cannot be prosecuted with
effect.
1764, Nov* 27th. The same to the same. — It is not in my Power to
explain the Mystery about d'Eon. Mystery there certainly is, & I do
not meet with any body that understands it at all. Capias was issued, as
I conceive, by the Court of King's Bench, for not appearing, which is
Contempt. What the Attorney or Mr. W had to do with the execution
of that Writ I know not ; but since it was the fashion of that day to
believe they had, Orders were given to the latter particularly to do his
utmost; but D'Eon nevertheless is still at large, & has been seen, they
say, in the streets.
. . . . I remain in the utmost distress and Difficulty with respect
to the Answer on the subject of the Canada bills. I am thoroughly con^
vinced by your Arguments, and entirely espouse your Doctrine. But
my Lord [Halifax] agrees with Ld M[ansfield] as to sole & exclu-
sive Liquidation, and we are accordingly to proceed on that Plan, which
if it should succeed, would, as I conceive, but leave us just where we
are at this moment .... But to give up all Objection to the
particular parts of the Plan of Answer proposed by Ld M., the executing
it requires much more Knowledge & Ability than I can pretend to.
I have therefore suggested the employing Dr. Campbell, as a learn'd
& a very able Man, Mr Stanhope proposed Leonidas Glover, as an
able man and a Merchant too. But my Lord has so much objection to
employing Strangers to Office (which I own I am averse to also, if it be
possible to avoid it) that I see no way left but my own Endeavours at
what I am sure I can never accomplish. It is upon a Point too which
will be publick enough ere long, and the Disgrace I shall do my Master
& myself will be spread over Europe & America. I am in Agonies
when I think on it!
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood*
Esq.
376
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
€HARLES
Fleetwood
Weston
u>"derwood,
Esq.
1764. Nov. 29th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . I must have express'd myself very ill if I mention'd D'Eon's
escape from Whitehall as an Escape from Custody ; he had taken
Refuge there but was never under Restraint ; his Asylum was search'd
by the Sheriffs people, but they found him not. And Mr. Ph[elps] says
he has almost positive Proof that the people employ'd to take him were
corrupted
1764. Decr 1st. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . I have, with much difficulty, got about half way thro' the
Draught of a Memorial on the Subject of the Canada bills, and I hope
tomorrow to finish it. It will be however a miserable Paper, unless
(which is hardly to be expected) Ld M[ansfield] should be kind enough
to amend it
I know nothing more about the house in this neighbourhood, than
what you have seen in the Papers. D'Eon is not taken, that is certain.
And the common report is that He <& De Vergy (a name which you
will recollect) are concerting means to get a Bill of Indictment found
against G[uerchy] for an attempt to get D'Eon assassinated.
My Brother S[tanhope] upon a Conversalion with the Advocate
Gen1 finds it unnecessary to send him any historical deduction con-
cerning the Treaty of 1667 or the Succession of the Crown to the Two
Sicilies. The Ad[vocate] says he knows all that & only wishes to have
Extracts or Copies of such Letters as shew the Reasons upon which the
Neapolitan Ministers have thought proper to deny the Obligation of
that Treaty.
1764. Decr 4th. The same to the same, from Great George Street.
. . . . I have the Comfort to have acquitted myself of the Dra*. of
Memorial on the Canada bills (for tis to be sent to Ld H[ertford] ready
cut and dried) to the Satisfaction of my Master. Tis now gone to Ld
M[ansfield] that we may know how far tis conformable to that Opinion
upon which it is founded.
1764. Dec. 6th. Lovel Stanhope to the same, from St. James's. — "Was
my Brother in Town I am sure he would desire me to return You his
Thanks for your Civility in giving him the preference of your House in
Park Place in the Time of my ever to be regretted
Friend Mr Chas Stanhope, I should certainly have [had] it at any
price, if I was so happy to have a Family to inhabit it, but it is much
too large for a single man like me tho' I had it for nothing.
My Brother Sedgwick laments you every Day, but
with much less Reason than I should, even tho' I had been so happy to
have worked with you, as he did, before you left us. I comfort myself
however, sometimes with the Reflection that, tho' I never knew but
one Weston I have known a great many undersecretaries
P.S. If you was famous for writing a fine Hand, I shd make
appologies & hope to be forgiven for not writing this over again.
1764. Decr 8th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
lard. — I have already acquainted you that my draught of a Mem1 on
the Subject of the Canada bills was sent to Ld M[ansfield] and that we
were expecting with impatience his Opinion upon it. Yesterday morn-
ing he sent word that he desired me to see him that Evening and I had
accordingly the honour to attend him. He prefaced upon many other
points by way of common Conversation, in which however he took
occasion to give a serious Caution against placing too much Confidence
in the Reports of the Advocate G. who as he shew'd me, had made two
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 377
or three palpable Blunders in his late Report upon the Case of the Charles
Santiss* Trinidad. He commended however the discretion of the FLwi5ro£D
Latter to Massar[en]o which, tho' founded on it, had avoided the most UsdbbwooBj
consideiable blunders. This exordium was to introduce, imperceptibly
almost, a disapprobation of the whole draught submitted to his perusal
he was too polite to tell me he disapproved it, but he show'd me he did,
by dictating to me an entire Memorial, which, I own, appears to me to
be excessively able & masterly. As soon as I possibly can I will send
you the orig1 draught of it, in the mean time I will only say that he has
treated the Subject upon great Principles; and general Propositions,
by which he shews that Fr[ance] has done nothing yet which carries
even the Appearance of an Endeavour to perform the Engagement
which she is under, by both the Ties which I had already mention'd,
& he has convinced me that it is therefore idle & useless to enter into
the discussion of the practical facts asserted by the Fr[ench] Memorial,
which would be treating them as if they were to the purpose, & would
therefore prejudice our Cause
This difficult business has at length, I thank God, taken the best turn
it could for my ease & I hope for my Masters Safety, & precisely that
which you foretell in your favour of the 4th, for he that disliked the
proposed Dra1 has condescended to amend it. I need not tell you that
it must be a profound Secret that He had any hand in it or was ask'd
a question about it — Before the Work is dispatched to Paris however,
the other M[iniste]rs are to be consulted upon it, so that it is possible,
considering the haggling Genius of Some of them, that we may not be
so near the getting rid of it as I am willing to hope.
1764. Decr 10th. Sir Jame3 Porter to the same, from Brussels.
Mitchell departed hence somewhat com-
plaining he is relaxed like an old fiddle string, went on friday seven -
night for Ghent, and was token ill there staid four days called for
the lancet, and will kill himself bleeding & quacking if our phy-
sicians in England do not put an end to it my
wife gave me a girl the 2nd now the 9th as well as can
be wish'd the little girl a fine child well grown my sister
in law I believe will not arrive this winter so the case with Mr
0[sborne] will not exist he is so worthy and good a young man I can-
not part with him out of my house without the last necessitye now less
than ever for I nurse him he has something bad on the region of the
lungs he says that six years past when he was so the
physicians in England thought it consumptive be it so which I beat him
out of as much as possible his great temperance virtue & sobriety may
keep him alive to 80. I carried him to my friend Dr Brady who lay
at home gently, he ordered an easy bleeding this is a
damned climate sometimes dry & sharpe sometimes humid & heavy for
such ills. 1 couch him with myself Ld H[alifax] should do something
to help out this young man so good a one should be the object of his
case any sedentary business will demolish him. I go lengths on paper
I cannot but observe from this Polish Election the
essential necessity there is of keeping france low to keep her quiet.
She did what she could to disturb and excite disorder but was over-
come by impotency. She bark'd and could not bite, had she been
prosperous she would have inverted the very vitals of Poland : excited
a bloody Civil War I wrote Sr George [Amyand]
to remind him of [your son William in] India, Mr 0[sborne] has had a
bad night complains again, I dread this beginning in this season here. I
am afraid he will turn in a bad way. I shall do all possible.
Esq
378 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles 1764. Dec1' 11th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
F™bJS?D Yard Sr Horace Mann thinking that Mrs Gravier's
Ukdbrwood, departure from Leghorn might afford the Imperial Court a pretence (if
they should chuse to accept it) for waiving their Objection to restoring
the Daughter, without any Condition, has very prudeDtly taken occa-
sion to write to the Regency, who have relish'd the Idea so well, that
he has great hopes it will succeed.
The Attorney Generals son is to be appointed Resident at Rome, in
the room of the late Minister Mr Colebrooke, if Mr G[renville] can
be prevail'd on to allow the latter a decent Subsistence
1764. Decr 13th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . I trust we shall tomorrow be rid of the great & difficult
business of Canada bills, at least for some time. The draught of the
Reply which I mentioned to you is to be read this evening to the
M[iniste]rs. And it is intended to dispatch it tomorrow to Paris. I
have already acquainted you that that the Reply consists of general
Principles, which being applied, demonstrate the general Justice of the
Case. Tis to be accompanied with a Letter full of Canada knowledge,
tending to refute the particular Assertions of the French Answer,
which knowledge is only to enable Ld H[ertford] in case of necessity
to speak with knowledge to those particulars.
The original Draught of the Reply is now in the hands of the Clerk
who is making a fair Copy of it, but by the next Post I have my Lords
leave to send it you desiring you only to observe the utmost Secrecy
with respect to its Author. To complete the thing I will accompany it
with a Copy of the Letter in which it is to be sent
1765. Decr 13th. Sir Andrew Mitchell to the same, from London.
I have at last accepted of the Commission of return-
ing again to Berlin and I am to Kiss the King's hands at next Monday,
on which day a Minister will likewise be declared by the King of
Prussia to come to England on his part. I shall think myself very
lucky if I do not lose by this second mission, the small Credit I have
acquired by the first. His Majesty is pleased to promise a solid mark
of his favour before I set out, which I hope will not be for some
months, as indeed it would be hard & perhaps dangerous in my present
state of health to travel through that country at this season, which how-
ever if the Kings business requires I will attempt.
This day the King has been pleased to honour me with the Order of
the Bath. I trouble you with all this about myself as the only return
I can make you for the many years of your friendship the continuance
of which I still hope for. [This letter has apparently been bound in
this volume by mistake.]
1764. Decr 19th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague.
I am quite agreed with you in opinion that appear-
ances are favourable for the continuance of our Truce with Bourbon, &
as our reputation is high since the last War, the putting our hands with
firmness to the hilt of our Sword whenever ill used, or our pulses felt,
may certainly help to preserve it a good while ; I have been convinced
of it by the late Transactions, & that much condemned & exploded
Measure of Lord Anson's, for taking the French Ships before the open
Declaration of the last War has contributed (from the apprehension of
a repetition) more than any tiling to repress the D[uke] of Choiseuls
vivacity ; of this I had some strong proofs & it gave me great pleasure.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
379
You will have heard of the negotiation with my Brother Charles, I
was sorry to find it had not succeeded, because I should have been glad
to see him in the K's Service again, where I flatter myself that his Talents
& Integrity would have been of some use; It gave me great satisfac-
tion to find in general, for I know no particulars, that his audience was
satisfactory, & that the Royal Countenance continued graciously to
shine upon the family who I am sure harbour no sentiment they would
be ashamed to avow upon publick affairs, tho' there may be many of more
abilities.
1764. Decr 20. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland Yard.
A [Spanish] Piaster is, I believe, about the value of a
Crown. The Attorney Genls Son is appointed to day to
be Minister at Bern in the room of Mr. Colebrooke, who is to have
500/. a year till he is otherwise provided for. Some people say Murray
would be glad to return from Venice. If that should be so Colebrooke
will probably be sent thither.
1764. Decr 21st. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
. . . . our friend Mitchell is now since the 10th in England &
I suppose you will have heard from him he fears the hurry of London.
Notwithstanding what has been written from Turkey my sister in law
is on her way this winter M1* Osborne is well or better
infinitely but his lungs are to be taken care of no application nor exten-
sive exercise will do
1764. Decr 22nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard I am sorry to tell you that poor Cosby is ill, and
Mr Titleys Letter which brings that News yesterday seems to imply
more than it says. He mentions only a feverish disorder, preceding
partly from cold and partly from uneasiness of Mind, of which Mr T.
knows not the cause: but he concludes with saying he has taken
the Cypher into his own Custody till Mr Cosby shall be in a condition to
make use of it. These words, combined with his having lately sent
two official dispatches unsigned, make my Lord apprehensive that his
head is affected.
1764. Decr 25th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . . But it is certain such preparations have been made by
Spain on the Frontiers of Portugal as leave the latter no room to doubt
of being attack'd this winter. Mallo has told Ld H[alifa]x they expect it,
& that they have sent for Count La Lippe, modestly throwing out
Hopes & Expectations of Englands generous Assistance. I am very
glad to tell you that his Lordship embraced that opportunity of blaming
those Ministers who upon the former Occasion had been such quixots in
their Assistance, telling him that H.M's. Subjects had long suffer'd were
still suffering a worse treatment than they met with in the Barbary
States and worse than the natural enemies of Portugal received at her
hands, & that till those Grievances [of the British Merchants at Oporto
and Lisbon] were redressed, his Court might depend that, while He
Ld H[alifa]x was Minister, they should never obtain a soldier, a seaman,
nor a Guinea from England. Mallo was much frighten'd, would have
denied the Facts, but could by no means refute them. He will no doubt
give his Court an account of this Conversation, and tis to be hoped it
may, in the present juncture, prepare the way for a successful Applica-
tion.
(P.S.) .... Prussia is prodigiously obliged to Us for having
acquainted her with some Symptoms of intended Treachery's, but we
CHABIES
Plbetwood-
Weston
TTndebwoop,
Esq.
380
HISTORICAL MANE SCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
have no Treaty of Commerce yet, much less any of Alliance. And
all that is certain is that neither will be concluded by Ld Buckingham-
shire.
We are hitherto successful in Sweden in carrying Elections, in order
to overturn the French System : But we have already mist carrying a
Capital Point, for want of 600/. and I make no doubt but our
Oeconomy will prevent our doing anything of Consequence
1764. Decr 27th. The same to the same, from Horton
My Lord [Halifax] is already acquainted with Mr Osborne's bad stale
of health. Sr James [Porter] wrote me word of it by the same Post
which brought the Letter I sent you, and his Lordship has written to
Sr James in consequence of it. He is however much obliged to you for
your obliging attention.
We have here Lord Hillsborough & Lord Barrington & Mr F.
Montagu and we expect Lord Sandwich and Mr Phelps, tomorrow or
next day.
1764. Decr 29th. The same to the same, from Horton
if F [ranee] refuses to depart at all from what she has done, I fear the
poor Canada Creditors are in a deplorable situation, for this Country
will hardly go to War, to procure them satisfaction, I suppose. But I
reckon France's game will be to neglect & delay, without refusing, till
She herself is ripe for War and then canceli at once all her Other unper-
formed Engagements.
We have not further tidings of poor Cosby. Your conjecture seems
highly probable, and makes one the more anxious to hear further. If
Murray should be disposed as he is said to be, to resign his post at
Venice, I fancy my Lord will take that Opportunity to removing Cosby,
and replace him with Mr Colebrook.
Mr. Montagu who desires his best Compliments to you, has inform'd
me that the present Master of the Rolls is a Man of good Character but
no great parts ; he was in vast business, particularly amongst the
Dissenters, in Chancery, & his Practice is supposed to have brought
him in much more than his present Station will do to which he is said to
have been advanced at the instance of his Patron the Lord Chauceilor
who means to ease himself greatly by the Appointment
Original Letters from the Weston Papers, Vol. VII.
1765-1770.
1765. Jan? 3rd. Edward Sedgwick to Edward Weston
We have nothing new of any Importance I will therefore only detain
you to say that there is only a special Letter from Cosby, in which he
mentions in express terms his having been out of his Senses, but seems
to have quite recover'd them.
1 765. Jan? 5th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
The Fr[ench] Corr[esponden]t [Lord Hertford] writes us word he has
deliv'd the Reply [as to the Canada Bills], and receiv'd for Answer from
the Great Personage to whom he gave it, that it should be consider'd, but
he was persuaded there could be nothing in it of sufficient weight to induce
his Master to depart from the Plan he had laid down. The Corres-
pondent says not a word as to the Effect the Reply had on himself, or the
Information contain'd in the Letter which accompanied it
1765. Jan^ 8th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
You will see in the Papers that Dr Robinson, Bishop of Kildare, is
appointed Primate [of Ireland]. A fresh Event calls again for serious
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 381
Deliberation with regard to the Kingdom itself ; for Lord Shannon is Fleetwood
dead : the news arriv'd yesterday. There will never be so favourable Weston
an Opportunity to put an End to the absurd System ; I hope it will not esq.
be rejected but upon due Consideration.
I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that the very disagreeable
Business of Mrs Graviers daughter is brought of a sudden to an happy
conclusion. Court Scilern has assured Lord S[tormont] by order of
his Court that she shall be deliver'd to whom ever H. M's Minister at
Florence shall appoint to receive her at Leghorn. He wanted some
Assurances that the Girl should be at Liberty to chuse her Religion when
she should attain the Age of 13 years, but having been satisfied that
the Laws of this Country will not allow the Parent to use any Com-
pulsion in Matters of Religion, & consequently that the Mother could
not hinder the daughter from turning Catholick if she would, he was
quite content and the Restitution was agreed on, free from any Con-
dition.
1765. Jany 10th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
My Lord had a Letter yesterday from Cosby, by which he appears to be
greatly shock'd at the Disorder which lately befell him. He says that
he had taken his Resolution to beg to be recall' d and to live at home in
Retirement, but on the Advice of M. Bernstorff, he defers it for the
present. In the meantime he desires a trusty Messenger may be sent
to remain with him till his Return, or till he is enabled to take Care of
himself & resume his Functions. All this seems to argue a strong
Persuasion that the Disorder will return
1765. Jan? 15th. The same to the same. — I am sorry that I
cannot venture to give you more than a negative Satisfaction upon the
subject of your last favour. By this Conveyance I can only say the
Event which you alluded lo [the appointment of Robinson as Primate
of Ireland] was not owing to any Interest that ought to have con-
tributed to it. The qualities of the Successor are by no means
accomodated to the Purposes for which you suppose they may have been
chosen, being in all Points (except Ability), the same as those of the
Predecessor, who is supposed to have established this extraordinary suc-
cession before he departed. It seems to me a Miracle that so strong &
so new a Step should not have produced any great Consequences, but I
shall think it a greater Miracle still if such an insult, patiently born doe3
not produce another and another and finally blow up everything.
. . . . The great Trial of the Opposition will be on Tuesday next
when the old question about General Warrants is to come on in the
House of Commons.
1765, Jan? 15th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
Mr Osborn is determin'd for the South of France and if I was Lord
Halifax he should fix at Naples or Florence, Sr Horace Mann went
over with his coffin on board of the ship, and is now well in very
advanc'd years, let him succeed him, he is a very amiable sensible
worthy young man .... I have receiv'd a singular letter from
honest Cosby. I send you the extract combine it .... I suspect
by a hint from Gordon that Tptley] used to write the marrow and
flower & leave him the bones and bran. I should be sorry for any
thing which might hurt or affect him as he is a worthy young man and
you will see his uneasiness of any suspicion that he was wrong in his
senses. . . .
1765, Jani 17th. Edward Sedgwick to the same I have
the pleasure to acquaint you that we receiv'd yesterday a Letter from
382
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CWAEXES
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Gen Gage with the
good
News of his having reduced the worst of
savages the Sliawanese & Delawars to accept Peace on his own Terms.
He has obliged them to deliver to him all their Prisoners (about 200) to
appoint Deputies to go to Sr Wm Johnson to conclude Peace on the
Conditions he shall impose, & to give several of their Chiefs as
Hostages that their Nations shall forbear all further Hostilities & ratify
the Peace to be concluded by their Deputies. M[<ajor] G[eneral] Gage
concludes with saying he thinks he may now natter himself that the
Tranquility of the Country is restored & a General Peace concluded.
. . . . My Lord desires his best compliments to you and assures you
he will give Mr. Reynolds the first Hour he can spare.
17G5. Jan-V 19th. The same to the same, from Bushy Park. . . .
With regard to Mr Cosby whose Misfortune I very sincerely lament,
every thing I believe will go as you wish. Leave to return was sent out
to him on Tuesday night, and it was hinted to Mr Titley that it is
hoped he will immediately come away. . . .
1765. Jan>T 22nd. The same to the same. — I cannot inform you with
any certainty whether Mr Pitt is laid up with the Gout : But I under-
stand it to be undoubtedly true that Sr Harry Pincent has left him his
Fortune which, tho' People differ as to the Amount of it, all agree to be
very considerable.
1765. Jan>r 31st. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
The adjourned debate upon General Warrants, which came on on tues-
day, lasted till six o'clock Yesterday morning ; Some alteration was made
in the question of last year, by which it was, as I understand, almost
converted into a previous Question : And it was at length resolved by a
Majority of 35 that this is not a proper time for coming to a Resolution
upon the Point. Mr. Grenville, Mr. Chas Townshend, Mr Hussey, and
Mr Dyson are said to have done themselves great Honour in the course
of the Debate. It is believ'd that the R* HonLle W[illiam] G[erard]
Ham[ilton] voted with the Majority.
1765. Feb? 9th. The same to the same, from Bushy Park
Sr John Goodricke has been extremely fortunate & successful in his
Endeavours at Stockholm ; After having carried the Election of the
Speakers in the three Orders of Clergy, Burghers & Peasants, he
has crown'd all by getting Coll° Rudbeck chosen Marechal de la Diete
in Opposition of the Efforts of France in favour of M. de Fersen. It
seems now to be in our Power to do what we please in Sweden, if we do
not stop short out of Oeconomy, as has been our constant Practice, &
lose the benefit of all that has been done already.
1765. Feb?' 14th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard
What you have heard of the Refractoriness of the Colonies is very true.
There are several Resolutions of American Assemblies, in which they
almost deny or strongly remonstrate against the Right of the Parliament
to tax them, which are directed by Order in Council to be laid before
the Parliament. But first it is thought proper to establish that Right
by a new execution of it, and in the strongest instance, an internal Tax}
that of the Stamp Duty. It is remarkable that the Colonies can find
no Champions to oppose that Measure, and that there are Petitions in
town from some of them to the two Houses which they can not get any
Member to present. ...
1765. Feby 19th. The same to the same, from S* James's
We have a very extraordinary Story from Constantinople, in which it
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 3#3
seems extremely difficult to know what to do. A Danish Subject (M. flk^wpod
Feroe) comes with his wife in 1762 & settles at Rosette near Alex- Westqk
andria in the same house with Mr. W[ortley] M[ontague]. Some time Esq.
after he sets out upon commercial business for Holland, leaving his
Wife behind. As soon as he is gone Mr. M attempts the Wife's virtue,
& meeting with difficulty, forges a Letter with Advice of the Husbands
death. To prevent his return, he sends a Letter to the Husband, with
whom he kept up a Correspondence, acquainting him his Wife was
dead & that he had therefore sent all his Effects to meet him at
Marseilles. The Husband having occasion however to return to
JEgypt learns at Smyrna the whole Truth of these pretty Proceedings,
flies to the Danish Ambassador at Constantinople who applies to Mr.
Grenville, declaring that if the Complainant did not receive Justice at
his hands, he must, ruin'd & dishonor'd as he was, have recourse to
Turkish Justice. Mr. G[renville] alarm'd at the Consequences of such
a Precedent as the latter Expedient would afford, prevails on the Dane
to desist from that & writes home for Orders, observing very justly
that the Laws of England cannot operate there & if they could, he is in
no Capacity to execute them. We omit giving him any Answer, from
the utter Impossibility of giving any Directions in so singular a Case
But I suppose we shall hear of it from the Court of Denmark, and come
when it will, We shall be very unable to know what to say to it, unless
you are so good as to suggest some Expedient. If the Case were be-
tween an Englishman & a Turk, the Treaty of 1675 has provided the
mode of Redress but in this Case no Turk has or pretends to have any
Interest.
1765. FebJ 19th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
.... M1' Osborn is gone from Paris to Montauban he went from hence
I think as weak as coud be, and I believe as I told him finds the verfy-
journey to Paris has made a difference I find my secretary
Planta who is well pleased with me and his situation whom God knows
I have form'd is eg'd on by his father an honest clergyman who knows
as much of the World as a broome Stick, and by a Sister he has with
Miss Bowes to take upon him the care of a young man, our Mr Liddel
nephew to Lord Ravensworth whether he is fit for it he knows best,
200/. p. ann. for the time their favour [lasts], fear of disobliging will I
apprehend take him away or rather it is determind. I have therefore
desird to know Mr Osborn's resolution from his brother Sr George if
he returns as he says he will in 4 ms then I shall take only a scribe for
a drudge in oeconomicks and leave all else to him if not something better
publick news I have little is it to be believed that the french
court are debauching all the soldiers of their allies ©ut of their very
garrisons a chap has been introduced here by their minister in all com-
panies as a student in politicks, who is an officer & whose recruiters
lias been seized in the town taking away the soldiers of Charles Lorrain's
regiments passports found on them the minister here privy, by their con-
fession they debauchd 120 sworn them disfigurd them with paint wiggs
cloathes hats they had chests full the passports are said to be from
Choiseul himself but altho civil & military here rave & cry out as
they are at present an appendix to the Court of Versailles it may be
hush'd up, tho it is difficult for the people here to conceive why so good
an ally should debauch & diminish their army concernd in a common
cause a conduct they could expect best of the Prussian.
1765. Feb. 21st. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from St. James's.
Sr J[ohn] Q[oodricke] has work'd Miracles at Stockholm,
He has carried the Elections of the Secret Commee by a Majority of
384
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westo;:
Underwood,
Esq.
42 to 8, above 5 to 1, and tis said we may do whatever we please there :
What that will be, I cannot pretend to say.
I believe I may venture to assure you that Mr P[itt] has not
resign'd his Pension, and that nobody suspects him of such an I nten-
tion. The Call of the House came from the Opposition where they
gave Notice of their intended Attack, but tis imagined the Arch
Patriot has too low an Opinion, of the Party & its Leaders, to mount
his War Horse in their behalf this year, unless some great & unexpected
Turn should happen in their favour.
1765. Feby 23rd. The same to the same. — I find upon Enquiring
of Mr. Morin that you are perfectly right about the Family Compact :
A Copy of it was received from Sr Joseph Yorke in April 1762, but it
was pocketed by Mr. Jenkinson, and has never been return'd since. I
have desired Mr. Kivers (as it is the Property of that Office) to attempt
the Recovery of it, but I fear there is little Chance of his succeeding, as
it is 50 to 1 it cannot now be found.
Your doubts with regard to the Up shot of all we are doing in
Sweden appear to me perfectly well founded. However Sr J[ohn]
G[oodricke] may flatter himself or Us with the hopes of a defensive
Alliance without a Subsidj' I cannot pursuade myself that Sweden either
can or will make so losing a bargain. And if Preemption is all we can
obtain, it is worth nothing to Her who seems determined not to part
with a farthing
1765. Feby. 26th. The same to the same, from S* James's. — I am
extremely sensible of your excessive Goodness in taking so much trouble
& giving me your thoughts so fully upon the disagreeable Affair of Mr
W. M[ontague]. If there were no Treaty at all, you think & I agree that
we could not refuse to submit the Criminal to Turkish Justice ; the
Treaty does not exempt him from that Justice, it stipulates only that
it shall be done with the Participation of the English Ambassador, &
in his Presence my Lord seem'd very much to approve
your Suggestion (for which I return you many thanks) of communi-
cating the Matter to the great Relation of the Party accused [i.e. to
Lord Bute]. I believe he will first take that Step and I hope he
will take it immediately
1765. Feby 28th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.— I
am glad you like my old Master & Friend Mr. S[oame] J[enyns] who
seems upon all Occasions to adopt the Rule Ridiculum acri fortius et
melius — None of the Colonies have as yet denied the Authority of the
British Parliament to tax them, on the contrary several have expressly
acknowledged it to be their Duty to obey at the same time that they
have remonstrated against the Acts of the last year. It is nevertheless
certain that there is a great deal of ill Humour amongst them which
shews itself in different Modes of Resentment ; And Letters have been
this day receiv'd at the War Office from Jamaica (tho' we have none)
with Advice of the Assembly of that Island having refused to continue
the usual Additional Pay to the King's Troops, who are thereupon on
the Point of mutinying. . . . , .
1765. March 1st. Robert Wolters to the same, from Rotterdam. — I
have this day by Mr Brown's directions sent him a bill of Leading for a
small cask directed for you at the custom house containing five gallons of
double distilled Dutch Geneva, which I have as the very best that is to
be had, from a man whom I am sure would not impose upon me. I
wish with all my heart that you may find benefit by it, and if you should
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
385
chuse any that is still stronger of the Juniper berry, lett me know and I
will gett it prepared on purpose
1765. March 2nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushy Park.
My Lord has ealPd on the great Relation of W. M. accord-
ing to your Advice, but he was not at home ; & Mr. G[renville] being
of Opinion that it was hardly now to be deem'd a Civility when the
Affair must be known, His Lordship will, I believe, make no second
Attempt to communicate the Story.
1765. March 5th. The same to the same, from S* James's. . . .
Poor M*. de Guerchy is now in a worse scrape than ever, and Our
Trouble with him will I doubt not be in exact Proportion. There is a
fellow, one de Vergy, with whom d'Eon had a Quarrell & had liked to
have had a Duel as you will recollect, This Man has since become the
intimate friend of d'Eon and after writing threatening Letters to M. de
G. to extort money, has at last made Affidavit that the latter attempted
to hire him to assassinate the former. He has even prevail'd with the
London Jury to find a Bill of Indictment against his Excy upon that
Accusation. You will easily imagine what a pretty piece of Work this
will make. The Lawyers say they can prevent any Insult being offer'd
to his Excy by means first of a certiorari to bring the Matter into
another Court, and then a noli prosequi. But this will be no means
satisfy M. de G\, who raves about punishing the Jury, & the Accuser
and tearing up the Laws of the Land by the Roots
1765. March 7th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . M. de G[uerchy] will be quiet at least till he hears from his
Court, and the Atty. G. has taken means to prevent any Insult being
offer'd him.
] 765. March 26th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels. . . .
. . . Sweden has ships and men may be of use to the French in a
marine war for selling building &c. . . . are they or are they not
worth securing ? — What are we adoing in Russia I know between us
they were glad to be rid of Ld Buckinghamshire] : — I dont know how
the young man will please, it is not history or the classicks will work
on them : to combat there it is the knowledge of men, Greek perversity,
& to see through the turpitude of the human heart .... one of
my desiderata is to see my little ones inoculated to be near my boy at
school & to chuse a near spot, it is what will surprise you here what is
observd & known that not one in a hundred dye of the small pox in the
Natural way in this town, this year it has been full & no deaths, it
must be air or aliment.
1765. April 19th. Lord Halifax to the same, from Great George
Street. — I return You a Thousand Thanks for the Draft of Address
You have been So good to Send Me ; which I very Much admire, and
can make No Alterations to. I shall Copy it over immediately, & carry
it to Court with me.
1765. April 26th. Sir Jacob Wolff (Baron Wolff) to the same, (his
future father-in-law), from Venice I arrived at this Capital
of the Venetian Dominions about 14 days past, & I hope to leave it
towards the first of next month ; I am very sorry that I can't say that I
am coming homewards ; but unemployed as I am at home, it will be of
more advantage to me to continue my Travells for a couple of Years
longer, & I dare say you will approve of my Scheme of visiting part of
Germany & all the South of France before I resolve, to retreat for life,
E 84067. B B
Charle
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
386
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
TJicderwood,
Esq.
to Townhill ; however give ine leave to ask your Sentiments, whether
I should rather first finish entirely these Travells, or come home thro'
Hanover, this next Xmas, sett about building the House, I have already
a plan made for, on my Estate, & then take the interval, when the
walls are adrying for to see those Towns abroad, to which my Incli-
nations might lead me. All that I apprehend in coming home now, is
the being talked into matrimony, when I am very sensible, that lam
not sufficiently qualifyed for such a State, nor shall I ever think of
changing my Condition, 'till I have acquired such knowledge and ex-
perience as to be capable to render every hour agreeable to my future
partner, & otherwise to do honor to my Family. Your thoughts I
shall therefore expect for my Guide ; as I am convinced of your Friend-
ship & the regard you have for my reputation. — Excuse my beginning
this Letter with what has only regagarded myself, instead of giving you
an account of Rome, Naples, &c, which have sufficiently occupied me
ye last winter. . . . The state of Modern Rome and its Citizens ....
invites every beholder to pity. Its environs, which were formerly
everywhere adorned with august Temples, public Baths, & noble Villas,
are, for 40 miles around, a perfect desert ; & instead of being able, in
so fruitful & blessed a Country, to nurrish legions of Inhabitants, has
hardly hands enough, to till ye ground & to keep the people in the
Capital from starving. But the Oppression of Church Government is
terrible, I was assured that out of 28 parts the Moncks & fryers were
masters of 25 pails in Rome, when after this the Princes & nobles take
their shares, what can belong to the poor peasant In the
Kingdom of Naples their Condition is not much better, and it seems the
Jesuits aim at the establishment of their Empire there; for they
possess already above § of fruitful Calabria. I was vastly delighted
with the softness of its Climate its most enchanting Situation, Mount
Vesuvius, Cape Messene, Piscina Mirabilis, mare mortum, & the Elisian
fields ; it is inexpressible what satisfaction my visit to these places gave
me ; for tho' none of these' nor the Circus Maximus, &c., of Rome, are
seen now adays in their former beauty & ellegance, yet I was pleased to
find every thing so agreeable to what I had before learnt, from Livy
Pliny & other ancient writers. .■.; . . The Country round Naples is
better peopled than all the Papal State ; for -all the way to Loretto, as
far as the Pq, I question much if One hundred thousand people cou'd
be brought together, even taking Ferrara amongst the number of the
Towns I passed thro' ; in going down the Coast of the Adriatick Sea ;
Card1 Albani shewed me a list of the number of ye Inhabitants in Rome,
which has 10 Italian miles in Circumference, & it amounted to no more
than 60 or 65,000 people, all ranks & degrees included. Bologna
which retains several ancient privileges is scarce half so large, contains
full that number, but in all Italy Depopulation seems great, & only
[gr] owing, because ye peasant possesses nothing. The situation of Venice
is singular, & it must be owned that ye great number of Islands dis-
persed in the Sea, & ye Churches & other fine buildings towering above
the water, give the City a very grand appearance, & the Canals which
in most parts of the City run close to the houses, cause the greatest
admiration to a Stranger as it is a very uncommon Sight. However
excepting the Piazzo di' S* Marco and a few other areas, Venice may
without any great injustice to it, be said to have nothing extraordinary
beautiful & grand when compared with many other Citys. . . .
1765. April 29th. Monsieur Alt to the same, from Hanover Square.
— Monsr le Docteur Kennicot m'a remis l'honeur de votre billet. Je
vous ouis bien oblige, Monsieur, de m'avoir procure celui de 3a con-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
387
noissance ; Corame son dessein est certaine merit des plus importants et
salutaires ; je Lui ai de bien bon co3ur, promis d'ecrire a mon Cour pour
en obteuir la Communication du MSS. hebreux qu'H desire ;r Des
aussitot que j'aurai reponse j'aurai Cher Monsieur, de Vous en faire
part & ne manquerai pas de Vous rendre mes respects en personne des
que ma Sante le permettra.
1765. May . DF Benjamin Kennicot to the same, from Exeter
College Oxford. — I am exceedingly oblig'd to You for the Ledger
which You so very kindly sent me: otherwise I mt not have seen it.
The Catalogue referr'd to is a Sheet of Paper, which I have send You;
the larger part of which was printed' in my 2nd Dissertation, page 508
&c. To make this Catalogue still more compleat, by adding the sacred
Vessels ; I printed off a few copies (about a year or two since) in the
manner you now see : & a very few persons, who saw & desir'd it, had
it. Mr Wilcocks, one of these few, lent it to a friend of his, a young
man, not in Orders ; who was pleasd to write Remarks upon it, which
he talk'd of publishing. Mr. Wilcocks, much alarm'd at this, proposd
to the Remarker to submit his Papers to Dr. Lowth, as a Referee. He
agreed. Dr Lowth condemn'd the Papers ; & set the Author down
for very wrong-headed. But the author, making amends for the want
of Knowledge by the superabimdancy of Zeal, has published'; & a very
strange Publishment it is: some things quite false, others nothing to
the purpose. However my Friends here (& probably you will be of
the same opinion, upon perusing ye Sheet) do not think it right for me
to enter into personal Altercation and Controversy with Anonymous
Pamphlets -fc Letters in News-Papers; because the Malice, Imperti-
nence & Falsehood (in the present case) could not be fully exposd,
without entering into many pticulars ; which yet, they think, will easily
occur to intelligent Readers, tho' left to their own Observations. ....
1765. May 5th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels'. ! . . .
Your system of education I thank you for. Adopt every tittle but 'after-
all what am I to do With my little boy ? whatschool for education 'into
into whose hands am I to trust him ? .... he must have languages
he must be made to [know] the world : if [his school is] private he
may be too timid if publick too vicious which to chuse of the one or
the other, my girls I shall do my best with : she cannot be in better
hands than she is and no child of seven can have better dispositions:
the little one I must leave to providence for the course of Nature will
scarce permit me to hope that I can contribute much to her education' '
by personal care. ....
1765. May 1 7th v Edward Sedgwick to the same.- — Friday morning. *
. . . . The great business is at the Crisis, it maybe decided at
this day's Levee, but it can not I think be delay'd beyond Monday. I
was with my Lord [Halifax] till two this morning. I will wait on you
as soon after 12 to day as I can, in the meantime I send the Ledger
which I mentioned, I have made a Mark against the Letter which I
imagine to relate to Dr. Kennicott.
1765. May 17th. The same to the same.: — The great Expect!
tations of this day have been totally disappointed, by the K[ing]'scn«t-,.
coming to Town. We must therefore remain in this disagreeable State
till Sunday at least, perhaps till Wednesday. I have scarce seen my
Lord [Halifax] since I waited on you ; I just met him, in Lord Wey-
mouths Chariot, at the.End.'of Arlington Street, returning, as I imagine,
from a Meeting held at Lord Grower's. I had just time to impart to <
B b 2
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
Underwood.
388 Historical manuscripts commission.
Fleetwood hi:n ^our Suggestion of writing to the Lord Mayor & Lord Lieu1 of
Weston Middlesex. He was going to the House of Lords : where, I hear,
LXDEsW.°0I>' $r John Fielding told their Lordships that he had put an Erid to the
— Affair of the Weavers : He said that a number of them having de-
clared to him this morning in Guildhall that if the Mercers would
promise to import no French Silks between this and the next Session,
they would return peaceably home, he call'd before him the principal
Mercers & engaged or induced them to make that Promise with which
the Weavers were satisfied. But nobody is with Sr John who had
certainly no right to exact a promise from the Mercers, not to do what
the Law allows, upon payment of an high duty ; I find too tis consi-
dered an unjustifiable composition with Rioters
1765. May 17th. Emanuel Mathias to the same, from Hamburg. —
The 11th Instant, I was honoured with your Letter of the 24th past,
which was delivered to me by Mr Robert Taylor, a pretty youth, who I
find is to be under One Mr Bidenham a Merchant settled in Altona. It
is sufficient, Sir, he is recommended on Your part, for to shew him all
the Friendly Offices in my power, in which I shall certainly exert my
very utmost Endeavours. I must however observe, that I am greatly
surprised his Uncle has placed him at Altona with a Roman Catholick,
whose "Wife (an English Woman) formerly a Protestant, has by marrying
this Mr Bidenham, change de Religion
1765. May 22nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from S1 James's.
It gives me great Concern to find that you are so seriously affected
by the Affair we are talking of. I can very sincerely assure you that in
my poor but honest Judgment, the matter does not merit so much
Notice. A character so well establish'd as Mr. T[itley]'s neither is
nor ought to be easily impair'd, but least of all by the Assertions of a
Person who has been insane There is nothing decided yet
as to the grand Question : The Conditions have been settled & com-
municated, and the [King] has desired some little time to consider
them.
1765. May 28th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
. . . . I thank you for your observation on Schools next spring
I shall chuse and see what party is to be taken. I shall thank
Van Sittart but you do not explain to me how far he is advanced. I
mean your son [William]. I sent out a chap from Ireland one Brady
ensign in the Comp8 service by the Pitt I think he went, or about that
time, if you see any India man pray let me know if he ever arrivd
if he is dead or alive, &ca. Some account of Cosby how is he ? I
have heard odd accounts, he had more than one cause of his illness. I
expect here Mr Osborne it is a pity Ld H[alifax] will not do some-
thing more for him in time an adjunct of something en attendant. I
dare say he will never think himself well here.
1765. June 14th. The same to the same, from Brussels
It looks as if some turn was to be yet brought about by the reconcilia-
tion, most thought could never have happen'd, and what I see more
extraordinary is that Mr Henry Grenville at Constantinople for I know
of no other of the Name is made a Commissioner of the Customs. We
must leave all to time what you pick up you'll oblige me to know.
I am afraid to say prejudices are strong against Tit[ley] but how that
arises why it should be so I cannot comprehend they no ways interfer'd
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
389
with each other, it suited Tit[ley] and seems to me that is his absence
rather prejudiciable than beneficial. 1 wish I could make as good &
sure a composition with my friend Osborne or for him, retaining what
Tit[ley] has on the same conditions. What is your private opinion of
it ? is it possible ? I can then fully attend my great view the education
of my little ones. And even lend a hand, a mon aise, if wanted, at
home: there to rest. Osborne is a suitable good young man, wanted
but 2 or 300/. p. ann. more to help on, was at Paris the 12th comes here
next week writes me a most judicious letter why he chose the army for
security permanency & the hope of advancement by merit, why he
refused the church not to lye buried & dye obscure on a living in Berk-
shire, lie cannot have his request granted by Ld H[alifax] I see it
makes him uneasy, he thinks well and thinks of futurity, which few
young men do.
I shall take care of your letter, and of your friend
B[aro]n Wolfe if he passes this way the former is gone on to meet him
Chaeler
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
(P.S.) I reckon I receive here 1840 nett Dayrolles had the same
that has been the favour after ploughing as I have done if Grenville
returns the Turkish Embassy will be open for Ld Halifax if I could
keep 1200 at home it woud if secure do and a young man here as well
with the other 640, that is my meaning, a good thing for a young man
in 2 years or 3.
1765. June 1 7th. Sir Jacob Wolff, (Baron Wolfe), to the same,
from Augsburg I can not imagine how your favor of
the 27th May a : p : forwarded by Mr Holford to Florence has missed
me there; where I spent two intire months in that City, which as
you know comonly is the rendevous of Englishmen, & why it was not
sent sooner to Rome, than back again to Genua. Upon the whole I can
say yfc few of those, that I have learnt to know in my Tour, have spent
so much time in Italy as I have ; my perfect Liberty engaged me to
travell with less hurry, & I hope never to repent this time in my
future Recollection in the Wolfs Den on Townhill. It would have been
great pleasure & Satisfaction to me, to have bought my Domains near
Yours ; that which you was pleased to mention of, in your neighbour-
hood, wou'd have suited me very well, & Hamshire has not yet chained
me in such a rnaner, as not to leave it, for the sake of enjoying your
friendship more effectually ; the only Obstacle is the difficulty of getting
once Estate advantageously sold, when the people of the Country know
that one is desirous of disposing Since I had ye honor of
writing you the 26 Ap1 from Venice I have had an attack of a Solitair
worm, that has been exceedingly violent ; when I was at Geneva made
a Journey on purpose to Morat, for to take the remedy from a widow,
which has had great success ; but unfortunately for me, I took H ab* ye
full of ye moon, & therefore, (I do not know whether Superstition has part
in it) am told it cou'd not have cured me ; as this turns out true, & I
have proves of it, am forced once more to go either to Morat or as far
as Basil to receive the same medicin from her j this postpones ye execu-
tion of my plan of Traveled at least till ye 12th of next month; that I
must at present hover about in Swabia : from hence I proceed then to
Stutgard, from thence to Durlach ; that 1 shall find myself soon distanced
from the chief Towns that are worth seeing in Germany ; but no matter,
when I have received your opinion on what I took the Liberty of consult-
ing you [about] it will sett me in my right road again
During my stay at Munich [I] was received very politely at Court ; but
ye sensible, afable,& noble minded princess Clementa of Palatine, procured
Esq.
390 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles me unspeakable satisfaction, 'its a pity such a princess has so little
F Weston^ power of doing good. The Elector of Bavaria himself is a very good
Understood, & mild prince but you know such a one, if no blessed w1 noble prin-
cipled Ministers, may do more harm to a nation than if he acted more
tiranically. . . .
1765. July 7th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Bushy Park. —
I am very sorry to send you so unpleasant an Answer as that which 1
have receiv'd to my Enquiry concerning Lord Grower's intentions con-
cerning your Servant Robert Smith. Lord Halifax spoke again on
fryday, as he promised, to Lord G. who told him that he had order'd a
Warrant to be ready for his own Man, and another for Lore) H[alifa]x\s
man, both which he would sign, when he was certain of going out, & not
before, but that he thought he could not decently exceed that number,
upon quitting. Thus, I fear, poor Smith's hopes are at an End. . . .
(P.S.) 7 p.m All Intelligence hitherto received
agrees that the new Plan will be carried into execution on Wednes-
day.
.1765. July 9th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. — I
seno! you enclosed Gen1 Oughtons Agent's Receipt for the £10. 10s. for
the discharge of John Hawke.
By all I can learn, since I came from Bushy this morning, I am afraid
the new Plan is not settled yet, and that we may yet remain for some days,
or weeks perhaps, in our present disagreeable situation. It seems to be or
fix'd that Lord Rockingham shall preside at the Treasury, and Mr.
Dowdeswell be Chancellor of the Exchequer (which last I should not
believe, if Sr Thomas Robinson had not assured Stanhope that Mr. I).
at dinner at Lady Shelbourne's on fryday with a great deal of Company,
received the Congratulations of that Company). That the Duke of
Grafton is certainly to be one Secry of State is no less certain, for he
told Lord Gower that, like a Girl who is going to be married, he felt
himself much pleased with the gen1 Idea, but much frighten'd as the
Hour drew nigh. It was the Creed of yesterday that Charles Towns-
hend had accepted the Seals of the Southern Department ; to-day tis
said he has absolutely refused them, and that Gen1 Conway is to have
them. Lord Townshend was closet'd, I lind, on Sunday, and again
to-day. There is no knowing the Motive or the Result, but the talk is
still, what you rnention'd, that he is to be Lord Lieu1 of Ireland.
1765. July 10th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. — I
haveat last the pleasure to tell you that all is over ; and that is News
you may depend on. About half part ten this morning the fate
Ministers receiv'd Summons from the Lord Chancellor to attend at
twelve with their Seals. And it is believ'd (for nobody sees what is
done in the Closet) that Lord Rockingham as first Lord of the Treasmy,
Mr DowdesWell as Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Duke of Grafton &
Gen1 Conway, as Secretaries of State, kiss'd hands to-day. The Trea-
sury Board will, I am told, be entirely new, Mr. George Onslow & Mr.
Thomas Townshend will be of it. Mr. Mellish & Charles Lowndes are
to be Secretaries. Admiral Keppell and Sr Charles Saunders, it is said
will have Seats at the Admiralty Board. And sOme say Mr. Mackenzie
is to have Mr. Rigby's Vice Treasurership. Poor Todd (whom 1 am
veiy sorry for) is said to be in a violent funk.
I- have not seen my Lord since he deliver'd up his seals; but I expect
a disagreeable Account, as I know that certain things which he ask'd
for Cosby, Stanhope and Phelps were refused.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
391
in either Office. But I
Eivers, whose Leave to
be prevail'd on to enlist
disagreeable to give the
I cannot express to you how happy I am to be rid of so painful a Fleetwood
situation as mine has been of late nor how sincerely and affectionately Weston
t Q™ Underwood,
1 am Esq.
1765. July 13th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . You will have seen in the papers the changes which are said
to have taken place since Wednesday, which I can neither confirm nor
contradict, except in the instance of the Attorney General, which, I am
told, not only Mr Charles Yorke but Mr Hussey has also refused, &
that Sr F[letcher] Norton is determined to resign. No Undersecre-
taries are yet declared, nor I believe, fix'd on
understand they will all be new ones, unless
retire was granted three weeks ago, should
anew ; as to the rest it is thought improper &
entiie Confidence which Undersecretaries must enjoy, to Men who are
known to be strongly attach'd or greatly obliged to other great Per-
sonages.
I was greatly surpriz'd to hear from Stanhope that Mr. Conway, when
he came to the Office on Wednesday, never ask'd for me nor mention'd
my ISlaine. That being the Case I follow'd what you inform'd me had
been your constant practice on similar Occasions, and never went to
him, who never sent to or ask'd for me. To-day I received with sur-
prize a friendly hint from the Duke of Richmond that it was very ill
taken that I had not waited on Mr. Conway. I told him my Reasons,
that is the Usage in General, & the peculiar Impropriety of my appear-
ing forward, who do not intend to accept even if I should be offer' d or
entreated. He was very well satisfied but advised me by all means to
go & explain the Matter to Mr. Conway, which I accordingly attempted,
but he was gone out of Town and I must return to his house again to-
morrow : which I have the less reluctance in doing, as I know I shall
not be ask'd to continue.
I hear Mr Todd is certainly out and Potts reinstated. They say to
that Mr [Welbore] Ellis is to be dismissed & that Lord Barrington is to
return to his former Post of Secry at War
1765. July 16th. The same to the same, from Bushy Park.
. . . Lord Dartmouth is declared first Lord of Trade, in the room
of Lord Hillsborough : But the rest of the Board I hear is not settled —
Lord Suffolk has resign'd his Staff but I cannot learn with Certainty
that the Duke of Marlbro' & Lord Charles Spencer have yet resign'd,
and the Delay is thought rather extraordinary.
1 have seen Mr. Conway & convinced him, I hope, that he had no
reason to be offended with me ; at least he assured me he was perfectly
satisfied. We do not yet hear of any Undersecretary being named in his
Office.
1765. July 20th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
Mr [Lovel] Stanhope has been invited to serve the
Duke of Grafton, & he has accepted the Offer, which I hear was first
made to you, and rejected. He comes in as first Undersecretary, and is
extremely satisfied with the manner in which the Negotiation has been
conducted by this Grace. Mr. Conway has made up a second under
Secf y by bringing a certain Mr. Roberts, a young Clerk, from the other
Office, and coupling him with Mr. Morin, who is accordingly summon'd
to Town. I have the Pleasure to know that Mr. Conway has declared
himself to Mr. Blair perfectly satisfied with my Explanation & that no
Affront or disrespect was intended on my part,
392 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
fSStwood ^ cannot venture to say anything of the further Altera-
Weston tion reported to be intended or to have taken place already. As to the
NDEsJ*0D' mst ** ^s impossible for me to know anything, and of the latter I
— know no more than the News papers tell us. They are however mis-
taken in saying that Mr Charles Yorke is Attorney Gen1. For Sr
Ffletcher] Norton told me lasc night that he had not yet resign'd
nor been dismiss' d ; the latter however he seern'd very confidently to
expect.
1765. July 20th. George Brown to the same, from Whitehall. —
. . . . You already know that Mr. Burke is appointed Under
Secretary to Mr. Conway, Mr. Roberts, a clerk of short standing in
this Office, but of Ability in Languages, is named a Secretary in the
Other, but whether as a Colleague with Mr. Burke, as a joint Assistant
with Mr. Morin I am not yet certain, nor have 1 time, at present, even
to go there to learn, some say he is to succeed Mr. Morin, Who, I
hope, if not preferr'd may in that Case may be otherwise provided for.
In this Office Mess" Stanhope and Stonhewer are the Under Secrys,
and Mr. Frazer, (as I hear at 400 a year) private secretary to his
Grace. Mr. Rivers as I understand, was sent to, but excused himself.
These are the settlements, at present, of the Two Offices. I heartily
wish, one Principal had been better provided, But Health is a Primary
Consideration. I have not seen, or heard from, Sr James Porter nor
know where to wait on him.
There is an Appointment of Mr. Grant, as you mention, but is left
for the Name of James to be alter'd to John. The salary is 100/. a
year, clear, to be paid by the Receiver General there, & some supposed
Perquisites. The Fees to be paid are Seven Pounds, I will consult
Mr Waite how to convey the Instrumento to him. Mrs. Waite, I hear,
succeeds the late Keeper of Chappel Izod &Ca. Neither He or Her have
mention'd it to me, tho he referr'd to the Books of the Signet Office
for it, and I attended him at the time.
P.S. Sir F[letcher] N[orton], had a Note yesterday from the D. of
G[rafton], that the K[in]g had no farther Occasion for his Service as
A[ttorne]y G[enera]l. I dont hear who is to be his Successor.
1765. July 23rd. Lovel Stanhope to the same, from Charles Street
St. James's. — I was too precipitate in acquainting you by the last post
that I was at your commands, as Secry to the Duke of Grafton, for upon
his Graces explaining to me, the next Day, the Duty he expected me to
undertake, I found it necessary, on several Accounts, which I will
communicate to You when We meet, to decline that Honor- so that I
am not in an Official Capacity to obey your future Commands, but in all
others I am most truly &> sincerely
1765. July 25th. P. M. Morin to the same, from St. James's. — You
will perhaps be as much surprised to see that I am here, as I was on
receiving at Margate the News that General Conway had been pleased
to appoint me jointly with Mr. Roberts to fill up the Place of one of
His Commis ; Mr. Burke is th&J^remier, and single. You know, Sir,
that I had not the Ambition of either a whole Place or Half an one ;
But I must submit : I only wish that nothing more than what I used to
be employ'd in, may be required of me ; For as to draw up anything
whatever, I will not undertake it ; as I told Mr. Burke, who just now
desired me to convey His best Respects to you
1765. July 25th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard In my last I acquainted you that Mr. Stanhope
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
393
was appointed first Under Secretary to the D[uke] of Grafton. You will
be surpriz'd to hear that on tuesday morning last he quitted that Service,
in which he had continued but four days. This strange Event was
occasion'd by his Grace's desiring his said first Sec?y to give his whole
Attendance to the Office, to do the business of the first Clerk, Mr.
Richardson, who is quite worn out and incapable, it being his Grace's
intention that Mr. Stonehewer only should attend his Person & receive
his Commands. Stanhope with great Prudence contented himself with
expressing his Surprise at that Proposition, and consulted his friend
Ld Chesterfield who entirely agreed in Opinion with him that it was
impossible to continue an hour longer. S. therefore wrote a very
respectf all Letter stating that Impossibility and had the satisfaction at
least to part with expressions not only of Civility but of Friend-
ship. . . . .
1765. July 27th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . Mr. Burke, the Under Secry, was (as I think I told you)
Secfy of Guadeloupe & since he came home, has solli cited the Govern-
ment of N° Carolina and other inferior Posts. He is said to be a Man
of considerable Ability.
. . . . I am by no means able to give you an exact Li3t of Re-
signations and Dismissions. But as far as I have been able to learn
the following are the only Persons who have had the honour to resign.
Lord Weymouth & (lately) his Brother : D. of Marlbro' & his Brother
Lord Cha8 Mr. Rigby & Lord Orwell. I do not however pretend to be
accurate.
1766. August 2nd. The same to the same, from Mistley Hall — Upon
coming to George Street yesterday morning to meet Lord Halifax, in
order to set out with him for this delightfull Seat of Mr Rigby's, I
receiv'd your favour on the 28th past. . . .
. . . The only news I can tell you is that Mr. Nugent has resign'd
his Treasurershipv & Lord his Pension. (I cannot recollect the
Name & the Company, any one of whom could tell me are all walk'd
out, but I will tell you in my next.) The Board of Trade is not yet
settled, nor is any Attorney General appointed.
I heard in the City on tuesday that the Mews of Hector Monroe's
repulse in the East Indies, (of which I have not seen any particular
Account) had occasioned India Stock to fall 4 or 5 p cent.
1765. Augt. 6th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . I propose to travel to Lincolnshire, and wait on you the
latter end of September or beginning of October, if nothing happens
which may oblige me to depart from this Plan.
It was Lord Essex who resign'd his Pension. I heard to day from
very good Authority that Mr. Mellish is quite sick of his Post (Secy to
the Treasury) & determin'd to quit it as soon as any capable Person can
be found to succeed him.
Poor Brtetzcke has been turn'd out of the Place in the Alienation
Office, of 100/. p ann. which Lord Bute gave him. And this he says
is done in conformity to the General Rule of restoring all those who
were turn'd out at that time
1765. Aug. 13th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . 1 can assure you that Our Noble Friend [Lord Halifax] has
a thorough Relish for the tranquility of his present situation, & is as
far as your humble servant from thinking it a Misfortune to be Out.
We entirely agree in Opinion with you, and are so far from thinking
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
394 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles that being one's own Master is a necessary Cause of unhappiness that
WemSi?1* we consider it as the very reverse. It would be lamentable indeed if
Uxderwood, the Mind was incapable of any voluntary Employment or Amusement,
_f?' & could never act but on Compulsion.
My Peace has been somewhat disturb'd of late by the Offer of an
Employment, which though vehemently press'd on me I found myself
obliged to refuse : and I shall be happy to find that you, as well as the
rest of my Friends approve my Conduct. The D[uke] of Richmond
having been appointed Ambassador to France & having obtained the
Post of Secy to the Embassy for his Brother Lord George Lenox, was
exceedingly earnest with me to go with him as his private Sec. The
judgment of my friends as well as my own convinced me that 1 could
not without evident Discredit, serve in such a station. But my great
difficulty was to give an absolute refusal, & in such a manner as to avoid
offending a Duke to whom & to whose Father I am certainly under
Obligations. If you are at all acquainted with the tenacious disposition
of his Grace, you will easily conceive it was no easy matter to succeed
in the first point, as to the latter I can not be sure how far I have suc-
ceeded, but I hear from a person to whom he has since mention'd the
Affair, that he appear'd disappointed & vex'd but not angry. It is now
however all over, I trust, for I have heard nothing of his Grace since
last Thursday. .... I do not find there is any confirmation of
the Reports I mention'd from the E. Indies : and therefore conclude
they were mere Inventions. • I wish what the News papers tell us of
Com : Palliser's Action at Newfoundland may prove equally ground-
less
1766. Aug. 20th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. —
The People in the City tell me that the Ministry are very earnest in
their Endeavours to obtain immediate Payment of the Canada bills
and the M. de Guerchy having exerted his Interest with his Court has
sent over some Propositions on that subject.
Mr. Dempster is said to have obtain'd for Life Sr Harry Erskine's
green Ribbon as Secfy to the Order of the Thistle.
I find it still impossible to learn with certainty whether the[re] be any
or no Attorney- General. On Wednesday last, when the Appeal for the
Sant[issima] Trinidad was heard and determined in favour of the
Captors, Mr. Yorke refused the Congratulations of the Advocate Gen1
in a manner which seem'd to say no such thing was likely. But the
Papers have since asserted that he has kiss'd hands
1765. Aug* 27th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . I am glad that you are with the rest of my Friends in
approving my non-acceptance of the D. of Richmond] 's Offer ; . . .
there is not a word of anything new stirring at present. I have there-
for to acquaint you that on fryday or Saturday next I set out for
Suffolk with Mr. Adair ; That I propose to stay with him till about the
9. or 10. of next month, and then travel to Somerby to pay my Respects
to you & yours . . . .be pleased to address to me at Will"1 Adair's
Esqr at Flixton Hall near Bungay Suffolk.
Before I set out from hence I propose to desire your Frame maker to
go to Reynold's & take measure of the Picture [of Lord Halifax] that
he may have the Frame ready by the time the Picture is finish'd. I
presume you have already given him directions what sort of Frame if is
to be,
Historical manuscripts commission.
395
Mr Stanhope set out yesterday morning for Lord Carnarvon's from Charles
whence he goes to some of the watering places for the remainder of E Weston**
the summer Underwood,
Esq.
1765. Aug. 30th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
. . . . I am sorry your health is not better & much so that it would
not permit you to lend a helping hand & your consummate experience
to the present administration. I know your sentiments for the King &
publick service and am sure if you could you would. Sir Wm York is
of opinion you labour as much on Greek criticism, and books, as if you
was in office — I say not. — Gordon the new Copenhagen minister passd
here for London he ran through, better he had gone on directly there,
he leaves a better station for a worse I wish he may get
well through with it, he tells me he is master of business I have ploughed
at it 27 yrs I could not Venture on that round assertion but many have,
intuitive faculties he is a good naturd man I know him long wish him
well it is all I can say.
I have not recommended Bn Wolf to Ld Storm ont he is too much of the
monosyllable kind for me I never knew what he was made of he is as stiff
as a stake in Poland he corresponded with me I have taken another
method & have recommended him to his Secretary of Embassy Langlois
a polite & I believe more open man I have desired him at the same time
to introduce the B[aro]n to Baron Burmania the dutch minister my old
friend whom I dare say on my very name will be kind to him that will
suffice at Vienna.
All there is in the utmost consternation desolation & despair on the
death of the Emperor he went off suddenly [on] the 18 struck dead at
once a sober virtuous man very munificent his charitys are great and I
hope will be continu'd else many hundred familys I might say more,
wil be m distress and despair they yet laugh'd in London to
hear a man of 55 [the writer] talk of death dying &c. — hypocondriach
spleen — & I know [not] what — I have not forgotten Mr Vansittart I shall
write to him and send you a copy I once [saw] him much and knew
his character 1 saw a dutch colonel here who saw your son [William]
in his house who with Greeks Armenians & numberless others talk
of Vansittart as one of the honestest & best men existent, rais'd his
money by fair trade and justly
1765. Sept. 5th. Monsieur Alt to the same, from London. — A
letter of compliments in French.
1765. Sept. 7th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Flixton Hall.
. . . I purpose to set out from hence next Thursday, and hope to
be with you some time the next day
1765. Sept. 10th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Brussels.
.... I am heartily rejoyc'd you have so good an account of your
son [William in the East Indies] a dutch officer who commanded there
was much pleased with him. I dare say with his virtues his purpose his
inclinations he will come a Nabob he cannot fail of pushing his fortune
I wrote a letter to Mr Vansittart sent you the Copy. I did it in a
hurry not to neglect, he is a worthy man, his character irreproachable,
& would have done better there than Ld Cl[ive] let them say what they
will.
.... The new Emperor's turn is little known the french come-
dians & Italian Opera are disbanded at Vienna sent adrift some think he
will adopt his grandfather's turn, in foreign affairs no change the late
396
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables
Fleetwood
Weston
Undebwood,
Esq.
Empr always inclind for us tbe Grand Duke of Tuscany is ill in health
hectick and consumptive they hope that the Italian air will recover him :
the Prince of Prussia ill and lingring flying reports of others ill, the
Dauphin very ill and it is thought will not live enough of deaths and
dying nil quiet all will he so I hope to see you once more before we
go off if not fiat voluntas tua God preserve you ever & ever yours my
Dear Sir. ~J. Porter.
1765. Sept. 26th. Sir George Baker M.D. to the same, from Jermyn
Street Lord Middleton, after having tryed two Physicians
before, put himself into my hands about ten weeks ago. Since that
time I have been perpetually hurry ed to and from Mr. Townshend's at
Frognal, from which place he (Lord M.) was brought in a litter a few
days before his death. On opening his body, wo found sufficient reason
why his disease was incurable. He had a large putrid abscess in the
spleen, a part of the body, of which we know not the uses. Mr. Townshend
often talked to me of you in terms of great respect.
.... Ladies have certainly a title to the practice of Physic
founded on antiquity. The first Men-Physicians only took care of
wounds. Internal remedies were wholly in the hands of the fair sex.
This I prove from Homer, & other antient Writers.
The Provost [of Eton] has lately been surprisingly better at Worples-
don. I have not seen him ; but so Fame says. The Dean of Windsor
had two st ... Is in a fortnight & dy'd of the second. Dr Cust
has the Canonry of F' church ; Bell, Princess Amelia's Chaplain, West-
minster, Barrington is to go to Windsor; & the D. of Newcastles
Chaplain Hurdes, is to have Harrington's Canonry of F[en]church.
I am truly happy at hearing such good tidings, as I hear, of [your
son] my friend William. Mr. Vansittart says of him all that you can
wish. Poor Dr Cooke (you will not mention to him what I am going
to say) has been very unhappy on account of George. The Boy has
been idle ; has spent too much money ; and (excuse the phrase) has
crown'd all with a plaudite
1765. Oct. 12th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard .... As yet I have seen but few people, but I am told by
more persons than one, that there are great Animosities and Dissen-
tions amongst the Great ; That the Cumberlanders and the Newcastleites
can by no means agree, And that it is believed Mr. Secry Conway
will resign and that Charles Townshend will succeed him. Tis said
also that Lord Egmont is not likely to agree long with the Adminis-
tration, having declared that in case any Connexion should be attempted
with the K[ing] of P[russia] he will oppose such a Measure every-
where, in publick and in private. I am told likewise that our Minis-
ters have strenuously insisted on the payment of the Manilla Ransom
and have received in answer a positive Refusal, which they refuse to
take and have ordered Lord R[ockingham] to persist most earnestly
in the demand. I give you these as mere Reports, to which I have
only more to add, that the Bishop of Exeter [Keppell] is to have the
Deanery of Windsor.
I am very glad to learn from Mr. Morin that the D. of Richmond
has taken Mr. Changuion for his private Secry, & Mr. Morrison
is with him as it ware en second. Upon the vacancy Mr. Morin has got
his son into the Office which makes him very happy.
I have been assured, & I hope it is true, that Mr. Phelps has got a
Pension of £400 a year. I know he petition'd the K. in July or August
last. . . . ,
Historical manuscripts commission.
397
1765. Oct. 24th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. — I
return you many thanks for your favor of the 19th. Since the receipt of
it, I have not seen Lord Halifax, but the first time I do, I will certainly
remind him again of his Picture, which I was sorry to see at Reynolds's
exactly as I left it. When I was at Bushy on Wednesday the 16 I
did not mention it, because his Lordship told me he was going with
Lady Betty to Lady Betty Archer's in Hampshire ; They are now there,
and I am told by the Porter in George Street, that his Lordship will go
from thence to Bath. I suppose he chuses to make one at the Grand
Congress which it is said will be held in Bath in a week or two. Mr.
Grenville has been there some time with his Lady who is very ill, Mr.
Pitt, the D[uke] of Bedford, Lord Sandwich and Mr. Rigby, will, it is
said, certainly go thither I am told Mr. Phelps's Pension
is but £250 ....
1765. Oct. 28th. William Cooke to the same, from Eton College.
You had intimation lately of a weak effort I was making, &
may well have expected to have heard the process <K issue of it; the
last the Papers will have already acquainted You with, before our little
Bustle would allow me leisure for it. The Case was there was a
difficulty in B[arnard]'s eligibility, not having been Fellow in either of
the Colleges ; a Qualification certainly intended, tho' under some little
latitude of Expression, scarce enough for a Court-Lawyer to wriggle
thro' & evade. Had This staggered them, & checked the Mandate,
another person must have been thought of, & in that case, the recom-
mendation from Bailies might have had its weight. But it was issued,
& all Authorities from Law, Visitor, <Sc. brought in to support it. To
dispute it absolutely, impossible, against prescription from the Founda-
tion ! To Petition & state ye difficulty, offensive, & perhaps equally
ineffectual. The Stream was too strong to stem, & the Conclave ended
in the submission of a Royal College to Royal Pleasure. The Case was
special, for in the four last Instances the Mandate hud coincided with
Statute, which might have admitted an humble Representation : but this
could not be done without unanimity & general concurrence, which was
not to be obtained. The only relief therefore remaining was to drop
the Oath of Election, & accept the Royal Appointment absolutely as
superseding it, & paramount to all other Rule, & in this conclusion
ended this unkindly Affair. 1 fear I shall scarce approve the Casuistry
to You ; but I never had so much reason to lament your absence & the
loss of your excellent Judgment & Advice.
1765. Oct. 31st. Sir George Baker, M.D., to the same, from Jennyn
Street. — I am desired to ask you, in behalf of Lady Middleton, whether
you will let your House [in Park Place] on a lease of 12 years. Her
Ladyship cam ot afford to buy it ; but would be glad to take it on the
terms mentioned above.
. . The Eton People, after having made a bustle, have taken
Barnard for their King. Could my Friend Cooke have succeeded, I
should have been truly glad. I hear, Burton is to have the Living ;
and that Hetheringtan declines in health.
I have no Politicks. All, that I have under the article scandal, is,
that Lord & Lady B — n— ke are parted ....
1765. Decr 4th. William Burke to the same, from S* James's. — I am
almost ashamed to say I write to beg the favour of your advice as it
realy is an affair of too little consequence to trouble you upon .....
The fact is the Tripolitan Ambassador has made me a present of skinns,
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
398 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood ^c* ^c*> tney were sen* to tne bouse when I was out, & to say the
Weston truth, to send them back, would seem to me to be making too much of
UxDEsq.OOI>' tne matter> & vet whether with real propriety I should keep them or not,
— I cant determine. G[eneral] Conway has also the same thing happened
to him, & I had taken so much warning as to order the Servant in Case
of such a thing, to say he was never to take any thing, but by order, the
fellow assures me he did all he could, but the people in a manner forced
the things in. Gr[eneral] Conway himself is under some Embarrassment
what he should do ; he proposes to make at least an equivalent by way
of present, and as the thing now stands, I believe myself, it is the only
thing I have to do but I, & indeed he would be glad of your opinion ;
and as this sort of thing, may happen agaiu, will You be so good to say
whether I may give a direction to my Servants absolutely to lay any
thing out of the house before their Eyes, that may be brought in this
way another time, & also to direct me what the propriety will be in the
present case ....
1765. Decr 5th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. .... There is an absolute Dearth of News ; the only Reports I can
meet with are That Mr Seer? Conway is to take the Lead in the House
of Commons ; & that the poor Prince [Frederick William] whose life
has so long been dispair'd of, has been so much worse than ususal yester-
day & last night, that the News of his Death is to be hourly expected.
1765. Decr 14th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
For what relates to the Manilla Ransom .... That Affair, I hear,
has been push'd till it has grown rather serious. I know Ffrince]
Mass[eren]o has told indifferent Persons that his Court has been much
offended with the Language held to her of late on that Subject : That
she is determined never to pay that demand, because she is convinced it
is a most unjust one : And that she shall consider our insisting on it
any further as a Mark of a Desire to quarrell with her, wch tho' it be
contrary to her own Wishes, She is not however at all afraid of.
There have been 50 contradictory Reports within as many days as to
the manner in which the Session of Pari* was to be opened, whether by
Speech or Message. It is now sd there will be a short Speech before and
an other after the Holydays ; & that the Parliam* will sit only 3 days &
adjourn on Thursday. If that be so, I am to go with Lord Halifax on
Fryday to Horton where we shall stay about 7 or 8 weeks only.
His Lordships Picture is certainly a great [deal] better for the last
Sitting. It is as much mended as it possibly can be, unless the Position
of the Head could be entirely alter'd, & I hope & believe you will not
now dislike it. The likeness is very Strong & the head is certainly well
painted. The only Objection I am aware of is to the [easy Air], which, tho*
mended, is not yet quite so easy as his Lordship's. There are still some
little Alterations & amendments to be made in the Drapery, which
Reynolds promised me yesterday he wd do directly, & that the Picture
should be ready to be delivr'd, quite dry on fryday next, & I have ac-
cordingly written to Mr. Grosset to fetch it away on that day.
Mr A[ndrew] Mitchell, you see has got the Red Ribbon ; it is pre-
paratory to his Return to Berlin, which, everybody says, will very
shortly take place & that we shall at the same time have a Prussian
Minister here. This renewal of reciprocal Civilities is probably meant
to bring brought ab* what you have so long wish'd for. . . . .
1765. Decr 17th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. . . .
Mr Stanhope desires me to present his Compliments to you, & to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
399
acquaint you that he has been spoken to by a Gentleman of Ireland (he F£^woon
mention'd no Name) who says he has heard that you are desirous of westox
selling your Irish Pension; and, if so, would be glad to know your underwood,
Terms & treat with you. — '
1765. Decr 24th. The same to the same, from Horton I
am, like you, full of Anxiety with regard to the Consequences of the
American dispute. The Evil is in all respects of such a Magnitude,
that I cannot presume to guess what are the Measures proper to be
pursued for remedying it. The only thing I am clear in, & that I have
been from the beginning, is, that the Right of the British Legislature to
tax the Colonies is clear and incontestable, and that it must not, cannot
be given up, without annihilating the British Constitution in British
America
A Gentleman arrived here from Town yesterday who says Lord
Temple told him & several others then present that Mr. Pitt will
certainly will be in town before the Meeting of the Parliament. This
Intelligence raises the greater Expectation as tis certain the latter
declared to many people at Bath that he would spend the Remainder of
his Life there and at Burton, his seat. If He comes to undertake the
Cure of the present Disorder, we may I think expect a more speedy
Delivrance that could be hoped for from any other Hand
1766. Feb. 15th. Lord Godolphin, of Helston, to the same. From
Pall Mall. — I think myself very much obliged to you for your kind
Letter and particularly so for your leaving our Congratulations, by which
I am pursuaded that you believe that I am truly concerned for the Loss
of so kind a Relation [i.e. Francis 2nd Earl of Godolphin, his cousin].
And from whom I had received so many Marks of Friendship, and
with whom I conversed every day (when in Town) for 30 Years till
within little more than 24 Hours of his Death, which makes the Parting
Grievous tho' he lived much longer than the Common Period of Human
Life. He has left the Cornish Estate to me and my Issue Male, and in
default of such to the Dutchess of Newcastle and then to the Marquis
of Caermarthen: £ 14,006 Reduced 3 per cent. Bank Annuities to the
Dutchess and £1000 to the MarqUis. Has appointed me Sole Executor
and has given me the Lease of the House in Sl James's Park
(iogmagog and Newmarket in my own Disposal.
I am sorry to find by Ml* Whitchcote and Dr Baker there are but
little hopes of our seeing you and Mr9 Weston in Town this Winter, I
will only say that you were never more wanted than at Present when
every Thing relating to the Public Welfare has so indifferent an
Appearance and so much wants the Assistance of Honest and Good
Men, my Wife Joins with me in sending our Compliments to MrH
Weston and Miss which concludes this.
1766. March 11th. Sir James Porter to the same, from the Hague.
. . . . . I think seriously of Bath on what you write, what I have
heard from all hands, I find a difficulty that I fear all company is to be
found merely in a crowd none at home. I detest crowds, however even
that may find a mezzo. I must first puddle away a few days in London
where I press for a home monthly or weekly furnish* d in or near it
rather, I am now longing to be over and shall loose little time after this
month is elapsed, which will not be long, for time runs swimmingly and
we with it towards a better region.
I hope all their debates distractions & disorder concerning the
american affairs are subsided and at an end, that it will tend to his
400
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Majesty's quiet and the good of the nation ; old Burghley's method in
great affairs was to state all Debtor & Creditor — Dangers — remedys —
Dut I observ'd much was always left to God — his providence is the
great remedy to all and the non plus ultra of human resource. I hope
it will not abandon us — as to our american [troubles] this is all I can
say — but as to our European [ones] 1 see no probability I had almost
said possibility of their being altered by war or disturbance it is im-
possible to fight without Money or Men, who has a sufficiency of the
former ? Where are the latter ? You will find Sr A[ndrew] Mitchell
moving towards Berlin he flatters himself to return, but I do not imagine
he ever will be had better look out for a proper spot to rest his
bones there ; I think he would have prefer'd home, and if I am well
informed inter nos the Monarch would have rather wish'd he would
have staid there, his love and hate alternates like a quartan or rather
diurnal fever.
We have been here in profusion of joy on the Majority of the
Stadtholder Strange how those Republicans Court power, they are ripe
for the Yoke I am pursuaded if a Prince would wish to be more, it is
in this ones hands but for any reasonable wise man that power he has
is superabundant, it is Kingly with another Name, he has gone through
laborious ceremonial & bussiness surprizingly well for a lad of 18, behaves
manly discloses genius, & knowledge, the wreck of the family has been
surprizingly sav'd and renovated by the sagacity of his Mentor, these
people say, qu'il doit louer Dieu que son pere & sa mere sont mort de
bonheur — an impious thought — he comes to a large estate clear estate
clear £150,007 sterls near without a debt, he is bred up wise & virtuous,
that Mentor is a surprizing man with great abilities and indefatigable
labour.
1766. April 12th. Robert Gunning to the same, from Copenhagen.
. . . . Mr Titley is indeed sir, just what you described him, Able
informed, Polite & Friendly, disposed to give me that Assistance which
I stand in so much need of, he has promised to direct me by his Advice
on all Occasions, but I had much rather been instructed by his Example,
& have worked under him for some time than have all at once become
his Colleague, and yet the Situation I find him in not only obliges me
to that but to take upon me the whole managemmeent of the Business
here. His Usual annual Fit of the Gout was accompanied lately with a
violent Fever, which tho he has happily got the better of, has notwith-
standing left him very weak, & makes him desirous of being eased of the
fatigue attendant on the Poste he has so long acquitted himself in, with
so much honour to himself & advantage to his Country. Thus Sir you
see me thrust suddenly into the Execution of an Office I have had so
little time to prepare myself for, with all the disadvantages of Habits
contracted by leading so long, a domestic Life & which are so opposite
to those of a Court.
. ... . The inconveniences I found in passing thro Westphalia
tho they were great, yet were nothing compared to those thro Holstein
Sleswick & these Islands ; the Passage of the Elbe & the two Belts
the terrible State of the Roads & badness of the Accomodation have
determined me to advise Mrs Gunning to come from Hull to Elsineur
by Sea. ... by coming thro Holland with 4 Maids & 3 children ye
inconvenience wd be immense, She in ye 4 different Passages wd be as
long at Sea, & coud not perform ye Journey in less than a month. . . .
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 401
1766. Aug* 29th. Sir James Porter to the same, from Richmond. . Chirles
. . . . I am at a loss for my books I have 2000 Vol8 locked up in F^sS)T
a city "Warehouse, our friend is gone, Sr George [Amyand] is no more Underwood,
he has left clear 160,000/. stg, and perhaps more, this pursuit keene & —
arduous, work'd the Capillarys of the brain, wore then to a filament,
distorted their whole construction & disolved the whole frame at 46,
he was a Warm friend I greatly lament his loss, my sister in law died
several months before my arrival, left 14 or 15,000/. to her family,
100/. to me.
I think it is much better to live in a cell than partake of Ministerial
power, popularity is what has been aimed at since Sr Bob* Walpole's
death, reputation conduct honesty to depend on an ignis fatuus : ninety
nine in the hundred of mankind cannot combine two ideas, mere animal
life takes in the whole compass of the understanding, what therefore
can be expected than that they should follow like a herd, the hundredth
or the thousandth man is the wether with his bell who leads all the rest
the doubts & suspicions against Ld Ch[atham] seem to subside, the
city as an Alderman told me consider him as dead, they may yet find
him alive — he is indeed greatly worn down & broken, my hope is all
will go on quietly and well and that his Maj. will be easy & happy.
You would surely think me mad if I should resume business of any
kind. I cannot write two hours without having the machine, the pivot
of it, disorder'd, confus'd, wheeling in a perpetual round, & scarce
stability on my feet . . . . if I cannot make my little ones great I
can make them happy, my business is to live for them, I can divide
nearer 13 than 12 [hundred pounds] annually between them when I dye,
and I think my income beyond my wants greatly in this situation. ...
Your coming up rejoices me gives me new life let me know for God
sake when & where that I may be in the way. I intended for Bath
whether before or after the event of inoculation is the question, for God
sake let me know your departure the day the moment and that of your
arrival in town, this I still depend on my little ones are all well I am ever
..& ever with unfeignd affection & esteem.
I
1766. Oct1' 24th. Sir Joseph Yorke to the same, from the Hague —
It would be unpardonable in one who feels so warmly as I do the Marks
of partial frindship You have honour'd me with, if I kept Silence When
an Event So interesting to You as the Marriage of Your Amiable Daughter
was passing in Your Family; Accept my sincerest Congratulations upon
the Occasion, & my best wishe3 for its increasing your Satisfaction. . . .
1766. Decr 21st. P. M. Morin to the same, from Whitehall.— I am
directed by the Earl of Shelburne to send the Inclosed to you, and to
desire Your Opinion what may be proper to be done upon the present
Case. . . . . .
1767. Jan? 8th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . The only thing I have yet heard is that the E. I. Directors
are now reported to have changed the mind they were said to have been
in a month ago, and are disposed to treat with the Ministry & Parlia-
ment, in consequence of which tis supposed the Company will come
down with a million at least, some say much more. The War & Navy
Offices I am told work night & day in preparing, ag8t the 20th, accounts
of the assistance given to the Co. in Troops & ships during the last
War.
Pray do you comprehend or even guess as to the possible Motives
upon which Ld Monson's late Place has been given to Ld Cornwallis,
who is with his Reg* at Gibraltar or Minorca & not expected home this
x 84067. C C
402 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood J**** as a *a<ty °^ m7 acquaintance was told by his Lordship's mother,
Weston who added, that neither her son nor any of the Family had ask'd or
WDE8Q00D' expected any such thing, nor did any of them know of it, till they saw
— it in the Gazette. Can it be merely because he was (if I remember
right) one of the 5 famous Protesters, or rather Dissenters from the
Sense of the rest of the House ?
I cannot learn with any Certainty, whether there are or are not any
Grounds for the Newspaper Reports of last week of another approaching
Alteration [in the Cabinet]. Some admit that the Arrangement looks
probable in many particulars. Others assert no such thing is in Agita-
tion, whilst others again whisper a suspicion of Coolness between the
Earls of B[ute] and C[hatham] and that if the letter should retire, it is
decreed that Ld Egmont shall succeed him as prime Minister. — Heaven
send all for the best ?
1767. Jany 28th. Lord Hyde to the same. — I was in company with
the A[rch] B[ishop] of York. The BB of D[urham], & Winchester],
Dr Markham, Stone, the LL. Suffolk & Trevor when I recd your most
affectionate consequently yr most agreeable lr of the 24th ins*. It com-
pleated my happiness to observe the eagerness & friendship with w°b
they enquired after you. It was universally wished that you would live
among us. Stone did not admit the plea of illness as he knew it never
hindered yr excelling. The 66 years were the less argumentative with
me as I had just seen at Court the D. of Norfolk & Ld Bathurst, of whom
the youngest (his Gr[race]) counts 83. Neither do I comprehend that
you can be more regarded or esteemed in Lincolnshire then in London.
. . . . As to the political Hydra, it has more heads than Poets can
imagine, they grow without amputation. Our Beast, more destructive
than that of Gavendon, spreads mischief from his den. He attacks the
K[ing], the M[inistry], both HH of P[arliamen]t & what is more the
C[our]t of A[lderme]n : He has often been shot thro' & thro' & tho'
thought to have been killed rages with greater fury. The Irish Gray
Hounds won't touch him ; the Scotch have been bit too hard to attack
again, & the true Eng[lish] Bull Dog is not let loose : The Mongrils
that now head the pack only yelp. Not otherwise with our Colonies.
1767. Feb. 3rd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland Yard.
I congratulate you on the total departure of the late
severe frost. . . . . I am sure we have great reason to be thankfull
for this happy change, for the Navigation of the Thames had been so
long shut up or at least rendred impracticable, that there certainly was
not in this vast Town seven days provision of Meal, and if the Frost
had continued, the consequences must have been dreadfull.
The Dearth of News continues still as great as ever. Lord Chatham
is still at Bath and it has been reported for those two or three days,
whether maliciously or not I can not tell, that he does not intend to
return hither, & if so, say the Politicians, some Change must
necessarily happen. That may also be the case, if he should come ;
For Mr. C[harles] T[ownshend] has most certainly pronounced, in the
H° of C[ommons] the doctrine of distinction between internal & external
Taxation, to be Nonsense and Absurdity, and has also declared his
Intention to propose, in the course of the Session, some new Taxes for
the Increase of the American Revenue, which, since the repeal of the
Stamp Act & the Alterations made in Mr. G[eorge] G[renville]'s
Impost Acts, does not exceed 80,000/. n ann. These Declarations, in
the opinion of some, may cost the Gentleman his Place ; while others on
the contrary say that he stands higher in Favour than ever with the most
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 403
powerfull Supporter, & is destined to be prime Minister very shortly. fSbbt^ood
These are all the political Truths or Lies I can send you, except a ?*-< Weston
Report, which I had liked to have forgot, that Advices have been Uin)§gJ00I>'
received from America which bespeak a strong spirit of Independency —
in many Colonies particularly Massachusets, & that 7 or 8 Regiments
are to be sent thither.
As Domesticks relative to your old Scene of Action may perhaps not
be disagreeable, I will add that Mr W[illiam] Burke has, I am told,
declared his Intention of resigning, being, it is said, under such obligations
to Lord Verney, who brought him into Parliament, as make it indis-
pensably his duty to join that Lord in P[arliamen]t which however he
can not decently do while in Office. The Persons talked of to succeed
him are, Mr. Henry Conway a nephew of the Gen1'9, a L* Col0 Keen, and
a Mr. Richards. Of the second I knew nothing but of the third I am told
he is a Gent, of Ireland who became acquainted with the H[ertfor]d
family at Paris, where he is said to have recommended himself to the
Notice & Favor of the Grand Monde, particularly the Female part of
it
1767. Feb. 17th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . Lord C[hatham] who is every day said to be coming, is not yet
come, & every thing remains in the same State of Stagnation. His
Ldsp, they say, disapproves of what was thought to be settled with the
E[ast] I[ndia] Co[mpany] & so that business is quite afloat again.
... I do not believe a word about Ld Rochford's going to Dublin, tho*
there are people who still say Ld B[arrington] will not go thither.
1767. Feb? 28th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. — At
length an important Event has happened .... the Land tax was
yesterday settled at 3. sh in the £ for the current year ; The Ministry
meant to continue it for this year at 4*sh, but the Opposition carried it
against them by a Majority of 18
The motion for this reduction was made by Mr. Dowdeswell, & most
powerfully supported by Mr. G[renville] which seems to have been the
more difficult for him, if you recollect the Quarto Pamphlet call'd Con-
siderations on the Trade & Revenue &c. It is there asserted that by the
reduction of many Establishments & by great improvements made in
G. G's time in many branches of Revenue, the abatem* of lsh in the
Land Tax was an object very near at hand : But now that the Revenue
has been diminish'd near £200,000 p. an. & many reduced Establishing
re-augmented, such Reduction must be much further off than ever. It
seems therefore that a greater degree of Impossibility or Impropriety
has bro* that about which in a lesser degree of either was not to be
immediately attain'd.
Nobody pretends to know (notwithstanding all the Papers have said
about Litters) when the E[arl] of C[hatha]m is to be expected.
1767. March 10th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard
. . . I have not heard of any one Person who approves that Measure
[the reduction of the Land Tax], except Ld C[hatha]m who, we have been
told, said if he had been here it should have been proposed at 3 sh. . .
1767. March 28th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . The facts you mention are indeed most extraordinary ; and it is
much worse with us than I was aware of, if such excessive Dearness
prevails in Countries so distant as yours. But the article which surprizes
me most is the price of Labour with you. For I find on enquiry that
c c 2
404 >
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
FLfiETWObD-
Westo>x
UlTDERWOOD,
Esq*
at Horton in Northamptonshire, & at Criston in Rutland, 8, 9, & 10(1.
[per day] are the constant prices in the different seasons of the year,
excepting only Harvest time, when Labour is of course much dearer.
It seems therefore very extraordinary that at so much greater a distance as
Somerby, a labourer shd have 1/6. What is to become of this country
Heaven only knows ! It is, as you very justly observe, but too evidently at
present in the high road to destruction, & from whose Hands are we to
expect Relief ? The People seem no longer to expect any from our
present M[iniste]rs, who, in 5 months, have offer'd no other Proposition
than the E. Indian, which, it is now generally believed, will at last come
to Nothing. If they should fail in that it is much doubted if they will
be able to hobble thro' the Session. And where are the Men of Experi-
ence & Ability to be found, who will undertake so difficult a Task as
the curing the complicated evils you lament.
I dined two days ago in company with Cap* McBride, the Com-
mander of the Jason, who was sent out on the return of Capt. Byron
to a certain Island in the Lat. of 52 S° in S° America, where he resided
a year in order to explore the interior But bad as it is,
the French, it seems, have thought it worth while to attempt a settle-
ment at one corner of it, meaning, I suppose, to try whether we, who
can prove our prior discovery & frequent Possession in old times, will
make a point of removing them. . . . . .
1767. April 14th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. — I
shall dine with Lord Halifax at Stanstead tomorrow and I will take the
first opportunity of making your compliments of congratulation on the
late event which adds so considerably to his Lordships Happiness. For
Lady Hinchinbrooke has not only brought him a Grandson, but has
had the best of Times without one dangerous or disagreeable Circum-
stance
. . . . It is, my dear Sir, a Consideration the more melancholy, as
it becomes tbe more evident every day, that this Our Country is so
clearly in the high Road to destruction, that nothing, as it seems, but a
Miracle can save it . . . . If we must quit it I shall claim the benefit
of your declaration in favour of the Grenades. . .
(P.S.) Capt. McBride's Island is call'd Falkland's lsld tis in the Lat.
of 52S° about 100 leagues to the Wfc of the Continent of America.
1767, April 15th. Sir James Porter to the same, from George Street,
Hanover Square. . . . What Mr. Vansittart knows of your Son
[William] you do not know, is that he was at Muxabad and that Lord
Clive was to pass there in his way up the country or down I know not
which that he had pitch'd on Mr Weston to be employd with himself
and he was to continue with him whilest he remaind in the country. I
do net see things are so restraind but that your son may come in for a
fortune before you calculate for he is not excluded private trade or will
be in lucrative branches, & what Vansittart got in so few years was by
trade, he has not taken a shilling present by what I can find
Ld Ch[atham] has been ill indeed, a slow fever not the gout he is
better much murmuring on stagnation of business he could not he dard
not do anything by the advice of his physician who said it would be
death to him. . . .
I am afraid with you our Conquests in India may be ruinous, seas of
milk ships of amber, the joke is some will have them acquisitions no
conquests where is Common Sense? it is well known you made unmade
gave -arid took by force alone, Alexandr nor Cassar never conquered — they
acquired.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
405
. . Lord & Lady Hyde have particularly recommended me to
assure you of their best compliments, how they esteem & value you he
is Rusticus Expectans I dare say. What I have heard on good grounds
is that our dear Master the K[ing] has declared & is privately determind
not to remove Ld Ch[atham] as long as there is hopes of recovery or
until he asks it himself. I am sorry to say 1 do not like his situation I
heard yesterday certainly that a small detail tires his attention his head
cannot bear it, which I think promises ill he has yet his slow fever it is
diminish'd but his nerves bad and sleeps with opiates — no good signs.
. . . . they found £90,000 in Ld Ch[athama] office of paymaster he
never made the least use of might have been worth in interest to him 30
to £40,000 since that time.
1767. May 2nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard If you allow Mr. Ald[erman] B[eckfor]d to be the
mouth of the invisible Minister [Lord Chatham] then there certainly
was a difference of Opinion in the Ministry. Every one else profess' d
to wish for some amicable Agreement, but he was for evicting the
Charter, for discussing & deciding on the right to the Territories
acquired, & declared that to those Ends he shd, on the day appointed
after the Holy days (which was yesterday) move eight Resolutions in the
Committee. And he accordingly told the H° yesterday they were, all
right, ready in his Pocket. He was however saved the trouble of pro-
ducing them ; For Mr C[harles] Townshend, Mr Conway & Mr Rouse
acquainting the House that some new Propositions had been made to
the K's Servants, which they seem'd to approve & which it was believed
would be equally acceptable to the Publick & the Proprietors, it was
agreed once more to put off the Matter for for another week. The
Directors are to meet on these propositions today & to call a Gen1 Court
on Wednesday next, by which means tis hoped that the Plan will be
ripe for the Consideration of Parliamfc on f ryday next. As it would have
been absurd to have gone yesterday into the particulars of a Plan, which
has not yet reed the Assent of the Proprietors, so no mention was made
of them. But they are privately said to be, that for the present the
Charter is not to be prolonged nor the Point of Right to Territory
decided, but for three years (or, as others say, for five) the Company are
to take out of the total Profits of Trade & Territorial Revenues, as much
as will pay the Proprietors a dividend of 121 g c* g an., to give Govern-
ment one half of the Remainder, which is estimated at £500,000, to apply
the other half of it to the discharge of their own debts, &, when those
are aJl paid, to lend that half to the Gov* at 2 <p Cent.
On Tuesday Mr C[harles] T[ownshen]d is to produce his plan for
reestablishing the Authority of the British Legislature. Heaven grant
that it may be practicable & effectual ! . . . .
1767. May 28th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
I was forced to wait i he decision of the Question in the
H° of Commons on the quantum of the E. I. dividend, which,
after having twice kept the House sitting till midnight, hearing-
Counsel & Evidence on the State of the C°'3 Affairs, was, about one
o'clock yesterday morning, decided for 10 n c* for the next divd l?y 150
odd, to 80 odd : of which Minority Mr Chancellor of the Exchequer <fc
Mr Secry Conway, I am told, made part. There being now no room
to doubt but the Bill for restraining Dividends will pass the Commons,
the Proprietors, I hear, are at work on a Petition against it to the
Lords, which does not seem very likely to succeed. But, be that as it
may, the principal point being settled with the C° (that they shall pay
Charles
( Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood.,
.Esq.
406 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles £400,000 a year for 3 years to Gov*) this business must come soon to an
Weston End. As to America, I do not see that [the] Ministry has any great
Undebwood, matters to triumph on. The plan of taxation which Mr C[harles]
— ' T[ownshend] promised in the beginning of the Session, has never made
its Appearance, nor is anything else done that I know of for the re-
establishment of the Authority of Pari* in the Colonies, but the Bill for
prohibiting the Legislature of N. York from passing any Bill whatever,
till they have yielded perfect Obedience to the British Act relative to the
Quartering of Troops. This it is said is to hang up in terrorem to the
other Colonies, & nothing more is intended in this Session ....
1767. June 8th. Walter Kerrick to the same, from Uxbridge. — I
take ye first opportunity of informing You that I have settled my Friend
Stephen [Weston] at Exeter College. His Name was put into ye Books
on Monday Night. Dr Kennicott was at his Villa about 7 miles from
Oxford, but he returnd to College on Tuesday, and we had ye Honor of
drinking Tea with him, and Mr Stinton Mr Weston's Tutor. He is
reckond a very sagacious good Tutor, and I conclude from ye Fullness
of ye College, that ye Character I heard of Him is a just one — They
found a difficulty in accommodating Mr Weston with a Eoom. The
Income to it was only 4 Pound, and I think a little Papering, and a few
more Chairs will make it very neat and commodious — The Young Man
seemed to like his Destination very well, and from my Knowledge of
him, aud his Conversation, I must promise myself every thing that is
good from Him — It would be Injustice to him, not to acquaint You with
what Mr Stinton told me, He said, after overhawling him, that He found
him an admirable Scholar — I hope that Somerby Air has been of Service
to all my Dear Friends there — If ye little I have done in conducting My
Cousin to Oxford is agreable to Dear Mr Weston, it will be ye highest
Pleasure to him who has ye honor etc.
(P.S.) My wife joins in Affecfce respects to all at Somerby.
1767. June 15th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Flixton Hall.
. ... A Sea Officer, who came hither from London a few days ago,
said it was strongly reported that Lord Hillsborough was to preside at
the Admiralty ; An Alteration which seems to imply many more.
The Appointment of American Commissrs of Customs (if, as you
observe, they escape hanging) will be found, I am persuaded, a very wise
& beneficial Measure. But, above all, I applaud Mr O [harles] T[owns-
hend] for having provided for the expence of the whole Civil Adminis-
tration in the Colonies, & made the sev1 Officers concern'd in it
independent of the People. This Step ought to have been taken, for the
want of it has been sufficiently felt, many years ago. Without it, it was
absurd ever to think of preventing smuggling or collecting any Revenue
whether old or new. But now we may hope to see the Laws observed
and many Evils corrected which have hitherto been incorrigible.
As to the domestic Evil, the dearness of Provisions, it seems indeed
that we are to rely entirely on the kind Care of Providence : For the
opening of ports for Corn & other articles seems to me but a temporary
Palliative, whereas the Case requires a radical Cure. And I beg leave
to submit to your better Judgment my humble Opinion that no degree
of effectual relief can be expected, unless, in the first place, you lower
the price at which you will allow Corn to be exported & on which you
will give the 5s Bounty. A Remedy which I presume is not to be
expected from an Assembly in which the Majority consists of Land-
Owners.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION^ 407
1768. June 22nd. The same to the same, from Flixton Hall. — . . . Chables
Here we are told that there is much Dissatisfaction on account of ^westo??1*
Wilkes's Sentence, and that a Change of Administration is expected. Underwood,
tho nobody yet knows of what Party the Newcomers are to be. This ^!2*
indeed we thought it not difficult to guess at when we saw such a Mark
of the Strength of the Bedford Interest, as the appointment of Mr. Rigby
to be Sole Paymaster, but I have since heard from London that when
the Bedfordians last came in it was stipulated that Mr. Rigby should
have that Post whenever Mr. Cooke should die. After all the expence
of forming Ld Hillsborough's new office, I see they have put his Ldsp
at the head of the Board of Trade, which surely ought to have been done
at first. But as the old Proverb says better late than never.
We have, thank God, had no storms nor tempests in this Country,
but the most gentle rains, chiefly showers, that could be wish'd ; They
have put the face of the Country in the highest beauty, & the Farmers
say there has not been sucli a prospect of Plenty for many years.
1767. July 8th. The same to the same, from Flixton Hall
The last month was no doubt extremely cold, & even now one sees no
man who has parted with a bit of his winter dress nor any one that sits
with a window open in any part of the day. But yet this year has
hitherto been much better than the last, as the notes in my last years
Almanack can certify : There were then Continual Rains, & Storms at
N.E. all May June & July, and, during the last of those months, we sat
all most every day round a Great Fire at Horton. In short the Seasons
are totally changed in this Country, and one of them is quite done away :
We are now to expect warm weather till the Autumn, and may
therefore as well dismiss the word Summer from our Language, as being
no longer of any use, in reference to our own Country at least.
When I first saw those Reports in the Newspapers that Ld H[alifax}j
was certainly to come in, I made no sort of doubt but that they were
founded, as they have frequently been before on his happening to come
to Town on private Affairs, at a Time when Alterations were said to be
in Agitation .... I have, since the receipt of yours, a Letter from
the noble Lord, which speaks of the expected Changes in a way that
leaves no Room for doubt. He says, " it is matter of great doubt who
are to succeed Mr Secry C[onwa]y & Ld S[helburn]e. They talk
every day of new people, each as fit & as likely as the other. But the
general opinion is no great Change will be made at present & that
only two or three odd men will be calFd in, to gain Time, & tide
it thro' the Summer." I thought it impossible, according to my
Knowledge of his Ldgp, that he should take such a Step in the present
State & Prospect of Things, & am heartily glad I am not miscaken.
1767. Aug1 1st. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . You no doubt receiv'd Advice from some of your Correspondents
here, of the breaking off of the Negociation for a gen1 Coalition & the
Establishment, of such an Administration as should be more likely to be
permanent. But these Hopes are entirely vanish'd, and we are now
assured that the D[uke] of Grafton is to remain at the head of the
Treasury, & that Mr Conway will continue to be Secfy of State & to
take the Lead in the House of Commons. Whether the present Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer [Lord North] is to continue or not, is not said j
but Mr Bradshaw is to be one of the Secries of that Board, in the room
of Mr. Charles Lowndes -who clauses to retire, moyennant a chief Clerks
seat for his son
403 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chabijss . . The general Alteration of Seasons & Climates in all Europe
Fleetwood « *? , - , t „ *
Wjeston tor some years past does not seem to me to encourage much that iaith
TJNDEsq.00I>' & Hope which you entertain : I wish you may be right, but be that as
— ' it may, I shall be content to travel alone in bad weather for the satis-
faction of waiting on you
1767. Aug1. 26th. The same to the same, from Stanstead
Ou?v Advices from London have been extremely barren, <fc except the
curious variety of principal Secretaries which the new Lord Lieu1 [Lord
Townshend] has exhibited (no less than 4 in about a fortnight, I think)
there seems to be nothing worth notice but that Lord North ington, who
was said to have taken a final Leave of the — [King] & determined
never to see London again, has been sent for, &, as they say, is by this
time in Town. As his Lordship seems of late to have been the great
Resource in time of difficulty, one cannot but suppose from His Sum-
mons that some thing is in Agitation.
1767. Sept. 20th. The same to the same, from Walberton near
Arundel Lord Halifax is gone to Horton, to assist at the
Races at Northampton, & I am passing the time of his absence from
Stanstead, within 17 miles of it, with an old Schoolfellow & intimate,.
Mr Nash. ...... His Lordship is certainly, as you suppose him,
entirely disconnected with the set you mention & every other : And
appears to me to be not only free from the least desire to go into Place
again, but utterly averse from it in the present State of things & of Men.
And that State being duly consider'd I cannot but rejoice, but the state
of his Honour & Happiness, that he is of that way of thinking.
In answer to your Enquiry concerning the Great Man [Lord
Chatham], I can only tell you it was currently reported in London, that,,
before he left it, he wrote a Letter to the K — expressing his Apprehen-
sions that the very bad State of his Health would never more permit
him to give his Advice or Assistance on any Occasion. Lord B[ar-
ringtonjs Abdication, as you term it, seems to have been an immediate
Consequence of of his Great Masters Resolution to retire, & if so is
exactly conformable to what he was long ago said to have declared,
That he certainly would never go to Ireland unless he could have the
Advantage of Ld C[hatha]m's Advice & support.
1767. Oct. 25th. The same to the same, from Walbertcn..
. . . I have met with here a very ingenious Treatise upon the Causes
of the dearness of Provisions, & the necessary measures for curing that
Evil It bears no name, but is generally known or understood
to be written by Mr. Foster of Colchester.
1767. Novr 17th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
„ . . . Tho' I have not had the satisfaction to see our Noble Friend
[Lord Halifax] since the beginning of September, (the Northampton
[election] business having hinder'd him from returning to Sussex till I
came out of it) I can venture to assure you that you need not be in
Pain for his Health or Safety. I have made all possible Enquiry since
my return hither, & I find no reason to believe he was hurt or wounded
as the Papers reported. A Blow indeed was aim'd at his Lordship by a
drunken Clergyman who headed the adverse Mob ; but a iaithful Ser-
vant, I am told, defended his Master from the Stroke, & beat the
Parson within an inch of his Life. And what makes it a much more
serious affair for the latter, is, that the Bishop is said to lave suspended
him from his Functions & to have declared he shall be broke. But I
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
409
can yet give you more satisfactory Evidence : for my Lord, in a letter
he wrote me on his return to Stansted, after this pretty transaction,
assures me that, notwithstanding the great fatigue he had lately under-
gone, he was perfectly well. He at that time reckon' d that, as Sr.
James Langham had given up the game, his troubles were at an Ends
But Lord Spencer having at length found out, as you have seen, another
Instrument of Opposition, Ld H[alifax] was obliged to fly again to the
Scene of Action, on Wednesday last: What pass'd there I have not
heard in detail ; but in general I am told that his Lordship left it on
Sunday, perfectly satisfied with the Appearance of Things, and con-
vinced that Mr. Howe's Chance is not worth a farthing more than Sr
James's was. His Lordship however will probably have a great deal of
Trouble, & certainly a Vast Expence, between this and the day of
Election.
I find it the general Opinion that the ensuing Session will be a quiet
one, to the <end; that it may be, what everyone agrees with you in
wishing it, a short one. But whether, Morality & Industry will any
where have any chance of escaping, tis hard to say. There are, alas !
too many such Boroughs as Grimsby, & too many such Lords as he
whom you mention, who are now busy in forcing Strangers upon dis-
tant Boroughs with which, they have neither Interest nor Connexion, &
by dint of money which their Lordships are also famous for not abound-
ing with. Arundel in Sussex, in whose neighbourhood I have lately
lived 7 weeks, will not yield in any of the Points you mention, except
Methodism, to your Grimsby. She wys sold for 15 guis. p vote to Mr
Crawfurd, who transfer'd her as it was publickly said, to a Countryman
of his & a Successor of ours [in the Secretary's Office], who, when I left
that Country was said to be negociating a transfer of her to a third pur-
chaser. If such transactions openly talked of, without Concealment,
shall escape the Notice of a H° of Commons, I shall think it high time
to tremble for the consequences.
I am assured that Lord Chatham has purchased his old House at
Hayes ; whether his Lordship means, to be Secf y of State again, as the
Papers have told us, I have not yet heard.
CHAJtLE8>
Fleetwood
Weston
UffDEBWQOp,.
Esq.
1767. Decr 10th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . I fear there is no room to doubt but the vile Traffick you
mention is more generally practiced than it ever was. The instances you
talk'd of appear to me more numerous & of greater Magnitude than I
remember to have heard of at any former Period : And it is impossible,
as you justly observe, for an unprejudiced Person to reflect on the
Increase of so great an Evil [as Bribery], without shuddering at the
obvious Consequences of it. Our noble friend, [Lord Halifax] however
has, I hope & believe, nothing of that sort to answer for ; at least I
have never heard of any other expence on his part than that of eating
& drinking ; That, you will say, is of itself a sufficient source of Mis-
chief, but how can it be avoided when an old family Interest is to be
defended against sudden & unexpected Invaders ? In such a situation
one cannot, I think, blame what is done for self defence, tho' one
laments & detests such Practices in general.
As to our other great Evil, the clearness of Provisions, it is perhaps
more speadily ruinous, & I fear as little likely to be remedied as the
former I am told there is no Idea in the H° of C[ommons]
of doing any thing more than continuing the measures of last year, not-
withstanding the experienced Insufficiency of them, & the sensible Sug-
gestions of the City. You will perhaps be of opinion too that there are
410
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
Chaeles
Fleetwood
» Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
some Expedients that deserve Attention, amongst those offer'd by Mr
Foster, in the work I recommended to your Notice
It is whisper' d this morning that Lord Gower is to have the Seals of
the Southern Department, & that by & by & by degrees the D[uke] of
B[edford]'s party is to come in, which seems not at all improbable. I
can not say so much of another Report that the principal Secry in Ire-
land having, in a Motion to augment the Army of that Kingdom, told
the H° that it was a Measure which must be carried, for the K[ing]
would have it so, was answer'd that those were not words to be spoken
in that place, & that he must either recant or go to the Bar [of the
House] ; but which he refusing to do, a Motion was made for expelling
him. Upon Enquiry I hear that this Rumour is certainly founded in
Truth, tho' some of the particulars may be erroneously related. It is
know, they tell me that a Motion for an Increase of Troops was made
& rejected, and that something very disagreeable did pass with respect
to the said Secry, but what, is not yet known with certainty. After
what I have said will you not be surprized to know that Mr. SecFy
Conway yesterday moved for Leave to bring in a bill for permitting an
Augmentation of the Military Establishment of Ireland? To what
purpose, pray, if Ireland will not agree to provide for the Expence of
Augmentation ? You have seen I presume their Resolution for a tax
of 4s in the £ upon absent Placemen & Pensioners ; which Tax I am
told does actually make part of the Supply bill which is lately come
over. But I am assured it can never pass here, because it does not
allow the K. the Power of exempting, as all former Acts for the same
purpose have done, & must therefore be consider'd as an unprecedented
Encroachment on an acknowledged Prerogative. I hope therefore that
you & I may make ourselves easy on that Subject.
1768. Jan? 30th. Sir James Porter to the same, from London. —
You are angry I am to blame, I should have thanked you sooner for
your kind letter of Novr. I waited [to hear from] Lord Clive he is in
Ld Ch[atham's] case his whole system of nerves destroyd sometimes
dying, sometimes tolerable well, sometimes crying, at all times incapable
of business ; in this situation he is gone to the South of France whether
he ever recovers is a problem I doubt however on his return here, I had
a friend who accompanys him in his journey I gave him the Commission
to enquire after your son [William] he left him very well in perfect
health in January 1767 Secretary with Mr Sykes at the Nabobs
Court in a flourishing way, and cannot miss of fortune I find he is
thought by all those return'd the most promising young man in India
sober steady honest and greatly esteemd
I dined yesterday at Mra Osborn's with Ld Halifax who is in good
spirits easy & gay stands on his own bottom and only thinks of the
Northampton Election which will cost money. I told him when he is
askd he should come in he is net against it when he can dc it properly I
suppose he will have his turn.
You will hear of the present Composition [of the Cabinet] Mr
G[renville] quite lefl't out consequently our friend Ld Hy[de] Ld
Tr[evor'| &ca. The Duke of B[edford] took his leave of them and
seperated, those who enter have good ability how they will harmonize
is the point. I believe well — Mr Wood is with Ld Wey [mouth] and
Phelps comes in with Ld Hilsb[orough], — the old standards are usefull
& I think makes every office better. I know no other news to tell you,
the corruption of the age has been attackd with proper indignation in
the Commons the Oxford Corporation under their Common Seal signed
by 18 offerd the town to the old members for £7500, all eat & drank
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
411
& guzzled, on the Motion they are all fled, but it will not rest there a Chables
bill is to be brought in, and whatever becomes of 'it the Oxonians will Weston
not be forgot ' Underwood,
lEsq.
]768. July 2nd. Dr John Thomas, Dean of Westminster, to the same,
from Bletchingley The good Bp. of Rochester,
when I was last in Town for two days, informed me of Your kind inten-
tion of paying the late Mr Titleys very generous Legacy to the King's
School at Westminster, as soon as a proper form of discharge could be
settled for that purpose. This, Sir, will be done agreably to Mr Yorks
Supposition, & conformally to the practice of our Body in similar cases :
in order to wch, I will sollicit a competent number of my Brethren to
assist at a Chapter, either on the day when I have the honour to be
Installd or as soon after as may be ; & in the mean time shall take care
that Mr Lucas be requested to favor us with His presence on the Occa-
sion
1768. July 9th. Dr James Marriott, Vice-Chancellor of the Univer
sity, from Trinity Hall Cambridge, to ? — I have been favored
with a Letter from Mr Weston who acquaints me that he has authorised
you to pay to my Order five hundred pounds left by Mr Titley to ye
University, & that you will pay the same upofi Notice from me any day
between ye 22d : of this Month & ye 5th of August
1768. August 12th. Sir James Porter to Edward Weston, from Ham
near Petersham To hear you and Mr Weston are well will
be of importance to me is it Mr Western as the daily paper mentions or
[your son] Mr [Charles] Weston who has Dr Blands prebend of
Durham — 7 or 800 n ann. Political news I have none I am sick of it
all in Statu quo Some will confidently tell you Lord Chat[ham] will
appear with new vigour on the political stage credat judaeus apella — if
all goes right & well I am content. Lord Bute has perhaps by your
advice cross'd the seas, he is I am told ill, & perhaps too far gone. — I
wish he had done it before now. I have not seen his brother [Mr
Stewart-Mackenzie] lately so that I am ignorant of his true state. I
think whatever measures government may adopt with the Americans ;
they will succeed without any great difficulty it is at Boston but two or
three degenerate wretches who occasion the bustle and when it comes to
the push I dare say they will fear tne rod
1769. Jan? 17th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard hitherto the only mention of W[ilkes] in the H°
of Commons (as far as I have heard) has been in receiving his Petition,
ordering the attendance of Witnesses, postponing the day of Hearing
&c, and the time is yet some when Gentlemen will have the Oppor-
tunity of shewing themselves Friends to that Patriot or Foes to that
insolent Incendiary. I tan only say that I have never yet heard reason
to doubt but that Mr G-[eorge] G[renville] classes with the latter. . .
But we have now a new subject (tho derived from the same Source)
which excites the Spirit of popular Revenge on other subjects than
those they have hitherto K-en furious against. Two Irish Chairmen
indicted as having been hired for Sr W[illiam] P[roctor] B[eauchamp]'s
mob, and guilty of Murder at the Brentford Election, have been found
guilty, & will, they say, be hanged tomorrow, notwithstanding tis Her
Majestys Birthday. As all Parties are deemed by the Law Principals in
Murder, Broughton, who hired them, has absconded, they say, and so,
tis reported, has Sr W
412
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles
Fleetwood
"Weston
TJkdebwood,
E?q.
1768. FehJ 2nd. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . The Respite of the two Chairmen & the Pardon which, it is
generally believ'd, will follow it, are said to be owing to Sr Wm Mere-
dith & Mr Walsingham who moved for an Address to beg Mercy for
them. A great number of Members spoke on the occasion & every one,
as I am told, except Mr Ald.|Beckford agreed with the movers as to
the hardship of the Case
1769. FebJ' 4th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. —
According to my Promise, I sit down to acquaint you that between
3 & 4 this morning Mr. W[ilkes]'s affair was concluded in the H° of
Commons, & he was expell'd by 219 to 137. — Majority 82, which is a
much smaller one than one could either wish or expect on such an
occasion. A-nd if any Resolution could surprize one where Party is the
ruling Principle, it would astonish me that such a number as 137 could
be found to vote against his Expulsion. But above all it wd astonish me
that Mr G[eorge] G[renville] should be one of that minority, if I did
not recollect his late reconciliation & now perfect intimacy with Lord
Temple.
No measure has been taken, or even moved for disqualifying him,
which inclines me to believe it could not be done but by Act. We may
therefore expect to see him re-chosen for Middlesex, on purpose that the-
H° may refuse him again & the Fire be kept raging.
Cap1 Allen, of whom you have probably read in the Session Paper or
News, as the person whose Evidence chiefly convicted the Chairman was
sent to Newgate yesterday by the H° for challenging Sr W. Meredith
for words spoken in the H°.
1769. Feby 16th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . The name of W[ilkes] has not, I believe, been mentioned in
the H° since his Expulsion ; but it soon will as he will this day be
re-elected at Brentford, & will no doubt claim his Seat. I do not yet
hear any thing of the Intention of Pari* in that case, but if they follow
the Precedent you mention, the matter will be short, for I am told that
on the re-election of Sr R[obert] Walpole after his Expulsion, the mode
of rejecting him was only a Resolution that He was & wexpelPd during
the existence of the Pari*.
You have already seen that after all the Expence &Fatigue for such a
length of time, & notwithstanding the most promising Appearance of
Success, & the Right & Justice of the Case, Sr G[eorge] Osborn has
lost his seat for Northampton & Mr. Howe sits in his stead. And this
has happened by a great defection of Friends on ^our side, and almost a
total desertion on Ld Northampton*, on the very first question that arose
[in Committee], & that was such a one as no one could vote for without
voteing against Reason & Common Sense. Mr Howe's Counsel call'd
a witness to prove Partiality of the Mayor during Sr James Langhams
Canvass, who was not a Candidate at the time of the last Election.
Debate arose whether such Evidence was admissible & the question
being put, it was, to the astonishment of all the world, resolved to
admit it, by 156 to 76, of which minority 60 were Ld H[alifax]'s friends
& only 16 Ld N[orthampton]'s. I leave that fact to your own Reflexions.
So monstrous a defeat & on so absurd a point could not but convince our
side that their Cause was utterly desperate, they therefore immediately
negociated a Compromise, in consequence of which tis said Sr Gfeorge]
Osborne & Sr G[eorge] Rodney drew lots which shd be ousted, the
loser (who happens to be Sr G. O.) is to be bro* into the first Gov*
Borough that becomes vacant. And thus ends the history of this pretty
transaction.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
413
1769. March 4th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
, . . But good news is a scarce Commodity. The best I know is
that at S* Stephens they have this week dispatch'd two great points of
business, the agreement with the E. India Company, by which the
Publick (barring Accidents) will get an annual Eevenue of £400,000 for
5 years, and the payment of the Kings debts. I am glad if only for the
sake of H.M. & his Creditors, but for the look of the Thing in the Eyes of
Europe, that the £513.000, ask'd for that purpose, was so speedily &
readily granted.
Yesterday the H° being in Commitee nponSrG[eorge]
Seville's bill for abolishing the nullum teinpus, Govr Pownell declared
his Intentions of moving next year for such a bill for America &
abus'd the whole Administration as the most ignorant Blockheads in all
American Concerns. For this he got a very severe dressing from Ld
North, to whom he replied that his Charge was not meant against the
Treasury Board, but the late Board of Trade— he might as well have
said the present, for there have not been above 2 new Commrs for some
years, At least his Brother, who has been a Secfy so many years &
always reckon'd the Light & Leader of that Board, will be much obliged
to him for that speech.
As to the TVilkemania, Heaven only knows how long it will rage, how
far it will extend, or what will be the End of it ! Far from showing
any symptous of Abatement, it seems spreading upwards to Classes
which are not usually liable to the Infection of popular Frenzy. You
read in the Papers of an Association of Persons who, in their Advertise-
ment, call themselves Gentlemen, & Members of Parliam1. And yester-
day the great Mr. Edmd Burke gave Notice in the H° of Commons that
he shd next week make a Motion relative to the Transactions in S*
George's Fields in May last, which is understood to be an attack, if not
an Impeachm* of Ld W[eymouth] for his letter to the Justice Ponton.
Is it not most extraordinary that a Man of such distinguish'd knowledge
shd join the Incendiary & his Rabble, & is not their Acquisition of such
a Leader strong encouragem* to Acts of greater Audacity ?
. . I have but one bit of News to add, & that is a curious one.
The Body of Surgeons at the Hall, having, by Command, taken up &
examin'd the Corpse of the Mr. Clark, for whose Murder at Brentford
Election the two Chairmen were condemned by a Middlesex Jury, have
reported that the Man did not die of the Wound or Wounds received
there. Mr. Foote, the Surgeon who attended the Man during his
Illness, is said to have concurr'd in this Report.
1769. March 16th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard. —
. . . . Mr Wilkes has been chosen again today without opposition.
Tho' Mr. Charles Dingley advertized himself a Candidate, he did not
dare, it seems, to stand forth as such on the Hustings & demand a
Poll.
There is not a word of News stirring. I was a little misinform'd in
the history 1 gave you in my last of the Proceedings at Surgeon's Hall.
Clarke's body was not taken up. The Enquiry was founded on the
written Account which the Surgeon who attended the deceased, gave to
Bromfield, with whom the Examiners agreed that the Circumstances
warranted a conclusion quite contrary to that which the said Surgeon
had drawn from them.
C HABITS
Fleetwood
Weston
r>TDEBWOOD,
Esq.
1769. March 23rd. Charles Brietzcke to the same, from Whitehall.
Yesterday the most daring & lawless Mob I ever beheld
were let loose upon the Body of Merchants going to address His Majesty,
414 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood m consequence of Hand Bills dispersed over Night & thrown into the
Weston s Areas of People's Houses so late as 12 at Night, desiring all true fy
^Esq.001*' loyal Subjects to meet in S* George's Fields, & in other Places therein
— mentioned, in order to form a Procession towards the city, & to take
particular Care not to interfere with the Merchants going to St. James's.
This had the desired effect, & dispersed the Merchants long before they
could get to the Temple, the gates of which the Mob had the Impu-
dence to shut, & when some of the Procession got together again, & were
going up Fetter Lane, the Mob stopt a Load of Timber, took the horses
out, & barricaded up the whole Passage therewith : very few of their
Carriages were able to reach St. James's, & his Majesty was obliged
to wait till they could send after the address to Mr. Boehm, who had
been forced to take refuge in Nando's Coffee House, & had concealed
the Address under his coach seat, which kept his Majesty waiting till
past 5 before it could be delivered, when there were but a handful of
Merchants present : All this time the Mob were behaving in the most
insolent [Manner] at the Palace Gates, & the Party of Horse on Duty
at the Horse Guards under the Command of Cap* Egerton were order'd
at 2 past 2 to S* James's where the Riot Act was read a 2d Time :
Lord Talbot took two of the Rabble into Custody, & I hear of above a
Dozen more who I hope will meet with their just Deserts.
This serves to show the Views of Mr. Wilkes & his infamous Party
in their truest Lights, & confirms the Opinion I have all along entertained
of his Intentions ; The cloven Foot now appears, & there can remain
no Doubt of the Object of his Patriotism. It is not now a Struggle
whether He (Wilkes) is the first Man in the Kingdom, but no Body else
shall be address'd, no, not even Majesty Himself ; I thought it exceed-
ingly indecent their declaring so very publickly their Disapprobation of
addressing His Majy but I could not bring myself to believe that any
Party of Men whatever could be daring enough, could be so treasonable
to prevent His Majesty's Subjects from going into His Presence. — These
addresses seem to touch them to the Quick, & I believe will do Wilkes
& his Party no good, tho' I do not pretend to judge with any degree of
Certainty in these Times of public Danger, & however willing these
Supporters of the Riots are to make People believe that all is Peace &
Quiet, I think Yesterday's Business will too strongly & shamefully
confute them.
1769. March 30th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard 1 was yesterday assured it is a certain fact that,
since the Adjournment of Parliament & the Flight of the Ministers to
Newmarket, Ld Chatham has been at the Queen's H° & remaind there
in Conference near 3 hours. And that Lord Temple has since been sent
for from Stowe. So we may possibly be at the Eve of another Change
of Hands. If so, I pray Heaven they may be such as can restore the
internal Tranquility of this distracted country, & put it on a more
respectable Footing in the eyes of Europe. I have long considered the
Forbearance of France, notwithstanding the inviting State of things
here & in America, as a strong presumptive Argument of the badness of
her Circumstances. But I had yesterday the dissatisfaction to hear
from the Govr of the ceded Islands (who is here on leave) strong reasons
against relying on that Argument. He tells me he knows France has
paid greater sums within these five years for increasing the works at
Martinico & Guadaloupe than in the 30 preceeding Years. He knows
that she has eight Battallions there now. He knows that she has put
the two Islands (which used to be separate Commands) under one
Govr an excellent officer, and that every thing seems to indicate an
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 415
Intention of beginning the war with the capture of Dominica, which Chablbs
being situated between their two Islands, would be a thorn in their side ^wStoi?1*
if left in our hands. Upon these Circumstances (which are very pleasant TTwdbbwood
News for me) he is sollicking a reinforcement for that Island. As these ' —
particulars were mentioned to me in Confidence I beg you to keep them
to yourself.
How do you like, Sir, the spirit of Coi° Luttrell, whose father, now
Lord Irnham, you must remember at Dublin ? The young man, I am
told, being moved with Indignation, that such a Nation as this should be
bullied, insulted & kept in a flame by an inconsiderable Wretch, offerd
himself a Volunteer to Gov* to stand at Brentford, if they would support
him. Accordingly they espoused him, in hopes tis said, that W[ilkes]
will thereby be obliged to put up a friend of his own, who being chose
will put an end to the Contest. But some people say the Ministry will
be disappointed, that W[ilkes] will not put up anybody but himself, as
he desires nothing better for keeping up & increasing the Flame he has
kindled, than that the H° of C[ommons] shd persist in rejecting him, &
admit Mr. Luttrell notwithstanding the public inferiority of his number
of Votes.
1769. April 15th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
The Election atJBrentford was made on Thursday in per-
fect Tranquility. There was a little mobbing, & pelting of Col0 Luttrell
& his friends at their Outset in the morns but no mischief done. Yester-
day the Commons receiv'd the Return & after about 4 hours Con-
versation, declared the Election null & void : To day they are to consider
whether to receive Mr Luttrell, & tis imagined they will sit very late.
It is no less true than extraordinary that the Names of three Members
of that House, Townshend Sawbridge & Byng are among the 10 or 12
Electors, who, as is usual sign'd the Return : An Act so directly con-
trary to the Resolution of the H° done by its own Members wd not
perhaps in other times have pass'd unnoticed ....
1769. April 27th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
there being not a word of News stirring, I determined to
wait for what this day might bring forth. And it has brought forth
the Report of the Committee of the Middlesex Freeholders assembled at
Mile End, who have been long in deliberation upon the Measures to be
taken in consequence of Col° Luttrells Admission, & their Determi~
nation is to present a Petition to the K[ing] next Wednesday, praying
him to remove his Ministers from his Presence, Trust & Confidence for
ever, for which they set forth twenty Reasons. It was observed in the
Company where I dined today, that the D[uke] of Grafton, if he had been
Chairman of the Mile end Committee, could not have advised a Measure
so well calculated for the Security of himself & his Friends & Col-
leagues, as nothing can make it more impossible to dismiss a Ministry,
than the Request of such an Assembly . . . .
1769. June 12th. The some to the same, from Flixton Hall near
Bungay The Petition of his Majesty's best Subjects is
surely in some parts the most impudent Paper that ever was penn'd ; it
seems well calculated to inflame the Multitude, & I shall be very glad
if it fails of its intended Effect. Lest it should, I see they are spread-
ing the Contagion by circular Letters, & the Papers tell us that they
great success in gaining new friends & Subscriptions. All the Ac-
counts but the French, seem to agree that the Corsicans had much the
best of it in the late Action, which all the World, but the French is
416 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
C EjLKLES
Fleetwood glaa< of- — Can Jt be true tllilt ^d B[ut]e is really coming home ? We
VsS^Bt0S have not here Faith to believe it. We fear so that his Arrival is more
EsJ°0a?' likely to increase then to pacify the Turbulence of the Times. . . . .
1769. July 1st. The same to the same, from Flixton Hall. . . .
Pray do you know, Sir, that this season of the year affords a most
agreeable Fruit which is a powerful Medicine in your Disorder ? Till
yesterday I never heard that such Virtue was in Strawberries: Rut
Mr John Adair, the Surgeon, (who is here) tells us tis a Fact well
ascertained by a variety of Experiments that they are a most powerfull
Dissolvent of all gravelly Concretions
(P.S.) I hear nothing from London of the Triumph of the Bill of
Rights Men, who having made their own Sheriffs, will, they. say, as
certainly make their own Lord Mayor. Mr J [ohn] Adair tells me you
may see in Linnaeus a full account of the Effects of Strawberries in the
Stone & Gout, of one of which Linnseus cured himself by the use of
that fruit.
1769. July 19th. The same to the same, from Flixton Hall.
. We have been much surprized here with the News of Ld Chat-
hams having been twice at Court, & once, I believe, in the Closet ; but
we are much more so, that none of our Correspondents have yet been
able to tell us whether any Consequences are to be expected from these
extraordinary Events. They all agree however that Measures are
under Consideration for ending all disputes with America : If that
could be done on proper Grounds, it were a glorious Work indeed ! But
if it were done, by sacrificing for ever the Constitutional Authority of
this Country, I should much doubt whether the Remedy was better
than the disease
1769. Sept. 19th. The same to the same, from Walberton. . . •
By two Captains of Men of War of my Acquaintance whom I met with
at Weymouth I learn' d that the Russian Fleet is certainly expected iu
our Seas, in its way to Constantinople, & that they have Instructions
how to behave to the Russian Flag if they meet with it. And they
added that as the French are certainly fitting out a Fleet of Observation
to attend on the Russians, we might probably soon find ourselves again
involved in War. I would fain treat this only as the suggestion of
their Hopes & Wishes, but the Facts are true, the Inference seems but
too probable.
1769. Novr 15th. The same to the same, from Stansted. — I had
the Pleasure on Monday Ev£ to find here your favour of the 7th, upon
my return hither with my Lord [Halifax] from London. On the prer
ceding Thursday Morns he receiv'd an Express from Mr Nuthall calling
on him, in the last 24 hours before the Trial, for a Paper very material
to his Lordships defence, the Report of the Att7 & Sollr Gen1 30 April
1763, (which you will remember) giving their Opinion that W[ilkes]
might be committed to any Prison, even tho' he shcl offer Bail. This
obliged his Lordship to set out Post immediately for Hampton Court to
look for it, & he had the good Fortune, notwithstanding the Hurry he
was in, to find it in time By means of this & the rest of the Evidence
as well oral as written, everything went as well as could be desired ;
His Lordship's Conduct & Character had Justice done to them, & the
Damages sriven were much more moderate than most People expected.
I do not trouble you with any Particulars because the Trial was ad-
vertized to be published the beginning of this week, & you will probably
see it as soon as this Letter. But I will have the Pleasure to tell you,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
417
in contradiction to two Falsehoods already publish'd by Mr Wfilkes] or
bis Friends, that the £4000 & Costs will be immediately paid, according
to the Treasury Minute which They read in Court & have put in every
newspaper since, & that no further Action can be bro* agst Ld H [alifajx on
that Account Lord Halifax's Under Secfy stands certainly
convicted of a gross Impropriety. Tis & has long been generally re-
ported & believed that the Revenue Acts are all to be repeal'd next
Session, except that which lays a Duty upon Tea imported into America.
And many are of Opinion that the leaving that, or a farthing's worth
of anything else in force, will totally upset the Intention of the
Measure.
1769. Novr 17th. The same to the same, from Stansted. Last
Wednesdays post brought me your Favour of the 10th, which I im-
mediately read to Our Noble Friend [Lord Halifax] : And his
Lordship desires me not to miss the first Opportunity of assuring you
that it gave him great Satisfaction to hear, in London on fryday last,
that you had declined by Letter the Journey you were required to
undertake. That it would have given his Lordship the utmost Concern,
had you, on his Account, exposed your Health & Life to such a Hazard.
That it would have been quite unnessary too ; as there was, without
You, sufficient Evidence of every Point material to his Defence ; &, if
there had not, his Lordship assures you that he sets a much higher
Value on Your Health, & Life, & the Happiness of Your Family, than
upon any Consequence which could have resulted from Your
Absence.
1769. Novr 28th. T. Waite to the same, from Dublin Castle.
I will deliver your Respects to My Lord Lieutenant [Lord
Townshend] according to your Desire. He often enquires after you and
always mentions your Name with Esteeme. I am sorry to say, that
there is but too much Foundation for the Story that has been propa-
gated about his Excys having said some very harsh things to Dr Lucas
at the Mayors Feast. There is a most abusive-News Paper publish'd
in this City three Times a week, in which the Doctor is suppos'd to
have a Hand, & His Exc? at the above merry Meeting having Once or
Twice address'd himself to the Doctor & ask'd him whether He could
possibly bring his Mind to believe the Doctrines there laid down, the
Doctor grew Warm, said He did not understand Why His Excl? ad-
dress'd himself particularly to him, & that but for his high Station he
should speak to him in a very different Style, whereupon His Exc> said
Pray Doctor do not let my high Station stand in your Way, or, if you
will wait a little, the Time will come when I shall have no Station at
all, & then you will know how to come at me. I understand this to
have been the Discourse. But I beg you will not quote me for Your
Author.
His Excy familiarizes himself too munh to all Ranks & Degrees of
People. His Excess of good Nature subjects him to be treated with
great Freedom. He walks about the Street like one of us, goes into a
Booksellers Shop, talks with Every One he meets whom he happens to
know, without considering that we are not used to such Condescensions,
& have not Strength of Mind to bear them with Decency. But with all
his Oddities & Irregularities He is as honest a Man as ever existed, &
has the most pure & upright Intentions towards all.
We have had most disorderly doings in our House of Commons as
you will see by the Votes. The Spirit of the Devil is gone forth over
the whole British Empire, & Satan seems to be hastening his Kingdom.
Chaeles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
e 84067.
D D
418 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
Charles i769. Decr 14th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Weston Yard The Licentiousness of the Press we long ago
VsJ> Esq000' tnougnt was afc tne mgnest> hut if you have seen the late Letter address'd
(at length) to the fit Honble George Grenville, which is part of a
Pamphlet said to be written by Mr. Wilkes, & publish'd in the London
Evening Post, or if you have met with Junius's last Letter to the Duke
of Grafton, which has been in almost every Newspaper, you will own, I
believe, that either of them exceeds every thing that has gone before it.
The Spirit of petitioning however is said to abate & fall into discredit,
& the Trial with Ld H[alifax] being over there is an absolute End to
Mr. Wilkes's personal Consideration, which perhaps is the very motive
for his Endeavours to revive his own Memory by the late fierce Pro-
ductions which are imputed to him. But be that as it may the State of
Things, at the best, is bad enough, the Case is difficult & the Cure
very doubtfull. North America affords no better prospect with regard
to her Disorders, for she has already told you she will not accept, what
was deem'd a full Satisfaction, the repeal of the Acts call'd Chas
Townshend's, nor be content while a single farthing remains imposed on
her by the Authority of Pari*. As if these were not Evils enough, we
have lately been alarm'd by some new Idea of more enlarged Liberty in
the Commons of Ireland, who are said to have lately rejected a Money
Bill return'd from hence according to the usual Practice, & to have
resolved that no money bill should pass that House which had not
originated there as a bill not as Heads of a Bill. The Story has been
so imperfectly understood or related by all the persons whom I have
heard speak of it, that I have not been able to get at the precise Point
on wch this Squabble has arisen ; all I can clearly understand is that
the Pretension now set up by the Irish H° of Commons was never
known but in a single Instance in the Admn of a Lord Sydney in 1692
& then the Pari* was dissolved in consequence of it : You, who probably
have the Irish Journals, may have it in your Power to see exactly what
it was. Whatever it be, we were told that all Parliamentary business
in Ireland was put an End to by the late Resolution, & all its Services
Civil and Military left unprovided for : And we know that the Ministry
were in the utmost uneasiness & Embarrasment upon the Occasion,
But on Tuesday night the D. of Bedford told Lord Sydney whom you
knew when Mr Cosby, that he had just received a Letter from Dublin
with the agreeable News of that great difficulty being happily sur-
mounted, by what means he did not say. Another Cause of publick
Alarm & Uneasiness has been a strong Apprehension of approaching
War, as you have no doubt observed, affected the Stocks very consider-
ably. They have since however risen again, as such Rumours have
subsided. I know not if there was any good Reason for the first Rise
of those Fears, but I fear there is little or none for the fall of them ; I
know that France & Spain have a very formidable force in the West
Indies, we are sure they will not tell Us before hand when they mean
to make Use of them, & therefore I cannot help trembling for my Islands.
• • . •
1769. Decr16. Sir Andrew Mitchell to the same, from Berlin
I have sent Berlin Almanacks for 1770, by Mr Weston, who passed
some few days here, he left us about a fortnight ago — I must do him the
Justice to tell you that he gained My Esteem, but I soon Discovered
that he was alienated from his profession and has strong desires to enter
the Military, I said what then occurred to me against his quitting the
Profession be had been bred to, and advised him to consult with you
before he took any fixed Resolution, this he promised very readily and
HISTOEICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
419
added you had ever been his best frend, I thought proper to give you
this notice, as I cannot help wishing your Nephew better than he does
himself
(P.S.) Have you any hopes that the Publick madness will ever be
cured ?)
1769. Decr 17th. George Grenville to the same, from Stowe. — I
write these few lines (tho scarcely able to do it) to acknowledge & to
thank you for the kindness of your Letter. I hope that I bear & feel
this heavy affliction as I ought to do. I am most thankfully Sensible
of Gods Goodness in bestowing upon me those Signal Blessings which
I so long enjoyed, to murmer at his Providence for taking them away
would be ungrateful & criminal ; not to feel when it is his will to punish
or to afflict us would be hardness of Heart. In these Dispositions I
trust in his Goodness to support & to assist me. The best of all human
Consolations is to be drawn from the Happiness of that Part of our
Family which survives, & in the Sympathy & affection of the Friends
to Virtue & Religion. As such I highly value your kind Wishes &
Concern for me & am very affectionately Dear Sir etc.
1770. Jany 18th. — Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard Every day produces some new Ousting or Resigna-
tion. The Chancellor (who, by the by is said to have voted with the
Ministry after seconding [the Amendment to the Address proposed
by] Lord Chatham) is said to be as good as out, but as yet tis
uncertain whether any one will take the Seals. Mr. Yorke, we were
told, absolutely refused them on Tuesday Eve. Yesterday noon twas
as certain he had accepted them, & to-day that is again contradicted.
Lord Huntingdon is ousted &, they say, with great Displeasure. Lord
Bristol has his Key, & Lord Egmont is talk'd of as his successor in the
Privy Seal. The D. of Manchester, Lord Coventry & Lord Willoughby
de Brooke have made three Vacancies in the Bed Chamber, & tis said
next week will produce as many more in the Admiralty. Lord Granby
has resign'd every thing but his Reg* & (what is most mirabile dictu)
the D[uke] of Northumberland has been in the Minority. I leave you
to make your own Reflexions on all these wonders, for I cannot pretend
to explain them — There is a Rumour that your Friend the Speaker
[Sir John Cust] will resign on ace* of his bad Health, but that he
means to return to the Chair whenever he shall be sufficiently recover'd.
— I forget so mention that Lord Jersey is Master of the Horse to the
Queen in the room of the Duke of Beaufort.
1770. Jany 24th. Robert Thompson to the same, from S* James's
Street had I wrote to you last Tuesday, I should have
wrote, that Mr. Yorke had refus'd the Seals, & on Wednesday behold
he accepted, he paid dearly for them, for it certainly cost him his Life
from the anxiety of mind, haveing told his Relations & nearest friends,
that he had refus'd them, & then takeing, without acquainting them
with it, but he could not withstand the pressing & Gracious manner,
they were offer'd to him, by a great Personage, tho' I am told he had
refus'd the Minister twice, He is a great Loss to Government & to the
Publick, This day the H[ouse] of C[oramons] take into consideration
the State of the Nation, & warm debates are expected, & their new
Speaker began Yesterday to show his Authority, & they say behav'd
extremely well, You know he has a Capacity for that or any thing else
he pleases the undertake, Your old Friend [The late Speaker, Sir John
Cust] has been assur'd by order of the K[ing] that if he liv'd he should
d d 2
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
420 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles have the Peerage, & if not his Son should be created. They hint as if
^Weston^ vour °ld Friend Lord Halifax was soon to have an Employment, I
Uxdebwood, Yesterday ask'd him the Question ? he reply'd, People told him so, but
_!!?' he knew nothing of it
(P.S.) Sir John Oust died yesterday at two o'clock.
1770. Jan? 30th. The same to the same. The Event of this day
will hardly be in the Evening post, & if it is, you will not believe it, I
therefore trouble you with this to say, the Duke of Grafton has resign'd
& People give for a Reason the want of a Chancellor, in the Cabinet,
the whole burthen lying upon his Grace, I cannot tell how you look
upon this, but in my poor opinion he was the Key Stone, & is a great
blow to the Party, they talk of Lord North to succeed him, the whole
town are surpized, but I think he will be a Happier man,
1770. Jan? 30th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard. — As I imagine you must be curious to know what pass'd in the
H° of Commons yesterday, when Dr Musgrave attended by Order, I sit
down to give you the best Ace* of it that I have been able to procure,
for my Endeavours to get into the House were in vain. You must know
then that the Order for his Attendance was in consequence of a Motion
made by the Members for Devonshire, in obedience to Instructions
which they had receiv'd from their Constituents, who insisted that the
Dr should have an Opportunity of laying before Pari* that Intelligence
which (as he told you in the publick Advertiser of 2d Sepr last) he had
in vain offer'd to so many respectable Persons, without finding one
amongst them who would prosecute the Enquiry he sollicited into the sup-
posed Treason of Selling the late Peace to France. The Dr accordingly
came & was at the Bar from three to j? past seven o'Clock, in which
time he laid before the House the Intelligence which he laid before Ld
H[alifax] in May 1765, & which as it appear'd on his Examination, he
had also laid before every Individual of Consequence in Administration
or Opposition from the beginning of 1764 to the present time. And
after all to the Drs great Mortification no doubt, the House found, as
each Individual had separately done before, that his Intelligence was a
parcell of Coffee h° Hearsay, destitute of every kind of Evidence, &
accordingly voted it unanimously (or very nearly so) to be frivolous and
groundless, & such as no Minister or Magistrate could lawfully or pru-
dently found any Enquiry upon. You probably expect as many People
did, that he would be sent to Newgate, but that did not happen, probably
because it appear'd to the H° that the poor Man was an Enthusiast, in
Politicks, & that the Offence proceeded from the weakness of a credulous
Head, & not the Blackness of a Vilainous Heart
1770. Feb? 6th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
I am glad too that Our Noble Friend & Patron's [Lord
Halifax's] Acceptance [of Office] gives you Pleasure, He has been so
taken up with Visits & Dinners & running over the Town in Search of
an House, that 1 have seldom seen him since his Appointment, & never
but in Company; so that I have not been able to present your Com-
pliments of Congratulation, but I shall certainly take the first
Opportunity of doing it.
The infamous Abuse of every thing that demands Respect, which so
justly moves your Indignation, has lately been carried to a still greater
Excess, if possible, than ever, in three printed Essays calFd the Whis-
perer ; and I was yesterday in hopes that you would have the satisfac-
tion to see in the Votes a proper Resentment of it, for it was reported
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
421
that Mr Herbert (Nephew of the late Bobert, or long, Herbert, an
independent Man of great Property & very respectable Character)
would move the House to address the Crown to order the Att^ Gen1 to
prosecute the Author Printers &c. No such Motion was made however,
but I hope it was only delay'd on Ace* of the Business of the day, which
was the Petition of the N° American Merchants. The Commons sat on
it till near Midnight, when it was agreed to repeal the Duties on Glass
Colours &c but to leave the 3d duty on Tea imported into America.
This latter is deemed by the Majority to be a proper Imposition, not
injurious to the Trade of Mother Country or Colony, & is therefore
continued perhaps the rather as a Mark of thai Right which it has so
lately been necessary to declare by Law. The others are to be repeal'd
as injudicious Taxes, which ought never to have been imposed, since
they must necessarily operate as so many Bounties on the Manufacture
of those several Articles in the Colonies. However just & reasonable
this Determination may appear there is little Reason, I fear, to expect
that it will satisfy the Americans : so long as they deny the Authority
of Pari* to tax them at all, they will say their Burthen is indeed ligb ten' d,
but that their grievance remains, while a single farthing is imposed on
them by that Authority. From whence it follows that nothing less will
content them than a total Repeal of every Act which has ever been
pass'd for regulating the Trade of America with G[reat] B[ritain].
We are impatiently waiting the Result of this days business in the
City, where the Common Hall is framing a Remonstrance (since a
Petition is found ineffectual) on the Middlesex Grievance & all others.
To a Remonstrance, they tell us, an Answer must be given — If not,
Force & Arms are the only Remedies. May Heaven prevent the Use
of such Remedies !
(P.S.) My Lord [Halifax] has taken a ready furnish'd house (lately
Sr Charles Howard's) in Brooke Street.
Chakles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Escj.
1770. Feb? 8th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard
You have no doubt observed with surprize that Contrary to all
Experience & Probability the critical Resignation of the D. of Grafton
did not at all diminish the number of the Majority on the great day of
Battle, but on the contrary that number was increased by two, and
every thing since Looks as if the present Ministry were to continue with
Lord North at the Head of the Treasury. If that should be the Case, I
should not be surprized to see our noble friend Lord H[alifax] take some
Post, tho' at the time your Letter was dated & received too, I had no
such Idea ; and when I consider the whole of Things, I must say that it
would no more please than it would surprize me if he did accept. As
yet however I have no reason to believe that any thing has been offer'd
to him. And I know people who inferr from the delay in disposing of
the Privy Seal, a Vice Treasurership, two Seats at the Admiralty &c &o
that there certainly must be some Doubt somewhere whether to continue
the present Sett or to make some Alterations. But I believe the general
Opinion is that Lord North's Abilities are great, that the Advantage of
the Premier's being in the H° of Commons considerable, & that things
will stand fast as they are.
1770. Feb? 13th. T[heophilus ?] Waite to the same, from Dublin Castle.
. . . . We know nothing certain about the Continuance of our
Lord Lieutenant, nor whether our Parliament will be permitted to
meet on the 20th of next Month. You will have read many Paragraphs
in the English News Papers of Disturbances and Riots on Account of
our Prorogation, Not one Word of which is true. We are at present
422
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
"Weston
Undebwood,
Esq.
very quiet, but the Air is so full of Combustibles, that I know not how-
soon we may take Fire. I think the Protesting Lords have hoisted the
Standard.
We understand here that it is the determiu'd Resolution of His
Majesty to support the present Ministers.
1770. Feb. 22nd. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard I have fnow to inform you that Our Noble Friend Lord
Halifax is to receive the Privy Seal tomorrow : I have already said
enough to show you that I am neither surprized at this Acceptance, nor
greatly delighted with it. I do not conceive any great hopes in the
present state of things, but content myself with praying that my Patron
may, if possible, receive Joy, Comfort & Honour from it, or at least
that he may not experience any of the contrary Consequences.
The Papers for which a Printer was call'd (but did not come) before
the House of Lords were two Protests of the dissentient Lords. . . .
1770. March 20th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
I should have sent you by the last post my Acknowledgments for your
Favour of the 11th instant, had I not considered that I should be able,
this Evening, to tell you what the House of Commons had done upon
the City's Remonstrance. And I am accordingly to inform you, that,
after sitting till four o'clock this morning, twas resolved by 284 against
127 (majority 157) to pass a Vote of Very Strong Censure on the
Remonstrance, and to present an Address to the King, expressing their
Sense of the indecency & undutifullness of that Paper, & to declare their
Resolution to support His Majesty &c &c — You will say, Sir, that Cen-
sure is not Punishment, & that this Outrage on King, Lords & Commons,
call'd for a very Severe one. I think so too, & I am persuaded the
Majority were of the Same Opinion, but tis to be supposed (not only
from what each Individual may observe, but what has been seen in each
House) that it is not thought safe to attempt Punishment in the present
Conjuncture There are People however who say they have
reason to believe that Parliament has not done with the City Remon-
strance, but that after their Address is presented, they are to have some-
thing to say to the Lord Mayor & twro Sheriffs who have avail'd
themselves of the Authority and Influence belonging to their respective
Offices, to draw in the Citizens to an Act little short of Rebellion. This
however I have on no good Authority, & give it you only as a Report
which I cannot myself believe.
Ireland I am told, is all in Confusion arising from Indignation &
Resentment, the Speaker, & Lord Shannon & other popular Leaders
being lately turn'd out. — America affects to maintain her Resolutions of
non importation, but I have now with me a Gentleman who saw yester-
day the most authentic Proofs of Bostons having received 7/8ths of a
British Cargo, & having sent back only one.
Our Friend Mr Stanhope has lately lost his Brother Sr Thomas, &
gain'd by his Will a considerable Sum : The world says £3, 5 or 6,000.
He denies its being so much, but admits the Succession is so considerable,
that he wrould not now thank any body for any Sum whatever. He has
always appeared to me a very honest worthy man, &, If you think of
him as I do, I am sure you will be so glad as I am of this Completion of
his worldly Happiness.
1770. April 5th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard
I wish I could enclose a printed copy of Mr G[eorge] Grenville's bill
(which pass'd the H° of Commons last Monday night) for regulating the
Trials of Controverted Elections, but I cannot procure one. I can how-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
423
ever inform you of its Purport. By this bill 37 Members are to-be
chosen by Ballot out of any 100 who may happen to be present on a
certain day & hour to be prefix'd : Those 37 may be challenged by the
respective Counsel for the Petitioner & sitting Members, as Jurors are
and for the same Reasons, & are to be reduced to 13. Those 13 are to
be a select Committee, to chuse a Chairman from among themselves, to
take the same Oath a Juror takes, to examine Witnesses upon Oath, &
their Opinion or Verdict is to be a final Decision of the Contest. I hear
many Members dislik'd the Bill, but acquiesced in its passing, merely
from a Conviction of the want of some Regulation to put a stop to
the present bad Practices in matters of this sort & to prevent Interests
constantly deciding what the Merits of the Case alone should
determine
(P.S.) Upon a Motion on Monday night that an End should be put
to the Committee on the State of the Nation, the Opposition, conscious
of the smallness of their numbers, were very unwilling to divide, but
being compell'd it, after an hour & halfs Uproar, they were but 79 to
208.
1770. April 14th. The same to the same, from Scotland Yard.
. . . . There are reports, these three or four days, that some Negocia-
tion is on foot for a Change [of Ministry], in part at least. Many
assert there is certainly some Scheme of that sort in hand & to convince
one at once they tell one, that Lord Barrington (a noted rat) on Monday
spoke in direct Opposition to the Treasury Bench, & that Lord Mansfield
on fryday (I think) was large in the praise of Mr G[eorge] G[renville].
You have seen in the Papers that Lord Camden is to have the Gr[reat]
Seal again, & there are many who believe it. You know, I presume
that his Lordship has obtained, since his Removal, an addition of £7 or
800 a year to his Pension ; & if, to such an instance of Weakness Gov*
should add so strong a proof of Fickleness as the restoration of him
would be, I know not how they can bring greater Contempt on them-
selves, or give larger Encouragement to Shufflers & Trimmers. . . .
(P.S.) The Whisperer, you see, is not at all intimidated by the
Address of both Houses, & the consequential Prosecution. The Paper
still goes on, & the former Numbers of it are boldly advertized.
1770. April 25th. T. Waite to the same, from Dublin Castle
Your News Papers are full of the great Rejoicings in different Parts
upon Mr Wilkes's Enlargement : But I can assure you we disgraced
ourselves by no such Practices here. Not a candle was lighted up in
Dublin on the Occasion, & I cannot learn that there was any such any
where else in Ireland. It is enough for us that our Fellow Subjects of
England are at present so Mad & Seditious. We look on and enjoy their
Madness. . . •
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1770. May 5th. Robert Thompson to the same, from S* James's
Street Our Political Campagne is near over, & I believe Ld
C[hatham] fir'd his last Gun for this Year, by making a Motion that the
Lords should come to some resolutions, in regard to the K[ing's] answer
to the City remonstrance, all the Great Speakers of the Minority spoke
but few on the side of Government, for Lord Gower, said it was needless,
to debate upon the Motion it haveing been debated before, & the answer
approvd both by Lords & Commons, so at six they divided for the Motion
37 Pro Con 85, & you see the Government have carried most things by a
Great Majority, Yet I am sorry to say Peoples Minds are not settled, &
I cannot look forward, (considering our present situation) without some
424
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Melancholy thoughts, but we must [wait] with patience the Event,
which may turn out better than we expect.
Your Neighbour Pelham has bought the Duke of Kingston's House
in Arlington Street for 16850/. & not thought dear*
(P.S.) I have this instant heard that Wilkes is comeing to the House
on Wednesday next.
1770. May 10th. Edward Sedgwick to the same, from Scotland
Yard. , . At present we are tolerably quiet; the distemper has
made no late Eruptions, except two or three absurd Motions of Lord
C[hatha]m (which you have seen in the Minutes I presume) & some
violent Clamations in the Commons. But these fruitless attempts will
soon be at an End, if it be true as I am told that the Parliament will
be prorogued on this day sennight. In the mean while however some
long & furious Speeches may be expected on the unhappy affair at
Boston, & they say on the late Measure of appointing French Papists
to the Council, Assembly & Bench of Justice in the Grenada Islands.
The Commons have twice been alarmed with Reports that Mr Wilkes
would come to claim his Seat, such a Report prevail'd yesterday but he
came not, & tis now supposed he will not come, at all.
1773. May 28th. Charles Brietzcke to the same, from Whitehall.
. . . The Princess Dowager of Wales certainly sets out about the
Middle of next Month for Brunswick to pay a visit to the Princess
her Daughter there, and proposes returning to England some time next
November. Some of the town Politicians conclude she will not come
back any more here, & that this is not the true reason for his going
abroad.
Tomorrow the City are to present a most loyal Address to his Majesty
on the Queens Delivery, who, with the Young Princess, continues in
perfect Health.
Two men were murdered last Sunday Night in the New Road, by
some foot pads who attempted to rob them : Two of the Murderers
were this day committed to Newgate, & as the Sessions begin to Mor-
row at the Old Bailey, it is supposed they will suffer on Monday the
punishment due for such a bloody minded Act ; it is shocking to think
to what a pass the lower kind of People are arrived in this wicked
Capital ; to be sure they have sad examples which are very prevalent ;
it is one use a War would be to rid the Town of them : besides all the
Publick Places, which are crowded every Night, they have built three
new Places near where the Murder was committed to entertain People
with Wine Punch & Tea : one of them in particular is a very pretty but
expensive building, where they collected last Sunday fortnight forty-
Seven pounds all in Silver, besides other Money : It is 6d. a head to go
in, for which they have Wine or Tea, and it must be a large Company
to raise such a Sum.
1770. May 31st. General John Parslow to the same, from Chal-
grove. . . . Besides the general complaint for the cold & churlish
Season, I have an additional reason to long for Summer weather, that
you might make an experiment of Buxton, which, I pray God, may
prove salutary to your lungs, & productive of every good effect.
Sir Jacob & Lady Wolff have been kind enough to promise me a
visit, in the course of the Summer, on their way into Lincolnshire, & I
am in daily expectation of a summons to meet them at Therfield. . . .
1770. June 5th. Charles Brietzcke to the same, from Whitehall
. . . Yesterday I received Your Favor of the 1st with Inclosures for
HISTORICAL MANUSCRirTS COMMISSION.
425
Sir Jacob Wolff, which I seat by iny servant; directly, & for Mr. Ancel
& Mr. Cappes ; but as I could not fix the latter any Hour with Certainty
out [of] Exchange Time, I called on him after Dinner with the Thirty
Pounds for the use of Mrs. Anne Fleetwood according to Your
Desire. . . .
1770. June 12th. The same to the same, from Whitehall. . . .
The Princess of Wales embarked early on Saturday Morning in great
Spirits ; was sorry to hear from one of the grooms who attended her
R.H. to Dover, that she received gross Affronts in many places, & in
others where she was treated with respect, she threw Money among the
Populace. — The Report about Egmont Island was nothing but an
Exchange Alley Humbug, calculated to lower the Public Funds, which
it did better than one p c* for a Day.
Last Saturday morning Mrs. Browne died, and I will tell You the
particulars, as are come to my knowledge, of her Will, which contains
seven sheets ; In doing this 1 should be happy if I could mention one
Instance of Gratitude for the many many Favours received. She
appoints Gibson & another Gentleman her Executors, with a Legacy of
600/. each. — 4000/. in Trust for her Executors to pay her Brother
(originally a Chymney Sweeper) 2 Guineas every Monday morning
during his Life ; after which the said 4,000/. to be distributed in charity
to poor Housekeepers; Mr Gibson's Wife 200/. & his niece 100/.
Mrs Crucifix 300/., her Apothecary Mr Hatch 300/., her two Maids
100/. each. Mrs Smith the Newswoman 100/. — a poor old Man a
pensioner of her's 100/. — A man in the Strand that sells Wine 300/. —
A girl she placed in the Asylum 100/. & 100/. to the Asylum ; The
House is left to Mr Bilson's son, about 6 years old, by Mr Larpent's
Daughter, but I don't hear of any Legacy to Mr Larpent. She has
left something to Mr. Wright's Mother, & many small Legacies.
I cannot help reflecting on the Vanity and Imperfection of all
earthly Things when I consider Mr. Browne's Life, and the Slavery &
Assiduity with which he amassed together so much money, & in how
short a Time & in what a manner it will be dispersed. . . .
1770. June 25th. T. Waite to the same, from Dublin Castle. . . .
Some years ago Lord Bristol used to be much troubled with the Gout
flying about him, but a certain Dr Ingram whom he met with in London,
took him in Hand and prescribed to him some Pills which have done
him infinite service. His Lordship told Sir Robert very lately, that his
Brother Augustus Hervey, who is now abroad, had certainly died of
the Gout this spring, if he had not very luckily carried abroad with him
some of Dr Ingram's Pills, which taken in the Extremity of his Pain,
sav'd his Life reliev'd him & flung the Gout from his Stomach into his
Feet, that Mr Augustus Hervey, Lady Mulgrave, who has suffered
more by the Gout than all of them, have found incredible Relief from
them. ... If this Intelligence may prove of any Use to you, I shall
most sincerely rejoice. ... I see by Mr8 Weston's Letter that you
are become acquainted with Captain Pringle. He is one of my Lord
Lieutenant's Aids de Camp, & my neighbour at the Castle, a more
worthy amiable Man never existed. He has almost lost the Use of his
Limbs by his Portugal Campaign, and for all his Sufferings has hitherto
received only a Company of Foot which amounts to 10 shillings p Day,
out of which he supports an aged Mother & a Sister .... Notwith-
standing the Fertility of the English Papers in Rolling my Lord L* in
the Dirt, & insulting him, & appointing a Successor to His Excellency
We are in a perfect State of Tranquility & Supiness, that there
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
426
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
is not the smallest Foundation for any of these curious Paragraphs, nor
any Thought at present of his Removal. Endeavours have been made
by particular Persons to raise a Flame about the Prerogative, but all
without Effect. The Duke of Leinster was removed from the Privy
Council at his own Request ; His Grace was understood to be in con-
nection last Winter with the Earl of Shannon & Mr Ponsonby in
opposing Government, but he did not resent their being turn'd out, nor
even complain of it. His cause of Discontent was, that a Sir William
Mayne, whom His Grace govern'd, was struck out of the Privy Council ;
He did not think that he could with Honor remain at that Board after
that Step had been taken, & therefore desir'd to be dismiss'd, which His
Majesty very readily complied with. This same Sir William Mayne,
whom His Grace placed in the same Scale with himself, is a Man of
no Sort of Consequence except being a Member of this Parliament.
Our Weather has been very cold & disagreeable. The North
Easterly Winds have not only blasted the Fruit Trees about Dublin but
in several Gardens totally destroyed them. Surely the Seasons were
more warm & kindly & regular when I was a Boy. The Great Globe
itself, as well as Those who it inhabit, seems hastening to its final
Period.
Lord Shelbourne & his Lady are expected here this Week. I suppose
he will bring Junius with him, & blow up Something like a Combustion
amongst us if he can.
1770. June 20th. Charles Brietzcke to the same, from Whitehall.
. . . . It is thought there will be a strong contest this Year for the
Choice of the City Sheriffs, and some good Letters have already
appeared in the Papers, which call upon the Livery to exert themselves
at this Conjuncture, and not to be any longer misled by the artfull
Designs of cunning Men, but to be free and independent in their
Election of Men void of Party Prejudice, and of good Principles and
Abilities.
Mr Beckford has been dangerously ill, & I hear is yet so ; — Monday
he relapsed again, & it was thought would not not survive the Night ;
This is an unlucky Incident for the Patriots at this Crisis
P.S. Mr Belson's son has 300/. besides the House, & Mr & Mr8 Bel-
son 20 Guineas each.
1770. June 30th. The same to the same The Lord
Mayors Death is certainly a great Check to the Patriots, who are filling
up, as they can, the Vacancies by it from among the Sons of Freedom.
Mr Trecothick was Yesterday declared Mayor, and Mr Richard Oliver,
of the Bill of Rights, is to be the Member for the City, & one of the
Aldermen ; they declare Sir Henry Banks shall always be set aside, for
the Trouble he has now given them, and for putting their worthy
Sheriffs to the Expence of a Weeks Poll. I hear Mr Beckford has left
the greatest part of his Fortune to his only legitimate son. To his
illegitimate Children, which are very numerous, 5000Z. each, but not one
farthing to Lord Chatham, or Wilkes, or for the Support of poor
Liberty. It would have come very opportunely had he left a handsome
Legacy to the former, as it was but last Saturday decreed, that his
Lordship should refund above 12,000/. part of the Pynsent Estate,
which sum he has no doubt long since expended.
The charge in the Papers against Mr Bradshaw for selling a Place
under the Government & the Story that Lord North would prosecute
him for it, I take to be all a Lye, for his colleague Mr Grey Cooper
denies in Yesterday's publick Advertiser having the least knowledge of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
427
this Affair ; Besides, the Story at the first told [was] very improbable
but anything will serve now a days.
. . . . It is very difficult for me to find that Paper void of false-
hood or Sedition, or to which to give the preference ; the G-azeteer is
one of the best ; though there are none without Letters, &c.
The purchasing of Lottery Tickets is all a Lottery ; they have been
falling some time, & are now near par, & may probably be under, tho'
not much as everyone has such a propensity to gaming.
1770, July 7th. The same to the same, from Whitehall
Q. in the Corner writes again today to Mr Bradshaw, not being at all
satisfied with Mr Cooper's Letter of Vindication ; I should in such a
case have advised against all Letter Writing, especially in Answer to
anonymous Scribblers ; & have given immediate Orders for prosecuting
Author and Publisher, and caused a paragraph to be inserted in all the
publick Papers, mentioning that such a Prosecution was actually com-
menced.
The Lord Mayors Speech on his being elected has disgusted a great
part of the City, which will prevent his being first again next Novem-
ber as was first intended. Mr Nash has declined opposing Mr Pichd
Oliver for the City Member, so the wrong headed Patriots have the
whole field to themselves ; His Brother Mr T. Oliver, who was the first
Candidate, is getting better of a Fever he caught of Parson Home
[Tooke], who had it from Mr Beckford, though last Saturday it was
thought Mr Oliver could not survive the Night, His Brother, the new
Candidate, is said to be by much the cleverest Man, that is, He can
most inflame the Minds of the Livery.
Note. — There are several other letters in this volume from Mr Sedg-
wick to Mr Weston relating to the questions of the Canada Bills, Turks
Islands, and the Spanish (Jalleons.
Chabxes
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Original Letters from the Weston Papers, Vol. VIII.,
1722-1767.*
1722 or 1723. Lord Townshend to the King. A draft in Lord
Townshend's handwriting. Undated, and endorsed by Edward Weston —
* probably 1723."
SIRE, Being induced to think from some Words which fell
from your Ma*y when I had the Honour to lay before You a Draught
of ye Speech, that Your Ma* may have it in yr thoughts to spend the
Summer at Hanover ; I most humbly beg leave, in discharge of the
Duty I owe to Your Ma*y, to lay before you, with the greatest Deference
& Submission, some short & impartial observations on the present
State of Your Ma^8 Affairs, in the doing which, if it should be my
Misfortune to suggest anything in the least contrary to your Ma^3
Inclinations, I hope from the Experience I have long had of Your
Indulgence towards Me, that You will not impute it to the Want of a due
Concern for everything that may promote Your Ma*?8 Satisfaction
(which no one living can wish more passionately than I do) but will
believe it to proceed from a sincere Zeal for Your Service, and the
* Miscellaneous letters on large paper. .
428
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles future Ease and honour of your Governm* ; and I beg leave to assure
WestonOI> Your Ma'y that after I have humbly laid before You my Thoughts
Underwood, upon this Subject, I shall heartily endeavour to facilitate whatever
— ' Resolutions Your Ma'y shall finally take.
The great Spirit & Majority with which the Bills for punishing the
Conspirators were carried through both Houses in the first Session of
this parliament, the Quietness & Unanimity with which the publick
Service has been dispatched in This, the severall good Laws that have
been passed for the Ease & Advantage of Commerce, & in favour of
the Publick Revenue, the Universal & uninterrupted State of Tran-
quility Abroad, and flourishing Condition of Trade & publick Credit
at home, have all concurr'd to restore a far more general Calm and
Serenity throughout the Nation than has been known at any time
since YourMa^8 happy Accession to the Throne ; A very great Change
has been wrought, in favour of Your Ma1)', in the City of London,
whose Influence & Example is of so great Consequence to the whole
Nation, as has appear'd in two successive Elections, in opposition to
the utmost Efforts & most Indirect Practices of the United Party of
Jacobites, The Universities have behaved themselves at least inoffen-
sively, & some Steps have been taken by Your Ma*? to make it no less
their Interest than Duty to cherish & propagate Principles of Loyalty
& Affection to Your Person & Government. So that upon ye whole
no doubt can be made but that if these beginnings are thoroughly
pursued, and the present good dispositions ye Nation improv'd and
strengthen'd by proper Methods & Measures which may be still taken,
they will grow so settled & confirm'd as to make Your Ma^ Reign for
ye future no less Easy than Glorious & Successful!.
But however promising these Appearances are, yet Your Ma^' must
be sensible that the Jacobite Party is still very strong, aud their
Views only suspended in Expectation of a favourable Opportunity.
Of this Your Ma1? has the strongest Proofs & surest Intelligence.
Those of the Foreign Ministers who are best acquainted wth this
Country, & who, upon account of their Religion, may be supposed to
be so far admitted into the General Designs & Consultations of the
Disaffected, as to be no incompetent Judges of the Heart and Spirit
that Party is in ; do in their most Secret & Undisguised Relations to
their Respective Courts, where they may be supposed to open their
Minds with the greatest Freedom & Sincerity constantly represent the
present Tranquility of this Nation as owing more to ye Despair of
living Your Ma*y any disturbance from Abroad, than to any real
Change or Submission wrought in the Minds of the Pretender's
Adherents ; insinuating that if the Engagements which at present with-
hold France & Spain from espousing his Cause, were once dissolved
and a bare Connivance only in his favour from either of those Quarters.,
the Spirit of Disaffection would soon rally, & the Sparks of Resentment,
which now lie smothered, would break out into as fierce a Flame as
ever.
However Vain their Reasoning may be as to ye Success that would
attend any such Practices, yet thus much is undeniable, that these
Notions lessen the Weight & Influence Your Matv ought to have abroad,
as to the affairs of Europe in genera! ; And it is equally certain y*
nothing will so soon give Credit to these Opinions and Insinuations as
the seeing any handle given to the Enemies of Your Ma^s Government
for propagating Discontents at home, & for alienating ye Affections of
Yrour Ma*?9 Subjects.
Historical manuscripts commission.
429
Among all the Topicks for sowing Sedition there is none which the
Jacobites have managed wth greater Industry & Success than Your
Ma*ys Inclinations frequently to visit Your German Dominions. But
whatever Artifices they have employ 'd to this End, yet ye Necessity of
Your Ma*ys inspecting from time to time the State of Your Affairs in
those parts, & ye Prudence & Caution Your Ma^ has used as to the
times & Seasons of undertaking this Journey, have in a great measure
disappointed their Endeavours to misrepresent this Step : but when
they may with some Appearance at least insinuate that this Journey
will become Annual, the Wisest Man cannot foretell what Mischiefs
such an Opinion, should it gain Credit, may produce.
Should Your Ma^ therefore after so long a Stay as your Affairs re-
quired you to make at Hanover last Year, think it proper & adviseable
immediately after the ending of this short Session again to visit Your
Foreign Dominions You would thereby give an Opportunity to the Dis-
affected to insinuate that the same Inclinations which call Your Ma^
abroad this Summer, being likely always to subsist will always produce
ye fame Effect, and Britain be thereby reduced to the same State with
Ireland (where the Lord Lieutenant never appears but when the pari1
is called to give Money) and never enjoy the Blessing of Your Ma1^
presence any longer than while this Service lasts.
Having laid before Your Ma*y the In conveniences & Dangers which
in my Opinion will arise from your going abroad this Year, I most
humbly beg leave to mention some of the many great Advantages that
will in all Probability be the consequences of Your Ma**8 staying here
this Summer. In the first Place the Well affected Party in general
being supported by Your Ma^s presence, & encouraged by being under
Your immediate Influence, will be enabled to make the best advantage
of the present Good Temper the Nation is in. Your Ma*?8 Friends in
the City will not only carry everything during ye Summer, but, by ye
help & Assistance of Your Servants, will be prepared to lay before the
Pari* Such Bills as may for the future secure the Government of y*
important Place entirely in ye hands of those who are Zealous in Your
Ma^ Interest.
The next Points of Consequence to ye Peace, Ease & Security of
Tour Ms Government, are ye Clergy & ye two Universities, & if a right
Use is made of their present Disposition, I am persuaded it will not be
difficult to find out some further Encouragements that will make ye
Majority of those Great bodies firm friends to Your Ma1?, & as Your
Ma*? knows that I have always had the gaining of them over to your
Ma*? very much at heart, so I have lately had frequent conversations on
this head with Je Bp of London who is with me fully perswaded it would
be very practicable to reduce them to a better Sense of their Duty, and
Wre have already made a rough Draught of some things proper to be
done towards compassing this Great End.
The last & most Important Consideration is ye preserving y* Zeal 8c
Affection towards Your Ma*? which has hitherto appeared so eminently
in this pari* & taking hold of ye present Situation of Your Affairs for
concerting, during the recess, such measures as may, with their Con-
1 ye Nation from the
felt by Your Royal
3 at their next Meeting, secure Yr Ma*y
been
frequent Convulsions which have at times
Predecessors ever since the Revolution.
I must before I conclude beg leave to make one further observation
to Your Ma1-? that should you be pleased to defer going abroad this
Summer, Your Ma*y may, by calling ye pari* in October next have ye
Session finished in Febry & without the least inconvenience to your
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
430 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CnARLEs Affairs sett out from hence in the Beginning of March next, & stay at
Westw1* Hannover, if you think fit, till Jan'T following. So that take two
1TNDEsqOOD' ^eara t°getner> Y°u will at once pass almost as many Months there as
You could do, if You went this Summer & ye next ; with this only
difference, that ye one may occasion & bring inextricable difficulties
upon Yr Affairs here, & the other will not give rise even to ye least
Murmur.
I presume to send Your Ma^ my Thoughts upon this matter in
writing that what I have to lay before Your Ma*y may be done with
greater Exactness & Privacy.
I once more beg Your Ma*y will believe y* what is here said upon a
Subject which I fear will be disagreeable to You, flows from a Heart
full of Duty & Veneration for Yr Sacred Person, & from no other
Motives but those of Honour & Conscience, & y* after I have laid my
thoughts with the greatest humility & Deference before Yr Ma% I
shall not only obey, but cheerfully execute whatever Yr Ma*y shall
think fit to determine, being with ye warmest Zeal & most unalterable
Attachment
Sire,
Your Ma^8 most
dutifull Subject and
most devoted Servant
Townshend.
1727 or 1728. [Undated]. John Anstis, Garter King of Arms, to
Lord Townshend. — May it please your Lp. 1 hope the Nature of
my Office, which obliges me to make particular Researches into the
Ranks of Precedency, will justify my submitting to yr Lps Judgement,
whether in case His Majesty pleases to create Prince Frederick a Duke
it may not be thought proper at the same time to convey the like
Honour upon Prince William, by reason of the following words in the
Statute 31 H. 8, which giues Precedency only "to the King's Son, the
Kings Brother, the Kings Uncle, the Kings Nephew, and the Kings
Brothers or Sisters Sons," beyond which Degrees according to another
Clause in that Act, " all Dukes, Marquisses, &c. shall be placed after
their Auncyentiez." I am induced to suppose the words the Kings
Nephew in this place denote the Grandson, as the word Nepos often
doth in Latin, because there is a Provision in the same Act for the
Kings Brothers or Sisters sons, whome we now style Nephews. Prince
Fredericks Precedency is fixed at all events, but the Heirs of Prince
William will be subject to the Terms of this Statute, and in time may
be forced thereby to be placed only according to the date of the Patent
that shall be granted. It would be a breach of Duty in me to state the
consequencies of Contingent uses, which may have effect according to
the Intention of that Act in the Precedency of the Descendants, but it
would really appear to me somewhat extraordinary, if any Person, who
is not intituled to an higher Precedency than Prince William, should be
promoted to a Dukedom before him. For nothing save an Act of
Parliament could remedy such a Distribution as to Precedency. If I
have taken too great a Freedome I beseech your Lp to impute it to the
sense I have entertained of the Duty of my Office.
The Assumption of Titles seems to depend much upon Fancy,
wherein there hath been & always will be difference of Opinions ; The
Dukedome of Cornwall is approbated to the eldest Son of the Crown,
but the Younger Sons haue had Titles Conferred upon them, which were
vacant that had subsisted in the Nobility for several Descents, and some-
times had new Titles originally given them, And a very great number
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
431
of the present Styles of the Nobility were formerly vested in the
Younger Sons of the Sovereigns & their Heirs. And either the Revival
of and old Title, or the Erection of a new one is precedented. If the
taking the Title from the former Dominions in France can give no dis-
pleasure there, as Aquitaine is a sounding name, & was formerly in the
Black Prince, in John of Gant, who was summoned to our Parlaments
under that Denomination, in Henry the fifth while Prince of Wales &c
so I think it is not lyable to any Objection that it hath been lately used
by any of the Princes of France. If any of these Titles taken from the
Territories in that Kingdom should be approved, I will prepare a List
of those formerly used by the Descendants of Our Kings as Anjou,
Aleucon, Mayn, Provence, Champagne, Poictiers, Monstreul, &c.
All the Counties of England and Wales giue Denominations save the
following ones.
Gloucester hath been esteemed unfortunate.
Northumberland was an Earldom for several Descents in Percy.
Flint was never a Title but esteemed an appendage to the Earldom
of Chester.
Brecknock is void by the Attainder of the late Duke of Ormond.
Glamorgan, the Family of Beauford allege they have some Signet
from Charles the first, but no Patent.
Merioneth is a word of that Sound, that no person ever took it.
Cumberland was in Prince Rupert, and in Prince George of Denmark,
who had an Act >of Parliament for Precedency but limited to the
Term of his own life.
Lancaster is of a particular nature, and without consulting two A.cts
of Parlament, which haue not hitherto been printed, I cannot de-
termine, whether by that in the first of Hen. IV the Dukedom can
be granted separate from the Possessions or whether by the method
of Entaile in the first of Ed. IV it can be granted. If this Title
should be pitched upon, the matter should be stated for the Opinion
of the Judges.
All the Cities of England give denominations to the Nobility, save
London, Westminster, Canterbury (which may as well be granted as
York) Durrham & Ely (which have not been granted being Palatinates)
Gloucester, Bath & Wells.
If new Titles should be pitched upon, then they may for the greater
Honour be taken from the Principal places in England, Scotland, Ire-
land, and from the Principality of Wales & Dutchy of Cornwall. And
there are Precedents of creations of Titles in England & Ireland by the
same Patent, specifying the Distinctions of these Peerages ; In this case
some Titles of the following nature may be considered, Duke of London,
Marquis of Edinburgh, Earl of Dublin or Ulster in Ireland (the former
was a Marquisate under Rich. 2 & the later hath been for several times
in the younger Sons of the Crown), Viscount of Aberfrau & Snawdon,
which were the Titles of the antient Princes of Wales before they were
conquered by Edw. 1. Baron of Lanceston or Trematon which are the
chief Honours of the Dutchy of Cornwall, wch later Titles from Wales
& Cornwall will (I think) be a complement to the Prince.
The Isle of Wight had Lords thereof, and Hen. 6 created a King
thereof who dyed very soon afterwards.
Most of the Ancient Palaces & Seats of the Crown are involved among
the Titles of the present Nobility; Windsor Castle remains which
would be probably too near to the Family of Windsor in sound, Hampton
Court would be the same with that place the Lord Coningsby so called
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undebwood,
432 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles & took a Title from thence for his daughter, Kensington & Winchester
Weston^ are already Titles, so that I cannot recollect any other Palaces, saving
Underwood, Whitehall, & S* James.
— " I grow tedious & forget to whom I am writing, I however craue
leaue to mention one Enquiry which may be made, when Prince
Frederick and Prince William shall be created Dukes, whether accord-
ing to the method of ranging described in the abovementioned Act of
Pari1 made in 31 H. 8 the Kings Brother (that is the present Duke of
York) is to precede these Princes, who are there denominated the
Kings Nephews, or whether these Grandchildren of the Crown accord-
ing to their Proximity in their Succession to the Crown, shall not
precede their Uncle ; That matter may be considered while the Patents
are passing. 1 am with the greatest Duty
My Lord
Yr Lpps most Obed1 Servant
John Anstis.
1729. Undated. A project of a suspensive treaty, headed " Idees
Generales pour la formation d'un Traite." Ten Articles in French
with marginal comments by the British Plenipotentiaries at Soissons.
a pp.
1729. June 11th. N.S. Lord Townshend to their Excellencies the
Plenipotentiaries at Soissons [Mem° in pencil : " Duplicate amongst
Lord Townshend's papers"]. From Hanover. 4 pp.
1729. June 11th. N.S. The same to the same. 14J pp.
1729. July 27th. N.S. The same to Mr. Finch, Envoy at Stock-
holm, Draft Dispatch. From Osterode. " Very private." Permitting
Mr Finch to offer to the King of Sweden one of the vacant Gaiters.
1729. July 29th. N.S. The same to Mr. Benjamin Keene, Envoy
at Madrid. Draft Dispatch, 2\ pp His Majesty is as
you may imagine, under great impatience to hear that this Negotiation
is brought to a happy issue. You will therefore do all that lyes in your
power to prevent any unnecessary delays on the part of the Court of
Spain, which His Mat? hopes you may compass without much difficulty,
since M. Patino, who has the chief Credit at that Court, has not only
declar'd his own approbation but even that of his master of the chief
points which we insist upon.
1729. Augt. 31st. N.S. The same to Mr Dubourgay, Envoy
at Berlin. From Hanover. [Mem0 in pencil " Duplicate amongst Lord
Townshend's papers."] Draft Dispatch. 2\ pp As to
what you mention concerning the Queen & Prince Royal of Prussia,
They may both be persuaded that the King has the greatest Compassion
for their Sufferings, & will be far from imputing anything that passes
upon this occasion to either of them As to what Mr
Kniphausen hinted to you about referring the present dispute to the
Arbitration of the Duke of Wolfembuttel & the Landgrave of Hesse,
the King takes very kindly the part Mr Kniphausen has acted thro' this
whole affair. The single point in dispute is, whether his Prussian
Maly shall set at liberty, & restore those of his Ma^ subjects which his
Officers have seised by force & violence, at the same time that his Maf?
on his part releases those of the King of Prussia's Subjects, who have
by his Ma1?'8 order been arrested by way of Reprisal. The Reason-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
433
ableness & Justice of this offer on the part of the King our Master is so
clear & self-evident, that his Ma*y cannot, as yet, see there is any occasion
for referring it to Arbitrators, & hopes that his Prussian Ma*y will be
satisfied with the Answer he has made him this day by his Ministers.
However in case the King of Prussia shd be still of opinion that an
Arbitration is necessary, the King our Master, to convince the World
how much he is dispos'd to do every thing in his power for preserving
the publick Tranquillity, will agree to Mr Kniphausen's proposal to
referr the Dispute with the King of Prussia to the Arbitration of the
Duke of Wolfenbuttel & the Landgrave of Hesse. You will lose no
time in communicating this resolution to Mr Kniphausen & acquaint
him, that since the King has been pleased to show so much Condescen-
sion on this occasion, His Ma^ will with the greatest reason expect an
immediate Answer on the part of the King of Prussia.
1730. April 21st. The same to Lord Waldegrave, from Whitehall.
[Draft] — A-part. — Though I could not speak so fully & openly in my
other Letter, I may in this acquaint your Ldship in confidence that the
time of your continuning at Vienna cannot but be very short. Mr
Walpole is already here, & will not return to Paris, unless it be barely
upon a Compliment & to take leave of the French Court. Mr Poyntz
will very soon be recalled from thence, his Ma*y designing to give him
some Employment here at home. And as for My Ld Harrington, He
is, as I am persuaded, intended to succeed me in the post of Secretary
of State, which I shall very soon have his Majesty's leave to resign. I
inform'd yr LdP, when I last had the pleasure of seeing you, of my resolu-
tion to take this step, I have not since thought it necessary to trouble
you with any particulars concerning it. I shall only take the liberty to
assure you that I am so sensible of Their Majestys' great Goodness to
me upon this, & all other Occasions, that I shall always to the utmost
of my power contribute to support their Interest & Service. I cannot
inform yr LdP whom his Ma^ intends for your successor at Vienna, that
being not yet determin'd ; & therefore shall only add to this trouble
my sincere Congratulations upon this fresh Mark of the Kings' Value
& Esteem for you, together with the assurance of my being always
with &c.
P.S. Yr LdP will be pleased to observe the utmost secrecy with regard
to the contents of this Letter.
1734. July 30th.
the Hague. 12 pp.
tion."
N.S. Horatio Walpole to Lord Harrington, from
" The original Draft is in Horace Walpole's collec-
Charles
fxeetwood
"Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
1734. Aug*. 3rd. N.S. The same to the same, from the Hague.
Secret. 8 pp. " The original Draft is among Lord Walpole's papers."
6th. N.S. The same to the same, from the Hague.
±i pp. " The original Draft is among Horace Walpole's
1734. Aug*
Most Secret,
papers."
■
1734. Aug* 17th. N.S. The same to the same, from the Hague.
Secret. 6 pp. "The original Draft is among Horace Walpole's
papers."
1734. Nov. 13th. Lord Harrington at Whitehall to Sir Robert Walpole
at Houghton, by Chandler. [Copy of Draft.]— I send this Messenger
to you with the enclosed Dispatches from Mr Walpole, which are the
last that I have received from him, and all that ha3 not been transmitted
e 84067.
E E
434
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
to you. You will see that he presses extremely for his Ma^'8 Orders
upon the Point of the Preliminaries, without which both he and the
Pensionary are convinced that France will not go any farther in the
Negotiation. I have therefore prepared a Letter upon that Subject,
which was ready for last night's Post, but as it relates to an Affair of
so great Importance I would not let it go without your Opinion upon it,
which I must accordingly beg you will let me have with all possible
Expedition that I may be able to send Mr Walpole the Instruction
which he waits for with so much Impatience, by the next Mail, which
will go from hence on Friday.
It were certainly to be wished that this great Work of a general
Pacification could be finished & compleated without being obliged to
burthen ourselves with any Preliminaries of this Nature, which may be
ill interpreted by some People if they come to be known, and raise
Jealouses and Apprehensions in others, but that Consideration must
however, if we are determined to go on with France, yield to Necessity
since there are no hopes, according to Mr Walpole's & the Pensionary's
Notion of the Cardinal's continuing to treat with Us upon any other
foot.
And indeed since it is impossible we should tie up France by any
other Means than by laying our Selves under Some reciprocal Restric-
tions, I think it deserves mature Reflection, whether it would be for our
Interest or not to proceed with that Crown without some such preliminary
Engagem*.
This Negotiation is carried on upon the Supposition of the Cardinal's
being Sincerely disposed to restore the publick Peace upon moderate
Conditions, and with Security to the Equilibre. If his Emc? has not
really these Dispositions, but is on the contrary only seeking to gain
time by his present Transaction with us, in order to prevent our putting
our Selves in a condition to oppose such ambitious Designs as he may
be preparing for execution, It seems to be very indifferent, as to the
Success of the Negotiation, whether we enter into Such Preliminaries,
or not. In the first case, he may, after the Conclusion of the Preliminaries,
still protract Affairs till the time of entring again upon Action, by
chicaning upon the Terms of the Plan itself, & in the Second, though he
should have agreed with us upon a certain Plan, he will be at liberty to
fly off from it when he pleases, under pretence of it's not proving satis-
factory to his Allies, or either of them. But if, on the other hand,
France is really sincere, may it not be looked upon as an Advantage to
yr Maritime Powers to have fixed the Execution, as far as it may depend
upon that Crown, of a Plan which they are Supposed to approve, by
means of such Preliminaries, since, without an Engagem* of that Nature,
she would be always at liberty, either out of Complaisance for her Allies,
who might disapprove it, or out of Resentment against the Emperor,
who might be equally unreasonable, to Set the whole that should have
been agreed on between Us aside, and to push the War on in all parts as
vigorously as ever, and that without any Breach of Faith towards his
Majesty and the States, whereas in the Case of our being entred into
the Preliminaries above mentioned and settled a Plan of Pacification
with the French King, as the Emperor's Refusal to accept our Plan
will not disengage us, so the Disapprobation of Spain or Sardinia will
not release France from the Engagements she will have contracted
towards the Maritime Powers.
But though it should be allowed that such a Restriction upon France
would be a real advantage to his Majesty & the States in the Negociation,
it is' Still to be considered whether it would, or would not be too dearly
Esq,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 435
purchased by the Concessions on their Part contained in the two Chabies
Preliminary Articles, as you will find them proposed in the inclosed Westo!?*
Draught which I have prepared, as I before acquainted you, for Mr Uxdebwood,
Walpole. Upon all which, as also upon the Answer which his Ex°y
should be authorised to give upon the Several Points of the Conferences
with Monsr Jaunel, I hope to be honoured with your Sentiments by the
Return of this Messenger.
1735. Aug. 20th. Horatio Walpole [to the Pensionary ?] Copy of
letter, unaddressed. — Sir, Such is my sincere regard and affection for
your Excellency, that there is no friend nor even a Relation, that
belongs to you, that can be more sensibly Afflicted, than I always am,
when Your Excellency is miserably tyed down to your bed, by that
implacable Ennemy the Gout : which made me readily accept the
Excuses, you sent me for not seeing me several days together altho' I
was informed, that several others of my rank and Station had that
honour at the same time. However I was not wanting to communicate
to you according to my usual Confidence the most secret and important
dispatches, which I had received relating to the present juncture of
Affairs. Upon the meeting of the States of Holland, as I thought it
necessary at this critical time to see you I had the happiness of being
admitted at last on Wednesday morning to your presence, when I having
acquainted you, with his Majesty's Sentiments upon what has lately
passed between the King and the States, and between the States and
the French Ambassador in consequence of our joint Offices, and expected
and desired your opinion and Advice. I received from you nothing but
dry, short disagreeable and reproachfull expressions, without the least
tendency towards telling me Your Sentiments, or acting in concert with
me, Altho I was informed, that you was the same day to others in the
best and most chearful humour. I took my leave seeing it was to no
purpose to importune you then, upon your letting me know, that you
hoped you should be in a condition to attend the States of Holland next
week. If this was a sort of Artifice to divert me from inquiring, and
to avoid your telling me, what was already projected to be done by that
Assembly, give me leave with all due respect to say, that it was an
Artifice which by no means becomes a person of your great Qualitys,
Candour and integrity, and a treatment which my constant attachment
to, and confidence in you, and even my Submission to your judgement
in affairs, by no means deserve, And I cannot forbear Adding that it
has the Air of such a piece of finesse, since you must have known, that
the States of Holland were to have under their Consideration a project
of your own framing, relating to the Affairs depending between Us, and
were to separate this Week. In what sense I am therefore to interprete
this reserved, unkind and unprovoked behaviour of your Excellency
towards me, whether I am to attribute it, to my own disagreeable Way
of transacting business, or to a Resolution taken by you to break of that
Union and Concert, with which business has been carry d on between
his Majesty and the States, through a perfect good understanding and
communication of thoughts between Your Excellency and me, ever
since I have been charged with this painfull and unfortunate Embassy,
is, what I am desirous to know, in order to take my measures ac-
cordingly, having as yet not mentioned to any body, nor in my private
nor publick Dispatches this cold and uncomfortable Situation, that I am
in at present, with Relation to you. I am etc. H. Walpole.
1740. Jany 9th. The Count of Stolberg to the King of Denmark.
from Hanover. "Translated out of the High- German." In
e e 2
436
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaules
FllETWOOD
Westox
Ustdeiwooi),
Esq.
obedience to your Maj'y" Commands I set out from Werningerode
hither on the 6th Instant, but on account of the badness of the Roads I
arrived here bat the 7th in the Morning.
Although I found the Minister of State de Munchausen and the rest
of the Ministry all present I found him and his
Colleagues in no small Disquiet and Apprehension touching an Alliance
said to be upon the Carpet between Yr Maj1? and the Crown of
France.
The}' told me unanimously not only all those things which I have
already related to your Majl>r, but made also no Matter of Secret of
some creditable Intelligence being received in England from Sweden, .
and likewise from Amsterdam, viz. : that of late frequent
Couriers were arrived with Dispatches from France, and returned
thither, and tho the Contents thereof were kept very Secret, the}'' were
nevertheless observed always to occasion some Deliberations & Com-
motions; That the Secretary of the Embassy from France is very
assiduous about some of Your Maj^8 Ministers ; and that a Secret Al-
liance between Your Majesty and France were either already concluded,
or on the point of being soon ; nay it were even reported, Your
Majesty's being to engage Yourself, to quarter in Your German
Dominions those Auxiliary Forces Your Maj^ were to keep for the
French Service ; to the End that thereby the Views of that Crown
might be the better supported, and maintained against those Powers,
which would oppose them.
Although I endeavour'd to pursuade them to the contrary .... it
seemed to make no Impression upon them, since they were rather of
opinion, that upon reflecting at the same time that Colonel Palmstierna,
a Man who in the last Diet of the States in Sweden had much dis-
tinguish'd himself by his Zeal for France, and who actually stands
engaged in the French Service had been pickt out for the Swedish Em-
bassador at Copenhagen; and that Count de Lynar would, at the
Request of the French Court, be recalled from Sweden, It were there-
fore not difficult to infer from thence, that France thereby design'd to
unite the Crown of Denmark with that of Sweden, and both with
Herself in such a Manner that Sweden by the Means of Denmark
rendred more puissant, should be more able to execute the French
Views, or both jointly do and execute all things which France might
hink fit, aiidli hat more particularly, according to Conjunctures which
might happen, those of the Powers or States endowed with Patriot*
Sentiments, should be rendered incapable to succour Germany.
They were no Ways able to comprehend and to judge of the Grounds
France might have excogitated, and the Promises She might have
offered, to make the Court of Denmark relish a Project of so far distant
a Prospect, and at the same time so much repugnant with the Dignity
of His Danish Majesty. Neither the Preservation of the Tranquility
in the North, nor the Safety and Good of the Common Cause and of
the Protestant Religion in Germany, nor the Balance of Europe could
herein be the Object held in View on the part of Denmark, because
nothing would be more opposite to the attaining of all these Ends than
such an Alliance reported to be going forward with France
How lastly the Crown of England must needs look upon such a Treaty,
no body could fail to guess, who would reflect, that the said Treaty
were at such a time begun, when that with England is still subsisting,
and when the said Crown had already by Mr. Titley made an offer for
its Renewal.
After duly considering all these Circumstances I beg of Yr Maj^ to
give me proper Instructions, if, and what sort of Insinuations I am to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
437
make, in order to remove the above said Apprehensions; whereby I
shall also be enabled, and will not fail to take in hand to the best of my
power the proposing of the other Affair according to Yr Maj1?9 most
gracious Commands.
In the next Place I am to entreat Your Majesty to grant me Your
most gracious Leave to remember my former Dream.
Could I now, with all Submission, at Werningerode bawl so loud as
to make Your Majesty inspect the Danger You are going to involve
Yourself in in Case this Keport should be true (which I cannot be
brought to believe after the Letters I have received both from Your
Majesty and from Mr de Schulin) I should certainly make a still greater
Noise than I did at that time when a sleep.
Is not Your Majesty in regard to the present Circumstances the
Arbiter in the North ? You can in all sorts of ^Revolutions take Your
Measures and incline which Way You please ! Is it not in the present
Posture solely in Your Majestyes Power to succour poor Germany ?
Can You not give more Weight to the Religious affairs in the Empire
than any other Power ? and keep France back from doing anything at
all ? Surely nobody is more able to make Acquisitions than he, who
watches close behind the Wall and not Stirrs till after others have for
some time enervated themselves. Your Majesty as well as Your
Ministry did consider all this perfectly well when I had the last time
the honour to be with You, and therefore it is next to impossible to me
to believe the Truth of this Event.
Should Your Majesty be pleased to enter into a further Alliance with
England, I should hope to procure for Yr Maj*y one according to Your
own Wishes, in which You would always keep Your hands free, and
nevertheless receive a certain Subsidy.
I must most humbly implore Yr Maj^8 Pardon for the Liberty I
take, because, although I give an entire Credit & Belief to Yr Maj^8
gracious Assurances, nevertheless does thereby appear clearly to me,
that nothing at all should be upon the Carpet ! Fidelity and Devotion
and, if I am allowed to speak freely, a most tender Love for Your Royal
Person and Prosperity is the Source from whence this Writing flowes
because Your Majesty knows that I have no particular Views, but that
like a faithfull Servant, I speak what I think concerning your Pros-
perity
CffABLEg
Fleetwood
■Westoit
Underwood,
1745. Various dates. Some particulars extracted from letters re-
lating to Jesuits and the places at which they were officiating in
England under the directions of Henry Sheldon. 13J pp. It con-
cludes : — There are several Letters from his Brothers & Sisters from
Weston near Chipping Norton in Oxfordshire, by which it appears that
he has several Neices either at School or in a Nunnery at Ghent & a
Nephew or two there or there abouts. And he seems from the corre-
spondences at Bath with several People to be a person well related. —
There is reason to think from several of the letters that he goes a kind
of visitation twice a year amongst the Roman Catholick familys
dispersed about the Kingdom. The priests who write to him express
themselves in the most humble Terms, and all of them begin their
Letters to him with honrd Sir.
1745. Various dates. Some particulars extracted from Sheldons
correspondence with abroad relating to certain Jesuit seminaries on the
Continent, viz. : Coalpits, Blandyke, Steendam, Hoik and La Cocherie.
6JPP-
438 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles Coalpits seems to be in the Electorate of Cologne, and one Charles
Weston Roels to be the Governor of it under Sheldon ....
Esq. Blandyke. There is reason to think that there are great numbers of
Boys at this Factory. Two sons of Sir Carnaby Haggerston are named.
Two of Sir Henry Bedingfield, who go under the name of Clay, & who
were to be sent to La Fleche afterwards. It appears that they have a
Poet Laureat there, several Musicians, Writing Masters, & a Maker of
Tragedys. J. Gifford, who seems to be the Chief Manager here under
Sheldon writes to him from time to time to give him the State of the
Factory ....
Steendam. S. Roberts Master here, writes accounts of the State of
the Place to Sheldon, and desires his orders about People who
want to leave that Place, & to go to Gravelines and other Places in
Flanders
Hoik and La Cocherie. Percy Plowden & one Tichbonrne seem to
be directors here
From la Cocherie one Dinsdaie writes to Sheldon to let him know
that if he will not allow him £15 £ aim he cannot stay there. This
man appears to have been sent thither from Yorkshire & writes like a
writing Master
Ghent. One Gillibrand writes to Sheldon Ap. 6, 1754. My Bro.
who lives with Mr Chorley in'Gray's Inn will soon pay a Years Annuity
of £50, pray speak to him about it. And when it is paid, I beg your
kind Remembrance of a little Pocket Money. 10 months of my
Tertianship are past.
Heatby from the same place 12 Ap. 1745. My apprenticeship at
Ghent is almost expired, and I am preparing for a Course at Liege.
My Father, who is able to leave me very considerably, has wrote to me
to come over to him to London, & he threatens to cut me off with a
shilling unless I obey. . . .
L^uvain, 15 Sepr 1745. Richard Knight desires Sheldon to forgive
him the Interest of 1000/. which he had agreed to pay to Thirburn
(Sheldon's Predecessor in England) for at the time he settled this upon
the Jesuits, he thought his Sister was going to be married. But that
being over for the present, he says he cannot pay it, till She be
disposed of.
Paris, 5 May 1745. Geo. Hunter thanks Sheldon for having
appointed him to take care of Mr John Dormer's Son during his stay
about Paris.
No date. Copy of a paper in Sheldon's handwriting, wherein are
several accounts of Estates and Bond Debts belonging to the .Jesuit
Factory in England under his direction. 2\ pp.
1736. June 26th — July 13. Extracts from four letters from Robert
Trevor at the Hague to Edward Weston about the Original Papers of
Monsr Canillon which Mr Trevor had promised to get for Lord Scar-
borough from the Society of Surinam as soon as they should arrive
from thence. 2 pp.
1743. March 29th. Instructions for ye Earl of Stair.— To march
to the height of Mentz with the whole Army, Horse, Foot and
Dragoons, and there to make Yourself Master of the Rhine and the
Mayn. — To keep a watchful Eye on the French. — If they pass above
you with an Intent to go into Bavaria, then you are to follow Them,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
and endeavour to prevent them. — If they pass below you then you are Charles
to follow them with all your Force, & endeavour to intercept them. — F wSstok D
You are to take care not to give any just Offence to, or to be the Underwood,
Agressor in any Hostility against any of the German Princes, who are — '
no otherwise engaged in the War against the Queen of Hungary, than
by letting out Troops to the Emperor ; But you are, as Auxiliaries to
the Queen of Hungary, to consider the French, and any Troops in
Conjunction with them as Enemies, on the other side of the Rhine. — If
the States General will garrison Mons5 Ath & Charleroy which his Ma*y
has applied to them to do, the Hessians will be order'd to follow and
joyn you.— If the Austrians that are with you should insist upon your
marching into Bavaria, or have Orders to go thither, whether you will
accompany Them or not, acquaint them with the Orders you have re-
ceived, and let them do as They please. — The King conceives, that the
Queen of Hungary will be better served in the manner He has laid
down, than by your Lordship's Proposal of marching with part of your
Army to the Danube, our chief point of View being to prevent a new
French Army from attacking the Queen. — His Majesty has been in-
formed by the Austrian Ministers, that the Queen is able of Herself to
deal with the French that are now in Bavaria, if We can prevent any
more going, which is our principal Object in the intended March. — His
Majesty thinks you are not Strong enough to leave so large a Body
behind you at Liege, for you cannot march too strong into the Empire.
— Your Lordship now having His Matys Intentions, may put them in
Execution, without waiting for any further Orders. — We cannot at
present take any more foreign Troops into our Pay, the Demands in
Parliament being at an end for this Year. — You will take such Propor-
tion of the heavy Artillery with you, as you shall judge necessary. The
rest you will leave in some Place of Safety ; But his Maty would have
you take all the Field Train with you.
1744. June 4th. Dr Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln, to Edward Weston.
From Peterborough I have spent some days at Bugden in
ordaining a young sett of Clergy. I found them all very well qualified
upon a thorough Examination except One who was so extremely de-
ficient that I could not admit him. I kept the young Sparks three
Days strictly to their Duty made them attend twice a Day at Prayers
in the Chappel where I tried the Voices of those to be ordained
Deacons by making them read the Lessons, and suffered none of them
to gallop To and from Cambridge every Day as had been the Practice.
I made the Ordination a little more Solemn than Usual at Bugden and
took all imaginable Care not to be imposed on by False Titles, and so
had a smaller number of Candidates for Orders than was Customary.
1745. Nov* 29th. Copy of a letter to the Duke of Neivcastle?
From Litchfield, unsigned. — I am commanded by his R.H. to send your
Grace Copys of 2 Lrs. One from the E[arl] of Cholmondeley ye other
from Warrington, wch contains not only ye freshest, but ye most parti-
cular accotsWe have of the Rebels. The D[uke] of Devonshire is now here,
who has promised his R.H. [the Duke of Cumberland] to break in Such
a manner ye Roads by Buxton to Darby, as shall secure that Pass, so that
his R.H. will find himself at Liberty to turn his thoughts towards ye
securing ye Side of Chester & N° Wales.
The two Batn9 of Guards will be here on Sunday, a good many horses
have been sent to Coventry from these Parts to help them forward the
440 HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chaeles Town of Birmingham has distinguished itself on this Occasion, they
Weston D send 200 Horses & pay themselves 7s a Horse for them.
U>dfRo00D' Inclosed is the disposition of ye Army this Day.
Esq.
1715. Nov1' 29th. Extract from a letter of Sir John Legonier to
Lord Harrington ? — From Litchfield, fryday 8 at night. — The Rebells
have entered Manchester and some abandon'd Villains to ye number of
150 have taken on with them. The Guards in Spight of most exe-
crable Roads will be here either tomorrow or Sunday, after which we
march up to them, I believe on Monday, with a full Intent to attack
the Villainous Crew, wherever we may meet them : The Thing is now
grown serious, but when we shall be able to bring them to an Action, is
not in us to say. God send us the Success, of wch I do not doubt, and
that these Wretches etc.
P.S.— The soldiers must suffer no doubt in a Country where Straw
is most scarce.
1746. Jan? 21st. Major General Cholmondeley to Edward Weston,
from Edinburgh. — I am sorry to renew our Correspondence with so
disagreable a Subject, as our Scandalous Affair at Falkirk, but as I am
sensible that you and every one else, are desirous to be Inform'd of the
truth of that Affair, I send you a most exact account, of what I know
of it, that by Comparing the different Accounts, you may attain a true
knowledge of the affair.
On Thursday Gen11 Huske, and Brig^ Mordaunt with the Troops,
under their Command, march'd to Falkirk. I march'd with three
Battallions, under my Command, from Barrowstowness, to the same
place, and we all got to Falkirk about one a Clock, we march'd thro'
the town, and drew up, upon a plain, & Incamp'd, Leaving Falkirk
about one hundred paces, in the rear of our Left, our Camp was very
strong, having in our Front, a Deep, hollow, Morassy Ground, and upon
our right Flank, some Inclosures with large wet ditches.
We Incamp'd in two Lines, fronting the Enemy, and as the Ground,
wou'd not admit, our Extending the Incampment any further, we had
three Regiments, Incamp'd upon the right Flank, Obliquely.
The Enemy lay behind Torwood, which was Opposite, to the right
of our Incampment, about two, or three, miles from us.
About Seven at Night, our Artillery Arrived.
Friday morning about eight, Col° Campbell, with his Highlanders,
Joyn'd us, as did also Cobhams Dragoons, The Highlanders were
advanced on the other side the Morassy Ground that lay in our Front,
and Lay there in some Farm houses.
About Eleven the Rebells were in Motion, I saw them very plain
with a Glass, at that time they march'd to the right, which was the Left
of our Camp, but as there were several hills between us, we cou'd not
tell exactly, where they took post, Upon this, Orders were given, for
the men to be ready to turn out, at a Moments Warning; About one,
we had Information, that they were marching towards us, The Army,
was Immediately order'd to stand to their Arms, and form, in the front
of their Incampment, All the Cavalry were order'd to march to the
Left, to take post there, and the two Lines of Infantry, were order'd to
face to the Left, and in this Position, we march'd them to the Left near
half a mile, but as we had hollow roads, and very uneven Ground, to
pass, we were in great Confusion. Here we form'd again, in my Opinion
a very good Situation, but we were no sooner form'd, but order'd a
second time, to take Ground to the Left, and as we march'd, all the way
up hill, and Over very uneven Ground, our men were greatly Blown.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
441
Our First Line, Consisted, of Legoniers, Proyalls, Poultneys, Chol-
mondeleys, & Wolf[e]s. Our second Line, Batterans, Barrells, Flemings,
Monro's & Blakeneys, where Prices were formM, I realy Can't say.
The Old Buffs were the Reserve.
Our Highlanders were left in the place before mention'd, not only to
secure our Camp, but to prevent their marching a body of Troops up,
and Falling upon our right Flank. The Glascow Regiment were
drawn up, upon an Eminence, in the rear of our left Flank, our whole
Cavalry were form'd upon our Left, they began the Attack with spirit
which did not last Long, Nevertheless they broke a Considerable body
of the Highlanders, but another body Coming upon our left Flank, our
Foot gave a feint Fife, and then faced to the right about, as regularly
as if they had had the word of Command, and cou'd not be rallied, 'till
they got a Considerable distance, altho' I do not think they were
pursued by two hundred men, Barrells Regiment, kept their Ground,
and I got Legoniers, my late Regiment, to form upon their right ;
Barrells Left was secured by a little Farm house. In this Situation
we kept our Ground, and with the assistance of the Officers (who deserve
the greatest Praise, for the Spirit they shew'd,) I got the men to be
quite Cool, as Cool as ever I saw men, at Exercise ; and when the
Rebells Came down upon us, we not only repuls'd them, but advanced,
and put them to Flight. During this time Gen11 Huske was rallying
the other Troops that had been broke ; Then I told these two Battallions,
that if they wou'd keep their Ground, I wou'd go back, and rally the
Dragoons, they promis'd they wou'd, and kept their Word. Accordingly
I went to the Dragoons and rallied about one hundred of them, and told
them, that I had repuls'd the Enemy, with two weak Battallions, and
that if they would march up, I wou'd head them, and that I wou'd order
the two Battallions, to march up Briskly at the same time, & give them
their Fire, and that they shou'd fall in, Sword in hand, these were
greatly pleas'd with this, and with many Oaths, and Irish Exclamations,
swore they wou'd follow me, I march'd them up, to the two Battallions,
but when we were to advance, they kept at least one hundred Yards
behind me ; With some Difficulty, I got them to the top of the Hill,
where I. saw the Highlanders form'd, behind some houses and Barns,
(I was forced to fire a Pistol amongst them, before I cou'd get them to
do this,) I then return'd to the two Battallions, to march them up, Here
Gen11 Huske Joyn'd me, and I told him, that if we Cou'd get some more
Battallions, to Joyn us, we might drive them, but as Night was drawing
on he order'd me to retire.
My Chief Inducement, for giving you this Minute Account, is to do
Justice to the Officers, of these two Battallions, who behaved so well,
that their stand stopt the Rebells, from pursuing our Troops, which
else wou'd have been cut to pieces.
As I wish, and make no doubt, but those Officers who behaved ill,
will be punish'd, so on the other hand, I cannot help, wishing, that
those, who behaved well, may be rewarded ; and that they wou'd give
the Regiment to Col0 Stanhope ; when I say this believe me, that I am
not byass'd by Friendship, for I declare to you, that I never was above
ten times, in his Company ; all the View I have, is the Good of the
Service.
Were I not writing to a Friend, this might be Construed as too strong
a self Panegyrick but as I am Certain, you will share in the pleasure,
and Satisfaction, I feel, in having done my Duty ; I Flatter myself you
will be Convinced, that my sending you this Account, proceeds from a
desire to give you pleasure, and not to Satisfy my own Vanity. Besides
ClTABLES
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Esq
442 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles I think, I am the more Justified, in doing this, as what has happen'd.
Fleetwood . , ° trtr r
Weston may again happen.
llKD^n00D' Att Fontenoy, I remain'd to the very last, in the Field of Battle, a
Circumstance, I am affraid, known to very few people, and were I not
to send you, the particular Account, perhaps I might have the same
ill luck, and no one ever hear of it.
I make no douht, but you will have many more Accounts, sent you,
perhaps some of them, many differ in some Little Particulars, from this,
by writing in General of things, Lumping the Account, without dis-
tinguishing particulars.
As I was therefore fearfull of Mistakes, I read, this Account to the
Officers of the two Regiments, they told me it was very just, and
offer'd to sign it ; Flattering myself that that, was unnecessary I wou'd
not give them that trouble, but if any Doubt shou'd arise, I hope you
will be so much my Friend, as to let me know it, and in that Case, I
will get, not only the Officers, but every Man, in in the two Regiments,
to Confirm every Circumstance, I have mention'd.
P.S. Inclosed I send you a List of the KilFd, Wounded, and Missing
of the Infantry, as Likewise a List of the Rebeli Army, given to me by
Majr McDonald, who we took prisoner, and has great Obligations to me.
1746. April 18th. H.R.H. the Duke of Cumberland to the Duke of
Newcastle, from Inverness. [Copy]. — I had the honour to acquaint
His Maty the 16. by Lord Bury of the compleat Victory we gained that
Day over the Rebels ; I must own I never expected They would have
had the impudence to risk a General Engagement, but their having
burnt Fort Augustus the Day before, convinced me They intended to
stand.
We gave our Troops a Days halt at Nairn & Yesterday Morn : marched
off from thence between 4 & 5. in four Columns. — The three Lines of
Foot (reckoning the reserve for one) were broke into three from ye
Right, which made the three Columns equal & each of five Batns The
Artillery & Baggage follow'd the first Column on the right, & ye
Cavalry made the fourth Column on ye Left.
After We had marched about 8 miles our advanced Guard composed
of about 40 of Kingstons & ye Highlanders led by ye Quarter Master
General, perceived ye Rebels at some Distance making a Motion towards
us on ye Left on which We immediately formed, but finding the Rebels
were still a good way from Us, & that ye whole Body did not come
forward, We put ourselves again upon our March in our former Posture,
& continued it to within a Mile of Them, where We again formed in ye
same Order as before; after reconnoitring their Situation We found
them posted behind some old Walls & Hutts in a Line with Culloden
House ; as we thought our Right entirely secure Gen1 Hawley & Gen1
Bland went to ye Left with two Regiments of Dragoons to endeavour to
fall on the Rebells right Flank, and Kingston's Horse were ordered to
ye Reserve ; The ten Pieces of Cannon were disposed two in eacli of ye
Intervals of ye first Line, and all our Highlanders (except about 140
which were upon the Left with Gen1 Hawley, & who behaved extremely
well) were left to guard the Baggage.
When we were advanced within Five Hundred Yards of the Rebels,
I found the Morass upon Our Right Flank quite uncovered to Them.
I immediately ordered Kingston's Horse from the Reserve, A a little
Squadron of about Sixty of Cobhams, which had been patroling, to
cover our Flank, & Pulteney's Regiment was ordered from the Reserve
to the Right of the Royals.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
443
We spent above half an Hour after that, trying which should gain the
Flank of the Other, & I having sent Ld Bury forward within a Hundred
Yards of the Rebels, to reconnoitre somewhat that appeared like a
Battery to Us, They began firing their Cannon, which was extremely
ill served & ill pointed. Ours immediately answered Tbem which began
their Confusion. They then came running on in their wild manner, &
upon the Right where I had placed Myself imagining the greatest Push
would be there, they came down three several Times within a Hundred
Yards of Our Men, firing their Pistols 8c brandishing their Swords, but
the Royals & Pulteney's hardly took their Firelocks from their Shoulders,
so that after those faint Attempts They made off ; & the little Squadrons
on Our Right were sent to pursue Them. General Hawley had by the
Help of Our Highlanders beat down two little Stone Walls, & came in
upon the right Flank of their Second Line.
As their whole first Line came down to attack at once, their Right
somewhat outflanked Barrels Regiment, which was our Left, 8c the
Greatest Part of the little Loss We had was there, but Bligh's and
Sempiis giving a Fire upon those who had outflank'd Barrel's soon
repulsed them, & Barrels Regiment, & the Left of Monroe's fairly beat
them with their bayonets ; & I dare say there was neither Soldier nor
Officer of Barrel's, & that Part of Monroe's which engaged, who did no
kill their one or two Men with their Bayonets & Spontoons, & they
so fairly drove them back, that in their Rage that They could not make
any Impression upon the Battallions, They threw Stones at them for at
least a Minute or two, before their total Route began.
The Cavalry which had charged from the Right, & Left, met in the
Center, except two Squadrons of Dragoons which We missed & they
were gone in Pusuit of the Runaways ; Lord Ancram was ordered to
pursue with the Horse as far as He could, & which He did with so good
Effect, that a very considerable Number were Killed in the Pursuit.
As we were on Our March on to Inverness, 8c were near arrived
there, Major General Bland sent Me the inclosed Paper, & I imme-
diately received the French Officers <& Soldiers as Prisoners of War.
Major General Bland had also made great Slaughter, & gave Quarter to
None but about Fifty French Officers & Soldiers He picked up in his
Pursuit.
By the best Calculation We can make, I think We may reckon the
Rebels lost Two Thousand Men upon the Field of Battle and in the
Pursuit, as few of their wounded get off, & We have 222 French &
326 Rebel Prisoners as by the inclosed Lists.
Colonel Howard certainly killed Lord Strathallan, as his Seal & his
different Commissions from the Pretender were found in the Pocket of
the Person killed by him. It is said & I believe with some Foundation,
that Lord Perth, Lord Nairne, Lochiel, Keppock, & Apprin Stuart are
also killed.
All their Artillery, and Ammunition, of which I shall inclose a List,
is taken, as was the Pretender's and all their Baggage, which was in
general plundered ; there are also twelve Colours taken.
I have the Satisfaction to say that all the General Officers & the Corps
did their utmost in the Matys Service, & all strove to shew their Zeal
8c Bravery on this Occasion.
The Pretender's Son, it is said, lay at at Lord Lovats House at Aird
the night of ye Affair, Brigadier Mordant is detached with 900 Volun-
teers this Morning into ye Fraziers Country to destroy all ye Rebells
he finds there ; Lord Sutherlands & Lord Reays People continue to
exert themselves, & have taken 100 Rebels whom I have sent for, & I
ClIARLBS
Fleetwood
Westoit
UffDEKWOOD,
EaQ.
444 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood have great Reason to believe Lord Cromarty & his son are also taken.
Weston The Monro's have knocked on ye head 50 of ye Rebels in their flight.
I J "VT)"F*R WOOD
Esq. ' As I dont know where the greatest Bodys of Them are, or which Way
they have taken to shift for Themselves, I can't as yet determine which
Way We shall march.
I had forgot to mention that ye 17th as I was at dinner, three Officers
& about 16 of Fitz James's who were mounted, came and surrendered
themselves Prisoners of War.
I send a List of ye killed wounded & missing on our side, which
amounts to above 300, but I hope a good many of these will be found
to have drop'd behind in ye March, or to have gone out to see what
they could pick up.
I have made all ye French Officers sign their Paroles, & propose
sending them to Carlisle 'till his Ma%ys Pleasure shall be further known.
I still continue to make that Distinction, & am endeavouring to find out
who are Native born Subjects of ye King, not looking upon them as
Prisoners of War but as Rebels.
They continue as yet dispersed, & their own Accounts make their Loss
greater by two thousand than I have ventured to state it. I have four of
their principal Ladys under Guard, Lady Ogilvy, Lady Kinlock, Lady
Gordon, & ye Laird of McIntosh's Wife. I have also retaken Major
Grant the Gov1- of Inverness, & have order'd the Generals Hawley, Lord
Albemarle, Huske & Bland to enquire into the reasons for ye Surrender
of Fort George, & as I fear he will not have any good ones to give I
shall order a Court Martial for his tryal, which I have his Maty will
approve of.
It will be absolutely necessary, that new Forts be erected here, &
where Fort Augustus stood, & whoever his Maty may think proper to
order to inspect their Construction, should be sent down immediately as
ye Season is now come for Works of that kind. I am your
Affectionate Friend,
William.
P.S. Lord Cromarty with other Prisoners, according to ye List
inclosed is just brought in from Sutherland by ye Hound Sloop which I
had sent for them, & I am just landing them: I should be glad to know
His Matys Pleasure as to Lord Cromarty & Lord Kilmarnock, who may
be tried whenever it may be thought proper. I think it needless to
send a List of ye Common Men Prisoners.
1746. April 19th. Extract from a letter from Sir Edward Fawkener
dated at Inverness. — The Success of the Action upon the 16th is greater
in its Consequences than was imagined on the Day of the Battle. The
French are almost all come in by Parties to surrender Themselves
Prisoners. The Number of Officers allowed to be French already
amounts to about 50. There are others not allowed to be French.
The Number of the Private Men is not yet certain. Ninety are
come in this Day. Lord Cromarty & His Son with about 10
Officers & 150 Private Men are just brought in by the Hound Sloop.
They were taken by Lord Sutherland's Men in His County : Lord
Cromarty Himself at Dunrobin Castle. The Number of the Slain rises
very high. The Duke States it at about 2000, but the Rebels report it
to be more considerable. We imagine They reckon all that are missing.
The Lowlanders who were in the Rear got off best, & we hear They are
getting home as fast They can : but the loss fell heavy upon the Clans,
& many of their Chiefs are killed. Brigadier Mordaunt returned this
Day from Lord Lovat's House which he left in a Blaze. The Briga-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
445
dier says there was not a Man to be seen in all the Country, except the
very few unsuspected ones. H.R.H. will leave things upon such a
Footing in the Country, that the future tranquility of it may easily be
secured. His Royal H. gave Life & Spirit to the Army. He settled
all the Marches, & by His activity got together the necessary Fund of
Provisions for putting the Army into Motion towards this barren
Country, & He provided so well, that We have not wanted any thing.
The Disposition of the Army for the Action as well as the Directions
for the Execution were also entirely owing to His R.HS.
We cannot learn what is become of the Pretender's Son. Report
says, he passed by Fort Augustus the Evening of the Action with a
Guard of Eight Men. He was at the Head of the Second Line at the
beginning of the Action, but went off at the first appearance of Dis-
order amongst the Clans. Our Motions from hence will depend upon
the Informations we may receive about the Rebels. By the best account
we have been able to get, the Rebels were above 8000. A Multitude
of Letters which are fallen into our Hands, shew that they have been a
long while in great want of Money.
1746. April 16th. Copy of a letter of certain French Officers,
addressed to Major General Bland and enclosed in the Duke of Cum-
berland's letter of Apl. 18th. — Monsieur, Les Officers et Soldats Francois,
qui sont a Inverness, se rendent Prisonniers de Son Altesse-Royale Mon-
seigneur le Due de Cumberland, et esperent tout ce qu'on doit 'attendre
de la Generosite Angloise. (Signe) Cusak. Murphy. Le Marquis de
Guilles. Dehan. d'O Brien. McDonald.
1746. April 16th. Copy of a Return of Ordnance & Stores taken
at and since the Battle of Culloden. Dated at Inverness and enclosed in
the Duke of Cumberland's letter of April 18th.
1746. April 15th. A List of Prisoners taken in Sutherland on this
date and embarked on board H.M'S Sloop Hound, Capt. Dove Com-
mander : —
The Earl of Cromartry ; Lord McLeod, his son ; Lieut. Col. Kendall,
in the Spanish Service ; Capt. McKenzie, Brother of Ballon ; Capt.
Roderick McCulloch of Glaslick ; Lieut. Roderick McKenzie, Brother to
Keppock ; Lieut. Alexr McKenzie, Brother to Dundonald ; Lieut. Alexr
McKenzie of Cory ; George S* Clair of Gees j Hector Campbell in
Caithness ; Hector McKenzie ; Lieut. James Macrae in the Spanish
Service ; and one hundred and fifty-two Private Men.
1746. April 16th. " A List of the Officers, who (the Rebels them-
selves say) were killed in the Battle." — [These are] Lord Strathallan,
Lord Balmerino, The Duke of Perth (but not certain) ; Colonels : Mac
Lochlin, Chisholm, Macintosh, Frazier, MacDonald of Keppoch,
Cameron of Lochiel, Grant, MacDonald of Glen Ronald; Captains:
MacDonald of Glen Ronald, Nairn, Farquharson of Whitehouse,
Farquharson in Achron ; Ensigns Macintosh and MacDonald of Loch
Garey.
The Rebels themselves think that there are many more of their
principal officers killed, but can not be certain being all in such Con-
fusion, And according to their own Computation They have lost 2500
men killed in the Field of Battle, or in the Pursuit.
1746. April 17th. Copy of the Parole d'Honneur signed by the
French officers in Inverness at this date : —
Nous Soussignez au Service de S. M. T. C, nous reconnoissons
Prisoniers de Guerre de S. M. B<iue • et nous nous engageons Sur nostre
Chakles
Fleetwood-
' WE9T05
Underwood,
Esq.
446
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fxeeiwood
Weston
U5DEBW00P,
ElQ.
in Dillon.
Lieut3 in Dillon.
Parole d'Honneur de ne point Sortir de la Ville d' Inverness, Sans
une Permission de S. A. R. Monseigr le Due de Cumberland. En
Foi de quoi, Nous avons signe ceci, et y avons appose le Cachet
de Nos Armes. Fait au] Quartier General a Inverness, le 17 Avril,
1746.
Stapleton, Brigr des Armees du Roy T. C. et L*-Col! du Reg* de
Berwick.
Jean McDonell, Col1 Reg* Fitz James.
Le Marq8 de Guilles, Capt. de Marine.
Franc. Nugent, Capt. au Reg de Cavalerie de Fitz James, charge
de faire les Fonctions de Marechal de Logis des Troupes
Francoises.
Patrice Nugent, Capt. au Reg Fitz James Cav*.
N. Comerford, Capt. au Reg* de Bulkley.
Cusack, 1 n .
Eich^Bourke,/0^4"
Jean McDonagh,
Michel Burke,
Edwd de Nugent, Capt. in do.
Carbery Fox, Lieu* in do.
Thos McDermott, Capt. au Reg de Rothe[s].
Dudley M'Dermott, 1 u t9 { ,
Peter Taaffe, / ^ eU m a°'
Pierre O'Reily, Lieut in Berwick's.
Rob* Stack, Capt. au Reg* de Lally, etant blesse Murphy a Signee
pour luy.
Richd Murphy, Captn in Lally's.
Miles Swiny, 1
Patrick Sarsfield, > Lieut8 in do.
Jacques Grant, J
Jean O'Bryen, Cap* au Reg de Paris. Milice.
O. Donohou "
Douglas,
Alex. Gordon, Aumonier des Troupes Francoises.
Pierre Colieno, Second Cap* de Vaisseau Espagnol.
Barnaval, Lieu* au Reg* de Fitz James.
Rob*Shee, Vc t„ _ 1
Thc8Bagott, J^apt >do.
Mark Bagott, Aide Major, J
Alex. Geoghegan, Capt. au Reg* de Lally.
D'Andrion, Officier d'Artillerie.
Jean Nugent, Lieu*,
De Cooke, Cornette,
John Dillon, Capit: au Reg* de Dillon.
Thos Scott, volontaire au Reg* de Bulkley.
Dussansay, Ingenier Francois.
D'Hortoux, Capitain, ~
Dicconson, "|
Nairne, >Lieu*s,
Damary, J
ODaniel, Lieu* au Reg* de Bulkeley.
Cha8 Guillme Douglas, Capt. dans Languedoc.
Jean S* Leger, Capt: au Reg* Royal Ecossois.
Eugene O'Keaff, Lieu* au Reg* de Berwick.
Charles Bodin, Officier de l'Artillerie.
Philippe Molloy, Marechal de Logis de Fitz James.
Le Lord Lewis Drummond, Capne au Royal Ecossois.
j Capt.
au Reg* Royal Ecossois.
^JReg*
Cavalrie Fitz James.
►au Reg* Royal Ecossois.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
447
1M6. April 19th.
Inverness.
Return of the Rebel Officers now Prisoners in
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
f Colonel
3 1 do. , ....
1 do
Lord Kilmarnock.
Underwood,
Esq.
Francis Farquharson.
Mac Lachlan.
1 Major
James Stuart.
f Captain
James Farquharson.
| do
Andrew Wood.
5 ^ do
Alex. Coming.
do
Sprewell.
L do
Alex. Buchannan.
1 Lieutenant . . .
George Gordon.
f Ensign
Duncan MacGregor.
3 1 do.
1 do.
James Hay.
1 Engenier
John Finlayson.
1 Chaplain
George Law.
1 Dep*y Paymar
Nairn.
1 Surgeon
George Lowther.
1 do.
John Rothery.
1 Lifeguard
Sr John Wedderburn.
1746. Oct. 28th. Lord Harrington to Lord Sandwich, from White-
hall. [Copy of Despatch.] — I have received since my Last and laid
before the King Tour Lordships Dispatches of the 1st & 4th November
N.S. where in You complain very strongly of my having communicated
to M° Boetslaar here His Majesty's Expedient for keeping up the Con-
ferences, without the actual Admission of Our Allies to Them, at the same
time that I sent it to Your Lordship ; and desire farther Orders from
the King in relation to that Expedient.
To the first Point I can only answer, that it was very natural for me
to impart that Expedient to M° Boetslaar, He being sent hither by the
States expressly as a Minister of Confidence to treat upon those very
affairs, having been in the Secret of this Negotiation from the Beginning,
and receiving constant accounts from the Pensionary of Every thing
that passes in it, and Copys of Every Paper which has any Relation to it.
Neither was it possible for me to foresee that your Lordship would
conceal from the Pensionary the Orders, which You had received.
As to the Second Point, The -only Question seems to be whether We
should agree to go on with France in the Conferences, in case of the
Refusal of Our Allies to agree to His Majesty's Expedient, For the
Expedient itself cannot in the Nature of it take place without their
Consent. And as it was therefore a Thing intended from the first io be
proposed and recommended to their Ministers, which has been very
properly done by Your Lordship, and they have already written for
Instructions from their Courts thereupon, it is his Majesty's Opinion
that we must necessarily wait for their Answers. Neither can the King
apprehend any ill consequence from such a Delay, since, considering
that a Week has already passed since their writing for those New
Instructions, Your Lordship may expect to be apprized of the Sentiments
of the Court of Vienna, at least, (which is the Principal) in a short time
after Your receiving this Letter. And as the Method of Negotiating
proposed by the King, makes no essential Difference with regard to
their Interests, His Majesty thinks it very probable that They will
acquiesce in it, and thereby render it entirely needless to enter into the
Question of what may be fitting to be done in case of their Refusal.
448 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles In General Your Lordship may repeat the assurances so often given
Weston3"0 oi His Majesty's sincere desire not only of continuing the Conferences,
^^Eso000' ^ut °f bringing Them if possible to a happy Issue; and Your Lordship
— ' may be assured that, when the Method of proceeding in Them is
adjusted, You will be furnished with sufficient Instructions upon [the
Points, which will be the Subject of your Negotiation.
1748. Oct. 15th. Bishop Thomas to Edward Weston, from Buckden.
— I told you that I had writ to Hanover. ... In my Letter I enclosed
a few lines to the K[ing] in Case it shoud be thought proper to shew
them. The purport of them was, that as I had the Honour of being
known to him near twenty years, and he had been so gracious to make
me his Chaplain, and to raise me to a very considerable Bishoprick, I
thought I shoud offend If I made Application for more Preferment
without first acquainting him, and knowing his Pleasure, whether it
would be agreeable to his Intentions. That the Bishop of London was
in Extremities, and that I feared he would have a Loss of him, as he
was an able and wise Man, and firmly attached to his Interest. That
he had been some Years Bp of Lincoln and was translated from thence
to London, and as several of my Predecessors had been considered for
their Care of this large Diocess & I hoped under his Keign that I shoud
be likewise, if I behaved well in my Station. But that I had so Deep
a Sense of his particular Goodness to me, that I woud by no means
sollicit any favour of him, but at his own Time, and as he in his great
Wisdom should Judge to be most proper, and best for his Service. . .
P.S. I need not tell you how glad I am of the Bishop of Salisbury
[Sherlock] accepting London.
1753. Dec. 29tb. The same to the same, from London
My sentiments with regard to the Jews are not so favourable as Yours.
I was for granting them all kinds of Franchisements in Relation to Trade
and even Denization, but I was by no Means for Naturalizing them or
incorporating them into our Nation. I did not indeed oppose the Bill,
because I was then extremely Deaf and in no Condition to oppose
nor did I choose to be Singular, but I was in my Heart against it.
One of my Reasons was, because the Preamble of the Act of James I.
to be set aside for their Qualification runs thus. Whereas Naturalization
is an Act of Mear Grace and Favour and it is not thought fit that
any shoud be Naturalized but such as are of the Religion established
Therefore &c and I did not think it reasonable to Remove what
our Forefathers judged to be a Fence to the Constitution in Com-
pliment to the Jews. Another of my Reasons was, that tho' the
Jews have in other countries priviledges and Enfranchisements as
in Holland and France yet I believe there is in No Country a publick
Law for Naturalizing and incorporating them with the Natives of that
Country, nor should we like to have them dispersed as Country Gentle-
men in our Parishes I own I have no Prejudice to Jews
as Jews. I respect them as a living Monument of the Truth of our
Religion and would deprive them of no legal Right or do them the least
Injury but for the Reasons above I am against their being incorporated
or made One people with our selves
1756. July 7th. S. Metcalfe to the same, from the Prince George in
Gibraltar Bay. — We arrived here on Wednesday ye 16th of last Month,
after a Short and pleasant Passage, & was join'd by Adm1 Byng's Squadron
a few Days after. On Thursday last, Admls Hawke & Saunders arriv'd :
to take ye Command here, instead of Byng & West, who are going
home in ye Antelope ; Mr Brodrick is also going to England in ye same
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
449
Ship to receive his Command, he being appointed rear Adm1 of the
White
P.S. We are in Dayly Expectation of ye Adm1 making ye Sig1 to
unmoor, & we hear ye French Fleet (at Toulon) is prepar'd to give us a
very warm Reception. Our Captain's Name is Wheeler, remov'd from
ye Isis.
1761. March 31st. Lord Bute to Andrew Mitchell, envoy at Berlin.
[Rough Draft]. — I am commanded by the king to acquaint you that
your Dispatch to the Earl of Holderness of the — having been laid before
His Majesty, & His Majesty having maturely weighed <fe considered the
whole Contents of the same, & especially that Part wherein you set
forth the King of Prussia's Demand of Nine Millions of Crowns to be
paid him annually by Great Britain to enable him to carry the War
against ys Empress Q. & her Allies, in case of a separate Peace being
concluded between Great Britain, & France, I have by the Kings Order
in conjunction with Mr Pitt, declared to the Prussian Minister residing
here, that notwithstanding his earnest Desire of giving the utmost
Assistance to the K. of Prussia that can with any shew of Reason be
expected, the sum required as above by his Prn M*y is so enormous,
that there is an absolute Impossibility of complying with that Demand,
or indeed with any Thing approaching to it. You are therefore on your
part to hold the same Language upon that subject to the King of
Prussia, but you will take care to express yourself in Terms of the
greatest Cordiality, accompanying your Discourse with Assurances of
His M^'8 constant Affection to that Prince, & of his warmest Wishes
for the Success of his Arms against all his Enemies.
1762. March 29. Minutes of a Cabinet Council at S* James's.
Present. Lord Chancellor. Duke of Bedford. Duke of Devonshire.
Duke of Newcastle. Earl of Hardwicke. Lord Mansfield. Lord
Legonier. Mr G. Grenville. [and the] Earl of Bute.
The Emperour of Russia's Declaration having been considered by
their Lordships, They are all of opinion that a letter ought to be written
to Mr Keith expressing His Majesty's Highest Approbation &ca of the
said Declaration with Assurances of His Majesty's concurrence in doing
every thing in His Power towards bringing His Imperial Majesty's
Pacific Views to a happy End ; & that a Communication should be made
to the Czar of any Measures thought proper to be taken at present
concerning the Court of France.
Their Lordships are also of opinion, that this is a proper time to
make an offer to France of renewing the Negociation with that Power ;
& that the most becoming manner of doing this will be by the Secretary
of State writing a Letter to the Due de Choiseul to be communicated to
Him by Monr de Solar ; The Letter to be formed on the following Heads.
— As the Court of France proposed to enter into a Negociation with
Great Britain last year, offering Terms to be agreed upon between the
two Powers, which from various reasons became infructuous, His
Majesty thinking the present Moment most proper to shew His Modera-
tion & sincere Desire to put an End to the Calamities of War, in a
manner suited to His Dignity, does now on His Part offer to His
M. C. M. to enter iuto a Negociation for the bringing about an Equit-
able Peace between the two Nations, & is willing for that purpose to
send a Minister to the Court of Versailles & to receive one from thence,
not thinking it necessary to specify particular Terms, as His Majesty
is of opinion, that the Method, the most likely to abridge the Length of
the Negociation, will be to fix on the two last Ultimatums, as a proper
e 84067. F f
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq
450
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
U nderwood,
Esq.
Basis, in discussing which each Court may propose the Alterations,
that they shall judge necessary from the different Changes, that may
have happened in their respective Situations.
The Lords approved likewise that an offer of Negotiation & of sending
Ministers to each Court respectively, should also be made to the Court
of Spain ; & that this offer should be by a Letter from the Secretary of
State to the Spanish Minister at Madrid, to be conveyed through the
Hands of the Sardinian Minister residing at that Court; & that
Copies of these several Proposals to the Courts of France & Spain be
communicated respectively to the French & Spanish Ministers.
The Lords are also of opinion, that the Blowing up of the Fortifica-
tions of Bellisle may be postponed & even the Idea desisted from, in
case the French shall give a proper Answer to His Offer.
1763. May 13th. Emanuel Mathias to Lord Halifax, from Ham-
burgh. A letter referring to a petition to the King, that was enclosed
in it, and begging his Lordship to support the petition with his in-
fluence.
1763. June 24. Heads of a Despatch from Lord Halifax to Lord
Buckinghamshire. — That it has been Matter of Great Concern to the
Ministers of the King, that on so great so Essential a Subject to the
Preservation of the Peace of Europe and the naturally-united
Interests of G. Britain & Russia, nothing has hitherto been done rela-
tive Either to ye Treaty of Alliance or Commerce. It was much to be
Wished that Those Interests had been as clearly understood by the Court
of Russia, as they have been by the Court of Great Britain, for in that
Case there would not have been a Delay of An Union so necessary to
both. This Delay has weakn'd the Credit of both Courts; & has
taught other Powers who have very different Views from those of the
Empress & the King, to begin the Practices with certain States in
Europe whom, when ye Joint Courts shall think proper to correspond
politically with upon a joint System, we shall find Embarrassed with
untimely Connections they may have made. The Crown of England
has no Alliance She looks to with that Desire she does to that of
Emperial Crown of Russia, She knows the Consequences to both, as it
respects each other Immediately, and the alliances with other Powers
it may be necessary for them soon to make. — We have by no means
been able to relish or understand the Wisdom of the Court of Russia in
being apprehensive of strictly forming the wish'd for Alliance as soon
as possible alter the Peace. — Nothing has been wanting on our Part to
prove our Sincerity — we have gone as far as it was possible in Every
Proof his Imperial Majesty has been pleased to call for, not only with
Respect to a Successor to the Throne of Poland, when it shall become
Vacant, but on Every other Occasion that hath offer'd. — We begin to
be reflected on Abroad & at Home, that we have not already obtained a
strong Re-union of our Natural Alliances. The Treaty of Alliance &
of Commerce with Russia I look upon as ye beginning of our Founda-
tion, this once laid, we shall know how to act wisely & comformably to
our Joint Interests & for the Maintenance of the Peace of Europe as
occasions may arise, and as our Correspondence may determine right —
but at present ye Empire of Russia & the Kingdom of G. Britain remain
Capita Mortua in European Politicks, and it is unfortunate for both
Nations that they are so. — We are however assurd all shall be set to
rights when ye Court arrives at Petersburgh — Your Lordship will take
Early Care it shall be so, for Count Worrenzow gives me the strongest
assurances of ye best Intentions on the Part of his Court — The Business
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
451
must not be delayd, & in his Majesty's Name I must insist with yr Lord- Ckablks
ship that not one Moment of material Negociation may be lost, & [as] Weston^
you wend from Post to Post let me know Every Step you take. UirD|fJOM)'
1763. Oct. 15th. Minutes by Lord Halifax. — Remarks on the French
& Flanders Mails.
A Letter to be wrote to Sir Horace Man acknowledging ye Receipt of
his Letter, & thanking him for having transmitted ye K[ing] of France's
Letter, & that of Cardinal de Choiseul to the Pope.
A letter to be wrote to Mr Colebrooke thanking him for his civil Ex-
pressions towards me, &c. &c.
As Mr Ch ion says the Differences that had arisen with respect
to ye Visiting of french Ships are entirely ajusted, I think it very
probable that Spain will likewise drop her Pretensions to ye Visiting of
french & English Ships in her Ports.
A letter to be wrote to Mr Murray at Venice to satisfy him that ye
King does not disapprove of his having given Leave to ye English
Consul to go to Holland. — Mr Murray says that ye Court of Spain have
informed ye Venetian Embassador that his Catholick Majesty looks
upon y° Peace that ye Republick has made with ye Algerines as a
Declaration of War against him.
Mr Jamineau to be wrote to, and after returning him Thanks for his
Civil Expressions with Regard to me to be told that Sir James Grey's
absence from London prevents me at present from making any Enquiry
into ye Cause of ye Grievance Mr Jamineau complains of ; but that I
will do it on Sir James's Return from ye Country.
1764. Oct. 10th. Edward Weston to Lord Halifax, from the Gravell
Pits. ' A draft of a long letter in which the writer resigns his post of
Under Secretary of State on the grounds of ill health and infirmity.
4 pp.
The following passage may be quoted from this letter : —
In quitting yr Lps Office I hope you will forgive my presuming to be
an humble Petitioner to you that your laborious and faithf ull Servant
Morin, who has served if I mistake not 23 years, & was an Under
Secretary to Lord Holder ness, & to whom I have paid £25 p Qr ever
since Ld Bute's going into the Treasury, may not be a Sufferer by it,
[i.e. by the writer's retirement], but have it made up to him in some
Shape or other
1764. March 12th. Draft of letter from the same to the same, from
Park Place Sb James's. A letter of compliments acknowledging a
friendly letter from Lord Halifax on the writer's retirement from his
post as Under Secretary. It concludes : — Permit me to finish this with
claiming the only as yet unperformed Promise which has been made me
by yr LdP. Yr Friend, & my Patron the late Ld Granville, in giving me
his Picture, inscribed it upon the Canvas Amicissimo Viro. You will
not I am sure be asham'd of being seen by Posterity in such Company :
Yr Portrait remaining in my Family will be a new Testimony of my
having been honoured with the Esteem of the most highly Esteemed
Character of the Age I lived in, will give Credit to Those who do not
yet exist, & be an Incitement to Diligence, & Fidelity, — Merits by which
I have acquired your Patronage — in those Stations wherein Providence
may place Them.
1764. May 4th. Sir Joseph Yorke to Lord Halifax, from the
Hague. The writer congratulates Lord Halifax on receiving the
F F 2
452 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood Garter, thanks him for interesting himself on his behalf, and solicits a
Weston Continuance of his countenance an d advice.
Undekwood,
_!^' 1764. July 27th. John Fountayne, Dean of York, to his brother in
law Edward Weston, from Hill Street, Berkeley Square. The writer
as Executor of his Aunt Mrs Sherlock, widow of the Bishop of London,
states briefly the contents of that lady's Will, and in a Post Script
dated the next day, adds, — Mrs Sherlock was bury'd this Morning early
at Fulham
1769. Feb. 17th. Lord Hyde to the same. — A friendly letter anti-
cipating a visit from Mr Weston. The writer mentions that his three
boys are at Eton and the girl is at home. He goes on : — As not only
I have not, but nobody has, such strong & precise expressions as your
own, I read to Mr G. [Mr Geo. Grenville ?] your paragraph on him.
He is much pleased with yr good opinion & the continuance of yr
friendship. He has an experience that forbids him to put a high price
on men in general, but that teaches him at the same time duly to esti-
mate those of tried merit. I will only- say that your regard for each
other is reciprocal. Measures he mostly adheres to, & the determination
to do what he thought was legal directed his vote against the expulsion
[of John Wilkes] in an illegal manner. The more lawless a man is the
more attentive a judge should he to preserve even the forms of law.
He bid me tell you that He was agst.the expulsion for the same reason
that Ld M[ansfield] reversed the outlawry Error. An Indictment on
multiplied crimes is not to be found in our Courts : Schoolmasters may
lump faults, judges ought not, for too many reasons for a letter, espe-
cially to you to whom they all occur. Considering his opinion of the
criminal, He gave the strongest proof of his own rectitude, which I
believe is for ever to guide him let who will direct the State. I wish
I and mine may ever be able to do as he did on that day. What will
happen on this, should the Sheriffs make the return of the Election 'at
Brentford yesterday, may be of a decisive nature ; tho' I don't foresee
the end of confusion. The aldermen of London are proceeding legally
towards another expulsion or rather a non admittance. Certainly the
best engine agst Mob is Law. But I can tell you nothing new
Intercepted Correspondence op the Duke op Ormonde, &c,
1736 to 1738, from the Weston Papers. 2 Vols., folio.
These volumes contain copies of a Correspondence which was carried
on by the Duke of Ormonde and other Jacobites, between Oct. 4th
1736 and May 22nd 1738, and which was intercepted in transitu.
Internal evidence seems to show that the letters here preserved were
intercepted and copied by an agent of the British Government before
being forwarded. The agent writes in French and signs himself " Le
Connu '* or " le connu," and from certain peculiarities of his writing
and spelling it would appear probable that he was of Dutch extrac-
tion, or at least that he had been educated in Holland.
I have in vain endeavoured to find out the true name of this Agent
by searching for it in " The Holland Correspondence " amongst the
Foreign Office State Papers at the Record Office, and perhaps it cannot
now be recovered ; but on " Le Connu's " original copy of one of the
intercepted letters which he sent to Edward Weston, viz., that of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
453
Hamilton to Ormonde dated April 30th 1737, there is a slightly
damaged impression of an armorial seal displaying a shield bearing the
following coat : — " Gules, on a Bend Argent three Roses ? — which
possibly affords a clue by which to identify " le connu." This seal also
bears the legend — " ander roos .... eck " — which perhaps if* perfect
would read — ''ander roose deck" — the Dutch equivalent of "sub
rosa." Pap worth's Dictionary of British Armorials ascribes the armo-
rial coat — *' Gules, on Bend Argent three Roses of the first " — to
families of Jay and Russell, and — " Gules on a Bend Argent three
Roses sable " — to Berenden. He also gives the coat — " Sable on a
Bend Argent three roses gules" — to families of the name Roos, or
Rosse, Roose and Rose.
The first of these volumes is entirely in ** Le Connu's" handwriting,
with the exception of an incomplete Alphabetical Key to the cyphered
names of persons and places, which is in a contemporary hand, and with
the exception of a note from Anthony Corbiere at the commencement
of this volume referring to the Key or a similar one.
The second volume of this correspondence is in the handwriting of
Government clerks, and contains duplicate copies of almost all the
letters in the first volume. It also contains official copies of a few
letters which manifestly belong to the same correspondence and were
similarly intercepted, but of which " Le Connu's " original copies have
not been preserved either in this collection or amongst the Foreign
Office Papers now in the Public Record Office. These latter letters I
have throughout distinguished by an (#). Of one letter, viz., that of
Kelly to Hamilton, dated Dec. 11th 1737, there are three copies in
this collection, namely, two official copies besides the original copy in
w Le Connu's " handwriting.
I have not been able in every case to identify the persons who are
indicated by cyphered names, but most of the interpretations suggested
by Edward Weston's interlineations, or given in the prefatory Key,
together with a few others about which there can be little doubt are
here inserted in the text within brackets.
I ought perhaps to mention that I have failed to find in the Record
Office any letters similar to those comprised in the correspondence
which I now proceed to set out in full.f
Anthony Corbiere to Edward Weston. Dated Novr 29th 1737.
I return you the Papers now, for the reason you mention and I keep
your Key 'till I have copied out your Additions, after which I will
send you that too.
I cannot think of any alteration to any one of your interpretations,
unless you would have the person for whom it is designed in N° 91*
to be the Pret[ende]r himself instead of K[in]g Theodore [of Corsica].
Libertua " to Monsr Binet " [Ezeckiel Hamilton]. Dated, in London,
Oct. 11th 1736. — I acknowledge the receipt of ye honr of yours of the
6th, 24th, & 27th. That of ye 6th was of so pressing a Nature that by
the advice of my friends, 1 shew'd it to Mr Vus Brother, and was going
farther to show it to Mr — but was forbad by ye brother.
The whole affaire is in the Brothers hands who has promis'd me a
decisive answer in a fortnight time. According to yr orders, I could
mention no terms, neither will I : but I told him what offers 1 sus-
Ohables
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq,
f These letters have been numbered in various ways by different hands, and as
they have not been bound up consecutively according to any of the numbers on them,
I have disregarded the numbers,
454
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
chakles pended to serve Vus So I have left it to the Brother, what he will doe
FIw^s8to£D *n ** ^ou s^a^ ^e accluamte<* wth as soon as I know myself wth a full
Uxderwood, account of all the steps I have taken assisted by my friends.
A. Williamson "to Mr Binet at Mr Archdeacons at Rotterdam ."
Dated Oct. 13th 1736.— Your favour of ye 5th of Aug : of ye 6th and 15th
of Sept. found me in the Country with our friend whither I retired for
the benefit of ye Air after my very long illness, from wch I thank God
I am pritty well recovered. Your favour also of ye 27th of Sept. and
1st instant found me in town in order to meet at his Request the Squire,
who by the inclosed speaks for himself, he has among others Consulted
me on this occasion and for that purpose gave me a detail of ye whole
affaire and also of some injurious and dishonourable treatment he had
formerly received from others who pretended to honour [him.] I own
to you, I advised him not to stir a step without a Settlement for that
honour was now a days only a word in most peoples mouths but never
practiced, especially by the quality who from their High Stations think
they have a right to impose upon and deceive their inferiors, I related
to him my case, and showed him where one was willing to do me justice,
but had not resolution to insist, or power to have it done, and that the
other who had power was determined that it should not be done at least
by him, and that in a few months, his case might be like mine, and
he have reason to repent his depending on Honour and quiting a
certainty for an Uncertainty.
I waited on Mr Littleton the very next day after his coming to town
from ye Country, but he was so engaged that I could not speak to him
for about Six minutes, he was much hurt therefore about a week hence
he i3 to give me Notice when I must dine with him and over a bottle
remember our friends. You may chance to be one of them.
Your account of Mrs Little Grieves me and those few that knew the
affair, wch begins to take air by the help of Mr Wy's Nephew, I heartily
wish the advice I formerly gave her relating to her conduct, had had its
due weight with her. She then perhaps had not been in the hurry,
you mention. I cannot help condemning from the bottom of my heart,
the mean part acted by Mr Vincent & Mr Atkins [Lords Inverness and
Dunbar] in taking the advantage of Mrs Little ['s] Zeal, assiduity and good
Nature in persuading her to undertake an affair, wch had they openly as
they should attempted, might have been attended with success, whereas
on the Contrery from the Nature of things must in her hands miscarry.
Make it Your own case, would you hearken to ye advice or comply
wth ye Request, of one in a favorite Point, with whom you were at
Variance.
The pictures and snuff box are come safe, I approve of Your fancy
and like them much, I take this opportunity of returning You my
sincere thanks for them, the several enclosed that came are delivered or
forwarded as directed but I have not yet heard one word of or from
Young Drims, his behaviour to me is Unaccountable, he came to town
and leaves it without calling to inquire after the health of a sick friend.
It is on your account only that I am uneasy.
Pursuant to your directions of ye 27th of Septr I waited on Mr Mills, I
read to him that part of your letter that related to him & Anderson, he tells
is a
me that Anderson 393 . 24
him s e
show'd 373 , 194 . 65 .
Do
313
g
73 .
and that
252 . 686 having already
1 f in h is p . r
106 . 57 . 408 . 97 . 391 . 162 . 173
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
455
o p e r . c
144 . 167 . 61 . 177 . 11
o 1 o u r
143 . 105 . 149 . 212 . 172
you r s c he
there is no need of pursuing 801 . 178 . 195 . 13 . 345
club
the 17 . 105 . 216 . 33 where he hardly ever appears from the
S Chables
-, fv/j Fleetwood
• -15*0 Weston
TJndekwood,
me Esq.
476 at
c
ol d recep
t i
14 .
147 . 105 . 45 . 172 . 66 . 11 . 69 . 166
. 181 . 82
0
144
n
. 123 he has lately met Ihere, for it is known why he left
F
ranee c o
m p
55
. 173 . 25 . 122 . 13 . 64 that he has 15 . 142 .
131 . 164
0
u n d e d g o
v e
147
. 217 . 126 . 45 . 68 . 49 with the 71 . 147
. 218 . 67
r
n m e n t ex
p e
172
. 125 . 134 . 66 . 121 . 182 . at the 64 . 222
. 163 . 68
n
c e up
h is
128
. 19 . 67 of others as is believed and Given 214 . 163
. 95 . 391
P
ape r T s "1 s e
. 27 . 161 . 68 . 172 [_195j to their 196 . 67 .
r v
169
174 . 217
|
c e d
r o
85 .
18 . 61 for these reasons he thinks it is best to 46 .
175 . 147
P
that part s c
he me
162
. 686 . 167 . 28 , 174 . 196 of your 194 . 17 .
u n s a f e for him
344 . 475
as very 215 . 128 . 196 . 29 . 56 . 63 . 321 . 373
to practice
v i 1 1 a in
on such a 219 . 86 . 101 . 109 . 24 . 401 so that it
remains for
that
you maturely to consider the further Uses You would make of 686
letter
106 . 64 . 182 . 189 . 69 . 172 but I must first Observe to You
that Mr Piggot having made Use of Mr Rochefort to convey it to
Anderson his Sentiments and Directions Anderson no doubt must be
too well acquainted and intimate with Eochefort, how he has disposed
of that Gentleman or how he may influence him, You may imagine from
the knowledge You may have of him.
m a k
I insist that you 130 . 24 . Ill
e a n o the r
61 . 29 . 124 . 141 . 645 . 172 .
Cypher quit
Ratroy 151 . 213 . 86 . 184
e d i f f e
64 . 44 . 82 . 51 . 57 . 63 .
rent from
176 . 67 . 128 . 187 . 336
the go v
647 rest for the 74 . 147 . 215
e r n m e
. 65 . 176 . 126 . 132 . 67
n t a 1 a r
125 . 182 is 26 . 105 . 29 . 172
m e d have
. 135 . 67 . 48 and now 354
a 1 e t t e
29 . 106 . 62 . 181 . 189 . 68
r in t
. 172 . wch has been 406 . 185
456
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Undeewood,
Ecq.
creep t e
61 . 175 . 19 . 67 . 164 . 186 . 65 .
d
47 .
before
them there-
you r n ex
fore let 999 . 179 . 121 . 64 . 223 .
t
185
1
. 109
e t
. 62 . 186
t e r dire
189 . 67 . 172 be 47 . 88 . 174 . 61
c
. 15
t
. 186
e d
. 66 . 43
to Hawk s
707 Mr 91 . 24 . 202 . 112 . 193 .
w
206 .
o
147 .
r t
174 . 187
h at S t r a
99 . 282 Mr G. 198 . 189 . 178 . 27
h
. 92
a
. 29
n *fl
. 129 . 196
You cannot but know the rest : let me know what agreement You make
it must
with ye person that delivers it, and it shall be paid for 424 . 494
not c o me b y the p o s
555
16
146
476 . 31 . 242 . 647
164
146
194
t
189. My Compliments waits on my Good Land Lord. [This letter
and the preceding one are endorsed " from Le Connu, received Novr
1st."]
Duplicate of a letter from Le Connu to Mr George Tilson at Han-
over. Dated 16th Octr 1736. [Received at the Foreign Office, Octr 9th
O.S.]
II n'y a plus a douter ou les Gens du Pretendant forment des
esperances ; le mesme Agent Ecossois (dont le Norn ne me revient pas
en Memoire) qui a ete ici lore des derniers attentats dans le dernier
Regne du Roy George ler de Glorieuse Memoire est revenu ici . et se
signe G. Binet come le remarqueres par cette lettre dont le Nom Mon
sieur Neville est aussi suppose : II faut aussi que je Vous dise que bien
des Gens du Ministere en ce pays sont come persuades qu'il y a bien des
choses cachees Sous ce qui est arrive a Edimbourg et que cette affaire a
ette conduite en cachet par des seigneurs atf'ectionnes au Pretendant, et
qui prennent cette occasion du Grand Mecontentment de la populace
Angloise contre le bill de Genevre : Avec cella la mauvais sang de la
Cour d'Espagne contre l'Angleterre, cella les fait craindre que cella se
conduit ensemble pour embarasser le Roy et son Ministere.
Je me fie Monsieur a la secrettesse de cette ma Correspondance, et
que mon caractere ou ecriture ne se voie, car Vous juges asse de la
consequence et de ce que je risque.
P.S. Le Nom estoit Walkinshaw ou a peu pres tel il m'est revenu
en Memoire.
G. Binet [Hamilton] to Monsr Neville, [the Duke of Ormonde,]
under cover addressed to Monsr Waters Banker at Paris. Dated, at
Ley den, Octr 13th 1736.
I received the honour of your Grace's most obliging letters of ye 21
& 24 of last month, since I came to this place and I beg leave so return
my most humble thanks to your Grace for them.
Mr Berkeley who designed to have paid his duty to Your Grace
received a letter from his father whilst he was at Spa, allowing him to
go to Itally, and the Season of the year being advanced He took the
shortest road through the Tyrol : He proposes on his return from Itally
to have the honour of waiting on your Grace.
A few days before I came from Bois le due a person who pretended
to be a Pce of Mount Libanus and had travell'd over all Italy and France
Esq.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 457
and under the pretence of recovering his Territory had rais'd con- Charles
tribution in Holland as he had done in other places was seized at Bois Fwbston>D
le due all his Certificates were proved to have been forged and he was Underwood,
executed, for forgery is death by the Laws of this Country. MrUrghart
whom I met with at Rotterdam desired me to offer his Most humble
duty to Your Grace.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu, Dated Octr 26th 1736. — Voici
la suite de la Correspondance de la personne du Pretendant Venu icy
qui ne se trouve pas estre Walkinshaw, mais un Hamilton qui a
demeure a Rotterdam pendant que feu Sa Majeste le Roy George I
Viyoit; II est aise a remarquer Quils Designe Sa Majeste par le Norn
d'Arbuthnot : et Vostre Excellence ne manquera pas de decouvrir Qui
est Mr Nevill, Si cest le Pretendant mesme ou son Agent a Paris ; Par
ce quil dit the unreasonable demands of Mr. Arbuthnot on Your
Grace.
II taut Quil y ait encore quelqu'un en ce pays sous le Nom de Niket
qui a envoy© a Mr Nevill la lettre que Sa Majte a ecritte aux Etats
Generaux en faveur du Prince d'Orange.
Avec le temps on pourra decouvrir quelque chose de plus.
From the Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Oct 4th 1736.
[Signed *' Nevill," and enclosed iu the last. Le Connu's copy begins
with the following note. " Cette lettre a ete adresse a Rotterdam a Mr
Archdeacon, et outre cette adresse la il y avoit deux Couvertes dont
PUn avoit l'adresse a Mr Binet & L'autre a Mr Hamilton."]
I have received Your last and hope in God others are quite
recovered.
I am sorry Mr Lulnney [Mr Pultney] has been affronted. I don't
seen [know] if you will see Mr Niket, he sent me a letter from Mr
Arbuthnot entelling [containing] his demands : I fancy Mr Niket may
not be atromper [of a temper] to the purpose of ye latter being a friend
of his, let me hear certainly [constantly] from you.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden,
Oct. 24th 1736. [Addressed to Mr Nevill under cover to Mr Walters,
Senior, Banker at Paris, and signed G. Bennett. Enclosed with the
last two letters.]
I this morning received the honour of Your Graces letter of the
fourth instant and take the first opportunity of returning My most
humble thanks to your Grace for it.
I saw Mr Urqhart at Rotterdam and in this City but he is now at
the Hague and designs to sett out in a few days for London. I once
occasionally mentioned to him the unreasonable demands of Mr
Arbuthnot on Your Grace, but the subject appeared to be new to him,
at least he made me no answer on that head.
Your Grace has seen the Ellectors letter Concerning the Pretensions
of his Son in Law to the Marquisats of Terveer & Flishing : I hear
that the answer to it Will not please the Ellector and that Zeland will
Not agree to give the Prince possession of them, He has been offer' d
a hundred thousand Rix dolders as an equivalent, And that sum is
deposited for that purpose in the Bank of Amsterdam.
The weather has been bad here for some days past, excessive rains,
and thick fogs, but the frosts are expected soon which are the most
wholesome time of the year.
My Lord Lee's eldest son had an unlucky accident lately here, His
arm was dislocated Dy a fall out of a Chaise but he is soe well recovered
as to be able to go to Paris.
458
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated Ocr,r 30th 1736.
[Received at the Foreign Office Oct 22nd O.S.]
Voici encore Une piece qui est Une lettre a Ezekiel Hamilton, ce ne
Sont encore que des lettres que Hamilton a ecrites ou de Spa ou de
Liege, auquelles L. Neville reponed ; et il semble Quil S'est informe a
Liege par rapport a des Armes & Munitions, mais que rien ne peut
sortir du pays qu'avec la Conoissance du Chapitre. Lamke [Lambe ?]
sera le Nom Suppose de quelque Agent du Pretendant en Espagne :
[The Earl Marischal ?.]
II y a bien apparence lorsque Neville scaura la bonne arrivee de
Hamilton en cette Ville Qu'on Voira plus clair en cette Correspondance
et dont je ne manqueray point d'en faire Un du rapport et montre
a Vostre Excellence avec combien de Zele j'observerais le service du
Boy.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Oct 15th 1736. [Ad-
dressed to Ezekiel Hamilton and signed L. Neville. " In Le Connu's
of Oct. 30th"].
I have the favour of three of yours of the 24th Septr 28th Septr and
second of this month.
I am glad that you are as well as to have begun your journey.
I am heartily sorry for the death of Hooker Olusht [Dr Clerk, M.P.
for Oxford]. I hope Mr Bromly will be chosen in his place.
I am sorry Jordaen does not come in this Country And the Duke
of Queensborough is indisposed but glad that there is no danger.
I scaned the paper that mentions the submission that the Liege
Munitions [Musicians] were oblig'd to make by order of the Chapter :
this will I hope find You safe and in good health at Leiden Where I
hope to hear often from You, You will be quiet and safe there.
I am Oblig'd to Lady Tenores [Ferrers] for the honour she does
me.
I shall be glad to have the honour to see the two ladys you mention.
Ld Digby was my particular friend.
I gave your letter to M^de Lement he is a Very worthy Gentleman
and much your friend.
I have not heard from Lamke since he left Barcelona.
The same to the same. Dated Novr 7th 1736. [Signed " Nevil," and
addressed to G. Bennett.]
I have yours of the 24th Octr. I see all myn comes Safe to you.
I fancy Mr Urqhart must have known something of the letter he
sent me though he wonders on it.
I am glad Lord Lee's son is recovered.
I have not seen the letter you mention it has not been encovered as
expected. I suppose it will be on the publick letters.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Novr
21st 1736. [Addressed to Mr Nevil, and signed G. Bennett.]
I humbly beg leave to return my most humble thanks to your Grace
for Your Graces letter of the 2d of this month. It is the Greatest
Honour and Satisfaction I can possibly have in my retirement to hear of
your Graces health and to receive Your Graces Comands.
I now begin to relish the Place I am in, and to make a Good Use of
the Leisure I enjoy. I find that my coming hither has Given an Alarm
to Morpeth Lumnsdens brother in Law : He is very desirous to discover
the Motives of my Journey, as I conjecture of some Questions that have
been ask'd of me And Artfully Cover'd as if there were no design in
them.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 459
I am glad that the young Ladies are at the End of their journey, the Fleetwood
Eldest only went to the South of France on account of her health, for Weston
the younger Miss Fanny had a Strong Constitution, she was reckon'd Uwi>|bJ001>'
to be the best Walker and the best dancer of all the Ladies in Spa, and —
was much respected by every body for her good quality.
There is no account of the Princess of Orange delivery. I had the
honour to inform Your Grace that it is now doubted wether she be with
Child, a Violent Whig who was lately at ye Hague spoke of it here with
the greatest Concern.
By what I can find the Prince will never succeed in his Pretensions
to Flissing and Terveer : I long extreamly to hear of Mr Kellys
safety.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated Novr 2nd 1736.
Je suis infiniment Oblige a Vostre Excellence de m'avoir fait
Avertir par Mr Weston, avoir recu ce que javois pris la liberte de
Vous envoyer. Voici ce qui s'est presente depuis ma derniere de
Mardi dernier ; Mais au moment du depart de la presente il me tombe
en Main encore Un paquefc pour le Comte Marschall a Madrid Avec
Une lettre dedans pour Mr Aitkins qui est Au dit Comte Marschal
venante d'Ecosse, mais Que je ne puis examiner Qu'apres le depart de
la presente ; Ainsy j'en relatteray le contend a Vostre Excellence
Mardy prochain.
Hamilton to Captain John Urquart at Rotterdam, under cover to
" Mr Andrews under the Boomjes at Rotterdam." Dated Octr 318t
1736. [Signed E.H. This and the next letter were enclosed in the last,
and were received at the Foreign Office Octr 25th O.S.]
I wish you a good Voiage and journey and you cannot send me more
agreable News than of your safe arrival. I send the letters I design'd
to have troubled You with by a Gentleman who left this Town on
Sunday Morning, but if you can have a leisure Evening, I wish you
would call at the Rainbow Coffeehouse, when you'l meet with Mr Walter
Price, Mr Child, Mr Drapier, Mr Waikburn and some more of our
brethren who frequent that house, they are gentlemen of great worth
and You will be pleas'd with them, and I beg you to assure them of my
respects, I am extremely pleased with my Residence here, I have an
entire Comand of my time, and I am determin'd to make the best use
I can of it.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Novr 1st
1736. [Addressed to Mr Neville, and signed G. Bennett. Received at
the Foreign Office from Le Connu Oct. 25th O.S.]
I received by last post the honour of your Grace of the 15th of this
month, and nothing can give me greater pleasure and satisfaction in my
retirement here, or at any time than to hear of your Graces Welfare
wch I daily and earnestly pray for.
This is the Quietest and the Cleanest Town I ever lived in there is a
Great Concours of Students from al parts even from Muscovy, w°h the
great fame of Doctor Boerhave professor in Physick draws hither and
there is also a good Accademi for such young Gentlemen as desire to
ride and Fence wch is a thing I have often heard Your Grace observe
was wanting in the Universities at home, wch Will I hope some time or
other be regulated to prevent so many young Gentlemen Going to
Genever and Lausanne where they are often bred up in such Principles
as are not agreable to our Constitution.
The Yatches are not yet arrived at Hellevoetsluys the Ellector will
not See His daughter tor she expects to lye in about ye time of his
4(50 HISTOKICAL, MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles Return and tis taken for Granted that he will Not sro to ye Hasrue to
Fleetwood aaCk h ° J c
Weston see nei •
UNDEsW,>0I)' * am extremel7 Obliged of ye Marquis de Como for the honour of his
— " Remembrance, If I can meet wth any new Curious book here that I
think Will be agreable to him I will lake the liberty to send it to him.
From Cuningham to Hamilton. Dated Nov1' 5th 1736. [Unsigned,
and addressed to Timothy Bennet.]
Your favour of the 9th instant came to hand and I immediately own'd
my mistake to Mr Mills, to whom I had comunicated it and show'd
him Your letter, and I also mention'd it to another who I hope You will
some time hence see, I cannot see him at present but I shall sett him
right ; what led me into the mistake, was, your dating Your letter from
that persons house and Your writing that you had wrote such a letter
to Mr Ash, made me conclude that it was at their instigation, I com-
unicated this affaire but to those two, and by owning My mistake to
them hope it will not go further, I have not had one line from Mr
Bernard since I had the pleasure of seeing You : I assure you I was
told by a Gentleman that you design'd going to Huntingdon & he quoted
Mr Wys Nephew for it.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated Novr 6th 1736 [Received
Octr 30th O.S.] — Voici Copie de ce qui metoit tombe en main Vendredi
passe au depart de la poste : II ne S'est rien autre presente du depuis :
J'aurai tous les soins possibles pour decouvrir autant quil sera en in on
pouvoir de cette sorte de Correspondance il puroit pourtant que les
esprits de leur sorte a quelque chose sil venoit quelque incident Qui
fit revivre la Guerre et qu'en ce Cas ils se flatrent peut estre avec
TEspagne et la France.
P.S. Voci encore Une Copie de E.H. : pour Span.
From Hamilton to Alexander Hay at Spa. Dated, at Ley den >
November 6th 1736. [Signed E.H. Enclosed in the last.]
You'l excuse me for not acknowledging sooner Your Obliging letter
of ye 3 & 4th of last month With several inclosed : I met my friend Mr
Urq[uhart] at Rotterd he proposes to set out for Schotland the latter end
of this Week. If Mr Dicconson be still at Spau my respects to him and
his family. I can hear no account of yr friend Bp St[rickland] : he
was not in this Town, by what I can find he has taken another Course.
If you have received any letters pray forward them to Rotterd : to Mr.
Andrews. I am pursuaded due Care is taken of my Chaise. My most
humble service to Mrs Hay.
From Hamilton " A son Excellence Le Comte Marschall & General
des Armees de Sa Mte : Cath : chez Mr Patric Joyce banquier a
Madrid." Dated, at Leyden, Octr 31st 1736. [Signed G.B.]
I have not had the honour of hearing from Your Lordship since You
left Avignon, My Lord Duke was pleas'd to inform me of your safe
arrival at Barcelona, I had the Honour to write to your Lordship about
ye Middle of August and also in September.
I have been in this Town near three Weeks and hitherto I am pleas'd
with it, I have as much leisure as I desire to have, and I have some
agreable Company ; I sometimes meet with Travellers who give me an
account of the Current JNews at home, the fame of Boerhave draws
many persons hither and I believe the Pars Grobile [the Jacobite Party]
will wash that I had remained in Paris, since I had the honour to see
Your Lordship I have not met with one person who does not detest
them, and who does not Wish them in Lapland or even a more disagre-
able Place. I had the pleasure of seeing Mr Urqhart several times he
is Very sincerely Your Lordship's humble servant, the Duke of Gordon
HlSTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 461
is at Utrecht but I hear he proposes to come next Spring to this place, Charles^
I wish he may come by what I can find he has good dispositions tho' Weston
all possible pains is taken to pervert him. Underwood,
The inclosed was sent to me by a friend in London to be forwarded — '
to Mr Atkins 1 know not who writes it. I had the honour of drinking
Your Lordships health With Mr Andrews and Mr Andrew Forbes
at Rotterdam. If your Lordship should have any Comands for me if
they are directed for me by my own name at Mr Andrews house
Merchant on the Boombjes at Rotterdam they will come safe to me. I
hope Dr Sfc Iago [the Pretender] was well When Your Lordship heard
from him.
To the Earl Marshal, from Elizabeth Semple. [Undated, " This letter
was from Scotland. The cover was to Mr Aitkins and the letter in it
To the Rl HonWe Earl Mairshall."] May it please your Lordship —
I humbly beg leave to represent our suffering case to your Lordship.
M1' Semple being now in the North of Schotland at ye Slains & I
being advised this is a time to endeavour to procure some redress from
the Court of Spain.
I beg your Lordship Will pardon this trouble and further begg if
Your Lordship can make interest in our behalf that we might have
our effects restored, and as the South Sea Company pays a Considerable
sum of money to Spain that we might by that means find some redress :
We have been long sufferers and as your Lordship as always had com-
passion on the distres'd, and Mr Semple having had the honour to be
so long known to your Lordship gave me the assurance to apply to
your Lordship.
(P.S.) Wee have made interest to ye Ambasadrice of Spain as also
to ye Dutchess of Wharton who will use their interest in our behalf
wch wth Your Lordships We hope for some redress.
" Ce papier qui suit fut avec cette lettre."
May it please your Lordship — The effects of Mr James Trollope Canary
Merchant, to the Value of near thirty thousand Pound being attak't at
the breaking out of ye War with Spain, application being made to her
late Majesty Queen Ann, Special Articles were incerted in the Treaty
of Peace in behalf of Peter Menshull Esqr and his sisters joint, &c. &c.
of the said Trollope, and were put in the possession of some part of the
effects, but upon breaking out of ye warr in the late Kings Reign were
again attack't : but upon his late Majestys most Gracious letters Were
again putt into possession of some small pairt of the said James Trollops
effects in the Canarys : but stop being put to proceedings by those con-
cerned, by appealing to the Warr office at Madrid We cannot obtain an
order from the Court of Spain that the Kings fiscal or remembrancer
in the Canarys may bring our affairs to a finall determination and remit
it to the Councell of Warr.
As also His Catholick Majesty according to Articles of Peace Will
in his Clemency refund what was received into His Royal Treasury :
The reprisal made 1702 as also a debt owing by King Charles the II. to
the deceased James Trollope of one hundred thousand Pieces of eight
We beg your Lordship Will of your Goodness Use your interest to
obtain us some relief as your Lordship in your Great Wisdom shall
think fit And we shall always be bound to pray for Your Lordship.
Our claim is to be found Registered in the Warr office at Madrid.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated Novr 9th 1736. [Re-
ceived November 1st O.S.]
Je n'ay rien autre a observer, sinon que la premiere lettre sans estre
cachettee a ete dans la seconde et que la Superscription a ete de la main
462 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles de la Seconde lettre : peutestre qu'on Voira clair dans le chiffre lorsque
^WesJon1* Hamilton ecrira le contenu a Nevill, ce Nevill est Peutestre le Due
Undeewoo d'Orraond a Avignon dont quelques Gazettes font mention.
~ P.S. II paroistque la lettre signe Williamson estce Henry Cuningham
a qui Hamilton repond come Vostre Excellence Voira par l'incluse.
Hamilton "to Mr Henry Cuningham, at Mrs Beanes in Warwick
Court Holborn." Dated Novr 9th 1736. [Unsigned ; enclosed in the
last.]
I this moment received yours of yc 13th October & that the post is
going out I would not lose a moment in Setting you right as to one
part of your letter which I own Surprized and exceedingly vext me,
that is where you seem to blame Vincent & Atkins conduct towards
Little [me], for I cannot recollect any one expression in any of my
letters that coul'd give the least occasion to such a mistake for Little
tels me that he has [i.e. I have] all possible esteem for them, he looks
[I look] upon them as his [my] sincere Zealous friends & he says he
knows [i.e. I know] they are so, & therefore it Never enter' d into his
[my] head to blame them in any particular: as to the letter Little
writt [I wrote] to Mrs Carr [the Pretender] Soon after he left Finglas
[Paris] he writ [I wrote] it before he [[] saw Mr Vincent or Mr
Atkins, and Consequently they neither had nor could have any hand
in pursuading Little [me] to do any Such thing. If this mistake of my
sense or meaning should also take Aire and be believed it would do
Little [me] a prejudice, & provoke & justly too Vincent & Atkins,
tis true Little [I] shew'd a Copy of that letter to those Gentlemen,
but that was some weeks after it was writ & sent. If any other per-
sons have fal'n into the same mistake Which is intimated in yours pray
Undeceive them Without loss of time for a Story of this Nature
Woul'd be acceptable News to Piggott, & why should Little [I] or any
other of his [my] friends do a thing that woul'd be so verry agreable to
him. How Wys Nephew shoul'd come to know any thing of Littles
[my] Concerns I know not, I am sure it did not come from Little [me] :
His [My] tenderness for Mrs Cope [the Pretender] lest it shoul'd do
her a disservice was the reason of his [my] concealing the motives of
his [my] going to Huntingdon [Holland] except from his [my] most
intimate Friends, my Service to the Squire & Mr Mill I will soon
write to the Squire & more fully to you. I am satisfy'd with Mills
objections to my former Proposal.
From Hamilton " to the R* HonWe the Lady Elizabeth Caryll Pro-
tectrice of the most Noble order of Tobosco." Dated, at Leyden,
November 15th 1736. [Signed E. Hamilton.]
If I had received the honour of your Ladyships letter in due time
I wou'd have sooner done my Self the honour to have return'd my
most humble thanks for it And I should be a Very Unworthy Knight
If I were not thoroughly sensible of your Ladyships Condescension in
taking the least Notice of one who values himself on nothing More
than the Honour of being Under "Your Ladyships Protection : I shall
endeavour to deserve the continuance of it by the most duty full
respects to your Ladyship and by my Constant readiness to Obey your
Comands.
Your Ladyships Brother My Lord Sempill & Mr Sempill Will do a
particular Honour to the most Nobel order by the acceptance of the Stalls
in it ; If their merits were not Universally known Your Ladyships aproba-
tion of them would give them a sufficient Title : I beg Your Ladyship to
assure your fair Sister of my most humble respect.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
463
From Hamilton " to My Lord Sempill dans d'Etrapa de fauxbourg
S* Jacques a Paris." Dated, at Leyden, Nov 15th 1736.
If I had received the honour of Your Lordships in due time I woul'd
sooner have acknowledged it. I had left Spa before it came to that
place and it was forwarded to me here : the fair Protectrice will have
reason to tax me with want of duty and respect but I beg Your Lord-
ship to give her the inclosed And to make my excuse to her in a better
manner than I can doe for my Self.
I have seen Mr Urqhart several times he waited for his baggage from
Rouen wch arrived only two days ago and he proposes to Sett out the
latter end of this Week from Rotterdam for London.
I find from the English Prints that Mr Kelly has made his Escape
from the Tower, I long impatiently to hear of his safe arrival on this
side of the Water for if he shoul'd be taken He will probably be made a
sacrifice.
I am much Obliged to your Lordship for the account of In ... s
return, His journey did infinite Mischief and his return was the only
Remedy left to stop if possible peoples Mouths.
I propose to remain here for sometime I wanted a little retirement
And I could not have chose a better Place for that purpose than this, I
have not heard from [the] L[ord] M[arischal] for some time : If Your
Lordship has any Comands for me they may be directed chez Mr Andrews
Banquier sur le boomties a Rotterdam : he is a honest Man and a friend
of Mr Urqhart, My most humble respects to My Lady, Miss Sempill &
the Abbe.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Novr
15th 1736. [Addressed to Mr Neavill, and signed G. Bennett.]
1 had the honour to write to your Grace about a fortnight ago, and
tho I have nothing to justify My Giving your Grace the trouble of
another letter at present ; I cannot denny Myself the satisfaction of
sometimes paying my duty to your Grace. I was Yesterday extremely
pleased to find in the Newspapers that Mr Kelly has made his Escape :
I hope in God he will get safe out of the hands of those whose tender
mercys are cruel and I long impatiently to hear that he is safe on this
side of ye Water.
It begins to be wisper'd here that ye Princess of Orange is Not with
Child, the time being elaps'd that was named for her delivery, and this
seems to be Confirmed by her Coming incognito to this Town two days
ago to Consult Doctor Boerhave the famous Physician. The Duke of
Richmond attended her, and to Conceal her journey she came in a hired
coach and the Duke sat on her Right hand.
I had the honour to inform Your Grace that the Answer to ye Ellec-
tors Letter referrs' him to ye Estates of Zeeland the Ellector has since
Writ a stronger Letter on the same subject, but in all probability an
answer to ye same purpose will be returned to him, that demand Will
never be Comply'd With for it is look'tupon as a step to one of a Higher
Kind.
[The last three letters were sent to England by Le Connu on Novem-
ber 16th.]
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
To Hamilton from Captain John Urquhart. Dated at Rotterdam
Novr 16th 1736. [Addressed to Ezekiel Hamilton.]
Our bagage was taken ashore yesterday without any damage, I pre-
sume you will have yours today You have nothing to pay Mr Andrews
on account of any Charges that has been on them. I received Your
obliging letter for Mr Drapier & shall carefully deliver the one I got
464
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Uwdeewood,
last from You. I am Going to pack up my Cloakbag for my Voyage.
My two Young Kinsmen send You their due Compliments.
To the same from — Andrews. Rotterdam Novr 16th 1736. [Un-
addressed, and signed " Andrews."]
Mr Urquhart is Gone from hence this afternoon for the Paquet he
left the inclosed for you.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Novr 2nd 1736. [Ad-
dressed " To Ezekiel Hamilton," and signed " L. Nevil."]
I have yours of the 1 3th Oct. : all yours are come safe to me. I
believe you have met my letters time enough to have spoken to
Mr Niskett. I thank him for his compliments : This morning 1 saw
my Lord Migbuies [? Digby's] Daughter wth Sr John Holbin and they
stay'd about three hours and went on their Way to Aix, where they will
stay the Winter, the two Ladys seem Not to have good health, I wish
that air may do them good :
The poor Pretended Prince [of Lebanon] has paid dear for his
forgery :
I am sorry I shall not see Mr Berkley as he designed let me hear
Constantly from You.
Dated Novr 18th 1736. [Unaddresscd,
I am very glad that you are so
Prom the same to the same,
and signed " L. Nevill."]
I have yours of the first Cou rant-
well pleased with Your Residence.
I wish our Universities would take example by Leiden concerning an
Academy wch as You remember I have often proposed.
1 have no News to send You only that it is said Mr Patinho died
the 3d.
Le Connu to Edward Weston. Dated, at Levden, Novr 27th 1736.
[Received Nov. 19th. O.S.]
En reponse de l'honneur de Vostre lettre du 9e J'ay celluy de Vous
remercier pour Favis que S. Exce My Lord H[arrington] a receu les
miennes, et pour Vous dire que j'ay envoy e les mesmes Copies a
M1
pour
Tilson a Hannovre regulierement.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Nov1'
29th 1736. [Addressed to Mr Neville and signed G. Bennett.]
Since I had the honour to write to your Grace, I received Your Graces
most Obliging letter of the 7th and I am extremely Sensible of your
Graces Goodness in thinking of a faithfull tho' useless Servant of your
Grace.
I have not been able to gett a Copy of the Answer to the E Hector's
letter, and I am the more concern'd for it because it Will not be inserted
in any of the Gazets of this Country, for it is an Establisht rule here
not to allow anything to be printed while the affair is in Agitation nor
untill it is finally Concluded: And as this Answer only referrs the
Ellector to the Province of Zeland Whoes chief interest is not to Grant
the request it is lookt upon to be equivalent to a flat Denyal.
One of the last English papers mentions a report that Mr Kelly was
taken in Portsmouth, but I am sure that it is a Groundless one, and I
presume to mention this to your Grace, lest it should gett into the French
Prints and Give an uneasiness to your Grace, Since the date of that
News paper I received a letter from a friend [Sir Redmond Everard]
of Mr Kelly Who Gave me a Hint only that he was safe, and I believe
his Chief reason of doing it was lest that news paper should allarm me.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
465
For some days past there have been hiirh Winds which have done
Considerable damage: Two English ships were lost near Oatwych and
-an English sloop bound from Rotterdam to London.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated Decr 4th 1736, [Received
Nov* 29th O.S.]
Voici les pieces qui Se present a present. Le monde reflechit beau-
coup que la Mort de Mon** de Boetselaer arrive ainsi a Dire a l'instant
que S. A. Royalle Madame la Princesse d'Orauge entre en travail
d'Enfant : Les Voeux de trois contre Un sent qu'Elle mette Au monde
tin Prince ; Dieu le Veuille pour le bonheur de la Republiqne et pour
le soutient du Protestantisme.
Sir Redmond Everard to Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Decr 4th
1736. [Unsigned, and addressed "a Mr le Chevr Everhard a Chatou
pres de Nanterre."]
I received the favour of two of yours of the 7th and 25th of Nov :
the first came to my hands 22 days after the date of it tho all my letters
from Paris & other parts come regularly to me soe that the mistake must
probably happen in Your parts, And I therefore beg You to take care
for the future whom You employ in putting Your letters into the Post-
house, when I was at Span you said You had Writt a letter to me wch
I never received And as that is the only letter that has miscarried since
I saw you, tis therefore probable that the miscarriage Was in Your parts
and not at Spa.
I am extremely Glad to hear that Johnston [Kelly] is safe, Yours
gave me the first account of it ; If he had been caught he Would
probably have been Used with Great Severity, surely he took care to
qualify him self [i.e. to provide himself with money] before he left Lon-
don. If he did not that deffect cannot possible be supply'd abroad. I
wonder he did not see you en passant, but I hope that he is thoroughly
Qualify ed that he may be of Use to M1' Le Noir [the Pretender]. As
to the other things You mention concerning him : they will have but
little weight, for if no body scrupuled to converse with him at home,
why should they be afraid to do it abroad : He us'd sometimes to dine
with large Companys, and he was allowed to walk, in publick places and
as to his hand being known I suppose he will not write as Mr D
us'd to do & I am sure that Mr B's is as well known as his.
You suppose that 1 hear sometimes from Bin[giey], the last letter I
had from him Was about three months ago wch I answered : I have often
the honour of hearing from Mr Neville [the Duke of Ormonde] — I had
a letter from my Nephew the day I left Spa, I have not since heard
from him.
The Captains [the Kings] Politicks in Church and State are very
Extra Ordinary and I question whether they will turn to account in any
respect.
I am Unwilling to write to you freely on one Article of your letter for
1 have strictly follow'd the rule I laid down not to mention the true
reason of my leaving the Neighbourhood of Mr Fettiplace [i.e. Paris] :
I had good grounds for what I did, and tho I know that Morpeth
&c [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] are dispis'd yet tis good to be sure,
especially in a case of Great importance to me and if any accident had
happen'd it would have been Very indifferent Comfort to me that My
friends were mistaken and did Not imagine that such a thing coul'd
possibly have been eompast ; I like my present situation to well to
change it for a doubtfull and Uncertain, 1 have the free Cornand of
my time wch I have long desired, and when ye season of the year allows
O 84067. G G
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
466
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chablbs
FlBBTWOOD
Weston
vwdebwood,
Esq.
it I can amuse myself by seeing several parts of the Neighbourhood. I
am particularly pleas'd with one circumstance of my being here that
Morpeth &c [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] Will be griev'd to find that
I am in this place because I see more of my friends & I have a freer
comunication with them than I could have eeven in Your Neighbourhood,,
and in this one respect I shall disappoint several of their wicked
purposes.
I am sorry I did not see Dr Ki[ng] tho if I had seen him I should not
have given him the darkest hint of what [I] had reason to fear from the
two brethren [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] because of the Consequence
of it to Isham [the Pretender], <fc therefore I am sure You said Nothing
on that head : I suppose he gave You a particular Account of the State
of your friends. — You say nothing of the In 's return tho' I hear he
is at his old Residence, I suppose the Captain sometimes sees you : did
he excuse his Visit [to Court] on the [King's] birthday. The most
remarkable news here is the death of the Grand Pensionary. He is much
lamented for he Was esteem'd to be a Gentleman of great probity. My
respects to Madame &c.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Dec 3rd
1736. [Signed G. Bennet, and addressed to Mr. Nevil.]
I beg leave to return my Most humble thanks to your Grace for the
honour of your Graces Most Obliging letter of the 18th of November
and 1 most humbly Congratulate Your Grace on the safe Arrival of
Mr Johnston [Kelly] on this side of the water and that he is now out
of the reach of his Ennemys : 1 suppose and I hope that he is arrived;
It is mention'd in the Gazette of this Country, and the little Knight
[Sir Redmond Everard] informs me that he heard he was at Paris.
A Ridiculous Quarrel hap'n'd lately at ye Hague between the Duke
of Richmond and a Phisician in that place at a Club of the Knights of
S* George as it is Call'd, wch by what I can learn of ye Nature of that
Club is a sort of Society like the free Masons, the Phisician has said
that he was sure the Prince of Orange could have no Succession for he
had known him from a child ; It was at ye Close of the Night after
they had drunk Very plentifully, and the Duke of Richmond imme-
diately seiz'd the Doctor by the Throat and would have strangled him
if he had not been prevented : This adventure has made a good deal of
Noise in this Country And is the subject of all most every Conver-
sation.
The Grand Pensionary is extremely lamented. He was allowed to
be a Gentleman of Great Abiiitys And Great integrity. Mr. Boetselaer
Who is a leading Man in the States General is dangerously ill : I have
not had the honour of hearing from [the] Lord Marschall since he left
Your Grace : I have writ twice to his Lordship.
Lord Andover " a Mr. Hamilton chez Mr Andrews Marchand a
Rotterdam." Dated, at Ashstead, Decr 4th 1736. [Signed Andover ;
received from Le Connu Dec 26th].
I am very much obliged to you for ye favour of yours and as much
surpris'd to find by it that you have Not received a letter since I heard
from You. I directed more than two or three since that address'd to
you at Michael B : rue Colombine. I must now return you thanks for
your Good Wishes to me and mine. The Chancellor [of the order
of the Knights of Tobosco ?~\ has been with me & desired that I would
make his complements whereever due. If when I am in town I can
be of any Service to you, you know how to direct to me.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
467
The Duke of Ormonde "a Mr Ezekiel Hamilton." Dated Jan? 12th
1737. [Signed Nevill.]
I have yours of the 28th Dec : Mr Kelly is not on this [side of] the
water that I know, the little Knight [Sir Eedmond Everard] was
mistaken, but by letters from England of late date, I ought to expect
him daily.
Thank [you for] your News : I again Wish You a happy New Year
and many.
E. Loftus to Hamilton. Dated, at Paris, Jany 25th 1737. [Addressed
to " Mr Binet chez Mr Archdeacon a Rotterdam."]
I was favoured wth Yours of the 8th of this, I am Very thankfull for
the advice therein concerning Mr Ellis, I writ him some time past
according to the Address you Gave me & told him at the same time I
would remitt him in this or next month part of what is due to him &
that he [would] always find me very just to perform all I can to make
him easy ; You may depend Sir I'l behave my Self on all occasions as
an honest Man & shew them they were not mistaken in ye Character
You Gave of me for wch I am Much obliged to you. The family assures
You of their respects.
* Hamilton to the Earl Marischal. Dated, at Leyden, Decr 17th 1736.
[Signed E. H. and addressed : — " Al Exmo Senor El Conde Marescal
d'Escozia Gde Ms As Comodesco, Tene G1 de los Ex8 de sa Maj. Cath.
en el Regno di Valencia."]
I have been some time in pain at my not having the honour of hearing
from your Lordship, but three days ago I received your Lordships of the
6th of Novr which was forwarded to me from Paris ; In my last I gave
your Lordship an Address to me at Rotterdam, and you may either
make use of that, or address to me by my own Name chez Mr Aleome
pres l'Eglise de S* Pierre a Leyde.
I have been here above two Months, & hitherto I am extremely
pleased with my Situation, I have the free command of my time which
I have long desired to have, one day with another I read or write ten or
twelve hours of the 24. When the Weather will allow it I walk for an
hour or two, and I have a Book ready to amuse me when I get into a
Sollitary Place, I have no Spleen, the best Remedy for that is a constant
Application of the Mind to Subjects that are not disagreable. I have
here as Virgil says Secura Quies et Nescia f alter e Vita. I believe my
Enemys [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] will be more vext at my being
here than in any other Place, because I shall see more People than I
cou'd do even in Paris, and They hate the light, and all Persons who
will put their Aciions in a true light because their Deeds are Evil, the
last Words are out of a better Book than Virgil, I do'nt quote the Place
because your Lordship is no Stranger to that Book, and to the particular
Passages in it.
Another advantage of my Situation here, is that I hear frequently
from my Friends in England, and in the Spring I shall see many of
them here. I have not yet sprung my Mine as to Gardner, I have had
reasons to deferr it a little, if I should not succeed, I ca'nt help it, I
have then done my Part, if it shou'd happen as an Author says non
Persuadebis, etiam si Persuaseris the fault will not lye at my door.
Your Lordshnb must forgive my Latin, It is the language of the Piace
and I may quote it here from morning till night without any imputation
of Pedantry.
There are but few Scots Gentlemen here at present, there's a Brother
of Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope a very deserving young Gentle-
G G 2
Charles
Fleetwood
"Westok
Underwood,
Esq.
468
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westok
UlTDERWOOD,
Esq.
man. There's also ye eldest Son of Sir Robert Monroe a lively youth
of 17 or 18 Years of Age, a good scholar for that age, and he has taken
a sort of liking to me, he will probably prove a better Man than his
Father, and as far as I can judge of the Place his Estate Ives in, 'tis of
some Moment to instruct him in right principles : He professes great
respect for Mr Lambe [the Earl Marischal], it would not I believe be
amiss if Mr Lambe [your Lordship] made some mention of him. A
respect for Mr Lambe [your Lordship], is one Article of the Cattechism
I instruct him in; ille pluribus virtutibus abundare debet qui alienas
sic amat. I did not intend to give your Lordship any more Latin, and
therefore I must conclude in plain English that I am &c.
(P.S.) I will forward your letter to Mr H . . . . Mr. Ch[arles]
For[bes] is here at present, he was a great friend of L[ord] M[ar]'s and
was with him at his death.
From the same " to John Ellis Esq1' at his house in ye Pall mall
London." Dated, at Leyden, Jan? 25th 1737. [Signed E. Hamilton.]
I have been absent from Paris for some time wch was the occasion of
my not receiving Sooner and acknowledging the honour of yours ; I
have prest the Banq[uie]r by severall letters to finish that affair as
soon as possible and he promises to remitt you a Part of the money in
a little time, and he said that he would write to you to the same pur-
pose; As for His Circumstances it is difficult for me to determine
Anything concerning them, but he has ye character of an honest Man,
and he has lately enterr'd into a Partnership that will probably mend
his fortune : besides you'l be pleased to Consider of ye Consequences of
taking other measures wth him than those he now proposes, which is to
pat that debt by degrees : I have all the papers here, and wherever T goe
I carry them with me for fear of Accidents, and if you should have a
desire of Seeing them in Order to have them examined by those who
have skill in such things : I can easily send them from hence without
any expence to you : I wish with all my heart this affair were well
ended; I would do any thing in my power to contribute towards it.
[P.S. added by Le Connu : — " apres avoir ferme ma lettre a Vous il
y a encore cellecy qui part ce soir pour Londres de ce E. H."]
* Hamilton to the Earl Marischal. Dated at Leyden, Jan? 21st 1737.
[Unaddressed, and signed G. Binet. Received at the Foreign Office
JanJ 18th O.S.]
I last Post received the honour of your Lordships of the 15th Decr
and I wish your Lordship had some more agreeable Employment than
the killing of Wild Beasts, which however I dispair of as long as the
two foxes [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] keep close in their kennel, as
to the other Diversion of reading it is attended with delight as well as
Profit, and if your Lordship shou'd want any Books from this Part of
the World, I can easily send them to some Port of Spain. Have you
ever seen Barbeiracs Translation of Grotius de jure Bello et Pacis : It
is a ^ood Translation of an excellent Book and is in some respects better
than the original because the Latin is a close and crabbed Stile, Bar-
beirac has clearly express'd the sense of \ he Author : If your Ex0? will
have it sent you there must, be Care used in the conveying it for it is
prohibited in Spain.
I have not been idle since I came here, and I have met with some very
honest and agreeable young Men [i.e. strong Jacobites] who are very
desirous of conversing with me, I have confirmed some and mended
Others. Benson [i.e. the writer] is the Patriarch of the Place he is in,
and he could not meet with more regard from his best friends in New-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 469
bury than he finds in Britport [Leyden or Holland]. This will vex the Ohabusb
Par ignobile [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] when They hear of ir, as Wbstoit
they probably will do, for They have been very desirous to know ye UwDJfJrooD'
Motives of Bensons [my] Journey, and They have already employed a — .
sneaking fellow born in Hexham to observe Benson's [my] Motions,
and to inform Them of it. This came to Benson's [my] knowledge by
mere Accident, and he expects [I expect] soon a more particular
Account of this Matter. On the other Hand Challoner's Brother has
made [I have made] some Enquiries about the Booby, who your Lord-
ship sees is in a fine situation between Hicks [the Pretender] and
Blomer [the King].
The Public Gazetis will inform your Lordship of the Electors Resi-
dence at Helvoetsluys this Month past, and of the danger he was in of
being shipwrecked. He was there two Days ago and I believe he has
not yet sailed, for the Wind has been always contrary since that time.
He has pass'd the Holydays in a very agreeable Place and he is They
say in a very bad humour. His absence will delay the Meeting of the
Parliament which will not be very agreeable to the City of London, I
mean the trading Part, who always gain by the Presence of a Court. I
have not heard from Mr Cecil [Captain John Urquhart] since he got
to the other side.
(P.S.) I wish your Lordship many happy years.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Jan? 25th 1737. [Signed
J. Nevill, and unaddressed. Enclosed with the next.]
I have yours of ye 7th. You judge right I believe concerning John-
son's [Kelly's] delay, I have No News of him : 1 believe the Ellector
has enough of ye Seas : I thank you and wish you a happy New year
and many others.
George Waters to Hamilton. Dated, at Paris, Feb? 4th. [Unsigned.
The address does not appear.]
I have yours and here is another for You : I believe you know that
Mr Geo : K[elly] is safe on this side [of the water].
[There is a note at the foot of this by Le Connu " cecy est de George
Watters Senior banquier a Paris."]
Hamilton to the Duke of Ormonde. Dated, at Leyden, Feb? 11th 1737.
[Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennet. Received at the
Foreign Office Feb 4th O.S.]
I last Night received the honour of your Graces of ye 25th January ;
and I shall with Great pleasure write frequently to your Grace : As
soon as ye Parliament is met I hope to receive particular accounts of
what is transacted there and I shall have ye honour of transmitting them
to your Grace.
Tho the French Gazetts mention rejoicings in London [at] ye Ellectors
return yet all the private letters from thence agree that there was no
rejoicing at all, no Bonfires and that ye General discourse of ye people
was of ye losses of Ships and of ye damage done by his Coming back at
so Unseasonable a time of ye Year. The little Knight [Sir Redmond
Everard] informs me that Mr Kelly is safely arrived at Paris.
The same to Sir Redmond Everard, Dated Jan? 31st 1737. [Un-
signed, and addressed to " Mr. le Chevr : Everard a Chatou par
Nanterre."]
You'l find by mine of ye 11th January that I received the letter you
mention in Yours of ye 15th wch I received a few days ago, and for
470
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CH-AJLLE8
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
answer to my former of ye 11th I hope you will give me a full one When
you have leizure. I long to know What are those good reasons You
say how that Nothing was design'd against Binet [i.e. against me], for
Morpeth's Word is of no Weight : I can convict him of many lyes and
notorious falsehoods, he is even a greater scelerat than his brother the
Thief, and the Spye who was drum'd out of ye Gards and whose Cha-
racter is Well known in Flanders & in Lorraine, tho Morpeth Speaketh
thee fair believe him not for he has yet seven more abominations in his
heart.
I am extreamly concern'd that ye rings You mention are not at my
disposal, they have been long expected by the persons to whom they
belong and you may easily believe that I can not Ask their consent to
dispose of them to others : I beg you'l make my excuse to the fair Pro-
tectrice in ye best manner.
We have at last lost our Neighbour ye Captain [the King] he was in a
very ill humour on account of his situation.
The same to the Duke of Ormonde. Dated, at Leyden, Feb? 1st 1737.
[Signed G. Bennett, and addressed to Mr Neuville.]
I beg leave to return my Most humble thanks to your Grace for the
honour of your Graces most obliging letter wch I received last Night,
tho' it was dated ye 12th of January, for Mr Watters inform' d me that
it arrived at Paris the day after the Post sett out for Holland wch is
owing to the badness of ye roads.
The Ellector is at length Arrived in England after 5 Weeks stay at
Hellvoetsluys wch place is enriched by it, the boards of Green Cloth
Spent a hundred & fifty pounds a day, and Your Grace May judge of
ye expence by one Article : A blacksmith who lived near the Admiralty
house Where ye Ellector lodg'd received a Guinea a day for not begin-
ning his Work until the Ellector was awake : Lord de la Warr first sent
to the Blacksmith not to begin his Work so early but he began half an
hour sooner the next day and My Lord was forc'd to gain him another
way. 1 hope to be able to send Your Grace some News when the
parliament is sitting.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Feb? 16th 1737. [Un-
addressed, and signed Ormonde.]
I have yours by last post without date, I am very glad you continue
in good health, pray God continue it.
I see by Yours that the Ellector was still at Hellevoetsluys he has
enough of the Sea. I believe his Generosity is extraordinary : pray doe
Me the favour and get me the best and newest Map of Muscovy and the
most particular and you will much oblige me : Mr Waters will forward
it to me.
Williamson to Hamilton. Dated Feb? 10th 1737. [Addressed to Mr
Binet, and signed R. Hawkesworth. The Copies of this and the next
two letters were received at the Foreign Office from Le Com u on
March 4th.]
About four weeks ago I had the pleasure of receiving your fa\ our of
y« 29th of Dec: last and on the 7th instant that of ye 31st Dec: : the
inclosed that came in them are all safely delivered or forwarded as
directed, as soon as I could : The Vetus Philosophia &c 2 Vol. Quarto
& the other book you wrote for, were sent You a good while ago, I am
surprized I have Not the account of their getting safe to you, I am sure
I ought to have had it a month ago even making allowances for delays.
Having Very little to entertain you with from this part of ye World, I
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
471
own I did not design troubling you with a letter not worth the carriage,
but the severall enclosed [the two next letters] coming one on the heels
of ye other is the reason. When any thing new conies out worth Sending
You shall be sure to have it. Young Drims is at Oxford, but is every
day expected in town. Lowry and his Wife designs coming into Eng-
land this Spring but whether to this Town is Uncertain. Jamison has
had a severe fit of ye Gout and not yet able to stir abroad ; his book is
not yet finished nor indeed do I know when it will [be] after so many
delays, I heartily Wish it may answer his designs. Tho' the Parliament
Sat down late to do business this Session yet it is thought it will rise
soon, and His Majesty King George Grows every day better to the great
satisfaction of all his true and loving Subjects, I am sure I was in great
pain for him : I hope I shall soon hear from You and have a particular
Answer to my Question about my affair with Mr Vincent.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Tndebwood,
" C.L." to the same. Dated, in London, Jan? 30th 1737. [Addressed
to Mr Binet, and enclosed in the last.]
I am asham'd not to have return' d my thanks for your last kind letter
before this time. It found me solitary in the Country and I must own
involved in Business there wcl1 made me putt off my Answer from time
to time very largly, till this journey to town wch I shall leave in a day or
two ; as I make no longer stays in it, than to pay a Visit to my Sister
whose recovery (as far as it can be call'd done) will I hope enable her to
pass the summer with me : she is so surprizingly amended in her health,
beyond all expectation, that 1 think her almost as well as before her
Fit, and more likely to continue a longer life, but her distemper turns
towards a more melancholy decay by Gradual Loss of Memory, and I
fear consequently decrease of Understanding : tis certain I find difficulty
to Support my Spirits, but I know tis a duty to bear what a Good
Providence Allots, wch is most easily done by reflecting We are not to
stay her[e] alwa , s, and therefore bad things will soon end.
I fear You will be apt to blame [me] for Such frequent retirements into
the Country, where I retire absolutely alone, but my Parochial Duty
there helps in a Great measure to support my Spirits, When I consider
my Self in tluit Station, doeing what I ought and really (how sordid a
temper So ever it may Seem to the World) there is a secret comfort
attends my Employment there, in that small Circle of business, which
the great Bustlers for Preferment here I imagine not to feel ; Bp of
Oxford [Dr Potter], is Nominated to Lambeth, wch gives Great pleasure
to the few Orthodox left in this Kingdom, and ye several Vacancies
which his removal may make, have brought many Seekers to town to
pursue their interest. [Perhaps this is a pun upon the Name of Bishop
Seeker then translated to Oxford.] I thank God I am quiet in ye
Bustle. And having nothing to hope for, am free from that Anxiety of
mind which follows the natural fears of disappointment. My Brother
& D1' Hawley pursue their Rout so fast, that the last accounts I had from
them were Irani Ilieres wrCh they soon leave for Marseilles : — I shall
be surprized if you make any long stay in the cold, foggy Climate you
are in, Dutch air, Dutch Heads, and Dutch Principles are not at all my
Gonst. from whence I npprehend little is to be loarn'd from a Dutch
Philosopher & less Entertainment Prom Dutch Conversation.
The Parliament Not Sitting hinders my sending You any News from
hence, but as occurances pass hereafter You shall have the news d£
England.
The Opposition that is made at Oxford to Mr Bromley by some Wise
heads there setting up Mr Trevor of ye Hague makes such Confusion in
472
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
TJkderwood,
Esq.
that University, but I am told by good Authority, even a profest Voter
for Mr Trevor that Bromley will carry it 2 to 1.
"D. G." to the same. Dated, in London, Feb? 15th 1737. [Ad-
dressed to Mr Binet.]
My stay in the Country where I pass'd several Months, joined to a call
I had into another County have hitherto prevented Me from acknow-
ledging the favour of Your lost letter. I should have no excuse if I was
to be a third part of that time in town without Writing to so valuable a
friend and to so lon<* esteem'd acquaintance. I hope You meet with
entertainments capable of making You pass the Winter Season without
regretting the harsh treatment of a more delicate climate. Quamvis
digressu veteris confusus amici, Laudo tamen Cedamus Patria ; vivant
Arturius L>tic, Et Catulus. I lately heard from the Squire, whom I
have not seen for above these two Months, but hope he will be in this
smoaking City about a fortnight hence, but wherever he is I am Con-
vinc'd You may depend upon having a faithfull and obsequious Squire.
Sr Patrick and I have very lately had the honour of paying our respects
to the sister Protectresses of the Ancient & honourable Order, & were
received Very Graciously. Sr Patrick is much at your devotion : This
town at present is barren of News : The Great Assembly of the Nation
is yet upon Trifles. We have a publick paper entitul'd Conion sense
wch comes out Weekly in the room of a paper \\ch is not at all mist. I
have Many services to send you from ye Companions of the most Ancient
& honourable order, who much wish that the large Man [Measure] of
Iniquity would fill apace as it seems to be in a very likely way. 1
shall hope soon to have the pleasure of a line from You.
The Earl Marischal " a Mons. Exch. Hamilton a Leydeu." Dated
Feb 13th 1737. [Unsigned.]
I wrote to you two posts since, & sent you a Consultation for
Boerhave. 1 hope it shall come safe tho I doe not believe that from a
Consultation so ill form'd he can give any positif advice.
I now send you a consultation for myself, but not for my health which is
good : but to have your advice What party I ought to take : though I
fear necessity may Oblige me to decide before Your answer can come :
Payments have been very bad of late in this Country, towards the end
of 1735 there was an Order to pay only Six months of that Year : but
the Kin a [of Spain], was pleased to give an order to continue to pay me
in full and regularly : Very soon after 1 had Letters of Service sent me
to go to the Army in Italy, with leave to pass the winter in France : at
my return I got, how soon [sic] ask'd my relief or order to be pay'd.
What was become due during my absence : but can get no payment,
th6 I represented that not only the King had by an order to pay me,
notwithstanding that to stopp General payments in 1735, declared his
will as to me : but that also having borrowed What money I could I had
been by my Letters of Service obliged to an extraordinary expence to
provide equipage, and that it was reasonable to expect payment of my
relief wch the King has Given : You know a relief is ane order for being
pay'd arrears, but the Ministers of the Huzienda formerly a Merchants boy
in Seville, & raised to what he now is by the favour of Patinho, who said of
him inveni hominem secundum Cor meum has Usurped ane Authority that
no treasurer shall pay any sum, but by his Speciall Orders which Special
Order has been proniis'd me every post since my return to this place,
but I am never the nearer getting it : I go in a few days to Madrid to
sollicite my payment; : there m no getting an Audience of the King: if I
complain it must be thro the hands of those of whom I complain : if
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
473
they keep me on in Suspence by fair Words the little Credit I still have
(by Urqharts favour) Will be at an End ; & then pray what Party can
I take ? I think of Qtfiting the service immediately if I can not obtain
payment & shall expose to you the light in which my situation appears
to me : If I stay here, I shall perhaps at least get from time to time some
bad payments ; but in decency I am oblig'd to some expence according
to my rank in the Army, which by no means T can make : I must live in
a continual dependence & slavery on every Tirant of a Minister : at
the same time that I can never expect to be employ'd because of my
religion : there is but one case Where I might expect to be employed &
in it I can employ myself : I can in no Manner advance by my staying
in a Corner in a Coun[t]ry any thing for the general Good : I can in no
Ivlanner help any particular Gentleman to ye smallest advancement for if
I have helped one or two it has been in a private Way and by favour of
a friend No way Concerned in the publick ; the longer I suffer patiently
the Chicanery of Under Ministers the more they will putt upon me &
the more I must endure : the advantage I have in this Country which I
greatly esteem, is the Protection of the King; which justly extends
farther than his dominion, in losing it, I shall really be a loser : On the
other side I can more easily accomodate my expence to my present
fortune, than I can my mind to it : & can more contentedly live inde-
pendent on a small Matter, than pay Court in Antichambers to Under
Ministers whom I despise, & all whose lyes & tricks I must swallow
down : and thereby, become even dispis'd by them in my turn, for th6
their esteem be a little regard in itself, yet it is Necessary to the obtain-
ing from them, what I must be obliged to ask of them. If I leave this
service, I have three thousand livres lyfrent with which I propose to
retire to some Village in a Protestant Canton in Switzerland : & chosing
a Plan of cheapness according to my rent, I can find among that people
a place where that small summ will be a Considerable estate, I am Naturally
sober enough as to my eating, more as to my drinking, I doe not game
& am a Knight Errant sin' Amor ; so that I need not Great Summs for
my maintenance : I believe I forgot the strongest Article in favour of
this retreat a mala cubes*, which makes me that I wo na gi an inch o
my Wull, for an Ell of my Wealth, in a Word I have suckt in such
Notions of liberty & independence & of ye meaness of Servile sub-
mission & flattery, for the sake of outward appearances, that I can not
accustom My Self to follow such ways, I know few will approuve this
Party : because most People are of different Principels from me, & of
those who are Not a great Number are carried on With the General
current even against their own sentiments and Many others have not the
Courage to take and follow the Party, they think best. I have wrote
you this long letter from the esteem I have for your approbation &
from the regard I have for ycur advice, besides that I desire you will
either forward a Coppy of it or send in your own terms what it contains
to Urqhaart, it being intended for him as well as you : Yet all this is but
distant thoughts, for I will not leave this Country as long as I can
possibly stay in it : I have wrote to you my Views in case of the worst :
When I see how my affairs go at Court I shall write ag::in. Yours
adieu.
(P.S.) I send also to Mr. Nichols [the Duke of Ormonde] a letter to
this purpose. I have not heard from Hicks [the Pretender] of many
months, I wrote one letter Very long ago to him Which he received and
said he would answer, but none is come to me : I wrote to him ane
other of October 9th No answer and lastly December 9th formerly he
Used to be Very exact in Writing.
CH1.B1ES
Fleetwood
Weston
Undeb-wood,
Esq.
474 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Cuarles Hamilton to Sir Redmond Everard. [Unsigned, and undated ; ad-
FWe8Tto>-OI> dressed " a Mr le Chevv Everard a Chatou aupres de Nanterre."]
rsDEKwooD, I was in doubt Whether you expected an answer to your last or
— * whether I ought to wait for a longer Answer to mine : I writt to you
much about the Same time, and I believe our letters met on ye road
about Cambray Without any comunication with each other: But since
I find that you have not answered Mine fully I must own the receipt of
yours of ye 23rd and I must desire You when you have Leisure to Give
me a long letter.
You desire an adress to me, that you made Use of Was sufficient, Yet
I may sometimes [be away] from my lodging & perhaps from the
Town, therefore direct to Binet chez Mr. Andrews Marchant sur le
Boomkies a Rotterdam.
I am glad to find that Mr Ke[lly] is on the road to Av[ignon] : What
becomes of Bi[ngley]. We have no News here. My respects to Lady
Everard.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Feb?
22nd 1737. [Addressed a Mr Neuville, and signed G-. Bennett.]
I beg leave to return my Most humble thanks to your Grace for the
honour of your Graces letter of ye Sixth instant, and 1 ask your Graces
Pardon for having Neglected to date my former letter. It is a mistake
lam Guilty of, especially when I do my Self the honour to write to your
Grace.
I have sent this Morning to Rotterdam the best Map of Muscovy to
be forwarded from thence to Your Grace by the first ship that goes to
Septe Marseilles or Bourdeaux for there was no possibility of sending it
by Post to Mr Waters without spoiling it, for by folding it up it would
be c'utt in all the creases, I hope it may reach Your Grace in due time ;
if any Gentleman should go from hence to Paris or the south of France
I will send another Copy by him, and I hope one of them will have the
Good fortune to go safe.
The Ellectors Cold wch hindered him from Opening the Parliament
himself was a slight one, as it is represented in all the English News
papers, but the true reason was, that he was affronted by the people on
his return to London, and he was unwilling to expose himself to the like
disregard on his going to the House.
The Earl Marischal to Hamilton. Dated, at Valentia, Jan? 30th
1737. [Unsigned, and addressed "a Mr Hamilton chez Mr Aleaume
proche l'Eglis de S* Pierre a Leyden." Received in London from Le
Connu Feby 23rd.]
In my last Great Master I send you Scripture and Latin, the first
Copying from an old custom of yours Who made Use frequently of that
old book and even when Not only it is out of faschion, but even forbid ;
you used to Pelt the Philistins with it : the last in faschion with the
place you reside in. I now send you a case* to be confuted by Boerhave,
& desire you Will take that trouble and Send me his answer if you can
Uncyphei- or guess the meaning of ye Spanish Phisick Latin.
I design to send you a little Wine lett me have an adress at Amsterdam.
Looking over an old Fog (judge of my idleness) I found the fol-
lowing advertisement : but I will not trouble My self with copying it all
or you with reading it : it is of July 19th 1735 and is against Mr Pope.
It concludes Last Monday I published the second Volume of your
Litterary Coi'respondence and am ready to produce the Originals {under
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
475
your hand fy sea^) therein contained — Bishop Atterbury's letters to
you, you will know are genuine and some other Pieces of that Great Man
toch I had of his son Sf-c. together wth his last will, wch fully Proves he did
not die a Papist.
By Fogs advertisement it would appear that Pope had said the Bishop
dyed a Papist wch I can not believe of Pope without beter Authority —
Let me know what You can learn of this matter.
I was told in Italy that Pope had thought of Publishing a Collection
of familliar letters particularly of ye Bishop : as I was honoured with
Many I sent copys of a part and parts to Pope, by a friend who is travel-
ling, but they are adress'd in first place to Jemmy D[rim]s or H[olds-
wor]th, both good & honourable hands, hoeever on sight of the above
advertissment I wish to know more of the affair ; let one of my two
friends (or rather both) know, that I desire they should Peruse theise
Copys & dispose of them as they think fit. Yours adieu.
(P.S.) Date and forward the enclosed when you have occasion.
[Notes by Le Connu at the foot of his copy of this letter : —
* " Je n'ay point copie the case."
" L'incluse sans date ni couverte ni adresse estoit : "]
I have not had the pleasure of hearing from You dear Jemmy of a
Very long time, my last News of you were accompany'd With some jokes
on You and Wales, to which you had gone about that time : Our friend
by whose conveyance this Goes will take care of ye Answer & I believe
Will join to this some lines from himself. — I am so often and so long
Used to your favours, that not only Without ceremony but even Without
Shame I demand them. I have seen no new Pamphlet of a great while,
you have daily & surely some good : besides what does Not seem so to
you May seem good to me, both from my coarser taste & my Greater
Want of English Books, as well as my perfect idleness. I wish also to
have some of the new plays (& new to me includes several years) but
above all I long to know how you are your self ; that you are well and
that you remember Your absent friend and humble servant : I shall be
glad to hear it from Yourself, tho I count on it as sure as you may on
my being ever Yours.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, March 1st
1737. [Addressed " a Monsr Neuville," and signed G. Bennett.]
I had the honour to inform Your Grace by the last Post that I had
sent a Map of Moscovy to Rotterdam to be forwarded from thence by
the first opportunity. I have this day sent another copy of the same
Map and desired my friend at Rotterdam to forward it by another
way so I hope one or other of them will soon be conveyed to Your
Grace.
The Election for the University of Oxford is at an end. In the
place of Doctor Clarke the Candidates were Mr Bromley and Mr
Trevor a son of the late Lord Trevor who was bred at Christ Church
and is now Envoye at the Hague, but Mr Bromley carried it by a great
majority. The Votes were 329 for Mr Bromley and one hundred and
twenty-seven for Mr Trevor.
George Kelly to Hamilton. Dated, in Paris, Feb? 20th 1737. [Ad-
dressed " a Monsieur Hamilton chez Mr. Jean Alome proche PEglise
S* Pierre a Leyden."]
The hopes of seeing You here has been the occasion of my Not writing
and presenting my respects sooner to you, It is no small concern to me
to be disappointed of that pleasure, because I had services to you from
Cap4 Wright, Ralph Smith and Other friends, and great Need of your
advice and direction as to my Conduct in the place to which I am going,
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
esq.
476
HISTOEIOAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westow
TJndebwood,
Esq.
Which I have no reason to doubt but you would have Given me with
Great Candor, since my Esteem has been always Very Great for you,
and ever thought you incapable of behaving otherwise in any respects,
and as this has been always my opinion in regard to your Candor I do
assure you, it has been the same as to your Capacity, and that I know
no Person under whose Direction I would sooner put my Behaviour,
either in private or public Life. I am now, Sir, come into a new World,
and like a Sailor out of his Knowledge, and as I have but one Course to
steer, which is the same You have always done, 1 beg You will give me
your Advice from time to time in a frank and friendly Manner : and I
do assure You that I shall on every Occurrence follow it to the Utmost
of my Power, and be exceedingly Obliged to You for this Act of Friend-
ship ; and that you may judge the better, I will give You the Particulars
of my State here wch stands thus. You are no Stranger how a Person
of my Station ought to be with the King [the Pretender], and have
Reason to believe, that I am as well, as I have any Right to be with
him : — the Duke of Ormond I have been always, and ever will be entirely
attached to, Sr Redmond [Everard] has been constantly the most
sincere and best of Friends to me, my Lord Inverness I never saw nor
wrote to in my Life, and have had no Intercourse of any kind with Lord
Dunbar these sixteen Years, nor any other with Mr O'Bryan than a
common Acquaintance when I wa;> last in this country ; and I am upon
the same Foot with all other People on this Side of the Water: This is
my Situation here, and as I have no Point but the King's Interest and
honour as well as the Duke of Ormond's in View, You who are well
acquainted with all their Affairs cannot be at a Loss how to advifie me as
[to] my own Conduct in every Thing that may go thro my hands in
the Station [in which] the Duke intends to employ me ; this Favour I
beg and expect of You, and therefore will give You no further trouble
on this head.
Cap* Wilson gives his kind Service likewise to You, and beg'd of me
to speak to You about his Son who is a pretty young Fellow, and grown
up without being bred to any particular Profession, so that he can now
only think of the Army for him, the Muscovite Service he esteems the
best, because of his Religion, and hopes You will be so kind as to write
to your old Friend Gen1 Keith, to know upon what foot he may be
received there, with the Assistance of two or three hundred Pounds,
which I believe he would willingly lay down for him ; in your next
Letter to Ralph Smith, pray make answer to this Paragraph, with your
Opinion of it, least the Captain should imagine I neglected his Com-
mission.
Sr Red[mond Everard] and the rest of your Friends here are weli,
except Lady Everard who is laid up with the Gout. When You write,
please to direct your Letter to Mr. Walters, who will take Care to
forward it to Avig[non] in Case it shall not overtake me, I propose to
set [out] from hence in 8 or 10 days at farthest.
Hamilton " to M1* Cunningham at Mrs Beanes in Warwick Court
Holbourn London." Dated Feby 24th 1737. [Signed G. Wheeler, and
noted at foot by Le Counu, " cette lettre ne va que le lre Mars scavcir
ce soir a Londres."]
When you shall receive a longer letter from me You'l excuse my Not
acknowleeging sooner your obliging letter of ye 15th of December wch
I received with the three books ; and I return you many thanks for
them.
I am extremely concern'd that any passage in my former letter should
have made You uneasy. I find I was Mistaken in the rise of ye Story
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 477
About Vincent & Atkins and I am very much pleas'd to see that no ill Charles
Use can be Made of it. Weston
The letters I sent You for Young Drims were only in Answer to his Underwood,
on a subject that concern'd himself. If he had no occasion to write
more on that head I shall have no occasion to write to him, and I am
Very sure that ye Correspondence if continu'd shall begin again on his
side. My hearty service to Fid and all friends.
[The last five letters were received at the Foreign Office from Le
Connu on Feb^ 23d, O.S.]
Le Connu to Edward Weston. Dated, from Leyden, March 5th 1737.
Je Vous remercie de l'honneur de Vostre lettre du 18 Mars [? Fevrier].
Vous pouves estre assure que je Vous envois tout ce que je puis attraper
de ce E.H. pour et de luy. Je suis en Grandissime hate. Le connu.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated " Feb? ye— 1737."
[Signed J. Nevil and addressed to Ezeck H.]
I have yours of ye 1st Courant, the Ellector arrived after an expensive
delay in Holland. We shall soon see the Speech, but what does all that
signify if No help [comes] from abroad, let me hear Constantly from
you.
Hamilton to the Earl Marischal. Dated, at Leyden, March 4th 1737.
[Signed G. Bennett, and addressed" Al Exmo Senor El Coude Marescal
" d'Escozia Ge Ds Ms As Comodesco Tene G1 de Los Exs di Sa Majta
" Catha Valencia."]
I return Your Lordship my most humble Thanks for the honour of
the 16th of January wch a Cold hinderd me from acknowledging by ye
first Post, but I cannot complain of that Distemper for the Season has
been so moist that no Person not even Esculapius himself had escap'dit.
By last Post I received the honour of your Lordships with an Inclosed
to Mr D[rims] which I forwarded the same Day I got it by a private
and secure hand which does not often happen during dead of Winter ; I
went streight to Mr Boerhave with the Latin Case, I could read it
easily, being accustomed to the Spanish hands and I made an Offer to
the Doctor to help him to read it, but he had been also acquainted with
the way of writing in that Country and did not accept of my Assistance :
Your Lordship will find his Answer inclosed which I hope will have the
desired effect : He took two Days to consider of it, so that I hope it is
not an undigested Opinion. He also return'd me the Case which I think
not necessary to send back to your Lordship.
I never heard of what your Lordship mentions out of Fogg. Curl a
Bookseller Who is a very impudent Fellow publish'd a great many Letters
to and from Mr Pope, He got those Letters from a Servant of Mr
Pope's without his Master's Knowledge, which I believe was the
Occasion of that Advertisement, I have writ to England to be more fully
informed of this Matter, and also to Mr Holds[worth] concerning the
Letters & Extracts You send to be perused by him.
Captn Wilson a very honest Gentleman has a son who is a lively Youth
and of good Sense whom he is willing to send into Muscovy to serve
there, His Father will not allow him to accept of any Commission at home
nor would ye Son accept of any, and his Beligion would be an Obstacle
to him in any other Place except Muscovy : a particular Friend of mine
desires me to inform him up >n what foot this young Gentleman may be
receiv'd there with the Assistance of Two or three hundred Pounds,
which his Father would lay down for him : I must beg your Lordship to
write to Mr Keith on the subject and when you receive his Answer to
acquaint me with it : Capt. Wilson is universally esteem'd in England he
478 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chablhb is married to ye Mother of Mr Surridge whom your Lordship remem-
avesto?0 Ders m Italy> ana* if it De practicable to serve this young Gentleman
1 "wDgawooD, your Lordship would oblige a great many Persons by doing it. I have
_f2* seen the young Gentleman and I know him to be a Person of Merit, I
am glad to find your Lordship is so agreably amused with reading. The
Books are well chosen Dacier won't make Horace more easy then you
seem to find it, and if your Lordship would add Virgil to the Number,
you would not repent it, one of the best Editions is that for the Use of
the Dauphin the Notes are short and pertinent. Now I mention
Books, Our Friend Mr Cecil has had a great Loss, he bought a great
many Books here and in France, and these with all his Cloaths were lost
near Peterhead, his Kinsman who was on board and all the Passengers
were saved.
I most humbly thank your Lordship for ye "Wine you propose to send
me, the only Person I know at Amsterdam is Mr Peter Crook shanks
who is married to a Sister of Mrs. Andrews at Rotterdam.
Hamilton to George Kelly. Dated, at Leyden, March 4th 1737.
[Signed E. H. and sent under cover to Mr Waters at Paris. Received
at the Foreign Office Feb^ 25th, O.S.]
By last Post I receiv'd the Favour of yours and I congratulate you
with all my heart on your safe Arrival on this side of the "Water. I
was very uneasy from the Time I heard of your removing your Quarters
[referring to Kelly's escape from the Tower] until I was inform'd of
your Safety for if you had fal'n again into the Enemies hands they
would have used you with great Severity. They have no Compassion,
and most weak Princes are cruel and revengeful.
As to the Advice you are pleas'd to ask of me concerning your
Conduct, That is entirely owing to your Modesty, for your own good
Sense will enable you to steer aright, and in my Opinion your chief
rule will be to take his Grace's Directions how to behave to L[ord]
Inv[erness] : and as to Dum[bar] he is at a Distance and you will
probably have no Intercourse with him. He will try Perhaps to begin
a Correspondence with you ; and to my certain Knowledge he made an
ill use of all such Correspondence. He by .that means insinuates to the
King [the Pretender] that all the Reports spread of his own want of
Credit are groundless, and that the King's true Friends in all Places
apply to him : and as you know the Opinion of all the King's friends
at home concerning him, I should think that a Communication with
him ought to be avoided if possible, but as to this Point his Grace is
the best Judge and I must again repeat it that you ought entirely to
follow his Graces Opinion.
I have seen great Numbers of People of all Ranks since I hud the
Pleasure of seeing you, and I have not yet met with one, who does not
ahhor and detest and even despise the two Brethren [Lords Inverness
and Dunbar] as the Chief and great Obstacles to the Restoration : and
I am very sure that neither of the Brethren of the Par Tgnobile Fratrum
as I sometimes call them, have any regard for My Lord Duke, and if
there were no other Proofs against them that alone is a strong one that
they are no Friends to the King.
If I can be of any use to you, it may be perhaps in giving you my
Opinion as to your Private Studys and as to the Discharge of your
Office, as I have had more leisure to read than you probably have had,
and have had more Experience in the Dutys of my Profession : I shall
be ready to give you any Light that I am capable of affording you.
You'l be pleas'd to inform me what Books You have with you and you
can easily get those you want from London or other Places.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
479
I had the honour to write to his Grace by the two last Posts, when
you see his Grace you'l be pleased to offer him my Duty. I have writ
to Lord Mar . . . [the Earl Marischal] concerning Mr Wilson's son and
by the first Opportunity I will let Mr Wilson know what Steps I have
taken.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, March
10th 1737. [Addressed to Monsr Neuvile, and signed G. Bennett].
I received the Honour of your Graces of the 14th of February about
an hour after the last Post sent, out from hence, and T return my most
humble Thanks to your Grace for it.
I had the Honour to inform your Grace that I had sent two Maps of
Muscovy to Rotterdam to be forwarded from thence, and I have since
ordered one of them to be sent to Amsterdam because more frequent
Opportunitys of Shipping offer from that Place than from Rotterdam :
The Maps are very large, there was no possible way of sending them
by Post or in any other safe manner than by rolling them upon a
Stock ; I shall long to hear that One of Them has come safe to your
Grace's hands.
The House of Lords has begun an Inquiry into the Execution of
Capt. Porteous who was [the] Captain of the Militia [who was killed]
by the Mob of Edinburgh. LorA Carteret spake with great Yehemency
against them and made some Reflections on the Scotch in general,
Lord Bathurst said they were a brave People and had been Provoked
by ill usage: That he remembered to have read in the History of
Richard the 2d that several Tumults were in several Towns of England,
which were chiefly owing to the ill Conduct of a Minister in those Days
Sir Robert Tresseiller, who in the End was Prosecuted himself, and
the whole Kingdom became very quiet as soon as Robert was hang'd :
If this Passage should have reach'd your Grace before, you will be
pleas' d to Pardon my repeating it.
George Waters to Hamilton? Dated, in Paris, March 11th 1737.
[Unaddressed, signed Waters.]
Mr Kelly parted from hence for Avignon on Saturday last, your
letter has foliow'd him wch will find him there by the Time he arrives
in the City. I send you enclosed a bill for fl. 142 : 10. for wch at 57
degros [groats] per Crown of 60 sols I have debitted you in 300/.
tourn[ois] wch please to note and advise receipt thereof.
Lord Andover to Hamilton. Dated March 13th 1737. [Unsigned,
and addressed " to Mr Hamilton."]
Yours dated the 20th of last month did not come to hand till ye 10th
of this Month our Stile, I am surpris'd you have not seen my name in
the Gazette, for I have been initiated into the Holy State ever since
the 6th of November last our Stile, and have receiv'd a compliment
upon that Score from Mor le Due, Who is very well, long may he
continue so ; The Squire General is agoing abroad for 6 months with
a Couple of young Gentlemen of my Acquaintance to put them in the
Way of travelling, after which he has engaged himself to take care of
a Couple of young Gentlemen that are at Westminster School, I hope
it will turn out to their Advantage: They propose staying at Paris
some months so that in all probability you will be return'd to jour
Castle before they leave it ; It is currently reported here, and I hope
with some truth that a certain Person [the King] intends this Summer
to take a Trip to Lilliput [Hanover] which occasions great Uneasiness
notwithstanding that Sic volo sic jubeo stat pro ratione Voluntas. Not
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
uxderwoop,
Esq.
i
480 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakles knowing how to direct to you Mr Andrews has promised to put this
Fw!sTtS0D int0 Mr Water's hands.
Underwood,
52' To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, March
19th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Neville, and signed G. Bennett.]
Two Gentlemen wrho came lately from England say that the Ellectors
late Sickness was of that kind wch Your Graces Majorcan Groom said
in Gillicia was Una cosa che puede succeder a TJn Hey, and that it
is generally believed in England because none of his Physicians attended
him and he was only Visited by two French Surgeons : I hope Mr
Kelly is arrived safely at Avignon, I am pers waded he Will be Usefull
to your Grace.
Hamilton to the Earl Marischal. Dated March 18th 1737. [Signed
G. Bennett, and addressed " Al Exmo Sefior El Conde Marescal G D
M As Comodesco he Menester &ca, sous Couvert a Don Patricio
Yoves Gd Dr Banquier a Madrid." Received at the Foreign Office
March 11th, O.S.]
I received the honour of your Lordships of the 13th of Feb1"? which
gave me great uneasiness on the Account of Mr Kilpa tricks [i.e. your]
Situation nor can 1 pretend to give him any Advice what Steps he
ought to take. I agree with him [youj that a State of Independency is
the most desirable, and I always admired Horace chusing rather to be
Master of his own Time at Tivoli than to live in Augustus Palace
and assisting him in the writing of his Letter, his letter of Excuse to
the Emperor is still extant. But if Mr Kilpatrick [the Eari Marischal]
should be obliged to leave Appleby [Spain] the Question is what Place
he ought to choose for his Residence Switzerland is in a corner of
the World where he [you] would scarce see any of his Friends, where
he would have what Virgil calls ignobile otium and hardly enjoy any
other Comfort or Advantage, but would it not be better, in all respects
to live in the same Town with Mr. Nichols [the Duke of Ormonde]
tor Mr. Kilpatrick [the Earl Marischal] might Contract his Expenses
there within narrow bounds, and I am sure it would give a Particular
Pleasure to Mr Nichols [the Duke]. Besides it would be very agree-
able to Mr. Handesyde [the Pretender] who was extremely pleased to
hear that Mr. Nicholls [the Duke of Ormonde] and Mr. Karolt [the
Earl Marischal] were so long together and that they were united in a
close and strict friendship. I have sent all the Particulars of Mr.
Kilpatriek's [your] Letter to Mr. Cecil [Capl. IJrquhart] and I hope
he will find out a method of being Serviceable to Mr. Kilpatrick [you].
I have lately heard that some Gentlemen who are devoted to Mr
Karoll [the Earl Marischal] have purchased his estate which I conjecture
to be with a view of serving Mr Karoll [the Earl iMarischal] but surely
Mr. Karoll [the Earl Mariscal] has an account of this Matter. I have
writ to Brackley [Scotland] to be inform'd of the Purchase & when I
receive an Answer I will acquaint Mr. Karroll [the Earl Marischal]
with it.
Hick's [the Pretender's] behaviour to Kent [the Earl Marischal]
is very unaccountable & not very politick were it known it would do
infinite Prejudice to Hicks [the Pretender], for to my certain know-
ledge Wager [the Duke of Ormonde] and Kent [the Earl Marischal]
have kept up Hicker's [the Pretender's] Credit which was declining a
Pace. This must be a new Contrivance of the Par ignobile [Lords
Inverness and Dunbar] who will never be at ease untill they root up
Hodges [the Pretender's] Interest every where & unless They are first
hanged or they will Probably succeed in it.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
481
I hope your Lordship has ye Opinion of Dr Boerhave. I sent it the
4th of this Month & directed it to Valencia, I sent this to Mr Joyes
because it will probably find your Lordship at Madrid.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated March 13th 1737. [Un-
addressed, and signed L. Neville. Enclosed in the next letter.]
I have yours of ye 5th Courant and thank You for the account of ye
Ellection in the University.
I thank you also for the trouble You have taken to get and send Me
the two Mapps. I expect Mr Kelly the End of this Week. I have
nothing New to send you. My Lord Marshall is Now at Madrid I
hope to hear of him to-morrow or by Sunday's Post.
Le Connu to Edward Weston. Dated March 29th 1737.
Comme je Vous ay comunique deja plusieurs lettres qui avoient ete
adresses pour E. H. a Rotterdam a Andrews je ne doute pas ou je
pourray les avoir toutes. II ne s'est rien presente autre pour ce jour
Que ce qui est acote.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden,
March 29th 1737. [Addressed to Monsr Neuville and signed G-. Bennett.
Enclosed in the last letter.]
By last Post I received the honour of your Gr.'ice of ye 13th Instant
and I beg leave to return ury most humble thanks.
I shall be Very Uneasy Untill I hear that one of ye Mapps has reach'd
your Grace's hands, I have Used my Utmost endeavours to have them
conveied. A few days ago a German Lady past incognito thro Rotter-
dam on her Way to England, by the Methods that were Us'dto conceal
her it is believed that she is the Person Whom the Ellector went to see
at Hanover And that she has been sent for to keep the Ellector in
England this Sumer.
We shall soon see here several English Gentlemen who come over to
consult Boerhave when the Weather will allow them to travell.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. [Unaddressed, and signed Nevill ;
" point de date."]
I have yours of March ye 22th and am glad that you are well. I
believe as you doe that the [French] Gazetteer is gain'd by the English
Minister. Mr Kelly is arrived he has been a little indisposed but [I]
hope in God he will be soon set right.
Hamilton to Sir Redmond Everard. Dated March 15th 1737. [Un-
signed, and addressed to " Mr le Chevr Everhard a Chatou par Nanterre."]
I return you Thanks for your obliging Letter of the 25th of Feb? and
I wish you may find out what you are in Search of concerning the Par
ignobile [Lords Inverness and Dunbar]. 1 am sure they are vile
Fellows and nothing how scandalous soever that is discovered of them
would surprise me : In my last I sent you an Address by which you may
write freely if you think Proper. Binet [Hamilton (i.e. the writer)] is
extremely well where he is he has a free Command of his time and he
endeavours to make a good Use of it : if other and weightier Reasons
would not detain him here he would be glad to see his friends in and near
Paris but he must deny himself that Satisfaction and he is sure that
nothing can possibly be done for Mr Isham [the Pretender] while the
Par ignobile [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] maintain their Credit and
while he is the only Person on the Face of the Earth who does not
dispise them, We have beautifull Walks here clean Streets and clean
high Roaols near the Town. I have ten Hours a day at my own dis-
O 84067, H H
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
482 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables posal which I could not possibly have elsewhere, and I hope I shall
1 Weston>D have no Reason to repent of my Resolution of coming hither. I know
Uxderwood, the Par ignobile [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] are grieved at it, and
— ..' that is one Circumstance which makes it more agreable to me. My
respects to My Lady.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated March 15th 1737. [Un-
addressed, and signed Neuville.]
I thank yon for yours wth ye Account of Mr Bromley being chosen
for the University [ of Oxford]. Mr Trevor must be a courtier being
employed at ye Hague. I expect Mr Kelly to-day or to-morrow. I
have your letter for him.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Ley den,
April 15th 1737. [Addressed to Mr. Neuville, and signed G. Bennet.
This and the last letter were received at the Foreign Office from Le
Connu on March 29th O. S.]
Last Night I received the honour of your Graces of ye 15th of March
and I beg leave to return my Most humble thanks for it.
Mr Bromley who was chosen for ye University of Oxford is dead,
and very much lamented, he was a Gentleman of good Sense and Great
Spirit ; it is thought the Court will not Make a Second Attempt to bring
in a Creature of their Own in his Place since Mr Trevor lost it by so
great a majority : 'Tis generally believed that Dr Tramp ton a Yery
Eminent Phisician who resides at Oxford .will be Ellected without
opposition. I hope Mr Kelly is safely arrived at Avignon.
To the same from the same. Dated, at Leyden, March 22nd 1737,
[Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennett. Received at the
Foreign Office, March 15th O. S.]
I this moment received ye honour of your Graces of ye 6th of this
month ; and I beg leave to return my most humble thanks for it.
The French Gazetteers are paid by the Government of England for
representing Every thing in the Most favourable Manner, and Notwith-
standing the Pompous Account they have given of the Acclamations of
ye People on his return, I am assured by eye Wittnesses that he was
Hiss'd as lie Pass'd through some streets and that in others no Notice
was taken at all of him.
All the vacant Employments by the death of Mr. de Boetselaer and
Mr Slingelland are fill'd up, And the People in general are Very much
Pleas'd with the Choice of Mr Van der Heim their New Pensionary.
I hope Mr Kelly is safely arrived at Avignon.
The Earl Marischal to Hamilton. Dated April 8th 1737. [Un-
signed, and addressed to Monsr Hamilton. Received at the Foreign
Office in March, O. S.]
I have yours of March 15th but I can tell you nothing as yet certain
as to the Party I must take, for I have not been able to obtain any
Answer of any Kind, and it is needless at present to trouble you with a
Detail of what passes, tho if I have a fitt Occasion I shall let You know
it particularly. My staying where you propose [at Avignon] may have
the Appearance of some use but in effect would be of none, for there
is almost no intercourse betwixt that Place and Handyside [the Pre-
tender] and the fault is chiefly Handyside's. I should choose that
abode if I were at liberty to follow my Inclination, but all the Con-
traction I could make of my Expences would not bring my Rent and
Them to agree. Besides from the Corner I propose [Switzerland] it's
an easy Journey, and by Water cheap, to your Parts, if I should find
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
483
that I could be of any use to my Friends or to myself I will then
determine, and if I find myself of none it's very little Matter where I
stay (except as to myself) And the Otium is as ignobile in one place as
in another ; but I propose before I give myself up to a perfect otium
to try if I can still do anything or have even the hopes of doing some-
thing ; And one of my Reasons for choosing my proposed Retreat, is, the
conveniency of being able to make You a Visit with all Privacy, and
even of remaining if possible with You ; Another reason is, to try a
Project which I told you of when We were last together, of drawing to
the same Place with me certain Friends. The considerations will I
believe bring You to my Opinion, but if You should still see any
Reasons to the contrary, and which do not occurr to me, I hope You
will let me know Them, and continue to me the Favour of Your
Advice.
At my Arrival here I found two Letters from Hickes [the Pretender]
as usual & as formerly, so that there appears now nothing extra-
ordinary in his former Silence. By the Measures and Steps taken some
time ago it is possible that some Arrangement may have been taken by
Kilpatrick's [my] Friends in his [my] Affairs but I am doubtful of it,
since considering the long Friendship betwixt Kilpatrick and me
[" a blind." E.W.] I suppose that were it true, he would have told me.
I have not yet heard that the Consultation came to hand but heartily
thank You for Your care.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden,
April 15th 1737. [Addressed to Monar Neuville, and Signed Of. Bennet.]
I must tell Your Grace that I don't as yet hear Who is Chosen for
Oxford in the room of Mr Bromley ; the Poll is printed of ye last
Election When Dr Bromley Carry'd it against Mr Trevor.
I shall soon have the Pleasure of seeing many of your Graces humble
servants & friends the fine weather will draw several of them to this
Part of ye World. I long to hear of ye Arrival of One at least of ye
Maps of Moscovy.
Hamilton to D1' Hawley. Dated, at Leyden, April 15th 1737.
[Signed E. Hamilton, and addressed '* a Mr L<* Docteur Hawley chez
Mr. Alexander Banquier a Paris."]
I received the favour of your3 of ye 15th March from Aix, and I
suppose this Will reach you at some Place on the Banks of the Loire,
I am sure You have been well diverted wth your journey wth Your
friend & Company has made more agreeable to you than it Would
have been otherwise : As to what you propose of meeting a certain
Person this Summer I have talk'd to him on this head, and he gave me
for answer an Irish Proverb : Verbum Sapienti one Word as good as
twenty, When you inform him of your Motions you'l perhaps see the
Laird of Canwhulladrum [Hamilton : the writer] soon after you are
fixt, but say nothing of this for a Reason I shall acquaint you with.
Have you seen a Print that is lately Published in England, I don't
rightly comprehend the meaning of it, the Title is JEneas in a Storm
at the Bottom are these Words Tanta hcec Mulier Potuit suadere
malorum. In the Corner is the Figure of a Gentleman who appears to
be out of Humour and as a Mark of his Displeasure he is kicking his Hat, I
wish you would explain this Print in the next letter you favour me with,
I don't as yet hear who is chosen for Oxford in the room of Mr Bromley,
Dr Frampton was mentioned as a Candidate in one Paper. I see by
one of the Papers that the Poll is Printed for Mr Bromley and
Mr Trevor, and a List of all those Who have Votes ; I suppose some
of your Friends will send it to you.
H H 2
Charles
Fleetwood
Westo?,-
ITnderwood,
484
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION'.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
Underwood,
Esq.
(P.S.) You'l take the trouble of receiving the two little boxes I men-
tion on ye other side & of bringing them if you continue in Your
Resolution, they both don't weigh a half pound.
The same to " M1' Waters rue Mazarine a Paris." [Undated.]
Pray Give Dr Hawley the little Box which M1' Bingley sent you for
me and You'l oblige.
The same " to Mr Alexander at Paris/' [Undated.]
Pray give Dr Hawley the little Box which Mr Warburton left with
You for me and You'l oblige.
To Hamilton from Walters. Dated, at Paris, April 8th 1737. [Ad-
dressed to Mr Ezechiel Hamilton, and signed Walter.]
The inclosed Dear Sir came under Cover to me and was desired by
a Gentleman with whom our friend Mr Andrews came from England,
which very probably you may have an account of from himself, I told him
that I had sent you back a letter that lay by me a great while for him.
To the same from
. Dated London March 13th 1736.
[Unsigned, and addressed to Monsr Hamilton.]
Yours dated the 20th of last Month did not come to hand till the 10th
of this month our Stile. I am surprized you have not seen my Name in
ye Gazette, for I have been initiated into ye Holy State ever since the
Sixth of November last our Stile, and have received a Compliment upon
that Score from Monsieur le Due who is Very well, long may he con-
tinue so : The Squire General is agoing abroad for 6 Months with a
Couple of young Gentlemen of my Acquaintance to putt them in ye Way
of traveling after which he has engaged himself to take care of a Couple
of young Gentlemen that are at Westminster School. I hope it will
turn out to his advantage : They Propose staying at Paris some months,
so that in all probability You will be returned to your Castle before you
[? they] leave it. It is Currently reported here, and I hope with some
truth, that a certain Person [the King] intends this Summer to take a
trip to Lilliput [Hanover] which occasions great uneasiness notwith-
standing that Sic. Volo sic Jubeo — stat pro ratione Voluntas. Not
knowing how to direct to you Mr Andrews has promis'd to putt this
into Mr Waters hands.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, April
30th 1 837. [Addressed "a Monsieur Neuville," and signed " G. Bennett,"]
I had the honour to write to your Grace three days ago from Rotter-
dam, and to offer My most humble respects to your Grace on the occa-
sion of a day that is near at hand [the Duke's birthday, May 10th], and
which I shall have the honour to Celebrate here with a Consideral Num-
ber of Gentlemen of the three Kingdoms With all Possible respects,
Mr Andrews a Very Worthy Merchant in Rotterdam told me that
he had sent one of ye Maps of Muscovy to Mr Sandilands, and the other
to Mr Watters, so that I hope one of them Will be soon Conveyed to
your Grace.
While I was at Rotterdam Severall Merchants of that Citty had letters
from their Correspondents in Amsterdam Assuring them that Baron
Neuhcff [King Theodore of Corsica] Was arrested there for a debt he
had contracted formerly in that place of near two Thousand pounds. If
this account be true He was Very indiscret to go to a Citty where he
cou'd scarce avoid being known, some Gentlemen are gone from hence
to Amsterdam. On their return I shall know the certainty of this
matter.
I [ISTORIGAL MAN LF8C III V TS COM MISSK )N .
485
Hamilton "to Mr Irwin at M1* Moores the Old Parliament near the
Bomkies at Eotterdam." [Dated, at Leyden, May 9th 1737, and
signed E. H.]
You Gave me hopes of seeing you here, but not having had the
Pleasure of hearing from You, I fear You have chang'd Your resolution :
If this should reach you I should be glad of your Company here to-
morrow, and you'l find several of your friends assembled at eight at
Night at the Golden Ball in the Papegraft.
Thomas Carte to Hamilton. Dated, from Red Lyon Court, Fleet
Street, April 17th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Binet, and signed T. C]
I had the favour of yours of Dec. 31st last past but it was two Months
after the date and near the time when You propos'd to return to Paris
soe that I knew not whether a letter would find You in Holland or by
the address you mentioned, to wch No Name was put : I now Suppose as
your Nephew encourages me to believe returned to Paris and therefore
am to acquaint You that T delivered Your Compliments to our friend
Corbet and I assured him of your paying the one & three Guineas, as
well as informed him of ye Accidents attending the ring. He desired
me to return You his hearty thanks and best respects. I know the
Dean of S* Patricks [Dean Swift] Very well as he is much my friend.
He laboured all he could with the Dublin Booksellers to prevail with
them to lay aside their design of Pirating my Book j Ld Orrery, Dr
de Long, Dr Helsham and others did the same; but all in vain.
Nothing could Stop their Advertisements of that design : till after con-
sulting in vain with my friends in this place about methods of preventing
it; I called to mind an Order of ye house of Lords in 1721 made on
occasion of Curls Pirating the late Duke of Buckingham's Works, &
Printing his Life & declaring that whoeever should Presume to Print
the Life, letters or other Works of any deceased Peer, without the Con-
sent of his heirs and Executors, should be deemed Guilty of a breach
of Privilege of that House and Punished accordingly. I searched the
Parli* Office for this Order and getting an attested Copy of it from the
Clerk, I carried it lo Ld Arran who Sent it to his Agent at Dublin
ordering him to serve it upon each of ye Booksellers concerned & to
discharge them in his name for Proceeding in their Undertaking: This
put at once u stop to their advertizing & they promis'd (as M1' Har-
rison writes) to desist, tho' they would not advertise their desisting.
Some letters I have had since from my friend Mr Macquiere & Lord
Orrery, made me apprehensive that they were Privately Printing my
Work with an intent to Publish it as soon as Parliament was up & the
dread of ye House of Lords was over, & that they gave Private hints
of their doing so. — Lord Orrery & Mr Macquiere wrote me Word of
the ill effects hereof upon ye sale of ye Copies I had sent orer which
would have been all sold in 3 weeks time if that Piratical Impress had
not been advertised, but that put a sudden stop to the Sale; and as
soon as the World expected such an Impression my book could not be
sold. To put a stop to this expectation I drew up an advertisement
receiting the fact of the Order of ye House of Lords, & the serving of
it on the Booksellers with Lord Arrans discharge, thence insinuating
the danger run & contempt offered the H. of Lds by every body that
by Subscribing or encouraging Should make himself Art & Part in
the Piracy. I sent this advertisement to Mr Macquire to get it Printed
in some Dublin news papers, but none either would or durst Print it
till Ld Orrery knowing of it, carried it himself to Falkner insisted that
he should Print it engaged to indemnifie him from all trouble or incon-
venience on that account, and Authorised him to Use his Name, & tell
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
486
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
every body that it was Printed by his Orders. I know not as yet what
will be in the event, but I have some hopes that the Duke of Devon-
shire when he goes into Ireland will put a fine stop to ye Piracy, if it
be not to farr advanced : The Attempt has done me Mischief enough
leaving me as yet a Very Great Sum out of Pocket. The good reception
that my work has met with from the Wise and judicious of all Parties
has made my friends renew a request that has often been made Me,
viz., that I would write an History of England : my objection always
was that the Vast expense of such a Work, & the length of time before
any profit could be made, So that whoever underiook it, must be ruined
before he had Procured a tenth Part of ye Necessary Materials, & it was
dishonest as well as ridiculous to Pretend to Write a History Without
those materials. They have undertaken to remove that objection and
to raise 1,000/. a year to defray the expence as long as I employ all
my time in carrying on the Work, half thereof for my Support charges
of Amanuenses, journeys, correspondences with learned Men &c. the
rest for transcripts of records at home and abroad, copies of letters
negotiations Memoirs, &c. Upon talking over the matter, Some are
more inclined to advance a large Sum, than pay a lesser annually ; so
that there will I believe be two Subscriptions one of a Present Sum for
the latter Part of the charge, the other annual for the former, viz., my
Support, &c. : Both these methods I believe will be taken : Possibly
my friend Mr Dumville, Mr Lydall, Mr Knight and others in France
may think fit to encourage the Work : my particular friends will I
believe take the Party of an Annual Subscription to me, and leave the
other Party to others, who like the desseign, tho strangers to the
Author : some of my friends are for my engaging in the work at any
rate, even tho' a sufficient fund be not raised at first, reckoning that
the numbers of Subscribers will be continually increasing, and that
Possibly some rich Public Spirited Persons may die and leave legacies
for promoting the desseign : but these are Uncertain hopes : & I know
my own frugality to well, & that if I once engage, I shall Never Stick
at any expence tho' it puts me into a thousand difficulties. Two or 3
weeks Will determine the fate of this affair : if it Succeeds I shall have
the pleasure of seeing you at Paris in July.
This has been in the main a quiet Session : The affair of P[rince]
F[rederick]'s Appanage was the only Warm Subject of debate; 30 or
40 persons who had promised him failing, he lost his cause : The new
scheme for reducing the interest of the publick debts from 3 to 4 <p c*
[sic~\ (by which the nation will save 500,000/. a year) has caused terrible
Complaints from all the moneyed men in the City ; These are but few,
tho they make a great Noise. Sr J[ohn] Barnard hears at Garraways all
that they have to say : with great temper, and answers them with much
clearness to the Satisfaction of all reasonable Men. For my part I
like all advances towards a Sp[unge]. The Bill for this Purpose is
before the House and so well approuved that it will pass, unless the
heasty running of ye T[ories] into the Country afford an opportunity to
others Not well inclined to it, to throw it out in a thin house.
If the Citty is disObliged Schotland is much more so ; the affaire of
ye riot at Edimbourg when Capu Porteous was executed, having Upon
Ld Carteret's Motion been examin'd into by the house of Lords, they
have order'd the Prevost into Custody & a Bill to be brought in for
dissolving the Town Guard, appointing a Watch in his stead, demolishing
the neither bound Gate [the Nether-Bow] and laying the Citty open
towards the Canon Gate & Leith where the soldiers of the Army uiv
quartered t This cannot pass through that house till the beginning of
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION, 487
ye next month, and the Bill will take up at least six weeks in the Charles
Coihons : because they are to add to it a fine of 2,000/. Upon the Citty F wSJ>°°D
to be given to Porteous Widdow : who having Got rid of a Brutal & Underwood
profligate husband Will now have a fortune to marry her to a better. —
The Kirck in the meantime from the Pulpit exort every body to stand
up in the defence of their liberties & extoll Porteous execution as a
Heroiq Act of justice and Vengeance on a Wretch that had imbruied
his hands in the blood of the people of ye Lord : Some think this
Proceeding intended to detain a certain -Person [the King] whose im-
patient desire of going clashing wth ye [necessity] of vindicating his
Authority has produced of late contrary orders but as soon as the latter
Passion is Gratified tis not Unlikely but the former may take place
in spite of all reason, arguments & inconveniences that May be Urged
to the Contrary : Quos Deus vult perdere dementat prius. There is
advertiz'd a proposal for Printing the letters of S1' Robert Cecil the
first Earl of Salisbury in 3 Vol, folio the Price 3 guineas in all. I
once thought it would have been an imperfect Collection because
having looked over 14 or 15 trunks of letters to Sr Robert from 1570
to 1612 I found 9 parts in 10 of these letters Spoiled & rotten by damp
or Vermine so that no Series can be had of the letters of this Corre-
spondence : But as Sr Rob* preserved Copies of all hi3 own letters in
Books these are Not hurt the Series thereof Will be compleat the
Collection Will be curious. Our friend Corbet sends his hearty
Service to you & my best wishes all ways attend you.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated May 13th 1737.
[Addressed to E. H., and signed L. Nevil.]
1 haye yours of ye 21 April and [am] Very sorry for the Melancholy
News You send me of poor Lord Angleses death he was a person of true
merit and must be lamented of all good Men and [in] particular his
friends. I do heartily Condole with ye loss : — I am glad that ye Uni-
versity [of Oxford] has made so good a choice and that ye other Gentle-
men declined, I am sorry to if the same party should stand against one
another. I expect the Map from Hason [?].
The same to the same. Dated May 13th 1737. [Addressed to Ez.
Hamilton, and signed L. Nevill.]
I have yours of ye 30th April and thank you for your care and trouble
concerning the Maps Mr Garon sends me one of them, I shall expect
the other from Mr Sandilands.
I have had an account of our old acquaintance the Baron Neuhoff
being arrested in Rotterdam I thank you for ye honour you and some of
your friends designed deering me [doing me].
The same to the same. Dated May 19th 1737. [Unaddressed, and
signed L. Neville; received in London May 27th from Le Connii.]
I have yours of ye 6 courant I am sorry for the great loss you mention
concerning the Duchess of Buckingham.
I should think it not prudent if ye Governm* .... Schotland as they
have done.
[Note by Le Connu at foot.] " P.S. Je nay point pu lire la place que
j ay laisse ouvert.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, atLeyden, May 31st
1737. [Addressed to MrNeuville, and signed G. Bennett.]
I this moment receiv'd the honour of your Graces of the thirteenth
instant and I return my most humble thanks to your Grace for it.
Esq
488 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chables T am glad to find that one of y° Maps is arriv'd if your Grace should
1 ' wb8to»1> Want Any More from this Country all your Comands shall be punctually
Underwood, Obey'd.
I thought I hud Given Your Grace such Accounts of Baron Neuhoff
as came to my Knowledge. He was arrested at Amsterdam but he is
sett at liberty and is gone out of this Country : The Spanish Agent
apear'd for him wch Gives room to ye politicans to reason upon it.
He gave his oath to his Creditors (: wch they requir'd :) to pay them
as soon as soon as he possibly could, and when that ceremony was
over : He gave them his Word of honour of his own Accord : While He
was Under Confinement He liv'd Very magnificently, if I had been at
Amsterdam during the Barons stay there I would have gone to see him.
Hamilton " a Mr Kichard Liddel Gentilhome Anglois chez Mr. Alex-
ander Banquier a Paris." [Undated, and signed Ez. Hamilton.]
In my last I promis'd to return You thanks for your Obliging letter
from Montpellier and this is the first time I have been able to perform
my Promise ; for I have been rambling tho not to Amsterdam and I
have not been in that City these Nine years past. I had not even a
Curiosity to go thither to see my old Acquaintance King Theodore who
was for some time confin'd for an old debt of near two Thousand pounds
but he is now releas'd and is Gone as 'tis supposed to his subjects who
are impatient for his return, Some people here Are so ill bred as to call
him Baron de Neuhoff tout court but I love to give all men their Usuall :
If they should Not even be their Proper Names : Besides : he was
Ellected by all the Estates of ye Realm of Corsica And the General
Assembly of Schotland Yv'ith their famous Moderator Mr Andrew Cant
have long ago determin'd that Vox populi is Vox dei : the true reason
of his being releas'd is thought to be that one of the foreign Ministers
interpos'd in his behalf, tho tis not known who he is : I suppose this will
find You at or Near Paris Your tour must have been an agreable one,
we have had delightfull weather here for this Month past, no fogs, a clear
Spanish sky, and ye whole winter was extremely mild. I am not as yet
determin'd as to my own Motions it would be a great inducement to me
to go to any Place where You are but I believe I shall hardly be able to
Visit Paris this Summer.
This must be a Town of Great Improvement since Sr Edward Craf ton
an Irish Privy Chancellor Was last Week admitted as a student in the
University, my Chief Study at present is Tacticks and I am endeavouring
to revive the Antient Use of Balistas and Catapulta in the Art of War :
They doe more execution than Great Gunns, and don't make so great a
Noise. I beg You to remember Me kindly to ye honest Doctor Hawley.
To the Earl Marischal from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, May 1 5th
1737. [Addressed "to the Earl Marschal in casa de Don Patr : Joyes
at Madrid," and signed G. Binnet.]
After having kept close to my Quarters for above six months I took
a ramble to amuse myself in the fine season that is begun here, wch is
the reason of my not receiving the honour of your Lordships of ye 8th of
Aprill in due time.
I am extreamly concern'd to find that Mr Kilpatricks [your] affairs
still go on so slowly and I shall impatiently long for a good account of
them. I must inform Your Lordship of one thing that Cormicy
[Holland] is not so cheap a place as it formerly was, the Price of things
is as I am inform 'd almost doubled within these twenty Years.
A few days ago I saw Mr Alexander Irwin who beg'd me to offer his
Most humble duty to your Lordship: He had the honour to be known
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
489
to your Lordship, he is Your Clerks Sou in the Mairnes, lie is a Very
sensible man, he follows the Law in some branch of it & came to the
Country on a point of Law that one of friends Was concern'd in here
and he has succeeded in his business.
This Town now begins to fill wth a Numer of invalids from the Three
Kingdoms, Countess of Hop[e]town and her Daughter and Mr Hope a
Gentleman Who was known to your Lordship in the Year 1715 are Just
arrived, I have seen him once but had No opportunity of having Any
discourse with him it being a mixt Company.
Your Lordship will have seen in the Publick Papers the Proceedings
of the House of Lords in the case of Capt11 Porteous : The Bill brought
into that House is for dissolving the Town Guard of Edinburgh, appoint-
ing a Watch in its stead and demolishing the Nether Bow Gate. The
House of Commons are to add a Fine of 2,000/. upon the City to be
given to Porteous Widdow who having got rid of a brutal Husband
will now have the fortune to marry a better. The Kirk in the mean-
time from the Pulpit exhort every body to stand up in the defence of
their Liberties and extol [the] Porteous Execution as an heroick Act of
Justice and Vengeance on a Wretch that had imbrued his hands in the
Blood of the People of the Lord. I had these Accounts in a Letter
from a Person who is well informed of what passes. I purpose to go
Spa
soon to 75. 115. 235 where T shall see many of my Friends and many
more of Mr Kent's [your Lordship's]. I am much grieved for the
death of Mr Moreton he was a Very valuable man in all respects, the
last time I saw him, which was about 15 Months ago, he spoke with
great regard of Mr Kent [your Lordship] tho' he was not personally
known to him [you]. The next time I write to your Lordship I believe
I will surprize you with something new of Gardiner, if any of his
Actions can surprize.
(P.S.) Inclosed is a letter for your Lordship. [The next letter.]
To the Earl Marischall from . Dated Feb? 18th 1737. [For-
warded by Hamilton. Unsigned, and addressed " to the Earl Marschal,"
— " II ny avoit Nulle adresse dessus."]
I did not receive the favour of yours of Nov. 7 till yesterday under
the G[rand] M [aster] 's Cover : Tho late yet it came very fortunately
having an opportunity of returning an Answer so soon by the G[rand]
M[aster]'s Squire, who is now with me and goes soon abroad. Your old
Abode I know by your description of it must be very agreeable to You,
but I hope 'twill not have so many charms as to detain you long from Us,
but only serve to amuse you for a short time. I am very much obliged
to you for your Concern for my health : God be thanked I now enjoy it
pretty well, and indeed 'tis time, I should be Master of my Distemper after
having; sei v'd a long Seven Years Apprenticeship to it : The misfortune is
that I have suffered so long that whilst I have been conquering this Malady
another is creeping upon me which is incurable. But I hope it will not
advance so fast, but that I may be permitted once more to visit my Friends
abroad, and perhaps reach so far as your Country [Spain], which I shall
always long to see especially if you continue in it ; one of the greatest
Mortifications I have suffered during my long illness has been my Con-
finement to my own Country. I am so rusticated that I have not seen
London for a great while, nor o[u]r friend Jemmy for these two Years.
He must be very much altered since I saw him, that he has not
acknowledged the favour of your Compliment by a fair Lady ; He does
not Use to be insensible of such Obligations : I hear S1' Giacomo has
the honour to be high Sheriff this year for his County, I wish he may
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
490 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles have an Opportunity of shewing himself in his Office, and that some
Weston"0 lucky Occurrence may make his Year Memorable. If I know the
U>r>EsQ°0I)' Man it would be a Pleasure to him, and as I love him I wish he may
— * distinguish himself.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden,
May 20th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennett.]
I this day received ye honour of your Graces of ye fourth of this
month and I beg to return my most humble thanks for it.
I believe I forgot to inform your Grace that the Contest in the Uni-
versity was a friendly one, that the two Candidates agreed to try their
Interest with ye Torys only and Not to ask the Vote of any one who had
voted in ye former Ellection for Mr Trevor, that having apply'd to their
several Friends and comparing Notes it was found that Dr Butler had a
great majority and therefore his competitor Mr Palmer went at ye head
of his own Friends and voted for ye Doctor.
The Bill concerning the Citty of Edinburgh is still depending in the
House of Lords and when it goes to ye House of Commons it is said
they are to add to it a fine of two Thousand Pounds upon ye Citty to be
given to Captn Porteous Widdow, who having got rid of a Brutal Hus-
band will now have a Fortune to marry her to a better: The Kirk in
ye Meantime from ye Pulpitt exhort every body to stand up in defence of
their liberties and extol Porteous['s] Execution as a Heroick Act of Jus-
tice and Vengeance on a Wretch that had imbrued his Hands in ye Blood
of ye People of ye Lord as they express it. I am advised by several of
my Friends to go to Spa this Season. I am not yet certain of ye time
of my going but 1 will do myself the honour to inform Your Grace of
my Motions and wherever I am Mr Waiters will convey to me Your
Grace's commands.
Baron Neuhoff [King Theodore of Corsica] is released from his Con-
finement and is gone from Amsterdam. It is not known whither.
To Kelly from — — . Dated May 20th 1737. [Unsigned, and
addressed to Mr Johnston at Mr Neuvilles].
You'l be pleased to excuse me for not acknowledging the receipt of
yours of ye 18th April in due time, tho I have not been sick yet I had
a Boyle on my Arm which ye learned here say is a sign of health in ye
Spring and that made me listless and Gave me a distemper wch Phojnix
the Quack in Dublin Us'd to call a Spountenous Lassitude.
As to the two Brethren [Lords Inverness and Dunbar] I every day
meet with Travellers who Give me an Account of ye Great contempt
they are fal'n into. They all agree even their own Countrymen that no
Person whatever tho formerly in some dependence on ye Brethren will
Venture to propose their healths in any Company, Mist is now their
only advocate and Not a Considerable one, He has lost his own Character
and will hardly be able to retrieve theirs, and his pretending to justify
their Conduct instead of doing them any Service makes them appear
more ridiculous, the Gentleman who conducted me to see you, lately
gave me a Merry history of an Adventure that happened in a large
Club in the City of which this Gentleman is a Member. You know tis
composed of Gentlemen & Cittizens, and I believe there is one out of
each Citty Company ; It was set up on purpose to Comunicate advice
to ye Citty on any emergent occasion $ It was begun on ye 29th of May
1660 and has never been discontinued : Mist who had formerly been of
this Club and who had been imploy'd to print Things by their direc-
tions came to it at a General Meeting on ye Admission of a New
Member, and when call'd upon in his turn for a Toast he propos'd
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 491
Ld D[unbar]. The President and all ye Company stared at one Charles
another, They all drank their glasses Without Naming the Toast, and ^J™?1*
the President whose turn it was to name the next health, did Binet Underwood,
[Hamilton] the honour to mention him wch as our friend expresses it _!2*
was so much approved of by ye Company that Mist a few minutes
after thought fit to retire. Perhaps our friend informed you that the
same evening he conducted me to see you he carry'd me to this Club,
and that others as well as he advis'd me to go, tho I was known only
to a few of them at that time : One of the reasons for advising me to
go was, that I might be a Witness of ye respect that all Orders and
degrees of Men have for Mr Neuville, for tis a standing [Rule] to do
themselves the honour to drink his health before they ask for a Toast.
It will be difficult for you to gett books from England into France for
they are become even more scrupulous in France as to ye admission of
Books than they are in Italy or Spain, and therefore the most Usefull
small Books I can think of that on account of their size are easily con-
vey'd will be Mr Wharton's Edition of Ellis on the Articles wch
sufficiently explains them, Dr Kennets Abridgment of Pearson on the
Creed & Wheatly on the Comon Prayer, for a knowledge of these things
is absolutely necessary ; Burnets Pastoral Care the only Good book he
ever writ, Bp Andrews Manual of ye Sick & Stearns de Visitatione
infirmorum.
You may borrow or buy severall Usefull Books at Avignon as the
Apology of ye Early fathers for Christianity wch are short and soon read,
S1 Chrysostoms de Sacerdotio, Gregory the Greats Pastorals, When I
lived at Avignon in 17 15 I us'd to borrow books out of ye Library of ye
Celestins, and I believe that y Marqs de Como has Rollins Ancient
History & Fleurys Ecclesiastical one, and these contain a Great Treasure
of Usefull Knowledge.
I must earnestly recommend one thing to you wch is to instruct ye
two Bla[c]ks in their Cathechism, and to that End I wish You could gett
Wake or Beveridge on ye Church Catechism ; none of ye English Books are
larger them Octavo and Mr Gaven, whom are acquainted with can easily
gett them brought ashore at Cette or Bourdeaux. My Most humble
service to Mr King and Dr Andrews.
To Carte from Hamilton. Dated May 20th 1737. [Addressed to
Mr Carte at his Lodgings in Red Lyons Court, Fleet Street, London ;
and signed G. Binet.]
Two days ago I received ye favour of yours of ye 17th April wth
the Printed Paper concerning the English History wch is Extremely
Well drawn and fully Shews the Necessity of Undertaking Such a Work :
I can not possibly go to Paris this Suiher and can not conceive how my
Kinsman should imagine that I design' d to go thither for I never in-
tended it, And I have not received a Letter from him since his dated the
first of Oct. last : I hope the Scheme of ye Dublin Printers will mis-
carry : I am Obliged to you for ye News You sent me When you have a
leisure hour I must beg [you] to send me the most remarkable Par-
ticulars of ye Debates concerning the Affair of Porteous. It will
oblige a Scotch Gentleman, for whom You have a Particular regard as
every one has who knows him [the Earl MarischalJ. My humble res-
pects to Mr Co[mpanion?] K[ing] — About a month hence I shall
receive the ring and I will send it by ye first sure occasion.
(P.S.) When you have any Comands for me if you send them by the
Penny Post adresst to Binet, under Cover of Mr Cunningham at
Mrs Beanes, in Warwick Court Holborn they will be Conveyed safe
to me.
492
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
To Capt. Alexander Irwin from the same. Dated May 20th 1737,
[Addressed " a M1' Alexander Irwin chez Mr. Andrews a Rotterdam,"
and signed E. H.]
Yon'l begin to think I am a troublesome Correspondent, but I shall
now release you from any farther trouble. You'l please to deliver the
inclosed. Ld Dumbar was bred at ye Leterning as I think they call it.
I wish you would enquire at your Leisure \vth what writer of the Signet
he lived with him and in what years, this cannot be difficult to know and
I have a secular reason to be informed of these Particulars. I forgot to
mention it to you when your were here, Ralph Smith Esq1*, ar M,s
Beanes in Warwick Court will at any time Convey Your letters to me
for I never Write nor receive letters by ye Post, You'l be pleas'd to
excuse all the troublesome Commissions I have given you.
To the Duke of Ormonde from the same. Dated, at Leyden, May
28th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennett.]
1 received by last Post the honour of yours of ye 17th instand. I beg
leave to return My most humble thanks for it.
The Ellector has still a strong inclination to go this Summer to Han-
over tho his Ministers Use their Utmost endeavours to disuade him from
it, and the Examination of ye Riot at Edinburgh has been Lengthened
out on purpose to prolong the Session of Parliament that yc summer may
be so far advanc'd as to discourage the Ellector from going over. Your
Grace will have observ'd in the French Gazets that Orders have been
twice given for fitting up Hampton Court, and that they have been
countermanded : The reason of this is said to be, when the Ellectors
Ministers Prevail'd on him to resolve to stay, He then determin'd to spend
the Summer at Hampton Court, But when the impatient fitt of Crossing
the Sea came upon him He ordered the workmen to desist.
" To Mr Fitzherbert at Mrs Langlacks the English house at the Briel "
from the same. Dated May 26th 1837. [Signed E. Hamilton]
I received the favour of yours without date. As to what you propose
of writing to your Father I believe it will not be proper, for as he was
pleased to take no notice of me in his Answer to yours which mentioned
me he would Probably be unwilling to answer my Letter, et vous saves
bien ques les Malheureux sont toujours sur le pied gauche; If you have
not your French Dictionary, this Phrase will Puzzle you, but the mean-
ing of it is that some People in some Situations are not willing to expose
themselves to a slight from any Person whatsoever : But I believe I
have hit upon a better way than writing directly to your Falher, for the
day after you left this I received a Letter from Cap* Pratt, wherein he
expresses a great regard for you, and is pleased to make use of his old
Friendship and Credit with me in desiring me to shew all possible
Civility for conveying any Message to your Father.
Pray remember what I told you the Evs of the 10th of May NS at the
End of the Papegrnft, this will employ your thoughts for half an hour, I
wish I may in that Point prove a false Prophet.
From the Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated May 9th 1737.
[Addressed to Mr Binnet, and signed L. Neville.]
Dear Zekey I give You many thanks for your Good Wishes from
Rotterdam. I never doubted of your friendship, nor shall you have
reason to doubt of mine.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, June 5th
1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Binnet.]
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
493
I beg leave to return my most humble thanks to Your Grace for the
honour of Your Graces letter of ye 19th of May.
The Lords have Past the Bill against the Citty of Edinburgh and the
Examination of that affair will take up some time in ye House of Comons
who have desired a Conference with the Lords to be inform'd of ye
Evidence on which they past the Bill.
All the letters from England mention that the Ellector has still an in-
clination to go to Hanover this Sumer and that he Will go Unless the
long Session of ye Parliament shall make it impracticable for him :
Baron Neuhoff [King Theodore of Corsica] Embark'd in Zeeland as it
is believed for Corsica. He bought an English ship and paid ready
money for it.
To Lord Harrington from Le Connu. Dated June 1 Ith 1737.
Voici Une Piece asse curieuse, Come il y avoit longtemps a Copier la
lettre na pu partir ce jour d'huy pour Paris, ce qui ne sera qu'apres
demain Ainsi que si la — \illeg.~] est Veritable que Dumbar decouvre des
choses si on l'avertit d'abord on pourroit le sauver puisque les ordres de
Londres y arriveront aussitost que cette lettre de Hamilton ce que j'ay
Cru devoir Avertir en hate a Vostre Excellence.
To George Waters from Hamilton. Dated June 1 1th 1737. [Unsigned.
Addressed " a Mr George Waters Senior banquier rue Mazarine Paris."]
I have none of yours to acknowledge. You are desired to forward
the inclosed by the first Post, and if you can in such a Manner as that
it may come to Mr Mercers [the Pretenders] hands without first passing
tho any others if this be practicable ; if not you are desired to take the
best way. You'l be pleased to let me know When you receiv'd this And
what day it goes off that I may inform My friend of it Who waits for an
Answer.
To the Pretender from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, June 11th 1737.
[Addre?sed " a Monsieur Mercer."]
Sir — The inclosed Copy of Lord Dunbar's Letter to Mist is the most
important Intelligence Your Majesty has received for many Years as it
contains a clear Proof of the Unfaithfullness of a Person in whom
Your Majesty has placed a Trust and who has so Ungratefully abused
that Trust. I most humbly beg Your Majesty to peruse the Copy
of the said Letter together with the Opinion of your best Friends
upon it, and that Your Majesty may be pleased to require Mr
Edgar to look out for all Your Majesty's Letters to England in Septem-
ber October November and December 1734 which affirm that Ld Dunbar
deny'd to Your Majesty in the strongest Terms his having any share in
the printing the said Li bell.
It would be almost indecent to repeat to Your Majesty the Terms
which those make use of in speaking of Ld Dumbar who are already in-
form'd of this Matter, nor is it necessary to do it, They now clearly see
that he has been of a long time the chief, if not the sole Obstacle to your
Majestys Restoration, that he has endeavoured to root up your Majestys
Interest, and that he has been but too successful in weakening and
undermining it.
I reckon myself to have been very fortunate that I have been the
Occasion of the first clear Discovery of Lord Dumbars Clandestine
Correspondence, It has made me full Amends for all the Uneasines He
has endeavoured to give me for some Years past.
I have reasonable hopes given me of receiving in a little Time more
Proofs of Ld Dumbar's Correspondence with other Persons and of a higher
rank than a Common Printer, and whatever Informations I shall receive
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
494 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
^Charles I wiH d0 myself the honour to communicate them to Your Majesty for I
Weston have nothing more at heart than the real Interests of Your Majesty, and
UNDE8<r>0D' * smi** oe a'ways ready to run any Hazard to support it for I have the
— Honour to be with the most profound Respect
Sir,
Your Majesty s
most dutiful Subject and
most obedient and most humble
Servant
E. Hamilton.
" A Copy of Lord Dumbar's Letter to Mr Mist in 1734." [Enclosed
in the last.]
Sir — Mr Hamilton has thought fitt to publish a Liboll against me,
and as I have good Reason to believe sent many Copies of it, not only to
England Scotland and Ireland but over all Europe, 1 here send you
inclosed a Copy of Mr Hamilton's Paper with my Observations upon
it and submit both to your Judgment. I know you are a Lover of Truth
and dislike dishonourable Practices, Therefore if you think Mr.
Hamilton does me wrong as I doubt not but you will, 1 hope you will
use your best Endeavours to vindicate my Honour, the rather that all
Circumstances considered it cannot appear indifferent to the King's
Service on which Account only I am exposed to such Treatment. I
shall have great Obligation to you for the Marks of friendship you may
give vie on this Occasion and am with truth,
Sir, your most obedient humble
Servant
DUMBAR.
" The Sentiments of several of the K[ing]s Friends on the Letter of
Ld Dumbar to Mist." [Enclosed, with the last, in Hamilton's letter to
the Pretender.]
Some of the Kings Friends were once of Opinion to send a Person to
Rome on Purpose to communicate the above mentioned Copy to the
King but on second Thoughts they judg'd that it might be sent in as
safe and a more secret Way by forwarding it to Mr Waters to be con-
vey'd by him to His Majesty.
This Letter of Ld Dumbar's is thought to be such a daring Piece of
Insolence and Contempt of the King, that the unexpected Discovery of
it has raised the highest Indignation in those who are already informed
of it, and at the same time has fully satisfy'd them that Lord Dumbar
has always kept a secret Correspondence without the King's Privity and
with His Majesty's most dangerous Enemies.
When the King's Letters to his Friends in England written in October
and November and December 1734 were compard with this Letter of
Ld Dumbar to Mist, the calmest and mildest Man could not refrain from
speaking of Ld Dumbar with Abhor ence, as of a Man without Truth
and Honour, and they were fully convinced that a Person who would
dare to tell a Lye to the King and with so much Confidence as to induce
His Majesty to believe it, and to write to his Friends in England in
Conformity to that Belief, that such a vile Wretch is capable of any,
even the greatest Treachery.
This Letter to Mist is lookt upon to be so clear an Evidence of Ld
Dumbar's Infamy that the Kings Friends are firmly persuaded if
Ld Dumbar's Papers should be seized there would be found among
Them demonstrative Proofs of his Disloyalty, and that he is and has
been of a long time a hired Spy to the Ellector of Hanover.
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
495
If Lord Dumbar should have any previous Notice of this Discovery,
he would either destroy or remove his Papers and therefore the Kings
Friends are of Opinion that the Safety of the King and Royal Family
depends on the Secrecy and Expedition that may be used in enquiring
into the Records of his Lordships Treachery.
When these Proofs are found (as it is not doubted but they will be
found) it has also been consider'd in what manner it would be most
adviseable to treat him. The Precedent of Mr Manning who was
executed at Cologne during the Exile of King Charles the Second for
the like Practices has been maturely weigh'd, but it is thought that
such an Execution would not be agreeable to the present Temper of the
Times, and that any Punishment that did not reach to Death would
answer all Ends that might be expected from Justice being done in a
severe manner on a Criminal how great so ever ; But that the more
ignominious and Public the Punishment (death excepted) might be,
it would be the more acceptable to all the Kings Friends and that
somewhat like the Sentence past on a Neapolitan Count a Year or two
ago would not be an improper One.
Several Ways of punishing Ld Dumbar have been proposed, as
breaking his Sword over his Head, stripping him of the Green Ribbon
and leading him with a Rope about his Neck, by the Common Hangman
to the utmost Bounds of the Ecclesiastical Estate : Others have added,
as their Opinion, that a Paper might at the same time be fixt to his
Breast and another to his Back expressing his Crime and that he should
be branded on the Right Hand or Cheek with the Letters T. and L. to
express a Traitor and a Lyar. But the Kings Friends submit entirely
to His Majesty's Judgment in what manner, a Person who has been so
false and so ungrateful, ought to be punished.
All the Objections that can be made to such a Proceeding against Ld
Dumbar have been also examin'd as that it is in his Power to discover
many of the King's Friends, but to this it was answered that whatever
Discoverys it is in his Power to make, He has already made, that his
Credit is sunk so low that no Regard would be shewn to his Evidence
and that the Testimony of a Man who has been convicted of notorious
Lyes, and that by the King's own Words in the aforesaid Letters to his
Friends, would not be believed by any Person whatsoever. But that
if Lfl Dumbar was possess'd of any very important Secret (of which His
Majesty was to be best Judge) there was another Remedy for any
Danger that might be feard, that is by confining his Lordship to a
Prison for Life or for a term of Years.
It was also objected that Ld Dumbar would say that this Letter to
Mist was not a positive Order to print the said Libell, but even the
Person who offer'd this Objection departed from it, when he consider'd
the Words of Ld Dumbar's Letter to Mist, and that Mist, whose first
Profession was that of a common Sailor, or Swabber, as such Persons
are called, and who was afterwards advanced to ye trade of a Printer,
could not be entitled to any great Obligations for the Marks of
Friendship he might give on this Occasion to Ld Dumbar, but by serving
Ld Dumbar by the Way of his Trade, that is by printing the Libell
himself or ordering his Partner and Brother Printer in England to
publish it, and it was observ'd that in the last Line except three of the
Libell itself, both in the Manuscript and in the Printed Copy Lord
Dumbar declares in express Words his design to print it.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
To Mrs Catherine Benson [Mrs Hamilton ?] from Hamilton
Dated, at the Hague, June 17th 1737. [Unsigned, and addressed to
496
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Mrs Catherine Bension, " sous couvert de Mr Guillm Hamilton chez
Mr Sandilands a Bourdeaux."]
I received a few days ago the favour of yours of the 16th Octr 1736
and of the 18th of last April. W. Arther convey'd them to me. I am
glad to find that he is return'd safe to his old Habitation ; he bears a
good Character, many of my Friends who travelled that way have men-
tioned him to me. and I heartily wish it may be in my power to serve
him. As soon as I know where he proposes to fix I will use my utmost
Endeavours to recommend him, and I may perhaps be able to do him
more Service in that way than in any Other as Matters stand at present.
I am extremely concerned at the Account you give me of Ja[mes]
Arthur, surely his Conduct must have been very faulty ; if old Arthur
has, as you say, cast him off, but if I may be allowed to say so, is that
the way to reclaim him ? Will it not rather help to make him desperate
and perhaps expose him to some Misfortune that may prove a greater
Affliction to his Friends : Were Mr Little [Hamilton] in a fixt abode
he would be glad to accept of the Proposal you make him to have the
Company of Ja[mes] Arther, but Littles [my] Motions are uncertain
and lo show You that They are so, he has [I have] not been for these
ten Months past in the Place where your Letter supposes him [me] to
be, nor does he know when he [do I know when I] shall return to
that Place. You may judge from one Circumstance how improper it
would be for Little [me] and Ja[mes] Arther to live together, because
Little [I] could not introduce him to all his [my] Friends, even tho
the Young Mans Conduct had been blameless, and Little [I] might be
obliged to leave him on a short warning and could neither tell him when
he [I] design'd to go or whither he [J] was going : He [I] served
Ha .... Arthur in that manner about a Year and a half ago, and did
not see him afterwards for several Months : Had he Health and Strength
to serve either by Sea or Land in that part of the World you mention
[Muscovy] Little's [my] Interest would soon procure him an Employ-
ment, but that I believe his Misfortune in his Feet will make imprac-
ticable, and it requires a strong Constitution to bear the vigour of
that Climate : I cannot at present think of any other way of serving
him but if any Opportunity should offer of doing any kindness to him
or any of Mr Arthers Family, I have so much Friendship for Them
as to lay hold on it with Pleasure. As far as I can judge of Things
at this Distance and from the imperfect Account you give me of Ja[mes]
Arther's Behaviour, the best way I should think would be to bring him
home for a little lime, when Mr Arther's Advice and Instructions would
Perhaps reclaim him, and when he were once reclaimed his Friends
could recommend him with more Confidence. I. hope the young Man
is admitted into the College, he will soon receive a curious Edition of
the Greek Testament, I sent it to a Friend in London to be forwarded
to Ireland by the first safe hand.
I am concerned to find that Mr. Aith[er] is so anxious about some
of his Family. I am persuaded that Providence will never abandon
Them, and perhaps it may be in Obadiahs Power to take as much care
of Them as Arthur himself wou'd be willing to do. How cou'd it enter
into your head that Little [I] could procure a Place in the Customs.
That is hardly possible without Little's [my] making Condecensions
which he [I] will never make, and if the Captain [King George II.]
himself who some Months ago was Wind bound in Little's [my] Neigh-
bourhood had thought it for his Interest even to pay a Visit to Little
[me] ; I know Little [myself] so well that he [I] would not even have
received his Visit, for he [I] will meet the Captain [the King] no
HISTOKTCAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
497
-where except in the Place describ'd in a Motto that young Irw[in]
whom you mention to me will tell you of: Pray remember me to Mr
Irw[in] Sp and all my Friends if They shew'd all possible Civility
to young Irsv[in], I am much obliged to his Father : Obadiah has more
things then one in View for the Service of some of Mr Arthurs
family. I shall write to you again on this head, but I beg him not to
disquiet himself with Apprehensions of Things that will probably never
happen, and I beg him also to take care of his Health, nothing contri-
butes more to it than a cheerful Temper, it doth good like a Medicine.
I have followed that Rule for several Years and I thank God that I
never enjoyed a better Health. I can read or write ten or twelve hours
together without weariness and three days ago I walk'd about Twenty
Miles for Pleasure with a Book in my hands. I am heartily concern'd
for the Accident that has happen'd to W. F. and an Account of his
Recovery will be very agreable to me. Mrs Bon . . . sent me a Letter
from you about two Months ago and I sent my Answer to London to be
forwarded from thence to Ireland. In my last I desir'd you to let me
know the name of Mrs Cowper's Grandson who is in the College as you
mention'd in one of your former Letters. I sent you a Seal about ten
Months ago, I wonder it has never come to your hands. If I have not
answered all the Articles of yours, I shall not forget them but I am now
in some haste. My Service to all Friends.
To Sir Redmond Everard. Dated June 17th 1737. [Unsigned, and
addressed " a Monsr le Chevr Everard a Chatou pres de Nanterre."]
I have too long deferr'd to return you thanks for yours of the 7th of
May tho' there was nothing material in it to require a quick Answer.
It is impossible to get the Gazette you mention, 1 try'd but to no pur-
pose, I suppose it is one mention'd in a Letter to Mr Neuville [the
Duke of Ormonde] for I dont remember that I took Notice of it to any
other Person.
I receiv'd Mr C[arte]'s Letter and answer'd it by a Person that went
from hence to London, I wish his Proposals may meet with due En-
couragement for it would be a useful Work and he is very capable of
performing it. I dont understand what you mean by Me moires rather
than History, I doubt you have receiv'd your Intelligence from some
Person who conjectures only at my Designs, and whom I never
acquainted with them, I hear that Mr B[ingley] is at Paris, perhaps he
is the Person who has given you this Information, but he is not privy
to my Secrets, nor has he any Reason to expect it from me, for with
relation to him, 1 must tell you one Thing that I own surpris'd me,
during the Violence of ye Persecution against me from the two Brethren
[Lords Inverness and Dunbar] Mr B[ingley] offered in a letter to Mr
Cr .... to send him some Papers as Proofs of the Warmth of my
Temper : Now these Papers could come to his hands only one of these
two Ways, as sent by Ld Dumbar to his Brother, or by Isham's [the
Pretender's] Direction to Neville [the Duke of Ormonde], and I
am very sure that Neville [the Duke] would never consent to the
sending such Papers, and to send them without Mr Nevilles [the Duke's]
Consent or knowledge was not consistent with the trust reposed in
him ; If they were given to Mr Bin[gley] by Inv [Inverness]
another extraordinary Inference may be drawn from it, which is that
the Par ignobile [Lords Inverness and Dumbar] had so far sooth'd
Bin[gley] as to make him a Tool to gratify their own Malice against me.
This Proposal from Mr Bin[gleyl was not accepted of in England, and
People there were surpris'd at it,~all I shall Lay as to this Matter is, that
I ever acquainted with this Particular, which
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
you are the first Person
O 84067.
I I
498
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CHAELE8
FiEKITTOOl)
WKSTOX
Underwood,
Esq.
shews that neither he nor the Par ignobile are acquainted with my
Character or Temper, which are very different from theirs, I imputed it
to weakness rather than to Malice and I despis'd it even more than my
Friends in England did. This Particular however comes sometimes
into my Mind, when I was sorting my Papers and burning all the Useless
ones, particularly several of B[ingley]'s Letters to me (writ about ye
same time with his Letter to Mr Cr . . . . ) wherein he expresses the
greatest Friendship to me, I would not have acted such a Particular to
him or any other for all the Wealth in the Banks of London and
Amsterdam. I have enlarg'd the more on this Head to put you on your
guard, because if he be with you, I should be very sorry that he were
acquainted with any of my Motions or Designs, for from what has passed
T have Reason to think that he is more in the Interest of the two Brethren
than you may imagine him to be, and you may easily know whether he
has any Correspondence with them.
I believe I shall soon take a Ramble but not to your Parts. In my
next I shall inform you how to address to me, I believe I have forgot to
acquaint you that I have discover'd the spy that the Par ignobile [Lords
Inverness and Dunbar] employed in this Country to observe Binet's
[my] Motions : They are a couple of Vile Miscreants without Truth,
and without one Dram of Honour. If you would sent me an Account
that they were both hang'd, I would willingly pay the Expense of an
Express, my respects to Madam.
(P.S.) This Town begins to fill with Invalids, one Mr Flower who is
now a sort of a L[ord] with a long and hard Irish name [Lord Castle
Durrow, afterwards Viscount Ashbrook], another new L[ord] All[en}
who stammers, a son of Sr Samuel Cooke in Dublin and his Lady, Mr and
Mra Napper were here but live now at the Hague. Sr E[dmund] Crofton
a Privy Councillor who is lately admitted a student of this University,
I suppose on the Divinity Line, cum multis aliis. Pray remember that
this Letter is six times longer than yours.
The Earl Marischal to Hamilton. Dated, in Madrid, June 20th 1737.
[Signed in cypher, and addressed " a Monsr Hamilton chez Mr. Aleaume
proche l'Eglise St. Pierre a Leyde."]
I have yours witli the enclosed of May 15th. I envy the ease with
which you go on a Ramble in your Parts, when I think on a journey in
the Chaises of Ours's, and the little Accommodation We find on the
Road. I believe 1 shall soon begin One of Fifty Leagues and not so
agreeably as when We made most of it together. I have at last got a
new order to be paid ; if it's obey'd, as I fancy it will, I return to my
Dog my Gun and my Book : It's certain that Porteus was a most brutal
Fellow, his last Works at the head of his Guards was not the first time
he had ordered his Men to fire on the People, I will not call them Mobb,
who made so orderly an Execution. I am sorry for the Loss of Mr
Morton, whom tho I did not know personally I greatly esteem'd from
the Character the Boby gave me of him. Gardiner you know is as
pretty a Gentleman as none of them all, if you let me know of him
something good and honourable you will inddeed surprize me.
I wish you a good Journey and hope you shall have benefit from the
Waters. Yours adieu. 162. 214. 140. 145. 31. 1122. 174. 233. 146. 217.
P.S. In the first part of my Letter I told you that I had my order to
be pay'd, that I expected it would be obeyed and that I would return
soon to Valencia, I had reason to think so, but the Extraordinary Pro-
cedure and even insolent Behaviour of the Treasurer obliges me to
begin a new Complaint to the King of Spain and to ask Satisfaction, but
as H[is] M[ajesty] remits all his Memorials to his Ministers and that
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
499
these Gentlemen commonly join in Defence of their usurped Power,
looking; on whomever, modestly complains of Them, as the worst of
Rebells, its probable I shall have no Satisfaction, and that after waiting
some little time I must ask my Demission and quit the Service. Besides
the Arts of My Adversary, he has in his Possession the Sinews of War,
which are wanting to me ; so that 1 am not able to carry it on long, and
must therefore make an honourable retreat, the best way I can, if I get
no Satisfaction. I have in giving my Memorial done what belongs to
me, what depends on Others I am no ways accountable for and therefore
the less concerned about it.
My quarrel with the Treasurer was yesterday ; the Court comes here
today; I am busy writing out in a clear hand my Memorial to the
King of Spain, and another to Mr de la Quadra, to give them both to
Mr de la Quadra as soon ps possible I can. By next Post I shall send
you Copies of Them. You will admire my Patience and that the
Perfervidum Scotorum ingenium did not get the better of it. Yours
Adieu. 22d June I7a7. Remember me kindly to Mr. Irwin if you see
him again.
From the same to the 3aine. Dated July 6th 1737. [Unsigned, and
addressed as the last.]
You will be glad to know that I have finished to my Satisfaction my
Affair with the Treasurer he having made to me all possible excuses in
the Presence of the Minister Mr la Quadra and of a L* General a Friend
of mine in the Secretary's Office, so that now we remain Friends. The
little knight Hally has shown on this occasion more Spirits and
more Sentiments than any One, he told the Minister among other Things
that he knew fulano [such an one] meaning me, had not one ocharo
[farthing] but that he also knew that rather than do anything mean he
would go afoot, eating Bread and Water from this to Tartary con un
doblon : y no le faltara este doblon mientras que ay Un hombre de bien
en Espana. I am earnestly invited by Nicols [the Duke of Ormonde]
to make him a Visit, Mr Hale [Kelly] joins several Reasons to Nicols
[the Duke's] Invitation, supposing that not only I might be of some use
to him Hale [Kelly] in an Affair relating to Wager [the Duke] but also
that I might be of more general Service by going nearer to Mr Brackley
[Scotland]. I do not think that he would willingly deceive or natter
me besides that Others I find are of the same Opinion ; but they do not
know well my Circumstances and the difficulties in my way to that
Journey. I have leave to go but I fear I shall not be able to get
Money. You may remember that I have been a long time on a Project
(near four Years) to make me Master of my time distant from hence.
I see little Appearance of Success however write to Cecil [Urquhart]
to learn whats adoing, since you can write to him more conveniently
than I. I must also desire that you will keep me free from blame of those
who desire I should be nearer Brat-kley [Scotland], looking on me as
one who has sufficient Rents and not knowing that those Rents even
here are little better than an empty Name, and nothing at all when absent
from hence : They may think that indifference and indolence keep me
under my Vine and Fig Tree, and not necessity. If my Project should
be brought to bear, which I propose should bring me 250 Pounds live
rent, I should be my own Master, live in Neighbourhood, be at the
Disposition of Our Friends without troubling myself whether my Rents
from hence came to me or not. I should count on nothing from this
Place but the Advantage of Protection, which is a very great One in
my Circumstances. Having thus explained not only my present Case
but also my future Thoughts and Views, you nor nobody I think
I I 2
CffABLES
Fleetwood
Weston -
Underwood,
Esq*,
500
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chajixes
Fleetwood
"Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
ought to admire that I do not comply with the desire of Those who
advise me to undertake a Journey of which they are igaorant of the
Difficultys since I protest that if ever I get out of Them, all honest Men
shall I hope, ever find me in all readiness to Comply with any reasonable
Advice and join in whatever is good and honourable without Invitation :
but as I see little Appearance (or rather none) of my getting into this
Independence for Cecil [Urquhart] in his last leaves me hardly any
hopes, I am condemned, I fear, to end my days, useless, in Melancholy
Retirement in this Country, yet as I have already said, I have asked
and got leave to go to Nicols [the Duke of Ormonde], but I believe it
will not be in my Power to make use of that leave, tho' I shall try all
possible Means. Yours adieu.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Ley den, June 21
1737 [Addressed to Mr Nevill, and signed G. Bennett.]
I had the honour to write to your Grace about a fortnight ago, I have
met with no remarkable News and I have not of late been honour'd with
any of your Graces comands.
The Edinburgh affair is strongly oppos'd in the House of Commons,
and severall Towns besides Edinburgh have petition'd against the passing
of ye Act, lest it should be a precedent for any future Encroachment on
their own Libcrtys.
I hear that ye Marq8 de Montandre is to be made Field Marshal in
y^room of ye late Earl of Orkney which is not agreeable to many of ye
English General Officers who were disgusted that fourteen foreigners
were amongst the List of ye Last Promotion of General Officers in
England :
I design to Sett out from hence about a fortnight hence but before I
leave this I will do myself the honour to write to your Grace.
To Cunningham from the same. Dated June 24th 1737. [Addressed to
" Mr Cunningham at Mrs Beans in Warwick Court Holbourn London,"
and signed G. B.]
I received the favour of yours of ye 3d of May, and I waited for an
Opportunity of answering it more fully than I can at present, but I was
unwilling to defer any longer returning you many Thanks for it, and
for the Assurance You give me of the Continuance of your Friendship,
which I set a just Yalue upon. I writ to you about a Month ago by a
Friend, and I sent by him what You expected from Mr Cibbe, which
perhaps may be better than what Mr Cibbe may send You. If You
should receive a Duplicate You'll then be pleased to give me one Fid : I
cannot recommend it to better hands.
You need not send any more Magazins, or the News Paper you
mentioned. Mr Dickens writes to me that he designs to remove from
his present Habitation for about six weeks, but that Mr Rampton's will
still be conveyed to him.
. " J. H." to Hamilton. DatedJune 21st 1737. [Addressed to Ezech.
Hamilton. " Venu sons Couvert de Mr Andrews a Rotterdam."]
I take the first Opportunity of returning Thanks for your Favour of
the 15th inst. my Motions not entirely depending on myself, I cannot
positively say what Day I shall set out on the Journey which We made
together last Year, but hope it will be before the Month expires ; when
the Day is fixt, I shall trouble You with another Letter. Mr Hancock
with his Wife and Cousin are just arrived here ; they propose spending
2 or 3 Months in this Neighbourhood, and then wintering in the South,
on Account of the Ladies Health. [The] Miss Digbys have taken
another Route to Spa than that of Paris, otherwise I must before this
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
501
time have seen Them. 1 shall take care to deliver your Message to Mr3 Obtames
Parsons, who has for some time been at the Planchette; Great and ^westoi?0
Extraordinary Changes of Femell Allyances have lately happened. Mr Underwood,
Lidd ell received your Letter and is much your humble servant. Mr EsQ>
Bingley is at Chatou.
To the Earl Marischal from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, June 19th
] 737. [Addressed H To the Earl Marschal a Madrid," and signed Gr. B.].
I received the honour of your Lordships of the 24th of May and I am
extremely concern' d to find that Mr Kilpatricks [your] Affairs grow
worse every day instead of mending as I hoped they would do. I shall
long extremely for an Account that they have taken another turn.
I have enquir'd into the Customs and Privileges of this Place and I
find that any Person may be received a Student, but the Privileges of
the University are not so sacred as they formerly were : Benson [I]
lately spoke to 55. 175. 215. 95. 216. 225. 55. 105. 95 on this subject upon
an apprehension he had of being disturb'd by Blomers [King George's]
Agent in Cormicy [Holland] who had made several Enquirys about
Benson [me], and this Person who is a very intelligent Man told him
that a few years ago a Student was carryed off when Dr. Boerhave was
Spa
Rector. 75. 115. 235 is agreeable enough for two months in the year
because there is a great deal of Company, tho often the Majority of
Them are bad, and during that time it is Expensive and the Lodgings
are dear and bad, for the rest of the Year it is a Desert, a poor Village in
the midst of Mountains and none to Converse with except the Curate and
Barber. If Mr Kent [you] shou'd be obliged to leave Appleby [Spain]
either the place he [you] first thought to go to, would be more agreeable
to him [you] or perhaps some Town in Lorraine or Flanders or in Liege.
I had the honour to mention to Your Lordship in my last that Bridport
[Leyden] was a much dearer place than it was twenty Years ago, few of
Students tho' they keep no Servants can live under a hundred Pounds a
Year, tho they remain fix'd here, and all the Fans are as dear or dearer
than near London. Tf Mr. Kent [you] should be under a Necessity of
removing would it not be better to get a Conge, if that be practicable
than to make his [your] Demission ; Daniel's [the King of Spain's}
Credentials would be a real Security against any Affront that might be
offered him [you], and the Landlords of Penrith and Cormicy and Creil
[The governments of Holland and ] wou'd not be prevail'd on
to do any injury to one of Daniels Family [one of the King of Spain's
servants.] Your Lordship has heard of Baron Neuhoff's [King
Theodore of Corsica's] Imprisonment in Amsterdam and of his being
releas'd, he was Sumoned to appear at the Stadt house by his Creditors
and the Magistrates allowed him to wear his Sword which is a Favour
that was never granted to any Subject on such an Occasion.
I will acquaint Mr. Cecil [Urquhart] with the Contents of your
Lordship's Letter. I think of going to Spa about a fortnight hence and
to remain there until the middle of August, your Lordships Commands
will reach me if they are addressed to Mr, Thimothy Binet chez Mr.
Alexander Hay a Spa.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated June 10th 1737. [Un-
addreseed, and signed L. Nevill.]
I have yours of ye 28th May. I think it is no great matter whether
the Ellector goes or stays Unless he would stay on this side ye Water
for good and all. I thank you Sr for your Constant Correspondance.
502
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
"Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Dated, at Leyden, June 25th
Hamilton to Mr Alexander Hay at Spa.
1737. [Signed E. H.]
Your Company by this time is much increased. I lately writ two
Notes to you by a Gentleman who set out from hence, two of ye gentle-
men have their wives with Them. They are Persons of Fortune. I
eat with Them in the same House here for some days j I don't know
their Principles ; The three Gentlemen to whom I desired you to shew
my Broad Sword are Members of ye University of Oxford, They are
Torys but I know not whether They would be for a fair Meeting [in
favour of a Rebellion ?], but this is to Your self, and for your own Infor-
mation. However 1 beg you to assist all those Persons in getting Them
Lodgings, tho' they propose to stay but a very short time. About this
day fortnight I will probably see you.
(P.S.) If you should receive any Letteis for Thimothy Bennet pray
keep Them.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, June
28th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennet.]
I beg leave to return my most humble thanks to your Grace for the
honour of your Grace's letter of the 10th of June, and for the Continuance
of your Grace's Goodness to me.
Most ;of the Gentlemen who are yet come to this Town to consult
Boerhave are Irish and Whigs except Mr Cook a son of Sr Samuel
Cook's who was Lord Mayor of Dublin when your Grace was last in
Ireland, and who had the honour of being knighted by Your Grace : His
son inherits his father's duty and .respect for Your Grace : He told me
one thing that I am greatly concern'd for, Robin Leslie has entirely
lost the use of one Eye and is in great Danger of losing the other.
Mr Flower of the County of Kilkeney, and a son of Colonel Aliens of
Wicklow who are both new made Lords [Lords Castle — Durrow and
Allen] have been here Sr Edmund Crofton who has been here for some
time with his Family, and who is of the Council in Ireland has diverted
all the Students of this Place, he was admitted a Student to save a
trifling duty of three Guineas a Year on Wine; and in going to be
admitted he lost a Diamond Ring worth Twenty Guineas.
Hamilton to George Watters Senior, Rue Mazarine a Paris.
June 25th 1737. [Unsigned.]
I sent you on the 11th instf an inclosed for the King, and I
great pain about it, as is the Person who gave it to me, for it
have come to your hands before the 17th. If he had been able to have
borne the fatigue of the Journey he would have carried it himself, but
when that was impossible he thought the best way was to send it to you ;
he dictated the Note to you, and saw it sealed and put into the Post. I
am glad that these Precautions were taken here ; tho he is very impatient
to return, he will stay until an Answer is due to this. I can neither
tell the Person nor the Business by Letter, but it is of more importance
than a considerable Bill for Mr Mercer's [the Pretender's] Service.
The same to Sir Redmond Everhard. Dated June 28th 1737. [Un-
signed, and addressed to " Monsr le Chevalier Everard a Chatou."]
I writ to you about ten days ago, I then promis'd to write again to
you, I design to leave this Place [Leyden] in four or five days, and to
move leisurely to Spa, where your Letter address'd to me chez Mr
Alexander Hay will reach me. In my last I informed you that Mr
Flower who is a new Lord with a long and hard name [Lord Castle
Durrow] has been here, and that he was gone from this Place as I hear
back to England. There have been few English here, the long Sessions
Dated
am in
might
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
503
Esq.
of Parliament has prevented their coming. We have no News here. I Charles
cannot get the Gazette you wanted. I find by the publick Papers that WestcS?D
Mr Draper is married, I wish him all imaginable happiness. If Mr and Underwood
Mrs Handcock should be in your Neighbourhood my Respects to them
and to My Lady.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated at Leyden, June 28th
1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Bennett.]
I had the honour to write to your Grace by the last Post, I propose to
set out in two or three days for Spa, and I could not leave this place
without paying my Duty to your Grace : as soon as I arrive at the End
of my Journey I will do myself the honour to write to your Grace.
I have the honour to enclose to your Grace a Copy of a Letter which
Lord Dumbar writ to Mr. Mist the Printer, which unexpectedly is
come to Light, and which amazes all the Kings [the Pretender's]
Friends in England ; because on the Publication of that Paper several
Persons represented to the King [the Pretender] in strong Terms, the
Imprudence and the ill Consequences in printing it ; and the Words of
the King's [the Pretender's] Answer were: I have talk't to Lord
Dunbar, and he declares upon his honour that the Paper was printed
without his Knowledge and Direction : Therefore since the Discovery
of this Letter, directing Mr. Mist to print it ; for it can bear no other
Sense, tho it is writ with Art and Cunning ; They writ to me from
England that They speak of him there with Abhorrence, and They
hope that the King [the Pretender] will resent this particular Affront
to him, which is of such a Nature, that one Equal would not bear from
Another ; and the Kings [the Pretender's] Resolution on this Head is
expected with great Impatience.
Kelly to Hamilton. Dated Novr 13th 1737. [Signed G. Kelly, and
addressed to Ezechiel Hamilton.]
I received the inclosed by last Post and must inform you of Mr
Melvills [the Duke of Ormonde's] Opinion who had a Letter on the
same Subject, which is, that tho Mr Fletcher's [the Earl MarischaPs]
Scheme be a good one, and could be brought to hear, yet Ash [the
Pretender] would never come in to it, and Warner [Lord Inverness
or Lord Dunbar] you may be sure would oppose it with all his might,
as he does every thing that is not of his own projecting, or that does not
tend to [support] his Views ; if Mr Fletcher [the Earl Marischal] is in-
clined to do a Kind Office to the Gentleman in Distress [the Pretender or
King Theodore], in that Case if You could raise the Sum in the manner he
mentions it would be a very good natured Action, but as to its tendency
to forward the Main Point, Mr Melvill [the Duke] thinks it will have
none at all, and designs to tell Mr Fletcher [the Earl Marischal] so by
next Post. I don't remember to have told You that Our Family is
diminished, for the Captain who came some time ago is returned home.
Mr Perrot was lately robb'd at Montpellier of all his Cloaths, and 70/.
in money, the whole he computes at 200/ : the Fellow who in all
probability committed the Robbery is in Prison, but whether he will
confess or restore any Part of the Goods is still uncertain. We have
no manner of news here, Please to accept my Respects and believe me
&c.
(P.S.) I have this minute received a Letter from Mr Perrot that he
has got his Trunk and every thing but his money.
The Earl Marischal to the same. Dated Octr 23rd 1737. [Unsigned,
and addressed to Mr Timothy Binet. Forwarded by Kelly with the last.]
504 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Fleetwood I have yours of the 1st Sepr Mr Cecil's [Urquhart's] Advice is taken
tjsdeewoop, as y°u knCHV> but if I tad got no Redress it would not have been
Esq. possible to have followed it, tho' I have a particular regard for Cecil's
[Urquhart's] Advice, looking on him as a Wise Man and considering
him as my Friend in an extraordinary degree : I send this by Wager's
[Kelly's] Cover as the surest way and hope soon to see him having
asked leave. Your Friend Mr Karrol [the Earl Marischal] has also
asked a Conge for some time, Perhaps we may go a part of the Road
together [a Blind] ; Karrol has [I have] Family Affairs of consequence
to him [me] and to his [my] Cousin Mr. Harvey [?] and is [am]
pre.-sed by his [my] Friends to Settle them, if he [I] can, with Harvey
and in favour of Harvey ; T shall let you know if Karrol gets [I get] a
Conge and his [my] Route. I spoke to You I think when We were
last together of a Project I had to get Hodge3 [the Pretender] to re-
move from Potsdam [Rome] where his Business comes to small
Account. If I could have a Thousand Pounds at my Disposal, I am
persuaded I could lay it out to so good Use as to procure Hodges [the
Pretender's] Removal to Cadix [Corsica] (the Place we talked of) and
put him thereby in a better way of Business, and would have the Money
also returned to the Owner, it being only to be lent and on good
security : Try if you can get this done, but you must use your ordinary
which is extraordinary Dilligence otherwise it will come too late ; and
ye same Project if pursued will cost much more at another time : I do
not say that it is sure at Present, but a good Step would be made, and
the Thousand Pounds would be returned whether We succeed or not ;
the Person for whom it is designed [the Pretender or King Theodore]
being a Man of Good Stock, tho not in ready Money at Present, and if
he was forced to Sell his Stock would be ruined ; he is a Man much
considered in Cadiz [Corsica] and of the best Familys of Traders there.
* Kelly to the same. Dated at Avignon Octr 25th (1737). [Signed
Geo. Kelly, and addressed to " Ezekiel Hamilton a Leyd."]
This is my third Letter to you since I had the favour of any from
you. I had the last Post the melancholy Account of our worthy Friend
Capt. Wright's Death, which is no small Affliction to me, and must be
so to all his Acquaintance particularly you, who have been so long in
such an intimate friendship with him : his Grace [the Duke of
Ormonde] was I assure you very sensibly touched with his Loss and
with great reason, since no body could be more sincerely attach'd to him.
Poor Capt. Wilson has likewise lost his son Frank, who was a very
hopeful Youth, which with that of his Friend must have been a double
Mortification to him.
Mr Perrot is left alone at Montpellier his fellow Travellors being
return'd to Paris but whether he will reside there or at Aix while he
continues in this Neighbourhood is yet uncertain : My Lord Duke is in
a perfect state of health, we have lost Mr King who is return'd to
England.
* To the same from [Dr. Hawley ?]. Dated, at Brentford, Octr 27tb
1737. [Signed J. H., and addressed to Mr Binet.]
At leaving Rotterdam I troubled You with a Line which I hope you
received : desirous of trusting to the Winds as little as possible I
embarked at Helvoetsluys the 19th of Octr N.S. and in 20 Hours was
safe on English Ground. At my Arrival at Brentford I found my
Brother under Dr. Lane's care just recovering from a Fever. Do you
think this a suitable Return for the Service I did the Dr. at Paris ? Of
your Letters I have only delivered that in Warwick Court, where I found
Esq.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 505
your Friend [Ralph Smith] just getting up from a Fit of the Gout. Charles
The Dutchess of Buckingham according to the Publick Papers is ^westoT
dangerously ill at the Bath I am really sorry for her Grace but ye I'^deewood,
Physicians say 'tis a pure sickly time. You'l be sorry to hear that the
Difference between the King & Prince is still subsisting the Latter
being by Order still excluded from the Gardens at Kew, walks daily in
the Lanes.
I have yet made no Step towards fixing upon a Place or a Companion
of my abode, notwithstanding the Opinion of me which you give in
Your Letter to Dr. Lane, you must expect, however it happens, to be
acquainted with that or any other important circumstance which con-
cerns me. I shall, in about a Fortnight go to Oxford, in order to take
my degree, where I hope to have an Opportunity of delivering your
Letter as well as the Book to Mr. H . Mr [William] Trilawny
[Governor of Jamaica] and Dr. Wigan are feasting with the Merchants
and Companys in order to take their leaves.
The [Westminster] Bridge Lottery will begin to be drawn the 14th of
nexth month. Whether the Bridge is to be Wood or Stone I dont find is
yet determin'd. This is all the News at present of the Great Town of
Brentford or the Environs, but my Inclinations to write to you are not
govern'd by that. I hope to receive a Letter from You soon and insist
upon a share of your Commissions when you have any on this part of
the World.
* To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Octr
31st 1737. [Addressed to Monsr Neuville, and signed G. Bennett.]
I had the honour to write to your Grace before I left Aix laChapelle,
and I arrived here three days ago after a pretty tedious Journey. I
propose to spend the Winter in this City as the most retired Place in
Holland, and that I may have leisure to pursue the End of my Coming
hither ; as I advance in my Work, my pleasure increases, and I have a
particular Satisfaction in doing justice to your Graces Character which
makes me some amends for the want of an opportunity of paying my
Duty to your Grace for that can never be abated by either length of
time or distance of Place.
While I was at Aix la Chapelle I saw a plan of Oczakow in the hands
of an Officer there, if it is to be met with in this Country I will do
myself the honour to send it to your Grace. Mr. Seckendorff's Con-
duct is generally condem'd, and if the War continues 'tis thought he
will not command the next Campaign. I will obey your Grace's Com-
mands with pleasure and do myself the honour to write frequently to
your Grace.
* Hamilton to Kelly. Dated, at Leyden, Nov. 21st 1737. [Signed
G. Binet.]
I receiv'd the favour of yours of ye 2oth Octr in which you mention
to have writ two former Letters. I receiv'd only one of them of the
26th Septr which I answer'd the 24th of Octr, and I am in great Pain
for the other, if you can, pray recollect the Contents of it.
I have not of a long time been more truely concern'd than for ye Loss
of our Friend Capt. YVright for I had a friendship with him these thirty
Years past, he was in all Respects a very Valuable Man, and I am sure
that no Man in ye World was more attacht to his Grace than he was. I
heard some Months ago of the Death of Capt. Wilson's Son, he was a fine
temper'd Youth and his father was passionately fond of him, It would
have been happy for Mr Ash [the Pretender], if Boulter and Warner
[Lords Dunbar and Inverness] the par ignobile fratrum as they are
506
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
f xeetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
usualy call'd had gone in the Place of the other worthy Men, for that
seems to be a Preliminary to Mr Oates Marriage [the Pretender's
Eestoration], for while they subsist or at least their Credit subsists, Mr
A lister [Spain or France] will scarce ever be persuaded to do any
ThiDg, for they are in great and universal Contempt, and Mr Ash's
[the Pretender's] attachment to them does him an infinite Prejudice, It
is grievous to hear ye Sentiments of all sorts of People on this head. I
must beg the favour of you to forward the inclosed to Ld Marshal [the
Earl Marischal] for you will know his Motions better than I can as he
writes frequently to his Grace. I am glad to find to find that Mr Keith
is out of Danger.
* The same to the Earl Marischal. Dated, at Leyden, Novr 21st 1737.
[Addressed to " The Right Honble the Earl Marshal of Scotland " and
signed G. B. Enclosed in the last.]
Since my Return to my old Quarters I receiv'd the honour of your
Lordship of the 2d Octr and 1 return my most humble Thanks for it.
I am extremely pleased with the Account your Lordship is pleased to
give me that Mr Keith is not in Danger, and this Evening Lord Cathcart,
who is come hither to see his two Sons, told me that the Publick
Gazettes mention Mr Keith's being in good health, and that he had his
Winter Quarters right in the Ukraine. Ld Cathcart is a well temper'd
and well bred Man, I was known to him at Spa, he often speaks of your
Lordship with all possible respect.
A Son of my Lord Garlies is here studying the Law, he ask'd me for
an Address to your Lordship which I gave him, he appears to be a fine
Youth and I hear a good Character of him from those who know him
better than I do : the first Speech I made him was in the Words of
Virgil, which is good Authority in this Place Teque animo repetentem
Exempla tuorum Avunculus excitet Hector. Which he took in good
Part and will soon be better acquainted.
I sent the Copy of Bathmettle's [Lord Dunbar's] Letter, to ye chief
Person concerned [the Pretender], I don't as yet hear that it is has had
any Effect, I doubt it will be non persuadebis etiamsi persuaseris.
There are several other Gentlemen of Scotland who are Students of
Law here as a Brother of Ld Butes [Mr Stewart- Mackenzie] who has
changed his name to that of Mackenzie for an Estate, two of Lord
Ross's Sons and others of less Rank. When I meet with any News
worth your Lordship's knowledge I will do myself the Honour to inform
you of it.
* To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Nov1" 22nd
1737. [Addressed to Mr STeuville, and signed G, Binet.]
I had the honour to write to your Grace since my Return to Holland
and tho I have since met with nothing worth giving your Grace the
trouble of a Letter, yet I cannot deferr assuring Your Grace from time
to time of my most humble Duty and Respect.
Every Day gives new Proofs of the Increase of the Differences in
the Court of London, a late Order has been given to exclude the Elec-
tor's Son from the Gardens of Kew, and he walks daily in the Lanes.
It is believed that C* Seckendorff is in danger, all the Ministers at
Vienna are against him for he got the Command in some measure
against their Consent by gaining some of the private Favorites. He is
of the Territory of Anspach, and a Sermon was lately preached before
the Emperor by a Jesuit who took the liberty to say it was no Wonder
that their Armys did not succeed against the Turks since they were
commanded by an Heretick
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
507
To Edward Weston from Le Connu. Dated Novr 29th 1737. [Re-
ceived at the Foreign Office Novr 22nd O.S.]
Voies cette incluse du 23e Oct : [the last letter] Elle est ou d'Espagne
ou de Rome, mais je crais que c'est de la derniere Place, et ne diroit on
point que Ton veur tacher de placer le Pretendant en Corse ; c'est Une
conjecture que je fais pour expliquer cette lettre la, mais je ne Scai si
cella est juste, ou Vrai Semblable. Peut estre que de la reponse que
Hamilton donnera on pourra Voir plus clair. Je suis a toujours — Le
Conntj.
P.S. : Voici les reponces aussi de Binet mais je ne Scay que con-
jectures.
To Kelly from Hamilton. Dated Novr 28th 1737. [Unsigned, and
addressed to Mr Kelly.]
I received by last Post the favour of yours of the 13th instant with an
Inclosure from Mr Fletcher [the Earl Marischal] to which I now send
an Answer : Mr Melville [the Duke of Ormonde] surely judges right in
that Point that Mr Ash [the Pretender] would never agree to that
Proposal and that Warner [Lord Inverness or Lord Dunbar] would use
his utmost Endeavours to blast it, I dont therefore see any likelyhood of
its taking effect. Mr Fletcher [The Earl Marischal] formerley writ to
me on this subject and soon after I discours'd with Mr Jordaen on this
head and desir'd him to consider it fully when he saw Mr Clavering
svhich 1 am persuaded Mr Jordaen has done and that Mr Clavering
would not meddle in it as an impracticable thing. I can't therefore see
what further step I can take in this Affair, nor will it bs possible to raise
the sum mention'd, unless for that LTse which supposes Mr Clavering
agreeing to the Proposal : If all the Representations that have been
made from Mr Alister [me] to remove Warner [Lord Inverness or Lord
Dunbar] have proved ineffectual. It is [Is it] likely that Mr Alister
will [I shall] attempt to remove Arnold [the Pretender] even against
his Will, and Mr Alister will [I shall] run the Hazard of his [my]
advice being rejected.
I had the honour to write to Mr Meinard [the Duke of Ormonde]
by last Post, you'l be pleased to assure him of my most humble Duty
and Respect and that I shall be neither in this nor in any other Thing take
any Measures, but by his Directions and in obedience to his Commands.
I am extremely concerned forMr Perrots Loss.
To the Earl Marischal from the same. Dated Novr 28th 1737. [Ad-
dressed to Monsieur Fletcher, and signed Gr. Binet. Enclosed in the
last.]
I received the honour of your Lordships of the 23rd Oct ■ I heartily
wish it were in my power to serve your friend [the Pretender] in the
way you propose, I should think nothing to be a trouble that could be
agreable to your Lordship or to any of your friends : To shew your
Lordship that it is not in my Power, I must inform you that I talk'd
fully to Mr Morgan on that head and I desir'd him to consult with Mr
Ogle what was proper to be done it, and I have since heard that Mr
Ogle is unwilling to meddle in it as believing it to be impracticable on
the side of Hicks [the Pretender] and that is even to little Purpose to
get him to change his Place of Residence, until he makes a Preliminary
Change where he now is ; and which he is so far from thinking of, that
all Applications to that purpose have hitherto been ineffectual, and he
only will not see his own Interest. It will be impossible to raise that
sum but on Ogles agreeing to the Proposal, and of that there is no
manner of Appearance ; I am griev'd at the Situation of your Friends
Affairs, and I know not possibly how to help him. In my last, I had
Charles
Fleetwood
Westok
Underwood,
Esq.
508
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Westox
TJkDERWOOD,
Esq.
the honour to inform your Lordship that a Nephew of Mr Karrols [your
Nephew] was here and that he is a promising young Gentleman.
To Sir Eedmond Everard from the same. Dated Novr 28th 1737.
[Unsigned, and addressed : — " a Mr le Chevr Everard a Chatou pres de
Nanterre."]
I had left Spa some time before your obliging letter of the ] 8th Octr
reach'd that Place, I went from Spa to Aix le Chappelle where I stay'd
near a Month, and I made slow Marches from thence to this Place. I
writ to you from Aix, I hope my letter came to hand. If I had not
left all my Baggage here except a few Shirts and in such Disorder that
It could not well have been packt up without my Presence, I believe I
should hardly have return'd to Holland, but now that I am here I am well
pleased with my Residence and design to continue here this Winter.
I hear that Mr King is returned to England, I hope he parted in
friendship, Mr Perrot is at Monlpellier. When you favour me with a
Line You'l be pleas'd to address to me chez le Veuve Eberard op de
langebrugg a Leyde. My Landlady you see is almost a Namesake of
yours. I treat her with great Civility on that Account. I have not
heard of late anything of the two Brethren [Lords Inverness and
Dumbar]. My Kespects to Madam.
^Hamilton to Captain FitzThomas. Dated Decr4th 1737. [Addressed
" a Mr FitzThomas Gentilhome Anglois chez Mr Alexander Banquier a
Paris," and signed " Le Major."]
Pour repondre a Votre derniere Lettre, Mon cher Colonel, dont Vous
m'aves honnore, car il est terns de commencer a repondre, Je vous rends
MilJe Graces du plaisir que vous m'aves fait en me donnant de Nouvelles
de l'heureuse arrive My Lord a Paris ....
II faut vous gronder un peu sur un Article de Votre Lettre, cest a
dire que Mesdamoiselles ne font Point de tort a l'habit Francois, il me
semble qu'on pourra dire avec plus de verite quelies font grand honneur
a cette mode d'habiller, et en cas quelies Veuillent le porter en Angle-
terre. Elles seront bien tost suivies par toutes les Dames du Pays, du
moins par celles qui veulent bien paroitre, et pour cette raison veulent
leurs ressembler. Vous verres bien tost a Paris Mr Cecil frere de My
Lord Salisbury : c'est un jeune Seigneur qui est bien amiable et qui a
de belles mannieres, il m'a dit qu'il aura 1'honneur de rendre ses respects
a My Lord, Je vous supplie Monsieur d'assurer son Excellence, Made-
moisselle et Mr Windsor de mes (res humbles respects, et de me faire la
justice de croire que je suis etc
* To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Ley den, Decr
5th 1737. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed G. Binet.]
I have writ to Amsterdam for a Plan of Oczakow, if he has yet come
to this Country it will be met with in that Place, and I will, if possible,
do myself the Honour to transmit it to your Grace.
Mr [Horatio] Walpole at the Hague has as I hear been greatly
allarmed at the Eilectice's Danger for She has been his brother's [Sir
Robert Walpole's] fast Friend on account of the extravagant Jointure he
procured for her, and she will be a Loss to his whole Party, but by
fawning and flattering and weeping She us'd to restrain the Elector from
many Excesses, and often help'd the Ministers to briug him to some
sort of reason.
The Irish Parliament have passed an Act to confirm the Order of
Council for lowering the Gold. At a feast, given by the Lord Mayor of
Dublin to the Duke of Devonshire Dr Swift was present, and the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 509
Primate [Archbishop Boulter] who is a very weak Man, bluntly tax'cl pf^rwooD
the Dr before the whole Company for endeavouring to raise the Mob Weston
and to begin a Rebellion on account of the lessening the Value of the Underwood,
Gold, the Dr answer'd that he lov'd his Country and thought Je Diminu- — '
tion of the Coin was a Prejudice to it, that he could by lifting up a
Finger have influenced the Mob to tear him in pieces, But he deferr'd
doing it, because it would make an odd Figure in History that a
Primate was destroy' d by the People for doing an odd Jobb, he would
not at present give it an Other Name : The Dr immediately left ye
Room ; the next Day the Duke of Devonshire sent to the Dr to come
to the Castle, and he made his Excuse that he had got the Country
Disease, alluding to what had pass'd the Day before in his Presence.
Kelly to Hamilton. Dated, at Avignon, Decr 11th 1737. [Unad-
dressed, and signed G. K.]
I had the favour of yours with an inclosed for Mr Fletcher [the Earl
Marischal], we expect him here the 17th and shall then deliver him both
Your Letters.
It is much to be wished that some effectual Steps could be taken
against Warner [Lord Inverness], and dont you think your Friend Mr
Jordan could do a great deal that way, if he could be prevailed upon to
take it in hand, he must be very sensible of the great Inconveniencies of
continuing Warner [Lord Inverness] who as you observe will certainly
blast if he can every thing that is proposed for Mr Arnolds [the Pre-
tender's] Advantage, but though it is to be feared that Mr Ash [the
Pretender] will never come into Mr Fletcher's [the Earl Marischal's]
scheme itself, yet if Clavering could prevail upon him [the Pretender]
to part with Mr Pirn [the Pretender's eldest son] dont you think the
Place [Corsica] he Fletcher [the Earl Marischal] mentions would be
very proper for his Residence, and as proper to have Mr Fletcher in-
vested with the Chief Care of him, if this could be brought about; I
believe the other two might remain as long as they thought fit where
they are, and that few people would trouble themselves about it : This is
the Crisis for doing something and your Endeavours are no way to be
doubted. Mr Perrot is still with us.
The Duke cf Ormonde to the same. Dated Decr 11th 1737. [Un-
addressed, and signed Neville].
I have yours of the 22nd Novr and am sorry for Mr de Zeckendorf, he
was a great officer and Man of Honour, it was not very prudent in the
Jesuit what you mention he said in his Sermon. I expect Ld Marshal
[the Earl Marischal] in ten Days. The Brouilleries at the English
Court will come to nothing: it will be made up by those that have
better Heads.
* To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Ley den, Decr
26th 1737. [Addressed to " Monsr Neuville a Avignon," and signed Gr.
Binet.]
By last Post I received the honour of your Graces of the llthinstand
and I beg leave to return my most humble Thanks to your Grace
for it.
The immense Wealth the Electress has left is the Subject of all con-
versations in England. She had one Million in Specie, twelve hundred
Thousand Pounds in Bank Notes besides very large tho' unknown sums
in Mortgages in Lands in other Persons Names: As it is impossible
She could have got so much Money honestly, almost everyone Speaks
of her with great Freedom, and on this Occasion detests the Avarice of
the whole Family.
510
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
"Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
I was last Week at Amsterdam, I searched all the Shops for a Plan of
Oczakow and I was extremely concerned that it was not to be met
with.
A few days ago I had the honour to wish your Grace a happy Christ-
mas and new Year and many happy Years and nothing can be more
agreeable to me than to repeat my Wishe3, for I shall ever have the
honour &c.
Hamilton " a Mr Alexander Hay a Spa." Dated, at Leyden, Jan? 21st
1738. [Signed E. Hamilton.]
I wish you a happy new Year and many of Them : I must desire
You to get the inclosed Copy'd and Addresst to the Adventurer who
perform'd that Notable Exploit who is you know a Student here, he has
been guilty of other Impertinences and it will not be amiss that he
should be mortify 'd : take no notice of This to any Person whatever and
get the Letter to be put into the Post House at Liege. Pray send me
a Note at the same time and let me know who are with You.
[The following is the enclosure referred to above.]
Tres Puissant et tres Vallereux Capital ne
Estrant Venu faire Un tour dans ce pays ci j'ay coutume dedemander
partout ce qui S'est passe aux environs qui merite d'estre remarque et
inserre dans mes Memoires et par mi Mille autrechose on Vient de
M'informer d'Une terrible rencontre que vous avies eu 1'annee passee a
Spa, que Vous avies eu le Courage d'ataquer tres brusquement Une
boutique de libraire et que Vous avies taille Une Estampe en Mille
Pieces: Je Vous en felicite de tout Mon Coeur et je Vous prie de
m'envoier le detail de cette Action si Glorieuse et en mesme temps de
me faire tenir Votre Portrait afin que je puisse faire Une taille douce
pour representer le Combat Au Naturel et pour donner plus de plaisir a
ceux qui liront mes Memoires. II me reste Une doute touchant cette
Histoire cest a dire que Vous Vous estes servi des Ciseaux au lieu
d'Une Epee trenchante ou d'Un baionet a bout du Fusil, parceque
les Ciseaux sont pour la pluspart des Amies des Tailleurs dont le Metier
est de tailler en plein drap, et je n'ay jamais Vu des Ciseaux arranges
dans aucun Arsenal ni en France ni en Flanders, Je Vous prie de
M'eclaircir sur cet Article et de me faire l'honneur d'Une reponce
Adressee a Mr le Baron de Polnitz. Je suis tres parfaitment le Vostre.
Liege ce 10e Janvier 1738.
From Hamilton to Sir Redmund Everhard. Dated Jan^ 27th 1738.
[Unsigned, and addressed u a Mr le Chevr Everard a Chatou par Nan-
terre pres de Paris."]
I return you many Thanks for your obliging Letter of the 25th of
Decr and I wish My Lady and You many happy New Years. I would
have writ you sooner if I had been able to do it: The last I writ
was to my Lord Duke. I have been grievously afflcted with a Cold
and an Inflamation in my Eyes and I was advised neither to read nor
write.
I inclose a Paper which I must desire you'l take no Notice of to any
Person whatever except to My Lady : The occasion of it, as you'l see
in some Measure by the Paper itself is, that R[ic]h cut Mr Blam's [the
Pretender's] Picture in pieces as it hung at the outside of a Bookseller's
Shop ; he would have been arrested for it and perhaps well drub'd by
the People who were all enraged at this Insolence if he had not soon
left the Plac», and if a Friend of his had not satisfy'd the Bookseller
for his Loss : This young Man has been very impertinent on the same
HISTORICAL MANUSC RIFTS COMMISSION.
511
subject, and it is therefore fit to humble him for it : The best way of
doing this will be to send him a Copy of this Paper, and at the same
time another to his Father who is a Knight, and his name is Robert :
He himself is a Student here and a Letter address'd to him as such
would come safe to him. I wish this could be done by the first Post,
and I fancy Mrs Fotleplace's [Lady Everhard's] hand, which is not
known here at least, would be the properest. She can judge what
hand is best for the Copy to be sent to the Father : I beg you not to
neglect This : Pray write to me for the future Thus : a Mr Jaques
Fitzpatrick chez Mr Sponce, Cordonier a Leyde, without any Cover.
I am, &c.
[The following is the enclosure above referred to.]
Une Epigrame sur ce qui s'est passe a Spa A0 1737.
1.
Un Enseigne brave et Vaillant
Qui peut nier le fait !
Avec une Arme fort tranchant
Un Portrait a defait.
2.
Si le pauvre Garcon Riche
Avec des Ciseaux le fit
Que ne fera ce Gens friche
Quand il porte un Fusil.
Etant entre Mr par hazard dans la Boutique d'un Libraire dans la
Rue S* Jacques, comme je regardois les Estampes, le Libraire m'a
demande si j'avois vu le dernier receuil des Epigrames et de Vaude-
villes qui a ete imprime a Paris ou a Collogne, comme les Libraires sont
accoutumes de faire imprimer des Satires dans cette Ville la : d'abord
il me fit voir de Livre, et en le feuilletant j'ay trouve qu'il y en a trente
quatre Chansonettes sur le Sujet d'une Affaire qui s'est passe dcpuis
peu aux Eaux de Spa, je vous en envoye le plus court afin que Vous
puissies juger des autres qui sont a la verite plus piquants et plus
satiriques ; ce Receuil est a present entre les Mains de tout le Monde
ici, et on chante vos Louanges partout : Les Dames s'en rient beaucoup
et les Messieurs, surtout les Militaires, parlent de vous d'une autre
Manniere et Vous traitent tres franchement en Lache et en Poltron, en
disant l'un a l'autre qu'un jeune Soldat qui a fait sa premiere Campagne
estant arme des Ciseaux ne se servira jamais d'une Epee ou d'un Fusil :
En cas Monsr que Vous auries le dessein de passer "par la Flandre a
Paris je Vous prie d'estre sur Vos Gardes quand Vous dineres aux
Auberges parceque Vous entendres chanter ces Vaudevilles et cela
peut avoir des suites [facheuses], c'est pourquoi Vous feries bien de
changer Votre Nom quand Vous seres en Voiage.
Je Vous donne Monsr cet Avertissement en Ami parceque j'ay de
l'Estime pour Monsr le Chevalier Votre Pere lequel est un Gentil-
homme fort poli et, a ce qu'on dit, fort brave, et qui s'est distingue dans
la Guerre. J'ay eu l'honneur de le voir quelques fois aux Assemblies
a Londres, et aussi Madame Votre Mere laquelle a de tres belles Man-
nieres et Chante avec beaucoup d'Agrement :
Si j'ose Vous donner des Avis sur cet Article Vous feries bien de
faire des Excuses le mieux que Vous pourres et tacher de faire cesser les
bruits qui courent sur l'Aventure que Vous avies eu : Si Vous ne le faites
point Vous passeres mal Vostre temps en France en cas que Vous y
viendries et Vous series maltraite en bien des Endroits et par bien des
Charles
Fle etwood
Westoit
Underwood,
512 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Chakli-s Gens : Cette Affaire est deja connue a l'Hotel des Mousquelaires lesquels
Westo?0 se souviennent d'une brutalite faite par le Chevalier B . . . h et trois
TJ,NI)l8Q'00D' ailt,es qui tiroient tous quatre leurs Epees en meme temps contre un
— . soul Mousquetaire dans un pareil Cas et lesquels apres ce coup heureuse-
ment s'echapoient de Paris : Je suis en fin fasche de Vous dire Monsr
que Vous estes deja passe en Picverbe et quand on veut parler d'un
vrais Poltron, on dit, communement qu'il est aussi Lache que Monsr
l'Enseigne Riche.
J'ay envoy e une Copie de cette Lettre a Monsr Vostre Pere, c'est un
Gentilhomme Sage et Prudent et peut Vous donner de bons Conseils :
Je suis le raeilleur Ami qui Vous ayes jamais eu et tout a Vous.
Paris. . . . Fevrier 1738.
From Hamilton " a Mr Perrot Gentilhomme Anglois recomande a
Monsr Gavan Bauquier a Montpellier." [Undated, and signed E. H.]
The only letter I had the Honour of receiving from You was of the
23rd Dec1" from Avignon, since that I got from Strasburg : the former
Letter in which You gave me an Account how you past your time with
your Scotch Friends, never came to my hands, nor can I conjecture who
those Friends are : Mr K[ell]y informs me in his of the 11th of Decr
that you had writ to me the Post before and in yours of the 23rd you
say that you had writ Four Posts before under Mr. K[ell]ys cover, I am
in Great Pain about, that Letter, and I now despair of ever getting it.
I have not been able to write to any Person whatever, a great while,
I have been afflicted with an Inflamation in my Eyes and I was order'd
neither to read or write ; I am now much better tho' 'tis grievous to me
to write much.
You judg'd perfectly we not to give yourself the trouble of prosecu-
ting the Thief : for that ought always to be done at the Expense of the
Government ; a Gentleman was lately robb'd in this Town of Goods to
the Value of 200/., and tho' the Thief was caught two or three Days
after, with all the Goods, yet it will cost the Gentleman, as they say,
1001. or above to prosecute, and I hear that his Goods are detain'd to
oblige him to prosecute ; He is a rich, and as they say a Covetous Man,
and no Body is concerned for his Losses.
Mr B . . . d is gone to England, I believe I never inform'd you of
an Adventure of Mr R[ic]he's after you left Spa ; You remember the
Picture Shop, near Mr Hay's House, amongst other Prints that were
hanging out, there was one of the Ch[evalier] de S* George, with all
his Titles, and the gallant Ensign valiantly attacked it with a pair of
Sissars, and cut it in Pieces : The Owner of the Picture would have
arrested him for it, but Mr Bretton paid him the Value of it: My next
to you will be longer, my most humble Service to Mr Gavan, I wish
him and you many happy New Years and I am &c.
(P.S.) Pray direct to Mr Bennet chez Mr Archdeacon a Rotterdam.
Sr Ch[arlcs] Bunbury was lately here, I had not the good Fortune to
see him, he design'd to go to the South of France as I am informed.
From the same to Kelly. Dated JanJ 27th 1738. [Addressed " a
Monsr Kelly," and unsigned.]
Tho' yours of the 1 1th of December is of so old a Date, yet the best
Excuse I can make for not answering it sooner is the true one, that this
is the first Day I have been able to write at all, for I have been griev-
ously afflicted with a Cold and an Inflamation of my Eyes, and I was
advised neither to write nor read : the last time I put Pen to Paper
was to pay my Duty to his Grace, I hope his Grace has not been out of
Order. Yours of the 18th of December am? one I had the Honour to
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
513
have a Day or two after are the last Accounts I had of his Graces
health.
I apprehend some of my Letters have miscarried, for that you men-
tion to have writ to me by Mr P[erro]t never came to my hands, I
have received only one from him of the 23rd of December which I pro-
pose to answer by this Post if I can, that you mention of his four Posts
before the Date of yours never came to my hauds, and I suppose never
will : Mr P[erro]t says he sent his former Letter under your Cover so
that I fear I have lost one from you and perhaps from Mr Neville [the
Duke of Ormonde] : I can't help suspecting that Warner's Brother
{Lord Dunbar] (I have not the Paper and do not remember the true
Name) has found out a way of intercepting your Letters to me, he is
capable of doing any mean ungentlemanlike Thing ; He would probably
bave a Curiosity of knowing what was contain'd in Mr P[errot]s Letters,
and in the Year 1715 I had a clear Proof of his Friend L. M[ar] having
a Command of all the Letters at A[vigno]n, for one of them writ by Mr
Neville's [the Duke of Ormonde's] Orders to Captain Wright at Mont-
pellier was stopt for four Posts, and when Ld M[ar] found that I was
gone to Montpellier the Letter was then forwarded ; I was at the Post
House at Montpellier when the Mail arrived, I saw the Letter I had
writ taken out of the Bag and the Seal was changed ; I hope soon to
write to you more fully. Pray what is become of [the] Ld M[arischa]l,
have you forwarded by Letters to him or do you expect him soon : my
service to all Friends.
Fleetwood
Weston
Undekwood,
Esq,
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, Jan?
27th 1738. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed Ez. Hamilton.]
The last time I did myself the Honour to write to your Grace was
the 28th of December and it was the last Letter that I was able to write
for I have been extremely afflicted with a Cold for near two Months
past and an Inflamation in my Eyes, and I was not allow'd to read or
write : I hope in God your Grace lias enjoyed your health at this
season which has been sickly everywhere.
I have heard nothing remarkable of late from England, Lord Chester-
field is neither gone into Mourning nor has he been at Court to make a
Compliment of Condoleance, Sr Charles Bunbury Son of Sr Henry, who
had the Honour of being known to your Grace was lately here, but I
had not the good Fortune to see him : I am told he is on his Way to
the south of France for the Recovery of his Health.
* Hamilton " to Mr Kelly at Avignon." Dated Febr 14th 1738.
[Signed G. B.].
When I were Tuesday last at Rotterdam I was extremely pleased to
receive your handwriting in the Superscription of a Letter for 'tis a long
time [since] I had any Letter from you : and some ill-natured People
had inserted an Article in the English News Papers concerning you ;
I was for several Days between hope and fear, and I now congratulate
you of your being in the Land of the living. Your last to me was
dated the 11th of Dec1* and the former one was of the 28 of Novr so
that if you have writ to me since the 1 1th of Decr I never received it :
I am afraid that several of my Letters have miscarryed. I have not
heard from Mr Fletcher [the Earl Marischnl] these 3 Months past, and
I did not receive the honour of any Letter from Mr Neuville from the
11th of Decr untill the 27th of Janry which I received Tuesday at Rotter-
dam. Have you seen Mr Backe['s] Epitaph, when I have leizure or am
able to write much I'll send you a Copy of it, for I have bad an Inflama-
O 84067.
K K
514
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
CHABLES
fleetwood
Weston
"Underwoop,
tion in my Eyes for some time pastf and have not been able to read or
write : I thank God 1 am much better.
A Bell Man in the City of London has extremely diverted the People,-
his Rhyme on the Occasion of M[adam] Caroline's Death was,
O Cruel Death ! why hast thou been so unkind
To take Our Queen & leave our King behind.
My most humble Service to Mr Milburn when you write to him.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated at Leyden Feb? 14th
1738. [Addressed to Monsr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I have the honour of your Graces of the 27th of Jan1? : which gave
me the greatest Pleasure for I was extremely uneasy at my not hearing
of your Grace's Welfare, the last Account I had of it was by a Letter from
Mr Milburne of the 23rd Decr. I am persuaded that several Letters have
misearryed • I have changed my address to this Place and I hope no
such accident shall happen for the future.
I beg leave to return my most humble Thanks to your Grace for your
Grace's kind enquiry's after my Health, mine is of little Importance to
ye World, and provided your Grace enjoys a perfect health I shall be
little Sollicitous as to my own. I thank God my Eyes are much better
than they were ; the first use I made of them was to do myself the
honour to write to your Grace on the 27th of last month : and now I hope
to have the satisfaction of giving your Grace more frequent Assurances
of my duty and respect.
The Duke of Ormonde to Hamilton. Dated Feb^ 21st 1738. [Signed
L. Nevill, and addressed to Ezeckiel Hamilton.]
I have yours of the 28th Jan? and I am very glad that You are re-
covered, but sorry for the Cause of your Silence.
Here is no News, You will have seen the Speech, it would serve for a
Post to so short [**c].
I shall be glad to see Mr Charles if he comes hither, and dare see
me.
We have, and have had, bad Weather, and great Cold. I thank God
I keep my Health and I hope You will Yours.
From Kelly to Hamilton. Dated at Avignon Feb? 26th 1738. [Signed
George Kelly, and addressed to Ezech. Hamilton.]
I had the favour of yours of the 14th and can assure you with great
truth that all the Letters which you wrote here since my coming have
been punctually answered ; his Grace has laid a rule to himself of
answering two of your Letters together except there is something par-
ticular, and then he does it immediately, and as to my Part, I have
never deferr'd one Post of acknowledging every one of yours, and what
miscarriages have happened have been I believe betwixt Paris and
Holland, for Mr Waters punctually owns the receipt of all that are sent
to him. 1 am very sorry the two he mentions to have forwarded to you,,
should be lost, for they were my Lord Marshals Answer to the several
Letters he receiv'd here together from you, and he has been surprised
for several Posts past at your Silence, till I shew'd him your last Letters
to me, upon which his Lordship has promised to write to you either by
this or next Post, he leaves this Place the 5th of next Month, and goes
directly to visit his Brother [at S* Petersburg], finding what you
and many Others have told him but too true, that there can be no
Occasion for his Stay on other Accounts, since no body will do anything,
during the present Administration and he despairs of any change. We
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
515
have had the Epitaph but I am afraid this Death will produce little to
our Advantage, or at least I see no Appearance hitherto of it.
I heard nothing of the Paragraph in relation to myself, neither was
there the least Foundation for such a Report, I return you many thanks
for your kind Concern, and beg leave to assure you without the least
Compliment that no body can honour or esteem you more than I do.
His Grace wrote to you last Friday, and owes you no Letter now but the
one that came by last Post, he never enjoyed his health better. I hope
yours is perfectly recovered and that it may long continue so is the
sincere Wish of Dear Sir Your &c.
To the Duke of Ormonde from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, March
3rd 1738 [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I had the honour to write to your Grace the 14th of last Month, and
since that time I have met with nothing that could entitle me to give
your Grace the trouble of a Letter.
I am extremely glad to hear that your Grace has escaped the Epide-
mick Distemper [Influenza], God grant that your Grace may enjoy a
perfect health for many Years.
All the Letters from England agree that the Elector is determined to
go this Year to Hanover, and that he will set out in May or as soon as
the Parliament rises.
To the same from the same. Dated, at Leyden, March 10th 1738.
[Addressed a Monsr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
Last night 1 received the honour of your Graces of the 21st of Feb?
and return my most humble Thanks to your Grace for it. I am
extremely glad to find, that this Winter which has been sickly every-
where, has not affected your Graces health : God grant that your Grace
may enjoy a perfect health for many years. I am very sensible of ye
honour your Grace does me by enquiring after my health, it is, I thank
God, much better than it was, the Winter is almost at an end, and in
the Beginning of Summer I propose to go towards Spa to a drier
Climate, and to higher Ground, which will I hope agree better with
me.
Tho' they call'd the Funeral of the Ellectrice [Queen Caroline] a private
One, yet the expence of it, amounted to Sixty thousand Pounds, and
tho' all Persons usually summon'd to Publick Funerals were requir'd
to attend, the Ld Mayor was not summon'd, which is lookt upon to be a
Slight to the City, tho' the present Lord Mayor Sir John Bernard is
disliked by the Ministers on Account of his Proposals to reduce the
Interest of Money in the Funds.
From Kelly to Hamilton. Dated, at Avignon, March 17th 1738.
[Unaddressed, and signed G. K.]
I had the Favour of Yours of the 3rd yesterday, and I am very glad to
find You on the mending [hand], and hope Your Health will soon be
perfectly reestablished. I have already given You an Account of Mr
Fletchers [the Earl MarischaPs] Departure, and he wrote to You himself
a few Days before he set out. I received a Letter from him by last Post
from Lyons, which Place he left the 12th and goes from thence directly to
Vienna, and so on to his Brother [General James Keith, then in the
Russian Service, but afterwards Field Marshal in the Service of Prussia] .
Those Letters of his which miscarried, have certainly done so betwixt Paris
and Holland, for Mr Waters, as I told You in my last, acknowledged
the Receipt of Them. I wish You would enquire closely after Them,
and that They may come safe to Your Hands : You can write to Mr
Fletcher [the Earl of Marischal], under cover to Mr Liebman, Negotiant
K K 2
Charles
Fleetwood
, Weston
Unperwood,
Esq.
516 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles'''1 a Petersbourg. I am just going to meet your Friend Mr Perrot at
FWestokOI) Nismes, he has been so roughly treated by the Gout at Montpellier, that
ukmsiiwood. he is not able to come thus far to take his Leave of His Grace [the
— Duke of Ormonde], and wrote to [me] to meet him there this Night ;
he returns by Bourdeaux to Paris, and so directly to old England, where
I believe he will enjoy but little of the Session, which we hear will be
a short one. His Grace will answer Yours himself, [so] ■ that I need
say no more of him, but to tell You that he never enjoyed his Health
better.
(P.S.) You forgot to superscribe your Letter to me, which puzzled
Mr Waters a little how to send it.
From Hamilton " to Mr Kelly at Avignon." Dated March 17th 1738.
[Signed G. Binnet.]
I return you many thanks for your obliging Letter of the 26th Feb?.
I am concerned for the Loss of My Lord Marschalls Letters, and I now
dispair of getting them, I have changed my Addresses to this Place
[Leyden] and I hope no Accident will happen for the future.
Mr Waters in his of the 10th Inst, informs me that one of the Letters
I sent him on the 3rd inst. was not directed, which is a mistake I don't
remember I was ever guilty of before, but it is in some measure occa-
sion'd by the late Indisposition in my Eyes, but Mr Waters tells me that
he had forwarded the Letter to your Parts, so that the mistake is of
little consequence for it was a Letier to you with one inclosed to my
Ld Duke. I have heard that the Difference between the Elector and his
Son [the Prince of Wales] is accomodated, that the Son is to have
80,000H a year, and He will probably sacrifice all those who have
attached themselves to him during his Disgrace as far as it is in his
Power to sacrifice them. It is not however believed that the Father
will leave him Regent, and it is certain that his Journey to Hanover this
Summer is resolved on. I beg to offer my humble Duty to his Grace,
&c.
From Hamilton, " To Mr Patrick Briscow at Mr Fellows chez Mr
Chabert l'Aine, rue S* Martin a Paris vis a vis la rue Grenier S*
Lazare." Dated, at Leyden, March 26th 1738. [Signed H. E.]
I return You many Thanks for your obliging Letter from Florence
of the 11th of Feb. I would have acknowledged the Receipt of it sooner
but I was unwilling to send my Answer to Paris before the time I con-
jectured that You would arrive in that City. I am obliged to You for
the Account You give me of my Friends in the Parts [where] You have
lately been, the Dr and the Captain are worthy Men, so are Arthur and
One or two More ; Little M[urra]y is a Canary Bird, false sly and in-
sinuating, and I suppose he frequently visited You in order to fish some-
thing out of You, he is the Pump of Bathmette [Lord Dunbar] and is
of the same Stamp with his Name Sake.
If you can get the Prints I mentioned, pray let me know the Price of
them, and where they are left on this Side of the Water, for as they are
to go to Ireland it is needless to Send them first to England and to pay
Double Duty; when I know what they cost I will inform Mr Bolton,
and it will be the shortest and surest way for him to pay you in
England, or the Friend you employed to buy then.
I have not of a long time heard from Sr W[illia]m tho' I have writ
twice or thrice to him, Perhaps our Letters have met with an Accident,
tho' reasonable Allowances are to be made to our Friends the first Year
after a change of the State. The Squire has quite forgot me, I hear he
is at Winchester.
HJSTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION 517
I have nothing in particular to trouble you with except to remember Charles
me to all my Friends in Sury Street and elsewhere : Last Year the Order F westoi?D
[of the Knights of Tobosc] was much enlarged by making Necklaces TJkderwood,
with the Motto on them, I sent a few of them to England, as many as !_-*
could be made during the time I stayed at Spa. I hope to get some
more done the next season and I will not forget the Lady in Surry
Street. I sent one to Sr William for his Lady which I hope he has
received.
Dr Hawley a very honest and a very ingenious Physician is lately
established in London. You'l hear of him at the Rainbow, and I must
recommend him in a particular manner to you and all my Friends :
He was chosen Physician to the Order at a Chapter held at Spa, the
more he is known the more he will be esteemed.
I suppose you will wait on Mrs. Parsons at Paris, She is a most
worthy Lady, my humble Respects to her and to her two fair Daughters.
I am glad you met with Mr. H .... n he is a well tempered ingenious
Man, I suppose he will make a long stay in Italy for he has a taste for
the Virtue.
I hope you provided yourself with Rings for yourself and Friends in
England, when You were in the Place where they can be best made. I
hope the next Trip You make I shall have the pleasure of meeting You.
I wish YTou a good Journey to England and all possible happiness.
To the Duke of Ormonde from the same. Dated, at Leyden, March
26th 1738. [Addressed to Mr. Neuville, and signed Ez. Hamilton.]
I received the Honour of Y^our Graces of the 8th inst., and I beg
leave to return my humble Thanks to Your Grace for it : My Eyes are
I thank God, much better than They were, and I hope the good Weather,
we may soon expect will perfectly recover Them.
An Attempt has been made to reconcile the Elector and his son [the
Prince of Wales], and the Letters from England mentioned that this
Point had been compast, but They now write confidently from thence,
that the Breach is wider than ever it was. This perplexes the Minister
[Sir Robert Walpole] so much, that he uses his utmost Endeavours to
prevent the Elector's going abroad this summer, but he will hardly
succeed: and the Elector has already declared that his Daughter Amelia
will pay a Visit to her sister in Holland [the Princess of Orange], and
the Father 'tis thought wall make That a Pretence for crossing the Seas
at the same time.
From the same to Kelly. Dated April 18th 1738. [Signed E. H.]
I received your obliging Letter of the 17th of March and I desire
you'l excuse my not answering it sooner. I am still afflicted with a Cold
and I am not like to get it quit entirely untill Our Weather mends: It
is still very moist and cold here, which is not the Case with You, for I
remember that this Day two years it was excessively warm, for it was
on this Day of the Month that I arrived in Avignon. In my last I made
my Excuse for not subscribing my Letter you mention.
I am obliged to you for the Address to Mr Fletcher [the Earl Maris-
chal], I will write directly to him from hence. Everyone here is sur-
prized at the Duke of Marlborough's accepting of a Regiment and that
Lord Cobham has also been at Court and Carry'd the Sword of State.
I design to move towards Flanders about a Month hence, but I will
not set out before the 10th of May [the Duke of Ormonde's Birthday]
for there are a great Number of honest [Jacobite] Gentlemen here
who will do themselves the Honour to celebrate that day : They are all
Members of Oxford and Cambridge. Mr [My] Humble Service to Don
Andres.
518
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
Charles
Fleetwood
Westow
Underwood,
To the Duke of Ormonde from the same. Dated at Ley den. April
18th 1738. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I have not done myself the honour to write to Your Grace this Fort-
night past, having had nothing of any Moment to excuse my giving
Your Grace the Trouble of a Letter ; and tho' the same reason holds still,
I cannot any longer deferr the assuring your Grace of my most humble
Duty and Respects. I have seen a Letter from England which mentions
that the Duchess of Bridgwater and another Lady were turned out of
the Chapel at St. James's for appearing there in White Gloves [when
the Court was in mourning for Queen Caroline]. The Whigs of this
Country are extremely pleas'd with the Duke of Marlborough's going
to Court and accepting of a Regiment. It is said he was influenced by
his Lady who is a Daughter of the late Lord Trevor.
The City of London is highly Dissatisfied at the Opposition given by
the Court to the Complaints of the Merchants in the House of Commons
for a Redress of their Grievances, but the Ministers Carry it with a high
hand and are always sure of a Majority in both Houses.
I am glad to hear that the little Knight [Sir Edmund Everhard] is
going to live farther from Paris.
From Hamilton " to Mr. Kelly at Avignon." Dated April 22nd 1738.
[Signed E. H.]
I writ to you by last Post ; I have only to say that Mr Fletcher's
[the Earl Marischal's] Nephew is very shy of me which is owing to the
Company he keeps of his Countrymen here, who are all true blue
Presbyterians, and are much despis'd by the English in Town who are
very numerous this Year and are very honest Men [strong Jacobites] :
The young Gentleman has much better sense than any of his Com-
panions but cannot shake off those he has long been acquainted with : I
have endeavoured that he should be distinguisht from the rest on
Account of his Uncle, and a particular regard is paid to him on that
Score.
I am very much surpriz'd at the Behaviour of Mr. G. , for when
he mention'd last summer his Design of going to the South of France,
he said he propos' d a particular Satisfaction to himself in having the
honour to pay his respects to Mr. Neuville [the Duke of Ormonde] but
I find he has met with some weak People who have frighten'd him.
Tho' his health is good he has the Vapours to a high degree and [is]
frequently imagining that he is dying. I first saw him in the Company
of Mr. P[erro]t he bears the Character of an honest Man in his Princi-
ples [i.e. of being a Jacobite] and an Upright Man in his dealings, but
since he did not think proper to see Mr. Neuville [the Duke], I am
well pleased that you did not go nigh him. I remember Bishop Hick-
man us'd to call such timorous Men who were frightened at their own
Shadow the Nicodemites and a much greater Author gives it Us, a bad
Mark of a Man, that he is afraid where no fear is. I almost despair of
any Attempt to remove the two Brethren [Lords Inverness and Dunbar],
I should have thought that Warner's [Dunbar's] Letter to Mist would
have open'd Arnold's [the Pretender's] Eyes, for in that Letter Warner
[Lord Dunbar] directs Mist to print his Libel, and intimates that it
would not be disagreeable to Arnold [the Pretender], and when Mr.
Alister [I] remonstrated to Arnold [the Pretender] against the folly of
Warner [Lord Dunbar] on that Occasion Arnold [the Pretender] writ
to Mr. Alister [me] the following Words : I have talked to Warner
[Lord Dunbar] on that head, and he declares upon his Honour, that it
was printed without his Knowledge or Direction. As this feat is clearly
proved it is not to be conceived with what abhorrence and contempt
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
519
Mr. Alister speaks [I speak] of Warner [Dunbar] as of a Man without Charles
Truth and Honour and who is not to be trusted even in the smallest westox
Matter. ^"gj001*
To the Duke of Ormonde from the same. Dated at Ley den April
22nd 1738. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I did myself the honour to write to Your Grace by the last Post, and
I have since received the Honour of Your Grace's of the 6th of this
Month, and 1 return my most humble Thanks for it.
It was with much Difficulty that the Elector was prevailed upon to
remain in England this summer, but They are not yet sure of their
Point, for he so very head strong, that if he should take a sudden Reso-
lution he will probably execute it. I cannot think of leaving this Place
before the 10th of May [which is your Birthday] ; for I can no where
-out of England meet with so many honest gentlemen [good Jacobites]
who will shew their Respect to that Day. Most of Them are still
Members of the University of Oxford, and have the most profound
Respect for their ever honour'd Lord and Chancellor, as They always
stile Your Grace : When I arrive at Spaw, I hope to have the Pleasure
<of seeing several of Your Graces humble Servants and Friends; and I
am sure that all who love their Country, are devoted to Your Grace.
I was glad to find in a Gazette writ in the Dutch Language, that the
■Czarina had given 5000 Crowns to Mr. Keith for his Equipage.
To the same from the same. Dated, at Leyden, May 14th 1738.
[Addressed to Mr. Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I have just received the Honour of your Grace's of the 2ad of May ;
and I beg leave to return my most humble Thanks to Your Grace for it.
Since I had the honour to write to your Grace, I have * made a Tour
to Noort- Holland, and I was extremely satisfied with my Journey : the
Dikes are wonderful Works, and exceeded my Expectations of Them : I
saw many of the Beams which were eaten with the Worms a few Years
ago, They looked like Honey Combs, and the largest Pieces of Timber
were spoiled in one Night ; if a sudden and hard Frost had not destroyed
the Worms, all that Country must have inevitably perished, while I was
in Noort- Holland, Lord and Lady Barry more came to this Town to con-
sult Dr. Boerhave on the Account of my Lady's Health, but They did
not see the Doctor, who has been ill for some Weeks, and They re-
turned immediately to England.
I proposed to leave this Town in two or three Days, and so move
towards Liege.
To Sir Redmond Everard from Hamilton. Dated, at Leyden, May
14th 1738. [Unsigned and addressed "a Mr le Chevr Everard, a
Carriere pres de Poissy sur la Seine."]
I return you Thanks for Two of Yours, one is of so old a Date that I
am ashamed to mention it. I doubt L[ord] I[nverness] is doing harm
where he is, I am sure he is doing no good, for he neither has the
'Capacity, nor I believe the Wit to do any : I yesterday met with old
Dr. Hay, he tells me that Mist dyed at Boulogne some Months ago ; I
hope you are pleased with your new house : my stay here is uncertain,
and therefore don't write again to Me, untill You hear from me. I will
give You an Account of my Motions.
To the Duke of Ormonde from the same. Dated at Rotterdam,
May 22nd 1738. [Addressed to Mr Neuville, and signed E. Hamilton.]
I had the Honour to write to your Grace a few Days ago, and I can-
not leave this Country without paying [my] most humble Duty to your
520
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles
Fleetwood
Weston
Underwood,
Esq.
Grace. I propose to Jeave this Country two Days hence, and to move
on slowly to Liege and Spa, as soon as I arrive I shall do myself the
honour to write to your Grace.
It is believed that the Ellectors Mistress is going from Hanover to
England for two Yachts are ordered for Helvoetsluys.
Almost all the English gentlemen have left Leyden, on Account of
Dr. Boerhave's Sickness.
[This is the last Jacobite letter in this collection.]
In conclusion I must express my gratitude to the late Mr. Underwood
and his family, for entrusting the foregoing Papers to my care, and so
enabling me to calendar them far more fully than I should otherwise
have been able to do.
H. Barr Tomkins.
Petley's, Down, Kent.
Geokge
WlNGFIELD
Digby, Esq.
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF GEORGE WINGFIELD DIGBY,
Esq., OF SHERBORNE CASTLE, CO. DORSET.
Since the report upon the Sherborne Castle MSS. which was printed
in the Eighth volume of this series, another valuable MS. has been dis-
covered in the library, and has been kindly placed in my hands by
Mr. Digby. It is a volume, bound in limp vellum, called u Register
of letters, and' contains 380 closely written pages of the correspondence
of Sir John Digbye, during the first year and three quarters of his
residence as ambassador at Madrid. 32 of the letters are written by
Sir J. Digbye; 28 by Sir T. Edwardes; 26 by Mr. W. Trumball ;
17 by Sir Dudley Carleton ; and three by Sir R. Win wood. These
letters are of peculiar interest and value, for in addition to the authority
due to them from the position of the writers and their means of obtain-
ing information, they have all the liveliness and interest of the corre-
spondence of friends ; and they not only throw light upon the foreign
policy of England at the beginning of the 1 7th century, but they give
us also many a picture, drawn by the hand of an observant foreigner,
of the state of France, Italy, Spain, and the Low Countries at that
time.
J. A. Bennett.
Sir Dudley Carleton, Lord Ambassr in Venice, to Sir John
Digbye, Lo. Ambasor in Spaine.
1610. Feb. 22. — "Now I hear the certaintie of your imployment, I
cannot but give you the para-bien and wish you as myselfe goode
effects of a long journey.
Mr. J. W. recommended by Sir J. D. to Sir D. C. has been kept
at Padua by sickness. Mr. D. R. recommended to Sir T. D. by Sir D. C.
is a man of " sufficieucie, honestie, and alacritie, and for a journey into
those parts where you goe, you will find these very necessarie
qualities. I will now wish you a speedy setting forward to avoyde
the heate in travayling wh will begin betymes in those quarters, &c."
The end torn off.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 521
Answer to the Former. George
WlNGFIELD
1610. March 16. — " My departure will bee, I thinke, about 20 of Diqby.iEsq.
Marche.
" 1 shall be glad that .... sende me a cypher."
The rest torn off.
Sir Tho. Edmonds to Sir J. Digbye.
1611. April 22. — A para-bien for my Lord's safe passage over the
sea.
" I should have been glad if it might have stood with your LodshP
good commoditie that your Lo9P would have taken your way by this
Towne.
" The Court being at Fountainbleau, I wrote unto Monr de Villerey
intreating him to make your Lo8ps excuses for your not visiting the
King and Queene, and also to favour your Losp with a passeport for
your journey into Spaine." . . " I send the same by the ordinarie com-
moditie of conveyance from hence to the Postmaster of Bordeaux
to be delivered unto your LosP at your arrival there, having promised
him that your Lo8p will bestow something on him for the portage,
for the which a small matter will suffice."
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmonds.
161 1 . May 8. — His arrival in Spaine.
" As I came through Poictou and these hither partes diverse
ministers have resorted unto mee, as likewise some gentlemen of the
Religion, by speaohe with whom I perceive thei have had or would
pretend to have some jealousies of evill intents towards them. And
I find in them a great aptness to stand upon their garde, or to lay
holde on any occasion to expresse that thei are allready discontented.
Thei seeme to have a great expectation what ye issue will bee of ye
generall assemblye, wh is to bee holden ye 25 of this monthe. Thei
meane to press for a stricte observation of the King's edicts in their
behalfe, and I thinke will urge for some explanations of them accord-
ing as themselves shall interprete. The wh if thei shall see denied
them, thei make showe as yf thei would give some publick testimonies
of their discontentment."
In the margin.
" The difference at Bayon betwixt his Lo'P and the farmers of ye
forraine."
The text torn off.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmonds.
1611. June 22, st° vet. from Madrid. — His arrival in Madrid the
6th of June.
The Duke of Montalto had pretended that he had bought the house
with a fay re garden assigned to Sir J. D. by the King. " In the ende
[having firste attempted a violent entry and seeing yt would not pre-
vayle] he went quietly away, and I quietly reste in yV Had
audience on the 13th of June. The Conde de Galue accompanied him
on horseback, and the King sent his horses " for mee and my traine."
The Sunday following, being the 16th of June, the King " removed
from Madrid to the Eseurial, being present ye day before togeather
with his Queene and Grandes of ye courte at the juego de toros in
the Place."
522 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Has been visited by all the Ambassadors and also by the Duke of
Digbt, Esq. Lerma.
— Secretary Prada died the 2nd of June.
" The Duchesse of Feria our countrywoman hath been a long time
sick."
" Mr. Rob* Sherley and his Lady are gone from Madrid making
for England." "He promiseth matters of much benefit and
profitt for ye state of England for their trade into ye Levant yf his
message may be received. Hee hath been very chargeable to ye King
of Spaine, having lived wholy upon his expence these 16 months.
The natural Persian [who as yt is reported came but with com-
mission to second Mr Sherleys ambassage, in case hee miscarryed in
his journey] hathe, also lately lefte ye Spanish Courte, and is now gon
towards Lisborne, and so from thence [when ye tyme of year serves]
takes shipping for his journey homeward. Hee brought silkes with
him to ye valewe of 200 thousand ducatts. The greatest parte
whereof the K. of Spaine had, eyther by way of present or for his
money. Weh in ye opinion of those who have judgement in suche
commodities, were for their perfectness ye best y* their have seene."
" Sir Anthonie Sherley lives heere vere poorely. He speakes of
greate surames of money wch the King of Spain owes him."
" I heare y* ye match for the French King is still hotly pursued by
the Florentine, as I wrote unto you by an extraordinarie two or three
daies since. The Florentine ambassador at the French Courte the
chiefe negoeiator."
" I am loathe to write unto you matters of consequence by the ordi-
narie without a cypher."
Sir Dudley Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
1G11. June 7th. — From Venice. Compliments. A cypher sent.
No news of great moment in these parts, since the Duke of Savoys
late disarming " The noyse of whose forces as y* was greate whilest thei
were still on foote, soe hathe y* now given occasion to muche dis-
course, seeing so great preparations vanish without producing any-
thing. In this state the proceedings are much otherwise, by reason
of the temper of these Sigors wh is contrarie to ye activitie of ye D. of
Savoy. Thei affecting rather deedes than noyses. As may appeare
by the controversies now on foote betweene them and ye Pope, wh
though thei be diverse and of as greate moment as y* wh caused the
laste breache, yet are thei all carried with that moderation and calme-
ness that one may be long in ye citie and never knowe of ye leaste dis-
content betweene them. Of late a little heate hath broken out
concerning ye jurisdiction temporall in ye bishoprick of Ceneda, wh
neing in Friuli this state challengethe to belong to them . . . the
Pope pleadeth an exemption. At the firste speache of sending a Pro-
veditor in y* countrie y* should doe ye office of an Inquisitor Generall
for ye Commonwealthe in those partes, as mlready thei have caused
others to doe in their other territories, the Nontio here resident began
to interpose with animositie, &c But when it was seen that
greate wordes coulde doe litle with men that were resolute to prose-
cute their designs begun with reason, and y* these sig°rs had dispatched
their commissionarie with authoritie to begin in y1 place, and pro-
vided to back him with sufficient strength against any y* could under-
take in those partes against him, the Pope fell to a language different
from ye stile of his Nontio, and now beginnethe to speake fayre to
HISTORICAL MANC SCRIPTS COMMISSION, 523
those who hee knowethe regarde not his threats The George
Inquisitor y* is to be presumed shall finde no greate resistance by Digby^Isq.
reason of ye Pope's inclination to peace and quietness, wh hee hathe —
very well made knowen to this state, both by an humble kinde of
treaty with their Ambassador resident with him, and by dissembling
some affronts offered him very lately by this state, in other occasions
of jurisdiction in ye Gulphe.''
The Diodati, merchants in this towne, shall convey this to you through
another brother of that name dwelling in Madrid " of whose honestie
and care I promise myself a little . , . but if your LordsP can
find any surer way I will be glad to . . . governe myself by
your direction. The rather because there is some dependence of
these Diodati upon ye Spanish Ambassr. Wh if men will bee very
curious may give occasion of some suspicion. But as these first passe
wee may be hereafter more bolde in venturing, especially when the
Cypher is come to your handes. In regarde of wh defecte I have
been more sparing than hereafter I purpose to bee, when the passage
is better discovered."
W. Trumbull to the Same.
1611, July 10, old style, from Bruxelles. — Compliments. — "I
suppose that Mr. Cottington . . . will now upon your LordsPs arrival at
Madrid be ready to make his retreate towards England. I am like
within 3 months tyme to followe him, the Ambassdr of these SS. being
commanded to hasten his departure and ready to begin his journey
about ye middle of August."
" All things here in deep silence until a commotion arose at Aquisgrave.
It was excited by the avarice of the Jesuits, who sought to incorporate an
almshouse builte for poor women into the limits of their college : soe
thei were the only men that had their goodes pillaged and their lives in
danger."
"A rumour of an overthrowe given to ye king of Denmark by ye
k. of Sweden in ye siege at Colmar, wherein it is sayd the Dane loste
very neere 1,800 men, and was in some danger of his person." . . .
" The Emperor and his brother Mathias are now in treaty for a
reconciliation ; but what appearance is there of an agreement, when ye
younger will have all, and leave the other nothing. Eight arbitrators
are chosen to accommodate their quarrells, whereof D. Balthazar de
Cunega, is ye firste on ye Emperours parte, although in ye deposing of him
from ye crowne of Bohemia, hee did wholly runne course with k.
Mathias."
" . . The electors are assembled at Mulhausen to choose a king of the
Bomans. Some speake in favour of ye abovesd Mathias, and others of
this P. ye Archduke Albert ... I think, it will be no heresie to say
that hee is moste like to winne ye game who shall have Spaine for his
Patrone, since for ye mantayning of their factions in ye Empire, thei
have lately given order to remitt 200 thousand ducatts to bee irnployed
upon this occasion."
" The Duke of Saxe's death at Dresden on the 3rd of this month
may breede some protraction, yf not some alteration in the affayres of
Germanie."
" Mr. William Seimer is still hovering heereabouts ; forbidden the
Archduke's court and these countries. Wee cannot judge what hee
will resolve to doe, but suppose his beste course were to returne home,
and submitt himselfe to his Maties clemencie, &c."
524 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George SlR J DlGBYE to SlR T. EDMONDES.
WlNGFIELD
Digbt, Esq.
1611, July 20. — From Madrid. — Hopes to hear from him "every
ordinare at least."
" The business about the French King's matche is still, I hear, fol-
lowed with much earnestness."
" The French Ambassador is now gone in haste to the Escurial."
The Spanish Courte is more close and reserved than the French.
" I hear that the Savoy Ambassador that was in England in Marche
last, is shortly againe to returne."
The auditor to the Pope's Nuncio has been banished, and the Nuncio
himself roughly dealt with and commanded to depart if he remove not
the Interdict upon Saragosa.
" He was proceeded against, not as hee was Nuncio, but as he was
Collector Generall for the Pope. The difference grew about the Bishop
of Saragosa's goods. Upon whose deathe the officers of Saragosa
challenged them for the king, and the Nuncio for the Pope."
" One Caesar Boccaccio, a Luchese, who dyed lasfce yeare, hath given
for the erecting of a newe seminarye heere in Madrid to the valewe of
some ten or eleven thousand pound sterling, so that I doubte I shall bee
troubled heere with a young frye of Father Creswell's breeding."
Antonio Arostegni takes the place of Secretary Prada. The
constable of Castille wishes to come home from Milan. Tke D. of
Lerma likely to marry the Countesse of Valencia. Oran reported to be
besieged by the Turks and Moores, " but I beleeve it not."
Sir T. Edmonds to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, July 26. — From Paris. — The negociations carried on by the
Marques of Botty the D. of Florence's Ambassador for a match between
Madame and the Prince of Spaine, at first gave great alarum, but are
now supposed to be set on foot to the end to amuse the one the other.
" I assure your Lord9P there is great antipathy betwixt France and
Spaine. Yet I will not take upon me to speak confidently of a business
wh is so secretly carried."
The deputies of the Religion sent from the assembly at Saumur have,
after long attendance here, been dismissed with a general answeare, that
their towns of surety should be continued in their possession for 5 years
longer, and an increase of allowance made for their ministors. They
insisted upon a particular answer in writing, but it was u refused them,
and they were told it should be sent to the assembly by one Mons de
Bullion, a Counsaylor of State, who hath charge from the Queene not to
deliver the same unto them before they shall have made choyce of their
ordinarie deputies to reside in this courte and shall have resolved upon
the breaking up of their assembly ; because it first belongeth unto them
to showe their obedience unto her therein, before shee give them an
answeare to their demands."
But they " do finde that the drifte of urging them to proceed to the
election of their Deputies before the deliverie of the answeare is to ye
ende to disable them from making afterwards any reply thereunto ; for
that the commission wh was graunted them for ye holding of their assembly
importethe to bee only for ye making of ye sayd election ; and that
beinge donne, y* is pretended that thei have no power afterward to treate
of any other business. The Queene doth by this and all other meanes
urge them to the breaking up of their assembly ; but y* is doubted
whether thei will vealde thereunto without receiving some better
satisfaction."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 525
The Duke de Bouillon is fallen very dangerously sick at Saumur from George
unquietness of mind at being had in jealousy by those of the Religion as Kqbt^KS
if he did too much favour the ends of State. — -
The distractions amongst those of the Religion have given great
advantages to the State, and hath made them the less careful to give the
Assembly satisfaction.
"The Cardinals and Bishopps wh are in this towne have been
assembled to present their common complaint to the Parliament against
a thundering book wh hathe been lately sett forthe by Monsr de Plessis
against the Pope's authoritie, intitutled Misterium iniquitatis sive historia
Papatus, &c."
" But the Parliament dothe f orbeare to proceede therein for that those
of the Religion doe stande upon yl, that yfc would bee a direct contraven-
tion against their edict to passe any publique censure against those
bookes wh concerne the doctrine of their faythe."
The Parliament is doubtful how to proceed against the woman that
accused the Duke of Espernonand Madamoiselle du Pillet of being privy
to the murder of the late king. The judges were divided in opinion,
8 being for death and 9 for perpetual imprisonment. She is adjudged
to perpetual imprisonment.
" The Queene not liking the Prince of Conde's popular affecting to
make himself Mayor of Bordeaux, hath interposed her authoritie towards
those of that towne that the sayd place might be conferred on Mon8 de
Barrault ; having signified to the Prince that the same is unworthy of
him. Whereunto the Prince is content [as y* is sayd] to give way,
seeing yt is to the exclusion of Mon8 de Roguelane, the Lieutenant-
Governour of Guienne, who was formerly possessed thereof."
One Mon8 de Jeucaux the king's preceptor is removed, and Mon8 de
Febure, who had the bringing up of the Prince of Conde is put in his
room. " The latter is acknowledged to be the better scholer, but to bee
much more Jesuitical."
The D. of Guise is newly returned from Provence.
The D. of Savoy hath sente to the Swiss to come to a compromise
with him for the county of Vaux.
" Hee is preparing to returne the former Ambassador wh hee sent into
England, to recover ye treaty of marriage betweene the Prince his
sonne and the Lady Elizabeth."
" T am advertised from Sir Ralphe Win wood that Mr. Robert Sherley,
with his Persian lady, is arrived at Rotterdam, and hath demaunded
audience of ye States, and that hee may be lodged by their order at the
Hague, wh thei understand dothe imply that at the publick charge, hee
would be defrayed ; but that the States doe give him leave to provide
his lodging at his beste commoditye."
" I will hereafter send a cypher."
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmonds.
1611, A.ug. 9. — From Madrid. — A letter complaining of that he has
received no answer to his of 20 of July, and pressing for information
about the matche between France and Spaine.
I " have pressed them to the pointe wh thei would willingly
have put off for some longer tyme, I can now more certainly write
unto you that thei sticke not to avowe y* such a matter is pretended,
and not y* alone, but also in some likelihood and forwardnes," &c.
The D. of Lerma is very sick.
Mr. Cottington the bearer of this will tell you particulars.
526 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
«£S££» The Samk t0 tbe Same-
DlGBY, gSQ.
1611, Aug. 14. — From Madrid. — Has received his of 26 of July.
"I admit that the antipathie betwixt ye two nations is great" ....
" But if any rubb growe whereby this matche shall not bee so smoothly
carried [as report gives yt out] France must give ye stopp : For Spaine
seemeth to bee very forward, &c."
"The D. of Lerma hath been very sick and is now much amended.
The King having dispatched some businesses without him [wh thei say
hee never used to doe] nourished those inward passions in his minde
.... wh first bred this burning fever/ '
" His amendment is imputed to his alms deedes .... having sent
some monies for ye releaving of poor prisoners y* were in debt in Madrid
and some other places." — Little news.
" Sir Anthonie Sherley, lately the King's of Spaine's General, Mr.
Rob1 Sherley's brother, is in great want. Mr. R* Sherley would be
spoken against as he is if he had gone direct to England, and not into
Holland."
" Don Pedro de Toledo, Marques de Villa Franca, hathe laboured to-
choake the haven of Mamora to hinder ye riding of ye pyrats wh resorted
thither.
"The Pope's Nuncio hath given absolution to those of Saragosa ;
whereupon ye banishment is withdrawn from his auditor, &c."
Antonio Arostigui receives the habit of St. lago on 21 Aug. st° n°.
" It holds still that when the Queen shall be delivered the King will
take his journey to Portugall, but I hardly believe it."
■
Sir Dudley Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, Aug. 10, st° vet. — From Venice. — The busines of Ceueda has
come to a treaty. The Pope's fair language the cause thereof ; " having
fallen from his first Pontificall thundering to a very lowe style of pray-
ing and intr eating, &c. &c."
" Heere is a quarrell beginning between ye Duke of Savoy and the
Pope, wh our speculativi say is done to make love to England."
The occasion is a dispute about some places of strength and jurisdic-
tion belonging to the see of Asti wh the Duke hath taken to himself.
The Cardinall Grioiosa has received an affront at Rome. " The
beginning was the arrest of a young fellow for wearing a girdle with
great buckles forbidden in y* place by their Pragmatica, who struggling
with the Serjeants before y* Cardinall's door, was by some of ye house
reskewed and conveyed away. The Cardinall himself was out of towne.
. . . . his familie were that night besieged in his pallace by the
Bargello and his Sbirriria, who apprehending all were found in y*
gentlemen, churchemen, and others drewe them by violence to ye
common prison. Upon this alarm the Cardinall posted to Rome in
fury ; where hee found his men were delivered by meanes of ye French
ambassdr. But not taking that for satisfaction he returned to Tivoli
without seeing ye Pope, having first made all the Cardinalls sensible of
ye wrong, as a thing wherein thei had common interest. The Spanish
ambassdr is one of the foremost to aggravate the matter, and to stande
with him for reparation of his honour. So as the effect is much
harkened after. The like occasion between Clement ye 8 and. Cardinall
Farnese having proved fatall, the discontentment taken upon y*
occasion being a great cause of his death."
" In Germany all matters stand at a stay and depend much upon the
Electoral Assembly at Mulhausen, the Emperor having wholy referred
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 527
himself to those princes, without whose consent he will not conclude any George
agreement with his brother. The Spanish Ambassador in the Courte digot^EsSL
hathe travayled very much to reconcile them, and prevayled so far as —
that deputies were chosen by both ye parties, to draw articles of com-
position. Which being donne after long dispute, and signed by K.
Mathias, the Emperour, instead of subscribing tore the paper, and undid
all thei had so long laboured to contrive."
" The new king of Bohemia hathe lately written his letters to this
State and changed his language from Latin, [wherein he was ever wont
to write,] into Highe-Duche. And though the letters were merely
complimental, yet not to scandalize the Emperour with acknowledg-
ment of his titles, thei take tyme to advise upon their answeare."
" In my former I sent your lordship a cypher, wh when I understand you
have received I shall write with more freedome. Meane tyme you will
excuse me, yf to y* Courte, wh wee here charge with more scrupuliositie
and jealousie than anie other, I sende nothing of much secrecie. Thus
with my hasty recommendations to ye LordsP I leave you to Grod's
holy protection, <fcc."
W. Trumbull to the Same.
1611, Aug. 17, st° vet. — From Brussels. — A letter of recommendation
for Captain Paton.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir Dudley Carleton at Venice.
1611, Aug. 17. — From Madrid. — There is much speach about the
match between France and Spaine, and much difference of opinion
whether it would holde. " For myne owne particular opinion I sup-
pose it will rather holde than breake." Those in power at the French
Courte are very much Spanish, and the thing itself will be of great
advantage to the Crowne of France.
It is said that the Duke of Lerma's sickness " grewe upon conceit.
For that (it is said) the King's Confessor in a greate late sickness that
hee had, writt planely unto the King the wrong hee did himselfe by
transfering all power and authoritie from himselfe. Whereupon the
King dispatched some businesses without the Dukes or Council or
consent, wh hee accustomed not to doe." Thereupon he grew discon-
tented and fell sick. In his extremity he grew very charitable. " All
the sacraments were heere discovered for him and many masses said.
But whether the prayers of the people were more for him or against him,
is scarce a question, suche is ye envy y* attends his greatness."
The habit of St. Iago has been sent to Sir Anthonie Sherley, "but I
thinke thei shoulde have donne better to have sent him a suite of clothes
for he hath scarce any to put on his back. He hath titles
inough before of Conde General!. And thei thinke hee hathe shifted so
long, hee now can make shift with titles he hath scarce money
to buy him bread, and is lodged in a Bodegon, wh is litle worse than an
English alehouse."
Mon8r de Mott, Ambassdr extraordinary, is expected within a few
days from Savoy.
Antonio Arostigni made a knight of the Order of St. Iago and
transferred to the businesses of Italy ; and one Maucictdor from Flanders
takes his place for the affairs of England, France, and the Low
Countries.
" The Duchesse of Vceda, wife of the D. of Lerma's eldest son, died
ye 1 6 Aug."
528 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
wSSSSSr W- Trumbull to Sir J. Digbye.
Digby, Esq.
— 1611, Aug. 20. — From Brussels. — My stay here is likely to be
shortened by the departure of the Auditor General as ambassador to
England. Little news of importance.
" By order from Madrid these princes have lately remitted 100
thousand crownes to ye Spanish Ambassdr at Prague. Thei expecte
within shorte tyme to have other directions for as much more to be
imployed ye same way towards ye maintenance of their faction in ye
Empire. They labour to make accorde between ye Emperour and his
brother, but there is yet no great certaintie.
u Two famous Assemblyes now in Germany, wh increase ye worldes
expectation/'
One of the Protestant Princes at Rottenburg, begun the 2d of this
month. The other the Dyett of the Electors summoned for the 27th of
the same, but deferred till the 9th of October by reason of the death of
the Duke of Saxony.
The Protestants meet to consult for their preservation against the
practices of Rome and Spaine.
The other to elect a King of the Romans, and to resolve what is to be
done with the Emperour.
The Empire was never more distracted ; partly by the Emperour's
retiredness : partly by the ambition of private princes who seek to can-
tonize their estates, for ye gaining of freedom and soveraignty.
" The Duke of Brunswick, being President of the Emperour's
Council and his Grand Maistre de Hostel, hathe procured an Im-
periall Ban against ye towne of Brunswick, whereby hee may stir up
more trouble in ye Empire. But having to deale with so strong a party
as the combined Hans-Townes is unlike to prevayle."
Brandenburg and his brother-in-law, the new Elector of Saxony, have
come to an interview. The issue is doubtful.
"I hope that the controversie between Newburg and Swibrujrg for
the administration of the Palatinate during the minoritie of ye young
Prince [wh cannot now last above two years] will be determined or at
least suspended by the declaration of the Emperour, whereof I enclose a
copie."
The Protestants have been expelled from Cullen : " and the Aquis-
graviers, notwithstanding the menaces of these princes and the Elector
of Cullen, doe persevere in their demandes to have the Jesuites
expelled; free exercise of their religion in ye towne ; and the Magisiracy
to bee divided between ye Protestants and ye Romanists."
They have sent to Holland and Cleves for councell and aid.
" Where it is hoped thei shall finde the one and the other, notwith-
standing the clamour of their and our deadly enemies, the trayterous
Jesuites.
" The States Generall are now deliberating upon the repartition of
their soldiers into their several provinces : wherein those of Zeland and
Freezland doe showe themselves refractory, being much infested with
Priests and Jesuites in their provinces, and with pyratts and rovers in
their narrow seas. Thei are in hand to restraine them by an edict, and
the other by certaine men of war wh thei are arming for y* purpose."
" Thei are likewise much offended with the wrongs donne them in the
Indias and Guiny by the Spaniards. Of wh thei are minded to give
their merchants leave to take reparacion by way of reprisall. Having
for that ende bestowed on them 4 of their beste shippes of warr."
" I have not yet beene able to gaine a sighte of ye Pacification made
betweeue ye Count of East Freezland and ye towne of Embden. But
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 529
understand that the principal pointe consisteth in this, that the Count
to give the States assurance of his good neighbourhood, hathe resigned
into their handes the strongest fort in his countrye, called Leeroore,"
. . . . and they for their parte promise to protect the Count againsl
the town of Enibden.
No great matter yet exployted in the war between Denmark and
Sweden. Denmark has taken Colmar, but been expelled by the guards
of the castle. Sweden, with above 40 good ships of war, is master of
the sea, has " saccaged " and burnt Christianople.
No news yet from the States ambassadors sent to mediate. Nothing
to write about il of the proper growthe of this countrie unless I should
speak of marriages, burialls, and idle quarrells between young gen-
tlemen."
" The Jesuites, since the truce, have extended their colledge and
jurisdiction into four or five of the best townes, wh in former years
would never grant their admittance. Thei have now no more to conquer
but Dunquerque, wh cannot longe resiste, seeing it is commanded by a
Spanish governor, who adoreth them as his tutelary gods."
" Our Irishe, having added some experience to their valour, thinke
all the world is not comparable to themselves for the warrs. And to the
ende thei may keepe their troopes on foote, to make use of any oppor-
tunitie wh our negligence may oiFer them, thei have, by ye councell and
approbation of Spaine, sent one Conor-og-Orelli to commaund their
troupes in Poland, and to keepe them togeather until thei may doe us a
mischief in Ireland.
" Y* is bruited heere that the King of Poland, having gotten Moscow
and Smolensko, may in shorte tyme become master of the whole duke-
dome of Muscovia a nd Russland.
" Heere is the Lady of Florence Mac-Carey, very diligent in negocia-
ting with these princes for some evill purpose, as some thinke, and as
others conceive, for meanes to carry her into Spaine."
Sir Rodolphe Winwood to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, August 22, st° vet., from Haghe. — "We have heard of your
long passage, and of the heard treatment you found by ye way of ye
holy-house/'
The States are sending 8 ships against the pirates, and 8 more are
to be under sail by the last of September " at Plimmouthe or Faymouthe,
in the west of England, and commanded by Monsr Harkeyne, vice-
admiral of Zeland."
It is expected that " Easton, a principall pyrat, will presently come in
and bring with him 8 or 10 sayle, upon his Maties gracious pardon, wh
now hee hathe in his handes."
" We hold it for certain that the K. of Denmark is master of the
citadell of Colmar, and that the little islands thereabout do treate
for ye peace.
" The D. of Brunswick prepares to attack the town. The Hanse
towns levy men to assist it."
Recommends to his favour at Madrid " an honest merchant, William
Cawley, &c."
Sir T. Edmonds to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, August 23, from Paris. — Explains his silence. " The carriers
make little or no stay here, but I have taken order with the postmaster
here to be advertised of their coming.
u 84067. L t
530 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
vJkokge " I have found that there was a mistaking about the matche between
^gb^Esq. your Losr and mes. For that your Losr meant an intended marriage
between this King and the Infanta of Spaine, and I took it to be ye con-
trarie betweene the Prince of Spaine and Madame of France, wh hath
been most spoken of heere.
There has been speech of such a double marriage, " yet it was never
thought to bee likely y1 ye King of Spaine would give his eldest daughter
in marriage to a French King against ye former custome, wh thei have
aUwaies observed, not to matche their most apparent heyres out of their
owne house : and therefore since thei have not changed y* resolution, I
am of opinion with your Losp that it is upon a strong desseigne to gain
an extraordinarie advantage in this State, for ye working of their other
elides. wh it behooveth us carefully to foresee and prevente."
The world here is of opinion, and the Ministers of this State deeply
protest, that these treaties are but amusements to gain time until the end
of the King's minority, and they bear the Ambassr of Savoy in hande,
that when the minority is expired the marriage shall take place between
Madame and the Prince of Savoy.
It is hard to gather the truth out of these uncertainties.
" I have been tolde from very good parte that the resolution has been
taken for the disposing of Madame, but I could not gett the party to
inlarge himself e so far forthe as to tell me as yet whether it is to Spaine
or Savoy."
Monsr de Bullion has brought answer from the Assembly at Saumur
that they will not nominate their deputies until they know what answer
is made to their Catiers. They cannot believe that it will be favourable,
seeing that such difficulties are made in acquainting them with it.
The Queen is much discontented, and a new consultation has been
held, and it has been resolved not to alter anything of the former order.
The Queen has written sharp letters to the Assembly. She has always
esteemed those of ye religion to be her good subjects and friends. Of
her own accorde she caused the edict in their favour to be new published
upon the death of the late King. She has also sent assistance to the siege
of Juliers, and has sent succour to those of Geneva. She had sent a favour-
able answer to their Catiers, and granted diverse things wh were never
demanded, and has not taken away all hope of doing more when by their
ordinarie Deputies she shall understand their just complaints. She com-
plains that the Assembly having been granted only to name 6 Deputies,
whereof she would choose 2 to reside at Court, they had now spent 4
months without doing that for wh alone they were assembled. Let them
choose their Deputies, and Mons de Bullion shall deliver to the 2 selected
to reside in the Court the answer to the Catiers before the separation of
the Deputies, that they may carry the same with them into their several
provinces.
If they refuse to obey, then she revokes the Brevet whereby the
Assembly was authorised, will cause the answer to be made known in
the several provinces, and will proceed criminally against those who
show themselves refractory in the Assembly.
" In regarde that the division is already great among them it is
thought that upon -the receipt of this letter there will be resolution taken
for ye breaking up of ye Assembly."
The Duke de Bouillon and Mons d'Fsdiguiers strongly persuade on
the Queen's part, and Mons de Roham and Mons de Suilly the contrary.
" But Madame de Suilly is lately gone from hence in diligence to
JSaumur, to advise her husband to be one of ye first that shall departe
from ye Assembly, to the ende to gain thereby the Queene's good
opinion."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 531
In like manner those of the Religion in Paris " upon notice given them Gbobge
that the Queene coinplayned that the Deputies sent from this Province dSt^Eb©
did show themselves the most obstinate in the AssembJye have written —
to them to withdraw themselves.
There is a report ["though for myne owne parte I give no credit
thereunto] that the D. de Suilly is to be called to account for corruption
in the execution of his charge.
<; It is said that the sayd Duke hath conveyed his moneyes and his
ritchest moveables to Rochelle, meaning himself also to retire thither in
-case of danger.
11 The Chevaliere de Venclosme was not long since removed from
about the young King, and sent to Malta . . . because y* was found that
for ye extraordinarre good likinge wh ye King tooke of him, hee was
made the instrument to infuse into him sundry conceits wh were not
liked of. The King did extreamely weep, when hee came to take his
leave of him, and there hathe been much adoe since to pacific him."
The Queen has given to her nephew the Cardinal Gonzaga 15,000
crownes pension, " in regarde of the title wh hath been procured him of
Con-protectour of France as adjunct to the Cardinal Joyeuse.
The Duke of Savoy forbids any victuals to be carried out of his
country to Geneva, on pretence that the plague is there ; " wh as thei
alleadge doth carrye no colour of truthe.
The Duke of Nemours is admitted to the D. of Savoy's daughter's
chamber. Whereupon it is thought a match will be concluded, " for
that the like libertie is never graunted, but in cases of such assurance."
A match proposed by the Queen between the son of the Constable of
Prance, and one of the Duke of Mantua's youngest daughters.
The Duke answers that he would be most willing to entertain any
such favourable offer from her, " but that it cannot bne but a great dis-
paragement unto the Queen herself, that by her neeces matching into
the house of Montmorancy, she should be forced to give place to all the
other houses in this state, wh carry the title of Princes. Wh circumstance
of honour dothe as yet holde the sayd match in suspense."
A cypher sent herewith.
P.S. — " I forgott to tell your LodP in his proper place that Madame
the Queens eldest daughter, can by no meanes incline to heare of her
going into Savoy, and hath intreated ye young King, her brother, to
intercede y* shee may bee better disposed of."
Sir D Cableton to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, Sept. 7, st° vet.— From Venice. — " You have already heard of the
affront off red ye Cardinal Grioiosa in the violent arreste of his servants
during his absence from Rome, wh businesses having slept until now by
reason that thei referred the expostulation of ye injurie unto ye Queene
of France, dothe againe begin to quicken since the returne of some
Posts from ye French Courte ; so that now it is a common voice in ye
citie that both ye Grovernour Fiscall and ye Bargello shall bee discharged
of their offices to give satisfaction to ye Cardinall."
This is probable, for the French party " are growne so strong in ye
Consitorie that y* is not safe to displease them. Especially at this tyme
when there is so very ill intelligence between ye Pope and ye Ministers
of ye King of Spaine in Rome. On St. Lewis his day, thei took
occasion to show the strength of their faction, by reason it is ye Festivall
of that Crowne and King. At the celebrating whereof there were
present 25 Cardinalls, whereas heeretofore they have not been seene to
LL 2
532 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Pass 4 or 5. And for the greater honour of their Assembly the
Wingfield Cardinall Borghese showed himself among them purposely [as yt is
igby^ sq. ^Qyght] to offend ye Ambassr of Spaine. The newes of the newe
Cardinalls I suppose was sone with you for Borgia his sake, to whonie
there were instantly dispatched express corners : and though therein
thei have the vantage of France, by having one naturall Spaniard,
whereas there is never a Frencheman, yet if we looke upon ye other ten
wee shall finde that ye moste of Ihem reflecte so full upon France as
that thci eclipse the glorie of ye one Spaniard.
" By the inclosed wh I now sende you, wh is a briefe character of
these newe creatures, your Lo8p shall see how much ye Cardinall
Zappata was mistaken when at ye publication of them in ye Consistorie
he cryed out 'halbiaino undeci Cardinali ' ; there being, indeed, none of
the Italians whom ye French may not more properly challenge for
themselves, as obliged to y* Crowne by particular courtesies, or alienated
from Spaine by just discontentments."
The Spanish Ambassador at his first Audience after the election
omitted to thank the Pope, and when reminded by the Pope at his
departure, " hee replyed in passion, it was inough that hee had forborne
to expostulate about y*, considering ye litle respecte showed to his
Master, who had never been soe neglected of any Pope, as hee now was
of this."
The Venetian Ambassador reports that he had told the Pope that
it would have been taken kindly " if hee would have thought upon some
one of this dominion, and that y* would have satisfyed the world in ye
doubte yt is conceived of his not being afFectioned to ye State."
The Pope replied that the State, did not recommend any one, and that it
did not value that dignity ; but that he would remember them the next
time.
" The Duke at the reading of these letters in Senate tooke occasion
to showe the errour of their Ambassdr, and so clearly demonstrated
the inconveniences y* will in&ue ye Cardinalating of this Nobilitie ; wh
upon ye receiving of this dignity, leave the condition of subjects and
become equal to their Prince, y* yt was thereupon ordered that letters
should bee written to ye Ambassdr [as once allready thei have done,
since his being there] to forbidd him precisely for ever venturing to
treate more with ye Pope of his owne head, or without expresse direction
from his masters.
" Wee have beene heere of late, after a long calme, startled on yfr
sodaine with an alarm of warr ; wherein ye Spaniards of ye Duchy of
Milan are ye Actors, who have surprised ye Towne and Territorie of
Sassell, at the very instant when the Genoese, having compounded with
the Emperour for yt, were to receive ye investiture at ye hondes of his
Comraissarye. It lay conveniently for them by reason of ye annoyance
thei had of ye hill neighbourhood of those petty Lordes, that before
injoyed it. Who giving refuge to all their Banditi forced them to
thinke of making y* their owne. And on ye other side it is so opportune
for the passage from Milan to Finall, and dothe soe well secure the
state from Savoy and Montferrat, that ye Constable, invited with so
singular a commoditie, could not choose but take yt"
The Genoese send to complain, but he referred them to the Court of
Spain, " and likewise he turned over the Emperour's commissarie to ye
Spanish Ambassdr at Prague."
"The Princes of Italy dislike these usurpations, and this state is
much scandalized at it, no innovation being pleasing to them, especially
suche as aggrandize ye Spaniard, whose strength thei holde to bee
allready disproportionate to ye even temper of Italy."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 533
The Spanish Ambassdr made this excuse to this state, that Colonel r George
Barbo, being to transpose 400 Spaniards from Alexandria to a port not digbyJesq.
far of, Avhere thei should have been imbarqued, for ye King's service, those — —
of Sassel where tliei were to passe, against ye la we of ami tie, not
only refused to lodge his troopes, but assaulting them on the sodaine
slewe 60 of his men, and hurte ye Colonell, so yt ye Spaniards «ver,
forced to take armes to defende themselves, and proving after ye stronger
in fighte followed their advantage and wonne ye towne, wh nowe thei
holdejure belli. He likewise complained much in College against the
Ragusei, who by imprisoning ye bishop of Stagno an Albanese neere
them, and lately come out of Spaine, have wronged ye King his master,
with a vaine jealousie y* ye Armata at Messina hathe a purpose upon
them.
" But neither his excuse for the enterprise of Sassel was received for
current, nor his protestations against the Ragusei believed. Especially
there being freshe newes come to this state from Cattaro hard by Ragusa,
that there is now notoriously discovered a stricte intelligence betweene
ye Spaniards and the Albanesi ; and withall advertised by the Proveditor
that there is entred into ye Grulph a shippe fraught with armour and
munitions, wh coasting towards Albania is at ye present chased by ye
Venetian gallies, it beeing confidently beleeved that shee is sent by ye
Spaniards to furnish the Albanesi with weapons for a suddaine sulleva-
tion, when thei shall appeare with their fleete, that so thei may assault
Ragusa by sea and land. The danger whereof is so well knowne to
this state, that thei will rather ingage themselves in ye protection of yt
than endure so potent a neighbour within ye Gulphe. A further feare
they have of more dangerous consequence that the Turke [the fatall
enimie of their state] will by this meanes bee drawn with his forces
into those partes, and though other doe ye wrong, thei heere may feel
the smarte &c."
You will have heard of " the Duke of Ossanas ruffe usage of ye Pope's
galleys in Sicilye, whereof ye Pope hath sent his complaint into Spaine.
The Duke complains as much of ye backwardnes in those galleys to
accompauie ye Spanish fleete."
He reproaches the Pope with ingratitude, he having had so much
help from that Crown in his controversies with this State, when other
Princes would not interest themselves in that quarrel. ''The Pope
takes it in such disdaine that he hathe now countermanded his gallies
wh were putt in order to go to the Spanish fleete.
" Many other particulars wee have of ill intelligence at this present
betwixt ye Pope and ye Spaniard. And y t appeares yt generally the worlde
grows more clear-sighted in distinguishing their private interests from
this Catholick Roman tyrannic
** Touching Sir Thomas Glover ; hee is not only, as I am informed, a
Pentioner to ye King of Spaine, but likewise to Florence, and hathe
dealings in Rome. Omues vias pecuniae tentat, yt is knowen, yet not
knowen how to deal with him. Hee hathe been longe since written
unto from our King to putt away his secretarye Gerouimo Meoli, whome
you writt to be in Spaine. He hathe for these parts a newe agent
called GTasparo, who under ye colour of changing and ransoming slaves,
makes many voyages to and fro.
" The Earle Bothwell hathe been layde up all this summer in ye sur-
geons handes in Naples, and is paste doing any hurte, though hee want
not malice.
" This state hathe shewed this laste weeke very muche respecte to his
Matie by ye deliverie of one Jaconio Castelvetro, a Modonese, out of the
534 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Inquisition heere at Venice at my instance. Which was donne in
Digbt^Esq. regarde upon my house, though hee was no domestick, and in that
— — respecte the Nuntio and his crue of Inquisitors doe storme very muche.
And so muche the more because hee was once before in their handes,
and went now in ye state of Heretico relapso ; and without observing of
forme or acquainting them with anything, hee was taken out of their
prison by order of Senate. By which meanes, as y° grace is ye greater,
so is the Pope's power made lesse by subjecting his courte to a higher
authoritie."
Your letter was six weeks on the way, if this is as long we must
change our conveyance. I had yours by the ordinary of Lyons. This
I send by the Diodati.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir Dudley Carleton.
1611, Sept. 14. — The Duke of Lerma is out of danger.
"The King's Confessor, who in his late sickness, not expecting to live,
in discharge of his conscience, gave ye Kinge by letters to understand
how much his authoritie was abused, informed many particulars against
Rodrigo Calderon, who is heere of ye greatest power next the Duke of
Lerma, ... for that hee is of greatest power with the Duke."
He is much envied, and the Queen is his enemy, but " I cloubte not so
long as the Duke liveth hee will uphold him."
Franc00 Lobo Castrillo appointed to assist him in his office.
" On ye 22 of the monthe, st° n°, about eleven of the clock at nighte,
the Queene of Spaine was delivered of a son at the Escuriall."
All here are revived with the expectation of the return of the fleet.
Sir Anthonie Sherley has his pension increased, and is to retire to
Granada.
Ever since my coming into Spain I have had very much sickness in
my household.
W. Trumball to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, Sept. 13, st° vet., from Brussels. — "A reporte currant heere
that the Turke being called by one of the Battories in Transilvania to
assist him against King Mathias, is resolved to breake the truce with
ye Emperour."
The D. of Bavaria and the Archbishop of Saltzburg are at odds about
their salt mines.
Count Soke to be sent into Germany by these Princes to assist at the
marriage of their brother, King Mathias.
They have lately laid the first stones of two new cloisters, one for the
Descalcos, and the other for the Jesuits.
Juan de Manciscidor, secretary de guerra for ye King of Spaine, is
said to be a great enemy to our State, and a supporter of the Jesuits.
He is a worse foe to us than Prada.
Don Ynigo de Borga, Castellano of Antwerpe, is to be Viceroy of
Mexico. His regiment will be given to Don Alonco Pimenteli ; and the
command of the Castle to Don Alonco de Luna.
Mr. Seymaure is still upon the frontier. Sir W. Windsor is his great
friend,
" Our English cloathe is a great eyesore to these mechanicall people,
who pine away at ye small benefit proceeding thereof, albeit wee carry
home none of their monies, but make our returnes and far greater
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
535
services likewise in ye manufactures of these Provinces. They labour
very eagerly to have it banished, and yett cannot tell how to live with-
out it."
The Irish regiment serving here is much increased.
All comers are received, and none allowed to leave.
The Friars [who rule the roste heere] have sent one Connor Ogorelle
to be colonel of those troops wh serve under the King of Poland.
" Thei bragg that Tyrone shall come into Spain, and Owen with him.
If the one be likely the other is not improbable, for thei are both ye
favourites of Secretary Manciscidor, especially ye powder traytour."
" Those poore reliques of the Protestants wh are clairsemer in these
Provinces are still persecuted. And diverse of them banished for no
other offence."
The Marques of Gruadaleste has arrived from Spain, " his ladie muche
crazed with ye tediousnes and toyle of ye wayes."
The Auditor-Gen erall Ambassdr elect has left, but is detained by
contrary winds at Dunkerke.
Sir Rf Chamberlayne has arrived at Paris on his way to Madrid.
Sir T. Edmondes to Sir J. Digbye.
Sept. 24th, from Paris. — The principle ministers here do not deny Hint
there have been double marriages negociated, but that nothing has been
concluded, neither is there any assurance to be grounded thereon in
respect of the young yeares of the princes. " And because they find
that we have taken an allarum [as there is just reason] at this their so
strict a conjunction with Spaine, they would fain perswade us heere,
according to their former accustomed language, that the intertaining of
these propositions hathe been chiefly to the ende to hold the K. of Spaine
in the better tearmes towards them for ye quiet passing over of ye Kings
minoritie. But when they find that we will not take that answer for
good payment, they have recourse to another shifte, saying that ye
interests of States are allwayes of more forceable consideration than any
alliances between them, and therfore what marriages soever they should
conclude with Spaine, yet that they would not recede from their accus-
tomed grounds of State, which did bind them to hold a most strict amitie
with his Matie. But I have told them that the K. of
Spaine hath a deep design by this alliance to make them give way to ye
attaining of his other ends, as otherwise he would not have taken the
extraordinary resolution which he hathe done, to give an Infanta Mayor
in marriage to a King of France, contrarie to their usual custom, which
hath been never to dispose their heyres out of their owne house. And
since there is a necessitie that ye King of Spaine should thinke of some
meanes for ye ray singe of his affayres, ye is likely that out of ye observa-
tion wh tl ey have made how greate ye power hath beene of ye late
Queene Mother, and the Queene Regent, yfc now is for ye managing of
the affayres of this kingdome, they have allso conceived the same hope,
that a daughter of Spaine may be no lesse careful unto them by her
authorise for ye repay ring of their affayres hereafter."
The Duke of Savoy desires an answer touching a matche for his son
with Madame.
Monsr d'Esdiguiers appointed to excuse the deferring thereof, " they
could not growe to a conclusion . . . before ye minoritie of ye
King were expired . . . but they do still bear the said Duke in
hand."
Spaine and France desire that Savoy may matche with a sister of the*
Duke of Florence.
GjvORGB
WlNGFIELD
Digbt, Esq.
536 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Gkokgb Savoy averse to it.
Digbt? esq. " The affayres of those of the Religion wh held ye State so long in sus-
— pense were not determined without great difficulty, for that most of the
company did still incline to maintain stiffly their former resolution not to
proceed to the nomination of their deputies until they should see the
answer to their Catiers But the Duke de Bouillon to
prevent the same drewe divers of the principall deputies, wh were his
friends, to his lodging, to whom hee declared that though hee were
resolved to live and dye in ye Religion wb hee professed, yet that ye
same did binde him to the obeying of such commaundments as they
should receive from the King."
He was himself bound by special duty besides as being an officer of
the crowne. " And therefore that himself was resolved not to be present
at ye Assembly to hear the King's authority called in question, &c."
" Whereupon they yielded, and bound themselves by promise each to
other, that whatsoever ye determination of ye reste of ye Assembly should
bee, thei would conforme themselves to ye Queen's commaundment. Which
when the others understood, finding their companie to be so divided, and
considering what imputation would be cast upon them, thei resolved to
submit themselves to ye Queen's pleasure, and to proceede to ye nomination
of their Deputies. And so consequently thei sent the names of six persons
to the Queene, out of wh she chose one Mon8 de Rouncay and Mon8 de
la Milletierre to reside ordinarily at Courte, upon ye returne of whose
names to Saumur the answer to the Catiers was delivered unto them and
thereupon the Assembly broke up."
The answer made to the Catiers gave little satisfaction because it was
obscure and ambiguous. " But the D. de Bouillion, since his coming
hither, hath procured that there hath been a review of the said answere,
and that speciall commissioners shall be sent into ye several provinces
lo take order that ye Edict shall be observed in all points wherein com-
plaint hath been made that there hath been formerly want of execution."
The Queene is very glad, and doth promise herself to enjoy profound
peace, and the D. de Bouillion has been exceedingly commended by
her.
The French courte mourne for the death of the Queen's sister, the
Duchesse of Mantua.
" The two Princesses of Conde are newly returned hither out of
Gascony, and purpose to go into Hollaud to make a better agreement
between the young Princesse of Orange and her husband.
" The Queene hathe of late made composition for ye redeeming of
Bourg in Bresse out of ye hands of one Mon8. de Boesse, who is of ye
religion, for ye sum of 100,000 crowns, wh is a great loss to those or ye
religion."
A quarrel between the Chevalier de Guise and the Marques de
Coenuze. Mr. W. Seymour who married the Lady Arabella has come
hither. I told him I was sorry he had forgotten his duty to his Matie,
and refused to see him.
A report of the death of the Duke of Mayenne at Soissons " which is
esteemed a great losse both for his sufficiencie and also lor that he was
helde to be one of the best patriots of France, and particularly he was a
much devoted servant to his Matie."
The Same to the Same,
Oct. 1st, from Paris. — The D. of Savoy desires. a meeting with
Mon8. d'Esdiguiers '' to receive from him the direct resolution of this
*tate as well concerning the conclusion of the matche between Madame
HJSTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 537
and the Prince his son, and also as touching ye office of mediation, wh he George
expecteth, according to a promise made him, that ye Queene should Xgby^EsS.
performe for him toward ye Suisse of ye Canton of Berne, for ye restoring — —
of him to ye possession of ye Pays de Vaux whereunto he pretendeth
title."
Mons. d'Esdiguiers hath direction to meet him to gain time and to
entertain him with general promises.
There is a report " whereunto for myne owne parte I give no creditt "
that the Pope and the K. of Spaine do jointly labour in Germany to
depose the Emperour, u and to set K. Mathias in his room ....
and that the Archduke Albert may be chosen K. of the Romans, for
that ye K. of Spaine hathe a great desire to remove him out of ye Low
Countries. And to that ende that he doth treat him very ill, thereby to
make him weary of his residence there. And it is conceived that ye
Count de Bucquoye's employment into Spaine by the Archduke is
grounded upon that occasion : And herewith there concurreth another
circumstance to fortifie that conceipte ; y* being reported that the
Emperour attempted to make an escape from Prague.
M The Queene hath lately new let the farme of the profitts arising by
ye sale of the offices of judicature and the finance of this kingdome
togeather with the rents wh are paid for the assuring the succession of
any such places, and by a new valuation wh hathe been made of )e sayd
offices, the farme thereof is new raysed to ye yeerly rente of one hundred
three score and six thousand pounds sterling."
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edwards.
Oct. 12, st° vet., from Madrid. The death of the Queene of Spaine
has caused general sadness and put a stop to all business, " the King and
the Duke of Lerma being retired to a small house wh the King hath
near Segovia, where he meaneth to spend some time in a monastery of
the Carthugians, having altered a former resolution of living some
months in ye monastery of St Jeronimo."
The safe return of the West Indian fleet in the beginning of Octr
revives their spirits.
The matches are held here by the understandingst men to be likely to
take effect.
This may be to the prejudice of England, for I gather as your Lord-
ship by your former employments little doubteth that England hath
little reason to presume farther or longer on the friendship of Spaine.
" The general opinion amongst them heere is that more respect and
faithe is to be helde with Turkes and Infidells than with us, whom they
style Lutherans. Besides the many and daily experiences wee have of
their ill inclination unto us, and in my opinion this laste of passing by
our proposition of Alliance made unto them is a frequent and indubitable
testimonie that they are not well intended towards us. For it is not
possible that any thing could square or sute more with their ends than a
strict and neere tye with England, if that a principall point of their ends
bee not our prejudice, wh I much doubte. But now y* seemes that
France must be made the passage to their pretences. And I assure you
that they are heere confident that ye Queene and Ministers of greatest
power in France are thoroughly well inclined to Spaine. As you shall
see by a capitulo of a letter wh was lately sent from their Ambassr to
ye D. of Lerma. Of wh I would have you make your use, but other-
wise not to take any notice of it, for that if there should bee but ye
leaste lighte that any such thing were knowen yt would easily be dis-
covered how I came by it, wh will be to my extraordinarie prejudice.
538 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
(iEOBGE M Y sepa Va Exa q° yo hallo apui su Magd della Reyna y todos sus
iuSSSesq. ministros que mas pueden ser muy bien intencionados a Espaiia y muy
— buenos Catolicos y en esto el Parlamento de Paris va mueho mejorando
en tanto q° no tengo deuda q° conchyendose el negocio de q° se trata
mueho sera para establecer estos Reynos y la santa fe Catolica y para
castigar y reducir en orden los Herejos, y enimigod de Dios y su santa
yglesia."
The French Queene is helde here to be wholly for Spaine.
" I wonder muche that you write so ofte unto me about the D. of
Savoy's pretence of a matche with France, since there is so generall a
received opinion of his desires towards England. And that our newes
here is that the Count Ruffia is again upon his journey towards England
to second the proposition formerly made by him. Mythinks he should
not bee so hot a pretender in bothe places; if he bee I shall make
conjecture of him that hee will bee a speeder in neyther."
Prince Filibert, his brother, that liveth in this Court, and also his
ambassr hold very good correspondence with me.
" I pray you in your next clear me this doubt whether his wooing in
France be still in earnest."
They protest against a match with Florence.
Mons Rodenborg who came here some six months ago as Deputado for
the estates has dealt very plainly with the King for wrongs done the
Hollanders in the East Indies, the coast of Ghinye, and his other
dominions. The States have now resolved to come by sea and to seek
redress for themselves since the king here forbears to do them justice.
" And this he hath spoken unto them in a bold and assured manner,
desiring the King to give him any answers, and that their No should
be as welcome unto him »s their Yea. Thei are heere very much
offended both with the matter and the maner, and have given order to
Lixborne for ye sending of two carvills of advise unto ye coast of Ghinye,
and as hee telleth mee there is likewise an expresse and concluding
order given for the dispatch of all things to his content. Of the issue
your Lordship shall be advertised hereafter."
Sir Anthony Sherley has retired from this towne and his great miserie,
and wants to Granada and a provision of 3,000 ducats per annum.
Sir D. Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
Oct. 15th, st°vet., from Padova. — "My very goode Lorde. I have
taken ye benefit of this temperate season to ay re myself and my companie
upon dry lands, betwixt a hot summer we have suffred and cold winter
we feare in our laquna at Venice, wh is exposed to both these ex-
treamities. . . .
" But now for newes. I am ' piscis in arido,' out of my element, and
therefore have little to returne you.
" The matche between France and Spaine we hold here as concluded
having it advertised that his Matie in his motion of marriage for the
Prince is wished to ye second daughter of Spaine, in regarde that ye
Infanta is designed to ye French King, wh conjunction is judged of
dangerous consequence for ye United Provinces and those of ye religion
in France. For my owne parte I must confesse truly more to feare ye
friendship and alliance with that nation than distraction or enmitie.
And therefore conceive ye fayling of his Matie in his motion to be rather
prejudiciall to our friends than ourselves.
I know not what judgment to make of the different reports from
Prague and Rome. From the one place I hear that the Pope and
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 539
the Spaniard concur in their deseignes to the deposing of ye Em- George
perour, preferring ye King of Hungary and making the Archduke digby, Esq.
Albertus King of ye Romans, with other projects of this kind to y°
general change of affayres, both in Upper and Lower Germanye. From
the other wee heare of dayly breaches betwixt the Pp. and ye Spanish
ministers, and amongst others three harsh propositions made by D. Fran-
cesco di Castro. The first that ye King his master in regarde of great
charges the churche men of Spaine are driven unto by having resorte to
Rome in litigious causes, had resolved to erect in his owne countrie a
Tribunall for this purpose like La Rotta di Roma. The second that;
there should be no more pensions given out of church livings in Spaine
but to naturall Spaniards. The third that the King finding a manifest
inconvenience in suffring strangers to possesse church livinges in Millaine
and Naples [where are many Bishopps and beneficed men subjects to ye
Pp., to ye Duke of Florence and other princes] bad taken a resolution to
use the same Jus Patronatus in bestowing such benefices as in other of
his Kingdoms. The Pp. hath referred the consideration of these matters
to the three Cardinals, his favourites, Borghese, Lanfranco, andNazarethe,
but [as my advertiser sayeth] ' per cerimonia poi che i Spagnoli si
lasciano intendere di volerla ad ogni modo.' "
The Spaniards at Turin practise to break the match intended between
ye D. of Savoy's daughter and ye D. de Nemours.
Rebalt, that railing Frenchman, has been executed at the instance of
the Q. Regent, " which may be thought a just judgment of God for
his malicious book against his Matie, wh as I understand from ye mouth
of one that was present when he loste his head in prison, ran moste in
his minde, these being his laste words in worldly affairs, ' Delia mia
morte ne sentira grandissimo contento il Re d' Inghilterra.' "
Cavalli, the Ambassr for this state at Rome, hath run a short race of
his ambassage and his life. Thomaso Contarini, who was Ambassr
Extraordinary to ye States, succeeds him, and Goranzo, late Ambassr
in Spaine, goes to the Emperour.
" There was nothing could have been more contrarie to the Papalitie
than ye choice of this man for Rome. . . . But they had their revenge
in another matter proposed with much skill to exclude Padre Paulo
from their councells, against whom they beare no small malice, as find-
ing all their propositions reduced to matter of State, by which they are
still overruled. And this they chiefly ascribe to the art of the Pope,
who resorted dayly to the palace ever since the time of ye interdict and
gave his opinion in these affayres. And for prevention they have found
out an olde decree, wh they have revived to this purpose, that no one
of ye college, nor all of them togeather shall have libertie, without special!
leave to referre any writing belonging to Senate to the consultation of
any but a Senator, by wh means they have gained a great point in
the generall carriage of those kinde of businesses, though for the party
against whom they chiefly aimed, hee will bee lesse subject unto envye,
and live with more ease and securitie."
The contentions between the Pope and the State of Venice ebb and
flow according to the changing disposition of the Senate, &c.
Sir T. Edmondes to Sir J. Digbye.
Oct. 18, from Paris. — " . . . When I first heard of ye commission
wh was given your lordship to make ye proposition of marriage
for the Infanta with the Prince, I could not sufficiently wonder
that our State should entertain any such opinion, knowing how un-
likely it was that any such thing could be effected in respect of
540 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George their inveterate hatred towards us for matter of religion. But now
Digbt, Esq. that I have since understood how the same was drawn on by
their promises, I must much more accuse their perfidiousness than our
own credulitie. But I am glad that they have dealt so planely
with us as to disabuse us so soon. ... In the meantyme the Spanish
Ambassr hath had an ill office of it, to bee disavowed for that wh hee
hath done in the business. And as ridiculous is the second proposition
wh they now make by the offer of ye second daughter, pretending that
her condition shall be as good as that of ye Infanta. I doubte not but
your lordship hath understood how sensible his Matie hath beene both of
the indirect dealing of the King of Spaine towards him therein, as aliso
of ye want of correspondence in France, for not acquainting him with
these treaties, and heere they have indeed found themselves surprised for
that the knowledge of these matters have broken forth sooner than they
expected they should have done."
Strange insolence hath been used by the Spanish Ambassr at Turin,
who declared to the D. of Savoy that the King his master would by no
means like to have her that did so nearly touch him in blood, i.e., the
13. of Savoy's youngest daughter, so basely married as to the D. of
Nemours, ''one that was a subject to another prince and therefore that he
did ordaine him on ye behalf of ye King his master [for so in the relacion
hither the wordes were rendered out of ye Spanish, " Je vous ordonne de la
parte du Roy mon maistre] to make deliverie of her to bee transported
into Spaine, according to ye order wh he said his mr had taken for her
conveighance thither. And that ye said King would discharge ye care
of a father for the bestowing of her more sutably to her blood and
qualitie."
The Duke resolutely refuses ; and the D. of Nemours sent a French
colonel called La Grange to the Spanish agent " with a sharp reviling
message, which put the agent into so great furie, as he openly ex-
claimed against ye injurie wh was offred to his qualitie being a publique
Minister," that the Nuncio and other Ministers were forced to intervene
to pacify him.
The D. of Savoy has sent again the Count of Cartigniana into England
to revive the treaty of marriage. It is thought strange that he should
give offence to Spaine and to France at the same time.
Those of the religion are not satisfied because the edict is not executed
and the deputies who have returned from Saumur report that they were
deprived of the liberty of their Assembly by the peremptory command
sent from the Queen to break it up, and to authorize the minority to
elect deputies if the majority would not. Those of Languedoc threaten
to hold assemblies among themselves. But it is hoped that these dis-
contents will be appeased by the coming of the Commissioners.
The Duchesse of Mayne dyes through grief for the loss of her
husband, &c.
W. Trumball to the Same.
Oct. 20, from Brussels. — Count Buguoy, General of the Archduke's
artillerie, and one of the most worthy noblemen of these countries has
departed on an extraordinary embassage to Spaine with such haste
that I was not able to write to your lordship for the making known his
quality and worthy parts.
It is said none but the Archduke himself is acquainted with his
errand.
" A new project for ye raising of 20 millions of crowns by the year
out of church goods, to make war against the poore Huguenots hath
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 541
been here more frequent in discourse than it is like to prove elsewhere Geoegb
certaine in effect. For those who have never so little haunted men of digby^Esq.
that profession see well enough, that no other are more avaritious than —
they. And whatsover they say pour faire peur aux enfants, yet I hold
their vaunt so idle, as I would never have made any mencion of such
chimceras in my letters, but that heere they are in every man's mouthe."
The young Princess of Conde and her mother-in-lawe have lately
passed this way towards Breda, to accommodate some household jarrs
between the Prince of Orange and his lady.
Commissioners are expected from the D. of Wirtemburg to treat
about the claim of these Princes to the sovereignty of his county of
Montellard. And two deputies from the States of the United Provinces
will be here in a few days to complain of the non-observance of the
Prince by the Archdukes.
Denmark and Sweden continue the war, and the trade to the Baltic Is
likely to be destroyed by the refusal of the K. of Denmark to abolish
the new and almost intolerable dues which he has put upon all ships
that pass the sound.
It is reported that the Muscovites have elected the K. of Sweden's
eldest son for their Emperour, in order to renew the war against the
Polac who has taken the town of Smolensko, and has an open way to
conquer the rest unless he is resisted and diverted another way.
The Princes of the Protestant union in Germany seek for a league
offensive and defensive with his Matie.
The poverty wb reigns in Spain extends itself here, and the provinces
desire to revive the war for the sake of private gain rather than the
public good of Christendom.
The Archdukes received the news of the death of the Queen of
Spain at their house of pleasure called Marpuont, and have for nine
days put themselves into a monastery thereby called Bon Esperance to
give testimony of their grief to the world.
In spite of the want of money in Spain to pay their debts they have
sent lately 6,000 crowns to foment the evil members bred in the seminaries
of Douay and St. Omers.
Sir D. Carlton to the Same.
Oct. 23 from Venice. — Venice not a healthy place for those who
have been active and stirring and requires more exercise than can be
taken in a Gondola.
" We are here full of ye newes of ye ill incounter ye Spaniards have
had in ye Cercene, wh exployte was performed with so much confusion
contrarie to their maner, and ye matter of so small consequence if it
had succeeded that it confirmes the opinion that so great and costly
preparation of a fleete was intended at firste for some greater
desseigne."
The new Ambassr to Eome being a man in no way acceptable to the
Papalini, there hath been done something more in this state than were
to be wished to sweeten all distates and to prepare him a better welcome.
"Amongst other things a poor Protestant of Lucca who was heere
prisoner in ye inquisition was according to their manner of execution
drowned in ye nighte about a fortnight sincf, to recompence ye deliverie
of Castelvetro wh was ill taken at Rome. Hee dyed with great con-
stancy. Being willed by two Cappuchins that did accompanie him to
pray to St. Francis, he sayd hee would rather pray to him that St.
Francis prayed, wh was Christe only. They presented to him a
542 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
_Geoege crucifix wh hee rejected with these words * Non sono idolatra,' and so
Digby, Esq. was sunk downe betweene two gondolas singing of a psalm. The more
the inquisition doe publishe to their glorie the deathe of this man [of
wh they make no secret] the more rumour and question is raysed in this
cittie quid mali fecit.
The Abbot of Brandolin has been sent at liberty by the Pope. He was
a very lewd and wicked man. He is confined to Malta but holds all
the fruits of his abbey. '* So as ye Pope's ministers have heere ye glory
at this present of condemning a moste innocent soule, and absolving il
piu gran ribaldo that hath been ever known in Venice."
The Spanish Ambassr offended because a secretary and not a
senator was sent by the Signorie to condole with him upon the death
of the Queen. "And he is little satisfied with me for coming to him on
the same occasion; not in mourning attire. To which I conceive
myself in no way bound, there being parentela betwixt the two crowns
for wh we serve, wh is the rule of that ceremony."
Let those who have alliance with the Spaniard or live by their
countenance " sute them in cloth. This ambassr is a very worthy and
sufficient gentleman. But we must allow him the country humour."
" Heere arrived on Wednesday laste Paule Pinder, who goethe to
succeed Sir T. Glover. And though all care hathe been taken to carrie
ye matter secretly, that he may surprise Sir T. Glover, yet hath it taken
vente, <xc."
We are expecting the issue of the interview between the D. of Savoy
and Marshall Desguiers.
He asks for Spanish books.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
Oct. 26, from Paris. — My report in my last letter of the menaces
made use of by the Spanish Ambassr to the D. of Savoy was correct,
but that the menaces were greater.
The D. of Savoy has asked the Queen for protection for the D. of
Nemours and also, since there is no longer any hope of the matche
between the Prince his son and Madame, that the Queen will be pleased
according to the offer she made heretofore, to assist him in his suite for
the lady Elizabeth.
In answer to the first request she declines to go against her uncle the
K. of Spaine. To the second that she would be willing to aid him but
warns him that he must not expect success in England, for that the
lady Elizabeth was already disposed of to the young Prince Elector
Palatine.
Disputes about precedency at the French Court.
The conclusion of the matches is likely to be deferred, though not
broken, in order to avoide the giving the K. of England great
discontentment.
Sir W. Trumball to the Same.
Oct. 30, st°. vet., from Brussels. — The Spaniards in Flanders, sup-
posing that the Archdukes have lost one of their best supporters in
Spaine by the death of the Queen, are ready to return to their wonted
arrogance.
Count Cartiguiano has passed to England in order to treat for a
marriage between the Prince of Piemont and our Princess ye Lady
Elizabeth. He takes with a present to the king four very fayre horses
and a tame leopard.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 543
The Netherlands think of banishing certain English commodities, as Gbqb<*e
carseys, bayes, perpetuanas. But it is thought they will be better digbtsJK
advised " lest we pay them their owne with interest by prohibiting the
sale of their Spanish commodities in England."
Sir T. Edmondks to the Same.
'Nov. 10, from Paris. — Concerning the D, of Savoy's marriage,
negociations with England and France. France and Spaine wish him to
match with Florence, but he looks higher, and is not willing to decline
from the honour which he and many of his predecessors have had.
They excuse here their matching with Spain for that we refused their
former offer of a match between our Prince and Madame ; and also that
" we sought secretly to match with Spain [as they pretend to have
understood from their ambassr there] and not that there were any
such offers made from Spaine to us as we doe reporte. But by the
declaration which I have made of the passage of that business, I have
made those artifices appear ridiculous."
Great care is being taken about the business at Aix. The Queen has
sent in all diligence for the D. de Bouillion touching the assemblies of
those of the religion in their several provinces, but it is thought he will
excuse himself from coming hither as yet.
The Queen is much afflicted at the death of her second son, the D. of
Orleans, and now that " young Madamoiselle de Monpensier is become a
widow, it will give occasion to ye Count of Soissons to renew his former
violent pretensions for the obtaining of her for his son, the Prince
d'Enguien.
Sir Bodolph Win wood to the Same.
Nov. 14, from the Hague. — We hear that the Pope's Nuncio and the
Spanish Ambassr at Nuremburg press hard for the election of K.
Matthias, K. of the Bomans.
Mr. Bobt. Sherley, came to Botterdam. Demanded an audience.
When the States gave no direction to lodge him, he departed for
England.
Sir W. Trumball to the Same.
Nov. 18, st° vet., from Brussels. — Ceremonies for the Q. of Spaine's
obsequies.
Lord Vaux is lurking secretly in this towne.
Favours are daily conferred upon the evil affected English in these
parts, and amongst others 6,000 crownes for the maintenance of the
English seminaries at Douay and St. Omers, and also it is said a large
exhibition bestowed upon ye English nunnerie in this towne and the
Noviciate at Louvain.
The president of the Irish Seminarie at Douay is to be removed
because he is descended of an English race, and the young Irish colonel
is made much of by the friars in the hope that he will move future
sedition in his country.
They talk here of prohibiting the sale in Spain of English perpetuanas,
bayes, sayes, and other light stuffs made in England, in order to restore
the ancient manufactures of Flanders, to erect a monopoly of all
cuchanels, indicos, and Spanish wools, and thirdly, to make a new
company with special privileges. Towards these designs Antwerp alone
has subscribed 500 thousand crownes.
544 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George The troubles of Aquisgrave are not yet composed. " The States
Digby,Esq! Generall of the limited provinces with the Burgmasters of every towne
— are now (as I heare) assembled at the Haghe to deliberate on certain
overtures sent them from hence by one Crawle of this towne, as we
ghesse for ye making of a peace : he being ye man that was first em-
ployed to sound ye mindes of ye said States about their yeelding to ye
present truce."
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
Nov. 22, from Paris. — Since the death of the D. of Orleans the queen
has brought the D. of Anjou hither from St. Germaines in order to
have more tender care over him. It is likely that the Ministers will
now be in more haste to conclude the match with Spaine.
The Queen has signified to the D. and Duchesse of Guise her desire
to match the D. of Anjou with their daughter, Madamoiselle de Mont-
pensier, who was before promised to the D. of Orleans.
The state is much alarmed at the assemblies held by those of the
Religion in their several provinces, though they were forbidden so to do
under penalty of high treason. The}' have resolved to refuse to receive
the answer given to their catiers, and to sent two deputies from each
province to demand a more favourable answer. And they have also
hindered the Commissioners who were sent to see the edict duly
observed until they shall receive a favourable answer — * But I suppose
that these proceedings . . . will rather make a noise, and give disrepu-
tation to their party, than produce any good effects."
The dissensions among them are very great, and these ruin them.
The Queen has sent a second time to Sedan to summon the D. de
Bouillion. He will come in three weeks.
Some companies of horse and foot have been sent to beseige Mon8
de Vatan in his castle in Berri, who has done violence to the officers who
have the distribution of salt in those parts.
Bourg in Bresse is to be razed.
Court news.
The Queen is now content to give way to the deputies of those of the
Religion coming hither, if they approach her only through the deputies
who reside here.
The D. of Espernon had been ordered to raise forces ostensibly
against Mons Yatan, but really in order to coerce those of the Religion
if it should have been necessary.
The Same to the Same.
Nov. 25. — Report of the interview between the D. of Savoy, and
Mon8 d'Esdiquiers at Susa.
The Queen seeks to drive the D. to match either with Florence or with
Mantova. The D.is much discontented, for he had the assurance of the
last king's signature for the marriage of his son with Madame. He asks
what terms will be made if he matches with Mantova. They give him
hope that certain villages which lie in his country will be made over to
him. The D. defers his resolution.
The Constable will be much discontented for the daughter of Mantova
has been promised to his son.
Sir D. Carleton to the Same.
Dec. 10, st° vet., from Venice. — The matches between France and
Spaine are here the chief theme of discourse. They of this State
are very curious as to our part in these proceedings, and it is well that I
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 545
had so good information from f our other fellowes abroad & from his George
Matie, as that I could give ample satisfaction to this place; without Di&by, Esq.
which ye good intelligence wh is betwixt us two would have been
discredited." The Spanish Ministers here would make the world
believe we rest excluded & refused by them. But we have made
the truth generally known & their double dealing is laid open.
" An Ambassr has come from Ragusa to complain that certain
Ragusean gentlemen were surprised in the gulf by the general of the
army condemned to the gallies.
At his first entrance he committed some solecisms against the accus-
tomed ceremonies of this place. He returned for an answer within
, which is the time these Sigori take to consider
. The State misliking his business except against the manner
of propounding it ; " It being so gave expresse order for
ye surprise of these so by way of exchange they might
ransom Dalmatian and subject of this State
long held in Ragusa prisoner, notwithstanding earnest sollicitation that
hath been made for . The Abbot of Bois who upon ye
death of th of France preached so loud in Paris against
lately had his mouthe stopped in Rome — that they fear
no more of his declam sent by ye Queene to Florence to
negociate-businesses as an agent ; from whence of procuring
ye Pope's consent for ye disp business, hee was by ye great Duke
remitted to Rome, as to ye ordinarye stage for such tragedies. Before
his going he sent for a safe conducte, which was brought him to Siena,
though it served him to little use. For at his entrance into Rome, ye
first that welcomed him were ye Serjeants of ye Inquisitors, who told
him when hee showed his safe-conduct that it was no protection for
such as hee. Within few days after his imprisonment hee was hanged
in ye Campo de Fiori fowre hours before day, and instantly cat downe
and buryed, that his deathe might bee concealed. The ministers of
France resident in that towne never stirred a whitt upon his retention,
nor execution, wh maketh it conjectured there was a trayne laid for
him."
ambassador
ly to him ye king Rodrigo
Ca hear nee, with wh newes he
lived in hope y* hee should hath
preferment, then of ye nomination of suits him. Yf this
Calderon be ye man to so referred you in yl your negocia-
tion, wee his coming to be rather * honesta missio ' than
a
u I send you heere inclosed a shorte relation of ye greate treason
against ye D. of Parma, the truthe of wh busines having hung in ye
cloudes these 4 monthes or more, is now broaken out, & understood
of all.
* From Rome, we have this weeke a great breache betweene ye Pope's
greatest favourites upon a small occasion. Out of Spaine there was sent
to ye Cardinall Borghese a bill of exchange for 3,000 crownes, in
recompense of a pleasure y* hee had done for one there. At ye delivery
whereof ye Cardinall Tonti being by chance present, & overhearing
Borghese refuse ye bill saying that hee had nothing to do with papers, but
would see ye moneie, hee grewe curious to inquire ye matter ; which
when Borghese would not tell him, hee went directly to ye Pope and
complayned of his nephewe, as of one y* abused his favour, & dis-
honoured y° courte with taking bribes. Upon this, Borghese was by ye
Pope challenged and being confronted with his accuser, hee confessed y*
u 84067. M M
546 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George suche a bill was indeed presented to him, but y* hee had refused it.
"dJJbt'bsq. ^-nc* tnen recrmimatmg upon Tonti, hee tolde yt his accuser would
— - never have complained out of zeal to the Pope's honour, but out of fear
of losing his share, charging him to bee ye only man y* shamed ye Courte
with immoderate taking. Which tale prevailed so farr wth ye Pope y*
ye Cardinall Tonti grewe disfavoured streight, the office of Datario
being taken from him, & himself commanded to retire to his bishoprick
of Cesena. Wee have further fresh advice of ye death of ye Cardinall
Lanfranco, who is said to have died upon discontent, ye Pope having
withdrawen a little his usual favour from him, upon a suspition y* was
conceived of his adhering under hande unto ye Aldobrandini, who are
ye greatest enemies of ye Borghesi. And now that these two favourites
are thus gon, ye Cardinall Borghese remaineth ye sole inheritor of his
uncle's affection and absolute governour of that Courte.
" There have been lately celebrated throughout all Italy solemnes
exequice for ye dead Q. of Spaine, only this place excepted, where such
ceremonies are never used. All that these sig°ri did was ye sending a
secretarie to ye Spa. Ambasr to condole with him when ye newes was
freshe. And though hee excepted under hand that there were not
persons of ye like quality sent to him to performe ye office of condolence
as there were sent to ye French Ambas1' upon ye death of y* king, yet
these sigori thinke thei have not erred in putting so muche difference
between an absolute king & a subalternate Queen.
" Upon ye late remove of our patriarch's vicar there hath fallen vacant
a benefice annexed to ye vicariat. Whereunto though this State hathe
allwayes formerly presented, as belonging truly to them, yet now ye
Pope hathe taken upon him this present nomination, pretending y* ye
former incumbent, having been Protonotario Apostco ye benefice is to bee
esteemed as vacant in y* Courte. These sigori that use not to parte easily
with their inheritance, are now consulting to defend their * jus patron-
atus,' & have referred ye studying of that point to Padre Paolo, who
hathe written a short treatise in that argument to their very good
satisfaction. These strifes about fryars & quarrells of jurisdiction
are ye chiefest occurrents y* this quiet place affordeth. So with ye
recommendation of my love & service to yourself & my lady, I leave
you to the protection of the Almightye."
Your lordship's most affectionately to doe you service,
Dudley Cableton.
From Venice the firste of 10br,
1611, st° vet.
" I think I may boldly say as before ye party executed at Rome to
bee ye Abbott de Bois, by reason I have yf so confirmed by letters &
all circumstances agree therewithall. But ye Inquisitors to suppresse ye
reporte thereof give out y* was a prieste della crocetta, which they call
1 Ministri de gl'infirmi,' who had a purpose to change religion, and goe to
Geneva; seeking hereby to blinde y* eyes of ye world. But 'nihil
tarn occultum, quod non revelabitur."
Sib 'J. Digbye to Sib T. Edmondes.
There has been much delay in his letters from Paris of late.
Dec. 9th, — " ... 1 am very sorry to understande by your
letters that the party of those of ye Religion are like muche to weaken them-
selves by their owne distractions. For that I feare, yf things proceed (as
it is much to bee doubted they will) thei never had greater cause strictly to
unite themselves, and to stande upon their garde. For that I evidently
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 547
see, that as in France, ye principall point & ayme of interest, wh winomeld
thei doe there level at, is their owne conservation of peace and quiet, Piqby, Esq.
during ye minoritie of ye king ; so that wh ye Pope, and this State chiefly
intende, is by a strong uniting of the Oatholick Princes to prejudice and
ruine [as much as in them lyeth] those of ye religion. And now besides
these crosse matches, I begin to heare a whispering of a newe intended
league offensive and defensive betwixt these crownes. The next degree
I expecte is some violent fryars and Jesuites inciting and stirring up the
Catholick Princes against hereticks, and ye enemies of ye churche.
Which whensomever it bee I confidently beleeve you shall see ye
tragedie begin in France."
It is likely that France, Spain, and the Pope will do all they can to
match the D. of Savoy's son with either Florence or Mantova, " for they
will bee very loth to leave him out of their new combination." But
their intentions are known and therefore I hope there is the less
danger.
A parlament is being held. It has been thought that an Act will
be propounded for excluding the Infanta from the crown in case she
matches with France. But the most learned lawyers are of opinion that
such cannot be of any validity, and that there is no way of debarring her
from her right of succession, but by some voluntary act of her own
renouncing her interest, after she have become of age.
" You write unto mee in your letter of the 10th of November that it
is alledged in France y* wee sought secretly to have made a match with
Spaine, and not that there were made any such offers from Spaine to us,
as wee doe reporte. I doubte not but you have heard how confidently
the Ambassr that is now in England have dealt therein. Having justi-
fied before ye Lords of ye Councell to have sayd nothing therein but by
Commission. Yet I having lately heere pressed this king, and the D.
of Lerma, and by many meanes making ye indirectness and incongruities
of their proceedings appeare; especially that in Aprill laste their
Ambassr should give incouragement untG his Matie by assuring him,
that hee had newly received directions, that in case the matche of ye
Prince with the eldest daughter were spoaken of, as a thing which this
king would willingly heare of, that by no meanes hee should refuse it,
but intertaine & imbrace it, & that it should be most agreeable unto
him, if meanes might bee found for ye accommodating of Religion. And
that I coming hither immediately upon this his narration, and having my
instructions grounded upon this his overture, should receive for my first
answeare, that ye lady was already bestowed, and ye matche concluded
with another. Thei finding themselves in these streightes, and striving
ye beste they could to repayre their owne indirectness, have thought it
fitt to make the faulte rather the ambassador's, than the king's or States:
& thereupon have absolutely disavowed their Ambassr, denying to have
given him any such commission. And ye D. of Lerma tolde mee as from
ye King that ye King my Mr had greate reason to bee distasted with this
maner of dealing, if his ambassr had proceeded in this maner as I alleaged.
And that although thei could not condemn ye ambassr untill they had
heard what hee could say in his owne justification, yet if it should appeare
that his proceedings had been in that maner as I had alleaged, ye
exemplarie punishment of ye ambassr should give ye King satisfaction,
that hee had herein much exceeded his commission. As for my allega-
tions, I will assure your Lordship thei are muy bien abonadas. For being
confirmed by unto mee by directions totidem verbis from his Matie, I am
advertised that yeambassr hathe likewise himself lately averred them with
much confidence. So that though I thinke his Matie is like to proceede
m m 2
548 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Wingfield against ye Ambassr since his own master accuseth him, yet I thinke their
Di&by, Esq. honour or sinceritie will heereby be little repayred, &c. . . . Ofye issue of
this busines your Losp shall bee hereafter farther advertised. Inye mean
tyme I recommende it to your Losps secrecie by cause I suppose y* to bee
hardly ripe inough for discourse, but I desire your Losp should undis-
guisedly bee informed of ye truthe how things heere passe, &c."
Sir T. Edmonds to Sir J. Digby.
Dec. 18, from Paris. — " .... I should bee glad there were
hope to interrupte ye stricte alliances wh are making betwixt these two
greate Princes, as your LordsP last letter seemeth to imply, but for myne
owne parte I am directly of opinion that ye resolution concerning ye said
marriages will receive no alteration, so long as ye present ministers of
this state doe governe the affaires with suche power as thei doe."
There have been great expectations of some innovations in ye Courte
upon Count Soissons discontentment, upon the causes mentioned in
former letters, and his threatening to remove the Chancellor, whom he
looks upon as his great enemy, upon a charge of great corruption in the
exercise of his place. The Queen was much troubled when she found
that the Prince of Conde, & ye Constable did adhere unto the Court,
and thereupon she had recourse to the house of Guise.
But the Queen & the Count have been reconciled.
The Count doth exceedingly inveigh against the marriages with
Spaine. He holds it for a certain maxim that it is impossible for the
State to live in good intelligence with that of Spaine, " and therefore to
give discontentment by these alliances to ye State of England, & the
United Provinces, hee sayd was directly to deprive this State of their
most assured allies.
The obsequies of the Queen of Spain solemnised at Paris.
The Bishop of Ambrun made the funeral oration, and spoke openly
of the matches. The young King entertains himself daily with the
picture of the Infanta, and makes the young nobility about him kneel to
it.
The D. of Savoy complains that the French agent at Turin did oppose
himself against the Duke's purpose of punishing the French Coronell
called La Grange for his insolence to the Spanish agent, and begs that
she will either give him leave to punish the sd Coronell, or that she will
punish him herself, or else take upon herself to satisfy the King of
Spain. She chooses the last.
" One of the Queen's Chaplains called the Abbot du Bois going of late
to Rome, hathe been there putt into ye Inquisition for having both
spoaken and written here against the practises of ye Jesuites, and ye
Pope's temperall power, which hath been very much cryed out upon
by all men heere, by reason of ye dishonour wh is thereby done to this
State, considering that hee carried letters, & some kinde of Commis-
sion from ye Queene. The truthe is that hee did very much stir re up
ye people against ye Jesuites presently after ye King's deathe ; &
since was said to be ye author of ye pamphlett called Le Tocsain wh did
so inuche inveighe against some principall ministers of this State, which
maketh ye world imagine that hee was purposely gratified with those
letters to Rome, to the ende hee might fall into the snare, wh y*
Jesuites had there provided for him. But to colour the matter the
better, it is given out that hee did spake ill of the government of this
State, & ye Churche, since his coming into Italy, & thereupon the
Queene pretendethe that hee deserveth not that shee should interpose
her favour for him."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 549
The Abbess Madame de Caudales, sister to the deceased wife of the w?ngfSli>
D. of Espernon, has lately rendered herself of ye religion, and sues for Digbt, Esq.
her share of in 5,000 land by the year wh the D. of Espernon possesseth
by ye right of his wife.
"Monsr de Vatan after having attended till the troopes . . . had
taken his base courte, & that ye canon were ready to play against ye
castle did render himself to ye Queen's mercie. . . . His men to the
number of three or fowre and forty were presently hanged upon ye place
& hee himself brought prisoner to this towne."
The great cause between the Jesuits and the University of Paris,
about the verification of the King's letters for the admission of the
Jesuites into the body of the University, hath this last week been
pleaded very solemnly four days together. The two first were taken up
by the Advocate for the University who left nothing unsaid, which either
out of their doctrine or their practises might be aggravated to the
prejudice of the Jesuits. The Jesuits' Advocate "... spake but one
hour in all, & that only to the business in question. Referring the
Courte to the bookes of the Jesuits for answeare to these things where-
with his antagonist had charged them which he said were calumnies."
Then the Rector of the University makes an eloquent oration against
the Jesuits : and then the king's Advocate Monsr Servin " The effect of
his speech was that the Jesuites were not to bee admitted bycause thei
held dangerous positions against the State, and incompatible with those
of the Sorbonne, and therefore that thei could not be capable of ye
privileges of ye Universitie before thei should show their conformitie by
subscribing to these 4 points : —
" 1. That the Pope's authoritie was inferiour to that of a generall
councell.
" 2, That the Pope had no power to depose the king.
" 3. That the cleargie of France was subiect to the secular power of
the kingdome, and not to ye Pope in civill causes.
M 1. That anything which is delivered by way of auricular confession
importing danger to ye State or ye king's person ought to bee
revealed.
"When the Jesuites saw after ye end of this speache that yc judg-
ment was likely to goe against them, the Provinciall of their order stood
up, and with a trembling voice made offer on ye behalfe of his societie yfc
thei would subscribe to all y* ye Sorbonne did. Thereupon the Courte
proceeded to give judgment, that the cause shoulde bee, appointee au
conseil, that is referred to a farther examination of certain counsaylours
of the sayd Courte, and in ye meane tyme, the Jesuites were streightly
inhibited to keepe any scholasticall exercises for ye instruction of any
youthe, but their owne novices, eytber publickly or privately by them-
selves or any other interposed persons And touching ye offer which
thei made of subscription, thei were required out of hand to present ye
same in writing to the Courte, that thereupon the Courte might take
that order wh should bee fitt."
The President Janin had two days since his only son slain in a quarrel
with one Fayolle, a servant of Queen Margaret's, in which encounter the
other was also killed. The Queen and the whole court go to visit the
President, to condole with him. The son was a most dissolute gentle-
man & his father was never able to reclaim him.
W. Teumball to the Same.
Dec. 21, from Brussels. — The king of Sweden is dead and his son
Gustavus is elected to be his successor.
550 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
wCinoti?ld Tne States are grown insolent " in ye cause of Vorstius y* Infernall
Digby, Esq. Atheiste and Heretick, who notwithstanding his Matie's opposition is
received in Leyden as publique professor of Divinitie. . . . The ninth
of this month, st° vet., according to the charge I have had from his
Ma*16, I solemnly protested against ye States- Generall in ye Assembly,
bothe for the scandall the reformed Religion did suffer by Vorstius inter-
tainement in Leyden, and of the violence offered thereby to ye alliance
betweene his Matie and these Provinces, all which are founded upon ye
conservation of ye reformed religion. For ought I can gather by his
Mat16'8 letter, his intentions are [if hee have not speedy reparation of
this wrong wh hee can not have but by the renvoy of Vorstius] to retire
himself from holding any more with them any amitie or alliance."
The Hollanders prepare 16 ships to repair their losses in the
I iidias and upon the coast of Ghiiney, where it is "said the Spaniards
have lately taken two other vessels of the States, and hanged all their
men."
The Baron of La Bastie has been sent by the Duke of Savoy to the
Duke of Saxony and the Archdukes to acquaint them with his reasons
for matching his youngest daughter with the D. of Nemours. The D.
of Saxony gave him a speedy answer to his contentment. The Arch-
dukes entreat him well at first, but upon news from Spain of the treat-
ment of the Savoy an Ambassr there, they commanded the Baron to
withdraw himself.
Many rumours about the coming of one of the Princes of Spaine into
Flanders under the government of the Marques Spinola, & of the
resignation of the Emperour, &c, "yet for my parte I hold them
chimoeras . . . and in the present state of Germany impossible to be
effected."
The troubles of Aquisgrave continue.
The French have retired & left the work imperfect, "and the
Elector of Cullen and this Archduke, being deputed for that purpose
by the Emperour, doe threaten that poore towne with the execution of
the Imperiall ban. . . . For as it seemeth thei are supported neyther by
the Princes of ye Protestant union, nor favoured by the States of the
United Provinces ; and those of Juliers and Cleves fear the Emperour's
displeasure."
" Bavaria still detains the Archbishop of Saltzburg in prison, and with-
out assistance from Borne he is never like to recover his liberty. . . .
"The Elector of Brandenburg gets the investiture of Prussia, in
paying for it a good sum of money towards the wars of Moscovia to the
king of Poland. The late Earle of TyrconneFs sister is returned hither
from Rome with a pension of 60 crownes by the month, having brought
hither the titular Archbishop of Dublin, her companie. Shee is to have
ye care of educating her nephew at Louvain ; and hee is authorised [aa
I understande] to quenche ye fire of dissension, wh burnetii in ye Irishe
regiment."
Monsr Huggans has been sent by the States hither to complain of the
delay in matters of the truce, as well towards the House of Nassawe, as
diverse other persons.
" The Archduke notwithstanding his former resolution t© banish our
cloathes forth of his territories hath ... at the suite of the Antwerpians
been content after much deliberation to yeelde our merchaunt adven-
turers a promise of confiming their privileges upon reasonable tearmes
for the inlarging of ye scattered trade thei now driuc to Antwerpe, and
the excluding of interlopers.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 551
"We cannot imagine whereupon these men should employe the Geohge
millions mentioned in your lordships letters unless it may bee for two Xoty'esq
new projects much talked of in these partes. Namely the setting out of — -
certain ships at Dunkerque for ye assisting ye Spaniards against ye
Hollanders in ye East Indias ; and the building of certain busses and
other boats for fishing upon ye coaste of Flanders."
Thanks his LordsP for his kindness to Mr Lyonell Wake, and gives
the account of the money owing to him & Mr Colforde and others,
apparently for clothing supplied to the Spanish army.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
Dec. 23, from Paris. — Begs that he will note the date of all letters
received and sent, and mention them in each letter, for there has been
much delay, and ie it is to be feared, that now in this jealous tyme,
especially, wee may bee subject to have foule measure offered us. ...
There needeth little perswasion to make y* to bee beleeved, that ye
rumour of King of Spaine's purpose to demande the Lady Elizabeth's
grace in marriage is but a artifice."
There is a report of making a third matche between France and
Spaine, between a younger son of that State and a younger daughter of
this, upon whom the King of Spaine would confer the reversion " of the
Low Countries. ... But Monsr de Villeroy doth utterly deny that
there is any such thing intended, &c." . . .
" Since ye giving of ye arreste by ye Parlament against ye Jesuites,
both thei and the Nuncio have made great complaint to the Queene <&
ye Councell. . . . They have earnestly laboured to have the executian
of the arreste suspended, and ye cause revoked from the Parlament
to the Councell of State. Wherein ye Councell are much troubled what
resolution to take, for ye respecte which on the one side thei beare to ye
Pope and ye Jesuites, & on ye other side for ye general discontentment
wh thei should give by disgracing the authoritie of ye Parlament in
favour of so odious a cause. The Spaniards have of late made 3 incur-
sions out of Navarre upon those of ye countrie of Bearne, to ye great
spoyle and ravaging of that people. Whereupon thei have been heere
forced to take better order for ye supplying of ye Governor with forces
to resiste their insolencies "
The citadell of Bourg in Bresse is to be razed.
Monsr Vatan was yesterday beheaded upon ye Greve.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
, from Madrid. — There hath lately been much posting between
France and Spaine.
" The Courte groweth now to be full of conjectures and projects for ye
marrying again of ye King. . . . The late Queene's confessour that was
hath despatched his companion a Jesuite unto the Duke Ferdinando of
Grates, hoping that there may bee some good donne for a sister of ye
Queene's, who was formerly married unto ye Prince of Transylvania, but
divorced bycause he was frigidus naturae. Another priest is gone to
Baviere to bee a meanes for that lady. A thirde hath taken his journey
to Turin ; and Florence is very desirous to be reckoned in the number,
that thei may have the reputation to have y* sayd, that there was a
matche spoaken of for a King of Spain with a daughter of theirs. But
ye strong bruite and voice is for our Lady Elizabeth ; and it is a thing
that thei are very desirous to make mee beleave that is muche desired.
In ye mean tyme their tricks of amusement have had little operation
552 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George upon me. For I have lately proceeded with them with very much
Dioby^Esq. plainness by making protestation unto them of the justice and sinceritie
— of my master's proceedings." He hath caused justice to be done to all
this King's subjects ; and hath punished with death all who were found
to offend against ye articles of ye peace. But the King of England's
subjects find no justice in Spain, but are wronged and oppressed. I
have therefore declared that " the king of and his subjects have grown
weary, and that it is resolved yf present and speedy satisfaction bee not
made to governe himself hereafter as reason and equitie shall require at
his handes. Herewith I have found them very much startled, and
there are strict orders come out for ye speedy hearing and determining of
all the chief e causes now in controversies
They desire the King of England to thinke well of their good intents.
" But I make publick profession that I will advertise no promises, but
when I shall see acts and deedes from them, I will give notice of them
as muche to their advantage as themselves can wishe. So that I am
heere with them now upon somewhat stricte tearmes, and things are
reduced to that passe, that tbei must eyther give ye King's subjects
satisfaction or show a greate neglecte and slighting of bis Matie."
" Our ordinaire newes is the Mercades wh ye king hath given this
Christmas. Hee hath bestowed on ye D. of Alva 10,000 crownes
a year for 3 lifes, and 30,000 crownes ayuda de costa. The Marques
de Guadalcacar is made vice-king in Nueva Hispana. The Conde de
Nieble sonne to yeD. of Medina Sidonia, and sonne-in law to the D. of
Lerma, generall of the ocean. Don Pedro deCunega is heere spoaken of
to goe Ambass1' to Rome, &c. . . ."
Sir D. Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
1611, Jan. 11, st° vet., from Venice. — Bad weatber has hindered the
posts " and I muste suppose that some sad accident hindered you from
writing by the two laste, unless I will feare that our way of conveyance
is not sure. For the clearing of this later doubte I have thought good
to venture these with ye Frenche poste by ye way of Lyons, wherein I
will bee more sparing then T use, as not daring to truste too much to an
unknown passage. The Ragusean Ambassr of whome I advertised you
in my laste contineweth heere still, though with as little hope of effect-
ing his busiues as at ye firste. His cause hathe been solicited with some
earnest nes, bothe by ye Nuncio, and yc Ambassr of Spaine, their masters
being joynt protectors of that State, and thei have so farr prevayled,
that whereas there was a purpose in these sigori to lett him languish
heere without an answeare, nowe thei have framed him one, though
nothing to his minde. When it was treated in senate the Papalini, as
willing to favour him, made a proposition that it should be left free to
Yinier their general of the Grulphe, who took those Ragusean gentlemen,
to dispose of them as hee should thinke good, without ye States taking
any notice of ye fact. Which motion was overthrown by ye major parte,
who remonstrated that there was no place lefte now for connivence,
after ye senate had allready so publiquely avowed their generall. And
therefore since they could not dissemble themselves to have been com-
manders of that exploite, thei must stand to ye justification of their ownc
acte. Which as thei firste grounded upon ye wrongful detention of
Crusca helde prisoner in Ragusa, so thei must continue in ye same
minde of keeping these until hee bee restored. This answeare was
given ye Ambassr whereof hee hath advertised his masters and himselfe
stayeth heere expecting their resolution.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 553
" Shortly after ye banishment of ye Generall of ye Crocigeri from w?w2fSld
this State for his having in private discourse used irreverent language of Digby, Es«.
the Duke, calling him heretico and renegado, & such like, heere came
a Letter from Rome to ye Prior of that convent from ye Cardinall Mellini,
protector of ye Order, who commanded that Fra Pacifico, who had
accused the Generall, and justified against him, should forthewith bee
sent to Rome, upon pretence of being a witness in a controversie then
depending in that Courte. The poore fryar being summoned to goe
made his moane to the State, who espying ye fraude took him into
publique protection, and sent a commannde to ye Prior that hee should
not upon any pretence sende that fryar out of the State. The Prior
heereupon wrote back to ye Cardinall, giving him account of ye business,
which hee presently carried to ye Pope, who no soner heard of ye
Senate's interessing themselves in ye matter, but hee streight asked
what answeare ye Prior had made unto ye injunction from ye State. And
beeing informed that hee had replyed in all humilitie, and promised to
obey them, the Pope, leaving his olde bravados, sayd hee had donne
well to showe himselfe obedient, adding withall * Non vorriamo ch'il
Senato fusse, disgustato da noi in cosa alcuna.' Upon this augurium
these Sigori promise themselves a good ende of ye controversies depending
betwixt him and them. And therefore as loathe to lose the advantage
of his broken spirit, they write to their Ambassr at Rome to presse him
as mucheas may bee to a final conclusion.
" A certain Capucin having published a vision of ye newe saint, Carlo
Borromeo, who foretolde that sodaine death should much raigne [wh is
indeed epidemicall in these partes when extreamitie of colde succeeding
our summer violent heetes hath taken very many away sodainly] ye
foolish people beleeving the apparition, and perswading themselves of
that saint, that he can as well deliver them from ye danger, as thei
imagine hee foretolde j\ thei flock to his altars in such multitudes that
many aged and weake take their deathe in venturing out of doores in the
rigor of these frostes to seek ye preservation of their life. In the meane
tyme S* Ambrose, the old Divus tutelaris of the Milanesi, is quite for-
gotten, and his altars in many places in this towne are not honoured
with one candle, when in ye same churches the other is illuminated with
hundreds, no man being almost accounted fils de bonne mere, that doth
not visite that Carlo once a day, and carry his picture about him. Many
of ye wiser are much scandalized with this superstitious madness of the
vulgar, and some have not spared in pubJique to exclaim against this
dotage, professing that to ye great shame of their religion men deale
now with saints as with their mistresses quando sono stuffi delle vecchie
cercano le nuove. I will inlarge myself more unto you when I shall bee
more secure of our conveyance, whereof these late intermissions give
mee cause to doubte, &c."
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
1611, Jan. 20, from Paris. — The Queen Regent on Thursday last
assembled at the Louvre all the Princes of the blood and the officers of
the Crowne to acquaint them with the conclusion of the marriages.
Many approve them. But the Princes of the blood say that care
must be taken that their amity with their other allies be not weakened
through jealousy which may arise from these marriages.
The D. of Maine is spoken of to go into Spain to consummate the
business.
A stricte league between the Pope, the Kings of France and Spain,
& the D. of Florence is much bruited.
554 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
wingfield The Count Soissons has had a private conference with the Queen.
Digby, Esq. -gas spoken of the pretended disorders of the State ; and it is said he
went so far as to say that the Princes of the blood ought to have a part
in the government of affairs. The Queen answered that she held not
herself bound to give an account of her actions to any but to the King
himself.
The difference between the Count and the Chancellor is somewhat
mitigated.
The Queen is sensible of the justice of some of the Count's
complaints.
" By reason of ye frequent breaking out of quarrels in this towne,
and the dangerous partakings of the nobilitie who are heere in so great
numbers as the like hath been seldome seen heretofore, the Parlament
have, with the Queene's allowance, made a late arreste, whereby thei
doe authorize the burghers to take armes upon ye drawing of any
weapons in ye streetes, and to chaine ye streetes, and apprehending the
persons offending to carrye them to prison, that present justice may bee
donne upon them."
The Queen to avoide giving them discontentment has given audience
to the Deputies of the Religion.
The King and all the officers of the Crown were assembled.
The Deputie's speech consisted of three points —
1. That those of the Religion had no desire to interrupt the public
peace, as had been alledged.
2. The reasons why they could not be satisfied with the answer to
their Cartiers.
3. The reasons why they could not permit the Deputies who had been
sent by the State to perform their charge and cause the edict to be
executed until they had made their remonstrances upon the same —
The Chancellor answered in the King's name, that though he could
not approve of their conduct, yet of his accustomed grace he was willing
to remit that faulte. That if they had any remonstrances to make they
should deliver them into the hands of their ordinary deputies. That
the King had given them audience as particular persons, and not as
representing the body of those of the Religion, *• for that he knew that
the consent of ye generall provinces had not concurred to ye sending of
them but that it was a thing rather laboured out of practise. With
which latter loose [" clause " in margin] the Deputies were very much
stung, for that it seemeth to bee a discrediting of their commission,
though it cannot be denied that allmoste halfe of the Provinces have
refused to joyne with them in the sending about this Commission."
** And now the said Deputies are doubtful what to do, whether to
deliver their Remonstrances into ye handes of ye ordinary Deputies and
afterward retire themselves, according as thei are required by the State ;
or else to withdraw themselves without delivering up their complaints."
The causes of a great difference between Monsr de Candales and
Monsr dela Vallette, the two sons of Monsr d'Espernon, are told.
The Elector of Sax : has sent an ambass1" to make profession of
friendship, and to demande the payment of certain old debts.
An extraordinary Ambassr has come from the D. of Savoy to know
what answer this State gives concerning the business negociated by
Monsr d'Esdiquiers. He hath "been tolde that the Queene will not
refuse to give the Duke satisfaction in anything, wh hee can demaunde
of this State, provided that hee insiste not upon any of these three
points : namely the marriage of Madame for his sonne ; the restoring of
any countrie, wh this State holdethe from him ; and the imbarquing of
this State in an offensive wan* on his behalfe."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 555
W. Trumball to the Same. w?notield
Digby, Esq.
1161, Jan. 20, from Brusselles. — The unexpected news has come of —
the death, on the 20th of this month st° n°, being Sfc Sebastian's day, of
the Emperour at the Castle of Prague.
" This chance as it is thought will both stay the Archduke Maximilian
who was coming hither, and breede great alteration in ye affayres of ye
Empire."
The Same to the Same.
Jan. 21, st° vet. — The Emperour's death was caused, it is said by
the physicians here, by an Epilepsie.
All his treasure jewels and householde stuffe, were presently seized
and sealed up for his heires ; and his counsellors [as it is noysed]
are committed to prison by the Bohemians to render an account of
their stewardship before K. Mathias. Hee had a tame lyon, wh hee
had kepte for many yeares, and now of late being grown olde dyed.
Whereat the said Emperour is reported to have taken such a fright, as
hee declared before his servants, that hee shoulde shortly follow him.
And thereupon was seyzed with such a melancholy as afterwards hee
consumed away in sorowe."
The Archduke Maximilian had come as far as Dresden upon his way
hitherward, but has now returned to Prague. " Aquisgrave hathe
received 200 men of the Possident Princes of Juliers and Cleves to
defende their walls against all assaultes and surprises. And it is
now to be presumed that untill the election of an Emperour bee
made, thei will have an eye to ye conservation of that city, wh con-
cernethe them muche, both in regarde of their anncient pretence & ye
consequence of their neighbourhood."
Count Cartignian ambassr for the D. of Savoy in England passed
through this towne in poste some 10 days since without seeing either
the Archdukes or their Ministers.
Monsr de la Bastie is living at his house about 2 leagues from this
town, called Gaesberh [wh he had with a lady of this country to whom
he is married]. There he awaits the Duke's answer to his reporte of
the manner in which he has been treated here.
Our rebellious Irish are plotting some mischief. Monsr Hughans
returns to the Haghe contented in small matters, in the greater not.
It is reported [" but I dare not report it for authenticall "] that the
States give commissions of reprisall against the Spaniards, " to as many
of their subject as being indammaged by the Spaniards, will demande it
against them.
The business of Mr. Wake & others.
Sir T. Edmonds to the Same.
Jan. 27, from Paris. — A great alarm here at the frequent passing of
couriers between Spain and England " wh thei will needes have heere
to bee for no other subjects then for ye concluding of a matche between
ye King of Spaine and the Lady Eliz. Concerning ye truthe of wh
reporte I pray your Losp to doe me the kindeness to satisfye mee."
The French fear lest the marriages give discontent to foreign princes.
They have resolved therefore to send some persons of account to his
Matie and other princes to reassure them. They also press with all
earnestness, seeing that they have no other assurance from ye K. of
Spain, but only his promise, to have the two Princesses interchangeably
delivered with as much speede as may be.
556 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Wingfield " Wee begin already to speake in this Courte of a voyage wh the
Digby, Esq. Queene will make to Bayonne in autumme next to conducte Madame
thither, and to receive the Infanta of Spaine. Since the declaration of
these marriages with Spaine, there is order taken to restraine ye libertie
of accesse to Madame, to the ende to nonrishe and fashion her according
ye retired manner and gravitie of Spaine."
It is expected that the D. of Savoy will make some demands. The
Queen is willing to give him any satisfaction which he can require.
It is said that Madame Chrestienne the second daughter of Prance is
offered him for his son ; " which offer deserveth little thankes for ye
disproportion wh is between ye ages of ye Princes ; ye one being not
above 5 years old, and the other above 24."
The Queen persists to have the extraordinary deputies of ye Eeligion
to return into ye Provinces, and to leave their remonstrances in the
hands of the ordinary Deputies heere, wherewith thei are nothing well
satisfyed.
The Queen had invited Monr de Rohan to come hither and had hoped
by his means to have appeased the discontentments of those of ye
Religion. But the former jealousies have been renewed against him
" for y* upon a pretended information, wh was sent into Brittany unto
him, that ye Lieutenant-Governor of St. Jehan d'Angeli did intertaine
a practice with ye D. of Espernon for ye deliverye of ye said Towne,
took occasion therebye to goe thither, and to displace ye said lieutenant,
for y* in ye differences wh brake out at Saumur, and have since un-
happily continued between those of ye Religion hee did not runne course
with Monr de Rohan."
One Richer a Sorbonist has written a book of churche government
for the liberty of ye Gallican church.
The Nuncio has gained over one of the doctors of the Sorbonue to
deal with the rest and obtain the censure of the book. The Parliament
hearing of this sent for the principal of the Sorbonue & reprehended
him sharply, and desired that there should be no censure passed against
the book, since [" as themselves confessed "] there was nothing therein
to the prejudice of ye Catholic Religion. "And heereof the Parlament
ordered an Act to be made in ye Greffe, wh is ye common register of
that Courte."
The Nuncio is very much discontended and has made a great com-
plaint to the Queen and Councell.
The death of the Emperour.
It is expected that K. Mathias will speedily be elected.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
Jan. 19, st° vet, from Madrid. — The causes of the frequent dispatch
of couriers which you write of by my servant Poyner, and by the
ordinary of the 27 of January, were accidental. Mr Cottington coming
for particular business of his owne, and my servant being dispatched
upon other business.
It is very confidently reported here, and by the greatest men, inso-
much that it is generally received for a truth, that the King of Spaine
will demand ye Lady Elizabeth. " And moste of ye Arobass1"8 resident
heere have come unto mee to demannde and bee informed thereof ; and
have seemed to take y1 unkindly that I should proceed soe distrustfully
with them, as to deny that there was really any suche intente. And to
blinde ye worlde the more, and to cover some action which thei desire to
shadowe with this rumour, thei are contended to lett it be spred abroade,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 557
that the dispatche of Marquess Spinola and Don Rodrigo Calderon is w?notieli>
chiefly to goe into England to demannde the Lady Elizabeth. And Digby^Esq.
Don Rodrigo himselfe hathe given it out, and not denied y* unto mee,
that hee thinketh hee shall see Englande before his returne. Thei
have proceeded so fair heerein, and particularly many of ye greatest
in this Courte with my selfe, that thei tell mee, thei have heere allready
received assurance, that to matche with ye King of Spain, the Princesse
of Englande would become a Catholick. Which opinion is heere so
spred, and every man seemeth to speake in yl so knowingly, that I have
been forced to use so plaine and directe speaches, which otherwise I
should have thought more fitt to have been omitted. For I have tolde
most of ye Ambassrs heere, and likewise divers principall men, that
have urged mee herein, that ye speeche of ye Lady Elizabeth's altering
her Religion for to bee Queene of Spain e, was a false and injurious
reporte, raysed by themselves. And that though the King of Spaine
were a great Monarche, yet were hee much greater than what hee is,
the King and Princesse of Englande would much scorne to have a matche
made with him upon those conditions. And that if the King of Spaine
shoulde have a minde that way, the King of Englande woulde thinke
his daughter well worthy ye seeking. For that I durste confidently
say, there should never bee offer made to him of her, nor the King
obtaine her, yf hee should seeke her but upon very worthy and honour-
able conditions. My Lorde I dare confidently say, that to this hovver,
there is no resolution taken that this King should marrye at all ; muche
less where hee intendeth to bestowe himself. And therefore I cannot
but thinke it strange, why thei shoulde with so much certaintye give
out this rumour, wh is not heere only in ye mouthe of ye multitude, but
y* is spoken of with much assurance and confidence even amongst the
best and greatest. Their intent certainly is eyther to cover a maske
some unlucky enterprise heerewith, or to give greater causes of jealously
to ye King's friends and confederates."
"As for ye speeche of ye Lady Elizab. being a Catholick, I know
that hath chiefly risen from Don Alonso, the Ambassador in England,
who allmoste in plaine tearmes hath written as muche. Within these
two days, I had an offer sent mee from ye Citie of Lisborne of 40 or 50
thousand ducats, in case that I coulde procure, that the Lady Eliz.
mighte lande there at her coming. So that heerby you may see with
what assurance thei heere speak: of y* and beeleeve y*. But your
LordsP may be confident in ye negociation wh you have in hande with ye
Duke de Bouillon. For yf it were otherwise, I would no way disguise
yt to your LordsP. Or if any such thing should bee sett on foote, 1
assure your LordsP ; though I knowe y* might infinitely turne to my
private advantage, yet there should bee no man would perswade more
against yt.
I intreat you lett mee know what you hear about sending Madame
hither, and this Infanta into France, and also how they deal with the
D. of Savoy for the reconcilement of the distastes between them arising
from the business of the D. de Nemours ; and how he seemeth to accept
the offer of the younger lady for his son.
The Same to the Same.
Jan. 24, from Madrid. — "My laste unto your LordsP were of the 19th
of January st° vet, since wh tyme, thei have heere taken a sodaine reso-
lution for ye dispatching of Marques Spinola. Who it is heere said is
firste to go into France, concerning the concluding of ye watches, as
allso to treat of ye conditions."
558 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
w?*gm2ld "... from thence he is to take his journey into Flanders there to
Digbt, Esq. reside, it voyced upon ye earnest importunitie wh the Archduke maketh
for his returne. The affaires of Flanders have lately been, much handled
here, and seriously debated of by the Count de Bucgvoy, Count
Octavariano Visconti, Marques Spinola, & Don Juan de Idiagues.
To wh councell Don E-odrigo Calderon [as I am informed] hathe
been received, and is appointed to goe along with Marques Spinola
into Flanders."
The points propounded I understand to be these. " Firste to make that
a peace wh is now but a truce. This they pretend is the main, if not
the only cause of the Marques Spinola's dispatch."
They are very confident here that the States will be not only inclin-
able but very forward to hearken. They are also of opinion that there
is not that entire friendship between the States and England, as was
wont to be.
Secondly, there is I hear a new project of transferring the Archduke
and Infanta to Hungarie with ye investiture of that crowne ; but alege
that King Mathias be translated to ye kingdome of ye Romans, and ye
government of ye empire. And that a younger son of this king should
bee sent to be bred up in Flanders under ye tuition of ye Marques
Spinola.
" Lastly, if thei cannot make a peace to their mind as thei are per-
suaded thei shall and that with very good advantage to themselves,
considering the helpe that thei may now hope for from ye French
Queene, whom thei presume will bee assistant unto them in all things,
& ye coldness wh they conceive to bee growne betwixt Englande and
ye States, then shall Marques Spinola bee there in readines, bothe with
men and money, to take holde of any occasion that may offer itself
unto him. And it is thought that 4,000 men shipped out of Portugall
shall goe for Flanders, which I thinke to bee ye most likely, though some
give y* out, that thei shall goe for Virginia ; & some for ye castle of
Mina, & to ye coastes of G-hynnie, in regarde of ye preparations wh thei
heare are made by ye Hollanders for those partes. But I certainly
beleeve these men are only to supply the garrison in Flanders. Ques-
tionles there is some greate busines in hande, their consultations have of
late beene so many, so secrete, & at tymes so unaccustomed. Yf your
Lord8? shall from this little light, I have given you bee able to discover
more, as tyme, & ye accidents may give you meanes, I shall desire
your LordsP to acquaint mee therewith bycause I may make use thereof
for his Matie's service."
The Act touching the excluding of ye Infanta from ye succession
neyther hath nor shall be propounded in Parlament. The Infanta and
ye French king, when they are of age are to make a voluntary resignation
of all right to the Crown of Spain.
An extraordinary Ambassr come from Lorrayne I hear to treat of ye
difference between ye king & ye D. of Savoy, &c.
The Marques Spinola it is daily expected will be made a grandee of
Spaine.
The Marques de Camaraca, captaine of ye Spanish guard, with all
his household are suddenly committed to prison, &c.
The Same to the Same.
1611, Feb. 2, st° vet., from Madrid. — " On Candlemas Day in ye
morning st° n° Antonio Arostegni, Secretaire of State, came unto mee
in this king's name, and tolde mee that hee.was commanded that the
treaty which had beene long on foote between France & this crowne
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 559
George
WlNGFIELD
concerning ye matches, was now by bothe States soe far agreed upon
that this king was desirous that his Matie might have notice thereof." DicraTTiSBQ
The more solemn publication & the conditions, &c, are put off
until 25 of March.
The French Ambassr here is much dejected that he has been made a
mere stranger in this business. The reason is that he was placed here
by his uncle Mons1" de Kosni, who stands upon suspected terms at the
French court.
The whole has been carried on with much secrecy ; " and I understand
that there was especial care to hide it from your LordsP. And there
were only Monsr Vilroy, and another, wh I conceive to bee Monsr Silry,
Conscini, & ye Florentine Ambassr, that were made of ye councell,
so that wee that are publique ministers muste holde ourselves very
unhappy if our actions bee interpreted according to ye event of things
& not according to our good indevours. But hereof I have written
very particularly unto my Lord Treasurer."
A league offensive and defensive is spoken of in connection with these
cross marriages. Into which " ye Pope will indevour to bring as many
Catholick Princes as he can."
Reasons why he thinks it probable.
The Emperour's Ambassr has heard it spoken of among the grandees
in the Court.
The league is to be made they say because the Protestant Princes
have already entered into a league of wh the K. of England is to be
the head.
The Same to the Same.
Feb. 20. The Marques de Caramaca was accused of bewitching the
king, but he has now been restored, and what was thought to be treason
is like to turn to a jest.
The Marques' witchcraft was but a wenching matter, &c.
The Marques Spinola is not content to be made a grandee for his own
life, but wishes the honour to be hereditary.
He has bought " an estate of diverse townes here in Spaine of ye
King, with wh I thinke shall be conferred upon him ye title of Duke.
Hee was likewise crossed herein, some having wrought underhand, that
the vassals would not turn tenants unto him. But I heare this difficulty
is likewise cleared."
The Infanta is here served as Queen of France.
Desires to know the names of the principal men who accompany the
Duke of Mayne hither ; and also who is to be sent as Ambassr Extraord
to England. The French Ambassr tells me that one is about to be
sent.
Sir T. Edmondes to Sir J. Digbye.
Feb. 24, from Paris. — The Spaniards bragge of the secret carriage of
the matches here is true. None were acquainted with the negociations
but only the persons mentioned by your Lord8P.
It is not strange that foreign Ministers could not come to a knowledge
of it. " For I protest unto your LordsP that the chiefest Ministers heere
did moste deeply vowe both to mee, and to ye State3 Ambassr, first,
that there was no such thing intended. And afterwards, when wee
discovered that there was suche a Treaty in hand, thei protested that it
was only to intertaine ye tyme for ye more secure passing over of ye
King's minoritie, and that no such thing was really meant."
560 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Winofibld They are troubled here how their allies will like these matches, and
Digby, Esq. are sending the Duke de Bouilliou to England to explain, and with him
the young Duke of Tremouille & Monsr Chastillon, & diverse other,
the principal! gentlemen of the Religion,
The Duke of Mayne intends to departe for Spain about the beginning
of April.
Great preparations here against the 25 of March.
The interchangeable deliverie of the Princesses is much desired hero,
because till then they can promise themselves no surety of the accom-
plishment of the Treaty.
The Spanish Ambassr salutes Madame as his Princesse.
The Ambassr* of the Princes of Juliers, and ye Deputies of ye towne of
Aix hare departed with this answer. The Queen will move the Arch-
dukes to leave the said towne alone until it is known whether the new
Emperour will renew the ban against them or not. But the Queen
refused to give armed assistance during the minoritie of the King.
This answer shows so much partiality and is so ill received by those
of the Religion that it has now been determined to write so effectually to
the Archduke that he will see that it is not wished that he should
undertake any enterprise against the town.
The Ambassr of Savoy and ye State of France strive who shall first
break the ice.
In the end the Ambassrs are won to write to the Duke to ask what
they shall require for his satisfaction.
The Duke has answered that until he sees the further event of things
he will not disseate himself of the signature of the laste King for bestow-
ing of Madame in marriage to his son.
Some say that he makes this answer because he cannot as yet believe
that these marriages with Spain will proceed.
The Coronell La Grange has been committed to prison in Lyons.
The wh formality it is thought will hardly satisfy the King of Spain.
The Nuncio being extremely displeased with the proceeding of the
Parlament about Richier's book has called upon the Oardinall du Peron,
who was retired into the country, to come to assist him for redeeming
the Pope's honour, &c.
The Cardinall dealt most earnestly with the Queen in Councell to
take order for ye repressing of ye said book. The Prince of Conde,
who was there present, made answeare that he had read the book, but
saw no reason why the Cardinall should accuse it of heresie.
The Cardinall acknowledged that it was not there in express words,
but he said it might be " collected by way of inference. But the Prince
did stiffly oppose him, and inveighed against the unlimited power wh
thei sought to ascribe unto ye Pope/'
The Cardinall & some other Bishops have deputed the Bp of Paris
to summon Richier before him, to know whether he would stand to ye
justifying of ye said book.
The Parlament then sent the Procureur Generall to ye Chancellour to
complain of this undue proceeding of ye Bishops. They also made a
second complaint to ye Queen herself, declaring that " neyther ye
Bishopps were authorized to holde any such assemblies without ye
Queene's speciall licence, nor had any power of themselves to censure ye
said book."
The Queen returned a favourable answer. But nevertheless the
Bishops have again held an assembly, and are labouring to procure that
ye Parlament should bee ordered by the Queen's authoritie to revoke ye
former inhibition sent to ye Sorbonue.
HiSTOKlCAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 561
They have won the first President to play turn-coat, and to souude cjkokuk
the disposition of the rest of the Presidents whether they would yeelde digby^J?
thereunto or not. But they all stand stiff save one. —
A courier has been sent to Home.
The Count Soissons is now at odds with Moil's* Villeroy, &c, &c.
Sir D. Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
Feb. 8. from Venice. — " My very good Lorde. Having lately
received your LordsP of ye 21 of January, I begin to conceive some
hope that wee shall heereafter fall in againe into the way of our ordi-
narye correspondence; wh ye uncertaintye of yc Postes coining in these
later monthes had allmost made us loose. Since ye deathe of ye
Emperour we have heere allmosf. no speache but of ye succession.
The discourse whereof so filiethe our Pallace & Piazza, that all other
businesses seeme to bee silenced, to give place to that speculation. This
State apprehending ye King of Hungarie as as knowen ill-wilier of theirs,*
rume on in projecting his certaine election, and, ut est timor ingeniosus
interpres, thei frame out of general prognostiques a conclusion unto
themselves wh thei moste feare. His being allready possessed of Hun-
garie & Bohemia, thei doubte will drawe on by a necessary consequence
the thirde Crowne. Especially hee having by quick repayre to Prague,,
after his brother's deathe, seazed himself of those Jewells & treasure, wh is
said to passe two millions, a potent meanestoan Empire. — In ye meane
tyme our Papalini heere give out that ye Pope is in serious consultation,,
whome hee shall nominate to yc dignitie. And the Spaniards bragg che
quello sara, chi vorra it Re Catol(0."
"Heere hathe been a consultation in Senate touching ye revocation
of ye Cavalier Soranzo from that Embassage ; which being a thing much
desired of his friends, thei alleage for it two arguments. The one that
hee being sent as Embassadour to ye Emperour from this State, yf hee
shoulde now continewe in Mathias his courte, y} would seeme a ticite
acknowledging him to bee Emperour before his tyme. The other that
hee is there seene with an ill eye, as appeareth by advertisements from
Prague, that there was a serious consultation betwixt the Secretarie
Barbiccio [a favourer of ye late Emperour's, & now an Idolatrer of K.
Mathias] & the Spanishe Ambassr, concerning yc excluding him from
assisting with the other representants of Princes, at ye ordinarye cere-
monies y* were to bee perfourmed in yt place, upon this occasion ;
pretending that hee, not having had audience of the Emperour since
his coming, ought not to bee reputed as an Ambass1'. The allegations-
were of force to conclude his departure from Prague, but not his
repeale home. Whereupon there is order sent to him, That after
having saluted ye King of Hungarye in their mime, & congratu-
lated his freshe possession of Bohemia, hee shall retire hims'lf'e into one
of ye Tmperiall free cities, & there expecte yc issue of the next Electorall
Dyett. Thus you see ye affayres of Germanye were not so little
esteemed in Italye, during y« life of ye Emperour, as thei are muche
now. Especially in this tyme of Interregnum, when men conclude of
ye future succession, as thei are guided by their hopes or feares. From
Borne it is advertised that thei are there equally distracted between these
contrarye passions. Thei having sufficiently discovered their feares by
instituting Le orationi delle 4° hore a line che l'elettione del nuovo Im-
peratore cada in Principe Calolico. Though on ye other side bein<? in
consultation- to sende a Cardinal 1 to assiste at ye future election, yf may
seeme thei promise to themselves better acceptance in those partes then
in this later age thei durste ever have presuned of."
u 84067. N N
562 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George The Ambassr Contarini from Venice can get no answer from the
Digbt/esq. P°Pe ^or tne deciding of thei differences until the German business is
— - settled. " By wh it is apparent how muche thei are there possessed
with the anxietie of those uncertainties."
The Grisons hold a Dyett wherein they treat openly of breaking the
League, made not many years since with this State, & wb is now upon
the point of expiring. The pretence is that this State has not sent a
Minister to treat of a continuance of the Alliance until the upshot of its
expiration. " And againe thei object a greater discourtesie, in that
these Sigori kept ye passages of their confine so strictly shutt up for
feare of ye plague, that those people sufFred very muche this laste
yeare for want of corne, wh thei usually receive from those partes of
this Territorie y* adjoyne unto them. Which unkindenes thei amplifie
with this circumstance that ye State of Millayne with whome thei
holde no League, & who are no less cautelous to avoyde danger
then others, gave then pratique with their State long before these
Signori would bee induced to succour their extreame necessitie. But
these are but pretensions with wh thei colour their disjoyning, y* being
well known e to this State, that thei have been laboured to this rupture
by Monsr Pasquale, the Frenche Ambassr, who by his long residence in
those partes, hathe gott greate power over that people. His designe
being to have them depend wholly upon France, without having
appoggio from any other, and to please ye Spaniard with this breache,
"who were offended at ye collegation."
" I have newes of ye safe arrival of Mr Pindar in Constantinople ; who
had so prosperous a passage in 19 dayes, that hee surprised Sir Tho.
Glover before hee coulde have warning from any bodie. Hitherto all
things runne smothly with Mr Pindar, the Gran Sig°re having acknow-
ledged him, by sending to him ye ordinary refreshments of that place ;
and Sir Thomas Glover having quitted his house quietly, and resigned
ye possession to him. What will succeed heereafter may bee somewhat
doubtefull in regarde of his predecessors greate debts in yfc place ; for
ye accommodating whereof there is yet no order taken.
" The Spanish Ambassr in this towne being lately, towards his fare-
well, feasted in ye arsenall, some of his followers, very insolently, stabbed
with their poiguards ye picture of S* Marke served in Marchepane,
and others threwe pieces of y* into ye fire. Which being observed by
ye officers of ye place, moved with ye indignitie of suche an outrage,
thei gave them intertainment sutable to their behaviour, and distributed
so many blowes amongst them, as that yf ye Anibass7 had not presented
himselfe to ye composing the tumulte, some of his companie had beene
in danger of not departing. The State upon information of ye businesse,
«ett a bando upon ye principall delinquents ; whereof one was a servante
of ye Count Collalto, that accompanied ye Ambassr that day ; the other
a Portuguese & neerest to him. But afterwards upon instance of ye
Ambassr, this later was pardoned, as being of his familie and so de-
livered to him as a grace ; the sentence being executed only upon the
former.
" Our freshest newes is the deathe of the D. of Mantova wiio some
dayes since dyed of a catarrose fever. But his sonne being quietly
possessed of all his estates there is little mutation like to followe.
"By cause there was a doul te made by some y* knewe
Sir Tho. Glover to bee sodaine <& rashe, & to have muche of ye
Basha, what would bee ye issue of ye firste interviewe betwixt him and
his successor, I sende your Lord8P a particular relation thereof, which I
received from one of our English trayvellours that went from hence with
Mr. Pindar."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 563
W. Trumball to the Same. w?Su)
Digbt, Esq.
Feb. 17, from Brussels. — . . . . " These Provinces are no lesse —
stuffed with the unlikely newes of the King of Spaine's inclination to
matche with ye Lady Elizabeth then the Courte of Madrid. Neverthe-
lesse many men of sufficiencie and good discretion holde it for a fabulous
paradoxe and an ill-grounded rumour " to those ladies so
specified by your Lord8P which stand for that great prize they here add
the daughter of Polande.
The young King G-ustavus has made a truce with Denmark for three
months, " and is in treaty and hope by his Matie'3 assistance to make an
absolute peace, if hee can be contente to take ye Dowager of Saxony
for his wife; who is likewise spoaken of for ye Count Maurice."
For the last 20 days there has been a report here that the King of
Denmark had been killed by the breaking of a canon where unto he
gave fire with his own hand. But now this disastrous fiction is con-
tradicted.
The Emperor's death, and rumours about the election. It is questioned
if the Elector of Cullen can have a voice in the election his coadjutor
not having as yet confirmation of his Temporalities from the
Emperour.
A difference has broken out between the Dukes of Deuxponts and
Neubourg touching the administration of the Palatinate and Vicariate
of the Empire during the Interregnum in the minority of the young
Prince.
King Mathias has imprisoned some of his brother's servants.
Five hundred Spaniards have come from Lisborne and the coast of
Biscay, and 1,500 more it is said are expected.
The States increase their companies of 70 to 90, and of 100 to 150.
Their cavalry is complete and is drawn towards Newmeghem. I con-
ceive that this is done to countenance Aquisgrave against the Prince,
and Juliers against "the D. of Saxony, who threatened to remove
mountains, but as yet has no soldiers in the fielde."
Many consultations are held about the revival of the ancient manu-
factures of these Provinces, " which thei seeme to holde cannot bee done
without our English cloathes bee first prohibited "
"When thei shall have well reckoned their cardes, thei shall finde
that wantinge workmen of their owne & materialls, the fetching of
them from other partes will coste more than ye benefitt can amount
unto wh now thei esteeme at so greate a valewe."
Mr Wake's business.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
1611. Oct., from Madrid. Note. — " This letter is to bee referred
to ye 6 of October, Anno. 1611."
The Queen's funeral solemnised at St. Jeromino's in Madrid.
The Savoy Ambassr commanded from Courte. He retires to a
monastery some 2 leagues from the towne. The reason is the insult
put upon the King's agent at the Court of Savoy, by the D. of Nemours'
agent.
An Extraordinary Arabassr from the Courte of Savoy, who ar-
rived here on 12 of November st° n° was likewise within two or three
days ordered from Courte without an audience and he rests retired with
the Ambassr Lieger Monsr de la Torre. His name is Monsr de la
Mott.
N N 2
564 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Of 20 thousand ducatts which the Queen had to dispose of by a will
i>i«by^Esq. made some eight or nine years since, she gave 80,000 crowns to the
' — Jesuits' College, in Salamanca, & the reste to her sister 8c some of
her ladies. But her confessor, a Jesuit, has since persuaded her to
double the legacy to the Jesuits ; to give 3,000 ducatts to the English
Seminary of Valld. The rest in alms as they directed her ; and nothing
to any friend or servant.
A million of crownes has been sent to Flanders. And " fai ther agree-
ment made with Paleviciui, Nicolao Balbi, and Carolo Strati of Genoar
for ye paying there of fourscore thousand ducatts every monthe."
A hundred thousand ducatts imployed in Germany.
There is speech of the King's going into Portugall, which is much
desired by the Portuguese, for there are many inconveniences arisen
since the connexion of the kingdoms, and they can only be rectified by
Act of Parlament. And a Parlameut cannot be helde but by the
personal assistance of their king.
Their President de la Camera has come and makes offer of 300 thou-
sand crownes towards the expenses of the journey.
He has also " LOO thousand crownes to bestow upon particulars in
Courte to further ye King's going.
Prince Filibert of Savoy has been made General of all the King of
Spain's gallies, " in ye same nature and extent as yfc was graunted to Don
Juan de Austria, but to no other since in so large a maner, as t am
informed."
Sir D. Carleton to Sir J. Digbye.
Jan. 24, from Venice. — " My very goode Lord, This laste week I
ventured a letter to your LordsP by the way of Lyons, to trie if that
conveyance may prove more sure than this other, \vh I have reason to
suspecte, having received nothing from you by the two last ordinaries.
According to the speede that these two shall make in coming to you, you
will be able to judge which passage is the quicker, & by consequence-
the surer. Wh when you have discovered wee may heereafter cleave to yc
safer and forsake ye other. Our discourses heere have had a large
theme these laste dayes, of a poor mayde in this towne, daughter to an
Apothecarie, & named Arehangela, wrho was said to doe so strange
miracles as that the noyse filled ye whole towne, & drew ye people in
confused multitudes to run after her, as a saint pointed out by ye finger
of God. The particulars that are voiced of her are infinite, and daily
increased, like fame in spreading, every man contributing an addition of
his owne to ye firste reporte, thereby to draw others to that beliefe.
But I will give you only those heads, wh our Patriarche delivered to the
Prince, & afterwards divulged in some scattered writings. Of wh the
most remarkable are these. That every day she is wrapt in extasies
more or lesse, and that sometyrnes shee continewethe in them 5, 7, and
9 dayes. That during ye whole tyme of her trances, there is heard
about her an angelical! sounde of musique, both vocall and instrumentall.
That in those fitts she is carried in spirite to Jerusalem, and other holy
places, where sli3 hathe conference with many saints of both sexes.
That every tyme the sacramente is lifted up in her presence, she seeth
our Saviour in form of a childe in the Hostia. That having beeu twice
putt by her friends into clausura, shee had revelations that forced her to
quitt ye monasteries, with a stricte injunction not to divulge the cause.
That shee hath in her hands, feete, and sides ye Stigmata oi Sta Catarina
of Siena, wb bleede after her receiving of ye communion ; as dothe like-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 565
wise her forhead sweate blood at that tynie. That from her cradle shee George
hath been so religious an observer of ye Fridayes faste, as that shee would dig.bt?E3q!
never suck that day, nor taste milke. That many tymes in her trances
shee hathe fallen into ye fire, and beene taken up without touch of burn-
inge. These particulars & many more being voyced about ye towne,
found so easy beliefe of ye vulgar, that ye State entred into jealousie of
ye consequence. So that when yc Patriarche came into ye College to
give an account of ye busines, he received a rounde check of ye Prince,
for having trumpeted the wonder so loude, & was streightly charged
to stopp the noyce from sounding farther, that the people might return
again ad sauam mentem, and not stand so prepared to bee carried away
with anything than an imposter mighte speake against ye established
govermont. Upon this Reprimend ye Patriarche hath shutt ye mayde
into a Monasterie of ye Capucine, wliere none being suffred to have
aecesse unto her, that wonder hathe an ende."
(t The Frenche in these partes accounting yt a greate disreputation to
their faction, that ye voice of the Abbott of Boys his execution in Rome,
shoulde finde so common beliefe, have used muche arte to choake
the fame. And among many other artifices, thei have in this place
shewed many letters written from Rome, wherein there are advertise-
ments that hee is still alive, though ye Pope retain e him per ragion di
stato. And to prevent ye objection that mighte bee made for ye satis-
faction of ye worldethei shoulde procure his inlargement, there is added
in ye same letter, that; per alcuni bueni rispetti, the Pope will neyther
deliver him at ye instance of any Prince, nor suffer him to bee seene of
any, which clause increasethe y* suspition of his deathe ; and maketh
that a clear case to ye wiser, which was before a little doubtefull.
"Of our other occurrences I shall bee more bolde to write more
largely, when I shall heare of y° safe arrivall of these with you. Now
I will only add that the newes of ye Emperour'? death, hath a little
confounded this state, when there is feare of the succession of King
Mathias, whom thei have allwayes held their eapitall enimie. But their
hope is that ye Electors will so temper his affections, if it fall upou him,
as that private grudges shall not retaine place in so publick a person,
<fcc, &c."
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
March 14*, from Paris. — '* .... I thanke your LordsP moste
hartely for your noble & reall dealing with mee in satisfying mee so
thoroughly touching the bruite wh was heere spred of ye King of
Spaines purpose to become a suitor to our Princesse. Of the intent of
wh practise your LordsP maketh a true judgement. But in ye meane-
tyme thei make very bolde for ye serving of their turne, to sett our
honour at so meane a price. And therefore your Lor(lsi> had juste
reason to bee sensible in suche maner as you were, of ye exorbitant
libertie wh was used therein."
The Count of Soissons has gone into the country discontented. The
Prince of Conde also retired to his house at Vallerie, and conferred with
the Count on the way. But the Count has returned to this town, where
they labour much to pacify him. But upon the news from Spain that
the two States intend to make publication of y° marriage on Lady Day,
(wh falleth out to morrow) he suddenly determined to depart this after-
noon because he would not assist at the ceremony.
The more the Princes of ye blood discountenance y6 marriages, the
more the Queen strives to engage the other great men to be actors in
the solemnity. Many therefore are embarqued into great expense
566 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Charles against their will. " And it said the whole charges of their preparations
JS^tbS? f°r tne showe wh thei are to make will not amount to lesse than 200
UIGBY, E>SQ. _
— thousand crownes.
The solemnity is deferred to the 1st of April, new style. " The
Defendanis are ye Dukes of Guise &Nevers, the Prince Janville, Monsr
Bassompiere, & Monsr de la Chastequeray, the Captain of ye Queene's
Garde. The number of the Assailants is very greate; whereof ye
principall are ye Prince of Conde, the Chevalier de Guise, the Duke of
Lonqueville, the Duke of Vendosme, Monsr de Chastillon, & diverse
others. Monsr de Rohan has withdrawn on pretence of the illness of his
brother Monsr de Soubize.
The Nuncio is very eager against Richier's book, upon his directions
from Rome ; and the Bishops have censured it, but only in general
terms, " with profession that thei intende not thereby to allude to any
of those things wh concerne eyther ye rightes of Kings, or ye privileges
of ye Gallicane Churche."
The Bishop of Beauvais refused to join in the censure. The Duke of
Vandosme is to go to Rome instead of the Duke of Espernon, because
the latter is so professed an enemy of those of the Religion that it would,
give offence if he were sent.
The Parlament have renewed their complaint against " the order for
the enhancing of the value of their offices of judicature in ye sale of ye
same." The Queen has promised them satisfaction.
Strange news from Germany. " The Duke of Saxe is combined with,
the three EcclesiasticalElectors to choose the Archduke Albert Emperour.
"Which few can beleeve by cause of the possession wh the King Mathias
hathe of all ye frontier Provinces, and in regarde of ye division wh the
same would make in the house of Austria."
The old Duke of Newburg it is said has renewed the Ban against ye
town of Aix. It is thought very strange.
The Coronell la Grange is still prisoner at Lyons.
The D. de Bouillion goes to England about the loth of April, &c.
W. Trumball to the Same.
March 15, from Bruxelles. — A very long letter. There is great
likelihood that the King of Spaine considering the present state of the
United Provinces, the divisions among them, & their ingratitude to his
Matie in the matter of Vorstius, will make some new attempt upon
Holland.
Speculations about the election of an Emperour, and about the
probability of war, and the future of Germany.
" Sir R. Winwood is appointed by His Matie to repaire to Wesell for
ye concluding of a league offensive and defensive with the United
Princes of Germany, wh [as I have heard] shall mutually oblige each
party to furnishe 4,000 men, & a certain proportion of money, in case
eyther of them shall be invaded by their common enemies. About the
beginning of May next ye young Count Palatine is to make a journey
into England, to cheapen that ritche Jewell, wh hee muste needes pur-
chase yff hee bee a wise merchant."
The D. de Bouillion & the Count of Nassau his uncles meanwhile
labour ye busines in his behalfe.
The Kings of Sweden & Denmark levy soldiers. The King of
England favours Denmark & will assist him with soldiers out of England
and Scotland. The United Provinces favour the adverse party as much
as they dare.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 567
" The Prince of Orange hathe at lengthe compounded with ye Arch- George
duke for his interest in ye Salins of Burgundy. In lieu whereof the d^by, esq.
sayd Prince is to have the Sigrie of Tornehaut, & 15,000/. sterling in —
ready money. But the other famous processe for Chastel Belin
dependeth undecided."
Five pages about Mr Calley's business.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
March 20, from Paris. — " . . . Howsoever there may bee order
taken for ye revocation of Don Alonso de Velasco to make good their
disavowing of his former negociation, yet I doe not think that it will
thereupon followe that your LordsP shall bee allso called from thence.
Neyther [as I conceive] will the State of Spaine desire that there
should bee suche a proceeding. For that notwithstanding their newe
Alliances, yt will not suite well with ye state of their affayres to live
in ill tearmes with us. Our greate statesmen heere doe say, that ye
cause of sending of Don Rodrigo de Calderon abroade, is to ye ende
ye better to dignifie him, & to make him knowe ye worlde, thereby to
render him ye more capable of some eminent place which is designed
him about ye King."
The Spanish Ambassr at Court. " Yet it was observed that though
ye courte was exceeding greate for ye number, yet there was not any ye
least applause given to so greate an action."
A Te Deum to be sung, and a salute fired from the Bastille. But the
signing of the contract is deferred on account of the absence of the
Princes of the blood.
On Tuesday the solemnities, which are to last for three days, com-
mence in the Place Royall.
" One La Brosse, who is famous heere for having foretold ye deaths
of ye laste king, & diverse other accidents of note, hathe raysed a great
amusement in this towne by a prediction wh hee hath made, that ye
ceremonie shall not passe without producing some greate disasters. Wh
in regarde of ye small affection that is borne to these marriages doth
receive ye more easy creditt with the vulgar.
" The Queene sent Monsr de Bonoeil, ye master of ye ceremonies to
invite mee to be present at their ceremonies. But I excused myselfe
in regarde of ye competition wh is betweene mee and ye Spanish
Ambassr, and ye Nuncio. And I suppose that fewe of ye other Ana-
bass™ will bee there allso, by reason of ye like competition betweene
them. Namely, the Archduke's Ambassr for ye competition wh hee hathe
with the Venetian ; and ye Ambassr of Florence with him of Savoy ; and
Monsr Aersens, the States Ambassr pretending to have his ranke given
him by ye laste King immediately after ye Venetian."
The Parlament is still discontented, and they are " so much exaspe-
rated against ye Chancellour, as when the President Sequier, who is ye
great Jesuite of ye Courte stood up and began a speache to persvvade ye
companie to hearken to some propositions wh had beene mude by him,
thei interrupted him so with hemming as hee was feigne to give over bis
speache."
The D. of Espernon at a councell in the Constable's house, charges-
the D. of Bouillion with some ill offices, &c.
By the interposition of friends the matter was stayed.
Monsr Balagni slain in the street in a quarrel with one Monsr Pimorirr
who was wounded. "The Constable and mareschalls are very much,
troubled how to compound ye said quarrel, for that ye same ariseth from
a former greate quarrell betweene Monsr de Auncont and ye Count de
Chastenu-cousse, who have on both sides many partaker,?."
568 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
v;ix»:(;rc The Abbot of Clugni, y° D. of Guise's great uncle, is dead very
ntS5^*Ife£ lately. The reversion of the Abbey is fallen to the Bishop of Eheimes.
The second son of the Duke of Modena is here hoping to get a pension,
after the example of the Cardinal! Gonzaga.
It is now said that the State of Spain makes difficulties about it and
that therefore the exchange of the Princesses will not take place till
September 12 months.
Sir D. Carxeton to. the Same.
March 21, st° vet., from Venice. — " .... I have at this present
more particularities of consideration to advertise your Lord55? than usually
occurre in this quiett Commonwealthe."
I have already sent you the news of Constantinople.
Mr Pindar has had his audience and is well settled. His predecessor
is embroyled about his debts wh are very great. "And ye cause of all
he imputes to ye Prince of Moldavia touching whome I have seene a
letter from him to a friend of his in this towne, with these words, ' This
day the Prince & his three children turne Turkes.' I pray God some
other followe not ye example."
That Sir Th. Glover practised continually with Spain " appears more
daily to mee by a certain Dominican Friar a correspondent of his in this
towne, who wayt.es daily at ye King of Spaine to have newes of his
secretarye, whome you long since witt of to bee at Madrid ; & who is
heere shortly expected."
The general opinion here concurs with yours that the rumours of a
marriage between Spain and England are but de buena crianza, at the
best. u But by their maner of blowing them abroad into ye worlde, it
appeares thei have desseigne even in their rumours, bothe to procure to
themselves a greater respecte, whilest thei seeme to bee sought after on
all sides, and likewise to weaken our King's creditt with his ancient
alliances, with whome our disjunction from Spaine is one of chiefest
knotts of friendship. And I finde by letters to diverse Ministers of
Princes in this citie frome Rome and Genoa, the Spaniards indevour to
have it beleeved, that ye King of Spaine hathe had an offer made him by
our King of ye Lady Elizabeth, with condition that shee should presently
change religion, and many other extravagancies, to this purpose. And
though ye vanitie heereof is quickly discovered, yet it seemes by their
practice in this kinde, that spargere voces, & mentiri andacter, is a
rule to which thei are constant, as well understanding ye effect ; semper
aliquid hoeret.
The ]\!arquis Spinola's coming into y° Low Countries, is supposed to
be about the affairs of Germany.
Though the King of Hungary is not likely to meet with any opposition
of moment, yet they suggest many difficulties, " wherebye upon neces-
sitie of their helpe thei may make him yeelde to have at ye same tyme ye
Archduke Albert chosen K. of ye Romans. By meanes whereof, bothe
those being in no greate likelihood of children, a way will hereby bee
prepared to one of your Princes in Spaine. For now thei have France at
their devotion thei promise themselvas ye greate monarchic thei have long
aymed at, &c, &c."
... The wisest here are of opinion that the youngest shall not see
ye consummation of any marriages betwixt these crowns. " Though
heere in Italy y° Spaniard, have made greate demonstration of joy
with artillery, and other triumphes at ye publication of these matches."
The French meanwhile are censured for weakness in seeking by these
means for present quiet during the King's nonage.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 569
" Now for our private occasions, yon shall understand firste wee are wixopibld
growing to some overt acte against ye Pope's Ministers for molesting ye DictBy, e^q.
passage of the Po about ye Porte of Grozo, heere being a resolution taken
[though muche against ye minds of our Papalini] that laying aside
connivance and temporizing, which have rather drawn on ineroachments
than stayed them, ye Grenerall of ye Gulphe shall goe towards that place,
with ye beste parte of his fleete, and both pull up certaine piles wh ye
Forraresi had driven in to narrowe ye passage for their more convenient
keeping of it, and allso assay yp surprisail of some of those vessels which
have of late beene sett there for ye exacting a tribute of all that passe.
Clavis clavum trudit. After these resolutions of not sparing ye head,
thei sodainly passe on with like roundness towards some of ye principall
members. And in this storme certaine confessors of Previso were firste
overthrown, who had secretly combined together to deny absolution to
some who by warrant from ye State gathered a subsedye of ye Cleargie
imposed in y° tyme of ye late troubles, and injoyned no penance, but
restitution ; by which devise thei gathered no small summe into chests
sett aparte in ye Churche, and by them called Caselle della penetentia.
Many informations have beene of late given of this extorsion, yett still
it was thought beste fare il sordo, for feare of being intangled in newe
broyles. Now ye tide running righte, after being warned with ye former
resolutions, thei conclude allmoste at ye same time an acte of banish-
ment against three of ye most forward of those confessors, and bothe
confiscate those chestes to ye Princes use, and give order for ye speedy
bringing in whatsoever moneys are behinde from that Cleargie to ye
State. The next turne is the Jesuites, who have within fewe days
received a blowe that muche troubled them, as coming at an unlooked
for tyme when thei were about to cozen ye worlde with a false opinion
of their having better friends heere than was generally conceived.
Many informations have beene secretly brought against them, and par-
ticularly that thei had planted themselves at Castiglion confining to
this State, toward ye Bressau and Veronese, that thei mighte intice ye
youthe of those territorios to stepp over to them as it were by stealthe.
And as their hopes quickly had effecte in some both men and women,
whom ye conveniencye of ye place allured to their seminaries, that thei
have there erected for bothe sexes, so it mighte have beene feared their
harvest would have increased much more, if these Sigori had not cutt it
of in herba, by renewing y° Acte of their banishment in wh is contained
a stricte inhibition to all ye subjects of this state not to repayre to them
in what place soever, upon very greate penalties. At ye firste making of
that decree, there was so muche respecte borne to their persons, as
that ye Act of Senate was but privately intimated to them by an officer,
and thei commanded to departe y° State within a prefixed time. But
now [which thei take moste unkindly] it was proclaymed su le scale
with certaine other bandi against Monetarii, and other heinous male-
factors. And copies of it are sent to all ye Rettori of terra ferma, with
commission to publishe it likewise in every towne thei have, and to have
a strict eye to ye execution of it.
" I understand that ye true cause of this fierceness against them is
that these Sigori have advertisements from all partes of ill offices that ye
Jesuites doe them everywhere ; and that particularly thei are mer-
chandizing a bargaine betwixt ye Archduke Ferdinand of Grats, and ye
K. of Spaine for Treste, and some other of his litigatious townes con-
fining upon this estate. There is no greate likelihood this should take
nlace for many respects, yet ye malice of ye instruments herein appeares,
and that their deseigne in yp projecte is to have this State ill neigh-
boured.
570 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Wingfibld " Wee have been lately alarumd with some bickering betwixt ye
Digby, Esq. Cremaschi & ye Milanesi for matter of confine. And lieere is freshe
advice from Zara in Dalmatia of 3 hott skirmishes betwixt ye Turkes &
ye subjects of this State. Wherein though \e Turkes had ye advan-
tage of a booty of cattell wh thei carried away, yet were thei made to
buy it with ye loss of 30 or 40 men. Whereas all of this side came off
well, save only Trevisan Proveditor of ye horse, who brought away a
wound in his face, though not dangerous. Any newes of commotion in
those partes dothe muche trouble these Sigori, yet thei digeste this ye
better for having certaine newes from Constantinople of a rupture
betvvixte ye Persian, and ye Gran Sigore, which maketh them hope hee
will have no leysure to looke their way, while hee shall bee so hottly
busied there.
"The Grisons have sent hither an Agent to signifie their purpose of
breakinge of ye League when it shall expire. Wh Ministre though hee
bring an unpleasing errand, yet is hee well and courteously used, and
received by ye State. And notwithstanding ye intimation of that their
purpose, yet have these Sigori sent a secretarye to ye Dyett of that
people with Commission to labour earnestly ye continuance of it."
Count d' Arco has come to announce the death of the D. of Mantova,.
& one Piero Gritts is sent to quit that score.
" Lett mee desire you in your nexte to signifie ye receipte of mine, as
thei come to you, that I may bee delivered from ye doubte of mis-
carrying, ike."
W. Trumball to ye Same.
March 24, from Bruxelles. — " .... In outward appearance all
things here seem disposed to peace, but underhand these Princes make
some small preparations for wars, at leaste defensive. I must neverthe-
less proteste ingenuously . . . that I can never beleeve [though thei had
juste occasion for ye same] that thei will dare to putt their men of warr
into ye fielde, being discontented, and subjecte to mutinie, untill thei
have given them some kinde of satisfaction. And that cannot bee
done untill Spaine shall furnishe ye meanes."
Great levies of money are being made here by way of extraordinary
contribution.
Many believe still that this Archduke hath an eye upon ye Crowne of
ye Romans, & like a prudent traveller sends money before him to pro-
cure him friends.
It is said that Spain will consent that K. Mathias should bee
Emperour so farr forthe as he will condescend in convenient time to
raise this Archduke to the Crown of the Romans.
Many of the Princes of Germany are bent against allowing the House
of Austria to continue the succession of the Empire in their family.
King Mathias has given up his design of holding a Diet this month
at Presbourgin Hungarie, fearing lest the Alemans might think that he
seeks the Empire by violence. It is said therefore that he will defer his
endeavours to accommodate his business with the Hungarians until after
the conclusion of the Electoral Assembly at Frankfort.
These Princes levy 300 horse in Burgundy, and they are now send-
ing Don Louis de Valasco, the general of their cavalry towards Luxem-
bourg to survey their troops and put them in order.
The object is to countenance the pretensions of K. Mathias, in case
the Germans oppose him.
Does not believe the rumours that they intend to attack Aquisgrave.
The long deferred sentence against ye English clothes doth yet stick
in the launching.
HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 571
The deputies sent from Antwerpe into Zealand about the opening George
of the Seheld are returned re infecta. They will make another Digby, Esq.
attempt.
Father Nayer, the Commissary General of the Cordelliers will start
for Rome at the end of this month.
It is thought that he is employed to frame a new league among the
Catholick Princes against the Protestant Union " whose Ambassrs are
now at Wesell treating with Sir Ralphe Winwood about that propor-
tion wh his Matie ought to furnishe for his share in case thei should bee
invaded by any forraine Princes."
The A ssembly of the States of Hollande in the matter of Vorstius
(as I am informed) goeth de malo in pejus. He is to be entertained
for 18 months in order that he may reply to the books written against
him, and then he shall be judged and either be appointed a Professor at
Ley den, or rejected as an Atheist.
Count Maurice has gone to Ghelderland to assist at the christening of
Count Ernest's son, to whom the Prince of Wales is Godfather.
The young Elector Palatine it is expected will shortly go into
England to woo the Lady Elizabeth.
The coadjutor of Cullen is admitted as Elector of ye Empire, and
Prince of Leege.
We hear the news of Don Pedro de Cunega's voyage into England,,
whereof (being in a miste) we make diverse judgments.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
1612, March 30, from Paris. — The three day solemnities in the Place
Royale are over. They were performed with great magnificence and
charge. First entries and shows. Afterwards running at theQuintaine
and ye Ring. But for want of tyme they have been forced to put off the
judgment for the price of ye Ring, by reason of the dispute which grew
about ye courses. It is said they shall be run anew after Easter.
Much disputing among the Ambassadors about precedence, and the
Nuncio especially dissatisfied with the prominent place given to the
Marques of Botti, the principle negociator in the treaty, So at last all
the invitations to the Ambassadors were withdrawn, the Spanish
Ambassr alone being excepted.
Though the Ambaysr were not present good order was taken for the
placing of their several households.
The tenants had built a castle of felicitie in the Place Royal and placed
on it a standard with the colours of Spaine. But the people murmured
because this seemed to imply that their felicity came from Spaine, so it
was ordered to be taken down.
The Queen has obtained the restoring to their country and estates of
Emanuel Lopez, Fronton, and Gilles de Messe, who fled hither with
Antonio Perez.
The two former will return, but the other is satisfied with his fortune
here being one of ye king's Maistres d'Holel.
The Queen has granted to the Parlament a year's exemption from
paying the augmentation lately made of their offices.
They sent to thank the Queen, and the Premier President added their
congratulations upon the marriages. But this they say he did out of
his own officiousness, and v\ ithout authority.
The Duchesse of Guise has a son ; the Prince of Joinville is to
resign to him his name, it is said, &c.
572 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Sir D. Carlfton to the Same.
WllVGFIELI)
PioBY. Esq. 1612, April 13, st° vet. — My news from Constantinople is in con-
formity with what I said in my last letter.
* It is true ye Moldavian Prince hathe apostated with his three
children. And ye firste acte after his fall, hathe been ye same with
Lucifer's, a temptation of others to ye like impietie. God sende Sir
Tho. Glover grace to stopp his eares against those charmes of honour
■& promotion, wh thei offer in a high degree. Some reason we have to
suspecte him, knowing that in matter of conscience, as well as in re-
bellion against Prirees, ye rule is ye same ; qui deliberant desciverunt.
Ye nighte before ye Prince's apostacie, Sir Thomas was with him in
greate privacie, allmoste ye whole nighte, accompanied only with one
man an Italian. And since hee hathe been often visited by ye Prince in
publique, who ceaseth not to perswade him openly and aloud to ye like
Mahumatisme. In this motion the visir who heretofore was moste contrary
to Sir Thomas, is now a greate concurrent. And ye Prince of Moldavia
observing his vanitie, maketh him beleeve that hee will father a bastarde
sonne of his heere in Venice, and enter him as in ye roll of Turkes,
having good hope to renew his pretensions to that princedome The
suspition is farther increased, by his neglecting eyther to provide for his
departure, or to compounde for his debtes. But by ye next I expecte to
heare more, whereof I will give you parte. In ye mean tyme yf younge
Prince is heere safe in an apothecarie's shopp, on whome I shall allwayes
have a stricte eye.
" Our controversie wth ye Pope about ye Porte of Gozo and the passage
of the Po, hathe since ye writing of my lasle growen ripe; and by this
tyme is rotten again and allmost ended. According to the resolution of
ye Senate whereof 1 then advertised you, Molani, Captaine of ye Grulphe,
was commanded, thither wTith his whole fleete, where hee hathe pulled
up the piles, that ye Ferraresi had staked in, and surprised all maner
of vessels that hee found about that passage, sending them to Venice as
forfeyted, for offering to passe by without touching heere to pay dacio.
From the water hee passed up into the lande to y* parte of ye confine y*
is controverted. And coming to a greate wood, of wh the Cardinall
Spinola had caused late possession to bee taken by cutting downe
many trees with a strong hande ; at wh tyme hee sent thither the
publique executioner of justice wth his soldiers to hang up any that
should make resistance. Molini to revenge that affront sett fire to ye
wood on all quarters, and burnt bothe yt and many cottages, y* sur-
rounded yt downe to the grounde We imagined this hostile acte would
have drawen on some notable revenge from the other side, & that the
fire wch waste a greate circuite, would have been a sufficient beacon to
have alarmed the Ferraresi, who were ye first beginners. Especially
the Cardinal Spinola having upon ye noise of Molini's approche mustered
diverse companies to the number of 700 men and upwards, who were so
neere, as that thei might warme themselves wth ye flame, though thei
durste not strike for want of commission from Rome. Against these
forces this State sent likewise sufficient succours bothe of ye Cernide or
trayne-soldiers of that quarter, as likewise of the Corsi, wch thei main-
taine on all their confines, and some troopes of horse out of ye Veronese,
all under the commande of the Count Porta a Vicentine, and an ex-
perienced soldier. The matter having passed thus farr, there was no way
lefte for composition but that eyther the Pope must disavowe ye firste
acte of ye Cardinall Spinolas, or this state ye second of Molini. The
issue whereof whilest wee stood expecting on all sides, those of Rome
have at lengthe discovered themselves truly conditioned like the croco-
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 573
diles, qui sequentes fuguint, fugientes sequentur. The incursion wch ye w?*5fS*»
Cardinall caused to bee made on ye wood above spoaken was at the tyme Digbt, EsQv
of the publication of the marriages betwixt France and Spaine when y*
was conceived these Sigri would have suffered anything. And for
farther affrighting of them, there was at ye same tyme rumoured a voice
of a league betwixt those two crownes, ye Pope, and ye greate Duke,
with ye exclusion of this State. Now that thei finde by the round pro-
ceeding of this side, that ye state of ye question is quite altered, and
that thei were muche mistaken in the courage of these Sigri, thei come
quite about, and as thei were Primi ad culpam so like wise thei are con-
tent to bee Primi ad pocnitentiam. Only the Pope must not beeknowen
to have erred. And therefore ye Cardinall Spinola muste beare ye blowe
against whome, when the Ambassr Contarini complained, as having a
cheife bouleieu in ye laste combustion, & one whose turbulent spirite
joyned to ye naturall animositie of a Geonese against t!ds State, made
unfitt for government in a bordering province. The Pope laying holde
on that evasion accepted their excuse, and promised with his remove to
quiet all. Yt is said he will now depute to y* Legation the Cardinall
Leni, a creature of his owne & one whose quiet disposition answearethe
well to his name, as of ye other thei note that no Spinola is sine
spina.
" Heere hathe beene of late arrested by order of the Inquisitors of
State an apothecarie &' a prieste, who are said to have confessed greate
treasons & practices against this state, though the names of ye princi-
pall actors are yet concealed.
" The Cavalier Baduier is againe accused, one that was knighted in
France long since, upon occasion of an Ambassage, and that four yeares
since was likewise questioned for having secrete meetings with the
Nohcio in a Fryars cell in the Frari, for weh faulte hee was then con-
demned to two yeare's imprisonment. This lasfe weeke hee was called
sulla scala at S1 Markes & the Rialto, and in ye Proclamation four
things were objected against him. That hee had long tyme received
pension da un principe grande. That hee had showed a way to a
forraine Prince how to stirre the subjects of this State against the
present government. That hee had revealed a principi forastieri i piu
intimi secreti della Repca. That hee had many secrete meetings by
nighte with ministers of other Princes. Upon his not presenting him-
self, thei have proceeded against him, and wee expecte dayly the
publication of the sentence wch will containe in y* many particularities
of wch I will advertise you in my next.
" This apothecarye way a dependent of ye Spanishe Ambassrs, & his
merrano for all his intelligences, who thereupon was muche confounded
wth his retention. And purposed once to have challenged him as his
servante, untill he perceived by the stricte course y* was taken wth him,
that yt was no matter to stirre in. Whereupon hee changed his pur-
pose, and retired bimselfe to yc monastery of S1, Georges, where hee
hathe lived cloystered amongts ye Moonkes y° holy Weeke. In that
space some other retayners of his have beene called into question, and a
taylour belonging unto him strictly examined, wch hee muste bee con-
tent to dissemble. Y* is suid that ye retention of ye apothecarye was
derived from information sent out of Spaine by the Am bass1' Priuli.
Who advertising that this Ambass1' dayly wrote things wch could not
bee knbwen but by false brethren, gave them occasion to looke into the
matter with this strictness ve now thei have taken.
" Our Bishopp of Padoa being appointed to the Nontiature of Polonia
hathe written to his Vicar Generall to summon a Synode in his province
against his coining ; hoping that though hee durste never come hither
574 , HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
w?»ottbld since his flighte at the tyme of the interdict, yet now hee should be
Digby, Esq. priviledged coming as a publique minister for another Prince. His
purpose was under this colour to have established his affayres heere,
and to have drawen a benevolence from his cleargie towards ye ex-
penses of his voyage. But the state being advertised of his purpose,
thei have sent order to the Retorri of Padoa to unwarne that assembly,
meaning to give him leave to passe through their State, but not to stay
in yfc. And particularly in Padoa, thei will allow him but one nighte to
reste, having forbidden provisions to bee layed in for him.
„ . . . " P.S. — Wee were in danger about ten dayes since to have
loste our good olde Duke of a Plurisie, of wch hee was recovered by
letting of blood. And that remedye was dangerous likewise in a man
of suche yeares. But hee is now well againe, though as yet keepes his
chamber."
Sir Ralphe Winwood to the Same.
April 13,sto. vet. fromHaghe. — w My good Lorde. I was upon a journey
into Germany as farr as Weessell when I received your Lo8ps laste wch is ye
cause that being but now returned, I have not had ye convenience soner
then at this present to returne you any answeare. But first you shall
understande that at Weessel by order from his Matie, I have concluded
a treaty of defensive alliance betweene his Matie & ye P.P. of ye
union in Germany, who are the administrators of ye Palatinate, ye
elector of Brandenberg, ye Marques of Ausbache, and his brother the
Marques of Baden, ye D. of Wirtemberg, ye Lantzgrave of Hessen, ye
Princes of Anhalt, who are three brethren. The D. of Newberg is not
yet come in by reason of ye differences between him & ye adminis-
trator of ye Palatinate, bothe for y* dignitie, & ye Vicariate of ye
empire; since ye decease of ye Emperour. The succours his Matie dothe
promise to ye P.P. upon their occasions is 4,000 foote. The P.P. to
his Matie are to send 2,000 reciprocally ; y* is at ye choise of eyther
partye to demannde men or money. The treaty is but for six yeares.
Por the union of the P.P. is not of a longer continuance.
" Now to make answeare to yr Los?8 letter & to y* point of ye
Marques Spinolas commission for England, you shall understande y*
very few dayes since, heere passed by this way the C* of Hanaw with
charge from ye administrator of Heydleberg to treate for marriage
"between ye Lady Eliz. & ye young Prince Elector. Yf ye winde have
not been very contrary, I presume this day hee is at Gravesende. Hee
had purpose to make the more haste, to meete there with ye D. of
Bouillion who hathe to wife an agent of ye young Prince, & wth
whome, at Sedan, ye Prince hathe had ye greatest parte of his edu-
cation. There is greate hope that this treaty will happily succeed,
and so y* is generally wished with a fervencye of affection of all good
patriots. The Prince is but young, not 16 complete before August
next, but of a good spiritt, full of life and courage, and doth promise
muche bothe for understanding & for integritie of tru & reall
bonestie. The 12 of May, st° vet., dothe begin ye Imperiall Dyett at
Francfort. There ye Prince will bee to salute ye Electors and to bee
knowen to them. From thence hee will come down into Holland, &
unles his Matie shall otherwise advise hee dothe purpose to passe into
England. The King Mathias will undoubtedly bee chosen Emperour.
But ye Electors have no intention to choose a King of ye Komans.
The K. Mathias is very sickly & tormented at this tyme with many
diseases, as ye goute and the stone. Hee will not in person come to
Franckfort, but yet hee will not bee farr from thence. Wee had a
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 575
bruite that ye Queene was with child, but yt dothe not holde. Some Wingfihld
hopes wee have y* his Ma^ will bee pleased to interpose his creditt with DlgB^» Esq,.
ye K. of Denmark to ye accommodating of ye differences betweene him
& Sweden. Wch will bee a very gratefull office to all these partes of
Christendome.
" Heere I have had a long bronillerie with the States of Holland, who
contrarye to his Maties declaration woulde have broughte in to bee a
Professor of Divinitie at Leyden one Conradus Vorstius, a most infa-
mous bothe Atheist & Heretick. Against whome though I have had
charge to proteste, yet do thei holde him in the countrye, and [as yl
seemes] so purpose to doe. I have cause to apprehende what the issue
will bee. For I finde his Matie [as hee hathe juste reason] is but ill
satisfyed with this contemptuous and respectles proceeding of ye States
of Holland."
W. Trumball to the Same.
1612. Ap. 24, from Bruxelles. — . . . these quiete times afford
little matter for advertisement. Lodging prepared for Don Pedro de
Cunega, Ambassador Extraordinary in the house of the Archduke right
over against the Palace where my Lord of Hertford was entertayned at
the swearing of the Peace. But Don Rodrigo Calderon " whose coming
is nothing acceptable to these P.P. must accommodate himself with
ye Marques Spinola."
Those of Antwerpe are so confident of Don Pedro's negociation that
they already begin to lay wagers that he shall carry away the Lady Eliz.,
our inestimable jewel. The vulgar here reporte that she already goes
attired in the Spanish fashion, and attends Mass at the Spanish Ambassr's
house in London.
Count Hannan's mission to England.
The Electors meet at Franckfort on the 10th, &c, as in Sir R. Win-
woods' letters above.
The Archduke intends to make a journey to Luxembourg, & thence
to the confines of Germany that he may have a conference with K.
Mathias about the succession to the Empire.
Aquisgrave is favoured by the Administrator of the Palatinate.
An Advocate of Freezeland, called Neuberk, is said to have been sent
by the Archduke to Madrid with an Invention to levy 20 millions of
crowns out of the spiritual livings of Europe, for the space of 5 or 6
years, conditionally that the Pope & their party can be induced to turn
their arms against the poor Huguenots.
He also carries a project for the erecting of a staple in these countries
of Cuchauels, Indicos, & such like to spoile our cloathing.
Ten days before Easter ye Archduke gave audience to a Scottish
Jesuit, about erecting a Seminary of that Nation at Douay. He will
have I hear an allowance of 2,000 or 3,000 crowns a year for that
purpose.
The United Provinces have published a Placard against the resort of
Jesuits, Priests, & religious men into their dominions.
The Archduke has made a decree against the importation of all
English clothes save whites, which he would have dyed and dressed at
Antwerpe.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir Dudley Carleton.
April 25, st° vet., from Madrid. — " . . . here in this court on ye25th
of March st° n° was a second publication of the marriage betwixt
France and this Crowne."
576 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Details of the reception of the French Ambassr at Court.
Bjgby?Esq. The Marques of S1 German is to go to the government of Milan, and
— receive the title when the Constable of Castile shall come from
thence.
Don Pedro de Cimega is to go in 8 or 9 days as Ambassr Extra-
ordinary to England. To qualify him better the king has made him
Marques of Flores de Avila, & 2,000 crownes a year for 3 lives, and
twenty thousand crownes ayuda de costaforhis journey.
They are of opinion that he will be a man very welcome and well
seen in England.
Don Pedro is to show that he used all means of circumstance & in-
ducement " [not proceeding to any direct proposition] to draw his
Matie to make such an overture," i.e., for a match between the Prince
<fe a daughter of Spain. But his Matie hearkened with so much faint-
ness & slowness, that they held it fit to take this new resolution & match
with France.
Don Pedro seemeth not to like his journey. " It may be he mis-
trusteth another manner of reception than he hath formerly founde."
The books I shall send with all convenient speede, and some others
that are lately come forth.
The Same to Sir T. Edmondes.
April 28, from Madrid. — " . . We are now in expectation of your
great French troope, and in exchange we sende by you a greate and
remarkable companie from hence," i.e. The Marques Spinola; Count
Bugnoy ; Count Octavio Visconti ; Don Pedro de Cunega ; & Don
Rodrigo Calderon.
Marques Spinola speakes very well of the English nation <fc amongst
the rest of your Lordship. " I intreate your Lordship when you visite
him, to take notice unto him, that I have not been silent in all these
particulars."
The rumour of K. Mathias sickness has hastened the departure of
Marques Spinola and Don Rodrigo Calderon. The Marques goes well
provided to satisfy all debts due to the soldiers. He has .300 thousand
crownes.
The Prince of Savoy has been suddenly commanded to take up his
command of the King's gallies ; and it is here said that he will not be
permitted to return to Court. The D. of Lerma's dislike to that house
is the cause of this.
The D. of Pastrana prepares to go to France. I hope your French
Messieurs will not use him as badly as they used the D. of Feria when
he entered Paris.
" I assure your Lordship that amongst other things he makes great
provision of Port-manteaus. And hee for the greater Grandeza, will
enter into Paris, not only with a port-manteau before him, but a little
cofer behinde him. For hee hath played his parte over heere allready
before ye King. Who the laste night would needes see him come into a
private garden in ye same equipage as hee meant to enter into Paris "
The Same to W. Trumball.
April 28, from Madrid. — The Spaniards are somewhat offended with
the Union of the Protestant Princes, "and bite the lipp againe at
Virginia and ye Northwest passage."
The news in this letter the same as in the last.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION,
Sir T. Edmondes to Sir J. Djgbye. gkorge
WlXGFIELD
Digby, Esq
May 1, sl° vet., from Paris. — We are expecting the coming of the —
Marques Spinola and his company.
The D. of Mayne will be ready to departe in a few days. The
signing of the Articles of the Marriage will be deferred until his arrival
in Spain, and the coming of the D. of Pastrana hither.
The conditions are to be the same as when Madame Elizabeth was
formerly married into Spain.
Many consultations have been lately held to give contentment to the
Princes of the blood.
The Prince of Conde is to have the government of a small town called
Reolle upon the river of Garonne, which is of no importance for the
situation, but as yet weakly fortified.
Quilbeuf is to be given to the Count Soissons. To serve for private
places of retreat and assurance for the said Princes in their several
governments.
The Dukes of Guise and Espernon dislike this treaty because the
drawing hither of the Princes of the blood will diminish their authority.
The Constable resolves to retire into Languedoc, because he is used
here only as a cypher, to authorise things after they are concluded
without him, & his employment being only to compounde quarrels. The
Queen has visited him, & she and the Couucil seek to persuade him
to stay, but he will only put off his departure for 10 days. Another
reason for his going to Languedoc is a fear lest the D. of Vantadour, his
son-in-law, & Lieutenant General in those parts, should encroach upon
the authority of his son who has the reversion of that government.
" The difference with Mons1' de Rohan is fully compounded upon his
yielding to admit into S* Jean d'Angeii the Seneschall of Poitou & ye
Lieutenant Monsr de la Rochebeausert together with the Captaine
Foveant, as was required by ye Queene durin ye time y* ye Election
was made there of ye Mayor. Wth was donne of a person yt is well
approved of by ye Queene. And since y° aforesaid officers are retired
out of ye Towne. The like satisfaction shee hathe received of ye
choice wch hath bene made of ye Maior of Rochelle. And she was so
muche rejoiced at yc coming of these newes, as, though ye letters arrived
at ten of the clock at night, yet she gave present order y* ye Duke's
Mother & Wife should be released of their restraint, & his servants to
bee delivered out of ye Bastille."
The Deputies of the Religion here residing in Court finding what a
course has been taken to send a declaration of abolition of ye
Assembly es wch they had held to ye Paiiaments abroad and that it
" had been expressly foreborne to present ye said declaration to ye Parli-
ament heere, that ye same mighte be passed in ye other Courts, before
thei should have any knowledge thereof, thei tooke their opportunity,
when y* was likewise brought to this Parliament, to present a requeste
by way of Protestation against ye same, declaring thereby that thei
had no way sought ye passing of ye said Abolition, neyther that thei
stood in any need thereof, & desired that an Acte might be given them
of their Protestation in this behalf."
The Council was at first much moved by this unexpected proceeding.
But since have yielded to have the Declaration stayed in the Parlament
here ; and will send letters of interpretation to other Courts where it is
already passed to declare " yfc y« King dothe not intende to lay a
scandall by yt Abolition upon ye bodie of ye Religion, but only to allow
y° benefitt thereof to some particular men y* desired ye same."
h 840G7. o O
578 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George A National Synod of the Reformed Churches of France is to be
Digby?Esq. shortly held at Privas.
— The Queen sent yesterday letters of Jussion to ye Parliament to
receive Monsr d Desdiquiers to be Duke & Peer of France. Monsr
Ansell has been sent to the P.P. of the Union of Germany to give them
an account of the marriages with Spain, and to assure them of her
affection. He is also to commend to their care the affairs of Juliers.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
May 11, from Madrid. — Little news or business here.
Great preparations for the reception of the D. of Mayne. " But our
1). of Pastrana whome wee send unto you in exchange is resolved to lay
his Dukedom to pawn rather than not to exceede your Duke in
Galantrie."
.... He has already furnished himself with above 200 thousand
crownes. " I assure you we send you by much the handsomest man in our
Courte. And that it will be heere taken for a great affront yf your French
Ladyes doe not make him beleeve at leaste that thei are in love with
him. For there is no less expected.
" But the newe Marques of Flores de Avila, aunciently Don Pedro
de Cunega, useth not muche fausto in his journey to England, having
scarce 30 of all sortes in his companie ; and no man of qualitie with
him."
He is to begin his journey to day, & will be in Paris about the 8 of
next month English style.
His enemies are working against Don Rodrigo Calderon, but the
D. of Lerma will not let him sink.
" Wee are heere much troubled with ye complaints that are lately
come against our Englishe pyratts. Whereof your Losp hathe or shall
shortely participate of ye trouble. For that I heare thei have taken two
very ritche shipps of S* Mallo's, wch went from Sevill laden with greate
store of ready money. Thei have allso newly taken a ritche Flemish
shipp y* went from Lisborne. But thei have dealt very honestly of late
with their countrymen. For having taken a shipp of London bound for
Sevill worth 16 or 20 thousand pound, thei have sent ye merchants all
their goods. Insomuche that one of them, that had to the valewe of
2,000/. in the shipp, sends mee worde, that hee hath not loste ten
pound. And the Pyratts say, though as yet thei are not in case to
accepte of ye King's pardon, being poore, and therefore muste eyther
sterve or hang in England, yet thei will robb no more of their country-
men. There is order now gone down to Lisborne for ye preparing of
sixe galleons for to goe to clear ye coastes of Pyratts."
The bearer of this is Mr Wake my brother-in-law who married my
sister.
The Same to Sir R. Winwood, Ld Ambass1' at ye Haghe.
May 23 st° vet., from Madrid. — Congratulates him on the conclusion of
the Treaty. It is said here that the Pope will draw together into a like
League the Kings of Spain & France and the D. of Florence. "But I
think there are diverse difficulties will crosse it." They are here extra-
ordinarily lifted up with their new alliance with France. They think that
the Queen " of her timourousnes " will give way to them in all things.
The Princes of Italy are uneasy ; " and I conceive that the State wherein
you live had never juster cause of jealousies. And I pray God thei
heere have not to muche Intelligence & to many good friends among
you, wch for diverse reasons I have very juste cause to doubte."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
579
Wishes for immediate information as (o the person, quality, and con-
dition of Theodore Rodenburg, Deputado de los Estados. Many
differences have of late fallen out between him and one Blanco Juan, a
countryman of his who serveth the King, who says that he only bears
letters of Recommendation for the purpose of carrying out some private
businesses, and that he has assumed the title of Publick Minister.
Monsr Rodenberg's dealings are suspicious.
He dissembles his Religion. Is a good Protestant with me, but a
Papist with others.
I am secretly informed that he has often advised the States that his
Matie was desirous in the person of the Lady Elizabeth, or by any other
means, to make a near Alliance with this King, " as if his Matie should
leave them in ye bryars."
He makes the Spaniards believe that the States will be ready to listen
to any new overtures.
I have other exterior reasons for distrusting him.
"He useth to me many rodomontados & bravings wch he sayeth hee
hathe delivered unto ye King & State heere all wch I heere is false."
The King has bestowed diverse mercedes on him, and inobled him and
made him a knight.
He promises to do great things for the King in Holland.
The Marques Spinola & Don Rodrigo acquainted him in general
terms that matters of great consequence are on foot, and wished for his
presence and aid in Holland. He likes the motion, and says he has a
very good colour to demand leave to return, for he was engaged to be
married when he came away, &c, &c.
" Thus muche I helde very fitt for your Lo8ps knowledge. The wch
I intreate you may be carried with all fitting secrecie. For that I will
bee slowe upon any surmises to lay so heavy an imputation upon any
man. Though yt is fitt for us that stande as Watchmen to give warn-
ing one unto another not only upon certaine, but all seeming
dangers."
This week " two speedy and secret correos have been dispatched from
Genoa, wch hathe caused very muche speache amongst our Genoesi.
For that only two of them to whomet hese Postes came received letters,
or were acquainted with the cause of their dispatch."
There are reports that the Marques Spinola's creditors are somewhat
jealous of him. But this is thought to be a stratagem to escape pay-
ment of the eight hundred thousand ducatts promised to the king for
procuring his new grandeshipp and the settling his former businesses.
In order to " shifte himself of this promise " it is given out that his
creditors will not accept his new bills until the old are cleared, &c.
Grorgb
Wjkofield
Digby, Esq,
The Same to Sir D. Carleton.
May 23, st° vet., from Madrid. — " I am very soric for the newes of
the Prince of Moldavia, in regarde the King our Master hathe beene
a mediatour for him. But much more for the doubte I have of Sir
T. Glover ; whose revolte will more neerely touch us & bee an extra-
ordinary scandall.
" . . We are apt heere to conceive that your Principe grande
tendethe towards us. But assure yourself, yf fitting occasion should
be offered, thei heere would not stick to give your Sig°ri cause to speak
in plainer tearmes. For thei are heere infinitely puffed up with their
newe Alliance in France,
ii
» o 2
580 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George ";- • • And I have particularly heard several discourses how easy
DiGBYFSf y* were ^or tn*s ^mS t0 effect great matter in Italy in this favourable
— ' conjunction.
"All private newes of Spaine is outvoiced by ye loud crye of the
strange miracles donne of late in Valencia. The relation whereof I
Eend your LoaP heere inclosed. Wherein I observe one great unhappi-
nes, that your new Governour of Milan, the Marques of S* German
finding himself present in the heat of all these miracles, and hathe pro-
mised to sende our newc saint a shrine from Milan, could find no cure
for his snuffling voice and his bridge-fallen nose."
Don Pedro de Cunega left on the 13 of May for England. I cannot
learn that his embassage is of any extraordinary importance.
He is not likely to be very welcome there.
Your Venetian Ambass1" and myself are great friends. I pray you
send me word if he is esteemed a man of wealth ; for here he spencfeth
much, considering the small estate Venice affordeth her ministers.
The Same to Sir T. Edmondes.
May 23, st° vet. — " . . . Since the departure of Marques Spinola
and Don Rodrigo Calderon I have come to the knowledge of some
things which make mee confidently to beleeve that thei are in hope of
effecting some matters of great consequence with the States."
The suspected treachery of Monsr Rodenburg. Letter upon the sub-
ject to Sir R. Winwood is enclosed, to be conveyed to him with the
beste speede and safety.
The Same to Mr. W. Trumball.
May 23. — The same as the last.
The Archduke's prohibition of English cloathes is probably but the
beginning of greater insolencies.
Mr Colley & Mr Colforde's business.
Sir D. Carleton to Sir J. Digbo:.
May 11. — Sends the bando against Cavalier Badoer, which will show
the quality of his fault & the severity of the sentence. He has fled to
Parma, where he is kindly received and for safety lodged in the citadel.
One Almoro Zani, a principal Senator, a Consigliero, and one of the
Council of Ten has been condemned to a year's restraint in his own
house, and three years' exclusion from secret councils, for having com-
municated some secrets unto Badoer.
The Spanish Ambassr is much troubled, u as planely seeing that the
mine of his intelligence is quite vented."
One of his pages has been slain in a street brawl. He has written
home and accused this state of stirring up the citizens against Spaniards.
" At a late visitt that I gave him the other day, hee made mee a
witnesse of his passion ; and kindled so farr in that discourse, as that
to show his contempte of these Sigori, hee pulled out of his pocket a
handefuil of Dublons, professing y1 notwithstanding any strict course
thei coulde take in this kinde, yet hee could allwayes with y* key un-
lock all their secreates. Wch as yt is the iirste tyme that ever I heard
corruption of that kinde professed eyther in daute or recipiente ; so yt
seemeth y° Spaniards are now so accustomed thereunto as y* thei ac-
count yt no more a secreate. To aggravate ye matter more hee hathe
taken into his house some of his servants, that before lodged in the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 581
Towne, professing that there is no securitie for them without his doores ; George
and seeming to thinke that Sanctuary to weake, lie now purposethe to digby, Esq.
sende away all suche as were imployed by him in writing or came neere
his studye. With wch course thai themselves are so much offended, as
that thei stick not to give out that hee dothe thus disbande them of
purpose to deprive his successor of their necessary use, that his owne
imployment may bee the better valewed."
He forbears to go to the college.
When asked by the Senate of Milan to mediate for the release of a
Milanese gentleman retained in Crema for a murder, he sent his secre-
tary with a sour message " That hee wished them to resolve speedily
therein ; havendo riquardo alia conservatione de i stati suoi."
A staffetta has been lately sent into France with great speed and
secrecy, to complain that Mons1' Pasquale, Ambassr for that King with
the Grisons, has accused the 'Venetians of being guilty of the death of
the late king. " For proofe whereof hee alleagethe that thei were the
firste yfc revealed to ye Pope that King's purpose of passing into Italy.
Upon wch advertisement the giving that fatall blowe was resolved, wch
was all that was lefte."
They desire a reparation of this wrong, because it touches their
honour, and much prejudices their present treaty with the Grisons
for the continuance of the league between the two states, which is much
desired by this side.
Orders have been sent to the Rettori of Bergamo and Brescia, on the
confines of that country to furnish the Secretary Vicenti, who is now
treating with them, " What money soever hee shall require to repurchase
ye affections of y* people."
It is thought that this State now pursues so hotly the treaty they
began so coldly, on account of the change in the Grovernour of Milan.
The Constable of Castile was of a quiet disposition and well affected
to Venice. They had proof of his indifference in their late quarrels with
the Pope. But they misdoubt the Marques S* German, and apprehend
that be will follow the steps of the Count Fuentes, whom they style here
no better than Un Incendiario.
The controversy with the Pope about the confines has at his entreaty
been referred to delegates, viz., on the Pope's side the Vice Legate and
Auditor of Ferrara ; on this two gentlemen Nani & Marcello & a Dr
of Law.
" In the other difference for ye sovereigntie in ye Gulphe these Sigori
will not heere of any treaty, but doe dayly continewe to seaze on all
vessells y* eyther come to mount up ye Po, or that only passe without
from one porte of ye Pope's to another, forcing them all to pay a recog-
nition of ye righto challenged by thi3 State wthin ye streight. They
have farther entred within his porte at Gozo and exacted ancorage of
some shippes y* harboured there, and at this present thei are in consulta-
tion to lande up y* haven by cutting a branche out of the Po, wch shall
issue out upon 3 e mouth of yl. The reason of their stirring so much
in that business is for that thei foresee what a decay yt will bee to
ye trade of this Towne, yf that passage were left free. For yi in
regarde of the commoditie of y* Porte, woh passeth any of theirs, & the
lesser Dacio y* is there payed, the whole negociation of ye Levant into
Lombardye would pass y* way without coming hither as now thei are
forced to doe. Wch would wondrously increase ye Pope's custome and
diminish yt of this State.
" This laste weeke there was a cause pleaded heere in the Quarantia
Civil Vecchia by a widowe woman, who having had a processe depending
16 yeeres in these courtes, was growne to understande her ca^e so well
582 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
w?*2Jteld as y* at ye laste hearing shee resolved to advocate for herselfe, wf :h
Digby, Esq. shee did in the Hazinga so well to ye purpose, as that shee over-
threwe one of our greatest Lawiers & gott a sentence y* morning on
her side. In regarde of ye novelty ofytyecase is much spoaken of, but
rather in her commendation than otherwise. Though among ye Romans,
whom these Sigori propose to imitate in all things yt was accounted
portentum mulierem in foro loquentem audire.
" Sir Henry Wotton is arrived at Turin. But yett wee heare not
that hee hath had his audience. His coming over the mountains hath
already filled Italy with discourses of yc marriages of our Princes ; of
whom our speculatives dispose quisque secundum sensum proprium.
And in our common gazette we have this weeke that in Florence the
40 hore are solemnly proclaymed, That prayers may bee made for
ye successe of a marriage betwixt our Prince, & a sister of ye greate
Duke, ye ouverture whereof cometh from ye Queene Regent."
Peace is about to be concluded between the Persians and the Turks ;
and warlike preparations are countermanded.
The State of Venice likes not this peace, " who are like now to miss
Muratt Bassa, their olde friend, & to find hard measure of ye new
Visir, who hath not dissembled his mislike of them at ye first audience
of their new Bailo whom hee welcomed hawkely with expostulating old
grievances long since compounded & agreed."
" There is come to ye Porta an Ambassr from Hollande & there
is great likelihood of his being admitted notwithstanding the earnest
labouring used by ye Venetian & Frenche Arnbassrs against him. His
busines is carried in ye name of Grave Maurice as a Prince of
Soveraigntie, and with, him ye States are joyned, but the name of ye
other is more used as better knowen to y* people."
Sir T. Glover is not yet departed ; but he promises to be gone
shortly.
" A postscript with Sir Dudleyes owne hande."
" I must not forgett to thanke your Losp for ye laste of ye 28 Marche.
And lett mee give you this aviso touching Priuly, that you muste say
nothing to him wch you muste not expeete to have advertised to
ye Signrie of Venice, Of wch I could sende your Losf a proofe by
the Relation of a Dialogue at a visite betwixte him & yourselfe, touching
ye matches betwixt France & Spaiue. Wch is not to bee imputed to
him particularly, y* being ye humour of his nation to bee greate Rela-
tioners & to make observationes minimarum rerum.
" I thanke your Lo8p for ye hope you give mee of some Spanishe
bookes, wch will bee a greate helpe to my study, & that is all my
intertainement, &c."
W. Trumball to the Same.
May 19, st° vet., from Bruxelles. — Our ordinary post is to be
dispatched from Antwerp every fourth Monday.
The Princes are absent at Marymont.
Preparations are made at Binche near Marymont to receive the
Marques Spinola, & who are daily expected from Spain.
The Spanish Ambassrs lady, the Marques de Guadalesce, is supposed
to have died of grief for the decrease of their revenues by the banish-
ment of the Moriscos.
The affairs of Aquisgrave are composed and Protestant magistrates
appointed.
Rumours about the election at Franckfort.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
583
Juliers & Cleves and the town of Cullen are at odds about the
fortifying a bourg called Mulhem, to which poor distressed Protestants
resort.
The only important matters here are the alteration of the Archduke's
coin, and the banishing of English cloathes " yf your Lord*P have any
acquaintance there with those of our owne nation or of Holland who
are interessted in the bringing of quartillos into Spaine, your Lord8P
may doe a charitable deede secretly to give them warning to looke to
themselves ; for there are certayne spies imployed to discover them &
bring them into ye danger of losing both their goodes & lives,
" .... I understande by a poste lately come out of Englande that
our ports are all shutt upon a cruell murther committed there by a
nobleman of Scotland."
The affairs of Mr. Colley, Colforde and Wake.
Geokge
WlNGPIELD
DlGBY, Esq.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir D. Carleton.
June 20, st° vet., from Madrid. — There is much hatred and malice
shown here towards Venice.
" One greate man speaking disdainfully of them sayd yfc was an in-
sufferable indignitie that ye greate monarchic of Spaine should permitt
insolencies de unos blaogueadores de savanas. But I conceive y* your
Sigori wante neyther equall spleene nor Epythites for our Dons. I
wishe thei had equal powers so thei mighte bee imployed against
them."
The rumour which you speak of, of a match between our Prince and
a sister of Florence has reached us, and my letters from Rome hold that
it is a very likely thing to take effect.
"If your Lord8? knowethe not, nor have not beene used in y*, I will
assure you that this bruite is not without grounde. For I am adver-
tised from ye fountaines themselves, that there is such a treaty on foote,
and as farr from being rejected as resolved on. And so hangethe in
ballance, wch I conceive will bee rather apte to incline yt way than
otherwise. For [as thei write to mee] though this matche bee not suche
as thei would have, yet yt is like to prove the beste of those thei may
have. But heereof, I conceive your LordsP hathe received more ample
information than my self e. And therefore hereby I only desire to give
a testimonie with what confidence I doe & ever shall holde correspon-
dence with your Lord8?."
The D. of Mayne is in Spaine and will be entertained to-day or to-
morrow at Lerma, at the D. of Lerma's house, but at the expense of the
town of Madrid. " For heere his greatnes is suche that thei thinke
themselves happy to bear his charges in anything, as is heere ordinarye.
For yf hee have a minde to any house, yt is bought for him ; yf hee
marry any kinswoman shee is bestowed for him. And in all things
I thinke hee is arrived to that heighte and absolutenes that I suppose
neyther anncient nor moderne tymes can paralell him with any subject
of like power and greatenes."
Don Alonso de Velasco is recalled from England, and Don Diego
de Sarmiento de Acuna succeeds him.
The Spaniards are very much displeased with our discovery of the
North West passage, but more particularly with our plantation in
Virginia.
I heare that Don Pedro de Cunega has a commission about that
business. i( I doubte not but hee will receive a cold answeare, and for
584 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
w?ngfibld tne*r doing anything by way of hostilitie, I conceive that thei will bee
Digbt, Esq. very slow to give Englande, who is very apt to lay holde on any
occasion, so juste a pretence to bee doing with tj?em."
The Constable of Castile has arrived in Spain and is in better
health.
What was spoken to the Venetian Ambassr was uttered on purpose
that he might repeat it.
" I know not what imaginarye comments hee may make thereupon.
But for the things themselves, thei ever have been suche as I desired
both hee or others should knowe, or at leaste beleeve. But I muste
thanke your Lord8P for your friendly advertisement, for abundans
canteia non nocet."
The Italian great ministers have done much service lately. The
D. of Ossuna has procured a very great contribution to be given to this
King by the Crown of Sicily, and the Marques of Sta Cruz has burnt
diverse ships of Argier and Tunis.
The Same to Sir T. Edmondes.
July 2, st° vet. — A solemn feast has been proclaimed for the election
of K. Mathias.
The news of the Lord Treasurer's death is very welcome to the
Spaniards.
The D. of Maine will enter Madrid on Friday next July 13 st°
n°. There has been much q uarrelling among his company. " Since his
entrance into Spaine there hapned unto him a very strange accident.
There were a companie or two of Span, soldiers y* were going out of
Castille into Navarre, & neere unto ye citie of Burgos thei fell into ye
way by wch ye Duke came. Where meeting with a great troope of
lacayes, thei began to scoff and jeste one at another. Presently there
came diverse French gallants on horse back, and out of their French
idle humour some of them cryed sasacargons; and so putting spurs
to their mules charged scornefully ye soldiers with ye quita-soles wfh
thei had in thei handes to keepe away ye sunne. The soldiers thinking
this an indignitie, strooke diverse of them of from their mules. Where-
upon all ye Frenche betook them to their weapons. By w<h tyme the
Duke de Mayne, who was a little behinde came up, & himselfe &
all ye companie assayled ye soldiers, who defended themselves and burte
diverse of ye Frenche. But seeing ye number of ye French very many,
thei retired themselves very orderly to a churche not farr of. In wch
retreate I hear there was not one Spaniard hurte. And so resolving to
make good ye churche, thei placed their banner on ye churche topp.
The D. de Mayne determined to have forced ye churche, & soe I
thinke hee would have donne, & cutt all ye Spaniards throates, but y*
in ye mean tyme ye governour & ye principall men of Burgos came &
pacifyed ye matter. This King hathe dispatched commissioners from
hence to proceede against ye soldiers, and ye is thought diverse of them
will bee hanged, yf thei bee not saved by the D. de Mayne his
mediation."
" The D. of Pastrana, who goeth from hence to France on ye like
message, lefte this Towne on ye 5th of July st°. n0., & sett forward
on his journey with greate magnificence. Hee was brought on his way
by 14 Dukes and Grancles of Spaine, with all ye noblemen and gentle-
men of this Courte, being to ye number of 200 horse, and upward.
Himselfe came laste in ye troope, riding betweene two Dukes ; the D.
of Lerma on ye righte hand of him, & ye D. of Alberquerquy on
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 585
ye lefte. Hee hath prepared 80 thousand pound for ye expense of his Geobgb
preparations & journey. For his person thei have made a very good Digby, Esq.
choice, being by much ye handsomest man I have seen in Spaine, &c.
"... At this instant of my writing unto you, I received newes
yt 3 or 4 of this Kinge's gallyons are caste away. The speache being
that thei went about ye coaste of Florida to invade some y* had begun
to inhabit there ; & being thruste with a storme into ye bay were not
able to recover themselves. These gallyons went from Sevill about
Easter & carried diverse provisions to lande men & long boates. Of
ye certainty hereof I cannot assure your Lord8P, receiving y* as yet but
as a running rumour, &c."
W. Trumball to Sir J. Digbye.
June ^, from Bruxelles. — " ... on Wednesday last the Electors
declared K. Matthias Emperour."
Great tokens of joy for it in Bruxelles.
The Archduke cannot yet get ye Crown of ye Romans.
A new Dyett to be held shortly at Nuremberg.
The Protestants proved their strength & courage in the Assembly
at Turloch ; and were it not for the jars between Saxony and ye Possi-
dents about ye Duchies of Juliers & Cleves, & ye Dukes of Newbourg
and Deuxponts for ye administration of ye Palatinate, our party would
bee stronger in Germany than that of our enemies.
Don Rodrigo Calderon has been well received here by the P.P.
The D. of Arschot is dead.
Marques Spinola arrived at Marymont about 8 days since, &c.
The Same to the Same.
June 17, st°. vet. — Spinola and Rodrigo have returned from Mary-
mont where they were treated very honourably for 10 days. They are
now to be feasted by the Spanish Ambassr here, " res admiranda et
numquam ante hac visa."
" The Marques was brought into this Towne on Wednesday laste
with 30 coaches and diverse noblemen & gentlemen on horseback. God
knoweth how hee will meritt those paines. For yf hee do not bring
some unexpected Larges for ye men of warr serving in this A rmye, hee
shall never recover his lost reputation among them."
Don Rodrigo's embassage is nothing more than a ceremonious one.
Speculations about the late election.
The Spaniards doubt if K. Matthias is a Papist or a Huguenot.
The Turks having made peace with the Persians, will now it is sup-
posed, break the truce with the Christians.
I will not trouble with the account of the contract of marriage
u betweene our beautiful Princesse, and the Count Palatine of Rhyme."
Don Rodrigo will survey the chief fortifications of Brabant & Flanders
and then go to compliment the Emperour.
Some practice is suspected between Spain and the Bishop of Cullen.
Count Maurice is to have the Garter, though at first the States made
some difficulty on that behalf.
" Certain underhand overtures have lately been made at ye Haghe in
ye name of ye King of Spaine for the concluding of an absolute peace
with ye United Provinces."
The States are suspicious.
586 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
gborgb " Our greate Duke of Arschot dyed heere yc 3rd of this present, of a
d/gbyJSsq. dropsie." He has let his Titles by testament to the Count of Fontenoy,
— - and his lands to the 3rd son of Count Arremberg.
Messs. Wake, Colforde, and Galley's business.
Sir D. Carleton to the Same.
May 25, st° vet. — The controversies with the Pope are in the way of
been settled. The question of frontiers is referred to Ministers on
both sides. The question of jurisdiction in Ceneda is treated of directly
between the Pope and the Senate. The Senate has sent an answer
which they suppose will end the matter. If not " yl is thought thei
will so resolve to proceede, de facto in doing some possessorie act in y*
place wch may displease ye Pope."
These Signori continue to exercise their right of Soveraignty in the
Gulf with the same vigour that they began. The Pope's trade from the
Levant into Lombardy is likely to decay altogether, and the loss of
revenue is such that if his force were ans wearable to his will an open
breach might follow.
" In a late audience that ye Ambassr of this State had with the Pope,
hee kindled much upon this occasion, and tolde him that hee was
resolved spendere tre pontificati, rather than lett ye Churche suffer so
greate a wrong. In conformitye of wch protestation the Nontio resident
in this Towne hathe likewise changed his language & speakethe aloude,
that since this State worketh so muche upon his Master's easines, hee
will shortly proceed in another maner with them. And to affrighte
them ye more hee lett fall a speeche to this purpose ; that thei should
not thinke y* strange, y1 considering their proceeding with his Master,
hee were forced to enter into a strict collegation with some other
Princes, weh perhaps might prove prejudiciall to this State."
The Ragusean Ambassr is at length dispatched with the answer that
the prisoners shall be set free at such time as Cusca the Dalmatian, a
subject of this State, long time held prisoner at Ragusa, is likewise con-
signed to the Ministers of this State.
" It is advertised hither from Sicilye, that many of those Titoladi
having intreated ye Viceroy that thei mighte solemnise ye publication of
ye marriages betwixt France and Spaine with Triumphes answearable
to those of Naples [wch have been lately perfourmed with very great
magnificence] hee seemed to agree unto y* willingly, and willed every
one to taxe himselfe according to his estate, as hee likewise would doe
himselfe pro rata. Wch being donne and the money putt into a banke,
hee presently caused y* to be divided among certaine virgins to make up
their dowries, saying that yt was better bestowed on those real mar-
riages, than in ye celebrating of those other so uncertaine, and perhaps
but imaginary e. This action of his is reported in those partes to his
greate commendation, but whether y* will find the like allowance in
Spaine you will best bee able to tell."
"I may not omit one passage of our publick Gazetta upon this
occasion of ye Triumphes in Paris, wherein is sett forth un Rodomon-
tado segualato of Don Inego de Cardenas, resident in y* Courte ; who
being demaunded of Madame of France, whether in Spaine shee should
see such pompous sightes, is sayd to have answeared ; That these
Triumphes were nothing in regarde of what she should see at her
coming thither. Against wch tyme the King his Master Farebbe venire
dalle Indie tanti Re suoi vassalli, a fame de gli Maggiori."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIFrS COMMISSION.
587
u I am informed from very good parte, that ye Grisons are laboured
harde by ye Spaniards, and not without ye consent of Monsr Pasquale ye
Frenche Resident amongst them, to contract a new League with the
Milanesi with ye exclusion of this State."
The Venetians labour very earnestly to confirm their old alliance.
All men do much wonder to see this strange change in the policy of
France. Her ministers are now as diligent in dissolving the bond of
Alliances " wch preserve the lesser States from being swallowed up of
the greatness of Spaine, as the late king was carefull to see them knitt
and bounde."
" At Parma that Duke hath at lengthe made an ende of the greater
parte of his prisoners, beginning with the Countesse Sala, after whome
six Counts lost their heads on ye same scaffolde ; and three of meaner
condition were hanged. Hee is sayd by their deathes to have confis-
cated 70 thousand crownes of yearely revenewe. Wch is construed by
many so ill, as that thei spare not to say that Fundus Albanus was ye
ruine of moste of them. For ye washing away of wch aspersion
the Duke makethe profession to bestowe ye greatest parte of ye
escheated moveables upon ye Jesuites. Wch is not sufficient to acquit
him in men's opinions, unles hee had followed less ye Counsayle of those
Fathers in the whole course of proceeding against those Counts. At
this great execution there was present next to the Duke our Cavaglier
Badoer. At wch this State is somewhat offended. And thei account y*
a greate errour of judgment in that Prince, his giving suche open coun-
tenance to a proclaymed Traitour of another State, att a time when hee
did justice upon conspiratours of his owne."
" The Constable of Castile is parted towards the sea-side ; for whose
conducte there were sent from Genoa by D. Carlo Doria 60 slaves to
carry him & ye chiefe of his companye in chayres. There goeth with
him [as I am informed] a countryman of ours, one Stanley, lately made
Prieste at Rome, who hathe long posted betwixt Italy and Spaine,
serving as a courier to our Fugitives. I doubte not but you will soon
heere of him there, & observe his courses."
It is also reported from Genoa that our Badoer is to go with them
into Spain for safety.
Mr Pindar writes that Sir T. Glover delays his departure. The
Prince of Moldavia would persuade him to turn Turk while he has the
title of Ambassr, and is reputed by the Turks a great man. " By meanes
whereof he shall be sure of some cheife place of promotion. But he
professes his resolution to go to England, which is much doubted."
" Hee hathe understood that his intelligence with Spaine is discovered
and yett hee supposeth to outface the matter. Of late there was sent
from Naples to Constantinople a spye from y* Viceroy, the Conte de
Lemos, with two letters written in cypher without direction. Only hee
had order by word of mouthe to deliver them to Sir Th. Glover, or in his
absence to another in towne. The spye conceiving that ye busines was
as well knowen to Mr Pindar as to Sir Thomas acquainted him with ye
whole negotiation. But hee sone found he had mistaken. For Mr
Pindar streight commaunded him to gett him out of ye countrye, pro-
fessing that hee would not conceal him. It is hoped he is gott cleare.
Otherwise if hee should bee taken, hee would bee ye cause of muche
trouble and danger to Sir Thomas. The letters Mr Pindar hathe whs
would by no meanes give them to Sir Thomas. But hathe gott from him
ye cypher with some importunitie. Wch hee hathe sent into Englande
with ye letters unopened. Your Lord8P in one of your letters desired to
have the newes of our two Ambassrs at Constantinople. And I sende
them with ye same confidence thei are sent mee."
George
Wingfield
Digby Esq.
588- HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
wiSrau) W. Trumball to the Same.
Digbt, Esq.
June 17, st° vet. from Bruxelles. — Another copy of the last of this date
between Mr. W. Trumball and Sir J. Digbye.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
July 1, from Paris. — Has been too ill to write.
Before he was well recovered he had been compelled to go to
Fountainbleau to treat of matters wch had been negociated by the D. of
Bouillon in England.
We also hear that the K. of Spaine wishes to turn the truce with the
Low Countries into a peace.
But the States will not bite at that bait till the propositions have been
examined and approved of by England and France.
Spain will find herself deceived if she thinks that France alone either
can or will sufficiently advance her de&ignes.
M. Spinola has gone to Cullen to confer with Don Balthazar dc
Cunega about ye affairs of Germany.
Certain differences which have arisen about the Articles of Contracte
have been reconciled after conferences between the Spanish Ambassr and
the principal Ministers of State.
The D. of Mayne complains that no order had been taken in Spain
for the Governours of towns and Viceroys to meet him, and would have
the D. of Pastrana treated in the same manner.
Orders to this effect therefore have been sent to the Governour of
Bayonne and the other towns.
But the French Ambassr alledges that the King was so careful for the
Duke's entertainment, that he went himself to see the lodgings, and
finding that the hangings were not rich enough had ordered forthwith
a new suite of cloathe of tissue. The Queen of France is displeased at
the first report. The King and Queen have returned from Fountainbleau,
chiefly in order to urge the Parliament to receive Monsr d'Esdiguiers
to be a Duke and Peer of France.
They are little favourable lest this should open a way to other
pretendants.
The Queen promises that she will not make another like request
during the King's minority. If this does not prevail she threatens to
bring the King in person to ye Parliament, and to command the passing
of this act " by ye absoluteness of his authority."
If she takes this course those of the Parliament who are on the other
side declare that they will " make their private protestation against ye
same." But the Queen hopes to carry her point with the aid of the
Princes of the blood.
The Constable took leave of the Queen, upon her coming from
Fountainbleau, to go to Languedoc. In order to content him the Queen
has promised 100,000 crowns in addition to the same sura given by the
D. of Brachiano & in dowry to his daughter upon her marriage with
the Constable's son.
She has also given to the Constable's son, Monsr de Montmorency,
ye reversion of ye Admiral's place, " into woh hee was sworn two days
since & received in Parliament with ye ceremonies accustomed." But
he is not to act in the said office during the life of his uncle the D. of
Amville.
It is also said that the Queen promises to release the Count of
Auvergne from the Bastile, and allow him to remain under guard at Boys
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 589
de Viucennes, and that after the interchangeable delivery of the prin- George
cesses he shall be set free. Digby, Esq.
A report of an intention to kill the Prince of Conde found to be false.
A servant of his had been shot in attempting to take away his gun from
a poacher of deer.
The P. of Conde & Count Soissons treat the D. of Guise & his
brethren with much respect. Their purpose is that the Chancellor &
Monsr de Villeroy should not maintain their greatness so absolutely as
they do by means of their division. But the interest of the D.
d'Espernon with whom the D. of Guise is so closely linked, but who is
hateful Jo the P. of Conde & Count Soissons, will hinder that
union.
Mons1' de Puiseux, Secretary of State, is to be sent into Spain with the
marriage contract according to the form wch was heretofore observed
when Madame Elizabeth was married into Spain. Mons de Villeroy
being then employed with the same Commission.
Sir J. Digby to Sir D. Carleton.
July 18, st° vet, from Madrid. — Thanks for the information about
Constantinople, M for that E have some especiall reason to hearken after
y1 busines."
The D. of Mayne has arrived with 1,000 Frenchmen of all sorts in his
train. He hitherto has had a very untoward beginning. Since the un-
fortunate affair near Burgos " thei lying at a town called Barrajas, 3 or
4 leagues from this place, have, upon a falling out, killed a Spanish
Hidalgo."
His kindred have complained, and the King has sent an Alcalde de
la Corte to take information. The D. of Mayne was very forward
himself to punish the offenders, but the Alcalde desired that the
case should proceed by way of process. The Duke agreed and c;«used
his people to be delivered into the hands of the Justice, and they are in
prison awaiting their trial.
These alliances will not remove the old antipathy there is between the
two nations.
" For though the Princes and States I conceive were never neerelyer
united, bothe by alliance and resolution of running bothe one fortune,
yet ye people seame incompatible together. For notwithstanding
proclamations, that are heere every day commanding upon greate punish-
ment, that all men use ye Frenche with greate courtesie and civilite,
& all officers heere take greate order & paines to see y* observed, yet
there passeth not one day without some remarkable accident betwixt
them. I assure you my Lord xAdmirall had never so much honour donne
him as hee hathe by this greate troope of Frenche. For thei say, that
in regarde of them Los Inglesi parecian tantos Angeles. And in truthe
for ye Frenche, though thei say there are very many of good account in
ye companie, whome y* may bee wee shall heereafter see brave [for yet
thei are in mourning] yet for the generali I never saw suche a bande of
tottred shagg-raggs. The Duke himselfe, as you knowe, is a goodly
gentleman of his person.
" Hitherto hee hathe only had an audience of ye King to give ye
pesami for ye death of ye Queene. His solemne visiting ye young
Queene of France de gala is deferred till ye 15 of August. So that I con-
ceive his departure from hence will not bee so sodainly as was expected.
" I finde heere besides these publick shows and outward alliances, wch
all ye world may take notice of, that there is an extraordinary League
of correspoudencye & conformitie betwixt ye principall Ministers of ve
590 J1ISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Geobge Frenche State and this. And yt weh make rne the most doubte of their
Digby^Esq. intents is that contrary to what thei publickly make showe of bothe to
— his Matie & ye United Provinces, thei juggle strangely underhande.
But heereof, as his Matie and they are not unadvertised, so I hope thei
will not bee unprovided to countermine their labours."
" It is said that besides other good things the King means to make
offer to the D. of Mayne of a Spanishe wife, a daughter of ye Duchesse
of Najara, and sister to ye Duke de Maqueda ; who is, bothe in regard
of her person & her fortune, ye beste marriage of a subjecte y* I thinke
can bee found this day in Christendome. For she is a young lady of 16
or 17 years of age, extraordinarily handsome, and that shall have to her
dowry seven or eight hundred thousand crownes in ready money. And
it is said y* her mother, to matche her to her full content, will make
her portion up a million."
The D. of Lerma favours this, so you can well judge how likely it is
to be effected.
A quarrel fell out between the Conde de Saldanha and the Adelantado
of Castile, as they with other grandees were escorting the Duke from
the Court to his house. Most of the escort seeing them steal away,
followed and prevented their meeting, and they are now confined to
their houses.
Don Eodrigo Calderon will it is thought avoid his employment as
Ambassr to Venice. He is much hated here. Only the D. of Lerma
holds to him. and worketh earnestly to make him friends.
Though all the chief people are bitter against him yet I conceive
that " in the Courte of Spaine he needeth not to feare much, who hath
ye Duke of Lerma for his angel de guardia."
" My Lord, these barraine tymes and place afforde little else worthy
of so long a journey, &c."
The Same to Sir T. Edmondes.
July 18, from Madrid. — It is true that the King has visited the
D. of Mayne's lodging and ordered improvements. The house is small
and inconvenient.
Many here expect that before many years the Hollanders will be
reduced to good terms with Spain, by means of thei own contentions
about Religion, and of the Jesuits and Papists, together with the many
bribes and pensions which are given.
An account of the D. of Mayne's embassy similar to that in the last
letter.
Though the people differ, yet the principal Ministers of the two States
were never so strictly leagued together ; and the Spaniards are very
confident in the strength they have got by the alliance with France.
Sir D, Carleton to Sir T. Digbye.
June 14, st° vet., from Venice. — The dispute with the Pope is likely
to end to the advantage of this State ; " Thei having got the mastering
spirite over his easines. Hee hathe consecrated these late festival I
tymes [according to a custome usuall to bee performed once in 7 years]
certaine millions of Agnus Dei. And whereas a little boxe was wonte
heeretofore to serve ye turne for this place, now hee hathe sent whole
chests full of them to bee presented to ye Prince & State in his name,
as a toaken of his fatherly affection towards them. At wch poore kinde
of insinuation these sigri make themselves a little merry."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 591
u Whilst these caresses passe betwixt thein & the Head of ye geoege
Churche, thei have been bolde to bee dealing with some of ye greatest Wingfield
members thereof in this place. And our two greate Patriarchs of IG^L
Aquileia & Venice have not found exemption notwithstanding their
calling and ye eminence of their persons. Against ye former there hathe
been made many complaints of his usurping within that see upon ye
righte of ye State, and of many insolent actes of tyrannie and oppression
y* hee had committed against ye subjects of this Prince. A long tyme
hee hathe deluded ye justice, through ye greatenes of his friends, who are
potent in the broglio of this place, supported likewise by ye whole faction
of ye Papalini, who use to bee clamorous when any spirituall persons are
summoned to appear in foro seculari. But now ye measures of his
oppressions being full, thei brought his cause into ye Senate. Where
after a long recapitulation of all his crimes these resolutions at last have
passed upon him. Firste, that hee be made to restore all ye writing and
evidences y* hee had possessed himself of de facto, thei concerning ye
righte of this State. Secondly, that hee restore ye old Magistrates into
Sfc Daniell, S* Vito, and Aquileia, and re-establish ye anncient form of
government, wch hee had innovated there. Thirdly that hee revoke and
disanul all acts passed eyther in that Diocese, or elsewhere, by him, or
through his meanes against those y1 complained of him to ye State, and
were eo nomine punished by him. And 4 that hee cause to bee pulled
downe out of ye Domo de Aquileia ye Armes of ye House of Austria, wch
bee had there sett up above ye Armes of this Prince. Fifthly that hee
submitt himself to ye judgment of the Quarantia heere touching his
pretence of righte to that jurisdiction.
" Our other Patriarcke of Venice is not yet called into question. But
his processe is framing with greate secrecie by ye Inquisitors of State,
hee being found to have relapsed into an olde faulte of dispensing under-
hande to ye Jesuites ye entrata that thei have in this State committed to
his truste, but with expresse caution that none of it should ever come to
their hands. This fraud of his was lately discovered by one Patavino
newly returned from Prague ; where hee hathe beene imployed as agent
for this State. Unto whom the Patriarke remitted sundry tymes diverse
summs of money to bee payed to an Hospitall in y* citie, and so yt passed
in his accounts under ye stile of money given in pios usus. But at lengthe
it appeared to Patavino that ye Hospitall had but ye name to colour ye
matter, and y* ye Jesuites enjoyed ye money. Wch when hee perceived
hee forbore paying them any more, and gave information to ye State.
Of ye issue of this busines I shall advertise your Losp when yl shall come
to ripenes.
" The bando against ye Jesuites hathe beene renewed againe in this
Towne, & publickly proclaymed within these 3 days, with this addition,
that whereas in ye former decree ye subjects of this State were only
forbidd ye sending of their children to schools where Jesuites teache,
now none may send any to any Towne where thei inhabite, as yf their
poison were so strong to infeste ye whole place where thei dwell.
" The Dukes of Parma & Modena are foule about a possession of ye
Count Girolamo da Correggio who livethe imprisoned at Parma, for ye
treason long since advertised, and should have suffred with ye reste, yf
ye Duke durste have shed any blood of ye house of Austria. After
having condemned him as guiltie hee sent to take possession of Rossitola,
a towne of his, as confiscated. But ye Duke of Modena pretending y* to
be feudum Imperiale, the escheate whereof is to turne to him yi' yt bee
forfeyted by ye Count Correggio, hee sent thither good forces y* drave
out those of Parma, & holde yt now for him. In y* skirmishe ye Duke
of Modena loste 20 men, & ye Duke of Parma 30. And farther harme
592 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George was Hke to have insued, yf y° Councell of Millaine seeing y° combustion
SSnf IELD *lac* not me^atec^ w*tn notne those Princes, to referre yc accommodating
— * of their difference to ye Kinge of Spaine. To whom there is a courier
dispatched to give him account of ye bu«ines, and a surcease of arms
obtained in ye mean tyme. The D. of Parma is the more willing to
make his peace on any conditions, considering ye secretes harte-burning
yf is within his State, upon occasion of his severe proceeding against so
many of his nobilitie. In revenge of whose deathe the Counts Conoscio,
Malaspina, & Martinengo, have within fewe dayes entred upon his terri-
torie with 500 horse, & wasted many villages in hostile maner, burning
dovvne some of ye Dukes Palaces, y1 hee had without ye Towne for
re traits of pleasure.
"Wee had two dayes since from Prague by expresse couriers the
Election of the Emperour in ye person of King Mathias, \vch hathe made
no alteration in this State, but only in ye Spanish Ambassrs house. Who
hathe sounded yt aloud with drumms, trumpetts, & chambers, to ye
expense of full 20 ducatts. At wch outward demonstration of joy these
Sigri laughe inwardly as knowing yt to bee but risus sardonius, and
that ye King was not ye firste in ye wishes of ye Crowne of Spaine,
"This weeke heere are chosen three Inquisitors generall for the
Levant ; Filippo Pasqualigo, Ottavian Bon, and Marco Loredano, all
principall persons to take knowledge of ye misgovernment of ye officers
of this State in those partes. A course wch hathe not beene taken for
the space of 20 yeares paste. And yt is now ye more willingly sett on
foote bothe by cause those places doe suffer longas pacis mala, and like-
wise bycause thei apprehende some danger of warr, upon greater likeli-
hoods thei now receive of peace betwixt ye Gran Signor, and the Per-
sian. In wch respecte thei holde yt necessarie to have men of Authoritie
resident in those partes. And thei now sende 500 men into Candia.
" I sent your Losp an abstracte of my laste letters from Constantinople.
Unto wch I will add a pleasant advertisement written from thence to
this State by their Ambissr there, to this purpose. That the Frenche
Ambass1' giving lately account to ye Visir Bassa of the Alliance con-
tracted betwixt France and Spaine. The Turke answeared him with a
simile. Wherein hee comparad ye present Treatye betwixt those
Crownes to the chace of a Heron by a Falcon. Wherein yf ye falcon
misse at first flighte, hee then tourethe alofte, and makethe many wind-
ings to gett above. The Ambass1' approved the comparison, so that his
King mighte fly for ye falcon. But the Visir tolde him, that hee feared
in the ende hee would prcve the poore Heron.
" Heere is elected Francisco Moresini to succeede Priuli that is
resident with you. This hathe been Extraordinary Ambassr in Lorraine,
Mantova, and Florence. In weh places hee gave no extraordinary satis-
faction. And hee had once ye misfortune at an Audience instead of
kissing his hande to crosse his breste, as thei use to do at entrance into
churches. But yt is likely that hee is now better assured. Contarini
his concurrent, a man of much better sufficiencie, was excluded in
regarde of freindshipp With the Cavalier Badoer, of whome I would
gladly heare, yf you have him with you in Spaine ; and how hee is
intertained
" Heere is much contention betweene Savoy and Florence, woh should
sende our Prince a Lady into England. And the speache is not yet
husht of the Lady Elizabethe's going into Spaine. Wherein to requite
your Losps bribe from Lisborne, I assure your Losr- I have been solicited
to recommende a Confessor to her, when the matche shall bee concluded.
Suche easye merchandize thei make heere of change of Religion, wch
thei presume should nllwayes give way to Worldly respects. And thus
HISTORICAL M4NUSCKIPTS COMMISSION. 593
remembering myself and wife in moste kinde maner unto you, and your Georgb
Lady, I leave you to ye blessing of the Almightie. Di^BrfEsQ.
Your LorsP3 Most affectionately — -
to doe you service,
Dudley Gakleton.
The Same to the Same.
No date. — " My very goode Lorde. The laste that I had from your
Losp bore date ye 24 of May. Since woh tyme T have written twice
unto you, my letters bearing date ye 26 of May, and ye 24 of
June
" Wee are heere at the present in a sea of confusion & incertainties
by reason of ye deathe of our good olde Duke, who left us yesterday
after dinner on a suddaine, having in ye forenoon given his wonted
Audiences. So greate was his care not to bee wanting to his countrv,
unto his laste breathe. Wch as it will make his memory ever glorious
to posteritie, so may y* be feared thess SSri will be troubled to find
his equall to place in his roome. When a new shall be chosen, wee
shall sone see what effect affayres will take heere. And yf there
follow any great alterations as may justly bee feared, I will not fayle to
give you parte in tyme.
il You have formerly heard of a Stafetta dispatched into France from
hence, to complaine of ye ill offices, Mons1' Pasquale, Ambass1' of y*
Crowne with ye Grisons, had doane these SSri in disswading y* people
from continewing their League with ye State of Venice. Wfch hathe
wrought this etfecte, y* the Queene Regent hathe disavowed ye
Aiiibassrs proceeding in yt business, excusing yf to ye Venetian
Ambass1' as caused by a jealousie and misunderstanding betwecne their
Secretarye & ye Frenche Ambassr, rather then from any sett advice or
order from her or ye State. In wittnes whereof shee hathe written
10 ye sayd Mons1" Pasquale from henceforth to imploy himselfe for ye
effecting of y* League, wch this State is now negociating with ye
Grisons. Notwithstanding these fayre words, wee doe not yett see ye
effects answearing in realitie. For bothe ye said Mons1* Pasquale dothe
still continewe to crosse them in that designe. And when ye Frenche
Ambass1' heere was sent for into y° College, and desired to imploy
himself in furtherance of that busiues, hee gave an answeare yfc litle
satisfied ye expectation of this State. For after a formall promise of
doing his beste to give them satisfaction in this or any thing else,
hee entred into a long declamation against ye Secretarie Vincenti,
Agent for this State with ye Grisons, whome by way of recrimination
hee charged to have donne worse offices to ye Lrovvne of France, then
Moris1' Pasquale had donne this State. The Venetians therefore expect
nothing from France but good words, and arm themselves with this
resolution Quod vides periisse, perditum ducas,
" The Dukes of Modena & Parma stand yet in bad tearmes. And on
bothe sides there doe continewe daily Levies of men for defence and
offence. And whereas ye intromission of ye Councell of Milan could not
bring them to pacification, the Duke of Savoy hathe since interposed his
creditt betwixt them, and hathe sent ye Count Francisco Martinengo to
them both to drawe them to tearmes of agreement, unto whose
mediation yt is hoped thei will bothe hearken.
" During these incertainties, the Duke of Parma, fearing ye envy y*
may be drawen upon him by confiscating so greate possessions as
are escheated to him by ye deathe of those Lordes, whome hee caused to
bee executed, hee hathe published a writing, in wch hee declared his
q 84067. P p
594 HISTORICAL MANl'SCKiPTS COMMISSION.
George fieedonie from touching any part of those inluviiauccs, and hatlie caused
Digby?£sq. ye whole of their estates, to bee divided into five partes. Whereof ye
— firste shall runne to ye paying ye debtes of ye deceased ; the seconde
shall sustaine their children & heyres ; a third portion shall bee given to
the poore ; a fourth divided among ye Duke's servants ; and a fyfthe
shall bee employed upon a banke, ye profitt whereof shall serve for a
foundation of a newe order of knightehood, weh hee purposeth to erecte."
Nani and Contarini, late ordinary & extraordinary Ambassrs in Spain
and England, have been chosen to congratulate the new chosen
Emperour.
" Touching Sigor Priuli of whome you desire to knowe what his
estate is, I can only informe you that his possessions have been fayre,
and are yet good eneugh, though hee bee somewhat caste behinde
hande with his excesse in play, wth will bee a sufficient item for you not
to lett him runne to farr on ye Tickett. The inclosed that I sende you
is a writinge wch I sujjpose thei publishe in other places as well as heere ;
yet bycause yt may bee that neere you thei will bee more sparing of yt,
I have thought good to communicate yt unto you. As I doe likewise out
of ye confidence of our good correspondence lett you knowe, that I sent
yt to his Matie, y t being necessarie in regarde of many particularities in
yt, that their judgement of his actions should be known unto him.
I have lately understood from Constantinople that Mr Pindar was
like to have beene dispatched by Sir Thomas Glover with a dram of
poyson, wch danger yt pleased God to deliver him from at that tyrne
by ye strengthe of nature ejecting yt sodainly, so that now hee is well
againe & in hope to bee ridd of his fearefull neighbour shortely. This
is written to mee from himselfe ; but yet bycause yL> prooi'es were not at
ye writing of those letters, so clcare as hee hoped to make them shortly
after, I shall bee glad you conceale this advertisement for a tyme.
I have no more to trouble you withal for this tyme, &e."
W. Trumball to the Same.
July 4, st° vet., from Bruxelles. — Two long pages of details in the
matter of Colley, Roulans, Wake, and Colforde.
Has been himself to Antwerp in order to bring the parties together
and negociate an arrangement, but nothing settled yet.
Don Rodrigo Calderon after being honourably received by the Arch-
duke at Marymount, and at Bruxelles by Spinola and the Marques of
Guadaleste, has gone to Cullen, attended by Spinola, Don Luys de
Valasco, ye Count of Buguoy, and some others, in order to meet Don
Baltazar de (Junega there. He came not thither but to Lintz not
far from Bon, and there held a consultation. The Archduke " desiring
to conserve his present peace is sayd not to bee well contented with these
consultations ; wch being void of meanes & faver to putt them in
effecte by stronge hande, serve for nothing but scarr-crowes to increase
ye jealousie So diffidence of their neighbour Princes against them."
" The extraordinary moneys remitted hither by Spinola, are thought
yett to bee untouched. And y° Spaniards vaunt that now thei will have
a greate treasure in the Castle of Antwerpe to serve upon all
sodaine occurrents. Now yc Archduke is returned to this Towne, wee
shall shortly understande what he will doe concerning our cloathes. . .
" The 20 of this month newe stile the Alliances betweene the States
and the Hans-Townes shall bee published. Sir Ralph Winwood is
sodainly and unexpectedly gone for England. His journey is given out
to bee for ye advancing of an attonement betweene ye Kings of Denmark
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
and Sweden. But in my private opinion I (hinke liec should rather bee George
gone to attempte what may bee donne for his owne preferrment in iJiGBYfEso!
ye Vacancye of our Great Office. The Bane hathe taken Elsenbourg, —
upon the Ocean, this summer, as hee did ye last yeare ye Towne of
Colmar upon ye Baltique sea."
By this Sweden is deprived of almost all her trade and the Hans-
Townes take her part, and seek to induce the Dane to release the
Townes he has gotten.
The Same to the Same.
July 14, st° vet. — ..." Sir Balphe Win wood is now in
England expecting por momentos to bee sworne Secretary e of State.
Your Don Pedro hathe been . well received at London, though he
be ill accompanied. He was met at Graves-Ende by ye Earle Dorsett
with 6 barges, and divers noblemen and gentlemen of ye Courte.
At Tower Wharfe there attended 12 coaches to carry him & his Trayne
to Don Alonso de Velasco's house in Barbican, where hee would needes
lodge himselfe, albey t ye King had prepared ye Charter-house for him,
and intended to have given him ye same treatment wch was afforded to
Monsr de Bouillon. On ye Sunday after his arrivall hee had audience
at Hampton Courte. The Thurseday following hee was to dine with his
Matie, & shortely after to bee dispatched."
I am told that 12,000 crowns of the money brought by Spinola have
been given to Don Pedro " not to purchase lands withall, but to corrupte
some courtiers to bewray their master's secretts. Don Rodrigo Calderon
is here adored like a little god ; and is as busie as a bee to take informa-
tion of all maner of affayres in these partes of Christendome. Since his
journey to Cullen hee hathe made a pilgrimage to ye miraculous Lady of
Sichem. And now Spinola' & hee are upon another expedition into
Flanders to survey the townes and fortifications of that Province."
They employ spies in Mulhem & Juliers & Cleves, but they will not I
think attempt anything par voye de fait, now that England and France
agree to maintain the proprietors.
An Italian (as I am tolde) has been sent hither from Saxony. " Hee
was lodged in ye Nuncio's house in greate secretie & there parted with
Calderon, & ye Archduke Confessor. His stay there was not above 12
hours, and then hee tooke his leave, and (as it is thought) went towardes
Spaine."
The Elector of Mentz is coming to Sichem, he pretends for devotion.
He will either come on here, or the Archduke will ge thither to meet
him. " The conjunction of these planetts, and the perpetuall running of
Correos in & out, must needes prognosticate somewhat. And I feare in
ye ende wee shall have a tempeste. But in what parte it may lighte I
can not yet conceive."
Octavio Visconti has been sent to attend the Elector. The Deputies
of the Hans Townes have arrived at the Haghe, and are supposed to
have ratified the league between them and the United Provinces.
Two pages of the Colford, Wake, Roulans, and Aynscombe business.
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
July 28, from Paris. — We expect the arrival of the Duke of Pastrana
here in 8 or 4 days. He is to be received with all honour in regard of
the honourable reception which they now say that the Duke of Mayne
has mec with in Spaine.
p p2
Digby, Esq.
590 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Geoegb The first reports were to the contrary, and the Governours of the
WiNGFiELD provinces were ordered not to salute the Duke of Pastrana. But
at Orleans he was met by the Marshall de la Chastre, the Governour
of that country. " And this day Mons1' de Bonoeil yc Conductor of
Ambassrs is sent in Poste to salute him from y° King and Queene at
his lodging some 4 postes beyond Estampes." Thence he is to be
conducted by the Marques de Coeure until he is met near this town by
the Duke de Nevers, u who is to conduete him to his lodging, wch
is prepared for him at l'Hostel de Roquelauze in St. Anthonie's Street,
& very ritcheley furnished. But notwithstanding this preparation to
give them a good wellcome, thei are not so confident as that thei dare
make their entry into this Towne upon their mules. For that thei
knowe yt would bee impossible to containe ye people [wch love them
not] from shouting at them and doing them some scorne. And there-
fore thei have demaunded to bee furnished at ye next poste from hence
with 250 poste-horses, to serve them for montures instead of their mules,
wch thei intend to send empty to receive ye scornes alone, weh was
meant for themselves."
[A reference probably to a story told by Sir J. Digby in a letter
of April 28. " I hope your French Messeurs will not use our Dons
as thei used the D. of Feria, bycause hee & his companie were
mounted on mules. Who in imitation of ye reception weh ye Jews gave
unto our Saviour by crying Hosanna, received him & his traine with an
acclamation of aux ausnes."]
The Prince of Conde has been sent by the Queen in poste to Bour-
deaux to appease a dissension between Monsr de Roquelauze the
Lieutenant-General for the King in Guienne, and Mons1' de Barault the
Mayor of the town of Bourdeaux, about the Election of the Juratts.
Monsr de Roquelauze had proposed to the Mayor that each of them
should choose one, but the Mayor refused, saying that " the choice
ought to bee free at ye libertie of ye Burghers, or else at ye Queen's
pleasure." Upon this Mons de Roquelauze by force prevented the
Mayor from entering the town on his return from Paris.
The Prince having brought the business to a good conclusion is again
returned hither.
The Parlament having been again urged for ye " admitting of Mons.
do Esdiquiers and ye reste to bee Peeres of France, did at lengthe
consent to deliberate thereupon, & as it is thought thei will pass ye
same."
A marriage set on foot by the Queen between M'moyselle de Mayne
and the D. of Sforza's son.
Alessandro Rodolfi has come upon a complimentary Embassy from
the Emperour. He has given offence by lodging with the Nuncio,
" whereby hee not only deprived himselfe of being seen of diverse
of the forraigne ministers heere, but gave allso jealousie of his master's
holding to stricte a correspondencie with Rome."
He pretends that the reason was that the Nuncio is his kinsman.
A dispute between Monsr de Vendosme and the Marshall de Brissc,
the one the Governour of Brittany and the other the Lieutenant
General for the King there, about the authority of their places.
The Queen had forbidden the Duke to hold the assembly of the
States there, and appointed the Marshall to do so.
The Duke throwing the blame of this upon ill offices done to him by
the Marshall has challenged him by the Prince of Janville.
'« The Prince proposed to bring with him friends, but the Marshall
was not willing to have interessted any others : but to give them satis-
faction, hee tooke with him his two nephews, the St. Lues, with an
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
597
Eseuer of his owne. and another of Monsr St. Lues ; against whome on
the other side there went forth the Duke of Vendosme, ye Prince
Janville, and his brother the Chevalier de Gruise, the Count de la
Rochefaulcault, and Monsr de Themes, brother to Monsr le Grand.
These companies went out yesterday in the morning, about 4 of the
clock, to have mett in the field, and Monsv de Vendosme' s companie was
so fan* advanced that they could not be overtaken ; but the Marshall
who went out somewhat later was stayed, brought back to his
lodging in this town, whereupon it is expected that ye reste will return,
and that there will be some order taken to compound ye sayd quarrell,
<fec."
W. Trumball to the Same.
Aug. 12, st° vet., from Bruxelles. — A long letter of nine pages, the
first four taken up with the Calley, Colforde, Lionel Wake, &c, business.
Don Rodrigo Calderon has been created Conde de Oliva, and Senor
Manciscidors called to the Council of war. Spinola is to be sent as
Ambass1' to the Emperour, " very probably to endeavour to have this
Archduke or his brother Maximilian chosen king of ye Romans, &c. .
. and, secondly, thei will labour to have ye Emperour execute his
mandate against ye new building of Mulhem ; and, thirdly, by promise
of ayde to Saxony [with whome thei holde very stricte and secrete
correspondencye] to ingage him in a warr against ye Possidents of
Juliers and Cleves."
" Franckforte also being at some division within y* selfe will serve
them to some purpose for ye advancing of their malice against our
Religion."
The dispute arises upon a question of accounts between the Roman
Catholick Magistrates, and the Burghers, who are Protestants.
" This sparkle yt is feared may breake out into a great flame." The
Emperour follows his brother's steps, and has restored some of his
corrupt councillors.
He invites the Princes of the Union to hasten an Imperiall Dyett, and
contributions for a war against the Turk, whose army he pretends is
upon the frontier of Transylvania. But they, supposing that these are
but artifices of the Spaniard, refuse to come until he shall have ratified
the accord made at Aquisgrave by the deputies of the Count Palatine, in
the time of his Vicariate ; and revoke his mandate against Mulhem.
Those of Austria, Moravia, and Silesia, have likewise refused to give
any money towards the wars unless they have their privileges confirmed
for freedom of Religion.
The Marques Spinola departs for Prague to-morrow. Counts Embden,
Visconti, Solre, Hockstraten, Bugnoy, his eldest son, Don Luys de
Velesco, and many other of the princes and nobility accompany him.
His train of 54 persons will be divided into three troops, and the
journey will take 6 weeks. There is no likelihood therefore of any
fighting t his yea*, " the season for warrs being, in a manner, already
overpassed." The Elector of Mentz hathe been here under colour of
devotion, to treat upon matters of great consequence. His errand it is
thought is to make a League " against ye Huguenotts, as thei tearme
us."
The Archduke presented him with "40 payre of Spanish gloves;
20 payre of perfumed pocketts ; two flaggons of golde covered with
perfumed leather; a suite of rich tapestry hangings; a coach with 6
horses ; and 6 cheines of gold for his principall officers ; esteemed all-
togeather at ye valewe of 6000/. sterling."
Geobgus
WlXGPIELD
Digbt, Esq.
59)8 msTouiCAL MAXuscmrrs commissjox.
George Monsr Peequires, one of the Privy Councell, is to bee dispatched to the
WlWOTIELD pmnpmiir
— The 400,000 crownes of extraordinary allowance are still retained
here, deducting 24m crownes remitted to Don Pedro de (Junega in
England, and 30m crownes made over to Cullen.
It is said that Spinola shall have 400,000 ducatts more in September,
and that a million and a half will be sent hither from Spain at the end
of the year.
A copy of the Archduke's order against English cloathes is sent.
" The party that followeth this suite against our nation, hathe tolde me
to my face, that as sone as ye Archduke shall have banished our
cloathes by Proclamation, hee will doe us ye like office in Spaine and
Leege."
Sir R. Winwood has returned to the Haghe, with a promise '; (as I
am informed)" of being recalled about Michaelmas, for employment
about his Matie'8 person.
The Deputies of the Hans-Towns have returned home re infecta.
The King of Denmark has been defeated near Stockholme, with the
loss of 8 or 9,000 men. His Matie seeks in vain to reconcile these
divisions.
The K. of Poland was resolved to complete his conquest of Moscovia,
" that miserable countrie," this summer. We cannot know the event
until the beginning of winter.
The news above? may not be trustworthy as it comes from Lubeck,
which favours Sweden.
" On Friday laste there passed by this Towne one Monsr Schomberg,
with his Maties ratification in amplissima forma of ye Matche concluded
between our Princesse and the Elector Palatine."
The Elector will go into England about the middle of next month.
" Schomberg reporteth, that two days before his arrivall in Englande
your Marques of Flores had made an overture of a Matche betweene y*
King & our Princesse ; using in his audience some faigned and dis-
graceful speeches of ye Count Palatine.
"The Earle of Arundell; Lo. Shandoys ; Countesse of Worcester;
Sir Ed. Conway ; Sir Rob*. Drury, and their Ladyes ; Sir Peregrine
Berty ; Sir Anthony Merry, and diverse other Englishe gentlemen of
accompte, are now at Spaw, to cure their diseases by those wholesome
fountaines, &c."
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
Aug. 13, from Paris. — After two days' stay at Baurg la Royne, a village
within two leagues of the town, the Duke of Pastrana " made his entry
upon Munday ye 3rd of August. He was firste presented upon ye way
with, two fayre horses ritcheley furnished, sent from ye King and
Queene for his owne monture ; and afterwards hee was mett a mile out
of ye Towne by ye Duke of Nevers, who was accompanied wi ;h diverse
of the prineipall gentlemen of ye Courte to ye number of 200 horse.
The maner of his entrance was as followethe. Firste there came a 100
mules having sumpter cloathes cf cloathe imbroydered with ye Duke's
armes ; and after them 40 others wfh carried ye Duke's furniture of his
chamber, called his vicamera, being covered with sumpter cloathes of
crimson velvett imbroydered with ye Duke's armes in golde and silver.
And to omitt nothing that might serve for ostentation, there were little
banners sett upon 7 of ye mules, to show y* thei carried the treasure.
After all ye carriages there followed one riding betweene two racks
HISTORICAL MANUSCRI I'TS * 'oMMTSSfOX.
covered with silver, upon wch were hung 6 greate silver water-potts. Geobge
All his equippage was ushered by certaine officers in ritche crates, and Wingfield
attended by many of ye Duke's estaffiers in a j'ealowe Liverie. Some — '- 8Q'
tyme afterwarde there followed ye Duke's traine, all mounted upon
poste-horses in stead of their mules, wfh thei had sent before into ye
Towne to avoyd ye receiving of scorne. The sayd troope consisting of
10 Postillions wch carried each of them a small truneke behinde them,
and 70 other pages and servants, all apparrayled in scarlett Jerkin &
hose trimmed with golde lace. Then followed ye Dukes two Priests,
& after them came all ye principall gentlemen of ye companie ; each of
them riding betweene two Frenche. Next came Monsr de Rhodes ye
Mr of ye Ceremonies ; and then ye Duke of Pastrana togeather with ye
Ordinary Ambassr, & the Duke of Nevers : And laste of all followed
4 coaches drawne by 6 mules apeece, and two waggons drawne allso
with mules. All ye whole troope of ye Spaniards carryed eache of them
a cloake-bagg before him ; wherewith it is thought ye Frenche would
have made themselves merry, yf thei had not been contained by ye
severitie of ye proclamations, wch forbade ye offering of any scorne to ye
Spaniards. The Queene & ye whole Courte putt themselves into
windowes upon Nostre Dame bridge to see their passage ; and thei com-
mend his equipage to be fayre, but thei will not allowe his Traine to
bee answearabie to ye same. For hee hathe not in all above 18 or 20
gentlemen with him ; and that thei all have putt their men into ye
Duke's liverie, to make his companie appear more glorious ; and for
servants of ye baser sort as muletteers and suche like there was never
more wretched people seene. The same night of his arrivall Mons1' le
Grand, and Mons1' le Chateauxveux, Chevalier de honneur to ye Queeno,
were sent to visite him from the King and Queene. On Thursday
following, ye 6 cf August, hee was fetched to his Audience by ye Duke
of Guise, who was accompanied with his two brethren, ye Prince
Janvilie, and ye Chevalier de Guise, ye young Duke of Elboeufe, Monsr de
Crequi de Bassempierre de Brissen, the Count de la Rochefaucault, and
other principall gentlemen of ye Courte. And for ye better showing of
tjieir braverie, thei brought him to ye Courte on horseback, riding upon
ritche foote-cloathes. Hee was received by y° King and Queene in ye
greate gallerie at ye Louvre, where there was a greate Assembly of aH
the greate men and Ladyes of ye Courte, who were ritchely apparayled.
And after he had stayed some halfe an hour in perfecting of his com-
pliments towards ye King and Queene hee went to visite Madame
in her owne chamber, whome yf was thought fitt to place aparte, for
that the Ambass1' was to doe greater honour unto her then unto ye King
& Queene. During ye tyme of ye Duke's Audience, there fell out a
quarrell betweene ye Prince of Conde and ye Duke of Nevers, having
advanced himself before the seat where ye Princes of ye blood sate.
The Prince of Conde tolde him that y* was not his place. And the
other contrariwise mantayning that hee knewe what belonged unto his
righte, thei there upon entred into some tearmes of farther heate. And
there passed a challenge betweene them to have inett the next morning
in the fielde. And the Prince sought presently to withdrawe himselfe
out of the roome. But the same being discovered by the Duke of
Bouillon, he caused the doors to bee sliutt, and sunred not the Prince to
departe until ye said unkindeness was compounded by ye Queene's autho-
rise. There "fell out two other disputes for precede ncie ; the one
betweene ye Cardinalls and ye Princesses of ye blood, whoh ye Queene
adjudged against ye Cardinalls in favour of ye Ladyes. Whereupon
they withdrewe themselves out of ye roome. The other was betweene
ye Duchesse of Guise and ye Duchesse of Lonqueville weh wras in some
600 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
gkoegk sorte accommodated by placing one on ye one side of the Queene, and
Digby, Esq the other on the other. Since by the Queene's commandment all the
Princes of ye Blood, togeather with ye officers of the Crowne, and
Ministers of the State have beene to visite ye Duke of Pastrana. And
I have allso perfourmed the like office unto him, as all other Ambas-
sadours have donne, and have received very kinde profession from him
in his Master's name towards his Matie. Thei doe holde him heere to
bee the greatest ornament of his Ambassage, for that hee is a graceful
and well fashioned gentleman. Saturday next, whch 'is S* Lewis his
day, is appointed to bee the day of the greate ceremonie for the signing
of the Oontracte. At wh8t tyme both the Courte, and the Ambassadours
companie doe intende to make muster of their greatest braverie, &c."
Sir J. Digbye to Sir I). Carleton.
Sept 12, st° vet., from Madrid. — " . . . touching Badoers coming
to this Courte, myselfe and the Venetian Ambassr have omitted no
diligence in making inquirie after him ; but hee is not arrived heere."
" The Constable of Castile is now newly come to Towne, and
therefore have not tyme as yet to learne whether Stanley bee in this
Courte. . . ."
Inclosed is a Relation of the Duke of Maynes arrival and entertain-
ment.
The king it is said will shortly go to Portugal.
On Sept. 15 the young Prince Don Alonso died, " of whome the same
day 12 monthes the Queene his mother was delivered and dyed in childe
bed."
" Wee have newes heere that there is a breache like to fall betwixt
your State and ye great Turke. By reason there have been certaine
Venetian shipps taken by the Turkish Armada. But these people heere
say, that though the Venetians may in their hott blood for a braverie
sende forthe their gallies, yet when their choller shall bee a litle over-
passed, thei will bee content to putt up this, as thei doe many other
wrongs at the Turkes handes. And to sende him a present for the
newe recoverie of his favour. And thei heere having understanding,
that the State of Venice sendeth forthe so many gallies, have given
order for their gallies of Naples and Sicilye to come hither into these
partes. And the Prince Filibert of Savoy hathe order within 20 days
to begin his journey towards S* Mary-Porte, where ye gallies are to
meete him, and hee is to receive ye Standarde."
Sir H. Wootton will have given you the news of Savoy. The books
asked for and 3 or 4 other very good books lately come out, will be sent
shortly.
" There is nothing so generally spoaken of in this Courte as their
intent to remove our plantation in Virginia. And for myne owne parte
I am of belief e that ye Spaniards Avill serve us, as thei did ye
Frenchemen in Florida, unles wee undertake yc busines muche more
throughly and roundely then hitherto wee have donne. But heereof thei
have had sufficient warning in Englande.
'• Heere is muche discontent for ye taking of a Spanishe shipp lately
by one John Davis, a merchant of London, by reason of justice denied
him, or to long delayed him in Spain. So that on bothe sides wee
muche complaine, & use angry wordes. Insomuche thai in ye ende
wee shall eyther come to a better peace or a direct breache. For in my
opinion things cannot long continewe in this wrangling estate wherein
thei now are, &c."
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 601
W. Trumball to Sir J. Digbye. w?ngfieli>
Sept. 9, st0 vet., from Bruxelles. — Mr Colforde is setting out for
Spain.
Spinola arrived at Prague the 8 of this month st° n° only with 10
horses. The reste of his company had fallen sick, or wearied with their
journey.
Calderon is feasting in Flanders, " I heare that hee would faigne
steale a passage into Englande, yf his Spanishe gravitie would aftbrde
him so muche freedome."
u Don Alonso de Velasco's sonne & his Ladye are retired out of
Englande. Thei talk [as I am tolde] at randome of our country as
though yt were more barbarous & uncivill then their owne."
Saxony is openly favoured by the Archdukes against ye Possidents of
.Tuliers and Cleves in certain suits before the Archdukes about Ravesten
and Wivendale.
Mulhem still goes forward notwithstanding the Emperour's pro-
hibition, who seems to follow his brother in disfavouring those of the
Reformed Religion.
His Army in Hungary is mutinous.
Moravia begins to complain that he does not observe his promise to
give them governours of their own people, and allows himself to be led
by the Archbishop of Vienna.
The late Emperour's funerals are now being solemnised at Prague,
but only 60 thousand dollers are allowed for the ceremony.
The disputes at Franckfortt are almost appeased by the mediation of
Spires, Worms, and Strazbourg.
The Polacks have abandoned their conquest in Moscovia for want of
money and victuals ; have returned, and threaten to ransack both Poland
and Prussia unless their demands are satisfied.
The Marques of Brandenbourg who was coming homewards is for this
reason stayed for some time in Prussia.
Dansick and two other of the Hans-townes have driven out the
Jesuits.
Rumours that the King of Denmark has been taken prisoner. " His
Matie hathe of late made a proposition to ye States that his people might
bee permitted to trade into all the places woh thei holde in ye Easte
Indies, with ye same libertie wch ye Hollanders doe. And thereupon
there are certaine Commissioners repayring into England to treate with
his Matie of that busines. Allbeyt. there is small hope of agreement, the
Hollanders showing greate aversenes to that overture, as a matter that
would turne to their greate prejudice & hindrance. Our cloathes,
especially ye mingled colours, stande for ye present vanished out of ye
Archdukes provinces."
Great preparations are being made in Holland for the reception of
the Count Palatine as he passes that way into England. " Count
Henry of Nassau goethe along with him. And [y* is said] the States
allowe him 10,000/. for his journey, and defray 20 gentlemen wch shall
attende upon him. I suppose ye said Count Palatine is now upon the
way towards the Haghe."
Sir T. Edmondes to the Same.
Sept. 9, from Paris. — According to your wish I have made inquiries
touching the Cavalier Baduaro. I hear that when he fled from Italy he
retired to Avignon, where, it is said, he spends his time in devotion.
Digby, Esq.
<)02 HISTORICAL MANUSORtPTS COMMISSION'.
wSgfield " By my f°rmei' letters I sent your Lord3P a relation of ye firste parte of
DieBT, Esq. your Duke of Pastrana's entertainment heere. And nowe your Lord9P
shall receive ye second parte of that storie in requitall of yt w^h I
received from your Losp of ye D. de Maynes reception in Spaine.
" Upon Saturday ye 15 of August, being S* Lewis his day, the
ceremonie was perfourmed for ye signing of ye contract of marriage
betweene Madame and ye Prince of Spaine, at what tyme ye Duke of
Pastrana was brought to his audience by y6 Prince of Condy, the Prince
Janvile, and sundry others of the greate men of ye courte.
" By reason of ye competition both betweene ye greate men and greate
ladyes for precedencie. thei were forced to change ye firste order wch was
designed for ye performance of that ceremonie with solemnitie in ye
gallerie of the Louvre, where all ye greate persons were to bee ranked
according to their qualitie, and to appoint yc same in ye King's bed-
chamber where the meeting muste needes bee after a more promiscuous
fashion. Bothe ye Spauiards and allso those of ye Courte were y1 day
very ritchely apparrelled. And after that ye Duke of Pastrana togeather
with ye Ordinary Ambassr had saluted y^ King, Queene, and Madame,
Monsieur de Villeroy read the articles of ye contraete, and after
presented them to bee signed by ye King and Queene, and Madame,
wch wnen thei had donne, the same was allso signed by Queene Margarett,
next by the two Ambassadours of Spaine, afterwards by ye Nuncio, and
the Florentine Ambassadour, and laste of all by ye three princes of ye
blood, and ye Duke of Guise. And for ye laste acte of ye ceremonie, ye
two Ambassrs went againe to salute ye King, & Queene, and presented
themselves on their knees to Madame, as to their Princesse, the like
being allso performed by ye principall of the Spanishe gentlemen. There
was once a purpose to have made a grand bal at courte [wch thei holde
to bee a matter of great solemnitye heere] for ye intertayning of ye D.
of Pastrana. But that resolution was afterwards broken of, for that
thei know not how to accommodate ye rankes of ye greate men and
greate ladyes, but chiefely for that ye custpme is not to make those bals
without a feasting royall, where ye D. of Pastrana muste have been
invited to have supped with ye King, wch entertainment they could not
afforde him, for that thei would not undervalewe themselves to ye
Spanishe greatenes; the Duke of Mayne having not beene admitted
eyther to dine or supp with y* King. The Queene therefore intreated
Queene Margarett to invite ye Duke of Pastrana on Sunday ye 16 of
August to a bal at her house ; where bothe the King, Queene, and
Madame were allso present. The 25 of August ye Duke had a private
audience of ye Queene, and ye 30 hee tooke his leave ; being afterwards
presented with a Jewell from ye King worth 16,000 crownes ; and the
Queene allso for ye present wch hee had made her of 100 payre of Spanishe
gloves sent him a Jewell worth 4,000 crownes. Tewsday following, hee
was by ye Queene's commandment feasted by the Prince of Conde [as hee
had beene before by the Dukes of G-uise and Nevers, the Marques of Anere
& diverse others^ and on Wednesday the 2nd of September hee
departed, being conducted on his way as farr as Fountainebleau by ye
Duke of Monbaron to see ye pleasures of that house ; and order was
taken to defray him during his stay there. These people having had ye
meanes to observe ye fashion of living of ye Spaniards during their stay
heere, are now possessed with a generall opinion, that there is nothing
but vaine ostentation in their outward appare nee, & extreame basenes
in their inwarde carriage. And among other observations thei instance,
that whereas there was care taken to f urnishe them with ye beste and
rarest provisions for their dyet wch could bee gotten, to the valewe of
four score pound a day, the Duke of Pastrana's officers did sell the
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 603
greatest parte thereof, insomuche as his table was so meanely furnished w^JJp»ld
as ye Frenche that went to see him at his meate were ashamed thereof, digbt, Esq.
The like thei spake of his miserable rewards, for ye presents wch were
made him; and of ye Spaniards base livings in their private lodgings,
& of ye small number of persons of quality in his trayne ; and that ye
trimmings of ye servants liveries, wch made showe of greatest braverie
were but of counterfayte stuffe ; so as by this small triall y* is dis-
covered that ye more these two people converse togeather, the greater
is the alienation betweerie them.
"The Pope's .Nuncio heere hathe made such continuall pursuites
against Richier the Syndick of the Sorbonne, as in the ende hee hathe
procured an arreste of ye councell for ye depriving of him of his place, and
for y° choosing of another in his roome. Wch maner of proceeding is
generally very muche condemned for ye notable wrong wch is thereby
donne to yc King's authoritie in favour of ye Pope. And the Chancellor
and Mons1' de Villeroy are muche accused for having beene the authors
of that counsayle,
" Heere are lately arrived two Ambassadours from ye Elector of
Brandenburg to whome yt is given in charge firste to congratulate with
ye Queene for ye alliances wch shee hathe made' with Spaine. Next to
thanke her for ye good offices and assistance wch shee hathe yeelded ye
sayd Electour for the advancement of his affayres in Prusse and Juliers.
And to declare for what reasons hee could not now consent to ye ad-
mission of ye Duke of Saxe into ye real possession of Cleves & Juliers.
And lastely to. intreate ye Queene to interpose her authoritie for ye
making of a peace betweene ye Kings of Poland and Sweden. To
wfh propositions when thei shall have received an answeare, thei are
farther directed to repayre into England to negociate ye same things
with his Matie."
The difference between the D. of Vendosme and the Marshall Brissac
continues. The house of Guise take part with the Duke, and the
execution of the resolution which has given offence to the Duke is
postponed.
There is another great difference between the Count Soissons ancj the
Marshall Fervaques concerning the government of the town of Kilboeuf,
in Normandy. The Count pretends that the Marshall promised to
resign the said place to him. The Marshall denies this. The Count
suspects that the Marshall has been dealt with by the Queen, and
threatens vengeance, whereupon the Marshall flies to the Queen for
protection, leaving a strong garrison in Kilboeuf.
The Count is yet more incensed that any town within the province of
which he is governor should be held against him, and therefore the
Queen has ordered the garrison, which had been placed there by the
Marshall, to be removed, and that some companies of Swiss take their
place. It is thought that in the end the place will come into the Count's
hands.
" There is newes come hither of a greate tumulte & sidition raysed of
late by ye people in ye Towne of Rochell wch hath given greate discontent
to ye State heere. The same arising by occasion of ye sending of those
of -, Xaintonge to them of Rochel to desire them yt thei would sende
some deputies on their parte to assiste at an Assembly politick wch thei
purposed to holde for some especiajl causes, and particularly for ye
preventing of some practices against ye Towne of St. Jehan de Angeli.
Whereupon those of ye Councel of ye Towne of Rochel being assembled
to consider of ye proposition, yt was alleaged by some amongst them :
That thei ought to be well advised how thei did assent to ye said motion
for y* they were restrained by ye orders w(h were sett downeM Samure
604 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COjRLtflSSlON.
w?ngpield not to ^olde those Assemblies^ but in case of apparent necessitie,
Digby,Esq. bycause of ye discontentment which ye same would give unto ye
State. And therefore that y* was fitt thei should firste bee informed of
ye causes requiring such a necessite. And besides it was to be con-
sidered that whereas those of ye Religion had generally declared that
thei stood not in neede of ye absolution woh had beene lately published
for ye holding of such Assemblies, thei should now incurre ye danger
of ye Law in y* point yf thei should not bee carefull y* their proceeding
in y* behalfe should bee grounded upon good and sufficient reasons.
Whereupon y* was thought fitt [according to ye sayd Councell] to
forbeare ye sending of any Deputies to join with them of Xaintonge.
Wdl resolution when y* was understood by ye people of ye Towne, thei
assembled themselves ye next day in a tumultuous maner & came to ye
Towne-house, requiring to have ye person delivered uuto them, weh had
been ye authour of that Councell, that thei might execute their rage
against him. And contrariwise insisted that some persons might bee
deputed to bee sent to ye foresaid Assemblye. Wherein to give them
contentment ye Magistrates were forced to change their former delibera-
tion. During this tumulte one Monsr de Coudray, a Councellour of ye
Parlament heere of ye Religion, taking ye alarme lest there might bee
allso some ill designes intended against him, for yl hee had beene lately
dispatched with commission from hence to holde ye place of Surintendant
of ye Justice in y1 Towne, weh place was expressely bestowed upon him
to the ende to diminishe the authoritie of ye Mayor there, and to make
a party for ye King thought yt not fitt to truste himselfe any longer in
ye Towne, but demanded leave to retire himselfe. And though for his
better safety hee were accompanied out of ye Towne by ye Mayor, yet
there was no meanes to contain ye people from offring him many
insolencies in his passage. And yt is said allso that some harquebushe-
shott were discharged upon him. From thence hee retired himselfe to
Niort and there dothe as yet remaine. Monsr de Plessis went pressntly
from Saumure into those parts to imploy himselfe for ye appeasing of
y* disorder.
"There are newly apprehended heere certaine persons, wch are
accused to have used some practises by magick against ye person of ye
C^ueene. The which persons are a Spanishe fryar, an Italian, and two
Frenche-men ; whereof one called Montauban is reckoned to be worth 3
or 4 hundred thousand crownes. And I understands y* is ye Spanish
fryar that bathe discovered ye sayd practise, &c/'
The Same to the Same.
Sept. 16, from Paris. — Though has written on the 9th of the month,
will take the opportunity of Mr Colforde passing to send another letter.
" I advertised your Losp by my laste of a discovery y* was made heere
of a practise against the person of ye Queene for the winning of her love
by magick. The persons committed to prison about ye same being a
Spanishe fryar, an Italian, a gentleman of Daulphine called Bonpar, and
another Frenche-man called Moisett, otherwise Montauban, heeretofore
a taylour, but one y* that hath inritched himselfe to ye vale we of
three or foure hundred thousand crownes, by having been one of the
principall undertakers of ye greate farme of salte. Since y* said
Montauban having been interroged, hath confessed, that y* is true, than
an offer being made him of ye meanes to gaine ye Queene's love by
suche a practise, that hee sent thereupon for ye Spaniard and Italian
out of Spaine. But hee sayth that yt was only for the trying of some
other conclusions, for ye curing of some disease whereunto hee was
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 605
subjectc, \v,h be hoped to do by meases of tlic.se men. Notwithstanding Geobge
yfc is thought that evasion will not serve his turne. For that yfc is said diobyTesq.
his confiscation is allready begged by the Prince of Conde & ye Marques — -
d'Aucre. It is moreover reported that the foresayd persons since their
arrivall heere, made offer of y* invention to some other favourites of ye
Courte. Amongst whom Monsr le Grand is specially named. With
wcb accusation hee is extreamely discontented, alleadging yl to bee a
practice of his enimies to putt him in disgrace with the King and
Queene. And ye Duke of Guise on the other side dothe take the matter
so muche to harte on his behalf, in regarde that hee is bothe allyed to
his wife, and one of the principall of his partye, as he hathe spoaken
very highe language so the Queene in his satisfaction. And hee hathe
stayed his journey into Provence, though hee had before taken his leave
of the Queene, till hee shall see what shall be the issue of that matter.
Whereupon ye Queene to give contentment to Monsr de Guise hathe
showed to make slighte accounte of ye information against Monsr le
Grand."
The said sorcerers have been found to be coiners, and one of the
Queen's servants has confessed, and has begged for pardon. " Where-
upon y* is said the Queene answeared him that shee coulde not grante
him her pardon, but all ye favour wch shee could doe him was, to give
him tyine to shifte himselfe out of the way, wch hee fayled not presently
to doe."
"The next day after ye discoverie of this practise, there fell out
an accident wch raysed a rumour in this Towne that the King was
murthered by a soldier, wch putt ye Towne into a wonderfull alarum ;
the sayd bruite arising upon this occasion. One of ye Captaines of ye
Regiments of ye Guardes named Monsr Droit, calling to remembrance
that Bon par, ye gentleman of Daulphine, who is before mentioned to
bee one of ye Magick Conspiratours, had recommended unto him a
kinsman of his to serve in his Companye, and having allso observed that
the sayd soldier had absented himselfe from his service ever since ye
tyme of Bonpar his imprisonment, hee gave order that ye soldier should
bee apprehended at suche tyme as hee should bee met withal 1. But yf
being his owne chance to meete with him firste himselfe, hee in-
deavoured to lay holde of him, wch ye soldier sought to avoyde, firste by
drawing his sworde against ye Captaine, & after by betaking him-
selfe to flighte. Whereupon y* soldier was pursued with a crye, prenne
le, prenne le, il a volu tuer le Droit, wch was mistaken by ye people to
have been say'1 le Hoy. And thereupon ye bruite was spread in ye
Towne, yi the King was killed. But within half an hour ye said
rumour was appeased. For yt was knowen jt at ye same tyme the King
was sporting himselfe at Bois de Vincennes. Notwithstanding ye next
morning the King went with solemnitie to Nostre-Dame church to
Masse, to give thankes for ye affection wch ye people showed to beare
him by their extraordinary lamenting for his supposed miscarrying."
The difference between the Marshall and Mons1' de Vendosme is not
vet accommodated.
Recommends Mr Colforde, who is going into Spain to recover the
debt which the King owes to himself and other merchants. The
obstinacy of a Mr Galley or Cawley is very troublesome, and therefore
he begs Sir J. Digbye to interpose his authority, and reduce him to
reason, and so cause an arrangement to be made among the merchants.
W. Trumball to the Same.
Sept1' 11., from Bruxelles. — A. strong letter of recommendation in
favour of Mr Colforde.
b'OG HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
W?kgiRibld ^'^' ^G11 ^otlL''^° Calderon the new Comic d' Oliva, when at
Digby, Esq. Antwerp* took an attestation of his being born there, and gave 1,000
crowns to IS* George's Church where he was baptized.
He released gome imprisoned debtors at a cost of 900/. sterling, and
was entertained at a banquet, and presented with a fair picture in the
Town House.
He is now ready to return as soon as Spinola comes back from
Prague, which will be in 8 or 10 days. " We suppose that Rivers has
brought order to revoke ye Marques de Villa Flores, & Conde d'Oliva."
Sir D. Carleton to the Same.
Sept. 1, st° vet., from Venice. — " My very good Lorde. This is my
removing day to Padova whether I am now going for change of ayre,
after a sharpe sicknes & long weakenes wch followed yt wclt muste bee
my excuse for my long silence. And your LosP will now bee pleased to
accepte in goode parte a few lines in exchange of your particular
relation in your laste of the D. de Maynes inter tainment. For wr;h I
may promise to make better recompence by the next ordinary. For
yf the affaires heere in Italy proceed according to some unexpected
beginnings, the condition of these peaceable tymes will bee muche
altered. The Duke of Mantova taking offence against ye publications
made by ye D. of Parma touching ye Marques Malespina an officer of
his Courte, and allways resident about his person, wherein his fathers
reputation is touched, as one that helde a hande in the practises of ye
late treasons ; for wch soe many men of qualitie, subjects to ye D. of
Parma, have lately loste their lifes, dothe call ye 1). of Parma to
account forye same. And receiving no greater satisfaction, but bycause
his father was not therein named, nor directly specified, hee was
not to account himself e any wayes injured. Not contented with this
answeare, hee prepares by ye way of armes to repayre his father's
honour and his owne, wch hee accounts equally interessed. And to this
purpose hathe levyed in ye State of Mantova and Mountferrat seven
thousand men. The D. of Modena and the Prince of Mirandola declare
themselves on his parte with the assistance of five thousand. Diverse
gentlemen, subjects of this State about Bergamo & Brescia, who had
eyther alliance or friendshipp with those parties y* are executed, have
likewise putt themselves in armes in this quarrell. His Resident in this
Citie was yesterday iu ye College, to declare ye reasons of this action.
And he hathe beene likewise with mee to ye same purpose with
particular letters of credence from ye Duke. So as there are all
preparations for an open ware. And yet bycause ye peace of Italy,
dothe so well agree with ye affaires of those Princes and States, as have
most authoritie in yt, yt is expected that this fray will bee sone ended.
I am therefore so muche the more troubled in my judgement, why ye
Spaniards who have ye greatest interests in ye trouble of these partes,
and take to themselves, as yt were, belli pacisque arbitrium, have
suffred this matter, without any demonstration of dislike to proceede
so fan*. Whereas their generall instruction is, without attending
farther advise from Spaine, to suppresse ye firste stirring of armes in
what Italian Prince soever. Wch in ye beginning might bee donne
without any greate difficultye. But in place of interposing themselves,
heere is a speeche that tlsie doe likewise begin to raise newe forces in
the State of Milan ; and that parte of their Regiments of Sicilye &
Naples shall likewise speedily marche thither. It is therefore muche to
bee doubted that thei have some farther deseigne. And considering ye
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 607
courses v. '" are now helde on yL> Lowe Countries [of wck 1 presume your wSiSmitl
LosP liathe received particular advertisement] and the likelyhood of Di&by, Esq.
some attempta upon Juliers and Cleves, or at leaste ye newe building by
Cullen, yt is not improbable, that under pretence of stirring in these
partes, thei will have men in readines to second these other enterprises.
And wee may remember that in all ye tyme of ye warrs of ye Lowe-
Countries these Garrisons have served for nurseries to ye forces of those
partes. This your Losp muste take as my discourse in the ayre, wh
may quickly vanishe.
" Heere is a troublesome and intricate busines fallen out betwixt this
State, and ye Archduke Ferdinand of Gratz, weh is come to open acts of
hostilitie. The chiefe occasion whereof is the taking of six Uscocchi,
wch had fortifyed themselves in a house neere one of the Venetian
Garrisons in ye coast of Dalmatia. And being there beseiged, & rend*
ring themselves upon promise & oathe of ye Captaine of the Venetians,
that thei should goe away untoucht, one of them who was a bandito of
this State was presently hanged up, & ye other five committed to ye
Gallics. The Archduke Ferdinand [having under ye King of Hun-
garie ye goverment of this people, or ye Title at leaste, thei living ye
life of Libertines and robbers] sent hither a gentleman of good qualitie,
the Governour of Fiume to treate their deliverie, and to expostulate
some wrongs wch hee complains of to bee donne by ye officers of this
State to ye Archdukes subject under his government. At his firste
Audience hee was assisted by ye Spanishe Ambassr, who being whetted
with his particular quarrells, sett likewise a greate edge to this
gentleman, so as betwixt them there were uttred many bravados.
Meane tyme the Uscocchi lyinge in wayte neere Veglia an Islande
subject to this State tooke ye Captaine of yt prisoner, and so kept hill
till hee was delivered to ye place where hee was taken by meanes of the
Archduke. But before heere could come newes of his deliverie, heere
were dispatched seven gallies, with 30 armed boates filled with Albanesi
and Corsi, with commission to assayle the Uscocchi ; who in place
of those thei were sent against, fell upon others ye Archdukes subjects,
and seeking by nighte to surpise a small walled towne Mosconiza, there
received a repulse with ye loss of 14 men, and many hurte. From
thence thei went to another village L'vrana, wch thei sackt & spoyld,
committing suche as thei found in yt to ye gallies, the most of ye inhabi-
tants having saved themselves by nighte.
" In exchange of this, I heere this day the Uscocchi in another quarter,
have burnt & ruined 3 or 4 villages subject to this Sigrie, so as now
there is so small odds on eyther side, yt is thought thei will quitter la
partie. Otherwise in the ende thei are both like to bee loosers."
The Spanish & the Archduke's Ambassrs are put off when they seek
an audience " with this intent [as thei doubte] to have somewhat more
donne de facto by the Venetian forces, before thei fall to tearmes of
accommodation."
" At the same instant wee have another accident of no small con-
sequence, there being a suddaine resolution taken by this State &
presently putt in execution of damming up one of ye mouthes of ye Po
whereby ye water being turned upon Gozo, thei hope quickly to lande'
up that porte, by reason of ye greate quantitie of earthe & rubbishe
wth ye lande-fludds carry thither." At this ye Pope and his party are
muche offended; more on account of the ill will it shows than for the
thing itself ; wch they think will not have the effect intended.
" Sir Thomas Glover by ye Industrie of his successour is delivered
from his greate debtes in Constantinople, and parted from thence
though with no greate creditt to himself e, yett without reproache to
608 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Gbokge our nation. And being made capable how vainely & weakely he<^
Digby, Esq. suftred himselfe to bee abused by those wicked instruments hee had
about him, is content [or so makes appearance at leaste] to returne into
Englande. So as I expecte him heere dayly, hee remaining now at
Patras to treate about a particular busines touching our merchants."
He sends the declaration which had been written to him by the
Mantovan Resident.
He expects that these quarrels will, like the battle of bees, be quieted
pulveris exiqui jactu, &c, " yet I cannot but apprehende the consequence
to threaten some danger to our friendes nearer home."
These two points have to be considered. " Whether the King of
Spaine bee in state or in harte to assayle so strong a League as the
Princes of the Union, now thei are assisted by his Matie & ye States.
Or whether ye D. of Lerina who is a Prince only in peace, and muste
have his equalls, if not; superiours in tyme of warr, will consent to any
suche enterprise, &c.
W. Tbumball to the Same.
Oct. 6, st° vet. — The times are very quiet.
Contributions are being raised for eventualities, but the people are
tired out with exactions and stand upon their privileges.
Spinola is returning from Prague triumphant.
" On Sunday laste was seven nighte your Marques de Flores tooke his
leave of the King's Matie & is expected in the Town about ye ende of
this weeke. His carriage towardes mee at his laste being heere was so
colde as I am resolved not to see him.
"The Electour Palatine is now at the Haghe upon his voyage into
England, accompanied with his councell, 8 earles, and 77 gentlemen
of qualitie, besides his ordinary servants."
Count Henry of Nassau prepares to attend him thither.
Sib J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
Oct. 10, st° vet., from Madrid. — The King's journey to Portugal is
the chief matter of conversation here.
It is proposed that the King should go thither with unusual magni-
ficence.
Not only the King's gallies of Spain and Italy, but likewise his fleet
of ships are to meet him there, and diverse regiments of soldiers will
attend him. The vulgar rumour is that these forces are to be used
against our Plantation in Virginia.
The Councell of Hazienda have already provided a million for the
journey.
New liveries have been bought.
It is not known whether the King will command the Ambassra
to attend him. If he does " I am certain yt will cost diverse of us or our
masters the better parte of a thousand pound extraordinarye."
The Prince of Savoy is confirmed in his office of Supreme Grenerall,
and goes within a very few days to St. Mary-porte in Andalusia to receive
the standard.
There have been of late many strange rumours of hostilities between
England and Spain ; that some English ships had set upon the King of
Spain's Armada coming from Lisbon under the conduct of Don Juan
Fajarde, had slain him and sunk three galleons.
It is also reported that the King had sent for me and commanded me
to leave Madrid.
HISTOBICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 609
a \ych wag so generally beleeved, that not only most of ye ambassrs wSSSld
sent unto mee to bee informed of ye truthe, but y* ye Councell of State Digby, Esq.
likewise used some diligence to see yf thei could have founde the
authors of these bruites, y* thei might have exemplarily punished them.
" Now there is newes, come bothe from Lisborne & Sevill y* ye
Spaniards have certainely overthrowen our people in Virginia with a
fleete & an army, wch thei sent from ye Havana. And very many
particulars bothe of their assalting & of ye Englishe defending are
related. But for myne owne parte, I holde this like the reste, to bee
alltogeather untrue. And the State heere give mee full assurrance that
there is no suche thing. In the mean tyme our merchantes are strangely
affrighted, and some of the beste of them have withdrawen themselves
from their trade. Though there bee no juste cause, neyther of their
feares, nor these rumours, yet thei bee mala omina.
Father Nayen, the Franciscan, who was employed in making the truce
with the States, has come here from Rome, where he has been 3 or
4 months, and has had 2 or 3 private audiences with the D. of Lerma.
The good olde Constable of Castile is now returned to this courte,
very weak both in body and mind. " Hee giveth it out of late
St. Francis hathe appeared unto him, & hathe had long communication
with him. Telling him that by his intercession God hathe graunted him
yet some dayes of life, for to repente and amende. And y* doing so hee
should bee sure that hee woulde continewe a favourable intercessour for
him. And heereupon the constable hathe now taken a Franciscan
weede, wch hee weareth ; and yt is said hathe vowed to continewe to
weare it whilest hee lives. But this vision of hia is heere laughed at by
many ; and I perceive y* ye Constable's freinds are much displeased that
yt is no better beleeved.
It is very likely that Don Rodrigo Calderon's enemies will be able to
prevent his returning to Spain. In that case he will probably be sent
as Ambassr to Paris to succeed Don Inigo de Cardenas.
The D. of Pastrana made his entry into this Towne on the 7th of
Oct., st° vet.
His entertainement in France was better than that wch the French
met with here.
Don Inigo also the ordinary Ambass1' there, received a fair diamond,
and a rich cupboard of plate, but the French ordinary Ambassr here
has not received any present. Don Diego Sarmiento de Acunca who
was appointed to go Ambassr into England, had made all preparations
and had received his despatches, and instructions, when he was suddenly
stopped, and made Assistent of Sevill, and no other has been appointed
in his room. This has caused new rumours of a breach of the
peace, &c.
Sir T. Edmonds to Sir J. Digbye.
Oct. 8, from Paris. — " The Deputies of the Religion being returned
from Monsr de Rohan have made yt knowen heere, that ye adjoyning
Provinces to S* Jehan de Angeli had so interressed themselves with
Mons1' de Rohan for \e opposing of ye readmission of Monsr de Roehe-
baucourt to ye Lieutenants place in respecte of the danger wch might
befall ye said Towne, being one of their principall places of surety e, by
reason y1 matters were growen to suche exasperation betweene him &
Monsr de Rohan, as there was no meanes to give the Queene content-
ment by restoring of him to his charge. And thei farther reported,
that contrariwise diverse of ye Provinces had appointed to holde a
U 84067. q q
%tQ HJSTOEIOAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George politick Assembly at S* Jehan de Angeli y° 20 o£ this monthe, to advise
XSS^Ebq. °f ye meanes for ye assisting of Monsr de Rohan, in case there should
— - bee any violent course taken against him for his refusall in that behalfe.
For ye preventing of wch inconveniences, the Queene was pers waded
to sende for Monsr do Eochebaucourt hither, and to take order for ye
giving of him contentment some other way; & shee gave allso direc-
tion that ye proceedings wch were begun in ye Chamber of ye Edict at
Nera against Hautefountaine should be stayed; the Deputies of ye
Religion being withall required to write for ye staying of ye intended
Assembly at S* Jehan de Angeli. But there was not then so good
hope conceived of ye finall compounding of ye dhTerences with Mons1' de
Rohan by this meanes, as there hathe since been discontentment taken
at that wch ye Cbancellour & Monsr de Villeroy have donne in directe
contradiction thereof, after ye departure of ye D. of Bouillon. For thei
have not only hindred ye purpose for ye giving of Monsr de Rochebau-
court contentment some other way, then by the restoring of him to his
former charge, but have hastened allso ye proceedings againste Haute-
fountaine, & sent a commaundment to three of ye principall of the
Towne of Rochelle to come hither to give an accompte for ye turaulte
wch lately fell out in ye sayd towne. Besides thei proposed to have an
arreste passed in ye Parliament heere for ye declaring of those of the
Religion to bee criminels de lese Matie, wch should holde any Politick
Assemblies contrarye to ye tenour of ye Edicts. W hereunto those that
were well affected in ye Parliament refused to give way in respect of
the discontentment wch the same might give to those of the Religion,
to ye stirring up of troubles in ye State. But all that thei could doe
was to procure ye tempering of ye sayd Arreste in such maner as it
might runne only in general tearmes without mencioning of those of
ye Religion. So as it might seeme to comprise the Catholicks as well
as them. And instead of declaring them criminels de lese Matio wrh
should holde such Assemblyes, thei only judged them to be pertur-
batents du repos public. Moreover at ye same time the Ministers sent
for ye direction for ye razing of a castle in ye countrye of Roiierge in
Haute Languedoc, called Esseins, wch is helde by those of ye Religion.
Whereat thei tooke soe great an allarme as thei sent hither in poste, to
desire that yt might be forborne, and withall made knowen to ye
governour of ye place, who had charge to perfourme that commission,
that yf hee proceeded therein, thei would oppose themselves against ye
same. The Deputies of the Religion have very vehemently protested
against these proceedings, letting the Chancellour, and Mons1* de
Villeroy planely knowe, that ye same can tende to no other ende then
to drive them to despayre to ye ende to putt them into some violent
courses. This practice is so palpable as all men doe cry out against
it."
The Queen professes to be in no way acquainted with these proceed-
ings, and has sent for the Duke of Bouillon to advise with him.
Meanwhile all means are used to hinder the holding of the said
Assembly.
Another cause of discontent in Languedoc has arisen from the
Queen's order to restore Monsr de Bertissiere to the government of
Aiquemortes, in the place of the present governour Monsr de Rambure.
Both are of the Religion but the inhabitants prefer the latter.
The Duke of Bourneville arrived here 8 or 9 days since from the
Archdukes. He was brought into the town in the King's coaches. But
two hours before he was appointed to receive his audience, he was
asked if he brought any letters to the King, " in respecte of yc differ-
ence wch hath growen by reason that ye Archeduke in his letters written
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 611
hither since the laste King's deathe, hathe given only ye Title of Mons1' George
to ye present King, whereas hee stiled his father by ye name of DigbyJBsq.
Monseigneur. In requitall whereof this King having returned him ye —
bare title of Mon Cousin, it hathe been cause of intermitting of long
tyme ye passing of any letters between them."
The Duke has no letters for the King, but only a letter from the
Infanta to the Queene Regent; he is therefore refused an audience
unless he can procure letters of credence according to custom. He has
sent to ask the Archduke's pleasure. The Archduke pretends that he
first gave the late King the title of Monsigneiur, when he was only
Governour of those countries, and not Sovereign Prince as he now is,
and having once given the King this title he could not change it. But
now that that King is dead he claims the right to use the terms Monsr,
or Tres-haut, or Tres-Excellent, &c. They here deny that he can take
this rank to himselfe, and say that he ought to give the title of Mon-
seigneur as is done by the Dukes of Savoy, and Lorraine, and other like
princes.
By the death of the D. of Amville the Constable's brother his nephew
Mons1' de Montmorancy has succeeded to the place of Admiral^ of wch
the reversion was granted to him but a few months since.
Monsr de Vendosme has been forced to give way to Marshal Brissac.
La Roche who was about to be tried for coining, has hanged himself
in prison.
A copy of the contract of the marriages sent.
The D. of Mayne professes himselfe well satisfied, but his company
do speak very disgracefully of Spain.
The Same to the Same.
Nov. 5, from Paris. — The State has suffered a great loss in the death .
of the Count of Soissons at his house at Blandy, of a malignant fever.
This Prince is the fourth of the House of Bourbon, who has died
within four years.
He was a good patriot, but displeasing to the Queen on account of his
frequent contentions with her about his " particular endes."
It is said that the Queen, and the Chancellour, and Monr de Villeroy
are little sorry for his death.
Immediately upon his death his son was made Grand Maistre with
10,000 pounds by the year, part of the pension of 15,000 pounds which
his father had, together with his company of Men at Arms, •' and all
his ecclesiastical livings wch amounte to 5,000 pounds a year more."
His government of Normandy the Queen intends to retain for her-
selfe. There is much contention for that of Daulphine, between the
Prince of Conti, the late Duke's son, and Monsr de Esdiguiers.
The Parliament has acquitted Moisset, who was accused of Magic.
The Queen is displeased, but the D. of Guise much joyed for the sake
of Monsr le Grand.
The Archduke persists in his refusal to write, and it was thought
that the Duke of Bourneville would have been dismissed in disgrace.
But the Nuncio and the Spanish Ambassr prevailed upon the Queen to
grant him an audience.
News has been brought that the Parlaments of Bourdeaux and
Tholouse, have not used the same moderation as this Parlament, but
have passed " the arreste in directe tearmes against those of the Religion.
And not contenling themselves therewith had caused it to be
particularly signifyed by an Officer to those wch are established of ye
Counsell for those of ye Religion in everv Province."
QQ2
612 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George Of this they complain very much, and say ihat the late King did never
DiobtJEsq! restrain the assemblies of each Province, wch are necessary for consulta-
— tion on their common affairs.
They have therefore given notice to their Deputies here that they will
proceed to hold the intended Assembly at the prefixed time, if in the
meantime they do not receive contentment ; and those of Guyenne, and
Higher and Lower Languedoc promised to join with them.
" Whereupon matters were like to have grown to a dangerous
exasperation ; but since then there hathe beene a very good resolution
taken .... to prevent ye extreamities wch would have arisen by
ye holding of ye Politick Assembly at Rocbelle. It being now promised
[as I understande] to those of the Religion, that there shall bee a new
publication of ye edict, w°h was late granted them, bothe to give them
assurance that all things wch are promised therein and otherwise by
private Brevetts, shall bee observed towards them, and allso to containe a
generall Amnestie of all matters paste, &c."
Secondly, Politick Assemblies will be permitted in each Province,
as was used in the late King's time, provided they do not assemble
different Provinces together. They shall exercise freely their Ecclesi-
astical authority in their National and Provincial Synods.
Thirdly, that whereas they are forced, when pleading before a Judge,
to qualify themselves de la Religion pretendue reformee, private
directions shall be sent to the Judges and Officers, that they henceforth
omit the word pretendue.
Fourthly* the Ministers of the Religion shall be exempt from the pay-
ment of the Tailles, according to the privileges of other Ecclesiastics.
If they have any complaint to make that the Edict has not been
observed, justice shall be done upon their making representations through
their Deputies-General.
The Queen will permit Monsr de Rohan to nominate a Lieutenant for
the town of S*. Jean de Angeli, but for the sake of form, he shall send
the names of three to the Queen, and she will select the one whom he
wishes.
Monsr le Chastiglon is to hold the government of Aquimortes by way
of sequestration, until other order shall be taken.
" With this satisfaction Monsr de Roiicay, the cheife of ye Deputies
of the Religion that reside heere, is dispatched to Mons1' de Plessis,
Mons1' de Rohan, and the Deputies which are at Rochelle to labour for yc
staying of ye intended Assembly, and to seeke to drawe Monsr de Rohan
hither for the better extinguishing of all jealousies, &c."
W. Trumball to the Same.
Nov. 6, st° vet., from Bruxelles. — " . . . the Conde de Oliva
returnethe now towards Madrid, crura thymo plena, his head full
of commissions, and his wagons laden with presents. As yf hee came
from a conquest, not from an Ambassage of Complement. From Count
Hochstrat hee hathe audaciously extorted a goodly suite of ritche
Tapistrie valued at 12,000 crownes, wch was entayled upon his house.
From ye Prince of Orenge [by his broker the C. of B.], hee hathe
begged a payre of mules and a horse litter ; although hee had two other
presented unto him by other noblemen. The Archedukes have showed
their bounty towards him, the Commons their love for being their
compatriott, and the nobilitie their subjection by striving by bribes
to purchase his favour. In fine ye common opinion holdethe [not-
withstanding his creditt is on the wayne] that hee carrieth with him
out of y° Netherlands above 15,000 pounds sterling of clear gaine
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 613
besides other provechos wch amount to a nemo scit. His Commissions George
are principally Inquests made by him and his friends of the present xJgbyWE8q
estate or these countries, & ye relations he hathe drawen from Don T — -
Bait, de Zuniga, and ye Marques Spinola, touching ye affayres of the
Empire. All wch besides his secrett intelligence with Hollande, must bee
conveyed to ye Duke of Lermas' knowledge, by the organ of his reporte.
"... I dare boldely assure your Losp that thei have at this
instante diverse perilous mynes a working, bothe in the United Provinces,
and the Duchies of Juliers and Cleves, &c.
" . . . . While wee . . . [though feeling all this in a
second degree to concerne our owne freeholde] are contented through y°
charmes of our fatall securitie to neglect our owne well -fare, & to
beleeve eyther that Spaine will doe us no harme, or God miraculously
without secondary meanes will deliver us from danger
I say quod principiis est obstandum.
"Pater Nayen, among other negociations . . . carrieth with him
diverse Informations against those poore strangers, wfh for ye King
of Spaine's benefitt have changed his pistoletts of golde into cchavos
and quartillos of copper It were a deede of charity . . to
have them secretely advertised of their danger, &c."
Monsr Caron returns to his charge in England with an assurance to
his Mtio that he shall have contentment concerning Vorstius, and the
offer made to Count Maurice for yP Garter.
The Count Palatine was received with much honour by the States,
and presented with a jewel worth 6,000 crownes. Count Maurice gave
him 4 or 6 horses for a coach ; Count William with 2 for the saddle ;
and Count Henry the same.
" Our reformed captaines and forlorne men of warr, who ever since y°
making ye Truce, have lived in holes and corners, like ye 7 sleepers, doe
now like flyes in ye spring tyme, begin to buzz about this Towne, as yf
thei had vented ye hope of some future employment, &c."
It is reported that, at the instance of Spinola, the Emperour has
promised to move at the first opportunity about the making of a King of
the Romans.
The Emperour has given his brother Maximilian 250,000 florins of
Germany for his claims upon the patrimony of their house. But the
prince claimed a much larger sum, and is not satisfied.
Adamo Centucione is come hither to negociate with the Archduke
upon certain money matters.
Mr Bustanza at Antwerp is to furnish a million & a half for ye
ordinary provisions of ye next year for the payment of the King's
moneys to his Army.
The Archduke has not yet banished our cloathes by any publick act,
" but only a secrete restraint." It were a worthy labour to inquire
secretly into the amount of wool regrowen yearly in Spaine and
Portugal, the amount made into cloth, and the quantities exported, &c.
Sir J. Digbye to Sir T. Edmondes.
Dec. 7, st° vet., from Madrid. — The King's journey into Portugal
which was to have taken place this month, is now put off, and will not
in my opinion hold at all.
The Portuguese will be discontented, for they have made great
preparations.
The unfortunate news has just come of our most worthy Prince his
614 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
George "I imagine that to these people there could a fewe things have
XgS^Esq. naPned» f°r w°h tnei would have lesse grieved.' '
— The Duke of Lerma has been much strengthened by two cross
matches lately made with the Almirante of Castile, who was married to
the daughter of the D. of Uzeda, son to the D. of Lerma ; and the D. of
Zea, eldest son of the D. of Uzeda, to the sister of Almirante.
The King has written to all his Councils to obey the Duke of Lerma's
commands in all things. There never was known any subject's greatnes
equal to this.
One Councellour on receiving the order declared that he meant to obey
the Duke in all things, as his predecessors had obeyed Philip, for that
what this King is doing now is not of a much inferiour nature to the
total resignation of Charles V.
Father Nayen has died very suddenly.
These are very quiet times, and the King of Spain begins to grow rich
and out of debt, &c.
Sir T. Edmondes to Sir J. Digbye.
Nov. 22, st° vet., from Paris. — Sends a copy of Sir T. Wake's letter
with the news of the death of the Prince.
The Court of France have put themselves into mourning.
The Parliament here has within these few days " passed an arreste for
the publick burning of a lewde and infamous booke lately set forth by
one Schoppius in Germany, wch was accordingly performed."
The Prince of Conti is to have the government of Auverjrne, of which
the Prince Janville is to have the reversion. Some compensation is to
found for the Count of Auvergne who is dispossessed. By these means
the government of Daulphine is assured to yc young Count of Soissons.
The Marques Trenel is to go into Italy to condole for the death of the
Duchesse of Mantova, and to bring back the daughter of the Duke of
Branchianos to be married to the Constable's son, &c.
The Same to the Same.
From Paris, Dec. 9. — Congratulates him on the birth of a son.
Mons1" de Hauterive was sent into Spain to treat about the debatable
lands between Bearne and Navarre. The Queen has reinforced the
Governor of Bearne with four new companies.
Don Inigo de Cardenas has taken his leave, having finished the
time of his employment here.
Monsr de Rounray has returned from Rochelle with the answer that
the deputies there assembled receive with thankfulness the verbal offers
sent from the Queen " [wch for their better satisfaction thei injoynedhim
to deliver them in writing] but thei made some farther demandes,
namely," That the sum allowed for the entertaining of ministers and
garrisons be raised to 160,000 crownes, the amount promised by the
Edict of Nantes.
That they might name their own Treasurer.
That upon the vacancy of any of their governments, the Queen
should choose one out of three names submitted to her.
" That a reglement be made for the choosing of the Counsaylors wdl
are to serve in ye chamber of ye Edict heere at Paris, where ye causes of
those of ye Religion are to bee tryed, in regarde thei complaine that ye
Chancellour dothe electe suche persons to bee ye judges there, as are
worste affected to them,"
HISTORICAL MAN I SCRIPTS COMMISSION; 615
They require that the former offers and these demands be confirmed Gbobge
to them by the 25* of this month. Digby^Bsq.
Meanwhile, to show their obedience, the Assembly is dissolved, and —
the deputies have retired, except some who remain for safety at Rochelle,
because they came to the Assembly in spite of a warning which had
been delivered to them.
Upon the receipt of these demands a solemn Council was held here, and
it was resolved not to grant any of the new demand, upon the ground
that 1° it would derogate from the King's regal power to yield to the
said conditions, & especially to that one concerning the Nomination of
Governours. 2° that even if the demands had been more reasonable yet
the Queen could not consent to them as they were made by an Assembly
which had been declared illegal. Moreover they had been refused when
put forward by the lawful Assembly at Saumur.
The Queen will make good both her publick and private offers, and
for that purpose there shall be a new publication of the Edict, accom-
panied by a Declaration for the anihilating of all proceedings against
those of the Religion since the Assembly of Saumur, and a general
amnestie, and all the royal officers of whatever Religion shall be sworn
to observe & execute it.
The Queen will take a severe course if any more Assemblies are
1. 11
held.
And it was said that the Companies of horse placed upon the frontiers
of Poictou & Brittany at the time of the broil between the D. of Ven-
dosme, & ye Marshall of Brissac, should be sent back into Poictou to
remain there, until it should be seen if those of the Religion would
submit.
It was farther menaced that the old order should be renewed for the
sending of the " Marshalls of France to make their ridings about yc
Provinces, for ye punishing of all disorders that should arise. But all
these threats are like to vanishe into smoke."
The Deputies are to meet again at Rochelle on the 25th of this month.
Some among them wish to stand out for their full demands, but it is to
be hoped that they will be content with the favourable offers which have
been made them.
Monsr de Rohan has disclaimed any personal feelings, and has sent a
gentleman to make his submission.
The Queen has again sent a " jussion " to the Parliament for the
receiving of Mons1' de Esdiquiers to be Duke and Peer of France, but it
was refused by them with the same obstinacy as before, &c.
W. Trumball to the Same.
Nov. 12. — The Marques Spinola has returned from accompanying the
Spanish Ambassr Extraordinary to Cambray, and is now preparing to
go towards Cullen and Aquisgrave, under the pretence of mediating
between the Emperour and the Possident Princes. But " timeo Danaos
et dona ferentes, &c »
Sir J. Digby to Sir T. Edmondes.
Dec. 25, st° n°, from Madrid. — Don Alonso de Velasco reports from
England that a match for the late Prince with a daughter of the D. of
Savoy was absolutely concluded. " And that to that effecte there was a
banquer come from thence into England to be respondent for the
portion." :IKt
616 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
Gboegb They here take it ill that the Duke should proceed so far without
Digb^Esq. tneir knowledge and consent. " But that wch thei take worste, and is
— likely to bee to the Duke ye greatest prejudice, is, that hee hathe in-
formed that this matche was concluded without any advantage at all to
the Catholick cause, more than her private use of her Religion. And
that the Duke professed that notwithstanding the Pope by his letters
did dehorte him from yt, yet hee had consulted with the divines &
canonists of his owne countrye, and that thei had resolved him, that the
matche was neyther against ye lawe divine nor humane. ... I con-
ceive that this will muche irritate this State against ye Duke, who have
long beene hollow-hearted towards him. Yet notwithstanding this I
muste tell your Losp that there are observed of late greate inclinations in
this King to marry againe. And hee hathe given some demonstrations,
that hee is likelyest to matche with one of that Duke's daughters. And
besides that hee had secretely, of my knowledge, takeu order that their
pictures might bee brought hither, hee hathe now proceeded something
farther. For I am informed from very good parte that hee hathe written
unto ye Duke to sende hither bothe his daughters, & his young sonne
the Cardinall ; and that hee will take care of the disposing of them
upon himselfe. The one of them perhaps may have the good fortune to
bee a Queene. The other I conceive thei meane to make a nunne in a
newe monasterie wch was founded by ye late Queene."
The Duke of Sax (" I heere from very good parte "), seeks to unite
himself with Spain and the Emperour ; and there are hopes in this
Court of his becoming a Catholick.
But though it may be far from this, yet it is very likely that he will
join with them for the sake of their aid in his pretences of Juliers.
" And therefore I would hartely wishe that there might not bee too
strict conditions. . . used with him, leste hee should bee forced to
cast himselfe upon them."
The project of the King's journey into Portugal is revived, but it is
but a pretext, I conceive, for getting the 300,000 crownes wch the
Portugese had provided to give unto the King if he should come.
The Infanta is to go into France next year.
Several offices about the young Queen have been bestowed upon
French gentlemen of good quality.
" There was a Spanishe Prieste called Pedro Vaca de Robles, who
went from hence and presented himselfe in the Reformed Church at
Rochelle, & afterwards at Paris, & [as I am informed] had your Losps,
or at leaste ye Chapleines recommendations into England. Hee is now
returned into Spaine with Don Pedro de Cunega. I very earnestly
intreate your Losp that by ye firste I may understande from you as
muche as you knowe of him."
There have been of late many extraordinary couriers from Flanders.
One, who lost the King's packets by the way, has received here very
cruel torments, but he has confessed nothing, and " I believe in the ende
yt will rather prove wretchednesse than falsehood."
The packet is said to have been of very great consequence. I believe
that by some carelessness it was left behind in Flanders.
W. Trumball to Sir J. Digbye.
Dec. 1, from Bruxelles. — The Courte here will wear black for two or
three months for the Prince.
The Archduke justifies his proceedings about our clothes M by cer-
taine wrested passages of ye anncient treaties, and some other poor
HISTOBICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 617
reasons. The merchannt adventurers [who will needes rule the roster George
in all businesses of this nature] are very cold in their resolutions to XgSt/Isq.
procure a redre3se. Five peeces of coloured cloathes have beene sent to — —
Antwerpe, by commandement from the Lords of the Councell, to make
a triall whether these Princes would seize on them as prohibited goods,
or lett them have free passage. Thei were no soner come neere the
wharfe, but ye customers laid 'their tallents upon them, and threatened
them with confiscaion, wch I thinke will undoubtedly followe unless the
Archduke alter his present opinion."
Many rumours of war next year.
"Don Balthazar de Quniga on Sunday laste was affianced to the
fairest lady of this courte, called Madle de Pelhem. To-morrow she
parteth towards Germany to meet her future husband at Spires. The
Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg are to hold a conference next
month about their pretentions in Juliers and Cleves.
The business of Colforde, Calley and Wake.
INDEX.
Abbeville ; 280.
Abercairny ; 83.
Abercrumby, John of ; 63.
Aberdeen ; 157, 185.
merchants, &c. of, their petition ;
186.
Bishop of (1510); 69.
(1523) ; 23.
Aberfoyle, parish ; 77.
Aberfrau and Snawdon, Viscount of; 431.
Aberg willy; 281.
letters dated at; 293.
Abernethy, Robert :
letter of reversion by ; 16.
grant to ; 17.
Abircrumby, Alexander, commission to ;
88.
Achinhamys :
lord of; 8.
document dated at ; 13.
Achinlek :
Sir John of ; 13.
William of; 13.
Achinskeyth ; 26.
Achintebir ; 26.
Achmet :
Pacha of Babylon ; 300.
Chur; ib.
attack on; 301.
Achowye; 66.
Acuna, Sarmiento de, Don Diego de ;
583.
Adair :
Mr., letter to ; 372, 373.
John, the surgeon ; 416.
William; 394.
Adamtoun ; ]5, 19.
Adel Schaik, King of Persia ; 300.
Admiralty, the. See London.
Adrianople, Treaty of; 227.
Adrostoun; 152.
Advice, the ship ; 187.
Aersens, Mons., States envoy; 567.
Aickett; 29.
Aiquemortes; 610.
Airds; 33.
Lord of, in Ireland ; 49.
Lord, his release ; 56.
Airlie:
Earl of (1685) ; 136.
Lord, titular (1724), letter of ; 153.
Aix la Chapelle ; 464, 505, 508.
English troops at ; 206-209.
treaty of; 213, 214, 304, 305.
deputies of; 560.
ban against ; 566.
Akett; 14.
Akinhed, Robert, chaplain ; 71.
Akinhede, William of ; 12.
Akinloss, Bartholomew ; 21.
Akynhede :
Alexander ; 68.
John ; 68.
Albani, Cardinal ; 386.
Albania, the Spaniards and ; 533.
Albany :
Duke of (1413), charter of ; 9.
(1515), John; 22.
(1523) ; 23.
Regent; 70.
Albemarle :
Duke of (1679), his regiment ; 131.
Lord, and Louis XV. ; 363.
Alberquerquy, Duke of; 584.
Aldenhoven, English troops at ; 209.
Aldobrandini, the ; 546.
Ale account ; 36.
Aleome or Aleaume, Mons. of Leyden i
467, 474, 475.
Aleppo and Vaun :
Pacha of; 300.
trade of; 301.
Alexandria ; 304, 533.
Rosette near ; 383.
Algiers; 370, 584.
slaves from ; 303.
Alicant ; 285.
Alison, Donald, of Rothsay -3 17.
Allen:
— , at Lisle; 134.
Capt. ; 412.
Lord ; 498, 502,
Colonel, of Wicklow ; 502.
Allhallow Chapel, lands of; 24.
Alnage Office in Ireland ; 229.
Alost, English troops at ; 206, 209.
Alsatia; 277.
620
JXDEX.
Alt, Moat.; 321,357, 360.
letters of ; 262,271,386.
Altona; 388.
Alva, Duke of :
(1611), grant to; 552.
(1624), letter of; 108.
(1757) ; 214, 219.
Alyshundire, of Cunygaym ; 64.
Ambassadors :
their baggage ; 230.
in France, contentions among ; 567,
571.
Amboy, letter dated at ; 137.
Ambrun :
Archbishop of; 110.
Bishop of ; 548.
Amelia, Princess, her chaplain ; 396.
America :
Indians of, treaties with; 228, 231,
232, 236, 382.
Amherst's operations in ; 315.
feeling against Stamp Act in ; 382,
384.
disaffection in; 403, 406, 418, 421,
422.
Amherst, General, in America ; 315.
Amiens, 280.
Amsterdam ; 192, 239, 248, 436.
newspapers ; 347.
King Theodore at ; 484, 488.
Amville, Duke of; 588, 611.
Amyand :
Mr.; 310,311,326, 358.
Claude; 362.
George ; ib.
Sir George ; 377.
death of; 401.
Anabaptists, the, in Jersey province ; 137.
Anacol, son of Symon ; 86.
Ancel, Mr. ; 425.
Ancerville, Baron d', his proposed
marriage ; 103.
Ancolson, Andrew, notary ; 63.
Ancram, Lord, at Culloden ; 443.
Andalusia, St. Mary port in ; 608.
Anderson :
Jacobite name ; 454, 455.
William, chaplain ; 71.
Andover, Lord (1736-87), letters of; 466,
479, 484.
Andrews :
Messrs., cypher ; 227.
Mr., of Amsterdam; 460, 461, 463,
466, 474.
Jona, order signed by ; 187.
Androson, Robyn, witness ; 15.
Anere, Marques of ; 602.
Anglea, fencing master; 47.
Anglesey, Lord (1737), his death ; 487.
Angus:
Braes of ; 57.
Earl of (1360), charter by ; 6.
(1442); 63.
(1509) ; 21.
(1511); 22.
(1546), bond by ; 26f
Angus — cojit.
Earl of, (1689), his regiment ; 39.
Countess of; 68.
Anhalt :
Prince of (1711) ; 143.
three Princes of; 574.
Anjou, Duke of; 544.
Anne :
Queen, and the Presbyterians ; 81.
and Marlborough ; 143.
commissions by ; 185, 186.
Princess, of Russia, her husband ;
165.
Annel, — , his letters; 353.
Ansell, Mons.; 578.
Anson, Lord ; 313, 378.
his illness ; 328.
A nspach, Margrave of (1619), letter of;
91.
Anstis, John, Garter, letters of ; 430.
Anstruther, Sir Robert ; 106.
letters of ; 122.
Antelope, the ship ; 448.
Anthony Ulric, Prince ; 374.
Anton Ulrich, Prince :
letters of ; 165.
congratulations to ; 190.
Antrim, English congregation in ; 16,
Antwerp; 107, 133, 282, 367, 543, 550,
571.
Castellano of ; 534.
Castle of; 594.
Commissaries at ; 267, 269.
St. George's Church ; 606.
English cloths in ; 616, 617.
Appin Camp, letter dated at; 289.
Apprentices, masons', statutes concerning ;
29, 30.
Aquileia, Patriarch of, complaints against ;
591.
Aquimortes ; 612.
Aquisgrave, the Jesuits at ; 523, 528,
544, 550, 555, 563, 570, 575, 582, 597,
615.
Aranjuez, Treaty of ; 215.
Arbuthnot, Mr., Jacobite name for
George II. ; 457.
Archangel tongues ; 331.
Archangela, miracles performed by ; 564.
Archer, Lady Betty ; 397.
Archile, the ship ; 195.
Arco, Count d' ; 570.
Ardblair, laird of; 87.
Ardkinglas ; 24.
Ardmanuel; 69.
Ardneill, laird of; 13.
Ardoch :
Roman camp, near ; 131.
manuscripts ; 157 et seq.
Ardrose, Lord of; 63.
Ardrossan :
document dated at ; 7.
parish church of ; 12.
Castle, document dated at ; 16,.
lands of; 24.
Mill of ; 27.
East and West Mains of ; 27.
family; 1.
INDEX.
621
Arensberg; 331.
Areskine, Lord (1647), letter of; 79.
See Erskine.
Argyll :
Earl of (1498) ; 18.
(1509); 21.
(1515), obligation by ; 23.
(1547), justice general ; 27.
Marquis of (1661), his trial and
sentence ; 79.
(1689), instructions to ; 39.
commander-in-chief ; ib.
Duke of (1711), in Spain; 141, 143.
death of; 278.
Bishop of (1510) ; 69.
(1530); 24.
John of, charter by, 61.
Argyllshire :
rebels in ; 265.
men and the rebels ; 286.
the rebels in ; 289.
Ariaga, Spanish Secretary ; 220.
Arlington, Lord :
(1672), letter to; 200.
(1678), document signed by ; 201.
Armentieres, M. d' ; 316.
Arnault, Mr. ; 122.
Arnet, Doctor ; 44.
Arnot :
George ; 63.
John ; ib.
witness; 15.
Arnott, Lieut.-Governor of Dumbarton ;
136.
Arostegni, Antonio ; 524, 526, 527, 558.
Arran :
Earl of (1519) ; 23.
(1666), grant to; 229.
the Regent; 27.
Captain of ; 44.
Allaster in ; 56.
Arremberg, Count ; 586.
Arschot :
Duke of, death of; 585, 586.
Arthur, James, assumed name ; 496.
Arthurle :
Robert, of Glasgow, witness ; 14.
William, grant to ; 14.
Artillery; 132-135.
Arundel :
Walberton near ; 408.
price of votes at; 409.
Earl of (1612), at Spa ; 598.
(1616) ; 98, 99.
and Surrey, Earl of, Earl Marshall ;
115.
the ship; 192, 193.
Mr., of the Mint ; 268.
Arvorlich; 149, 150.
Ascog in Bute, lands of; 9, 16, 17.
Ash, Mr. ; 460.
Ashley, cypher for Cardinal de Eleury;
227.
Ashstead, letter dated at ; 466.
Ashton :
Tbomas; 279.
Rev. Thomas, letter of ; 311.
Asti, see of; 526.
Astre, L', the ship ; 195.
Ath; 439.
Athlone, Earl of (1702), general ; 81.
Athole; 124.
men of ; 57.
and Caithness, Earl of (1414) ; 62.
Earl of (1578), Chancellor ; 88.
Marquis of (1685), exoneration of;
95.
commission to ; ib.
(1689) ; 138.
Duke of (1716), his orders about the
Drummond estate ; 149.
Lord Tullibardine styled, letters
of and to (1745) ; 92, 93, 127, 129.
orders by ; 128.
at Hun ting tower ; 150.
Atterbury, Bishop, letter of; 179.
and Pope : 475.
Aubell, English troops at ; 210.
Auchibowy ; 69.
Auchinbie ; 76.
Auchinhowie; 72.
Auchlochy, lands of ; 70.
Auchyll ; 75.
Aucre, Marquis d' ; 605.
Audley End ; 100, 101.
August II., of Poland ; 187.
Augustine convent in Manilla, alleged
sacking of ; 232, 233.
Augustus :
of Saxony, his sons ; 193.
Eort ; 442, 445.
Auldistoun, Hugh of; 7.
Auncont, M. de ; 567.
Ausbach, Marquis of ; 574.
Ausberg; 55.
Austria :
Emperor and Empress of ; 55.
Archduke of (1617) ; 99, 100, 102.
house of, its marriages ; 102.
negotiations with ; 244-249.
France, &c, negotiations concerning ;
252 et seq.
Prussian defeat of; 332, 338, 340,
346, 348.
the Family Compact ; 348, 367.
house of ; 570.
Archduchess of, scandal about ; 328.
Emperor of (1765), his death ; 395.
Don Juan de ; 564.
Auvergne; 614.
Count of; 588, 614.
Avesne le Comte, camp at ; 141.
Avignon ; 178, 179, 180, 460, 482, 601.
letter dated at ; 515.
the Pretender at ; 166.
Jacobites at ; 474, 476, 479, 480.
Celestines' library in ; 491.
Avoch; 196.
Ay erst, Mr. ; 147.
Ayr :
document dated at ; 17,22.
court held at ; 18.
court house of ; 20.
friars minor of ; 26.
friars preachers of ; ib.
622
INDEX.
Ayr — cont.
Blackfriars cemetery
burgesses of ; 62.
Walter of ; ib.
Ayrshire :
rebels in ; 39, 289.
men of; 55.
Azoph; 269.
B.
Babylon, the Pachas of; 300, 303.
Bacon :
Edward, documents signed by; 227,
232.
Sir Francis, letter of ; 96.
Badelay, Crawford of ; 7.
Baden, Marquis of; 574.
Badlane; 19.
lands of; 17.
Badlen, lands of ; 16.
Baduier, Cavalier, charges against ; 573,
580, 587, 592, 600, 601.
Badynhache, lands of ; 8.
Baggot, Captain ; 338.
Bagott, Major Mark ; 446.
Captain Thomas ; 446.
Bahama Islands ; 232.
Baillie, Geo., document signed by ; 187.
Baker, Sir George, letters of; 372, 396,
397.
Balagane ; 72.
Balagni, Mons., killed ; 567.
Balbachlo; 68.
Balbi, Nicolao ; 564.
Balcanquall, Walter ; 98.
Balcarres, Lord ^1684), his troop ; 136.
pay of ; ib.
Balcashale ; 64.
Balchen, Sir John ; 281, 282.
Balcleughe, Lady ; 37.
Balcomy, Sir Archibald, chaplain ; 68.
Balkindrocht ; 69.
Ballandallach, lands of ; 13.
Ballendroich ; 72.
Ballinheid; 68.
Ballintyne, Major ; 53.
Ballione, — , at the siege of Bergen op
Zoom; 107.
Balloch; 89.
Ballon, — , brother of; 445.
Balmerino :
Lord (1639), letter of j 48.
master of; 138.
Balnagowan ; 197.
Balquhomry, lands of; 67.
Baluery ; 69.
Balvany, lord of ; 9.
Balwee; 71.
Balwhidder ; 151, 152.
Baize, Cuthbert ; 18.
Banachtyn, Ninian, hie seal; 17.
Banbrech, barony of ; 67.
Banff, laird of, letter of; 139.
Bangor :
Bishop of (1734), Sherlock, letter of ;
254.
(1746); 294.
Baniecht ; 25.
Bankell, land of; 69.
Banks, Sir Henry ; 426.
Bannachtyne, Andrew, witness ; 17.
Bannerman, George, King's Solicitor in
Scotland; 94.
Bannockburn, letter dated at ; 93.
laird of; 138.
Bar, the, lands of; 13, 15, 24.
Barault, M. de ; 596.
Barbadoes, Governor of ; 268.
Barbeyrac, Mons., letter of ; 239.
Barbiccio, secretary ; 561.
Barbo, Colonel ; 533.
Barcelona ; 285, 458, 460.
Barclay :
Captain; 80.
Major, in Ireland ; 49, 50.
Bard, Patrick ; 66.
Bardinskie, General ; 195.
Bardowy, Lady of ; 71.
Bargany (?), Lord :
(1645); 55.
(1668); 39.
Barnard :
Dr. ; 294.
Dr. E., letter of ; 320.
his election at Eton ; 397.
Sir John; 486, 515.
Barnaval, Lieut. ; 446.
Barnevelt, M., letter to ; 112.
Barr :
and Newtown, lands of ; 12.
John, witness ; ] 4.
Barrajas ; 589.
Barrault, M. de ; 525.
Barrel! :
— , at Falkirk; 441.
atCulloden; 443.
Barrington :
Lord (1757) ; 313.
(1763) ; 358.
(1764); 380.
(1765); 391.
(1767); 408.
(1770) ; 423.
Brigadier ; 315.
dean of Windsor; 396.
Barrow, letter dated at; 311.
Barrowstowness ; 440.
Barrymore :
Lord, and the Jacobites ; 225, 226.
in Cheshire ; 286.
and Lady; 519.
Bartenstein; 268.
Bartlett, Capt. John, his ship ; 42.
Basle ; 100, 389.
Bassempierre de Brissen, M. de Crequi de •
599.
Bassompiere, Mons. ; 566.
Bath ; 133, 311, 363, 397, 399, 437.
letters dated at ; 294, 304, 305.
Roman remains at ; 310.
no title given by ; 431.
INDEX.
623
Bathans; 37.
Bathurst :
Lord (1737), speech of ; 479.
(1767); 402.
Theodore; 98.
Batteran, — , at Falkirk, 441.
Batthiani, Count ; 282, 286.
Baurg la Rovne ; 598.
Bavaria ; 47* 48, 55, 438, 439.
Duke of; 534,550.
Prince of; 189.
Elector of (1765) ; 389.
Bayliston, John cf ; 64.
Bayonne; 186, 521, 556.
Governor of ; 588.
Beane, Mrs., of Warwick Court ; 462.
Bear crofts ; 94.
Beardmore, — , libel by ; 345.
Bearne; 614.
Beaton :
James, Archbishop ; 23.
commission to ; 25.
Beauchamp, Sir W. P.; 411.
Beaufort :
Duke of (1770) ; 419.
Mr.; 296.
Mr., or John ; 360.
family; 431.
Beauvais, Bishop of; 566.
Beck, Lieut.; 325.
Beckford, Alderman, and Lord Chatham ;
405, 412.
Beckford, Lord Mayor :
illness and death of ; 426.
his will ; ib.
Bedford :
Duke of (1746) ; 290.
(1752), and the Saxon Treaty ;
307.
(1762) ; 205, 449.
(1762), letters of; 222, 223.
motion by ; 327.
his embassy ; 340, 344.
(1763); 354.
, (1764) ; 229, 363.
(1765) ; 397.
(1768) ; 407, 410.
(1769); 418.
Bedingfield, Sir Henry, his sons ; 438.
Beith :
curate of ; 14.
lands of ; 26.
Bel, Sir William, witness ; 14.
Belach, manor of; 62.
Belfast, garrison at ; 49.
Belgium, English troops in ; 206-210.
Belm, Chastel ; 567.
Bell:
Andrew, witness ; 63.
J., letter of ; 28?.
Canon (?) of Westminster ; 396.
Bellaclone; 150.
Belle isle; 230,231.
affair of ; 370.
fortifications of ; 450.
Bellyclaan; 89.
Belses, Sir James, Sub-dean of Dunblane ;
67.
Belson, Mr. and Mrs. ; 426.
Belvedere, letter dated at ; 230.
Benane, Little, land of ; 8.
Benares ; 237.
Bence, land of; 70.
Bender, Charles XII. at j 142.
Bengal, letters dated at ; 237, 238.
Bennett :
G., Jacobite name for Hamilton ;
457 et seq.
or Binet, Timothy ; 501, 502, 503.
Sir John, his proceedings against
Puteanus ; 99, 102.
Capt. William, of Gruibbet ; 39.
Benson, Mrs. Catherine, assumed name;
496.
Bentinck :
Charles; 323.
Count; 338.
Beny, lands of; 72.
Benyne, Alexander ; 68.
Beretti Landi, Marquis of, letter of; 123.
Berg; 266,267.
Bergamo ; 581, 606.
Bergen ; 315.
Bergen-op-Zoom :
letter dated at ; 107.
besieged by the Infanta ; ib.
capture of ; 298.
Bergues ; 250, 256, 257.
and Brandenburgh ; 202.
Berkeley, Mr. ; 456, 464.
Berken-Stein, Mons. de ; 250.
Berlin ; 246. 320, 432.
letters dated at; 331, 348,349,352,
364, 370, 418.
Bernard :
Duke, his army in Germany ; 47, 48.
Mr.; 460.
Berne ; 379.
letter dated at ; 295.
canton ; 537, 551.
Bernstorff, M. ; 381.
Berri, castle in ; 544.
Berry, John ; 87.
Bertissiere, M. de ; 610.
Berty, Sir Peregrine, at Spa ; 598.
Berulli, Father ; 110, 111.
Berwick :
letters dated at; 55, 156.
Duke of (1689 ?) ; 138.
his son the Duke of Liria; 165.
Bessemmaker, Capt. ; 193.
Bestuchef, Count ; 341.
Bethune, M. de; 118.
Betoun, David, discharge by ; 18.
Betikles, Sir Alexander, witness ; 15.
Bewhaple; 148, 150, 151.
Bibles, payments for ; 31, 39.
Bidenham, Mr., of Altona ; 388.
Bigar, Lady of ; 65.
Bilbon, Mr. ; 425.
Binet, Mons., Jacobite name of E . Hamil-
ton ; 452, 453, 455.
Bingley, Mr. ; 484, 497, 501.
Binning, Lord (1615), letters to j 40, 41.
624
INDEX.
Biondi :
agent from Savoy ; 102.
his character ; 104.
Birkheid; 26.
Birmingham, and the rehels ; 440.
Biron, Marshal, Duke of Curland ; 269.
Birsbin, — , gunner; 135.
Biscay, ports of ; 280.
Bischop, Thomas, his forfeited lands ; 73.
Bishop :
Briggs; 5.
Thomas, notary ; 72.
and Janet Stirling ; 60.
Blacader :
Patrick, bailie of Glasgow ; 66.
Robert, Bishop of Glasgow ; 66.
Blacharne, land of ; C9.
Black, G., letter of ; 319.
Blackburn, Lord of ; 62.
Blackburne, James, witness ; 17.
Blackhal!; 69.
laird of; 41.
Blackmore, — ; 339.
Robert, letter of; 356.
Blacknese castle ; 40.
Blackness garrison ; 136.
Blackwell, Sir Thomas, his victory at
Pontefract ; 52.
Blackwod :
Sir James, chaplain ; 73.
William, chantry chaplain; 73, 74,75.
Bladen, — , Antwerp Commissary; 269.
Colonel, letter of ; 274.
at Midgham: 281.
Blainville, M. de, ambassador ; 113, 114.
Blair, the, document dated at ; 18.
Blair ; 69, 89.
parish church of; 87.
lands of ; 89.
decay of the property ; ib.
castle; 127, 128.
Mr.; 391.
Alexander ; 87.
Andrew, son of John ; 87.
Donald of; 63.
Drummond; 82.
laird of, letters to ; 137, 138.
John; 22.
of Ardblair; 87.
Margaret; 20.
Robert; 26.
Thomas, son of John ; 87.
William; 22.
Blairquhan; 23.
Blakeforde, William of, grant to ; 8.
Blakeney, — , at Falkirk ; 441.
Blakwod, Andrew, notary ; 74.
Bland :
Dr., at Eton ; 242.
; 279, 411.
General, at Culloden ; 442-444.
letter to ; 445.
Blandford, Lady ; 336.
Blandy; 611.
Blandyke, Jesuit seminary at ; 437, 438.
Blarchan, Lord of ; 12.
Blare :
Alexander of, grant to ; 7.
David and John, witnesses ; 15.
John; 17.
bond by; 18.
Blareton ; 1 8.
; Blarnarne, lands of ; 66;
Blayr:
John, witness ; 1 9.
Margaret ; 19.
Blencowe, Mr., at Spa ; 367.
Bletchingley, letter dated at ; 411.
Bligh :
— , at Culloden ; 443.
Colonel, 210.
Blischinton, (?), garrison ; 54.
Blois, Bishop of, Maupas, letter of; 116.
his French Grammar ; ib.
Bloome, — , gunner; 135.
Boate, — ; 266, 268.
Boccaccio, Caesar, his new seminary ; 524.
Bochquhanne, Elizabeth, spouse of William
Stirling, 66.
Bodin, Charles, French officer; 446.
Boehm, Mr. ; 414.
Boekelaer, Mons. ; 269.
Boerhave, Dr.y at Leyden ; 459, 460, 463,
472, 477, 481, 501, 502, 519, 520.
Boesse, M. de; 536.
Boetslaer, M. ; 447, 465, 466.
his death ; 482.
Bofracts lands ; 128.
Bohemia; 44.
Crown of; 523.
the new king of ; 527.
King of (1612) ; 561.
Ferdinand, his son's marriage ;
(1617) ; 102, 104.
(1620), letter to ; 121.
(1625), letter to ; 112.
Queen of, Elizabeth, account of ; 83
84.
letters of ; 89, 90.
Bohmar, Count ; 353.
Bois le due ; 456, 457.
Bois, Abbot du, his execution ; 545, 546,
548, 565.
Bolanio, M., his troop ; 123.
Bolgarris, lands of; 13.
Bolingbroke, Viscount (1713) ; 147.
(1716), articles sent to ; 181.
at the Pretender's court ; 181-184.
(1723), his pardon ; 242.
Bologna ; 386.
the Pretender at; 162, 163, 166.
Bolter, Primate of Ireland ; 297.
Bombay; 233.
Bombel, Mons., engineer ; 134.
Bon, Ottavian ; 592.
Bouavista; 230.
Bonde, Count ; 205.
Bonn ; 594.
Bonningtou ; 24.
Bonoeil, M. de ; 567, 596.
Bonpar, charge against ; 604, 605.
Bonyntoun ; 53.
Books, payments for; 39.
theological, recommended : 491.
INDEX.
625
Boquhopil ; 69.
Borck, — ; 269.
Borcke, Mons., ; 266.
Bordeaux ; 521.
English merchants sent out of ; 328.
mayoralty of ; 525.
mayor of, dispute with; 596.
Parliament of; 611.
Boreel, M. ; 329, 341, 342, 345.
Boreell; 325.
Borga, Dod Inigo de ; 534.
Borghese, Cardinal ; 532.. 539, 545, 546.
Borgo forte; 81.
Borkshot, English troops at; 209.
Borland; 89.
Borlom; 124.
Boroughbridge ; 52, 288, 289.
the Scots army at ; 53.
Borromei, Count, translation by ; 270.
Borromeo, Carlo, the new saint ; 553.
Borthwick :
Lord (1509) ; 21.
(1513), William; 69.
(1656); 79.
lord of, Sir William ; 63.
Boscawen, Admiral, his victory ; 318.
Boston, America ; 411,421.
Bothernok, lands of ; 62.
Bothmar, Count ; 358.
Bothwell, Earl (1611) ; 533.
Botty, or Botti, Marquis de ; 524, 571.
Bouchain, siege of; 141-143.
Bouchquhaderok ; 69.
Bouchquhumgre ; 64.
Boullay, Count of :
his proposed marriage ; 103.
Bouillon, M. or Due de (1611-12) ; 524,
525, 530, 536, 543, 544, 557, 560, 566,
567, 574, 588, 595, 610.
Boulogne; 122, 156, 374.
Bouquet, Col., at Fort Pitt ; 237.
Bourg in Bresse ; 536, 544, 551.
Bourke, Captain Richard ; 446.
Bourneville, Duke of, at the French Court ;
610, 611.
Bouslers (?) M. ; 81.
Bowat or lantern, a description of ; 43.
Bowen, Mr., of the Treasury ; 249.
Bow Hills ; 287.
Bowes, Miss ; 383.
Bowles, Mr., opposes Fox's election ; 313.
Boyd:
Archibald, witness ; 13.
Jack; 358.
Robert, witness ; 8, 16.
Robert, in Kilmarnock ; 25.
Master of ; 27.
letters of, 344, 346.
Thomas, of Kilmarnock ; 21.
William, of Baniecht ; 25.
Boyde :
Lord Robert, signature ; 28.
Arthur, witness ; 15.
William; 26.
William of, grant to ; 8.
Boyer, Mons. ; 129.
Boyl, Thomas ; 19.
Boyle, letter dated at ; 301.
u 84067.
Boyman, Robert, charge against ; 20.
Boys, David, witness ; 11.
Brabant ; 81.
devastations in ; 105, 106.
fortifications ; 585.
Brachiano, Duke of ; 588, 614.
Brackley, cipher for Scotland ; 499.
Brade, Robert ; 9.
Bradenel, Colonel ; 318.
Brady, Mr. ; 277.
Bradshaw, Mr. ; 407.
charge against ; 426, 427.
Bradstreet, Colonel, on Lake Erie ; 236.
Brady :
Dr. ; 388, 377.
Gilbert; 66.
Braidlaw; 68.
Braidlye; 26.
Brampton; 289.
Bran, Sandi ; 51.
Branachally ; 152.
Brandenburgh, its right to Juliers and
Bergues; 202.
Electorof( 161 1-12); 528,550,574,617.
his ambassadors ; 603.
(1617); 118.
(1681), his artillery; 134.
Marquis of; 601.
Brandolin, Abbot of; 542.
Brant, Captain ; 192.
Braun, Count, letter of ; 284.
Brazil wood ; 20.
Brechin, Bishop of :
(1371), witness ; 7.
(1684) ; 94.
Brecknock, title derived from ; 431.
Breda; 48, 105, 133, 134, 135, 540.
Bremen; 332.
Brentford election, murder at; 411, 412,
413, 415, 452.
letter dated at ; 504.
Brescia ; 581, 606.
Breslau ; 328, 329, 330.
letters dated at; 332, 335,337-340,
345, 347.
Bressau; 569.
Brest ; 295.
squadron ; 280, 282, 289.
Bridgman, Sir Orlando, Governor of
Barbadoes; 268.
Bridgwater, Duchess of ; 518.
Brietzcke, — ; 393.
Charles, letters of ; 413, 424, 426, 427.
Brillant, Le, the ship ; 195.
Brisbane, Thomas ; 62.
Briscow, Patrick, letter to ; 516.
Brissac, Marshal ; 596, 603, 605, 611, 615.
Bristol :
Earl of (1761); 222, 323.
(1762) ; 326.
(1770) ; 419, 425.
Bishop of (1714), at Utrecht, letter
of; 147.
(1747) ; 298.
(1748) ; 302.
Dean of, Dr. Chetwyn ; 100.
Briton, the North, and Wilkes ; 355 et seq.
North, libel in ; 372, 373.
R R
626
INDEX.
Brittany; G15.
states of, their claim on England ;
230, 231.
Brodokle, lands of ; 17.
Brodrick, Mr. ; 448.
Broglio, M. de, at Bergen ; 315, 31 fi.
Broiss, David, of Kennet ; 66.
Brokalmure, lands of; 17.
Bromfield, — , surgeon ; 413.
Bromley, Mr., secretary ; 147.
candidate for Oxford j 458, 471, 472,
475, 482, 483.
death of ; 482.
Brompton ; 130.
Brooke, Herald ; 115.
Broughton.and the Brentford election ; 41 1 .
Brouncker, Sir William, in the Venetian
service; 121.
Brown, Browne :
Captain; 129.
General, his passage of the Var ; 295.
Mr.; 290,
- the Pretender's reference to ; 159.
- cipher for the Pretender ; 168.
Mrs., her will ; 425.
George, letters of; 320, 392.
Michael, commission to ; 93.
Eobert, minister at Utrecht ; 352.
Thomas ; 68.
Sir Thomas, notices of his works ; 130.
Browning, Col. William, treaty signed by ;
232.
Brownrigge, Rodolph ; 98.
Bruce :
Agnes ; 67.
Robert, of Kinnaird, letter of ; 6.
letter of; 46.
Bruhl, Baron ; 374.
Brunswick ; 424.
letters dated at ; 327, 328, 329, 333,
336, 339.
town, ban against ; 528.
Duke of (1611); 528,529.
(1621); 105, 106.
(1761); 321.
(1762) letter of; 228.
Prince Louis of ; 333.
Bruntfeild, Murhoussis ; 53.
Bruntyhill; 89.
Brussels; 133.
letters dated at; 145, 146,360,361,
362, 365, 367, 370, 371, 374, 377,
379, 381, 383, 385, 387, 388, 395.
letters of Trumbull from ; 523-616
passim.
devastations about; 105, 106.
the Infanta at ; ib.
the Infanta's Court at ; ib.
Council of State at ; 143.
English troops at ; 206-210.
cloth in ; 534.
new cloisters in ; ib.
Bruyss, Robert, of Auchinbowy ; 69.
Buccaness ; 287.
Buccleugh :
Earl of, his service in the Netherlands ;
112.
(1627); 114.
B uccle ugh — cant.
and Monmouth, Duke of, (1679),
protection by ; 78.
Buchan :
Lieut. Col. ; 133.
Lieut. Col. Thomas, pay of ; 136.
Buchanan, of Leny ; 60.
family, account of; 74.
Captain Alex. ; 447.
Elizabeth and Egidia or Giles ; 72.
Margaret and Jonet ; 72.
Patrick, his daughters ; 72.
Walter, son of Patrick of ; 65.
Buchanan's Chronicle ; 39.
Buchchoppil, town of; 86.
Buchquhannan, Walter ; 18.
Buckden, or Bugden, letters dated at ; 296,
297, 302, 306, 308, 318, 319, 321, 322,
448.
ordinations at ; 439.
Buckingham :
Marquis and Duke of, letters to ; 89,
90, 91, 96 et seq.
(1620), letter of; 104.
letter of ; 106.
■ letters of ; 109 et seq.
his works ; 485.
Duchess of (1626) ; 45.
the late ; 227.
(1732), in France ; 250.
(1737); 487.
illness of; 505.
Buckinghamshire :
Earl of (1762); 339, 343.
in Russia; 355, 357, 368,369,
380, 385.
letter to ; 450.
Buckley, cipher for the Czar ; 168.
Bucquoi, or Buquoy, Count de ; 537, 540,
558, 576, 594, 597.
Buen Retiro, letter dated at ; 230.
Bugden. See Buckden.
Bulkley, Samuel, of the Gazette ; 202.
Bulle :
Adam; 66.
John; 66.
Bullul, charter dated at ; 62.
Bunbury, Sir Charles ; 512, 513.
Bungay, Flixton Hall near ; 394, 395, 406,
407, 415, 416.
Burell, Henry ; 66.
Buren; 316.
Buretres, lands of ; 7.
Burgos, dispute among soldiers at ; 584,
589.
Burgoyne, Major ; 362.
Burgundy :
the Salines of ; 567.
levy in ; 570.
Burke :
Edmund, under secretary ; 392, 393.
motion by; 413.
Lieut. Michel ; 446.
William, letter of ; 397.
resignation of; 403.
Burmania, Baron ; 395.
Burnaby, J., letter of; 295.
Burne, Richard, of Hill ; 69.
INDEX.
627
Burnet :
his Pastoral Care ; 491.
Mr., at Berlin ; 370.
Burnham, living of; 310, 314.
Burntoun, David, witness; 14.
Burton, — ; 397.
Mr. Pitt's seat ; 399.
Bury, Lord, at Culloden ; 442, 443.
Bury St. Edmunds, letter dated at ; 295.
Busbae, John ; 72.
Busbie, Little, lands of ; 27.
Busby :
laird of; 21.
land of; 86.
Busbye; 26.
Busenelle, M., Venetian Resident, sent
away; 268.
Bushey or Bushey Park; 347, 356-363,
369, 370, 382, 385, 390, 391.
letters dated at ; 352, 353, 372, 373,
375.
Bussy, M. de ; 222, 273, 327.
Bustanza, M. ; 613.
Bute :
Allaster in ; 56.
island ; 24.
Lord; 199,336, 345.
(1737), his brother; 506.
(1761), letters of; 221, 320,
321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 449.
(1762); 348,349.
letters to ; 320, 323.
(1762), letters of; 326, 329.
(1763) ; 353.
(1763), letters of ; 352,354,360.
and Chatham ; 402.
(1768); 411.
Lady ; 330, 335.
Butemeister, Mr. ; 328.
Butler, Dr., candidate for Oxford ; 490.
Butter :
Finlay; 63.
Patrick; ib.
John of Gormok ; 87.
commission to ; 88.
William; 87.
Buttevant, Lord ; 286.
Buxton ; 287, 424, 439.
Buys, Mons., deputy, his reputation ; 144.
Bykyrton, Sir John of ; 62.
Byng :
Admiral, debate on his sentence ; 312,
313.
his squadron ; 448.
Mr.; 415.
G., document signed by ; 187.
Bynnyng, James ; 66.
Byrkheid; 25.
Byron, Capt. ; -404.
By set, Sir William ; 62.
c.
Cadare, lands of; 62.
Cadder, lands of ; 66, 72.
Cadenet, Marshal de; 122.
Cadogan :
General, at the siege of Bouchain ;
142.
Lord (1743) ; 209.
Cadyhou, David of; 64.
Caermarthen, Marquis of ; 399.
Cairncrosse, Alexander :
Bishop of Brechin ; 94.
Archbishop of Glasgow ; ib.
Cairo; 304.
Caithness ; 445.
Lord (1578); 88.
Bishop of (1510); 69.
Caitkin, lands of; 72.
Calabria; 386.
Calais; 33, 138, 320.
Calberg; 338.
Calder :
lord of; 64.
James, commission to ; 95.
Calderon, Don Rodrigo de ; 534, 545,557,
558, 567, 575-609 passim.
Calduell, John and Malcolm ; 19.
Caldwell; 42.
Calender, Robert, of Maner ; 69, 70.
Calentare, lord of; 64.
Calhoun, — ; 269.
Callendar :
letter dated at ; 44.
laird of; 150.
• parish; 77.
Lord, and the Covenant ; 37.
inventory by ; 38.
Calley or Cawley, Mr. ; 567, 605.
Calvert, Secretary; 117, 120.
Camarca, Marques de, arrest of; 558, 559.
Camarowski, — ; 374.
Cambray ; 615.
Cambridge ; 278, 439.
letter dated at ; 249.
University, legacy to ; 411.
King's College ; 279.
Pembroke Hall, address from ; 97.
Trinity Hall; 411.
Cambusbaroun, lands of ; 7.
Camcescane, lord of ; 8.
Camden, Lord (1770) ; 423.
Camera, John de ; 63.
Cameron of Lochiel, Colonel ; 445.
Campbell :
of Glenderuel; 196.
Brigadier ; ib.
Captain; 186, 362.
Colonel, at Falkirk ; 440.
Dr. ; 375.
General ; 206, 210.
Mr., and Lord Tullibardine ; 126.
Allan, witness ; 8.
Andrew, of Hevidis ; 16.
Colin, of Ardkinglas ; 24.
of Achowye, charter by ; 66.
of Auchinhowie ; 72.
his slaughter of Hamilton y ib.
Sir Colin (1442) ; 64.
David; 13.
of Clongawe ; 16.
George, laird of Gallystown ; 62.
RR 2
628
INDEX.
Campbell — cont.
Sir George, of London; 16.
Hector, prisoner ; 445.
Helen, spouse of Lord Eglinton ; 24.
Hugh; 13.
of Lowdone ; 17.
Sheriff of Ayr ; 22.
James, of Bronesyde ; 17.
Jo., letter of ; 128.
Major- Gen. John, letter of; 289.
Sir John, witness ; 12.
John, witness ; 1 6.
of Thornton ; 23.
Treasurer to the King ; ib.
laird of Galstoun ; 62.
Matthew, Sheriff of Ayr ; 20.
Wm., witness; 16, 17.
Campbelltown ; 289.
Campeche woods ; 200, 201.
Campheer or Campvere; 185, 186.
document dated at ; ib.
Campo Santo, battle at ; 212.
Campveer; 338.
Canada Bills; 231, 233, 235, 366, 369,
375, 376, 378, 380, 394, 427.
Canary Islands, the ; 223,461.
Candales, Madame de, abbess ; 549, 554.
Candia; 592.
Canillon, M. ; 438.
Cant:
Andrew; 488.
Rev. And., letter of; 153.
Canterbury, Archbishop of:
(1617), Lord Keeper; 100, 101.
(1619); 121.
(1743); 278.
(1745) ; 298.
(1746), death of; 294.
(1748) ; 302.
(1761) ; 321.
Canterbury, no title given by; 431.
Cape Coast Castle ; 339.
Capetle, Dutch deputy ; 142.
Cappes, Mr. ; 425.
Caprea, island of ; 372.
Caprington ; 20.
Caprontoun, lands of; 14, 17.
Cardenas, Don Inigo de ; 586, 609, 614.
Cardiff; 357.
Cardigan, Lady ; 306.
Cardinals, the :
and Spain ; 531, 532.
disputes between ; 545, 546.
precedency of ; 599.
Cardness; 89,
Cardonald ; 23.
Cardonnel, Adam ; 142.
Cardross, Lord (1655), petition of; 77.
Carew, Mr., of Shene ; 270.
Carey, Mrs., of Petersham ; 290.
Caridin; 95.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, at Venice, letters of
and to ; 520-606 passim.
Carlile, M. de ; 110.
Carlingford; 56.
Carlisle ; 56, 265, 289, 293, 364.
the Jacobites near; 130.
French prisoners at ; 444.
Carlisle — cont.
Bishop of (1747) ; 297.
(1762); 325.
Earl of (1624), his mission to France ;
111, 113.
(1633); 47.
Countess of; 45.
Carlos, Don ; 220.
(1731) in Italy; 202.
(1735), his marriage ; 257.
(1737); 270.
Carlos, Mr. ; 168.
Carlsbad; 249, 331.
Carmichaell, John ; 133.
Carmure, James ; 71.
Carnac, Major; 238, 239.
Carnagy, Sir Robert, of Kinnaird ; 27.
Carnarvon, Lord (1765) ; 395.
Carnegie, Mr. ; 1 54.
Carnell; 27.
Carnethome ; 25.
Carngulane, lands of; 11.
Carnock ; 73.
Carnsak; 88.
Carny :
lands of ; 8.
J., name assumed by Lord Mar ; 168.
Carolina; 272.
Caroline, Queen of George II., her death
and will; 509,514, 515.
Caron :
Mons.; 121, 613.
SirNoell; 99.
Carpenter, General ; 152.
Carr, Mrs., name for the Pretender ; 462.
Carrebyr, Duncan ; 68.
Carreltone, Lord, his mission to France,
(1626); 45.
Carrick :
gentry, bond by ; 28.
Earl of (1371); 7.
John ; 10.
Carrickfergus :
letters dated at ; 57, 78.
garrison at ; 49, 51.
Carrik Makleroiche ; 56.
Carrisland; 16.
Carse; 39.
Marcos; 184.
Carte, Thomas, letters of; 226, 485.
letter to; 491.
his history ; 497.
Carteret, Lord (1731) ; 246.
(1737), speech of; 479.
motion by ; 486.
(1742); 277.
(1743); 278.
(1734), Prussian pamphlet against ;
281.
Carthagena Squadron ; 282.
Cartigniana, Count of ; 540, 542, 555.
Carumnassa, the ; 237.
Caryll, Lady Elizabeth, letter to ; 462.
Castel :
letter dated at ; 262.
evacuation of; 228, 336.
Cassidy, Mr.; 146.
INDEX.
629
Cassillis :
letter dated at ; 52.
Earl of, John, his wife ; 5, 6,
(1509); 21.
(1546) ; 26.
(1640) ; 36.
(1642), letter of; 51.
his wife's death ; ib.
(1645); 55.
(1689) ; 140.
Cassyltone, lands of ; 15.
Cast, Dr. ; 396.
Casteja; 266.
Castellar, Mons., his memorial ; 246, 247.
Casteltoune, lands of ; 15.
Castelvetro, Jacomo ; 533,541.
Castiglion, the Jesuits at ; 569.
Castile :
Adelantado of ; 590.
Almirante of ; 613.
Constable of; 576, 581, 584, 587,
600, 609.
his vision of St. Francis ; 609.
Castleblanco, Count; 182, 183.
Castrillo, F. Lobo ; 534.
Castro, Don Francesco di ; 539.
Cathcart; 42.
Lord (1668) ; 39.
(1737), and his sons ; 506.
Catherine, Empress, and the Pretender ;
160, 162.
Cathkert :
Lord (1497), John ; 17.
Alan, of Carltown ; ib.
Catkin, land of ; 70.
Catwych ; 465.
Cauldwell, Alexander of ; 19.
Cavalli, Venetian ambassador ; 539.
Cawder, the Stirlings of; 60.
Cawley, William, merchant ; 529.
Cecil :
Mr. [John Urquhart ?] ; 469, 478,
480, 499, 500, 501, 503.
Colonel, Jacobite papers taken from ;
225.
Sir Eobert, proposed publication of
his letters ; 487.
Ceneda, in Eriuli, bishopric of ; 522, 526,
586.
Centucione, Adamo ; 613.
Cerronio, Tomasio, a Jesuit ; 100, 101.
Cesena, bishopric of ; 546.
Chalgrove, letter dated at ; 424.
Chalmer, William :
George Drummond murdered by ; 82,
87, 88.
commission to ; 88.
Chamberlayne, Sir Robert ; 535.
Champion, Major ; 238.
Chandler, — ; 433.
Changuion, Mr. ; 396.
Chapelizod; 392.
Charlemont, Lord (1749), at Constanti-
nople; 303.
Charleroi; 439.
Charles I. :
letters found in his cabinet ; 37.
letters of; 41, 42.
Charles I. — cont.
negotiations about his marriage ; 110,
111.
meets his Queen at Dover ; 122.
his grant of the Claim of Bight ; 45,
46.
removes the Queen's French servants ;
45.
hk coronation in Scotland ; 47.
his arrest of the members ; 51.
his visit to the city ; ib.
at Oxford ; 54.
after Strafford's execution; 78.
Charles II. :
letter of (1651) ; 42.
and the Scotch Commissioners ; 57.
his marriage ; 79.
commissions by ; 93, 94.
instructions by ; 131.
anecdote of ; 267.
Charles XII. of Sweden, his temper ; 142.
Charles, Prince, on the Khine ; 279-282.
Charles Edward, Prince ; 161, 288, 290.
letters of ; 92, 93.
commission by ; 93.
in Scotland; 127.
letters of and to ; 129.
at Culloden ; 443.
Charles, Mr., Jacobite cipher; 173, 174.
Charles, Thomas ; 63.
Chastequeray, M. de la ; 566.
Chastiglon, M. le ; 612.
Chastillon, M. ; 560, 566.
Chastre, Marshal de la ; 596.
Chateau-cousse, Count de ; 567.
Chateauxveux, M. le ; 599.
Chatelherault, Duke of (1554), his
marriage contract ; 27.
Chatham; 316.
Earl of (1767-1770) ; 402-416
passim.
his bad health ; 401 .
and Lord Bute ; 402.
See Pitt, William.
Chatou; 508,510.
Chauvelin, M., his correspondence with
Magnac ; 203.
Chauvelyn, M. ; 260, 262.
Chavigny, M. ; 253, 257, 262, 263, 264.
Lord Harrington's opinion of ; 256.
Walpole's character of ; 262, 263.
Chawner, John, of Gadgyrtht ; 13.
Cheisholme :
Sir Edmund ; 74.
James, witness ; 74.
Chelsea, letters dated at ; 240, 241.
Chenusio Indians, treaty with ; 232, 236.
Chesholme, James ; 28.
Chester ; 286, 439.
Mrs.; 368.
Chesterfield, Earl of (1728), letter of;
154.
(1730-31), letters of; 244-248.
character of; 294, 295.
rumours about; 295.
(1738) ; 513.
(1746) ; 290, 293.
(1765); 393.
630
INDEX.
Chetwyn, Dr., dean of Bristol ; 100.
Chevreusej Due de, letter of; 120.
letter to; 113.
Chignectou; 308.
Child, Mr.; 459.
the banker ; 279.
Chipping Norton, Weston near ; 437.
Chislehurst; 320.
Chisholme I
Col. ; 445.
Janies, of Classingall; 72.
Sir James, of Dundurn ; 89.
Jane, her marriage ; 72.
Jean ; 60.
Dame Jean; 76.
John, archdeacon ; 72.
Jonet ; 74.
Kobert of ; 64.
William, vicar of Muthill ; 71.
Choiseul, Cardinal de; 451.
Comte de ; 336.
M. or Due de; 222-224, 333, 344,
365, 369, 378, 449.
letters of; 231, 233.
Cholmoadeley, Earl of (1745) ; 287, 439.
Major-General, letter of ; 440.
Chorley, Mr., of Grays Inn ; 438.
Chreoblare, lands of; 15.
Christianople, burning of ; 529.
Churchill, the poet, death of; 374.
Chyrasyde, parson or rector of; 15.
Cibbe, Mr. ; 500.
Clandeboye, Lord, his horsemen ; 49, 50.
his strong house ; 49.
Clan Ranald; 91, 123, 124.
Claret wine ; 44.
Clark, Dr. ; 290.
Clarke :
Dr.; 475.
Baron; 302.
Mr., murder of ; 413.
Classingall, lands of; 65, 67, 72.
Claverhouse ; 95.
Clavering, Col. J., letters of; 327, 328,
329, 333, 336, 339, 360.
Clayton :
— , his regiment ; 196.
Dr., Bishop of Clogher, letter of ; 311.
Cleland :
Capt., his troop ; 136.
William; 26.
Clement VIII., Pope ; 526.
Clementa, Princess ; 389.
Clergy, ordinations of; 439.
Clerk :
Dr., M.L\ for Oxford; 458.
Mr., secretary to General Monck ; 79.
Clermont Tonnere, Prince of; 339.
Cleveland :
Mr. ; 342. 344.
John, letter of; 328.
Cleves, Duchy of; 110, 550, 555. 583,
585, 595, 597, 601, 603, 607, 613, 617.
Clive, Lord (1764-67) ; 364, 395, 404.
(1768), illness of; 410.
Clogher, Bishop of (1756), letter of; 311.
Clolynane ; 28.
Clongawe; 16.
Clothiers, the, and the Alnage Office ; 229.
Clue, M. de la, his fleet; 318.
Cluny, land of ; 129, 130.
Abbot of; 568.
Clyde, the river; 24.
Clydesdale; 136.
men of ; 55.
Coal, plan for working ; 153, 154.
Coalman, Jacobite cipher; 173.
Coalpits, Cologne, Jesuit seminary at ;
437, 438.
Coates, Mr. ; 375.
Cobham:
Colonel, his dragoons ; 440.
at Culloden ; 442.
Lord (1738); 517.
Cocheren, William, grant to , 17.
Cochrane :
Lord (1668) ; 39,
John of Balbachlb; 68.
Ninian, grants to and by ; 16, 1 7.
discharge by ; 19.
Cockburn, lord off 64.
Cockerell, Capt. ; 338.
Coehorn, General, invention by ; 196.
Coenuze, Marques de ; 536.
Coeure, Marquis de ; 596.
Coghrane :
Alicia of ; 9.
David of, charter of ; 9.
his son Edward ; ib.
Coins, Roman, discovery of ; 130.
Cokborne, Alexander of, witness ; 15.
Coke, Sir Edward i
letter of; 97.
his books of reports; ib.
Colabo, engagement off ; 155.
Colbert, signature of ; 185.
Colchester; 408.
Colebrooke, Mr. ; 378, 379, 380, 451.
Coleraine ; 50.
Colforde, Mr.; 551, 580, 583, 586, 594,
604, 605.
Colgrane, laird of; 72.
Colieno, Capt. Pierre ; 446.
Colisfield, lands of ; 14,17.
Coll, John, witness ; 62.
Collalto, Count; 562.
Colley, Mr. ; 580, 583, 586, 594.
Colloredo, Comte de ; 212.
Colmar, siege of; 523, 529, 595.
Cologne or Cullen ; 298, 571, 583, 588,
594, 615.
waters ; 334, 345, 346, 349.
the new building by ; 607.
Protestants of; 528.
Bishop of; 585.
elector of ; 246, 329, 341,550, 563.
Colquhon, John of, witness; 12.
Colquhone, Peter ; 69.
Colquhoun, Sir John :
King's Comptroller ; 13.
laird of; 129.
Colt,Robert,King's Solicitor inScotland ; 94 .
Coluil, John ; 13.
Coluile, Sir William, of Vchiltre ; 17.
Lord (1762), near Newfoundland;
344.
INDEX.
631
Colville :
Robert, of Ochiltree ; 69.
James, of Ochiltrie ; 24.
Comber or Cummer, letter dated at ; 49.
Comeray or Comray, Little, island of ; 22,
24.
Comerford, Capt. N. ; 446.
Comine, John ; 19.
Coming, Captain Alex. ; 447.
Como, Marquis de ; 460, 491.
Compiegne, letters dated at; 202, 231.
Comrie, isle of; 42, 44.
Comsket ; 19.
Conallson, William, witness ; 14.
Conde :
Prince of (1611-12); 525, 548,
560, 565, 566, 577, 589, 596, 599,
602, 605.
(c. 1626) ; 123.
(1762), his army; 340.
Princesses of ; 536, 540.
Condelay ; 64.
Conduit, Mr., of the Mint ; 268.
Condy; 88.
Conflans, Mr. ; 319.
Conigham, Robert, of Couyhamheid ; 21.
Coningham, Edward of ; 13.
Coningsby, Lord ; 43 1 .
Connaught, plantation in ; 42.
Conniugham, Dr. ; 39.
Connor Ogorelle, in Portland ; 535.
Conor-og-Orelli, Irish commander ; 529.
Conoscio, Count ; 592.
Conscini ; 559.
Constantinople; 107, 374, 382, 383, 388,
592.
letters dated at; 300, 301, 303, 307,
308, 309, 311, 314, 319, 326, 327.
revolution in ; 308.
the Grand Seignor's library ; 300.
English envoys to ; 562, 568, 587, 594,
607.
Contade or Coutades, Marshal ; 316.
Contarini, T., Venetian Ambassador at
Rome ; 539, 541, 562, 573, 592, 594.
Conti, Prince of ; 611, 614.
Convaille, Maurice of, witness ; 7.
Conway :
General ; 353.
General H. S., letter of; 327.
Secretary of State ; 390, 391,
392, 396, 398, 405, 407, 410.
Mr.; 372.
Sir Ed., at Spa ; 598.
Henry ; 403.
ConyDgham :
barony of; 6.
Adam of, charter by ; 14.
grant to ; ib.
Alexander of, of Mureth ; 14, 1 5.
Andrew of, witness ; 6.
Capt.; 341.
Sir Robert of, his marriage ; 10.
William of, procurator; 12.
William ; 27.
See Cunningham.
Cook, Mr. ; 290, 294, 359, 407.
Cooke :
Dr.; 396.
Sir Samuel ; 498, 502.
Rev. William, letters of; 309, 310,
314.
William, letter of ; 397.
Cooper, Grey ; 426, 427.
Cope;
Colonel; 262.
letter of; 266.
his son ; 267, 269.
General; 209.
James, letter of; 310.
Sir John ; 128, 304.
- — letter of; 310.
Mrs., name for the Pretender; 462.
Copenhagen ; 134, 135, 395.
letters dated at; 324-360 passim, 364,
373, 400.
Road; 194, 195.
Corbiere, Anthony, letters of and to ; 241,
242, 277, 453.
Corbridge ; 289.
Cormicy, cipher for Holland ; 488, 501.
Cormie, Patrick, of Ballinheid ; 68.
Cornish, Admiral, letter of; 232.
Cornwall, Dukedom of ; 430.
Captain, killed ; 211.
Fred, wounded ; 211.
Velters, speech of ; 312.
Cornwallis :
Brigadier ; 209.
General, letter of; 321.
Lord (1761), his sons Henry and
James ; 321.
(1766) ; 401.
Correggio, Count G. de; 591.
Corry, Thomas, of Kelwood ; 23.
Corsby, lord of; 10.
Corscaiplie ; 89.
Corscraig; 19.
Corsica ; 313.
King Theodore of, See Theodore.
Corssall; 29.
Corstorphine, letter dated at ; 57.
Cory ; 445.
Cosby, Dudley :
letters of; 351, 359, 364, 365, 367,
373.
appointed to Copenhagen ; 360, 365,
367.
illness of ; 379, 380, 381, 382, 388.
Lord Sydney; 418.
Cossin Aly Cawn ; 238, 239.
Cotbrine, Captain ; 80.
Cottington, Mr. :
Agent at Madrid ; 102, 523, 525, 526.
letter from ; 104.
Ccudray, M. de ; 604.
Courland, Duchy of; 354.
Duke of (1740), letters to; 189, 190.
his arrest; 191.
Cours, M. de ; 285.
Coventry; 139.
Lord (1770) ; 419.
Henry, document signed by ; 201.
Covynton; 25.
Cowal, lordship of ; 6,
63:2
INDEX.
Cowan, Mr. ; 156.
Cowdoun, laird of; 7'2.
Cowper :
Lord Chancellor ; 335.
Capt. ; 336.
Cowtis, John ; 71.
Cox, Richard, letters of; 314-318, 320.
Cracow ; 81.
Crafton, or Crofton, Sir Edward ; 488,
498, 502.
Crag, James of, charter by ; 12.
John of; ib.
Cragans ; 21.
Cragharnard ; 66.
Cragbarnat ; 72.
Cragbrey, lands of ; 68.
Cragingelt, Thomas ; 66.
Crago; 23.
Cragow; 15.
Cragy; 25.
Cragyne, lord of ; 8.
Craig — , of Riccartoun ; 138.
Craigends; 29.
Craigiehall ; 5.
Craigmillar ; 58.
Cramont ; 35.
Cranstoun, John ; 75.
Crawford, Craufurd, Earl of (1645) ; 55.
Andrew, of Badlane ; 19, 22, 25.
testament of ; 25.
Archibald, of Pryveke ; 13.
of Monksland ; 14.
witness ; 19.
Bessie and Jonet ; 25.
Christopher, witness ; 7 1 .
David, of Kers; 21.
Hew, son of Lawrence ; 71.
James, witness ; 14.
John of, slaughter of; 22.
Col. John, letter of; 230.
John ; 25, 26.
John of; 62.
of Badeley ; 7.
Lawrence, bond by ;
Macolm, of Grenok ;
Major; 50.
Nicholas ; 68.
Robert; 28.
of Achinhamis
witness ; 71.
Thomas of, witness ; 8.
Thomas; 25.
of Byrkheid ; 25.
Crawle, one, of Brussels; 544.
Creichtone, Abraham, Provost of Dunglas
74.
Creichtoun :
Adam, of Rothvenis
Margaret ; 68, 69.
Crema ; 581.
Cremaschi, the ; 570.
Creoblare, lands of ; 15.
Cressener, G., letters of;
Creswell, Father ; 524.
Crichton, Lord (1668) ; 39.
Crieff; 128.
Crightone, Thomas ; 149.
Crightoune, Thomas ; 139.
71.
17.
13.
7o.
325-351 passim.
Crimea, the; 188.
Cristeson, Robert, excommunication b}-; 71.
Cristinson, John, Chancellor of Dunblane ;
65.
Crocigeri, the, general of; 553.
convent of ; ib.
Cromarty, Lord, at Culloden; 444.
a prisoner; 444, 445.
Cromlix ; 28, 95, 174.
Cromwell :
Colonel, near Faringdon ; 54.
Oliver, pass signed by ; 77.
at Drummond ; 131.
near Corstorphine ; 57.
Cronstadt; 166, 167, 189, 192.
Governor of ; 83.
Crookshanks, Mr., of Amsterdam ; 478.
Crowley, Mr., the Pretender's reference to ;
159.
Crucifix, Mrs. ; 425.
Crukistoun castle, document dated at ; 15.
Cruxtowne, document dated at ; 11.
Culbege; 69.
Culen, King; 61.
Culloden ; 155.
battle of; 442-444.
prisoners taken at ; 444-447.
officers killed at ; 445.
Culquhoune, Patrick, constable of Rothsay
castle ; 17.
Culquhoyne, Patrick, of Gleynne ; 66.
Culross, Commendator of; 27.
minister at ; 39.
Stephen, vicar of Fyntra ; 72.
Cult, in Balwhidder ; 152.
Cumberland, title derived from ; 431.
Duke of (1736), in Scotland ; 265.
his request to be sent to the
West Indies ; 275.
at Dettingen ; 277.
(1744), at Midgham; 281, 283.
and the '45 rebellion ; 287, 288,
290, 439.
his account of Culloden ; 442-
444.
(1746) ; 157.
(1757) ; 313.
(1764) his illness ; 372.
Cumnock; 289.
Cumynge, William, of Paisley ; 53.
Cundegona, Princess, of Saxony ; 374.
Cunega, Don Balthazar de ; 523, 588,
594, 617.
Don Pedro de; 552, 571, 575, 576,
578, 580, 583, 598, 616.
Cunningham, Cunygham, Cunynghame,
&c, bailie of, writs concerning; 9, 10.
gentry, bond by ; 28.
men of ; 55.
family ; 2.
— , letter of; 460.
Mr., letters to ; 476, 500
of Caprontoun ; 17.
Alexander, David, &c, and the murder
ofLcrdEglinton; 29.
of Polmais-Cunyngahame ; 66.
Henry, letter to ; 462.
Margaret; 68.
INDEX.
633
Cunningham — cont .
Umfrid; 13.
Sir Umfrid, of Glengernok ; 17.
William of Glengernok ; 13.
Sir William, Eglinton manor house
burned by ; 24.
William, of Cragaus; 21.
Wilzam of, witness ; 12.
See Conyngham.
Cupar; 64.
Curland, Duke of Biron ; 269.
Curll, Edmund, and Pope ; 474, 475, 477.
his piracies; 485.
Cusack, Capt., French officer at Culloden ;
445, 446.
Cusca, the Dalmatian ; 586.
Cust:
Dr.; 367.
Sir John, letters of ; 355, 356.
letter to ; 356.
at Brussels ; 367, 371.
at Spa, &c. ; 370, 373, 419.
death of ; 420.
Czartorinski, Prince ; 365.
Czernichef, General ; 329, 338.
D.
D'Abreu, Mons., his Memorial, &c. ; 216,
217, 218, 220.
Dachlewane, lands of ; 65.
D' Affray, Mr. ; 319, 321.
Dalchlewane, lands of ; 67.
Dalgless, Sir John of ; 63.
Dalkeith ; 37, 150.
documents dated at; 77, 129.
the dumb lady of ; 28.
Dalmatia, Venetian garrisons in ; 607.
Dalmelintoun, vicar of ; 16.
Dalmeny, barony of ; 68.
Dalrimpill, John of ; 63.
Dairy, church of ; 25.
lands of ; 26.
Dalrymple :
Sir David, Queen's advocate; 145.
letter of; 148.
Sir James ; 39.
Dalwolsy,lordof; 63.
Dalyell :
General, his dragoons ; 136.
Gen. Thomas, letter of ; 78.
Dalzell, Bobert of, 9.
Dalzelle of Bracanryg, Bobert of, grant to ;
11.
Damary, Lieut. ; 446.
Danby, Earl of (1678), document signed
by; 201.
Dancing and fencing ; 47.
D'Andrion, French officer ; 446.
Dantzic ; 365, 601.
and the Czarina ; 204.
letter dated at ; 166.
surrender of; 178.
siege of, papers concerning ; 191-196.
Danube, the ; 55.
Danuelstown, Walter of ; 62.
Danyelistoun, Sir Bobert of, witness ; 8.
Darlington, the Scots army at ; 53.
Dartford; 316.
Dartmouth, Lord (1765) ; 391.
Daseville, — ; 155.
Dauchlewan, lands of ; 69.
Dauid, J., Captain of Bochelle, letter of;
117.
Daun :
' Count; 318, 338.
Marshal, defeated by the Prussians ;
338, 340.
Dausone, Archibald ; 70.
Davers, Admiral ; 279, 282.
Davidson, William, charter by, 14.
Da vies, Mr., of Harwich ; 350.
Davis:
John, merchant ; 600.
William, of the Treasury; 221.
Dawkins, Mr., letter to ; 227.
Dayrolle, Mr. ; 251, 258, 266.
Dazad Khan, in Persia ; 309.
Deal; 317.
Deane :
Consul; 250.
General; 79.
Deans, election of; 278.
Debrose, General de ; 267.
De Cooke, French officer ; 446.
Defoe, Daniel, his Shortest Way with the
Dissenters ; 145.
Degenfeldt, Count ; 269.
Dehan, — , at Culloden ; 445.
Deinoin, the river ; 105, 106.
Delafaye, Charles, letters of; 304, 305,
314,334, 335.
his death ; 351.
Delancy, Dr. ; 303.
Delaval, Mr.; 321.
Delaware Indians ; 236, 237.
treaty with; 382.
Delawarr, Lord, Governor of New York ;
268.
(1737); 470.
Delcampos, Mr. ; 146.
Dempsey, Mons., name assumed by Ad-
miral Gordon ; 1 74.
Dempster, Mr. ; 394.
Denbigh, Lord or Lady (1731), and
the Hague embassy ; 248.
Countess of ; 45.
Denham, letter dated at ; 310.
Denmark, ambassador from ; 45.
alliances, &c. with Sweden ; 254, 333,
436.
war with Sweden ; 523, 529, 540, 563,
566.
England's treaties with ; 202.
Mr. Titley in ; 228.
Hamburg and ; 334.
court of, at Fredensburg ; 373, 374.
King of, defeat of ; 598.
a prisoner; 601.
his army; 119.
(1621); 106.
letters to ; 122.
634
INDEX.
Denmark — co n t.
King of, letter to (1627) ; 112.
(1645) his dispute with Holland
and Sweden ; 55.
- (1702) in Germany ; 81.
(1762) his present to the British
Museum ; 325.
(1740); 435.
(1762) ; 350.
D'Eon, Mons., ambassador ; 360.
and Mons. Guerchy; 365, 366, 385.
Sentence on ; 375.
search for ; 375, 376.
Deptford; 360.
Depuitren, his agents ; 286.
Derby; 287,293,439.
Derbyshire, the rebels march into ; 287.
Dernle, Lord of; 11.
Dersy, vicar of ; 64.
Desdiguieres, M. ; 118, 578.
Desfiat, Marquis ; 110.
Desherbiers, deputy; 117.
Detroit; 236.
Dettingen, battle of; 277, 278.
Deuxponts, Duke of ; 563, 585.
De Vergy, and D'Eon; 376.
Devon militia ; 316.
Devonshire, Duke of :
(1737) ; 486.
in Ireland ; 508, 509.
Dean Swift and ; 509.
(1742); 277.
(1745); 287,439.
(1757); 312.
(1762) ; 449.
(1764), death of; 371, 372.
his will: 372.
Devonshire, the ship ; 192.
D'Harrach, Comte ; 210.
D'Hortoux, Captain; 446.
Dicconson, Lieut.; 446.
Mr. ; 460.
Dick, John, of Stirling ; 138.
Dickens :
Guy; 266, 268.
Col. Guy, in Halifax; 308.
Mr.; 500.
Dickson, David ; 35.
Dictionary, a payment for ; 39.
Dieden, Mr. ; 244, 245.
Dieppe; 184,241.
Digby :
Lord (1621) draft of letter by ; 107.
(1646), letters found in his
cabinet ; 37.
(1736) ; 464.
Sir John, his mission to Spain ; 103.
Mr.; 310.
Miss; 500.
Mr. G. Wingfield, report on his manu-
scripts; 520.
Sir John, ambassador at Madrid,
letters to; 520-617.
Dilkes, General ; 334.
and Miss ; 341.
Miss; 339.
160, 162, 166, 171,
121.
Dillon :
General; 91, 92.
letters of ; 171, 172.
Mr.; 127.
Capt. John ; 446.
Dingley, Charles ; 413.
Dinsdale, one ; 438.
Dio-dati, the Venetian Merchants ; 523.
Dischyngtoun, John of ; 63.
Dissenters, the, Defoe's book on ; 145.
Divorce, process of; 27.
Dobeln, Prussian victory near ; 332.
Doctors, payments to ; 39.
lady; 396.
Dodington, Geo. Bubb ; 278.
document signed by ; 187.
speech of; 304.
his diary ; 308.
Dolkorouky, Prince
172, 175.
Princess; 167.
Dollyura; 7.
Dominica ; 415.
Dona, baron of ; 89.
Baron, letter to ;
Donald island or Illandonald ; 123, 124.
Donaldsoun, Richard son of John, giant
to ; 12.
Donati, ambassador ; 104.
Donauwert ; 47, 48.
Dongane, Colonel, Governor of New York ;
137.
Donhour, lord of ; 10.
Donop, General ; 360.
Doria, D. Carlo ; 587.
Dormer, John, his son ; 438.
Dorset :
militia; 316.
Earl of (1612); 595.
Duke of (1754), in Ireland; 309.
Douay ; 134, 135.
camp before; 140.
seminary ; 541, 543, 575.
Douglas :
parson of; 64.
Earl of (1360), witness ; 6.
(1371); 7.
Captain; 80.
Col., his regimeDt ; 136.
Mr. ; 273, 274.
Captain C. G. ; 446.
George, of Pitindrech, bond by ; 26.
James of, witness ; 9.
James, of Drumlanrig ; 27.
Col. James, Master of Ordnance in
Scotland; 95.
Lieut. Gen. James, his guards ; 136,
pay of ; ib.
Lady Margaret ; 28.
Robert, cf Pimferstoun
Thomas; 68.
Lord William, pay of;
Major William, pay of;
Dove, Captain of the Hound sloop ; 445.
Dover; 320, 425.
landing of Henrietta Maria at; 122.
Lord ; 363.
68.
136.
136.
INDEX.
635
Dowdeswell, Mr. ; 390, 403.
Downpatrick ; 49.
Drake, Mr., cypher for the Pretender ; 227.
Draper, Mr. ; 503.
Drapier, Mr. ; 459, 463.
Dregarn, lands of ; 11.
Dreghorn Cuningham ; 20, 21.
Dresden; 276, 282, 290, 345, 528, 555.
Dresses, ladies', accounts, &c. of ; 31, 32,
51.
Drims :•
Jemmy ; 475.
young; 454, 471, 472.
Drogheda, Lord (1764) ; 365.
Droit, Captain of the French Guards; 605.
Dromley, lands of ; 11.
Dromond, Andrew of ; 63.
Sir John of ; 63.
Dromore, deanery of; 243.
Drovmond, Alexander, of Carnock ; 73.
Drumbuye, lands of ; 13.
Drumdon, lands of ; 19.
Drumlanrick, Lord (1684), his troop ; 136.
pay of; ib.
Drumlanrig ; 27, 289.
Drumlochy ; 82, 87, 88.
Drummade, lands of ; 62.
Drummond :
discovery of coins near ; 130.
Roman camp near; 131.
Castle, letters from, &c. ; 148-150.
Lord (1558) David; 68.
. (1588), Patrick, bond by; 88.
(1672), letter of; 130.
Lady, Jean, letters of ; 148-150.
family, account of descent of; 81
et seq.
MS. history of; 86.
Antwerp Commissary ; 269.
Adam, of Megginch, bond by ; 1 10.
Alexander, witness ; 74.
of Medhope ; 89.
Captain ; 57.
David; 151.
of Edinburgh, bond by ; 140.
George ; 141.
ofBallock; 89.
of Blair ; ib.
warrant concerning ; 89.
commission, &c. to ; 88,
135.
complaint against his relict;
89.
. petition of ; 139.
order for his arrest ; 138.
bond by ; 140.
of Calendar, letters to; 151,
152.
Gilbert of, grautto; 86.
his daughters ; ib.
Harie, of Riccartoun ; 89.
James, of Cardness ; ib.
Dr. James, Bishop of Brechin ; 94.
James, of Blair Drummond, letters
of; 151.
letters to ; 148-151.
Joanna ; 28.
Lord John, his regiment ; 287, 288.
D rumm ond — con t.
John, of the Ordnance, instructions
by, and letters to ; 132-135.
letters to ; 141-147.
petition of ; 147.
of the East India Co., letters to ;
153.
merchant, commission to ; 96.
receiver; 139.
of Blair, complaint by ; 89.
of Drumuer} not ; ib,
of Lundin, letter of; 131.
instructions to ; ib.
of Newtoune, bond by ; 140.
of Pitcellonie ; 89.
of Quarrel ; 83.
Comrie, of Ledmachaine ; 89.
Laurence, of Bruntyhill ; 89.
Lord Lewis ; 446.
of Machany ; 139.
Malcolm of ; 64, 86.
of Borland; 89.
Maurice of, witness ; 7.
Maurice; 89.
Patrick, letter to ; 130.
of Ardrostouuc ; 152.
Sibilla; 28.
Thomas; 89.
of Corscaiplie ; 89.
William, letter of; 78.
letter of; 151.
of Bellyclaan ; 89.
of Megor ; ib.
of Mylnab ; ib.
of Earness ; ib.
son of George ; 87.
Lieut. Gen. William, commission to ;
95.
Drummoster, lands of; 18, 22.
Drumnerynct; 8y.
Drumrj', Lord of; 63.
Drury, Sir Robert at Spa ; 598.
Drymen, house of ; 89.
Duben, Baron ; 272.
Dublin, letter dated at ; 311.
the rebels about (1641) ; 49, 50.
regiments in ; 56.
castle, documents dated at; 33,417,
421, 423, 425.
plot for taking ; 57.
Customer of ; 296.
office of Ulnager in ; 304.
Cook, Lord Mayor of; 502.
Lord Mayor's feast at ; 508.
book sellers, and Carte ; 485.
Archbishop of (1611), titular; 550.
Archbishopric of; 243.
Dubourgay, Mr., letter to ; 432.
Du Buis ; 264.
Duddel Mr., Jacobite cipher ; 169, 170.
Dueren, English troops at ; 206, 207.
Duffus Lord (1728), his pardon; 242.
(1730) ; 168.
Dugalan, Nigel ; 62.
Dukedoms, royal, Anstis's notes on ; 430,
431.
Dumbarton, documents dated at ; 62, 72.
castle, list of guns in ; 132.
63G
INDEX.
Dumbarton — cont.
garrison ; 136.
Earl of (1685), exoneration, &c. ; 96.
Duinfermline, Commendator of ; 27.
Dumfries; 136, 289.
Lord (1620) ; 45.
Dumville, Mr. ; 486.
Dun Donald ; 9.
Dunbar :
Lord (1732) ; 178.
and the Order of Toboso ; 184.
(1736), or Mr. Atkins ; 454,
462.
Jacobite feeling against ; 465,
466, 468, 469, 476, 478, 48<>, 481,
490, 497, 498, 505.
his secret correspondence and
treachery; 493, 495, 503, 518.
Alexander, of ; 9.
Sir David, of ; 64.
Gawin, Archdeacon ; 69.
Dunblane ; 127, 151.
documents dated at ; 67, 69, 72, 73.
bridge end of ; 70.
cathedral; 60, 61.
chantry in ; 65, 68, 73, 74, 75.
parish; 77.
Bishop of (1330), witness ; 86.
(1448) ; 65.
(1472) ; ib.
(1522), chaplainries erected by ;
70.
(1539) decree by ; 72.
(1549) ; 73.
(1684); 94.
Leighton, letter of; 80.
Dunbulge, lands of; 8.
Duncan, Mr ; 148, 254.
Duncrab; 88.
Dundas :
Mr., pamphlet by ; 145.
Will., forfeiture of; 79.
Dundee; 194.
Viscount of (1689), expedition
against ; 40.
Dundonald, — , brother of; 445.
Dundurn; 89.
Dunfermline, document dated at ; 7.
Dunglas :
documents dated at ; 15.
Provost of ; 74.
Dunkeld :
canon of ; 18.
the Jacobites at ; 128, 129.
Bishop of (1442), attestation by;
63.
(1548); 27.
(1684); 94.
(1686); 96.
Dunkirk; 129, 156, 280, 285, 286, 288,
334, 337, 339, 362, 535, 551.
letter dated at ; 134.
demolition of; 304.
and the Jesuits ; 529.
the expedition from; 157.
Dunlop :
Alexander; 25.
Duulop — cont.
Andrew, witness ; 15.
Archibald; 26.
Constantine, witness ; 15, 19.
Gilbert, of Hawpland ; 19.
John; 26.
payment to ; 33.
sou of Constantine ; 19.
Jonet of; 1, 5.
Jonet; 20.
her children ; 19.
William; 19.
Dunn, Alexander ; 361.
Dunrobbin Castle ; 444.
Dunrod, laird of ; 12.
Dunse ; 35, 36.
Dun syar, vicar of ; 71.
Duplessis, name assumed by General
Dillon; 173.
Durell, Admiral ; 362.
Durham :
Quarintoun Hills near ; 53.
flight of Royalists from ; ib.
no title given by ; 431.
Bishop of (1767) ; 402.
Dean of ; 242.
Durlach; 389.
Duroure, Colonel ; 206, 207.
Durrant, Mr. ; 266, 267, 268.
Dussansay, French engineer ; 446.
Dutheil, M. ; 264, 266, 268.
Dutton, name assumed by General Dillon ;
172, 173.
Dyes, woods used for ; 200.
Dyson :
J., report by ; 232.
Mr., speech of; 382.
E.
Eaglesham :
document dated at ; 8.
barony, grain, &c. accounts of ; 32.
lands of; 1, 24.
Earl, Giles, at the Treasury ; 268.
Easter Cadar, lands of ; 66.
Cadyre, lands of; 64, 65.
Easton, a pirate ; 529.
Eastwood; 24.
barony, grain, &c. accounts of; 32.
Edenheim or Philipsburg, on the Rhine ;
48.
Edinburgh, documents dated at; 7, 8, 16,
18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 36, 38, 39, 40,
48, 57, 65, 66, 68, 73, 74, 79, 80, 88, 89,
133, 135, 138, 139, 140, 148, 151, 155,
265, 286, 288, 440.
Porteous riots at; 479, 486-500
passim.
INDEX.
637
Edinburgh — cont.
Canongate, building of church in ;
137.
castle ; 48i 75.
■ garrison of; 136.
St. Giles' church ; 11, 71, 74.
Tolbooth ; 72, 87.
masons' lodge at ; 30.
expenses to and from ; 33.
relief of (1639) ; 35.
commissioners for ; 45.
church, excommunication by ; 71.
tenement in ; 94.
riot at (1711); 142, 144.
College of Advocates at ; 144, 145.
Episcopal clergy of (1724), letter of,
153.
manufactures at ; 155.
Bishop of (1684) ; 94.
(1686) ; 95.
(1724), letter of; 153.
Edmestoun ; 58.
Edmistoan, of Newtoun; 138.
Edmonds, Sir Thos., letters of and to ;
520-617 passim.
Edmonston :
Sir Archibald, his daughter's mar-
riage ; 4, 17.
Elizabeth of; 13.
James; 18.
-witness; 18.
of Bouchquhaderok ; 69.
William, son of Archibald ; 18.
Education :
charges for ; 39, 45.
remarks on ; 385, 387.
Edwards, J., name assumed by Capt.
John Hay; 175.
Edwin, Miss ; 270.
Edyngton, David of, witness ; 14.
Egerton, Capt. ; 414.
Egham; 241, 242.
Eglinton:
document dated at ; 22.
manor house burnt ; 24.
and Winton, Earl of, report on his
manuscripts; 1.
Earl of, requisition by ; 19.
(1507), his son's marriage ; 20.
documents concerning ; 20 et
seq.
(1519), his daughter's marriage ;
23.
(1536), commission to; 25.
third, his divorce ; 27.
(1565), warrant to ; 28.
(1569), letter to ; 42.
(1579), letter to; 40.
fourth (1586), slaughter of; 29.
sixth (1615), Sir Alex. Mont-
gomery's resignation of the title ;
40, 41*
(1616), expenses of his houses ;
32.
(1629) ; 33.
agreement by ; 34.
(1639), forces equipped by; 35.
his services ; 35, 36.
Eglinton — cont.
Earl of, sixth, household account of ,
36.
his jewels ; 38.
testament of ; ib.
letters to ; 41-58 passim.
letters of; 44, 55, 58.
his army of malignants ; 58.
seventh, commission to ; 39.
(1689), troops under; ib.
ninth, payments for his educa-
tion, &c. ; ib.
Countess of, Elyn ; 23.
charge against ; 27.
Anna, letters to ; 43, 44, 46.
Margaret, letters of ; 55, 57.
Sir Hugh; 1.
his decendants ; 2.
grants to ; 6, 7, 9, 10.
testament of ; 26.
Eglisham :
rector of; 11, 16.
vicar of; 12.
parson of ; 19.
Temple lands in ; 12.
Egraont :
Island; 425.
Lord (1750), speech of ; 304.
(1764); 229.
(1765) ; 396.
(1767); 402.
(1770); 419.
Egremont, Lord:
(1761) ; 322.
(1762), letters to ; 222, 223.
(1762), letter of; 333.
(1762) ; 335, 336, 340, 343,351.
(1763), Secretary of State; 355, 356.
(1763), his illness and death ; 359.
Eisingtoun Hill ; 53.
Elbe, the river; 47, 119, 284, 400.
Elboeufe, Duke of ; 599.
Elcho, Lord (1745), his horse ; 130.
Elderley, Mr., letter to; 170.
Elections, corruption at; 409, 410.
Elector Palatine, Frederick :
account of ; 83, 84.
his troubles as King ; 90.
Elgin; 124.
Eliabad; 238.
Eliot,-Edward, document signed by ; 227.
Eliotstown, Lord of ; 8.
Elizabeth, Princess:
daughter of James I. ; 525, 542, 551,
555, 556, 557, 568, 571, 574, 576,
585, 598.
afterwards Czarina ; 167.
Elliott, Mr., in Ireland ; 49.
Ellis :
Mr. ; 353, 467.
John, letter to ; 468.
Welbore; 391.
letter of ; 355.
Elphinstone, Lord (1546) ; 27.
Elrisley; 8.
Elsenbourg; 595.
Elsinore ; 194, 400.
letters dated at ; 337, 343.
INDEX.
Ely :
letter dated at ; 303.
no title given by ; 431.
Bishop of (1749), letter of; 303.
Elyastoun, lord of ; 10.
Embden ; 337, 528, 529.
Count; 597.
Emily, Princess, and the Duke of Holstein ;
254.
Emmerich on the Rhine ; 107.
Enquien, Prince d' ; 543.
Enterkin, Mill of ; 17.
Eutick, — , libel by ; 345.
Entrekin, — , and the Great Seal of Scot-
land ; 138.
Epirus, confines of ; 307.
Erasmus, his works ; 39.
Erie, Lake, Bradstreet's expedition on ;
236, 237.
Ermines; 330.
Ernest, Count; 571.
ErrolhLord (1620); 45.
Erskine, Erskyne :
Sir Harry ; 394.
Sir Robert of, witness ; 7.
vicar of ; 19.
William of; 63.
Lord of, John ; 69.
(1537); 72.
Erth, documents dated at ; 9, 10.
Erzeroum, merchants of; 301.
Eschwiller, English troops at ; 206-208.
Esdiguiers, M. de ; 530, 535, 536, 537,
544, 554,588, 596, 611, 615.
Eslava, Spanish secretary-at-war ; 220.
Esperance, the ship ; 192, 193.
Espernon, Due d' ; 525, 544, 549, 556,
566, 567, 577,589.
his sons ; 554.
Esseins, castle in ; 610.
Essex, Lord (1765), his pension ; 393.
Estaing, Comte d', letter to ; 223.
orders by ; 234.
Estampes; 596.
Estates, Committee of, declaration by ; 37.
petition to ; ib.
Estelwoude ; 10.
Esthonia, province of; 187.
Estwode. lands of ; 10.
Eton; 242,452.
letters dated at ; 309, 313, 314, 320,
397.
college; 291.
George III. and; 343.
fellowship at ; 290.
provost of ; 313, 372, 396, 397.
Euan, Jacobite, cipher ; 173.
Eugene, Prince ; 244.
at Borgo forte ; 81.
(1711); 143.
Eustace, Sir Maurice; 57.
Everard, Sir Redmond; 464, 465, 466,
469, 476.
letters to; 469, 474, 481, 497, 502,
508, 510, 519.
Exchequer, the, Teller of; 275.
Exeter; 316.
letters dated at ; 243, 249, 345.
Exeter, Bishop of (1730) Weston; 243.
(1765); 396.
Expedition, the whelp ; 48.
Eyres, Mr. ; 265.
Eaa, Sir John, of Dunbar ; 6.
Fahrvvasser, camp at ; 195.
Fairnburn ; 196.
Fairfax ■
Lord, of Cameron (1644), letter of;
52.
his defeat at Pontefraet j ib.
(1644) joins his forces with the
Scots ; 53, 54.
- — (1644), letter of; 54.
Sir Thomas, and the Scots army ; 53.
to relieve Tauntondean ; 54.
his going to Ireland ; 56.
Fajarde, Don Juan ; 608.
Falconbridge, Col., at Ghent ; 145.
Falconer, baillie of Elgin ; 124.
Falkirk; 286.
battle at; 440-442.
Falkland:
Viscount (1627), passport by ; 33.
island ; 404.
Falkner, printer ; 485.
Fall, James, Historiographer in Scotland ;
94.
Falmouth; 529.
Famma, M. de, in command at Bergen-
op-Zoom ; ] 08.
Farchersone, Lieut., at Drummond Castle ;
150.
Faringdon, garrison at ; 54.
Farnese, Cardinal ; 526.
Farquharson:
Capt., in Achron ; 445.
of Whitehouse ; ib.
Col. Francis, prisoner ; 447.
Captain James ; 447.
Fausyde, Sir Thomas of, witness ; 7.
Faux, Guy; 116.
Faversham, Lord (1756), letter of; 311.
Fawkener:
; 269.
Sir Edward, letter of ; 444.
Fayolle, a servant ; 549.
Fazakerley, Mr., speech of; 312.
Febure, M. de ; 525.
Feddalis, lands of ; 72.
Fellows, Mr.; 516.
Felton, Robert ; 98.
Fencing and dancing ; 47.
Fenelon, M. ; 253, 259, 266, 267, 269, 270.
Fenwick, N., letters of; 337, 343.
Ferdinand, Prince, on the Rhine ; 315,
316, 317, 339, 340, 344, 353.
letter to; 322.
Ferdinando of Gratz, elected King of
Bohemia; 102.
Ference, M. de, letter of ; 361,
INDEX,
639
Fergushill :
Alexander, son of Thomas ; 22.
Robert ; 22, 26.
letter of; 57.
Fergussil, William, witness ; 13.
Fergusson, Thomas ; 20.
Feria, Duke of ; 576, 596.
Duchess of; 522.
Ferningham, Archibald ; 101.
Feroe, M., attempt on his wife ; 383, 384.
Ferrara; 386, 581. •
Ferraresi, the ; 569, 572.
Ferrars, Sir William of ; 7.
Ferrers, Lady ; 458.
Ferrol; 265.
Fersen, M. de ; 382.
Fervaques, Marshal ; 603.
Feversham, Lord (1756), on the French
invasion ; 311.
Fidlar, — ; 87.
Fielding, Sir John ; 388.
Fife and Menteith, Earl of (1414) ; 62.
Finch :
Lord Chancellor (1678), document
signed by ; 201 .
Mr. ; 264, 266, 272.
at Stockholm, letter of ; 205.
ambassador at the Hague ; 244,
248, 249, 252, 253.
letter to; 432.
Findlater, Earl of (1652), inventory by;
38.
Fingud, John, witness ; 11.
Finkenstein, Count ; 328, 349.
Finland, Grand Duchy of; 187.
Finlayson, John ; 447.
Fischeartoun, the ; 27.
Fisheries, Newfoundland ; 227, 229, 230.
Fishing boats, order concerning ; 186.
Fisk, Mr. ; 168.
Fisser, Michael, 62.
Fitz-Alan, Walter ; 1.
Fitzgerald :
— ; 264.
Mr.; 241.
Fitzherbert, Mr., letter to ; 492.
Fitz-James, — , officers of, at Culloden ;
444.
Fitz-Thomas, Capt., letter to ; 508.
Fitzwilliam, Lord (1743) ; 278.
Fiume, Governor of ; 607.
Flanders, the Spaniards in ; 542.
manufactures of ; 543, 563,575,616,
617.
fortifications; 585, 595.
Fleeming, Matthew, account of disburse-
ments by; 39.
Fleetwood :
Bishop, his library ; 270.
Mrs. Anne ; 425.
Fleming, — , at Falkirk ; 441.
Count; 193.
James, his ship and goods ; 42.
Sir James, witness ; 15.
— — procurator ; ib.
Sir Malcolm, charter by ; 8.
his sons David and Patrick ; ib.
Marjory, grant to ; 13.
Fletcher, Mr., cipher for the Earl Maris-
chal ; 506 et passim.
Fleurer, Le, the ship; 195.
Fleury, Cardinal de, letter of; 202.
cypher for ; 227.
Flint, as a title; 431.
Florence ; 250, 381, 389.
ambassador from ; 522, 524.
Duke of; 535.
Flores de Avila, Marquis of, 576, 578,
598, 608.
Florida; 600.
Spanish galleons lost off ; 585.
Flower, Colonel ; 57. .
Mr., Lord Castle Durrow ; 498, 502.
Floyd :
SirR. ; 307.
Mrs. ; 270.
Flushing; 288.
Fogo, Jhone, of Couper ; 64.
Fokert, Alexander; 18.
Fontainebleau ; 350, 521, 602.
document dated at ; 203.
Fontenoy, Gen. Cholmondeley at ; 442.
Count of; 586.
Foote, Mr., surgeon; 413.
Forbes :
Andrew; 461.
Charles; 468.
Duncan, of Culloden, letter of; 155.
Forester :
Duncan, of Gunnerschaw ; 66, 69.
Walter ; ib.
Forfar, Sir John, chaplain; 73.
Forman, Andrew ; 18.
Forster, Sir Walter ; 70.
Forth, the river ; 127, 128.
Fort Lawrence, letter dated at ; 307.
Foster, Mr. :
the Pretender's reference to ; 158.
of Colchester ; 408, 410.
Foudroyant, the ship; 314.
Foulartone, George of; 13.
Foulis ; 62.
Fountayne :
Mr.; 279, 297.
John, Dean of York ; 297.
letters of ; 368, 452.
Foveant, Captain ; 577.
Fox :
Henry; 288, 310, 353.
Surveyor of the Works ; 268.
and the Regency Bill ; 306.
his election at Windsor ; 313,
314.
Lieut. Carbery ; 446.
Frampton, Brigadier ; 207.
Dr., candidate for Oxford; 482, 483.
France, English negotiations with (1625) ;
110, et seq.
Sir Ed. Herbert's embassy to; 114,
115, 119.
fishing boats of ; 186.
the Russian operations against, near
Dantzig (1734) ; 191-196.
religious dissensions in ; 521-556
passim, 609, 610, 614.
640
INDEX.
France — cont.
and Spain, affairs between (1611-12) ;
524 et seq.
contentions among the ambassadors
to; 567, 571.
Eeformed Churches of; 578.
the Spaniards' way of life in ; 602.
Spain, and Holland, negotiations
with and concerning (1734) ; 252,
et seqy 434-437.
negotiations with (1762) ; 222-224.
and Russia, negotiations with ; 449,
450.
and the Turks Islands ; 232-235.
and Italy ; 255.
operations of, on the Rhine, &c. ; 279-
282.
and the rebellion of '45; 286, 289,
292.
threatened invasion by ; 310, 311, 316,
317.
desertions of her soldiers ; 332.
diplomatic cunning of; 363.
and the Polish election ; 377.
Lord Harrington's feeling against ;
256.
King of (1610), letter to ; 120.
the young ; 531.
(1612), reported murder of;
605.
(1625), letters to; 112, 114,
122.
Queen Mother of, letters to ; 110, 111,
114.
; 529 et seq.
magical practises on ; 604, 605.
Franch, Sir John, chaplain ; 65.
Francis, Robert :
ofStane; 4.
requisition against ; 19.
his daughter's marriage ; 20.
Franconia; 119.
Frank, Thomas ; 20.
Frankfort :
diet at ; 47.
assembly at ; 570.
diet at ; 574, 575.
election at ; 582.
protestants in ; 597, 601.
Fraserburgh, letter dated at ; 198.
Fraunceys, Andrew, his lands ; 7.
Frazer :
Colonel ; 57.
Mr.; 392.
Frazier, Col. ; 445.
Fredensburg, Danish court at ; 373, 374.
Frederick the Great. See Prussia, King
of (after 1740).
Freiberg; 326,332.
battle of; 348.
Freir, William ; 77.
Frenuse, Madame de ; 45.
Friburg, the French before ; 281, 282.
Friebairn, Rev. David, letter of ; 153.
Friedensburg ; 331.
letter dated at ; 228.
Friendship, Bond of ; 88.
Friesland, Count of; 528.
Frissit, Capt. ; 134.
Friuli, state of; 522.
Frognal ; 396.
letter dated at ; 320.
Fronton, — ; 571.
Frude, Cristopher ; 75.
Fuentes, Count; 326, 581.
Fulda, the river ; 340.
Fulham ; 358, 452.
letters dated at ; 243, 306.
Fullartoun, Adam of, witness ; 10.
Fulleron, Mr. ; 164, 165.
Fynlastoun, document signed at ; 29.
Fynlawston, document dated at ; 11.
Fyntra, Vicar of ; 72.
Fynvyk, Reginald of; 62.
G.
Gabor, Bethlem, styled King of Hungary
107.
Gadgyrtht ; 13.
Gaell, John ; 98.
Gaesberh ; 555.
Gaeta; 254.
Gage, an English Jesuit ; 101.
Lord (1747) ; 297.
General, letter of; 236.
in America ; 382.
Gainly, Jacobite cipher ; 173.
Galbraith, Thomas, of Balkindrocht ; 69
Galbraitht, Walter, of Kerscadden ; 72.
Galbrath, Sir William of, charter to ; 62.
Gallevats, fleet of ; 155.
Gallicia; 282.
Gallisholme, the, lands of; 62.
Galloway, Bishop of (1684) ; 94.
Gallystown, the ; 62.
Galoberis, lands of ; 15.
Galowbery ; 15.
Galstone, John, charge against ; 20.
Galstoun, lands of; 62.
Galue, Conde de ; 521.
Gal vane, Lord of ; 8.
Galwaldmoir; 76.
Gambarini, Mdlle. ; 365.
her pictures ; 366.
Gangelt, English troops at ; 209, 210.
Garden ; 69, 78, 79.
Lord; 79.
Sir Archibald Stirling ; 60.
Gardener, Sir Richard ; 63.
Gardiner, Capt., killed ; 314.
Gardner, John, charge against ; 20.
Garlies, Lord, his son ; 506.
Garngulane, lands of ; 17.
Garode, a Jesuit ; 116.
Garon, Mr. ; 487.
Gartconvel ; 69.
Gascoyne, Bamber, report by ; 232.
Gasparo, agent ; 533.
Gat, Cape de, engagement off; 314.
Gavan, M., of Montpellier ; 512.
Gazette, the ; 302.
Gedda; 266.
Gee, Mr. ; 364.
INDEX.
641
Gees; 445.
Geneva ; 389, 459.
plague in ; 531.
Genoa; 579, 587.
treaty of France with ; 235.
Geoghegan, Capt. Alex.; 4 46.
George I., drinking the waters ; 239, 240.
Lord Townshend's letter to ; 427.
his fondness for Hanover ; 429.
and his son ; 1 70.
his sons Frederick and William; 430.
his death ; 165.
George II., letter of; 204.
letters to; 202, 241.
as elector of Hanover; 247, 251, 260,
264, 276.
at Dettingen ; 278.
"the Elector," at Helvoetsluys ; 469,
470.
his return to London ; 474.
his reception in London ; 482.
his visits to Hanover ; 479, 480, 492.
illness of ; 480.
his family ; 305, 306.
and the Prince of Wales; 505,506,516.
death of his Queen ; 509.
his death ; 320.
George III. :
warrant signed by ; 229.
his marriage ; 323.
and Oxford University ; 345.
the London merchants' address to ;
413, 414.
the address of the Lord Mayor, &c.
to ; 422, 423.
George, Prince :
of Denmark ; 431.
commission and order by ; 186.
the ship ; 448.
George, Fort ; 444.
Gerard, Lord (^1679), his regiment ; 131.
Germany, campaign in (1633-34) ; 47, 48.
English campaign in; 315-319, 324,
336, 338.
Emperor of (1611), his brother;
523, 526, 527.
proposed deposing of ; 536, 538.
his death ; 555, 561.
his funeral ; 601.
Princes of, their alliauce with Eng-
land ; 574.
Gernok, water of ; 14.
Gerwok; 88.
Gh elder land ; 571.
Ghent; 184,377.
citadel of ; 145.
English troops at ; 210.
nunnery at ; 437.
letter dated at ; 438.
Gibraltar; 313, 322,401.
proposed exchange of, for Minorca ;
200, 213,
Bay; 448.
Gibson, — , executor ; 425.
Dr. Edward, letters of; 243.
Giffartland; 26.
Giffertland; 25.
mansion of ; ib.
u 84067.
Giffin, Gyffejn, lands, &c. of; 1 et seq*
passim.
Gifford :
J., at Blandyke ; 438.
Sir John ; 57.
Gillecrist, son of Douenald ; 86.
Gillibrand, one ; 438.
Gilliekerchen, English troops at ; 209.
Gillingham, Kev. Roger ; 306.
Gin, Holland; 338.
Ginkel, envoy ; 276.
Gioiosa, Cardinal, his pal.ice at Eome
attacked; 526.
arrest of his servants ; 531.
Giraldin, Mons. ; 184.
Gladwin, Major ; 236.
Glais, John, of Rothsay ; 17.
Glamorgan, title derived from ; 431.
Glascloune ; 88.
Glasgow ; 289, 292.
documents dated at ; 14, 19, 23, 25, 29,
62, 63, 64, 81.
Cathedral of; 7.
dean and chapter of ; 12.
church of; 21, 25.
St. Kentigern church ; 12.
canons of ; 64.
friars minor of; 26.
friars preachers of ; ib.
Lord Eglinton's house in ; 32, 33.
Lord Sinclair's regiment at ; 53.
grammar school at ; 45.
burgesses of; 66.
riot in (1725) ; 176.
regiment, at Falkirk ; 441.
Bishop of (1408), charter by ; 62.
——(1448); 64.
(1487) ; 66.
(1519); 23.
Archbishop of (1513), decree by j 69.
(1536), commission to; 25.
(1545) ; 26.
(1684) ; 94.
Glaslick; 445.
Glassford, Lord (1689) ; 138.
Gleggirnache ; 64.
Glenbucket; 198.
Glenbucky ; 152.
Glencairn, Earl of (1509) ; 21.
(1511); 22.
(1523); 23.
(1546) ; 26.
(1586); 2, 29.
(1644); 52.
(1656), letter of ; 79.
(1689), commander-in-chief ; 39.
Glencoe; 124.
Glenderule, a Jacobite ; 91, 92, 124, 126,
127, 196.
Glendonwyne ; 62.
Glengarry, laird of; 123, 125.
Glengurnac, laird of, witness ; 12.
Glenkendy, — ; 151.
Glenlyon,' letter dated at ; 128.
Glenmor ; 14
Glenorchy, Lord, in Denmark ; 355.
Glensheall ; 124.
Glenshell, pass of; 196.
S S
642
mm*.
Glenty, lands of; 67.
Gleynne; 66.
Gloire, La, the ship ; 195.
Glorat; 71.
Gloucester; 55.
titles derived from ; 431.
Glover :
Leonidas ; 375.
Sir Thomas, Envoy to Constantinople ;
542, 562, 568, 572, 579, 582, 587,
594, 607.
his pensions ; 533.
Gloves :
Spanish ; 597, 602.
payments f or ; 31.
<x luckstadt, letter dated at ; 284.
Glynd, letters dated at j 296, 297.
odolphin :
Lord (1766), letter of; 399.
Mr.; 240.
Francis, letters of; 314.
Sir William, letter of ; 200.
Goldwyn, Mr.; 279.
Golovin, Lord, letters to ; 190.
Gonzaga, Cardinal ; 531, 568.
Gooch :
Dr. Thomas, letter of ; 303.
Sir Thomas; 368.
Goodricke, Sir John, letters of; 325, 348.
at Stockholm ; 382, 383, 384.
Goranzo, Venetian Ambassador ; 539.
Gordon :
Duke of (1736) ; 460.
Duchess of; 318.
and the Advocates ; 144, 145.
Lady ; 28, 444.
— , at Copenhagen ; 395.
Alex.; 446.
Lieut. George ; 447.
James ; 28.
Joon, letter of; 198.
his son, Sandie ; ib.
Lady Mary, letter of; 171.
Thomas, Captain, afterwards Admiral,
commissions, &c. to; 185-188.
Admiral Thomas, account of ; 83.
letters to ; 157 et seq.
Sir Thomas ; 183.
Goring, General, at Tauntondean ; 54.
Gormok, laird of ; 87, 88.
Gorthy, Tristram of ; 62.
Goslinga, Dutch deputy ;
Gosport, the ship ; 186.
Gosset, Mr.; 398.
Gottingen, evacuation of:
Gould, Mr. ; 249.
Gourlay, David ; 72.
Gout, a cure f or ; 416, 425.
Govan; 52.
Gower :
Lord (1764); 229.
(1765); 387,390.
(1768); 410.
(1770) ; 423.
Gowyne, Gillecrist, of Rothsay ; 17.
Gozo, Porte of ; 569, 572, 581, 607.
Grabs, fleet of; 155.
418.
65.
; 88.
142.
339.
Grafton, Duke of :
Secretary of State ; 390, 391.
(1767); 407.
(1770); 420,421.
Junius's letter to ;
Graham or Grahame :
Alexander ; 63.
of, witness ;
John, of Gerwok :
Col. John, of Claverhouse ; 95.
his regiment ; 135, 136.
pay of; 136.
Patrick of, witness ; 8.
Lord the, Patrick ; 63.
(1448), Patrick; 65.
of, Sir William ; 62.
Grain, &c. accounts ; 32.
Grame :
Lord, William; 18.
Robert the, of Kynpount ; 63.
Thomas, witness ; 63.
Granada; 534.
Granby, Lord (1759); 317.
(1762); 339.
(1763); 353.
(1770) ; 419.
Grand, M. le ; 597, 599, 605, 611.
Grange :
Lord (1728); 242.
laird of; 75.
Grant :
Major; 444.
Colonel ; 445.
Lieut. Jacques ; 446.
James or John ; 392.
Granville, Lord (1745); 288.
(1747) ; 298, 299.
(1751) ; 306.
(1752); 307.
(1756); 311.
(1757); 313.
(1761); 321.
(1761), letter of; 322.
(1763) ; 352.
his picture; 451.
Grates, or Gratz, Duke Ferdinando of;
551, 569, 607.
Gravelines; 438.
Graves, Ensign; 193.
Gravesend; 99, 288, 574, 595.
letter dated at ; 109.
Gravier, Mrs., her daughter; 378, 381.
Gray:
Colonel ; 44.
Sir Andrew, of Fowlis ; 63.
Lord, Andrew, justice general; 22.
Isabella, relict of Adam Creichtoun ;
70.
James ; 66.
Sir James; 362,367,451.
John, witness; 10, 14.
Master of, Patrick, commission to;
88.
Greece, English consuls in ; 300.
Greenock ; 52, 53.
INDEX*
<348
Greenwell, a Jesuit ; 116.
Greenwich, letters dated at ; 100-102.
Greithill, lands of; 27.
Grenada Islands ; 424.
Grenok, William, witness ; 63.
Grenville, George or Mr.; 199, 321,
333-365 passim, 383, 397, 402,
403, 410, 411, 412, 418, 422, 423,
449.
letters of; 341-345, 419.
letters to ; 228, 342.
documents signed by ; 229, 230.
speech of ; 382.
Grenville, Henry ; 388.
Grey :
in Griffin; 19.
Lord, of Grobv, his forces in Scotland ;
57.
William de, report hy ; 228.
Grimaldi, Marquis ; 223, 224.
letter of; 230.
Grimsby borough ; 409.
Grisons, the; 562,570, 581, 587, 593.
Gritts, Piero ; 570.
Groningen, letter dated at ; 239.
Gross, Mons. ; 326, 370.
Gruibbet; 39.
Grumkow, Baron ; 246.
Guadalcacar, Marques de ; 552.
Guadaleste, Marques de ; 535, 582, 594.
Guadaloupe; 315,316,393,414.
Guerchy, Count de, complaint by ; 230.
letters of ; ib.
and M. D'Eon ; 360, 365, 366, 375,
376, 385, 394.
Guernsey; 186,
Guichen, Count, and the Turks Islands ;
234, 235.
Guienne, Lieut.-General in ; 596.
Guilles, Marquis de, at Culloden; 445,
446.
Guinea, Spaniards in ; 528.
coast of; 538, 550, 558.
Guise, Cardinal of ; 120.
Guise, Due de (1611-12) ; 525, 566, 577,
589, 599, 602,611.
(1617), his son; 103.
et Duchesse de ; 544.
Duchessede; 571,599.
Chevalier de ; 536, 566, 597, 599.
house of ; 603.
Guislone ; 26.
Gulpen, English troops at ; 206-209.
Gunner schaw; 66.
GunniDg, Robert, letter of ; 400.
Gunpowder plot ; 116.
Guns and gunners, documents concerning ;
132-135.
Gustavus :
of Sweden; 47.
Adolphus, his insignia ; 290.
Guthrie, David, of Kincaldrum; 13.
Guyenne ; 612v
Gyffeyn, land of. See Gifiin.
H.
Haddick, General ; 346.
Haddington, letter dated at ; 46.
Earl of, Thomas, his daughter ; 6.
Haggerston, Sir Carnaby, his sons ; 438.
Hagie Haugh ; 129.
Hague, the, letters dated at; 90, 106,
133, 140, 144, 146, 147, 154, 239,
244-276 passim, 282, 296. 363-371
passim, 378, 399, 401, 433, 438, 451,
495, 529, 543, 474,
Knights of St. George at ; 466.
ambassador at, Winwood ; 578.
Spanish ambassador at ; 123.
Halden, William, witness ; 65.
Haliburtoun, Walter of ; 63.
Halifax, Lord (1752), speech of; 307.
(1762); 205.
(1764) ; 229.
Secretary of State, letters of and to,
&c. (1762-1770); 230, 232, 235,
236, 345-442 passim, 450, 451.
his daughter ; 370.
his nephew Osborne; 367, 370,377,
379, 380, 381, 383, 388, 389.
portrait of ; 366, 367, 373, 394, 397,
39&.
Halifax, Nova Scotia, letter dated at ; 308.
the Germans in ; ib.
Halkett, Sir Peter, letter of; 15ft.
Halkhead ; 197, 198.
Haly; 21.
Halyburton, William ; 21.
Ham, Surrey, letter dated at j 411.
Hamadan; 309.
Hamburg :
letters dated at; 251, 265, 325-352,
363, 388.
magistrates of ; 250.
Danish soldiers in ; 334.
Dr. Thomas at ; 269.
Hamel, his affair ; 264.
Hamilton :
Duke of (1648), his faction; 56.
(.1686) commission to ; 95.
(1689) commission signed by;
40.
and the Covenant ; 37.
Marquis of (1632), miniature of; 35.
(1640) ; 48.
Marchioness of ; 45.
Mr.; 365.
— — at Naples ; 367.
General, his mission to Lord Boling-
broke; 181-184.
Agnes of; 11.
Alan, of Bardowy ; 71.
killed by Colin Campbell ; 72.
Alexander, of Comsket ; 19.
Capt. Alexander, in Ireland ; 50.
Lady Ann, inventory of her jewels;
85.
Sir Archibald of, witness; 14, 15.
Ezeckiel, Jacobite letters of and to ;
453 et seq.
s s 2
644
IKDEX.
Hamilton — cont.
Win. Gerard ; 382.
Gilbert, of Lochhouse ; 68.
Jane, her marriage ; 27.
Dame Jane ; 77.
Lady Jean ; 4.
Jobn of; 8, 13.
John ; 69.
of Pardowy ; 69.
Bishop of Dunkeld ; 96.
Matthew, of Milnburn ; 73.
Patrick, of Bogsyde ; 26.
Paul, letter of; 44.
Robert; 28.
William; 44.
Hammer, Jacobite cipher ; 170.
Hampden, Robert, letters of; 342, 347,
348.
Hampton, lelters dated at ; 42.
Court; 31, 32, 319, 416, 431, 492,
595.
letters dated at ; 105, 203.
Hancock, Mr. ; 500, 503.
Handsydo, Colonel ; 208.
Handyside, cipher for the Pretender ; 482.
Hanlon, cipher for Sweden; 168.
Hannan, Count ; 575.
Hanover; 239, 240, 260, 263, 316, 427.
letters dated at ; 250, 256, 257, 258,
274, 275, 432, 435.
Court of, and Scotland ; 143.
Regency of ; 246.
George I.'s liking for, Jacobite use of;
429.
Elector of, George Il.as ; 167, 247,251.
Geo. II.'s visits to ; 479, 492, 493.
Hanse towns, the; 119,594,595,598, 601.
Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, letters of;
276, 284,322.
(1762); 326,449.
(1764), death of; 362.
Hardy, — ; 279.
Captain, letters of; 225.
Hare, Mr. ; 364.
Harkeyne, Vice-Admiral ; 529.
Harlay, Mr., apothecary ; 140.
Harrack, Count ; 268.
Harrington,Lord(1730-l740),Secretaryof
State, letters of and to ; 199, 203-
206, 226, 243-263, 271, 274.
(1734) ; 433, 458, 459, 461, 465.
(1745), letters to ; 284.
his rumoured resignation ; 288.
(1746), letter to ; 289.
his resignation ; 294, 295.
letter of ; 447.
(1747), Lord Lieut, of Ireland ; 295,
297.
(1749), letter to ; 304.
his illness ; 305, 307.
and Lady ; 31, 32.
Harris :
Mr. ; 363.
Herbert; 358.
Hilbert; 313.
James, documents signed by; 229, 230.
Harrison, — , his regiment ; 196.
John, his discoveries ; 319.
Hart, Thomas, witness ; 74.
Hartlebury; 294.
Hartlyrowe, letter dated at ; 242.
Harwich ; 342, 350, 357.
coach ; 133.
Marquis of, (1710); 140.
Harwood, Sir Edward, letter of; 105.
Hastings ; 186.
Lord, of Loughborough ; 55.
Hatch, Mr., apothecary ; 425.
Hatfield, Rowe Green near ; 285.
Hattorf, Mr. ; 247.
Hautefontaine ; 610.
Hauterive, M. de ; 614.
Havannah, the ; 340, 344, 345, 346, 609.
outrages by British in ; 230.
Havre; 182.
Rodney's expedition to ; 316, 317.
Hawick, John of ; 62.
Hawk, a, description of ; 44.
Hawke :
Sir Edward or Admiral; 315, 319,
448.
John, a soldier; 372, 373.
discharge of; 390.
Hawking, licence for ; 4 1 .
Hawley, Dr.; 471, 484, 488.
— — letters of ; 504.
letter to; 483.
in London ; 517.
General; 208.
at Culloden ; 442-444.
Hawnes, letter dated at ; 322.
Hawpland; 19.
Hay:
Captain; 80.
wounded ; ib.
Alexander, letters to ; 460, 502, 510.
Catherine,relict of George Drummond;
89.
Lieut. David, pay of; 136.
George, report by ; 228.
Ensign James ; 447.
Captain John, a Jacobite ; 1 60.
document signed by ; 161.
letters of ; 174 et seq.
Will.; 163.
William, letter of ; 178.
i document signed by ; 184.
Hayes, Pitt's seat ; 409.
Head dresses, payments f or ; 31.
Heatby, — , letter of ; 438.
Hedge, J. ; 269.
Heidelberg ; 574.
Heinsberg, English troops at ; 210.
Helmsley, reduction of ; 54.
Helsham, Dr. ; 485.
Helston; 399.
Helvoet Sluys; 239, 325, 338, 342, 357,
459, 469, 504, 520.
Henderson :
Alexander; 35.
Colonel, his command at Bergen-op-
Zoom ; 107, 108.
Henley, Mr. ; 314.
Henrietta Maria, Queen, her servants re-
moved ; 45.
her packet intercepted; 47.
INDEX.
645
Henrietta Maria — cont.
her confessors ; 1 1 0, 1 1 1 .
draft letter of ; 111.
her landing at Dover ; 122.
Henrison, James, of Straton Hall ; 69.
Henry, Prince, son of James I, his death ;
613, 614.
Henryson, Henry, witness ; 17.
Hepburn :
George, Postulate of the Isles ; 69.
John, Bishop of Dunblane ; 65.
Sir John, in Germany ; 48.
Jonet or Margaret ; 28.
Major; 81.
Sir Robert, death of; 45.
Heraclius, Prince ; 309.
Heralds, their fees ; 115.
Herbert :
Mr., Commissioner of Trade; 268.
Sir Edward, letter to ; 104.
Ambassador in Prance ; 114, 115,
119.
Robert, his nephew ; 421.
Hereing, David and John, charges against ;
88.
Hereis, John, parson of Melville ; 33.
Herenthals ; 105.
Hering :
James, commission to ; 88.
John ; 63.
Heme, Jacobite cipher ; 173.
Herring fishery ; 186.
Herrings, presents of ; 43, 44.
Hertford, Earl of (temp. Jac. I.) ; 575.
(1762), letter of; 330.
(1764) ; 366, 369, 376, 378, 380.
letters to; 231.
Hervey, Augustus ; 425.
Herwy, Alexander ; 26.
Heryng, James ; 28.
Herys, Sir Herbert, charter by ; 11.
Heslait, mill of ; 20.
Hesse, distressed state of; 336, 340.
Landgrave of ; 432, 574.
victory gained by ; 47.
(1738), letter of; 164.
Hetherington, — ; 397.
Hevidis; 16.
Hewet, James ; 1 68.
Hewit, Mr.; 318.
Hexham ; 289.
Hick; 193.
Hickman, Bishop ; 518.
Hicks, cipher for the Pretender ; 469, 473,
480, 483.
Hieres; 471.
Hieriggs ; 69.
Highgate, letter dated at ; 354.
Highlands, West, regiments sent to ; 39.
Hildesheim, town house of ; 246.
Hilhouse; 68.
Hill; 69.
Hillsborough, Lord (1752) ; 307.
(1764); 229, 380.
(1765); 391.
(1767); 406, 407.
(1768) ; 410.
documents signed b\ ; 227.
313.
47.
Himby; 68.
Hinchinbrook, letter dated at; 41.
Lady; 404.
Hindon, Mr., Jacobite cipher ; 1 70.
Hochstrat, Count ; 612.
Hockrel, letter dated at ; 241.
Hochstraten, Count ; 597.
Hodges, Mr., at Pyrmont ; 239.
Holbin, Sir John ; 464.
Holbourn, Admiral, and Byng's trial ;
Holderness, Lord (1761) ; 221, 449.
(1762); 347.
(1762), ambassador ; 337.
Lady; 319.
Holdesworth, — , and Pope's letters ;
477.
Holford, Mr. ; 389.
Hoik, Jesuit seminary at ; 437, 438.
Holland, dispute of Denmark with ; 55.
Ambassadors from ; 99, 120.
gunners, &c. in ; 133-135.
the Deputies of, and Marlborough; 142.
the negociations at Utrecht ; 146, 147.
bankrupt state of ; 175.
and France; 434-437.
the dikes in; 519.
and the East Indies ; 601.
negociations with; See Hague, the,
letters dated at.
Lord (1633), his quarrel with Lord
Weston; 47.
Holies, Charles I.'s proceedings against ;
51.
Holmbyre, lands of ; 18.
Holmys, Elizabeth ; 20.
Holstein; 400.
Duke of (1725); 175.
the Pretender's letter to ; 160.
(1730); 244.
(1734) and the Princess Emily ;
254.
(1739), his reported death ; 272.
(1762) ; 327.
the young ; 34 1.
Prince George of ; 320.
Holy Island ; 80.
Holyrood or Holyrood House, documents
dated at ; 30, 39, 47, 92, 93, 186.
Home :
Lord (1478), Alexander, grant by ;
- 15.
Lord, Alexander, surrender of lands
by; 15.
John; 354.
Captain John, of Nynwells ; 39.
Margaret and Sybil, daughters of Sir
Patrick; 67.
Patrick, witness ; 14.
Thomas, grant to ; 15.
William, letter to ; 58.
See Hume.
Hommyll :
Jok; 19.
Mergaret and John ; 19.
Homyl, John ; 9.
Honduras, Bay of; 213, 214, 220, 222.
Honfleur; 120.
646
.INDEX.
Honywood, General, his regiment ; 206,
210.
Hooft, Dutch deputy ; 142.
Hooker, Mr. ; 171.
Hoome, Jo., of Kello ; 79.
Hooper, Mr., of the Customs ; 344.
Hop,—; 266.
Mr., his intercepted letter ; 245.
Hope:
Mr.; 487.
Sir Alexander, of Carse ; 39.
Hopetoun, Countess of ; 489.
Hopson, General ; 315.
Horen, Count de ; 135.
Hormishocis, lordship of; 7.
Horn, a surgeon ; 189.
Mr.; 156.
Horton, Northants ; 398, 404, 407, 408.
letters dated at; 380, 399.
Houghton, Norfolk ■ 433.
letter dated at ; 271.
Hound, the sloop ; 444.
Houstoun :
document dated at ; 12.
James ; 24.
John, canon of Glasgow; 27.
Dame Janet, protestation by ; 14.
Janet ; 19.
Patrick of, witness ; 12, 23.
Sir Peter, witness ; 19.
Howard :
Colonel, at Culloden ; 443.
Sir Charles ; 421.
Howe, Mr., at Northampton ; 409, 412.
Huchonsoun, Kobert ; 66.
Hudson's river ; 137.
Huggans, Mons. ; 550.
Hughaus, Mons. ; 555.
Hugon, Pierre, a prisoner ; 114, 115.
Hull j 400.
Hulse, Dr. ; 278.
Hulsen, General ; 346.
Hume:
Lord (1514) Alexander ; 69.
his lands forfeited ; 70.
(1557), Alexander ; 74, 75.
Sir Alexander, witness ; 14.
John, of Hutounhall ; 75.
Sir Patrick, his daughter's marriage ;
67.
See Home.
Hummel, George Erdman, gunner ; 134.
Hungary; 102.
and Prussia; 206, 212.
waters ; 334, 345.
army in ; 601.
King of (1612) ; 561, 568, 607.
(162l),Bethlem Gabor; 107.
(1634); 47.
Queen of, and King of Prussia ; 276.
and France ; 281.
(1743) ; 439.
Hungei'ford, John, letter of; 155.
Hunsden; 368.
Huntare, Robert :
of Huntarestoun ; 22, 23.
grant to ; 24.
Hunter :
Archibald, laird of Ardneill ; 13.
George, letter of ; 438.
Helen; 44.
Isabel, her goods ; -94.
Robert, of Hunterstown ; 4.
Thomas Orby, documents signed by ;
229, 230.
Hunting, licence for ; 41.
Huntingdon; 296.
Lord (1770) ; 419.
Huntingtower ; 149, 150.
Huntly :
Earl of (1498), George, justice
general ; 18.
(1536), commission to ; 25.
(1562); 28.
(1569) ; 42.
Marquis of (1639) ; 48.
(1647), taken prisoner ; 79.
Hurdes, chaplain ; 396.
Huron Indians, treaty with ; 231.
of Detroit and Sandusky ; 236.
Hurrie, Colonel ; 56.
Huske :
Brigadier ; 206, 209.
General, at Falkirk ; 286, 440, 441.
at Culloden; 444.
Hussey, Mr.; 391.
speech of ; 382.
Hudson, — ; 286.
Hutown, rector of; 71.
Hutton, Bushel, letter dated at ; 325.
Hyde, Lord (1761), letter of; 322.
(1767), letter of ; 402.
(1768); 410.
(1769), letter of; 452.
and Lady ; 405.
Hyndford, Lord (1741) ; 276.
I.
Ibberville, the ; 223.
Ibrahim Mirza Khann ; 303.
Idiagues, Don Juan de ; 558.
Illandonald; 123, 124.
Inchaffray, abbey of ; 71.
monastery, charter dated at ; 7.
Commendator of, James, bond by r
88.
Independents, the, in Jersey province ;
137.
India, East, Company ; 337. 401, 405, 413.
director of ; 153.
engagement of its ships ; 155.
Court of Directors ; 187.
Ships of ; ib.
Indies, East, mutiny of soldiers in ; 237,
238.
the Spaniards in ; 528, 550, 551.
the Dutch trade in ; 601.
Indies, West, cutting of logwood in ; 200,
218.
Ingermanland, the ship ; 187.
INDEX.
647
Inglis :
Captain in Ireland ; 49, 50.
his troop; 136.
John, witness ; 8.
William, witness ; 17.
Inglistoun ; 95.
Ingram, Dr., his pills ; 425.
Ingria, province of ; 187.
Inichillimalinak ; 236.
Inneralloun, lands ; 69, 70, 74.
Innerhawloune, lands of ; 7.
Innerleth ; 15.
Innerwick ; 14.
laird of; 15.
Innes, laird of ; 48.
his wife ; 51.
Inoculation ; 305.
Inojossa, Marquis of (1624), letter to;
108.
Inquisition, the, at Venice ; 534, 542.
Inventories ; 75, 76.
Inverlochy; 196.
Inverness ; 124, 125, 196, 287, 288, 289.
letters dated at ; 442, 444.
attack on ; 57.
rebels at ; 265.
Governor of ; 444.
French officers in ; 445, 446.
Earl of (1725), document signed by ;
162.
Capt. John Hay, titular ; 174.
letter of ; 176.
letter to; 179.
and Lady, the Princess Mary
Clementina; 161.
at Avignon ; 178.
the Pretender's friend and ;
ib.
— — their change of religion ;
178, 179, 181.
(1766), Mr. Vincent; 454,462.
or 1 Morpeth, &c. " ; 465, 466.
Jacobite feeling against; 468,
469, 476, 478, 480, 481, 490,
497,498,505,518,519.
Ireland :
soldiers from, in Poland (1611) ; 529,
535.
Lord Eglinton's services in (1641) ; 3.
Presbyterians in ; 6.
religious work in ; 46.
the Scots army in (1641) ; 49.
the rebels in ; 49, 50.
the Scots army in (1647) ; 56, 78.
Alnage Office in ; 229.
proposed raising of a regiment in,
(1744); 282,283.
state of inhabitants there ; 283.
dragoons at Falkirk ; 286.
revenue of (1749) ; 304.
the Duke of Dorset in ; 309.
Prime Serjeant, &c. of ; 362.
Primate of, Kobinson ; 380, 381.
increase of army in ; 410.
and its Lord Lieutenants (1723) ; 429.
depression of coinage in ; 508, 509.
Ireland — cont.
Lord Harrington Deputy in (1746);
295.
Lord Townshend's popularity in ; 417.
Irnham, Lord, his son ; 415.
Irskyn, Robert of, witness ; 6, 7.
Irvin, Dr. Christopher ;
Historiographer in Scotland; 95.
King's physician ; 96.
Irvine :
documents dated at ; 1 1, 14, 19, 25, 26.
Carmelites of ; 26.
burgh of ; 10, 18, 21, 39, 52.
Irwin:
Mr. ; 485.
Alexander ; 488.
Capt. Alex., letter to ; 492.
Irwine, Rev. Will., letter of ; 153.
Isach, L', the ship ; 195.
Isis, the ship ; 449.
Isle, John of, witness ; 6.
Isles, the, Agnes of; 9.
Postulate of; 69.
Bishop of (1684) ; 94.
Italy, Spanish troops in ; 247.
French war with ; 255.
travels in ; 386, 389.
Princes of; 578.
Ittersum, Mons. ; 248.
J.
Jacobites, the ; 91.
(1715-45), papers relating to ; 123.
correspondence ; 168 et seq., 452-520.
papers taken from Colonel Cecil ; 225.
state of, in 1723; 428, 429.
Jacson, Sir Thomas ; 72.
Jamaica ; 234, 235.
mutiny in ; 384.
James I. of England, alleged plot against ?,
100, 101.
his death; 112.
his treatment of priests ; 117.
draft letter of ; 120.
James II. of Scotland, grant by ; 10.
charter by; 12.
James II. of England, letters of his son;
91, 92.
warrant by ; 95.
his landing in France ; 138.
James III. of England. See Pretender,,
the.
James III. of Scotland, his son ; 15, 16,
59.
privy seal of ; 65.
James IV. of Scotland, charters by ; 18, 66.
commands by ; 20.
James V. of Scotland, charters by ; 22, 24,
70.
privy seals of; 22, 72.
commission by ; 25.
James VI. of Scotland, expenses at his
Court on coming to England ; 30—
32.
648
INDEX.
James VI., of Scotland — coni.
presentation by ; 33.
letters of; 40, 41.
ratification by ; 75.
commission by ; 88.
warrant by ; 89.
Jamineau, M. ; 372, 451.
Janin, President, his son killed ; 549.
Jannina, in Thessalia ; 307.
Jansirot, Mr. ; 250.
Janville, Prince ; 566, 596, 597, 599, 602,
614.
Jaroslaw; 167.
Jaselski, the Starcste ; 178.
Jason, the ship ; 404.
Javarof, letter dated at; 178.
Jedburgh, documents dated at ; 74, 129.
monastery ; 73.
Jefferay, John ; 98.
Jenkinson, Cecil, letters of; 320, 329, 333,
336, 345, 348,350, 351, 353, 364.
letter to ; 349.
J» nnings :
Captain, mutiny of his soldiers ; 237,
238.
J., document signed by ; 187.
Je unison, Mr. ; 268.
Jenyns, Soame ; 384.
report by ; 232.
Jeremy, Mr., .Jacobite cipher; 173, 174.
Jermyn :
family, and St. James's rectory ; 243.
Harry, flight of ; 78.
Jersey; 186.
province of, the Quakers, &c. in ; 137.
Lord (1739); 272.
-(1770); 419.
Jesuits, the ; 84, 1C0, 101, 116, 182, 386,
437, 438, 523, 528, 529, 548, 549, 551,
569,575,587, 591, 601.
Jeucaux, M. de ; 525.
Jewels, inventories of; 35, 38.
Jews, the, Bishop Thomas on ; 448.
Johnson :
Mr., letter of; 196.
Colonel; 210.
George, treaty signed, by ; 232.
Sir William, treaties signed by ; 228,
231, 232, 364, 382.
at Niagara ; 236.
Johnston:
— , his examination ; 361.
— , at Minorca ; 3G4.
Guy, letter t f ; 310.
John; 71.
William ; ib.
Joinville, Prince de ; 571.
Jollyffe, Mr., his will ; 354.
Jones:
Mr., at Spa; 367.
Col. Michael, at Dublin; 57.
Jonkine, David, payment to; 35.
Jordaen; 458.
Joyce, Patrick, banker at Madrid ; 460,
488.
Joyeuse, Cardinal ; 531.
Juan, Blanco ; 579.
Juliers, duchy of; 202,250, 256, 257,266,
267, 550, 555, 560, 563, 578, 583,
585, 595, 597, 601, 603, 607, 613,
617.
siege of ; 530.
Junius, his attack on Weston ; 200.
his letter to the Duke of Grafton ;
418.
and Lord Shelburnc ; 426.
K.
Kaiserswart ; 81.
Kaminick, governor of, 178.
Karnsalouch; 15.
Keen, Keene :
Lieut.-Col. ; 403.
Mr.; 250.
Benj., letter to; 432.
Sir Benjamin, at Madrid, Pitt's letter
to; 212-216.
his reply to ; 216-221.
Keir, the ; 23.
chaplainry of ; 70.
laird of, jewels left with ; 38.
and the Leny family ; 74.
lands of, 64, 65, 67.
mill of ; 68.
tower of, burning of; 59, 67.
Stirlings of, account of the family ;
59.
Keith:
Bishop of, letter to ; 188.
Lord of; 84.
General; 188,189, 190,476,477,506,
519.
Sir George; 178, 184.
James, Lieut.-General, letter of ; 178.
Jamy, or Jemmy; 166, 167.
Lieut.-Colonel ; 168.
Mr., envoy to Kussia ; 333, 337.
Robert, letters of ; 320, 324, 339.
bis recall; 339.
Kellie, heirs of ; 22.
Kello; 15.
Kelly, George, Jacobite; 459, 463-469
passim.
his escape ; 474, 478.
letters of and to; 475, 478, 490,
503-518 passim.
at Avignon ; 479, 480, 481, 482.
Kelso:
David ; 20.
Thomas; 22.
William ; ib.
Kelsoland, laird of ; 22.
Kelwood; 23.
Kemp, Jacobite cipher ; 173.
Kendall, Lieut.-Col., prisouer ; 445.
Kennett, — ; 90.
Kennedy, Kenny dy :
— , witness ; 10.
Sir David; 17.
witness ; 18.
Sir Gavane, of Blairquhan ; 23.
INDEX.
649
Kennedy, Kennydy — cont.
John, of Knockreach ; 17.
Sir John, witness ; 12.
of Cowlane ; 20.
Sir Malcolm ; 62.
Thomas, of Barganie ; 17.
Kennet; 66.
Dr., work hy ; 49 1 .
Kennicot, Dr. Benj. ; 386, 406.
letters cf ; 310, 387.
Kensington :
letters dated at; 293.
as a title; 431.
Gravel Pits; 451.
Kent, Duke and Duchess of ; 270.
Keppel, Commodore, and Admiral Byng ;
312, 313.
Keppell, Admiral ; 390.
Keppoch, the Camerons under ; 289.
atCulloden; 443.
brother of ; 445.
Ker:
John, witness ; 72.
Matho, witness ; 20.
Robert, of Kersland ; 19.
his son John ; 22.
Stephen, lord of Trearne ; 9.
William, witness ; 12.
laird of Kersland ; 13.
his daughter, Margaret ; ib.
Kernie, Captain ; 80.
Kerr, Andrew ; 139.
Kerrich, John, letter of; 345.
Kerrick, Walter, letter of; 406.
Kerrielaw; 16.
Kers; 21, 73.
Kerscadden ; 72.
Kersland; 22.
Kesterby, Pacha ; 301.
Ketler, old, and Biron ; 269.
Kew Gardens ; 505, 506.
Bridge, Lottery for ; 505.
Kilbirny; 71.
Kilboeuf, in Normandy ; 603.
Kildare :
Lady; 31.
Bishop of (1765) ; 380.
Kileregis, in Ayr ; 9.
Kilfassachis, lands of; 13.
Killicheuman ; 196.
Killilieagh ; 49.
skirmisli near ; ib.
Kilmadock parish ; 77.
Kilmarnock; 21,25.
document dated at ; 29.
siege of ; 25.
lands of ; 26.
Lord, prisoner ; 444, 447.
Kilmaurs :
Lords, their disputes with the Eglin-
ton family ; 2.
Lord of, Cunynghame; 10, 11.
Lord of, theft from his servitors ; 18.
Kilmodene, parson of; 72.
Kilsyth, battle of ; 55.
Kilwilling, Abbot of ; 23.
Kilwinning ; 38.
chamberlain of; 28.
masons' lodge at ; 30.
abbot of ; 7", 10, 29.
Alexander ; 26.
Monastery of ; 26.
regality of ; 26.
Kimiti Gustavi de, letter signed by ; 109.
Kinbuck ; 151.
articles signed at ; 152.
Kincardine, document dated at ; 65.
lands of; 82.
parish; 77.
Sessions Records of ; 86.
Kinclevin, Lady of ; 28.
King :
Dr.; 466.
General, at York ; 54.
Kinghorn, Lord (1639) ; 48.
Kingour, William and David, charges
against ; 88.
Kingsborough, Lord (1748), letter of;
301.
Kingston :
— , at Culloden ; 442.
on Thames ; 31.
Duke of, his house ; 424.
Kinlock, Lady ; 444.
Kinnaird, letter dated at ; 46.
Kinnoull, Lord (1735), his recall ; 257.
Kinross :
John, contract by ; 70.
Jonet ; 70.
of; 67.
> charter by ; 64.
her husband Robert Stewart ;
65.
William of; 70.
Kinsky, Count ; 204,247, 248, 2 57, 258,
260, 264.
his memorial ; 253.
Kintaile; 124.
Kintaill, camp in ; 196.
Kintore, Earl of; 184.
(1685), signature ; 95.
Kintyre ; 289
Kiove; 188.
Palatin of; 178.
Kippane Rait ; 68.
Kippanedavy, lands of; 67.
Kippanerayt, lands of; 65.
Kippanross ; 64.
Kippen parish ; 77.
Kippendavie ; 75, 76.
Kippenross, lordship of -, 67, 70, 71.
Kirchain, letters dated at; 228, 344, 346.
Kirkcaldy, Sir William ; 75.
Kirkconnel ; 96.
Kirkforthar, rector of ; 71.
Kirkland Dairy ; 26.
Kirkpenny land ; 69.
Kirktown, land of; 69.
Kirkwod, lands of ; 15.
Kirkwode, lands of ; ib.
Kirman Schack, castle of; 309.
Knight :
Dr., his death ; 294.
Mr.; 486.
65a
INDEX.
Kniphausen, Mr. ; 432, 433.
Knock, John, of Ardmanuel ; 69.
Knokbrehauch, lands of ; 27.
Knokinlyne, lands, &c. of ; 19.
Knokintire, lands of ; 9.
Knokintyr, lands of ; 19.
Knokis, John, witness ; 63.
Knokmulyne, lands of ; 9.
Knowles, Admiral ; 313.
Knox:
John ; 4, 5.
his daughter ; 6.
Uchrede; 69.
Knutsford, document dated at ; 288.
Konigsberg; 320.
Kop, Sibald; 135.
Kurakin, Prince ; 176.
Kylbreny, church of; 7.
Kylbyrne, vicar of; 14.
Kyle:
gentry, bond by ; 28.
Stewart, barony of ; 7, 9.
lands in ; 17.
Kylesmure ; 45.
Kynaston, Justice ; 366.
Kyninmonde, Thorn, of ; 64.
Kynman, Nicholas ; 63.
Kynpount ; 63.
Kynross :
Alexander and John ; 67.
John, excommunication by; 71.
suits against ; ib.
Kyrkmechall, lauds of; 66.
Kyrkmychael Striuelyn ; 63.
Kyrkmychell, lands of; 62.
L.
La Bastie, Baron of ; 550, 555.
Labeduikoffe, Captain; 194.
Labour, agricultural, price of; 404.
La Brosse, predictions by ; 567.
La Cocherie, Jesuit seminary at; 437,
438.
Lacy:
Field Marshal or General ; 188, 193,
268.
at Memel; 166.
T. (cypher for Lord Sempill), letter
of; 227.
La Fleche ; 438.
La Grange, Colonel ; 539, 548, 560, 566.
La Lippe, Count ; 3^9.
Lamb, D^an ; 364.
Lambe, — ; 339.
Lambert, Colonel, near Carlisle; 56.
Lanark ; 75.
Lord, his forces ; 37.
Earl of (1645) ; 55.
Lanarkshire, men of; 55.
Lancashire, the rebels in ; 287.
Lancaster, title derived from ; 431.
Land Tax ; 403.
Land's End, the ; 186.
Lane, Dr. ; 504, 505.
Lanfranco :
Cardinal; 539.
his death ; 546.
Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, his victory at
Pontefract, &c. ; 52, 54, 56.
Langham, Sir James ; 409.
at Northampton ; 412.
Lang Kype, camp at, document dated at ;
78.
Langlack, Mrs., at the Briel ; 492.
Langlois, secretary ; 395.
Langschaws, lands of; 15, 26, 27.
Langton, Laird of; 15.
Languedoc ; 540, 577, 588, 610, 612.
Lantern or bowat, a, description of ; 43.
Lany; 72.
Heliseus, witness ; 12.
La Roche, coiner ; 611.
Larpant, Mr. ; 357, 365, 425.
Larpent, young ; 340.
Latuce, Captain ; 80.
Lauder, Robert of ; 65.
Lauderdale :
Lord (1620) ; 45.
Earl of (1689); 138.
Lauless, Captain ; 80.
Launceston, Baron of; 431.
Laurie, Deputy Governor of Jersey; 137.
Lausanne ; 459.
Lauson, Robert, of Hieriggs ; 69.
Lavender water ; 345.
Law :
George, chaplain ; 447.
John; 198.
his brother ; ib.
Laweder, Robert of ; 64.
Lawedre, Alan of, witness ; 6.
Laws, Mr. ; 146, 147.
Leache, — , his suit ; 361.
Le Bussy, Mr. ; 320.
Lecall; 50.
Le Connu, Jacobite agent ; 452 et seq.
Lecprevyc, Joachim de ; 9.
John, Robert, and William ; ib.
Lecropt parish; 77.
Ledcreiff, the Drummonds of ; 82.
Leddayle, David, son of John, of Lochtillo,.
13.
Ledmachaine; 89.
Lee:
in Renfrew, lands of ; 9.
Sir George, speech of; 312.
Lord, his son ; 457, 458.
Leer; 337.
Leerore, fort of ; 529.
Leeward Islands, Governor of ; 233.
Le Franc, Mons. ; 171.
Legat, Thomas, of Irvine ; 21.
Leghorn; 202, 261, 282, 381.
Legonier :
Sir John, letter of ; 440.
his regiment at Falkirk ; 44 1,
Lord (1762) ; 449.
Le Hunte, Mr. ; 362.
Leicester, James I.'s, court at ; 31.
Leich, Patrick ; 64.
Leiche, Patrick, Canon of Glasgow ; 66.
INDEX.
651
Leigh, 288.
Leighton, Bishop Robert, letter of; 80.
Leigne, barony of ; 8.
Leinster, Duke of (1770) ; 426.
Leipzig; 282.
Leirmouth, John, notary ; 73.
Leith; 35, 128, 155, 486.
Roads ; 48, 289.
Leitmeroitz; 282.
Lekky, James ; 66.
Lekpreuik, William, witness ; 16.
Lement, M. de ; 458.
Lemos, Conte de ; 587.
Lenchal ; 152.
Leni, Cardinal; 573.
Lennox :
Lord George ; 394.
John, witness ; 72.
earldom of ; 11.
Earl of (1279), charter by; 62.
(1475), charters by ; 14.
(1498) ; 18.
(1510); 69.
(1519) his son's marriage; 23.
(1565) warrant by; 28.
(1616) letter of; 99.
regent ; 75.
Duke of (1685) ; 136.
Leny:
laird of ; 60, 61.
family, account of; 74.
Leopard, the ship ; 1 86.
Leria, Duke of (1732) ; 250.
Lerma, Duke of; 522, 524, 525, 526,
527, 534, 537, 546, 576, 578, 583, 584,
590, 608, 609,613, 614.
Lermeny, Antoine ; 133.
Leslie, document dated at; 64.
barony of; 67.
Gen. David ; 55.
letter of ; 54.
his prisoners ; 57.
his march southward ; ib.
George of, lands resigned by ; 64.
of Rothes, Norman of ; 63.
Robin ; 502.
L'Estaing; 264, 371.
Lestock, Vice -Admiral, charges against ;
211,212.
letter to; 212.
Leswade, minister of ; 33.
Lethington ; 27.
Letocart, Mr. ; 221.
Leuyngstown, Henry of ; 12.
Levant, the, trade in ; 522,581, 586, 592.
Leven, Earl of (1645), letters of; 55.
(1646), letter of ; 79.
Leven volde, Count ; 203, 204.
Levingston, Alexander, of Trenenteran ;
69.
Levinstoune, James, of Manerstoune ; 68.
of Braidlaw ; ib.
Levington, Gawan of, witness ; 12.
Levyngston, James of ; 64.
William of; ib.
Levyngstone, James of ; 64.
Levyngstoun, Sir Alexander of ; 64.
Sir Robert of ; 63.
Lewis family; 290.
Lewkner, Sir Lewis ; 99.
Leyden, letter dated at ; 276.
letters from, to the Duke of Ormonde,
&c. ; 456, et seq.
Dr. Boerhave at : See Boerhave, Dr.
Vorstius in ; 550, 571, 575.
Leyrmond, Thomas ; 71.
Liberton, parson of ; 25.
Lichfield, letters dated at ; 287, 439, 440..
Lord; 270, 341.
Lichtenstein, Count ; 272.
Liddell :
Mr. ; 383, 501.
Richard, letter to ; 418.
Liege; 438,439,458.
letter dated at ; 510.
Ligonier, Colonel E., letter of; 341.
Genera] ; 206, 207.
letter of ; 287.
Lord (1759); 315,317, 318.
(1762) ; 328.
Lilly, Mr. ; 147.
Lincoln, Bishop of (1 744), letter of ; 439.
Lind, Mr. ; 354.
Lindsay, Lindesay :
Lord (1640); 36.
Alexander, son of John, of Dunrod ;
12.
Ensign James ; 447.
John of, witness ; 6, 10, 12.
Sir John, of Peteruvy ; 23.
Lindores, abbot of, tacks by ; 70, 72.
Linlithgow, burgh of; 9, 19.
documents dated at ; 68, 78-
inquest at ; 13.
Palace; 40.
Earl of (1605), letter to ; 40.
ri679); 131.
(1684), Justice-General of Scot-
land ; 94, 95.
(1685) ; 95, 136.
Countess of ; 5.
(1612), letter of; 43.
Linnicb, English troops at ; 209.
Lintz ; 594.
Lippe, Count de la; 343.
Liria, Duke of, and the Pretender; 162,
163.
letters of; 165-168.
ambassador to Russia ; ib.
Lisbon; 522, 557, 563, 578, 592, 608, 609.
earthquake ; 311.
merchants ; 379.
Lisle :
Dr., Prolocutor ; 278.
gun factory at ; 134.
Lisnegarvie, garrison at ; 49, 50.
Listoun, Robert, of Himby ; 68.
Lithgow, John, of Weltoune ; 68.
Little :
Captain; 168.
Mrs , Jacobite name ; 454.
Robert; 183.
Littleton :
Governor; 234.
Mr.; 454.
Littletoune, Sir John ; 80.
652
INDEX.
Livings, traffic in ; 277.
Livingstone :
Lord (1646), examination of; 37.
Lord (1684), his troop ; 135.
pay of; 136.
Dame Anna ; 38.
Sir James, of Kilsyth ; 77.
Lady Margaret, letter of; 44.
Sir Thomas; 140.
Sir William; 178.
Livonia, province of ; 187.
Lloyd :
Capt, at Drummond Castle ; 149.
Charles, letters of; 321, 336, 338,
339, 357, 358.
Lobb, Captain ; 342.
Lobkowits, Prince ; 268, 280.
Lochearne; 152.
Lochhous in Linlithgow, lands of ; 9.
Lochhouse; 68.
Lochiel ; 91.
laird of; 124.
his brother ; 286.
the Camerons under ; 289.
at Culloden ; 443.
Lochinkerane castle ; 18.
Lochlebogsyd, lands of ; 7.
Lochmorer, Isle in; 123.
document dated at ; 125.
Lochransay ; 24.
Lochtillo, lands of ; 13.
Loch wood, lands of ; 8.
Lockhart, Alexander, grant to ; 8.
Andrew, witness ; 16.
James, of Bar ; 16.
of Lee ; 8.
John, of the Bar; 12, 24.
charter by ; 12.
Robert ; ib.
Lodges, Masons', in Scotland; 30.
Loftus, E., letter of ; 467.
Logan, John, of Gartconvel ; 69.
contract by ; 71.
Logey, Lady ; 150.
Logie parish ; 77.
Logwood :
in the West Indies ; 200, 218, 230.
the North Briton on ; 366.
Lok, William; 72.
London and Westminster :
rejoicings in (1628j; 46.
weavers' riot in (1675) ; 80.
weavers and mercers ; 388.
Lord Mayor, &c. of, their address
to George III. ; 422, 423.
contest for sheriffs of; 426.
no title given by ; 431.
Abingdon Street ; 350.
Admiralty ; 187, 342, 346, 362.
Albemarle Street, letters dated at;
314-318.
Arlington Street ; 305, 387, 424.
Barbican; 595.
Bishopsgate ; 314.
British Museum ; 325.
Broad Street, letter dated at ; 109.
Brooke Street : 421.
Bruton Street ; 360.
London — cont.
Charles Street ; 392.
Charterhouse ; 595.
Clarges Street ; 364.
Cockpit, letter dated at ; 243.
the Crane wharf ; 184.
Dean Street ; 339.
Delahay Street ; 357.
Denmark House ; 45.
Downing Street ; 305, 306, 307, 355,
356. 357.
Exchange Alley ; 425.
Fetter Lane; 414.
Fleet Street, Red Lion Court; 485,
491.
Foreign Office Clerks, present to ;
361.
Garraway's ; 486.
General Post Office ; 342, 347, 348.
George Street, Hanover Square ;
404.
Gray's Inn ; 438.
Great George S.reet ; 229, 336, 341,
345, 351, 353, 357, 359, 361, 362,
365, 366, 369, 373, 376, 385.
Grosvenor Square, letter dated at ;
322.
Street ; 330.
Hanover Square ; 274, 308, 309, 386.
Hill Street ; 368, 452.
Holborn. Warwick Court; 462, 476,
491, 500.
Italian Church in (1617) ; 102.
Jermyn Street; 372, 396, 397.
King Street ; 357.
Leicester House ; 297.
Lincoln's Inn ; 242.
Fields, Cook's Court; 155.
Mile End, meeting at ; 415.
Nando's Coffee House; 414.
Newcastle House, letter dated at ;
326.
New Norfolk Street; 341.
New Road, murder in ; 424.
Norfolk Street; 153.
Pall Mall ; 296, 399, 468.
Park Place; 376,397, 451.
Parliament Street ; 232, 364.
Piccadilly, letter dated at ; 333.
Powis House; 276, 284.
Privy Gardens ; 340, 355.
Raiubow Coffee-house ; 459.
the Rainbow tavern ; 517.
Royal Exchange ; 347.
St. Bartholomew's, letters dated at
103, 104.
St. George's Fields, meeting in ; 413,
414.
St. James's, letters, &c, dated at ;
186, 205, 339, 340, 341, 349, 362,
364, 872, 376, 382, 383, 388, 392,
397.
St. James's, cabinet council at ; 449.
Chapel; 518.
Church; 290.
Palace; 204, 414.
Park ; 399.
Park Place; 321.
INDEX.
653
London — cant.
St. James's Place, letter dated at ; 310.
Rectory 5 243.
Square, letter dated at ; 251.
Street, letters dated at ; 308,
309, 310, 419, 420.
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields ; 94.
Scotland Yard, letters dated at, &c. ;
364-424 passim.
South Audley Street ; 336, 352.
South Street ; 345, 348, 350, 351,
353.
Strand; 425.
Surgeons' Hall ; 413.
Surrey Street ; 517.
Temple, letter dated at ; 299.
the Tower; 293.
Constable of; 321.
wharf ; 99, 595.
Warwick Lane, letters dated at; 312.
Westminster School, documents dated
at ; 201, 479.
legacy to ; 411.
Hall, trials in ; 293.
Street 5 109.
no title given by ; 431.
Whitehall, documents dated at ; 40,
41, 42, 43, 93-96, 99, 120, 131, 132,
133, 185, 204, 232, 260-269, 297,
306, 310, 320, 342, 344, 357,362,
368, 392, 413, 424-427, 433, 447.
stairs ; 184.
as a title; 431.
London, Bishop of :
(1729), Gibson, letters of; 243.
(1745) ; 298.
(1748) ; 302.
(1748) his illness and successor ; 448.
(1764), Terrick ; 364.
Londonderry ; 50.
Lord (1724) ; 153.
Long :
— ; 328.
Dr. de ; 485.
Longitude, the, discovery of; 319.
Longueville :
Due de ; 566.
Duchesse de ; 599.
Longtown ; 130.
Lopez, Emanuel jf 571.
Loredano, Marco ; 592.
Loretto; 386.
Lome :
penny lands in ; 61.
Lords of (1338), charter by ; ib.
(1423) ; 63.
Lorraine ; 277.
Duchy of; 256, 260, 261, 262.
ambassador from ; 558.
Duke of (1617), and his brother ; 103.
offers for his daughter's hand ;
ib.
(1735), proposed marriage of his
sisters; 257, 258.
his marriage ; 264.
Prince Charles of; ib.
Lothian, Lord (1640) ; 36.
J Lottery tickets ; 306, 427.
l Loudoun ; 22.
Earl of (1644), his regiment ; 52.
(1645), letter of; 55.
(1668); 39.
Louis XIV., document signed by ; 185.
Louvain ; 105, 550.
letter dated at ; 438.
English troops at ; 206-210.
Noviciate at ; 543.
Lovat, Lord, his house at Aird ; 443, 444.
Lowdeane, Richard ; 66.
Lowdon ; 16.
Lowdounhyll, Lord of ; 12.
Lowendal, Comte de ; 284, 286.
Lowndes :
Mr.; 407.
Charles, secretary ; 390.
Lowr}% — , Jacobite name ; 471.
Lowtb,Dr. ; 387.
Lowther :
Surgeon George ; 447.
Sir James ; 364, 374.
his militia ; 353.
Loychlebokside, lands of; 10.
Lubeck; 342.
Bishop of; 251.
Lucas :
Dr., and Lord Townshend ; 417.
Mr.; 411.
Lucayos, the ; 232.
Lucca, a Protestant of ; 541.
Luders, Mons., letter of ; 339.
Lumbany, lands of ; 67.
Lumlair, laird of; 57.
Lumley, General, at the siege of Bou-
cbain ; 142.
Lummysden, of Gleggirnache, Jhone ; 64.
Lummy sdeyn, of Condelay, Thorn, of ; ib.
Luna, Don Alonco de ; 534.
Lundin ; 131.
Luneburg, Duke of (1675) ; 80.
Lupnoch, lands of ; 65, 67, 69, 70.
Lus, Lord of; 12.
Lusatia, proposed attack on; 118.
Lutherans, the, and the Turks ; 537.
Luttrell, Col., and the Brentford election ;
415.
Luxembourg ; 570, 575.
L'vrana, attack on ; 607.
Lwyndene, Thomas of ; 63.
Lvandcross, lands of; 26.
Lydall, Mr ; 486.
Lyle :
Lord (1475), Robert, witness; 14.
Sir John of, witness ; 7.
Lynar, Count de ; 436.
Lyndesay, Lyndsay, &c. :
Lord (1578), Patrick; 88.
Sir Alexander of, witness ; 7.
Sir David ; 60.
Gilbert, witness ; 14.
James the, obligation by ; 8.
John, of Covynton ; 25.
Robert; 20.
Lyne, Andro ; 20.
Lynn, Lady ; 270.
654
IKEEX.
Lyons, letter dated at ; 240.
Lyttleton, Sir R. ; 364.
M.
Maboile, vicar of; 15.
Macallester, Oliver, letter of ; 353.
McAllister, Mr., his petition ; 362.
Macartney, Mr., Envoy to Russia ; 368.
McBride, Capt., of the Jason, 404.
MacCarey, Florence ; 529.
Macclesfield; 287.
McClish, John, of Muthell ; 149.
McCulloch, Sir Alexander ; 69.
Captain Roderick, prisoner ; 445.
McDermott, Lieut. Dudley; 446.
Capt. Thos. ; 446.
McDonagh, Lieut. Jean ; 446.
MacDonald, McDonald :
Captain ; 138.
Col., of Keppoch ; 445.
Col., of Glen Ronald ; 445.
Capt., of the same ; ib.
Ensign, of Loch Garey ; 445.
Major, a prisoner ; 442.
French officer at Culloden ; 445.
Allaster ; 55.
Sir Donald; 124.
McDonell, Jean, French officer ; 446.
McDougall, laird of, payments to ; 123,
124.
McFerson, John, of Rothsay ; 17.
McFarland, Andrew and Robert ; 25.
Duncan, bond by ; 25.
McGairten or McCarten ; 49, 50.
McGill, Captain ; 123.
McGille, Mr., architect ; 197.
McGinnies, Sir Conne ; 49.
McGleshen, N. ; 128.
MacGregor, Ensign Duncan ; 447.
Machame, Sir William, witness ; 12.
Machany ; 139.
Machilcalloun, Michael ; 20.
Mclnrosich, Patrick ; 63.
Macintosh, Mcintosh :
Laird of, his wife ; 444.
Col.; 445.
Ensign ; ib.
Mackay, General ; 40.
Mackenzie, McKenzie :
the Clan ; 57.
of Pluscarden ; ib.
Capt., prisoner ; 445.
Col., of Fairburn; 196.
Mr. ; 390.
Lieut. Alex., prisoner ; 445.
Colin, advocate ; 94.
Sir George, signature ; 95.
commission to ; ib.
Hector, prisoner ; 445.
John, of Avoch ; 196.
Lieut. Roderick, prisoner ; 445.
Mr Stewart; 411.
Mackintosh, John ; 196.
MacLachlan, Colonel, prisoner; 447.
McLean, Captain, payments to; 124.
McLeand, Donald ; ib.
McLeod, Lord, prisoner ; 445.
MacLochlin, Col. ; 445.
McNawchlane, Maurice ; 72.
McNeale, Captain, a prisoner ; 156.
McNesker, George ; 87.
Macquiere, Mr. ; 485.
Macrae, Lieut. James, prisoner ; 445.
McYntyr, Gillecrist, of Rothsay ; 17.
Madan, Mr. ; 336.
Maddox, — j 331.
Madeira, the Drummond family in ; 86.
Madrid ; 375, 432, 460.
letters dated at; 165, 200, 498, 521-
615 passim.
marriage negociation at ; 102.
Sir Benjamin Keene at; 216.
court at, description of; 219, 220.
treaty of; 239.
ambassador at, Sir J. Digby, letters
of and to; 520-617.
new seminary in ; 524.
War Office at; 461.
. Madura, siege of; 238.
Maestricht; 48, 134, 135.
letters dated at ; 325-351 passim.
English troops at ; 206-210.
Magdeburg ; 352, 353.
letters dated at ; 325-330.
Magenis, Sir Cone ; 50.
Magic, alleged practices by ; 604, 605,
611.
Magnan, M., at St. Petersburgh,. corre-
spondence of; 203.
Magnus, John, of Row ; 63.
Mahmud, the Sultan ; 310.
Mahon, Port; 211, 212.
Maillebois, — ; 277,295.
Maillweill, Lord John ; 18.
Mailuifl, Thomas, decree by ; 71.
Maine, Due de ; 559, 560, 577, 578, 583,
584, 588, 589, 590, 595, 600, 602, 606,
611.
quarrels among his company ; 584.
Maitland :
Lord (1686), Richard; 95.
Charles, Lieut. Governor in the Bass ;
136.
Robert, of Lethington ; 27.
Makbrek, Andrew ; 18.
Makcachne, Martin, slaughter of; 18.
Makcarmyt, Macolm, witness ; 17.
Makcart, Auen ; 56.
Makebehill, lands of; 15.
Makfarlan, laird of ; 25.
Malaspina, Count or Marquis ; 592, 606.
Malcolm :
James, pass to; 128.
Sir John, witness; 63.
Mallo, — , Portuguese minister ; 379.
Malta; 531, 542.
Mamora Haven, pirates in ; 526,
Manchester ; 287.
the rebels' entry into ; 288.
rebels at ; 440.
Duke of (1770) ; 419.
INDEX.
659
Mancicidor :
Spanish secretary ; 527.
Juan de ; 534, 535.
Senor; 597.
Maner ; 69, 70.
Manerstoune; 68.
Manilla :
inhabitants of; 232.
alleged sacking of convent in ; ib.
ransom ; 396, 398.
Mann, — ; 326, 323.
Sir Horace ; 378, 381, 451.
Manning, Mr., the Commonwealth spy;
495.
Mansfeld, Count; 90, 119.
Mansfelt, M. de; 110.
Mansfield, Lord :
(1762) ; 331, 334, 449.
(1764) ; 366, 375, 376.
(1770); 423.
Mantes, M. de ; 111.
Mantua :
siege of ; 261, 263.
state of, levy in ; 606.
Duke of, his daughter; 531.
his death ; 562, 570.
(1612); 606.
Duchess of ; 536.
her death ; 614.
Maqueda, Duke de ; 590.
Mar, Earl of :
(1371), Thomas ; 7.
fourth, letter of; 79.
(1684), his regiment ; 136.
pay of; ib.
(1689); 138.
warrant to ; 139.
(1716), letters of; 168, 170.
and Lord Bolingbroke ; 181,182.
(1728), his pardon; 242.
his alleged treachery 180.
his death ; 468.
Mar, Duke of:
(1716), and the Pretender ; 158.
(1720) his confinement; 91.
(1720); 125, 127.
Marble quarries ; 197.
Marcello; 581.
March, Captain ; 211.
Margaret, the ship ; 185.
Margate ; 392.
Marischal, Earl, George Keith :
letters of; 472, 473, 482, 498.
his mission to Spain ; 472, 473, 480.
letters to ; 460, 461, 467, 468, 477,
480, 501.
or Mr. Lambe ; 468.
Markham, Dr. ; 402.
Marlborough :
Duke of (1710); U0 et seg.
(1711), letters of; 141, 144.
(1738); 517,518.
. (1765) ; 391, 393.
Duchess of, her housekeeping; 144.
the ship; 211.
Marlsstrandt ; 186.
Marriage contracts ; 3, 4, 10, 11, 17,20,
23, 27, 67, 72.
Marriott, Sir James :
report of; 239.
letter of ; 411.
Marschell, Patrick, witness ; 62.
Marseilles; 285, 471.
Marshal's court; 115, 116.
Marston Moor, battle of ; 3.
Martene, Thomas, payment to ; 33.
Martin :
— , letter of; 350.
Sir Mordaunt ; 361 .
Martinengo, Count ; 592, 593.
Martinenque, Marquis of, letter to ; 111.
Martinique, reduction of; 329, 330, 331,
414.
Mary:
Queen of Scots, document signed by ;
25, 27.
license, &c. by; 73, 74.
document signed by ; 87.
Clementina, Princess, wife of the
Pretender, letter to ; 161.
differences with her husband :
161,166.
the Eoyal, ship ; 185, 186.
Marymount ; 585, 594.
Binche near ; 582.
Masks, payments for ; 32.
Mason, Mr. ; 362.
Masons, document concerning ; 4.
Free; 466.
Master, statutes of ; 29, 30.
Massachusetts, disaffection in ; 403.
Massereno, Prince ; 377, 398.
letters of; 230,235.
Massey, General, his fight with Rupert ;
55.
Mathew, George, order signed by j 187.
Mathews, Admiral Thomas, his engage-
ment off Toulon; 211.
letters of; 211, 212.
Mathais, Emanuel, letters of; 325-352
passim, 363, 388, 450.
Mathias, King of Hungary, the Emperor's
brother; 523-584 passim.
elected Emperor ; 585, 592.
Matthews, Admiral ; 285.
Mauchliog, minister at ; 57.
conflict at j 56.
Maupas, Charles, Bishop of Blois, letter
of; 116.
his French grammar ; ib.
Maupertuis, Mons. ; 272.
Maurice, Count ; 118, 282, 283, 571 582
585, 613.
Maximilian, Archduke; 555.
Maxwell :
Lord (1536), commission to; 25.
Captain; 134.
Archibald; 21.
Gabriel, minister ; 57.
George, of Karnsalouch ; 15.
James, commission to ; 96.
John of, witness; 8.
John, of Nether Pollok ; 66.
Marion, contract by ; 71.
Patrick, of Newark; 24, 71.
Robert, of Torboltoun ; 23.
666
INDEX.
Maxwell — cont.
of Keir, Sir J. M. Stirling, report on
his MSS. ; 58.
Sir William; 178, 184.
May, M. de, French captain ; 107.
Mayeune (?), Duke of, his reported death ;
536.
Maynard, John, letter of; 107.
Mayne, Sir William ; 426.
Duchess of, her death ; 540.
Mechlin; 105.
Mecklenbourg, Princess Ann of ; 189, 191.
Mecklenburg Schwerin and Strelitz,
Duchies of; 321.. 338, 342.
Medhope; 89.
Medina Sidonia, Duke of ; 552.
Meer Cossim ; 237, 238.
Megginch; 140, 150, 151, 152.
Megor; 89.
Meidlee in Renfrew, lord of ; 9.
Meissenburg, 244.
Meister, William ; 134.
Mekle, lands of ; 27.
Meldrum, his troop, 136.
Squire, Sir David Lyndsay's poem
on; 60.
Melfort, Lord, and Lady ; 138.
his daughter's husband ; 183.
Mellefant, Lord Moore's house at ; 50.
Mellini, Cardinal ; 553.
Mellish, Mr., secretary ; 390, 393.
Melros, George, witness ; 74.
Melton; 368.
letter dated at; 302.
Melville kirk ; 33.
Memel; 166.
Mendip, Lord; 355.
Menshull, Peter; 461.
Menteith :
Earl of (1330), Murdach, charter by ;
86.
(1371), Robert; 7.
or Meneteth, Sir Alexander ; 86.
John of; 65.
William, charter by ; 73.
Sir Walter of; 86.
Mentz ; 280, 438.
Elector of; 280,595,
Menzies :
Archibald, orders to ;
John, letter of ; 197.
Meoli, Geronimo ; 533.
Mercer :
Mr., the Pretender ; 493, 502.
John, of Perth, witness ; 7.
Michael; 63.
Meredith, Sir William ; 412.
Merida; 200.
Merioneth, as a title; 431.
Merry, Sir Anthony, at Spa ; 598.
Mersey, the river ; 287.
Merzonis acre ; 70.
Messe, Gilles de ; 571.
Messene, Cape ; 386.
Messina; 533.
Metcalfe, S., letters of; 314, 448.
Metz, school of gunners at ; 134.
Mexico, Viceroy of ; 534.
597.
128.
Mezieres, Madame de ; 225.
Michaell, Alexander bastard son of John ;
25.
Michell, John ; 31.
Middleburg; 328.
Middlesex election. See Wilkes, John, and
Brentford.
Middlethorp,ne?.r York, letter dated at; 54.
Middleton :
Lord, his illness and death ; 396.
Lady ; 397.
Lieut.-General ; 56.
And., document signed by ; 136.
Midgham near Reading; 271, 277, 280,
282, 290.
Milan ; 268, 524.
the Spaniards in ; 532.
Jesuit plot at; 100, 101.
St. Pidole at ; 100.
Governor of; 102.
church livings in ; 539.
St. Ambrose, altars in ; 553.
and the Grisons ; 562.
Government of; 576, 580, 581.
Senate of; 581.
levy in ; 606.
Milburn, Mr. ; 514.
Millar :
Hugh and John ; 26.
Thomas, chaplain ; 71.
Miller, Rev. Arthur, letter of; 153.
Milles, Dean Jeremiah, letter of; 345.
Milietiere, M. de la ; 536.
Mills, Mr. ; 240.
Jacobite name ; 454, 460.
Milnburn; 73.
Milne, Alexander, commission to ; 95.
Milner, George, complaints by ; 230.
Mina, castle of ; 558.
Minden, battle of ; 317, 319.
Minorca; 364, 401.
proposed exchange of Gibraltar for j
213.
Minto ; 66.
Miracles, alleged:
in Venice ; 564.
in Valencia ; 580.
Mirandola, Prince of; 606.
Missenden; 340.
Mississippi, the ; 223, 224.
Mist, the printer and Lord Dunbar ; 490,
493-495, 503, 518.
his death ; 519.
Mist's Journal ; 167.
Mistley Hall, letter dated at ; 393.
Mitchell, Andrew, at Berlin ; 320.
letters of; 325, 352 passim, 364, 870,
378, 418.
his impudent letter ; 355.
a lying scoundrel ; 358.
illness of ; 377.
his return to Berlin ; 377, 398, 400
letter to ; 449.
Mittau; 166.
Modena; 81.
Duke of, his son ; 568.
(1612) ; 591, 593, 606.
Prince of (1735); 260.
INDEX.
657
Moisett or Montauban, a magician ; 604,
605, 611.
Moldavia, Prince of, his apostacy; 568,
572, 579, 587.
Molesworth, William, grant to ; 229.
Molini, Captain of the Gulph ; 569, 572.
Molloy, Philippe ; 446.
Moltke, Count (1763), letter of; 228.
Monbaron, Duke of ; 602.
Monck :
General ; 78, 79.
licence by ; 77.
Monckton, Colonel ; 308.
Money :
Mr. ; 357, 359, 368.
W., letters of; 328, 331, 333.
letter tc ; 354.
Monfodevrry, land of ; 6.
Monfoid, lauds of; 16.
Monitor, the newspaper; 345.
Monkreddin ; 26.
Monksland; 14.
Monmouth, the ship ; 314.
Monorgund, Thomas of; 63.
Mon Pauce, M. de ; 120.
Monro :
— , at Falkirk; 441.
— , at Culloden; 442.
Alexander, of Bearcrofts, remission
to; 94.
Monroe :
Hector, in India; 393.
Sir Robert, his son ; 468.
Mons ; 439.
Monson, Lord (1766) ; 401.
Montagu :
Duke of (1747); 297.
Duchess of; 306.
Capt. ; 296.
his regiment ; 196.
Colonel; 299.
F. ; 380.
Wortley, case of ; 227.
charge against ; 383, 384.
Montalto, Duke of, his dispute with Sir J.
Digby; 521.
Montandre, Marquis de j 500.
Montauban; 383.
or Moisett, a magician ; 604, 605, 611.
Monteleone, Duke of ; 279.
Montellard county ; 540.
Montferrat ; 532.
levy in ; 606.
Montgomery :
family account of; 1, 2.
Lord, Alexander, grant to ; 12.
witness ; 13.
Hugh, documents concerning ;
15, 16.
his marriage : 17.
(1629), his son James ; 33.
agreement by ; 34.
(1633), Hugh, letters of; 47,
49.
(1640), in Tynmouth castle ; 36.
(1644), Hugh, letters to ; 54,
55.
(1646), examination of ; 37.
U 84067.
Montgomery — cont.
Lord (1646), petition of; ib.
(1648), letter of; 57.
(1651), Hugh, letters to ; 42.
(1668) ; 39.
Adam, witness ; 25.
servant to Hugh; 26.
Sir Alexander, his daughter's mar-
riage ; 11.
Sir Alexander ; 12, 26.
Lieut.-Col. ; 35, 36.
his resignation of title ; 40, 41.
Alexander of, grant to ; 10.
son of Robert ; 15, 19.
his children ; 19.
of Bradstan ; 19.
Andro, of Stewarton ; 25.
Lady Anna ; 35.
Betty, her marriage ; 272.
Christian, her marriage ; 23.
Constantine ; 16, 20, 26.
discharge by ; 19.
Cuthbert, of Skelmorlie, his son
George ; 22.
George, of Skelmurlie ; 27.
Helen, her marriage ; 18.
Sir Henry, testament of; 36.
Hugh of, charter by ; 13.
of Hesleheid ; 25.
sheriff; 26.
and others, legitimisation of
bastard sons of; 25.
Lieut.-Col. Hugh, letter of; 48.
Sir James; 39.
in Ireland; 49, 50.
James of, witness ; 13.
James; 26.
Col. James ; 3, 38.
letter of; 56.
letter to ; ib.
John of, charters, &c. of; 8.
witness ; 15.
John, brother of Hugh ; 20.
and James ; 19.
Sir John of, his daughter's marriage ;
10.
of Corscraig ; 19.
Isabella; 22.
Jonet ; 22, 24.
Katherine ; 22.
Neill; 44.
SirNeill; 26.
slaughter of; 27.
Sir Nigel ; 26.
Robert, son of William ; 14.
of Brads tane ; 15.
ofGiffin; 17.
accused of murder ; 18.
son of Patrick ; 22.
Gen. Robert ; 3, 38.
letter of ; 57.
Thomas, rector of Eglisham ; 11.
Thorn of, witness ; 19.
William, his relict Jonet ; 1 4.
Montgrenan, document dated at ; 21.
Montijo, — ; 262.
Montmorency, M. de ; 588, 611.
Montpensier, Mddle. de ; 543, 544.
TT
658
INDEX.
Montrose ; 129, 287, 288.
Marquis of, Lord Eglinton and; 55.
(1649); 57.
Earl of (1510) ; 69.
(1536), commission to ; 25.
(1578); 88.
(1639); 48.
Mony, a messenger ; 252.
Moor, the ship; 186.
Moore :
Lord (1641), at Tredath ; 50.
Commodore ; 334.
Morat ; 389.
Moravia, and the Emperor ; 601.
Moray :
church of; 21.
Bishop of (150S); 21.
(1531), lands renounced by ; 71.
Earl of (1680), instructions by ; 131.
(1686), indemnity, &c, to; 95.
Colonel, of Abercairny ; 83.
Charles S. H. Drummond, Esq., report
on manuscripts of; 81 et seq.^
Patrick of; 63.
John of, charter by ; 7.
Mordaunt :
Col. ; 277.
Brigadier, at Falkirk ; 440.
at Culloden ; 443, 444.
More :
Robert, of Boquhopil ; 69.
William, witness ; 8.
Moresini, Francesco ; 592.
Moreson, William ; 72.
Moreton, Mr., death of ; 489, 498.
Morfy; 65.
Morgan :
— ; 150.
Colonel, his English troops in Bra-
bant; 105.
Morin, Mr., or Peter M., under secretary ;
384, 391, 392, 396, 451.
letters of ; 340, 341, 392, 401.
Morlaix; 183.
Moro, the ; 344.
Morphie j 66.
Morphy, Mr., the Pretender's reference to ;
159.
Morris, Captain ; 318.
Morrison, Mr. ; 396.
Morton, Lord; 90, 91.
Countess of, the dumb lady of
Dalkeith; 28.
Mosconiza, attack on ; 607.
Moscow; 529.
letters dated at; 166-168.
Mosellis, farm of ; 135.
Mosquito Shore, the ; 213, 214, 220.
Mosryne, garrison at ; 49.
" Mostour," letter dated at ; 43.
Mott, M. de la, ambassador ; 527, 563.
Moubray, John, heir of Sir David ; 68.
Mouhamed Khan ; 309.
Mount Alexander, letter dated at ; 51.
Earl of, letter of ; 57.
Mountjoy, Lord (1742) ; 277.
Mount Libanus, Prince of, a pretended ;
456, 457.
Movyre, Nicholas ; 20.
Mowat, Mowet :
Charles, of Busbye ; 26.
his sons ; 40.
John, laird of Busby; 21.
Mathew, minister ; 56.
Muiriston ; 52.
Muirton ; 95.
Mukcrawft ; 72.
Mulgrave, Lady ; 425.
Mulhausen ; 523, 526.
Mulheim ; 595, 597, 601.
Protestants at ; 583.
Mull, Isle of; 124.
Munchausen, Baron de ; 436.
Muncreyfe, Malcolm of ; 63.
Mundavill; 62.
Munfod, Alan of, witness ; 7.
Mungrenan; 19.
Munich ; 282, 389.
Comte de, Field Marshal; 165, 188,
191, et seq, 268, 269.
letter of ; 198.
Munie; 89.
Munro, George, his forces ; 37.
Munroe, men of; 196.
Munster; 316.
bishopric of ; 330.
Muratt Bassa ; 582.
Murchieson, Mr. ; 124.
Murder, atonements offered for ; 87, 88.
Mure :
Alexander, witness ; 8.
George; 13.
Sir John, letter of ; 42.
Mungo, of Rowallan ; 25.
Quintin ; 13.
Mureheid, Andrew, bailie of Ruglen
Mureth ; 14.
Murphy :
French officer at Culloden; 445.
Capt. Richard ; 446.
Murray :
Earl of, Regent, his safe conduct to
Lord Eglinton ; 42.
(1642); 51.
— , at Venice ; 379, 380, 451.
Dr.; 14C.
Mr., his pension ; 297.
secretary to the young Pretender;
293.
Sir Alex, of Stanhope ; 467.
Andrew ; 72.
Lord Charles, his dragoons ; 136.
— — pay of; ib.
of Gask, David of; 62.
Sir Davy of; 64.
Lord Edward, letter to ; 1 48.
Lord George; 124, 125, 196.
instructions to ; 125.
letters of; 127, 130.
Lieutenant George, pay of; 136.
James; 71, 92.
Earl of Dunbar, burlesque
indictment of ; 184.
John of ; 21, 69.
John; 66.
INDEX.
659
Murray — cont.
Thomas, letter of; 131.
Sir William of, of Tullibardine ; 67.
Muscovy :
glass ; 43.
maps of ; 470, 474, 475, 479.
Emperor of; 541.
Mug-rave, Dr., at the Bar of the House
420.
Musselburgh ; 58.
Muthell; 149.
Muthill, kirk of ; 89.
vicar of; 71.
Muxabad ; 404.
Myllar, Sir, Thomas, chaplain ; 68.
Mylnab; 89.
N,
Nadir Schaik, King of Persia ; 300, 301.
JNaerden ; 134.
Naire, Lieut. ; 446.
Nairn, Nairne ; 148, 442.
Lord (1745) ; 127.
at Culloden ; 443.
Captain; 445.
Deputy Paymaster ; 447.
David, document signed by ; 185.
Najara, Duchess of ; 590.
Namur, the ship ; 211, 212.
Bishop of, his credentials ; 254.
a mountebank in politics ; 255.
Nani; 581, 594.
Nanterre, Chatou par ; 469, 474, 481,497.
Nantes, Edict of; 614.
Napier :
Lord, the late (1647) ; 79.
Mr.; 199.
Naples; 178, 362, 367, 381, 533, 586, 587,
600, 606.
letter dated at ; 108.
viceroy of, Ossuna ; 100.
Court of; 215.
Viceroy of, Alva; 108.
British commerce with ; 239.
ministers at ; 372, 376.
description of ; 386.
church livings in ; 539.
Napper, Mr. and Mrs. ; 498.
Name, David of ; 64.
Nash, Mr., of Walberton ; 408, 427.
Nassau, Count of ; 566.
Count Henry of; 601, 608.
his forces in Brabant ; 105.
Navarre ; 551, 614.
Navy Office, document signed at ; 187.
Nayen or Nayer, Father, his mission ; 571,
609, 613.
his death; 614.
Nazarethe, Cardinal; 539.
Negus, Col. ; 242.
Nehrung, camp de la ; 195.
Neister, the river ; 188.
Nemours, Due de ; 531, 539, 540, 542,
550, 557.
Neptune, the ship ; 185.
Nera; 610.
Nesbit, Murthac, witness; 16.
Nether Crag, document dated at ; 12.
Netherlands, the :
States General, letter to ; 204.
agreement by ; 206.
ports of; 214.
and the Vienna treaty ; 244-248.
Nethersole (Sir F. ?) ; 90.
Neuberk, an advocate ; 575.
Neubourg or Neuburg ; 528.
Duke of; 563, 566, 574, 585.
house of ; 202.
Neuhoff, Baron. See Theodore, King of
Corsica.
Neumark, mail robbed at ; 249.
Neuperg or Neipperg, General ; 276.
Neuuille, Mons. de la, Jacobite cipher;
174.
Nevers, Due de ; 566, 596, 598, 599, 602.
Neville or Neuville, Mr., cipher for Duke
of Ormonde ; 456-519 passim.
Neville, Richard N., warrant to ; 229.
Newark :
Scotland; 24.
Lord, Leslie ; 54.
Prince Rupert near ; 55.
Newbiggin, letters dated at; 273.
Newbridge ; 288.
Newbury, letter dated at ; 297.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, order dated at ; 36.
letters dated at; 55, 79, 287, 289.
James I.'s, court at; 30.
Newcastle, Marquis and Duke of (1644)
his flight from Durham ; 53.
at York ; 54.
(1734-1743) ; 253, 259, 268, 278.
(1744-1762), letters, &c. to; 211,
290, 307, 318, 321, 322, 326,442,
449.
Duchess of ; 399.
Newcomb, Dr. ; 278.
Newfoundland, French fishing boats atj
235.
fisheries ; 227, 229, 230.
the French at ; 344.
Newmarket ; 399, 414.
letter dated at ; 40.
Newport, Essex, Shortgrove near ; 342.
Newry, Ihe rebels about ; 49, 50.
Newton :
Henry, witness ; 14.
in Ireland, letter dated at ; 56.
Newyne, Thomas ; 26.
New York, letter dated at; 236.
Governor of; 137,268.
Niagara, congress at ; 236.
Nicolls, Dr. Samuel, letter of ; 310.
Nideggen, English troops at ; 206, 207.
Nieble, Conde de ; 552.
Niep; 276.
Nieuport; 318.
French garrison in ; 213.
Niket, Mr., Jacobite name ; 457.
Niknevin the witch ; 5, 43.
Nimeguen; 81, 134, 563.
Niort; 604.
Niskett, Mr., Jacobite name ; 464.
T T 2
660
INDEX.
Nithsdale; 265.
Earl of (1627), in the service of
Denmark ; 113.
Nivernois, M. or Due de ; 224, 340, 347,
360.
Noailles, M. de ; 282.
Nonsuch, James I.'s court at; 31.
Nordlingen ; 47.
Norfolk :
militia; 316.
Duke of (1767) ; 402.
Norris, Mrs. ; 270.
North, Lord :
(1764), document signed by ; 230.
(1767); 407.
(1770); 420, 421,426.
speech of ; 413.
Northallerton :
letter dated at ; 55.
the Scots army at ; 53, 54.
Northampton ; 354.
races ; 408.
elections at ; 408, 410, 412.
Lord (1769); 412.
Northington, Lord (1767) ; 408.
Northumberland :
titles derived from ; 43.
Duke of; (1770); 419.
Norton, Sir Fletcher ; 391, 392.
report by ; 228.
Norum, John ; 22.
Norvenich, English troops at ; 206, 207.
Norwich, Bishop of :
(1743); 278.
(1761); 321.
Nova Scotia ; 307.
Nugent :
Gapt. Edward de ; 446.
Capt. Franc. ; 446.
Capt. Patrice ; ib.
Lieut. Jean ; 446.
Mr.; 393.
Nuneham, letter dated at ; 372.
Niireinburg, 47, 249, 250, 543.
diet at; 585.
Nuthall, Mr. ; 416.
Nynwells; 39.
0.
" Oatekin," letter dated at; 41.
Oatlands; 102.
James I.'s court at; 31.
Obaldston, Bishop of Carlisle ; 297.
O'Brien :
d\ French Officer at Culloden ; 445.
Captain ; 157.
O'Bryan, Mr. ; 476.
O'Bryen, Capt. Jean ; 446.
Ochiltrees, Easter and Wester ; 73.
Ochiltrie; 24, 69.
Lord (1579), his sons ; 40.
Oczakow :
siege of; 268.
plan of; 505, 508, 510.
O'Daniel, Lieut. ; 446.
Odenzell; 45.
O'Donohou, Capt. Douglas ; 446.
Ogilvie
Lord (1649) ; 57.' '
Lady; 444.
Gilbert; 89.
James, Lord Airlie, letter of; 153.
Ogle, Mr.; 507.
Oglethorpe :
General; 287.
Mr.; ib.
O'Keaff, Lieut. Eugene ; 446.
Okva, letter dated at ; 198.
Oldbar, brother to Lord Balmerino ;
48.
Oliphant, Sir William, letter to ; 40.
Oliva :
Conde de; 597, 606.
presents to ; 612.
Oliver, Richard:
member for the city ; 426, 427.
his brother T. ; 427.
Oneil :
Sir Philome ; 49, 50.
Turlogh; 50.
Onslow :
Lord (1740), death of; 275.
Brigadier ; 209.
George, of the Treasury ; 390.
Oort Frise ; 264.
Oporto merchants ; 379.
Oran, siege of ; 524.
Orange, Prince of :
(1611) ; 540.
(1612); 567, 612.
(1622); 108.
letter to; 109.
(1626) ; 45.
(1627), letter to; 114.
(1634), before Breda ; 48.
(1681) ; 133, 135.
(1731); 249.
(1734), his marriage with the Princess
Royal ; 204.
(1736); 466.
Orange, Princess of (1611) ; 536.
(1736); 459,463,465.
Orcadiis, the ; 186.
Orde, William, a malignant ; 57.
O'Reily, Lieut. Pierre ; 446.
Orf ord, Lord :
(1743), Sir R. Walpole ; 279.
(1744); 281.
(1746) ; 200.
Oriflamme, the ship ; 314.
Orkney: vl ..~v" '■:
Bishop of (1550), attestation by"; 73.
Earl of (1710); 140.
(1737), the late ; 500.
Orleans ; 596.
Duke of; 360.
(1611), death of ; 543, 544.
Ormdale, and of ; 6
Ormond, Ormonde:
Lord of (1648), his servants ; 57.
Duke of (1717) ; 170.
(1720), in Spain; 91.
at St. Germains ; 182, 183.
INDEX.
661
Ormond, Ormonde — cont.
Duke of, intercepted Jacobite corre-
spondence of (1736-38) ; 452-520.
(1728) the late; 431.
Orrery :
Earl of (1710-11); 140,142,143.
(1711), letters of; 145, 146.
and Carte's book ; 485.
Orwell:
Lord, document signed by ; 227.
(1765); 393.
Osbaldestone, Dr. Richard, letter of ; 325.
Osborn, Osborne:
Sir George, his election for North-
ampton ; 412.
Mr., nephew of Lord Halifax ; 367,
370, 377-383, 388, 389.
Mrs.; 410.
Osman, the Sultan; 310.
Osnabruck, letter dated at ; 327.
Osorio, Mons ; 263.
Ossolinsky, Count George, letters of ; 117,
118.
Ossuna, Due d', his letter to the Pope ; 100.
and the Pope's galleys ; 533.
(1612>; 584.
Ostend: 144, 247, 250, 318.
privateers; 186.
height of; ib.
French garrison in; 213.
siege of; 280.
Osterman, Comte d' ; 191.
Osterode, letter oated at ; 432.
O'Sulivan, J., secretary to Prince Charles
Edward, letter of; 129.
Ottawa Indians ; 236.
Otterburn, battle of; 1.
Ottvrburn:
Andrew ; 66.
Thomas ; 66.
Oughton :
Colonel; 318.
Col. J. Adolphus, letter of ; 372, 373.
General; 390.
Overyssel, province of ; 249.
Ovirlee, lands of; 9.
Owen, Edward, letters of; 312.
Oxen, alleged theft of; 20, 21.
Oxenden, Sir George, of the Treasury,
268.
Oxenstiern:
Gabriel, Swedish Ambassador, letter
of; 108.
Oxford :
letters dated at ; 345.
corporation, corruption of ; 410.
member for ; 458.
Charles I. at ; 54.
election; 471, 472,475,482, 483,487,
490.
Christ Church, letters dated at ; 280,
281, 292, 302, 475.
Exeter College ; 310, 387, 406.
Earl of (1715), document signed by ;
187.
Bishop of (1731), letter of; 306.
(1737), Potter ; 471.
Oyr:
John, witness ; 17.
Thomas, witness ; ib.
Pacifico, Fra. ; 553.
Packer :
Mr.; 100.
John, letter to ; 109.
Padua; 606.
letter dated at ; 538.
Bishop of; 573.
Page, Gregory, order signed by ; 187.
Paisley :
bailiary of ; 41, 42.
plague at ; 53.
regiments at ; 52, 53.
letters dated at ; 53.
William of, witness ; 7.
Palairet, Mons., letter of ; 333.
Palamos, Cape ; 285.
Palatinate :
the war in ; 104-107.
Spain's truce with ; 90.
alliance concerning ; 574.
Palatine, the young Count, or Elector,
(1611-12); 566, 571, 571, 585, 598,
601, 608.
Palevieini; 564.
Palewskie, Mons. ; 194, 195.
Palliser:
Captain ; 362.
Commodore ; 394.
Palmer, Mr., candidate for Oxford ; 490.
Palmstierna, Colonel ; 436.
Pamphlets; 278, 281.
Panes, the, school at; 45.
Panin :
General; 338.
M. ; 369.
Panmure :
Lord (1689) ; 139.
(1716); 151.
Panton, Mr., at Bouchain; 143.
Paolo, Padre ; 546.
Par, Chevalier de ; 47.
Pardowin, Patrick ; 69.
Pardowy ; 69.
Paris; 138.
documents dated at; 25, 47, 120, 153,
171, 172,179,183, li>7, 222,223,
225, 234, 243, 438, 467, 475, 479,
484, 512, 524-614 passim.
Spanish ambassador at ; 156.
Treaty of; 205.
disorders in streets of; 554.
Parliament of, its proceedings (1611-
12) ; 530 et seq.
the Duke of Pastrana's entry into ;
598, 599.
Academie des Sciences ; 272.
the Bastille ; 567, 577, 588.
662
INDEX.
Paris — cont.
rue Colonibine ; 466.
the Louvre ; 599, 602.
rue Mazarine ; 493, 502.
Notre Dame ; 605.
bridge; 599.
Place Royale, solemnities in ; 571.
rue St. Antoine ; 596.
St. Jacques ; 463.
rue St. Martin ; 516.
the Sorbonne ; 556, 603.
University of, and the Jesuits ; 549.
Bishop of; 560.
Park:
Thorn, of, witness ; 12.
Sir John of; 63.
Parke, William, witness ; 14.
Parma; 268,580.
executions at; 58?, 591.
Duke of, treason against ; 545.
(1611-12) ; 591, 593, 606.
(1731), his death ; 247.
(1737), curious illness of; 270.
Parslow, General ; 322.
General John, letter of; 424.
Parsons, Mrs. ; 501.
her daughters ; 517.
Pasquale, French ambassador; 562, 581,
587, 593.
Pasqualigo, Filippo ; 592.
Passage, the North-west ; 583.
Passau ; 295.
Pastrana, Duke of; 576, 577, 578, 588,
595, 596, 609.
his retinue and journey to France ;
584, 585.
his entry into Paris; 598, 599.
his entertainment there ; 602.
Patavino, one ; 591.
Patino, M. ; 432, 464, 472.
Paton, Captain ; 527.
Patrick, Gawan ; 22.
Symon, letter of; 249.
Patsikifte, Lieut., of the Russian navy;
193.
Pattison, Colonel ; 207.
Paulo, Padre ; 539.
Peak, the, the rebels' march through ; 287.
Peebles, letter dated at ; 129.
Peequires, Mons. ; 598.
Peers, Colonel ; 208, 209.
Peirston Cuningham ; 21.
Pelham :
Mr. or Henry ; 154, 302.
letters of ; 280, 304.
speech of ; 299.
in Arlington Street ; 424.
Madlle. de ; 617.
Pembroke, Pulchrohon near ; 343.
Earl of, Lord Chamberlain, letter of;
99.
letters of; 99, 120.
and Montgomery, Earl of (1709),
High Admiral, orders by ; 186.
(1737) his brother ; 268.
(1762); 328.
his house ; 340.
Pemsey; 186.
Pennsylvania, Indian outrages in ; 237.
Percival :
Lord (1747), letter of; 296.
Mr., customer of Dublin ; 296.
Per cop, taking of ; 188.
Percy, Harry, flight of ; 78.
Perez, Antonio ; 571.
Perin, Daniel, Jacobite cipher ; 174, 175.
Peron, Cardinal du ; 560.
Perpetuanas, sale of ; 543.
Perrot, Mr., robbery of; 503, 512.
at Montpellier ; 504, 508.
at Nismes; 516.
letter to ; 512.
Persia, events in ; 300, 301, 303, 309.
Perth, documents dated at; 7, 8, 13, 38,
62, 63, 127.
Parliaments at ; 55, 79.
muster of Jacobites at ; 128.
camp at ; 148.
Estate of, articles for its preservation ;
152.
the Pretender's retreat from ; 157.
Earl of (1656), dedication to ; 86.
(1679); 131.
(1682), commission, &c, by j
135.
(1685), Governor in the Bass ;
137.
(1685), signature; 95.
(1685), letter to ; 137.
(1686), commission to ; 95.
(1689), his imprisonment; 82.
demission of his places ; 137.
— — imprisoned in Stirling Castle ;
138, 139, 140.
his servants ; 139.
examined by physicians ; ib.
liberated from prison ; ib.
Duke of (1745), letters of and to;
129, 130.
Lord or Duke of, at Culloden ; 443,
445.
Countess of, letter of; 43.
Marie, petition of; 140.
Lady Drummond, letters of ;
148-150.
Duchess of, Lady M. Gordon styled,
letter of; 171.
Perthshire, parishes in ; 77.
Petcarne, John ; 66.
Petcon :
Alexander ; 19.
Sir Thomas, witness ; 16.
William, witness ; 1 4.
Petcruvy; 23.
Peter the Great :
letter of; 164.
his device ; ib.
commission by ; 187.
Peter II. of Russia, letter of the Pretender
to ; 163.
Peter III. of Russia ; 324,
great expectations of ; 330.
Peterborough, letter dated at ; 278, 439.
bishopric of ; 297.
Bishop of (1764) ; 364.
INDEX.
663
Peterhead ; 287, 288.
Peters, Dr. ; 240.
Petersham ; 250, 290.
letter dated at ; 266.
Ham near; 411.
Peticru, Hugh, witness ; 16.
Petigre, Sir John ; 9.
Petirculter, vicar of ; 20.
Pettinveyme, Prior of; 18.
Petworth; 340.
letter dated at; 358.
Phelps, Mr.; 376,380,410.
his pension ; 396, 397.
Philipsburg or Edenheim, on the Khine ;
48.
Phoenix, the Dublin quack ; 490.
Piccadaill or ruff ; 43.
Piedmont, Prince of ; 542.
(1626), letters to ; 113, 115.
Pierce Bridge ; 287.
Piggot, Mr., Jacobite name ; 455.
Pillau ; 198.
expedition from, to Dantzig ; 192.
Pillet, Madlle. de ; 525.
Pimenteli, Don Alonco ; 534.
Pimferstoun ; 68.
Pimorin, Mons. ; 567.
Pincent, Sir Henry, and Pitt ; 382.
Pindar, Paul, envoy to Constantinople ;
542, 562, 568, 587, 594, 607.
Piracies, book ; 485.
Pirates :
English; 578.
about the Turks islands ; 234.
Pisa; 179, 180.
Pitcellonie; 89.
Pitfirrane, letter dated at ; 153.
Pitindrech; 26.
Pit sligo, his horse; 130.
Pitt, William, the elder ; his despatch to
Madrid; 200.
his letter to Madrid ; 212-216.
letter of ; 320.
(1765) ; 397, 399.
paper delivered by ; 222.
at Bath; 311.
speech of ; 312.
his Poppet; 313.
out of office ; ib.
his re-appearance ; 315.
on the Militia; 319.
Spain and ; 325.
and George III.; 359.
fortune left to ; 382.
See Chatham, Earl of.
Pitt, Lady Hester ; 311.
Pitt, Fort; 237.
Pittman, Capt., of the sloop Saltash ; 287,
288.
Plague at Paisley ; 53.
Plane; 69.
Planta, secretary, and Mr. Liddell ; 383.
Playhouses, Bill concerning, speeches on ;
267. •
Plessis, M. de ; 525, 604, 612.
Plettemberg, Count ; 246.
Plowden, Percy ; 438.
Plumer, Mr.: 371.
Plumptre, Mr., of Eton ; 291.
Pluscarden ; 57.
Plymouth ; 319, 529.
Po, the, passage of; 569, 572, 581, 607.
Pockets, perfumed ; 597.
Pocock, Dr., of the Waterford diocese;
277.
Podolia, plague in ; 188.
Poictou ; 615.
religious feeling in ; 521.
Seneschal of; 577.
Poland, Irish troops in; 529, 535.
the Turks in ; 122, 142.
the Emperor's action regarding ; 203,
and Russia ; 203, 204, 529, 541, 598,
601.
affairs in; 364, 365.
King of (1702), at Cracow ; 81.
(1711) ; 142.
(1733), letter to ; 164.
(1763), his family; 354.
Augustus ; 178.
August II.; 187.
Stanislas; 191.
letters of and to ; 371.
ambassador from, Ossolinsky ; 117,
118.
speech of; 122.
Poldrat, lands of; 19.
Polloc, John of, witness ; 8.
lord of ; ib.
Pollocke; 52.
Pollok Maxwell, laird of; 41.
Polmayb ; 18.
Polnone, documents dated at; 8, 9.
Mains of ; 32.
Polonia, nonciature of ; 573.
Polton; 24.
Polwort, parson of; 15.
Polwortht; 67.
Pomerania; 118, 329.
Pompadour, Madame ; 311.
Ponchard, Mr., agent at Utrecht ; 352.
Pondiac, Ottawa Indians under ; 236.
Pondicherry ; 224.
Poniatowski, Count, his party ; 365.
and the Czarina; 369, 370, 371, 372.-
Ponsonby :
Brigadier ; 210.
Mr.; 426.
Pontefract, defeat of Lord Fairfax at ; 52.
Ponton, Justice; 413.
Poole, smugglers at ; 344.
Pope, the (1611), controversies with;"522,
524, 526.
and Spain ; 532, 533.
his favourite cardinals ; 539, 545, 546.
and Venice; 586, 590.
(1756), anecdote of; 311.
(1762) ; 345.
Pope, Alexander, letter of ; 153.
his nephew ; ib.
Fog's [Curll's] advertisement about ;
474, 477.
Atterbury's letters to ; 475.
Pordage, Mr. ; 290.
Port parish ; 77.
farm of; 135.
664
INDEX.
Porta, Count, his Veronese troops ; 572.
Porteous :
Captain, execution of; 479,486-490,
498.
.- — his widow ; 487, 489, 490.
James, minister ; 33.
Porter :
Mr.; 282.
James, his hrother Alderman ; 311.
or Sir James, letters of; 300-327,
353-404 passim.
John, letter of ; 302.
Portincors, Lord of ; 16.
Porto bello ; 366.
Portsmouth ; 464.
Portugal; 564, 600, 613, 616.
and Spain ; 323, 375, 379.
and Flanders ; 558.
grievances of Briti&h subjects in ; 227.
General Burgoyne in ; 343.
double marriage with ; 167.
King of (1762), his subsidy ; 349.
Potertown ; 7.
Potter, — ; 375.
Archbishop; 471.
Pottertoun ; 26.
Potts,—; 391.
Pownall, Mr. ; 228.
Powneil, governor:
speech of; 413.
his brother ; ib.
Poyner, a servant ; 556.
Poyntz :
Mr., at Paris ; 433.
Mrs., her son ; 360.
Stephen, letters of; 239, 240, 269,
271, 277-295 passim.
Prada, Secretary ; 522, 524, 534.
Prague ; 249, 528.
letter dated at ; 90.
taken by Prussia ; 282.
the Emperor in ; 537.
the Emperor's death at ; 555, 561.
embassy to; 597, 601.
Emperor's funeral at ; 601.
Praslin :
M. de ; 234, 235.
Duke of; 360.
Pratt :
Capt. ; 492.
Mr., attorney general; 314.
Precedency, Anstis's notes on ; 430.
Prendergest, Bobert of ; 64.
P esburg, Diet at ; 570.
Presbyterians, the, in Jersey province ;
137.
Presqu' Isle, 237.
Preston, the rebels at ; 287.
the Pretender's defeat at ; 157.
Brigadier; 152.
Prestwick, court of ; 17.
Pretender, the, letter to ; 125.
letters of; 157 et seq.
medal of; 145.
his differences with his wife ; 161, 166.
his negotiations with Bussia and
Sweden; 168-170, 174 et seq.
Pretender, the — cont.
his two sons; 178.
Lord Bolingbroke and; 182, 183.
Duke of Wharton and ; 240.
his son ; 254, 268, 443, 445.
papers concerning ; 225-227.
state of his party in 1723 ; 428, 429.
letters concerning ; 462.
his secretary ; 345.
See Jacobites, the.
Price, Walter; 459.
letter to ; 241.
Prices, illustrations of; 30-33, 39.
Priests, Catholic, propositions touching ;
279, 284.
Prince, the ship; 310.
Pringle, Captain ; 425.
Prior, Matthew, letter of; 140.
Priuli, Ambassador; 573, 582, 592, 594.
Privas ; 578.
Privateers ; 186.
Protestants, the, oppressions of; 528,
535.
Proude, Sir John ; 109.
Providence, the ship, at Leith ; 48.
Proyall, — , at Falkirk ; 44 1 .
Prussia ; 601, 603.
defeat of Austrians by ; 332.
and Bussia; 357.
and Brandenburg ; 550.
Kang of, Frederick Wiiliam, his en-
listment of tall men ; 205.
(1725); 240.
(1729); 167.
(1729), his harsh treatment of
his family ; 432.
(1731), and George II.; 246.
(1735) his uses to England;
256, 257.
(1735) ; 264.
(1737); 268.
King of, Frederick the Great (1744),
his Machiavellian policy ; 280.
English feeling against; 281,
282.
(1746) his flight; 295.
(1747), suggested alliance with ;
299.
(1757), and the Austrians ; 313.
(1761), proposed subsidy to;
449.
( 1 7 62 ) , subsi dy treaty with ;
348, 349.
his peace with Bussia ; 329.
Mitchell's character of; 331.
his defeat of Marshal Daun :
338, 340.
his memorial ; 346.
and the Queen of Hungary;
206, 212, 276.
Prince Henry of; 318, 332.
defeats the Austrians ; 346, 348.
Puiseux, M. de ; 589.
Pulteney or Poultney :
at Falkirk; 441.
at Culloden; 442, 443.
Brigadier ; 208, 209.
INDEX.
mo
Pulteney or Poultney — cont.
Mr. ; 304, 457.
his speech on the Play-house
Bill; 267.
and Mrs. ; 270.
Lord (1762) ; 343.
Purves :
Alexander, commission to ; 93.
John, commission to ; 94.
Sir William, commissions to ; 93,
Putaux, letter dated at ; 125.
Puteanus, libel hy ; 99
his book; 117.
Pym, Charles I.'s proceedings against ;
94.
51.
Pynsent, Sir Henrv, his legacy to Pitt
426.
Pyrenees, the, baths in ; 189.
Pyrmont, letter dated at ; 239.
Q.
Quadra M. de la ; 499.
Quakers, the, in -Jersey province, com-
plaints against ; 137.
Quarrel, co. Stirling ; 83.
Quebec, expedition to ; 316.
taking of; 318, 319.
Queensberry :
Marquis of (1685), signature ; 95.
Cuke of (1685); 136.
(1736); 458.
Quhite, John ; 14.
Quhytleyis, lands of; 15.
Quilbeuf; 577.
R.
Ragusa ; 533, 545, 552, 586.
Kaht, Hugh of, witness ; 7.
Raid, John, porter ; 75.
Railstoun ; 63.
Rainham, Norfolk, letters dated at ; 243,
284.
Raker, Capt. Bernard, treaty signed by ;
232.
Raleigh, Sir Walter; 112.
Ralston, Thomas ; 25.
Rambure, M. de ; 610.
Rampton, Mr ; 500.
Ramsay, the painter ; 360.
Sir Alexander ; 63.
David of ; ib.
David; 194.
James, receipt by ; 132.
Randerath, English troops at; 209.
Ranger, the privateer ; 344.
Ranken, Gabriel, letter of; 155.
Rankyn :
of Crawfurd ; 64.
John; 20.
Ratcliffe, Mr. ; 288.
Raterne, lands of ; 67.
Stirling, lauds of; 69.
Rathorane, lands of ; 63.
Ratisbon; 48, 249, 250.
Ravensworth, Lord (1756), motion by;
310.
(1765), his nephew; 383.
Ravesten; 601.
Ray, Cape ; 228, 230.
Reade, Alexander ; 98.
Reading ; 271.
Reay, Lord (1746) ; 156.
his people : 443.
Rebalt, execution of ; 539.
Rebellion of 1715, papers relating to ; 123,
148, 157, 181-183, 291,293.
Rebellion of 1745, papers concerning;
123, 286-293, 439-447.
Reden, letter dated at ; 130.
Redhall, house of ; 58.
Regency Bill, the debates on ; 305, 306.
Regorton, lands of ; 63.
Reiche, Mons. ; 325.
letters of ; 314, 361.
Reichenbach, battle near j 340.
ReidBryce; 26.
Reide, John, witness ; 17.
Relstoun, Thorn, of ; 19.
Renfrew; 52.
documents dated at; 10, 14.
sheriffship of; 41, 42.
Renfrewshire :
rebels in ; 39.
men of; 55.
Renswoude, Mr. ; 145.
Reolle, on the Garonne ; 577.
Rerik, Gilbert, Archdeacon of Glasgow;
66.
Restalrig, dean of ; 18.
Rettre :
John of ; 63.
Patrick of; ib.
Reurman, Hermanus, skipper ; 192.
Revel; 187.
Revenge, the ship ; 314.
Reynolds, Mr., afterwards Sir Joshua ;
366, 367, 373, 382, 394, 397, 398.
Rheims, bishop of ; 568.
Rhine, the; 105, 106.
the French on (1634) ; 48.
campaigns on; 279-281, 438, 439.
Rhodes, M. de ; 599.
Rhubarb; 331.
Ricartoun, William, witness ; 16.
Riccartoun ; 78, 89.
Rice, Georg2, documents signed by ; 227.
Rich:
Chevalier, his dragoons ; 208.
Mr., and the Pretender's picture ;
510, 512.
Richards, Mr. ; 403.
Richardson, Mr. ; 393.
666
INDEX.
Richardtoun, lord of ; 10.
Riche, Point ; 228, 230.
Richer or Richier, a Sorbonuist, his book ;
556, 560, 566, 603.
Richmond :
Surrey, Prince Charles at ; 98, 102.
letters dated at ; 358, 401.
Yorkshire ; 287.
Duke of (1736), at Leyden ; 463.
his quarrel at the Hague ; 466.
(1765); 391.
ambassador ; 394.
Riga; 166, 186, 194.
Rigby, Mr. ; 390, 393, 397, 407.
Rihouen, Governor of Bergen op Zoom ; 108.
Rings :
payments for ; 31.
inventories of ; 35, 36.
Rio de Janeiro; 201.
Riperda, Duke of, in England ; 241, 242.
Ripley, Mr., surveyor ; 268.
Risholme ; 19.
Rivers :
Mr. ; 310.
James, letters of; 335, 344, 354, 357,
362, 368.
his retirement; 391, 392.
Roberstouae, land of ; 12.
Robert II. of Scotland, charters, &c. of ; 7.
Robertland; 15, 29.
Robertoun, lands of; 16, 24, 27.
Roberts :
Mr., under secretary; 391, 392.
S., at Steendam ; 438.
Robertson, Richard, rector of Suthek ; 9.
Robinson :
Dr., Primate of Ireland ; 380, 381.
John, Bishop of Bristol, Plenipo-
tentiary; 147.
Mr., in command of the Marlborough ;
211.
Thomas, afterwards Sir Thomas,
Minister at Vienna; 205, 244 et
seq, 254, 259, 264, 311, 353.
letter to ; 203.
letters of; 249, 264, 298, 301,
304, 310.
at Hanover ; 250.
his great services ; 311.
Rob Roy, his men, payments to ; 124,
125.
Robson, — , at the Hague ; 264.
Rochebeausert, M. de ia ; 577.
Rochefort, Mr., Jacobite name ; 455.
Rochefoucault, Count de la; 597, 599,
609, 610.
Rochelle; 531.
attack on; 111, 112.
inhabitants of, letter of; 117.
Assembly at; 612, 614, 615.
tumult in ; 603, 604, 610.
mayor of ; 577.
Rochester :
Bishop of (1732), letter of; 179.
(1768); 411.
Rochford :
Lord (1763) ; 360.
438.
566, 57;
110, 111.
60
Rochford — cont.
Lord, (1764), letter to ; 230.
(17«7) ; 403.
Rockingham, Lord (1765) ; 390.
Rockly near Carlisle; 130.
Rodenborg, Mons. ; 538.
Rodenburg, Theodore, States envoy
Spain ; 579, 580.
Roderoste, point of; 193.
Rodney, Admiral :
Sir George, at Havre ; 316.
rumoured defeat of ; 332.
his election for Northampton ;
Rodolti, Alessandro ; 596.
Rodorigue, Don ; 298.
Roels, Charles, of Coalpits
Rohan, M. de ; 530, 556,
610, 612, 615.
or Cardinal, letters to
Rois ; 29.
Rokille, — , gunner; 134, 135.
Rollo, Lord (1716) ; 150.
Rollok, Andrew and James ; 88.
Rolls, the Master of (1764) ; 380.
Romans, the,King of, election of, &c. ; 374,
523, 528, 537, 539, 558, 568, 570, 574,
585, 597, 613.
Romanshoff, General ; 329.
Romanzoff, General ; 338.
Rome :
letters dated at; 91, 92, 160, 161,
162, 163, 164, 174, 178, 184, 345.
Jesuits' Seminary at ; 101.
the Pretender at ; 125, 198.
English resident at ; 378.
description of ; 386.
Cardinal Gioiosa's palace in, attacked ;
526.
the French party at; 531.
the Venetian ambassador at ; 539, 541.
the Inquisitors at ; 545, 546, 548.
Campo de Fiori ; 545.
Rondeau, Mr., letters of and to ; 204.
Roos, Thomas of ; 63.
Roquelane, M. de; 525.
Roquelauze, M. de, and the Mayor of
Bordeaux ; 596.
Rory, William ; 87.
Ros :
Lord (1684), his troop; 136.
pay of; ib.
William, payment to ; 33.
of Mungrenan ; 19, 21 .
Rose :
John; 63.
Robert ; ib.
Rosehaugh ; 35.
Rosni, M. de ; 559.
Ross :
Bishop of (1684) ; 94.
Lord, of the Halkhead ; 18.
(1647), Robert ; 42.
(1719), William; 197.
letter of; 198.
his sons ; 506.
Lady, Margaret ; 51.
Agnes ; 25.
General Charles, letter of ; 197.
INDEX.
667
Ross — cont.
Jean, letter of; 51.
Dame Margaret, her will, and inven-
tory of goods ; 76.
Robert of ; 63.
Sir William, letters of j 52, 53.
Rossitola; 591.
Rostock ; 326.
Rotherby, Surgeon John ; 447.
Rothes :
Earl of (1640) ; 36.
(1667), wan-ant by ; 39.
(1668), signature ; 94.
(1743), Brigadier; 209.
Rothesay :
St. Mary's church ; 16, 17.
Cross McGibbon, near ; 1 7.
Castle; 8.
burgh, seal of; 17.
Rothven, Sir William of; 63.
Rottenburg, assembly at ; 528.
Rotterdam"; 454, 457. 459, 475, 525, 543.
letters dated at; 133-135, 323, 325,
328-352, 384, 519.
Jacobites at ; 457.
Roucay, M. de ; 612.
Rouen ; 463.
letter dated at ; 241.
Roulans ; 594.
Rouncay, M. de ; 536.
Rounray, M. de; 614.
Rous, Thomas, letter to ; 337.
Rouse, Mr. ; 405.
Row:
Dionisius, chaplain ; 71.
Thomas of, witness ; 63.
Rowallan ; 25.
Rowley :
Mr.; 362.
his fleet; 281, 282.
Roxburgh :
Lord (1620); 45.
Lady; 43.
Duke of (1716) ; 149.
Rudbeck, Colonel ; 382.
Rudepetht, William, witness,' 15.
Ruffia, Count ; 538.
Ruffs:
payments for ; 31.
fashion of ; 43.
Rupert, Prince ; 54.
his fight with Massey; 55.
Prince, Duke of Cumberland; 431.
his engagement with the Dutch ; 80.
Russell :
the ship; 211.
Captain, wounded ; ib.
Russia :
and Poland; 203, 204, 529, 541,
598, 6ol.
the Czar of (1711); 142.
(1716), and the Pretender ; 168-
170, 174, 177.
(1725), the Pretender's letter
to; 160.
his death ; ib.
Russia — cont.
the Czar of (1762), his good character ;.
330.
Emperor Iwan of; 368, 369, 370.
his death; 371.
Empress of (1761), her death; 324,
325.
(1763) ; 354.
letters of Spanish Ambassador to ;
165-168.
and Sweden ; 171, 172, 187.
and France, negotiations with ; 449,
450.
and Prussia ; 280, 329, 357.
fleet sent to Constantinople ; 416.
Ruthvaine, Jean, letter of ; 43.
Ruthven :
Captain; 230.
John of; 63.
Rynnistoun, lands of; 17.
Ryxhirst ; 193.
s.
S., H., letter signed ; 145.
Sackrille :
Mr.; 121.
Lord George; 309.
letter of ; 306.
speech of; 312.
his disgrace ; 317.
St. Andrew, official of, excommunication
by; 71.
St. Andrew's :
letter dated at ; 43.
Archbishop of, Beaton (1523) ;
23.
commission to ; 25.
(1562), Hamilton ; 27.
• Sharp ; 80.
(1684) ; 94.
(1686) ; 96.
Bishop of (1371), witness ; 7.
(1442), attestation by ; 63.
St. Clair, George, of Gees ; 445.
St. Claire, Capt. Francis, letter of ; 156.
St. Cornelius Munster, English troops at ;
206, 207.
St. David's, Bishop of (1748) ; 302.
St. Domingo ; 332.
Cape; 234.
St. Francisco de Campeche ; 200.
St. George :
Madame ; 45.
Fort; 238.
the ship; 314.
St. Germains :
letter dated at ; 171.
Lord Bolingbroke's opinion of the
court at; 1«2, 183.
St. German, Marquis of; 576, 580, 581.
668
INDEX.
St. Iago :
Dr., name for the Pretender ; 461.
tbe habit of; 526, 527.
St. Jean, Mons. ; 194,
St. Jean d'Angeli ; 556, 577, 603, 609,
610, 612.
St. Jeronimo, monastery of ; 537.
St. John, Secretary ; 142.
St. Kentigern, church of ; 26.
St. Laurence, the Allies near ; 295.
St. Ledger, Capt. Jean ; 446.
St. Lucia ; 333.
St. Lues, Mons. ; 597.
St. Malo, ships of; 578.
St. Maurice, Comte de; 115.
St. Omer's seminary; 541, 543.
St. Paul's, deanery of ; 302.
St. Petersburgh; 162, 167, 176, 189.
letters dated at; 165, 166, 188, 204,
320, 324, 327, 330, 331, 339.
French ambassador at ; 203.
revolution at; 338.
St. Tron, English troops at; 206-210.
Sala, Countess, execution of ; 587.
Salamanca, Jesuits College ; 564.
Salcottis, lands of ; 27.
Saltcottis, East ; 16.
Saldanha, Conde de ; 590.
Salisbury; 242.
the Bishop's Hall at ; 279.
letters dated at; 272, 273, 278, 297,
298, 302.
the ship ; 212.
Lord, his brother ; 508.
Earl of (1612), his death ; 584.
Bishop of (1736) ; 265.
Sherlock, letters of ; 272, 273,
278.
(1748) translated to London;
448.
Salitzen, Prince ; 339.
Salt mines ; 534.
Saltash, the sloop ; 287, 288.
Saltzburg, Archbishop of ; 534, 550.
Sanet Bridis Kirk, land of ; 20.
Sandheath, Surrey ; 316.
Sandilands :
John of the; 64.
John, of Hilhouse ; 68.
Mr.; 484,487
Sandusky; 236.
Sandwich, Lord :
(1746) ; 293, 296.
4 letter to ; 447.
(1747), his election interest ; 296,
and the Saxon treaty ; 307.
(1764) ; 229, 363, 380.
(1765); 397.
Saneghar; 289.
Santa Cruz, Marquis of ; 584.
Santissima Trinidad, the ship ; 235, 239,
377, 394.
Saragossa ; 524, 526.
Bishop of; 524.
Sardinia :
King of; 215,220.
(1735), his marriage ; 257.
(1735), cessions to; 2G0, 261.
Lobkowitz and (1744) ; 2S0.
Sardinia — cont.
(1746), illness of; 295.
(1759); 317.
Sarmiento de Acunca, Don Diego ; 609.
Sarsfield, Lieut. Patrick ; 446.
Sasawa, the ; 282.
Sassell, seizure of ; 532, 533.
Sauchiebum, battle of ; 59.
Saumur, assembly at, &c. ; 524, 530, 536,
540, 556, 603, 604, 615.
Saunders, Admiral ; 448.
Sir Charles ; 390.
Sir Thomas; 183.
Savannah, the ; 223.
Savile, Sir George; 413.
Savoy :
Spanish agent in ; 563.
Duke of. and canton Vaux ; 525.
the Pope and ; 526.
and Spain ; 540, 542.
■ (1611), disarming of his forces ;
522.
his son's marriage ; 530, 535,
536, 538, 544, 547, 554, 556, 557,
576.
his daughters ; 531, 539, 540,
550, 615, 616.
(1617); 102, 104, 118.
(1625); 112.
Prince Filibert of ; 564, 600.
Sawbridge, Mr. ; 415.
Saxe:
Duke of (1611), his death ; 523.
(1612); 566.
Count de ; 193.
Chevalier de ; ib.
Weimar, Duke of, overtures made by ;
118.
letter of; 119.
Wessenfeldt, Duke of; 193.
(1746) his insignia of the Garter ;
290.
Marshal ; 280, 286.
Saxon treaty, debates on ; 307.
Saxony :
French devastations in ; 214.
Frederick's passage through ; 282.
Elector of; 118, 119, 554, 617.
Duke of (1611), his death ; 528.
and Savoy ; 550.
his threats ; 563.
and Spain ; 616.
King of, Augustus ; 264.
Prince Charles and Prince Albert of ;
331.
Count Maurice of; 563.
Scales, Robert, factor of Eagleeharn ; 32.
Scarboiough ; 52.
Lord (1736) ; 438.
Schanrach, lands of ; 65.
Schanraw, lands of ; 68.
Schaw :
John; 13, 17, 66.
of Haly ; 21.
William; 66.
Warden of the craft of masons ;
4, 29.
of Polkemmet ; 17.
INDEX.
669
Scheldt, the river ; 141, 571.
Schelzardis; 66.
Schiphalch, lands of; 7.
Schmeerfelt, M. de ; 360.
Schmettau, — ; 282.
Schomberg, Mons. ; 90, 598.
School boarders, cLuvges for; 45.
Schoppius, his book burnt ; 614.
Schort, Sir Robert ; 64.
Schulin, M. de ; 437.
Schweidnitz ; 338, 340.
Scilem, Count ; 381.
Scioto, Plains of ; 237.
Scone, abbey of ; 71.
Scotland :
masons' lodges in ; 30.
Estates of, instructions by ; 39.
Privy Council of (1633), letter of;
47.
army of (1641), in Ireland ; 49, 50.
Parliament of (1641) ; 78.
the " Engagers " in (1 648) ; 56.
the war in (1649-50) ; 58.
King's Solicitors in (1666) ; 93, 94.
rebels in (1679); 131.
Justice-General of (1684) ; 94, 95.
Master of Ordnance in (1685) ; 95.
list of the Forces in (1685) ; 136.
Paymasters in (1686) ; 95, 96.
General of the Mint in (1686) ; 95.
the expedition against Dundee ; 40.
Lords of Parliament, transfer of their
titles; 40, 41.
Exchequer commissioners, letter to ;
42.
regiment from, in Germany ; 80, 81.
historiographers in, appointments of ;
94, 95.
Lieut.-General of Forces in ; 96.
rebellions of '15 and '45 in. See Re-
bellion,
the Earl of Perth's offices in ; 137,
138.
the Pretender's arms, &c. in; 181-
183.
export of timber from ; 184.
Parliament of (1702) ; 81.
the mad pranks in (1711) ; 143.
the Pretender's retreat from (1716) ;
157.
well disposed to the Pretender (1725)
175.
Bill for disarming the Highlanders
175, 176.
the Bill concerning (1737) ; 266.
the country of the rebellious clans
291.
schemes for pacification of; 291-293
Scott :
James, letter to ; 53.
Sir John; 45.
Sir Michael ; 62.
Thomas, French Officer; 446.
William, of Baluery; 69.
Seaford election ; 297.
Seaf orth, — ; 80.
Marquis of, payments to ; 123, 125.
Lord (1719), Highlanders under ;
196.
Seckendorff, Count; 505, 506, 509.
Seeker :
Bishop ; 471.
Dr. Thomas, letter of; 306.
Sedan ; 90, 544, 574.
Sedgwick :
Mr., enclosures in his letters ; 227-
239.
Edward, letters of ; 362-427 passim.
Segovia; 537.
Seidlitz, General ; 325.
Seilcrag island ; 1 6.
Seilo, Captain ; 133, 134.
Seimer, William ; 523.
Sellar, Walter; 69.
Selter water ; 363.
Selwyn, Mrs. ; 239.
Sempil, — , at Culloden ; 443.
Sempill or Semple :
Lord (1736); 462.
letter to ; 463.
(1742), letter of; 227.
(1554), Robert; 27.
(1636), letter to; 41.
the late (1647), Hugh; 42.
Lady ; 68, 138.
Bryce, of Cathcart ; 42.
Elizabeth, letter of; 461.
James, son of Bryce ; 42.
Master of, Robert ; 27.
Seneca :
nation, treaties with ; 228, 232.
Indians ; 364.
Sepoys, mutiny of ; 237, 238.
Sequier, President ; 567.
Servants :
payments to; 31, 32.
complaints against ; 44.
Seton :
letters, dated at; 44.
Lord (1546) ; 27.
Sir Alexander, of Foulstruther ; 2.
Grissal; 35.
Sir John, letters of; 3, 47, 51, 54.
Sir William, letter of ; 45.
Paymaster; 129.
Setoun :
Alexander, of Tulibody ; 66.
George of ; 63.
Lady Isabella, letter of ; 43.
Ninian; 69.
Robert; 44.
letter of; ib.
Lady Marion, charge against ; 27.
Seville ; 247, 578, 585, 609.
Sevmour :
Mr.; 534.
Richard, secretary to Sir H. Wotton :
101.
W. ; 536.
Seyton, Lady of; 28.
Sforza, Duke ; 596.
Shaftesbury, Earl of (1679) ; 131.
670
INDEX.
Shandoys, Lord (1612), at Spa; 598.
Shannon, Lord (1765) ; 381.
(1770); 422, 426.
Sharp, Archbishop ; 80.
Sir William ; 80.
Shawnese Indians; 236, 237, 382.
Shawrooke Schach ; 303.
Shee, Capt. Robert ; 446.
Sheerness, the ship ; 156.
Shelburne :
Lord (1764) ; 372, 401, 407.
and Lady ; 426.
Lady; 390.
Sheldon :
Madlle., her influence with the
Princess Mary Clementina; 161,
166.
Henry, the Jesuit ; 437, 438.
Shells, a Danish History of; 325.
Shene ; 270, 336.
Sherborne :
Castle, manuscripts at, report on ;
520.
manor; 119.
Sheriffmuir, battle of; 60, 150.
Sherley, Shirley :
Sir Anthony, in Madrid ; 522.
in great want ; 526, 527.
his pension increased, 534, 538.
Robert, in Madrid ; 522.
at Rotterdam ; 525, 526, 543.
Sherlock :
Dr. Thos., afterwards Bishop, letters
of; 254, 272, 273, 278-306 passim.
his refusal of the Primacy ; 298,
300.
his illness and death ; 321, 322,
335.
Mrs., her will and burial ; 368, 452.
Sherratt, Mrs. ; 270.
Shian; 128.
Shipley, Mrs. ; 291.
Shoes, payments for ; 31.
Shouvalow, Count Peter ; 320.
Shrewsbury, Earl of :
Roger of Montgomerie ; 1.
his successor to the peerage ; 109.
Shujah Dowlah ; 237, 238.
Sichem, Lady of; 595.
Sicilies, the two, King of; 215, 220, 239.
Sicily; 533, 586, 600, 606.
Siena; 545.
Silchester, living of ; 277.
Silesia ; 205, 338.
Frederick the Great in; 276.
proposed attack on ; 118.
Silouette, Mons. ; 318.
Silry, M. ; 559.
Silva, M., sent out of Sweden ; 266.
Silver plate, inventories of ; 38, 75.
Simms, Mr. ; 345.
Sina or Sineme ; 309.
Sinclair :
Lord, (1644), his regiment ; 52, 53.
(1646), examination of ; 37.
Sir Andrew ; 122.
Edward and George, killed by the
Stirlings; 76.
Sinclair — cont.
James; 76.
William of Galwaldmoir ; ib.
Sinzendorff, Count :
and Marlborough ; 142.
Lord Chesterfield and ; 244, 247, 248.
and Sardinia ; 250.
Sittart, English troops at ; 208, 209.
Skelmorlie; 22, 39.
Skelmurle, laird of ; 22,
Skelmurlie, lairds of ; 16, 27.
Skipton, the Scots army near ; 55.
Slechstetter, Roger ; 98.
Sleech :
Mr.; 279.
Dr. ; 290, 291.
Rev. Stephen, letters of; 313, 314.
Slench, Baron, of the Russian navy ; 192.
Slezer or Schlezar, Lieut., instructions to ;
131, 132.
letters of ; 133-135.
Slingelland, M., his death ; 482.
Slingeslandt, Mr. ; 253.
Slingsby, Captain ; 48.
Sloper, Capt. ; 336.
Slowan, Barbara ; 44.
Sluselbourg, Iwan prisoner in ; 368-370.
Sluthman, John ; 22.
Smith, Smythe:
Admiral, his sentence on Admiral
Byng; 312, 313.
Mr., architect; 197.
James, King's overseer in Scotland; 94.
Ralph; 476.
Robert ; 87, 326, 390.
Mrs., newswoman ; 425.
Smolensko ; 168, 529, 541.
Smyrna ; 374, 383.
Snawdon, Aberfrau and, Viscount of ; 431.
Snodgrass or Snodgers, lands of ; 14.
Snotgerss, lands of ; 24.
Sobieski, Prince James ; 179.
John; 372.
Soissons ; 202, 636.
Plenipotentiaries at ; 432.
Count of; 543, 548, 554, 560, 565,
577,589, 603.
his death; 611.
the young; 614.
Solar :
Bailli de ; 223.
M. de ; 449.
Soldiers, empressment of ; 48.
Soleil, the ship ; 288.
Solenthall, M. ; 273, 274.
Solre, Count ; 534, 597.
Solyman, Cheia ; 300, 303.
Somerby, Lincolnshire ; 306, 373, 394,
404, 406.
Somervell :
J., letter of ; 53.
James; 25.
John; 25.
Thomas, son of David ; 69.
Somerville, Col., in Portugal ; 343.
Somme, the ; 280.
Somnet, Dr. ; 290.
Soranzo, Cavalier ; 561.
INDEX,
671
Sorbe, M. de, Genoese Minister ; 235.
Sorby, lands of; 27.
Sorcery, charges of ; 604, 605.
Soubise, M. de; 112, 113, 114, 566.
Southesk, Lord (1716) ; 151.
Spa :
Jacobites at; 367, 370, 371, 373,
456, 457, 459, 460, 463, 465, 509,
510, 517.
waters; 338.
Englishmen at (1612) ; 598.
Spain :
Sir John Digby's embassy to ; 520-
617 passim.
affairs in (1611-12) ; 521 et seq.
its relations with the Cardinals at
Rome, 531, 532.
its aggressions in Italy ; 532.
feeling against Lutherans in; 537.
and the East Indies ; 601.
way of life in, French view of; 602.
and the Italian States ; 606.
and the Palatinate; 90, 105-107.
its relations with France; 111.
France and Holland, negociations
with, and concerning ; 252 et seq,
ambassador from, letter to ; 116.
Beretti Landi ; 123.
soldiers from, payments on account
of; 123,124.
negociations with, about Gibraltar ;
213 et seq.
and Portugal ; 323, 343, 375, 379.
and Mr. Pitt; 325.
negociations with ; 450.
and Venice ; 451.
Duke of Argyll in (1711) ; 141, 143.
South Sea Company and ; 461.
its claim on the woods of Yucatan ;
201.
the Earl Marischal's mission to ; 472,
473, 480, 498.
King of (1611), and the Sherley
family; 522.
his alliance with Savoy ; 540.
his marrying again ; 551.
his proposed marriage to the
Princess Elizabeth, 551, 555, 556,
557, 563, 565, 568, 592, 598.
(1617), his daughter's marriage ;
102, 104.
and the Duke of Lorraine ;
103.
(1720), and the Jacobites ; 91.
(1727), his illness ; 165, 166.
(1746), his Swiss regiment;
157.
his death ; 293.
Queen of (1611), death of; 537, 541,
542, 543, 546-548.
funeral of ; 563.
her bequests ; 564.
the Infanta of, at Brussels ; 105, 106.
her siege of Bergen-op-Zoom ;
107.
Prince Charles's match with ;
122.
Spalatra, Archbishop of (1617), his book
102.
Spence, — , death of; 269.
Spencer :
— , 331.
Lord, his daughter (1763) ; 360.
Charles ; 391, 393.
(1767) ; 409.
Spens :
Duncan, witness ; 17.
John, witness ; 74.
of Condy ; 88.
of Rothsay; 17.
Laurence ; 88.
Spettale :
Edward, notary; 70.
James ; 69.
Spey, rebels near ; 265.
Speyni, Lord Murray's house ; 51.
Spinnie, Lord (1620) ; 45.
Spinola, Cardinal ; 572, 573.
Marquis, Spanish ambassador j 106,
107, 108, 550-615 passim.
Spires; 601, 617.
Spithead; 280.
Spittal Croft, lands of; 70.
Spragge, Sir Edward, his death ; 80.
Spreull, William, witness ; 16.
Sprewell, Captain ; 447.
Spyshons, William ; 18.
Stack, Capt. Robert ; 446.
Stackyonker, or Dutch gunner ; 133, 135.
Stade, English army at ; 214.
Stagno, Bishop of ; 533.
Stainborough, Lord Strafford's seat; 147.
Staines; 241, 242.
Stair, Earl of :
(1710), investiture of; 140.
(1743) ; 206, 438.
Staley, — ; 339.
Stammering, a curer of; 287.
Stampa family at Milan ; 268.
Stane, lands of ; 7, 20.
Stanhope :
— ; 167.
Colonel; 441.
Charles ; 376.
Lovel; 391,392.
letters of; 376, 392.
Mr. ; 375, 376, 395, 398.
Philip, letter of; 354.
Sir Thomas ; 421.
Stanislaus :
a Polonian ; 100.
King of Poland ; 203.
Stanley :
a priest ; 587, 600.
Mr. j 320.
Sir William, a plotter ; 116.
Stanmoor; 289.
Stanstead ; 404.
letters dated at ; 408, 416, 417.
Stapleton :
Brigadier ; 446.
Captain; 123.
Staremberg, Count ; 250.
Stebbing, Dr., letter of; 309.
Steendam, Jesuit seminary at ; 437, 438.
672
INDEX.
184.
19.
Stepney, George; 140.
Stevynson, John, witness; 15.
Steward, Stewart, Stuart :
Alan; 69.
charter by ; 11.
indenture by ; ib.
Alexander, witness ; 7, 72, 152.
Allan, of Cardonald ; 23.
Allen, of Schelzardis ; 66.
Archibald; 63.
■ Lieut. Governor of Stirling ;
136.
Arthur, of Culbege ; 69,
Elizabeth, Lady of Bigar ; 65.
Lady Francis; 341.
George ; 13.
John, son of Alan, his marriage ; 11.
Sub-dean of Glasgow ; 62.
of Black Hall ; 69.
ofGlenbucky; 152.
articles by ; ib.
Sir John, witness ; 6.
document signed by
John, witness ; 15.
Lady Margaret ; 28.
Ninian, promised gifts by
Robert, witness ; 15, 17.
Thomas, of Mynto ; 66.
Walter, of Morfy ; 65.
of Morphie, lands resigned by ;
66.
lands, mortgaged to ; 70.
Sir Walter, of Railstoun ; 63.
Capt. William, passport to ; 33.
Stewarton; 25.
Steyne, John ; 20.
Stinton, Mr., tutor of Exeter College ; 406.
Stirling, Strevelyn, &c. ; 16, 289.
documents dated at ; 9, 10, 13, 42,
63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 70, 73, 76, 79.
masons' lodge at ; 30.
bridge ; 60.
Castle; 82, 132, 138.
documents dated at ; 40, 88, 89.
• Lord Perth a prisoner in ; 138,
139, 140.
church, excommunication in ; 71.
garrison ; 136.
family, account of its descent achieve-
ments ; 59.
Andrew, of Ballendroich; 72.
Archibald, son of Sir James ; 75, 76.
Sir Archibald, contract by ; 76.
of Garden, commission to ; 78.
letter to ; 79.
Catherine ; 68.
George, chirurgeon, letters of; 80.
Sir George, will of his spouse Mar-
geret ; 76.
commissioner ; 77.
pass to ; 77.
petition of; ib.
letters to ; 78-80.
Gilbert of ; 63.
his lands in Easter Cadyre ; 64.
Sir Harry ; 163.
Sir Henry, his marriage ; 83.
Stirling— cont.
Sir Henry, letters alluding to ; 167,
168, 172, 173, 178, 183, 189.
Humphrey, son of Sir William ; 65.
James, parson of Kilmodene ; 72.
of Auchyll; 75.
of the Keir, his marriage ; 72.
tenant of Innerallown ; 74.
killed by the Sinclairs ; 76.
letter to; 81.
Sir James, presentation to his son ; 75.
his will and inventory of his
goods ; ib.
of Keir ; 89.
John, of Cragbarnard ; 66.
of Cragbarnat ; 72.
- son of Sir William, his marriage ;
67.
of Keir, chantry founded by ; 68.
Sir John, of Keir ; 23.
letters to ; 80.
contract by ; 70.
documents concerning ; 71.
protection to ; 78.
Jonet, spouse of Thos. Bischop ; 73.
Lucas of, charter to ; 61.
Lucas ; 63.
Luke; 65.
Margaret; 76.
Sir Mungo, of Glorat ; 77.
Patrick, son of Gilbert of; 64.
lands resigned by ; 66.
Robert, of the Lettir ; 72.
Walter, in Balagane ; 72.
William, son of Sir John of, charters
to; 62.
father of Luke ; 63.
heir of John ; ib.
son of Lucas of ; 64.
his lands of Easter Cader ; 64.
charter bv ; 65.
of Glorat'; 71.
Sir William, and Margaret; 65.
of, lands resigned to ; 66.
of Cadder ; 66.
of Keir, his tower burnt ; 67.
contract by ; ib.
Stirmark ; 55.
Stobhall, lord of the ; 64.
letters dated at; 130, 148.
Stockholm; 221, 348, 432, 598.
letters dated at ; 205, 240.
Stockport ; 287.
Stolberg, English troops at ; 206.
Count of, letter of ; 435.
Stone :
Andrew, letters of; 260, 288, 293,
297.
Dr.; 402.
Primate of Ireland ; 294.
Mr.; 277.
Stonehive ; 287, 288.
Stonhewer, under secretary ; 392, 393.
Stor, Captain, wounded ; 314.
Stormont, Lord (1 761) ; 322.
(1763), envoy to Vienna; 354, 358.
(1765) ; 381, 395.
Stornaway ; 123.
INDEX.
673
Story, Mrs., Jacobite cipher; 173.
Stoupishill, William, of Irvine ; 14.
Stowe ; 414.
letter dated at ; 419.
Strachan, Capt., his troop ; 136.
Strafford, Earl of :
(1641), his execution ; 78.
(1711), at the Hague ; 144.
(1713), letters of; 146, 147.
Stragartnay ; 152.
Strasbourg; 601.
Strasburg, the French near ; 80.
Strasnever ; 156.
Strathachyn, Alexander of ; 64.
Strathallan, Viscount of (1716) ; 150.
Lord, killed at Culloden ; 443, 445.
Strathallone, lands of ; 67.
Strathalloun, Cogs of; 69.
Strathern :
Earl of, Robert, charters, &c. by ; 6,
7, 9, 10.
witness ; 7.
Countess Palatine of, Euphemia,
charter by ; 62 .
Strathglass ; 124.
Strathmore :
Earl of (1689) ; 138.
(1728), his death ; 154.
Strati, Carolo, of Genoa ; 564.
Straton Hall ; 69.
Straubing ; 374.
Strawberries, as a medicine ; 416.
Streatham; 363.
Streiff, Lieut-Colonel ; 118,119.
Streuelyn, Striveling, &c. See Stirling.
Strickland, — ; 128.
Sir Roger; 138.
Stricklandt, Bishop of Namur ; 254, 255,
460.
Strogartuay, lordship of; 65.
Strong Garsting ; 129.
Strowe, mill and lands of; 65, 67, 68, 71.
Stuart :
Apprin, at Culloden ; 443.
Major James ; 447.
See Steward, &c.
Stuffles, General, his regiment ; 196.
Stuttgard; 389.
Suche, Sir Alan le ; 7.
Suckling, Sir John, flight of ; 78.
Suffolk :
Earl of (1616), letter of ; 99.
(1765); 391,402.
Sullivan, Mr., killed at Falkirk ; 286.
Sully :
Due de; 530, 531.
Madame de ; 530.
Sultzbach, house of; 202.
Sumner, Mrs., her house at Eton ; 291.
Sunderland :
the Scots' army near ; 53.
the ship; 186.
Surinam, Society of ; 438.
Surridge, Mr. ; 478.
Susa ; 544.
Susquehanna, the ; 23.
Suthek, rector of ; 9.
u 84067.
Sutherland :
men of; 196.
Lord, his people ; 443, 444.
Sveciae, R., letter signed by ; 109.
Swabia; 119.
Swartz, envoy from Holland; 274.
Sweden :
dispute of Denmark with ; 55.
negociations of the Pretender with;
168-170.
and Russia; 171, 172.
Articles of Peace between Russia and ;
187.
and Denmark ; 254, 333, 436.
English agent in ; 221.
and Denmark, war between ; 523,
529, 540, 563, 566.
Silva's treatment in; 266.
envoy to, Poyntz ; 239, 240.
her relations with France ; 271.
elections in ; 380, 382, 383.
Gustavus of ; 563.
King of (161 1), his death ; 549.
his son ; 54] .
(c. 1617); 118.
(1702), at Warsaw; 81.
(1711), his temper; 142.
(1729) ; 432,
Swibrugg ; 528. (Zweibriick ?)
Swift, Dean :
and Thomas Carte ; 485.
at a Dublin feast ; 508.
his Drapier Letters ; 509.
Swinley Rails ; 241, 242.
Swiny, Lieut. Miles ; 446.
Swyntoun, John, witness ; 63.
Sydney, Lord :
of Leix; 351.
Mr. Cosby (1769); 418.
Sykes, Mr. ; 410.
Symiesoun, John ; 66.
Symon :
of Mundavill, Archdeacon ; 62.
Sir, of Glendonwyne ; ib.
Symple, Sympill :
Lord (1497) John ; 17.
John, witness ; 8.
Thomas, witness ; 6, 10.
Joh n , of Fowl wood ; 12.
witness ; 12.
Sir Robert, witness ; 12.
Symson :
James, rector of Kirkforthar ; 71.-
Sir Robert ; ib.
T.
Taaffe, Lieut. Peter ; 446.
Tadcaster, the Scots' army at
Tain, letter dated at ; 197".
53.
U U
674
INDEX.
Talbot :
Lord (1769); 414.
Edward, his claim to the Shrewshury
peerage ; 109.
Tarbat :
Lord (1685), signature; 95.
commission to ; ib.
Viscount (1688) ; 138.
Tarrant, Dr., of Carlisle ; 364.
Taschin; 282.
Tauntondean, relief of; 54.
Tauris; 303.
Taylor i
Commissary; 151.
Dr., at St. Paul's ; 313.
John, of St. Martin's in the Fields ;
94.
Robert ; 388.
Tayt, John, witness; 6.
Tea, presents of; 330, 331.
Tees, the river ; 53.
Teillearis, Madame ; 45.
Teleybern garrison ; 149.
Temple :
Lord (1761); 222.
(1769); 412.
(1769); 414.
Templepatrick ; 6.
minister of ; 46.
Templetoun, John, son of Edward ; 21.
Ternay, — ; 334.
Terrick :
Dr. Richard, Bishop of Peterborough ;
313.
letter of; 364.
Terry, Dr. ; 260.
Terrynzace ; 20.
Teviotdale; 136.
Thames, the, frost on ; 402.
Thanet, Lady; 270.
Theobald's; 115.
Theodore, King of Corsica, his arrest ; 484,
487, 488, 493.
Therfield ; 424.
letter dated at ; 254.
Themes, M. de ; 597.
Thessalia, Jannina in ; 307.
Thirburn, — , a Jesuit 438.
Thirsk, the Scots' army near ; 54.
Thistle, the, Order of; 140, 141
Thomas, Dr. John :
letters of ; 251,265,278.
and the Temple pulpit ; 269.
Dean of Westminster, letter of;
411.
Bishop of Lincoln, letters of; 295-
322 passim, 439, 448.
-. his desire to be Primate ; 295.
Thomond, Lord (1762),h:s house ; 342.
Thompson, Robert, letters of; 419, 420.
Thorns, Robert ; 9.
Thoniianby, the Scots' army at ; 53.
Thornton; 13, 14, 23.
laird of ; 15.
Thorold, Sir Nathaniel, his property in
Caprea; 372.
Thurlstane Mains ; 75.
Thurstoune, Lord of ; 10.
Thurot, Mons., his fleet; 318, 319.
Tichborne, Sir Harry, at Tredath ; 50.
Tiflis; 309.
Tillieres, M. or Comte de ; 111.
letter of; 122.
letter to; 114.
Tilson, George :
at Hanover ; 2 ?0.
letters of; 250, 264, 266, 268,
269.
letter to ; 456.
Tinker, Commodore ; 238.
Tirlemont, English troops at; 206-210.
Tisdall, Mr. ; 360.
Titchbourne, one ; 438.
Titles, royal and other, Anstis's notes on ;
430, 431.
Titley, Walter :
envoy to Denmark, &c.; 264, 266,
388, 400.
letter to ; 228.
letters of ; 324-360 passim.
his retirement ; 350, 355.
his legacies to Westminster School
and to Cambridge ; 411.
Tivoli; 526.
Tobias, the ship ; 195.
Toboso or Tobosco, the order of; 178,
183-185, 462,517.
Todd, — ; 390.
Toledo, Don Pedro de ; 104, 526.
Tongres, English troops at ; 206-210.
Tongues, dried; 331.
Tonti, Cardinal; 545, 546.
Tooke, Home ; 427.
Toplitz; 374.
Torbay, fleet at; 315.
Torboltoun ; 23.
barony of; 11.
Torfichin :
document dated at ; 12.
vicar of ; ib.
Tories, the, Jacobite letter on ; 170.
Tornehaut, Signorie of ; 567.
Torre, M. de la ; 563.
Torres, Admiral ; 282.
Torwood ; 69, 70.
near Falkirk ; 440.
Toshach :
Andrew, of Munie ; 89.
D., letter of; 136.
Touche, M. de la; 110.
Touchfraser; 69.
Toulon; 318.
engagement off ; 211.
squadron ; 280, 282.
Toulouse, Parliament of ; 611.
Tourlands, laird of ; 21.
Toumay; 142.
Tourys :
John, son of William, of Innerleth ; 15.
George ; ib.
Townshend :
Lord, Secretary of S^iUe ; 199.
(1725-30), letters of and to;
239-243 pass>m.
INDEX.
675
Townshend — cont.
Lord (1723), letter of; 417.
(1728), letter to; 430.
his sons' appointments ; 275.
(1745), letter of; 284.
the late ; 332.
his illness ; 335.
(1765), Lord Lieut, of Ireland;
390, 408,417.
his good nature, &c. ; 417.
in Ireland ; 425.
Lady, letters of ; 239.
Mr. ; 332, 338, 396, 415.
Charles ; 316, 390, 396, 405,406,
418.
speeches of ; 382, 402.
George, his proposal to raise an Irish
regiment; 282-284.
with Col. Wolfe; 316.
Roger ; 320.
Thomas, letter of; 320.
of tne Treasury ; 390.
Trade, Board of, reports by ; 227, 232.
Tranent, letter dated at ; 45.
Transylvania ; 534, 597.
Prince of; 118,119,551.
Traregillis, lord of ; 11.
Trave, the river ; 342.
Travemunde ; ib.
Trearne, lord of ; 9.
Treasury, the, Commissioners of ; 268.
Trecothick, Lord Mayor ; 426.
his speech ; 427.
Tredathe, Ireland, siege of ; 49, 50.
Trelawny, William ; 505.
Trematon, Baron of ; 431.
Tremouille, Due de ; 560.
Trenel, Marquis ; 614.
Trenenteran ; 69.
Trepnay, Isabella, wife of Gilbert of
Streueline ; 64.
Tresseiller, Sir Robert ; 479.
Treswell, — , Herald ; 115.
Treves, siege of ; 80.
Trevor:
Lord (1667) ; 402.
(1768); 410.
his daughter ; 518.
Dick; 260.
Dr. Richard, Bishop of St. David's, let-
ters of ; 280, 281, 292-309 passim.
Robert, secretary to the Hague em-
bassy ; 264, 266, 274, 281, 283,
284.
letters of and to ; 206, 250, 251,
258, 267-271, 276, 296, 438.
recall of; 294.
candidate for Oxford ; 471, 472
475, 482, 490.
Rev. Wm, letter of; 31 1.
Triest; 569.
Tripney, Isabella ; 66.
Tripoli, slaves from ; 303.
ambassador; 397.
Troitza; 167.
Trollope, James, his effects in the Canary
Isles; 461.
Tronbedskoy, Prince ; 166.
Trovies, Mr., of Amsterdam, and the Den-
bigh family ; 248.
Trueman, J., assumed signature of the
Pretender; 158.
Trumbull, W. or Sir William, at Brussels,
letters of ; 523-616 passim.
his proceedings against Puteanus;
99, 102.
Tuffnell, — , Antwerp Commissary ; 269.
Tulibody; 66.
Tullibardine ; 67, 127, 128.
lord of ; 64.
Marquis of (1719), Highlanders
under ; 196.
letters of and to ; 91, 123, 125.
or Duke of Athole (1745), letters
to ; 92, 93.
money disbursed by ; 123, 124.
Tullydaff, George ; 87, 88.
Tunbridge waters ; 268.
Wells, letter dated at; 269.
Turenne, Marshal ; 80.
Turin ; 582, 584.
Court of; 215.
Turks, the, invasion threatened by ; 107,
their threatened attack on Poland;
122.
the Emperor and ; 267, 269, 271.
and Azoph ; 269.
and Lutherans ; 537.
and Venice ; 600.
Turks Islands; 233, 234, 371, 427.
report on; 232.
Turloch, assembly at ; 585.
Turner :
Sir James, his troop ; 136.
John, document signed by ; 230.
Turnham Green ; 280, 296.
Turref, diet at ; 48.
Tuscany :
Duchy of; 256, 260, 261, 262.
Duke of (1765); 396.
Tweeddale, Lord (1668), signature ; 94.
Twickell, Baron ; 246.
Twickenham; 240.
letter dated at ; 153.
Tyhnan, Edward ; 98.
Tynemouth Castle ; 36.
Tyrconnel, Earl of, his sister; 550.
Tyri, John, provost of Methven; 18.
Tyringhame, Sir Arthur, his troops ; 49.
Tyrone, Earl of; 535.
Tyrwhitt, Dr., rector of St. James's ; 243.
u.
Uchtre, Malcolm, witness ; 65.
Uhlfeld, or Ulefeldt, Count; 253, 257,
266, 269, 270, 272.
Ukraine, the ; 188.
676
INDEX.
Underwood, Mr., C. F. Weston, report on
his manuscripts ; 199 et seq.
Upsettlingtor, rector of ; 14,
Urquhart, Mr., or Capt. John, at Rotter-
dam ; 457, 458,460,463.
letters to ; 459, 463.
Uscocchi, attack on ; 607.
Uttecht; 81,328,461.
English church at ; 352.
treaty of; 146, 214, 228.
Utterodt, Mr. ; 205.
Uxbridge, letter dated at ; 406.
Uzeda, Duke of ; 614.
Vaca de Robles, Pedro ; 616.
Vachels, Mr. ; 368.
Yalasco, Don Louis de ; 570, 594, 595.
his siege of Bergen-op-Zoom ; 107.
Valencia, Valentia, miracles in ; 580.
Countess of; 524.
letter dated at ; 477.
d'Alcantara, skirmish at ; 343.
Valenciennes; 142.
Valet, a, engagement of; 57.
Valette, M. de la ; 554.
Valladolid in Yucatan ; 200.
English seminary in ; 564.
Vallas, Matthew, of Crago ; 17.
Vallerie; 565.
Valles ;
Hugh, of Smethistoun ; 17.
John, of Cragy ; ib.
Valleshank, lands of ; ib.
Valparaiso, Comte de ; 220.
Van Beuninghen, Dutch ambassador ; 202.
Vandenberg, Mr., and Lord Orrery ; 146.
Vanderbent, M., letter to ; 140.
Vanderberck, Comte He., on the Rhine ;
105, 106.
Van der Heim, M. ; 482.
Van Heck, D., letter of; 276.
Van Hoey, Mr. ; 249, 285, 286.
Vansittart :
Governor, letter of; 238.
Mr. ; 388, 395, 396, 404.
Vantadour, D. of ; 577.
Van Werk, Sir Joshua ; 311.
Var, the river ; 295.
Vatan, M. de, besieged at Berri ; 544, 549.
beheaded; 551.
Vaudemont, M. de, his daughter's pro-
posed marriage ; 103.
Vaun and Aleppo, Pacha of; 300.
Vaux :
canton ; 537.
Lord, at Brussels ; 543.
Vceda, Duchess of ; 527.
Vegilin, Dutch deputy; 142.
Veglia, Island of; 607.
Velchtoun, E., lands of; 17.
Vendome, Chevalier de^ 531.
Velasco, Don Alonso de ; 567, 583, 595,
601,615.
Vendome, Duke of (1612) ; 566, 596, 597,
603, 605, 611, 615.
(1702), at Goito; 81.
Venice, letters dated at; 385, 522, 526,
531, 544, 546, 552, 561, 564, 568.
Sir H. Wotton at; 100^ 101, 104.
ambassador at, Sir D. Carleton ; 520
et seq.
ambassador from, letter to ; 121.
the Pretender at ; 166.
honours to the Pretender's son at;
268.
English resident at ; 379, 380.
description of ; 386.
Spain's declaration to ; 451.
Spanish ambassador in ; 580.
his servants; 562.
alleged miracles in ; 564.
the Inquisition in ; 534, 542, 573.
the Pope's contentions with ; 539, 586,
590.
and the Grisons ; 593.
and the Turks ; 600.
its dispute with the Archduke Ferdi-
nand ; 607.
Patriarch of, process against; 591.
Duke of, his death ; 593.
the Rialto; 573.
St. Mark's; 573.
Vercelli, siege of ; 102.
Verden, letter dated at; 119.
Vergier, camp at ; 141.
Vergy, de ; 385.
Verney, Lord (1767) ; 403.
Vernon, Col.; 321.
Verona; 569.
Versailles; 185, 203.
Vesuvius, Mount ; 386.
Vicenti, Secretary; 581.
Victoria, the ship ; 192.
Vienna; 202.
letters dated at ; 165,177, 249, 264,
298,301,311.
Mr. Robinson at; 205, 311. See
Robinson, Sir Thomas.
treaty of ; 244 et seq.
scandal at ; 328.
the mail robbed ; 340.
pay of envoys at ; 353.
comedy and opera at ; 395.
Lord Waldegrave at ; 433.
Vilettas, M. ; 295.
Villa Flores, Marquis de ; 606.
Villa Franca; 211.
Marques de; 526.
Villars, Marshal de ; 141,143.
Ville, M. de, letter to; 110.
Villeroy, M. de; 521, 551, 559, 560, 589,
602, 603, 610,611.
Villiers, Viscount (1615), afterwards Duke
of Buckingham, letters to ; 96-98.
Vinoennes, Bois de ; 589, 605,
Vincent, Mr. ; 471.
INDEX.
677
Vincenti, Secretary ; 593.
Vineram, Lieut. Col. John, pay of; 136.
Virginia'; 558, 576, 583, 600, 608, 609.
Indian outrages in ; 237.
Visconti, Count Octavio; 558, 576, 595,
597.
Volimi, Palatin of; 178.
Von Kochen, M. ; 205.
Vorstius, Conrad, his Professorship at
Leyden ; 550, 566, 571, 575, 613.
w.
Waad, — ; 251.
Wace, — ; 334.
John, letter of; 268.
Wade, Marshal ; 280.
his unreasonable memorials ; 281.
his march against the rebels; 287,
288.
VVagrav ; 7.
Waikburn, Mr. ; 459.
Waite :
Mr. and Mrs. ; 392.
Lieut. John, letters of ; 307, 308.
T., letters of; 417, 421, 423, 425.
Wake :
Mr.; 118, 555, 563, 578, 583, 586,
594.
Lionel ; 551, 597.
Sir T. ; 614.
Walays :
Hugh, witness ; 8.
John, of Elrisley ; ib.
Walberton, letter dated at ; 416.
Walchop, William; 68.
Waldegrave, Lord (1730), letter to; 433.
(1734) ; 253.
ambassador in France (1735);
257, 259, 261,263,264.
(1737) ; 266.
General; 317.
Wales :
North; 439.
Prince of (1612); 571.
(1 752), his preceptor ; 308.
Frederick, his Appanage ; 486.
— - and his father ; 505, 516.
Princes of, early titles given to ; 431.
Princess Dowager of ; 305, 424,t425.
Adam, of Crago w, witness ; 15.
Robert, witness ; ib.
Walkinshaw, Jacobite name ; 456, 457.
Wall, Mons., Spanish minister, interviews
with; 217-222.
Wallace :
Mr.; 296.
Adam, of Crago, witness ; 14.
George; 13.
Hew, commission to ; 95.
Wallace — cont.
Hugh, of Carnell; 27.
James, of Crago ; 23.
John, witness ; 10, 15.
Robert, witness ; 14.
Sir William, witness ; 15.
William, of Cragy ; 25.
Wallington; 278.
letters dated at ; 279, 285, 290, 291,
292, 296, 302.
Walpole :
Sir Edward; 363.
Horatio or Horace, ambassador ; 167,
199, 239, 240, 266.
letter of; 270.
and Bishop Fleetwood's library ;
270.
his tutor ; 279.
speech of; 307.
letter to ; 240.
letters of and to ; 252-263, 272,
273, 278, 433, 435.
his mission to the Hague; 251,
269, 271, 508.
in favour of Prussia ; 299.
his embassy to Paris ; 433.
Sir Robert, letters of; 240, 241.
letters to ; 243, 275, 433.
at New Park ; 255.
and the war ; 273.
his expulsion ; 412.
Walsingham, Mr. ; 412.
Waltyris Kyle, bailiery of ; 12.
Walweeht, English troops at; 210.
Wane :
Martin, Chancellor of Glasgow ; 66.
Sir Thomas ; 63.
Wanstead, letter dated at ; 119.
War, John ; 26.
Warburton, Mr. ; 484.
>Waristoune, forfeiture of; 79.
Warrants, General, debate on ; 382.
Warrington, the rebels near ; 439.
Warsaw; 81.
letters dated at ; 328, 331, 333, 335,
337, 344, 371.
Washing clothes, payments for; 31.
Wasner or Wassenaer, Dutch minister}
267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 276, 277. 4
Watches, inventory of ; 38.
Waters, Mons., or George, banker
Paris ; 456, 457.
letters of ; 469, 479.
letters to ; 493, 502.
Watkins, Henry, letters of
Watson :
Mr.; 357.
John ; 66.
bailie of Ruglen ;
Sir Thomas, chaplain ;
Waus e, Richard of; 63.
Wawane, George, vicar of Dunsyar; 71
Wear, the rit er ; 53.
Weavers, riots of ; 80, 388.
Webb:
Mr., and Wood ; 358, 361.
Philip C. ; 356.
at
141-144.
9.
70.
678
INDEX.
Wedderburn, Sir John ; 447.
Lieut.-Col. Jchn, pay of; 136.
Weir:
Robert, witness ; 9.
Thomas, witness ; ib.
Wells, no title given by ; 431.
Welsh :
John, of Ayr ; 6.
Josias, letter of; 6, 46.
Weltoune; 68.
Werningerode ; 436, 437.
Wemyss, Sir John of; 62.
Wesel; 571,574.
Weser, the river ; 47, 332.
Wesselmund, the fort; 193, 194, 195.
Wester Duddingston ; 58.
Westeretherne, lands of; 62.
Wester Gormok ; 28.
Westmorland, Earl of (1762), death of;
341.
Weston :
Lord (1633), his quarrel with Lord
Holland; 47.
Mr.; 115.
Charles; 280, 411.
his preferment ; 370.
Edward, under secretary of State,
account of; 199.
extracts from his papers ; 200 et seq.
appointed to the Gazette ; 200,
202.
memorial of ; 229.
pension granted to ; ib.
his marriage ; 243.
letters of and to ; 239 et seq.
his retirement ; 363, 451.
his sons ; 314, 319.
Dr. Stephen ; 199.
Bishop of Exeter, letter of; 243.
sermon preached by ; 251.
Stephen ; 406.
brother of Edward, letter of ;
249.
William ; 364, 395, 396, 404, 410.
Westphalia ; 281, 282, 400.
Westwiller, English troops at ; 206-208.
Wetherby; 288.
the Scots army at ; 53.
Weymar, General ; 368.
Weymouth; 416.
Lord (1765) ; 387, 393.
(1768); 410.
(1769); 413.
Whaile, Mr. ; 279.
Wharton, Duke of (1728), letters of;
240, 241.
and George II. ; 241.
(1729) ; 167.
Duchess of; 461.
Mr., work by; 491.
Wheeler, Captain ; 449.
Whigs, the, Jacobite letter on ; 170.
Whisperer, the, paper ; 420, 423.
Whist; 271.
Whitchote, Mr. ; 399.
White Leys, lands of j 15.
White, Major, Lieut.-Governor of Edin-
burgh ; 136.
Whitford, Mr., the Pretender's reference
to; 159.
Whitmore, Colonel ; 210.
Wibourg; 187.
Wich:
Sir Cyril ; 244, 250.
Lady; 251.
Wichbury, letters dated at; 304, 305, 314,
334, 335.
Wichtman, William ; 7 1 .
Wigan; 288.
Dr. ; 505.
Wight, Isle of; 431.
encampment in ; 314.
Wightman :
General, his march from Inverness;
196.
Robert, letters of; 265, 273, 286, 288.
Wigton, Earl of (1689) ; 140.
Wilcocks, Mr. ; 387.
Wilkes, John :
case of; 229.
and the North Briton ; 355 et seq.
his arrest ; 357.
in Paris ; 375.
sentence on, &c. ; 407, 411, 412.
the mania about ; 413.
his re-election ; 413,415.
his trial with Lord Halifax ; 416, 418.
"his infamous party " ; 414.
pamphlet by ; 418.
opinion at Dublin of; 423.
and the House ; 424, 452.
Wilkinson, — , agent in Sweden ; 221.
Willes, Dr. Edward, Bishop of Bath and
Wells, letter of ; 285.
William, Fort ; 238.
William III., document signed by ; 185.
and Mary, commission by ; 39.
William, the Royal, ship; 186.
" Williams " :
signature assumed by the Pretender \
162, 163.
letters to; 188, 189, 191.
Williamson :
— , letter of; 470.
A., letter of; 454.
Sir Joseph, document signed by; 201.
Williamstadt ; 350.
Willimot, Justice, his son ; 358.
Willoughby, Colonel ; 57.
de Broke, Lord (1770) ; 419.
Wilmington, Lord (1733), letter of; 251.
Wilmot, Sir Robert ; 297.
letters of; 308,310.
Wilson :
Captain, his son ; 476, 477, 479, 504,.
505.
Mr., letter to ; 189.
of Cumberland ; 364.
Sir Alexander; 71.
James, canon ; 72.
Samuel, letter of ; 343.
Dr. Thos., letter of ; 345.
Wilster, Captain of the Russian navy i
193.
INDEX.
679
Wilts Militia; 316.
Winchelsea; 186.
Lord (1734); 253.
(1757); 313.
the ship; 211.
Winchester; 316.
as a title; 431.
Bishop of (1742); 277.
(1746) ; 290.
(1767); 402.
Windham. Sir William ; 304.
Windibank, Colonel, at Blischinton ; 54.
Windsor or Windsor Castle ; 368, 431.
documents dated at ; 94, 95, 96, 145,
185,241, 242,343.
James I.'s court at ; 31.
election at; 313, 314.
dean of ; 396.
Baylies near ; 314.
Sir W. ; 534.
Wine :
Spanish, payment for ; 33.
account ; 36, 37.
Winter, Sir John, his house burnt ; 55.
Winton, Earl of, George, his new Her-
berie ; 45.
letter of ; ib.
Wintoun, Countess of, Margaret, letters
of; 44,
Winwood, Sir Ralph ; 525.
letters of; 99-104, 109, 529, 543,
574.
letters to; 117, 578.
envoy to Wesel ; 566, 571, 574.
his return to England ; 594.
secretary of State ; 595.
at the Hague ; 598.
Wirtemberg, Duke of ; 574.
scandal about ; 328.
education of ; 366.
and Montellard county ; 540.
(1702); 81.
Witches, burning of ; 57.
Wivendale ; 601.
Wod :
Andrew ; 18.
Henry ; ib.
Wodland, lands of; 68.
Wolfe or Wolff :
— , at Falkirk ; 441.
Col., at Quebec; 316.
Sir Jacob or Baron ; 389, 395.
letters of; 385, 389.
and Lady ; 424.
Jacob ; 188.
Wolfenbuttel, Duke of; 432, 433.
Wollaston, Mrs. ; 372.
Wolters, Robert, letters of ; 323-352, 384
passim.
Wood :
Mr.; 319, 410.
Mr., and Webb ;
Captain Andrew
George ; 120.
Woodhouslie; 93.
Woods used for dyes
Woodstock; 104.
358, 361.
; 447.
200, 201.
104.
Woodward :
Mr.; 203.
one; 287.
Worcester :
Bishop of (1746) ; 294.
(1759) death of ; 318.
Countess of ; 598.
Worms; 601.
letter dated at; 91.
Woronzow, Count; 339.
Worplesdon ; 372, 396.
Worrenzow, Count ; 450.
Wortley :
Mr.; 296.
Lady Mary ; 323, 325.
Wotton ; 340, 343.
letters dated at ; 344.
Sir Henry, at Venice ; 100, 101,
at Turin ; 582, 600.
Wratislau, Count de ; 167,276.
Wrechthill, lands of; 14.
Wren, Matthew ; 98.
Wricht, Fynlay, of Rothsay ; 17.
Wright :
Capt. ; 476.
his death ; 504, 505.
Mr.; 425.
Wroughton, Thomas, letters of; 326, 327,
330, 331, 333, 335, 337, 344.
Wrychthill, lands of the ; 19, 24.
Wyllie, Mr., minister ; 57.
Wynne, Mr. ; 251.
X.
Xaintonge, deputies of ; 603, 604.
Y.
Yair or Zhar, Thomas, of Edinburgh ; 15.
Yarmouth, Lady ; 316.
Tester, Lord and Lady ; 37.
Yoghill, Munster, English landed at ; 50.
Yonge, Sir William, his speech on the
Playhouse Bill ; 267.
York, letters dated at ; 52, 54.
James I.'s court at ; 30.
the Scots army near ; 54.
Archbishop of, Hutton ; 298.
(1767) ; 402.
Dean of, Fountayne ; 368, 452.
Deanery of ; 297.
Duke of, his insignia ; 290.
and Duchess of (1681) ; 133.
titular (1733), son of the Pre-
tender ; 164, 179
Cardinal, his character ; 345.
680
INDEX.
Yorke :
Mr.; 323,411.
Mr., and the Seals ; 419.
Charles; 379,391, 392.
letter of; 354.
General; 326.
Sir Joseph ; 325, 329, 337, 342, 348,
361.
letter to; 221.
letters of ; 363-371 passim, 378,
401,451.
Sir Philip, letter of; 242.
Sir William; 395.
Yorkshire, the Scots' army in ; 53.
Young, Dr. ; 306.
Yucatan ; 230.
description of; 200.
z.
Zacharj, Mr., payments to ; 123.
Zani, Alinoro, sentence on ; 580.
Zappata, Cardinal ; 532.
Zara in Dalmatia, the Turks in ; 570.
Zea, Duke of; 614.
Zeckendorf, Count ; 282.
Zhar or Yair, Thomas, of Edinburgh ; 15.
Zinzendorf, Count ; 267.
Zipieris, Count ; 45.
Zolkief; 179.
Zuniga, Don Bait, de; 613.
a.
■t,
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
IV
REPORT
ON THE
MANUSCRIPTS
OF
E W. LEYBORNE-POPHAM, Esq.
OF
LITTLECOTE, Co. WILTS.
PregentetJ to Parliament bg (Commanti of J^et jJHajestg.
NOKWICH :
PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE,
BY THE " NORFOLK CHROKICLE " COMPANY, LTD.
And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from
EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Stbeet, E.C., and
32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or
JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh; and
90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or
HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin.
9471 1899.
[0.— «W4fc] Price Is. M.
INTRODUCTION.
Tite Littleeote collection includes two quite distinct series of
papers, although it has been thought more convenient and also
more interesting to arrange them together chronologically.
The value of the collection, setting aside certain documents,
which will be spoken of later, is mostly departmental, the one
series being chiefly concerned with army matters, and the
other with naval affairs.
To take the latter first, the Popham papers, properly so called,
consist, with a few exceptions, of the correspondence of Colonel
Edward Popham, one of the three " Generals at Sea " for the
Commonwealth. He was the fifth and youngest son of Sir
Francis Popham of Littleeote, and grandson of Sir John, the
Lord Chief Justice of the end of Elizabeth's reign.
There are two letters addressed to Sir John Popham in the
collection, the first being on the working of the new poor
laws, which, from certain expressions in it, would seem to relate
to the Act of 1597 rather than to the more noted one of 1601.
The other letter is from Balliol College, Oxford, concerning
the benefactions to the College of Peter Blundell, the founder
of Tiverton grammar school (j)p. 1, 3). A later letter, relating
to Blundell's foundations at Cambridge (p. 80), alludes to the
fact that Sir John was one of his trustees.
Edward Popham himself was born about 1610, was the captain
of the ill-fated hth Whelp, cast away in 1637, received his com-
mission as colonel of a regiment of foot (with which he was to
march into the West to Sir Thomas Fairfax) in May, 1645 {p. 5),
and on February 27, 1648-9, was appointed by the Council
of State one of the three " Commissioners for ordering and
commanding the fleet during the coming year," the other two
being Colonels Robert Blake and Richard Deane (j). 9).
His elder brother, Colonel Alexander, was an active Parlia-
ment man, and a member of the Council of State.
75. Wt. 1172. a 2
11
The Admiralty papers of this period are so fully dealt with
in the Calendars of State Papers, that large numbers of docu-
ments in this collection may be passed over with a mere mention.
There are many of the original orders of the Council of State
to their Generals at Sea, signed by Bradshaw, as President,
but these have mostly been calendared from the copies in the
order books. There are also numerous letters from Robert
Coytmor, clerk of the Admiralty, and others, concerning the
details of Admiralty and Navy routine, which throw no new
light on the subject, and are therefore omitted. But there
remain many interesting letters, especially those from the
Generals themselves, and there are also portions of Col. Edward
Popham's journal, which give a good deal of fresh information.
In March, 1649, the fleet put to sea under Col. Popham's com-
mand, and sailed westward. His journal [p. 1.1) gives their move-
ments up to April 16, when there is a break in the narrative.
A copy of it was probably sent up to London at that date,
as a letter from the Council of State on. May 1st acknowledges
its receipt (see Cal. S.P. Dom. under date). The later part of
the paper (for the journal is on loose sheets, not in book form)
takes the fleet to Kinsale, which was reached on the 1st of
May. Here it was determined that Blake and Deane should
remain to block up Prince Rupert's ships, then in the harbour,
while Popham returned to London to report to the Council of
State and obtain supplies. The fleet had not only to block
Kinsale, but to kt keep in the rebels " at Waterford and Wex-
ford, Sir George Ayscue having declared, in response to the
Admirals' appeals, that he could send no help from Dublin.
In June, the want of victuals was so great that Deane followed
Popham back to England, but the latter was now able to announce
that he had nearly finished his business, and hoped, before
leaving London, to get the constant establishment of the Navy
settled, and then they would not hereafter " be so to seek for
money " when it was needed. Col. Deane urged him also, if
possible, to procure the sending of some considerable force into
Munster, in order to gain Kinsale, and to withdraw the enemy
from Dublin, then besieged by Ormond. Ayscue had already
written from Dublin to the same effect.
Cromwell was, just at this time, setting out for Ireland, and
there was some little mystery or uncertainty as to where he
Ill
intended to take ship. Coytmor wrote to Popham that he had
been obliged to remind the Council of State that the Generals
of the fleet must know, in order to provide a convoy {j>. 20).
In the same letter he mentions a report that all the Parliament
ships were beaten and sunk, and that Rupert was ki triumphant
before Dublin, blocking up the place," but no credit was given
to these " feigned stories."
A few days later, Sir Henry Vane, having heard from Col.
Deane that he must have 2,000/. more for victualling, wrote to
say that he thought the request very extraordinary, as the
estimate was according to the sum given by Col. Popham.
Deane showed the letter to Popham, who at once wrote to Vane
that his demand had been for money to carry on the work
of victualling, but by no means to cover it. " There is not a
place in England," he says, " that you can victual in under
1Z. 55. a man a month . . . for though some things be
cheaper in one place than another, yet other things are dearer ;
if beef be cheap, pork, pease and fish are dearer, and so in
other provisions, that there is very little difference of victualling
in any place unless we could buy in all places those things
which are best cheap, which we have not time to do" (p. 22).
Coytmor has written, he goes on to say, urging him to step
up and perfect the business of the winter guard himself with
the Council, but this he cannot understand, as the list is already
given in and has been presented to Parliament. " But it is
not unusual for Mr. Coytmor to mistake ' winter for summer,"
and he may mean that the Council of State must be reminded
about money for the next summer guard, concerning which
he will write presently. To this Vane, in evident alarm,
replies, " pray let our winter guard be out, and this summer's
service first over, before you mention the next summer's fleet,
lest we be overwhelmed with the prospect of charge before we
be able to overcome it." He fears there will be increased
difficulty in finding money " for the 100,000/. intended us from
Deans' and Chapters' lands we have received as yet but 20,000/.
of, and now the necessities of Ireland are such that the Council
think they shall be forced to put a stop upon the remainder
for the present, hoping to provide timely enough for the
mariners' wages," wherein, he doubts, they will be slow, unless
quickened by Popham in the matter (p. 22).
IV
In this same July, 1649, the Navy Commissioners write
indignantly to Popham that they hear from the Admiralty Com-
mittee (whose letter is amongst the State Papers at the Record
Office) that he has intimated a mistake of 11,000Z. in their
estimates. They wonder much why he should apply to the
Council without in the least acquainting them with their sup-
posed error, and retort by informing him that they have found
his estimate miscast as regards the beer, but took no notice of
it, being more desirous to rectify their own errors (if any) than
to divulge those of others {p. 23). Col. Popham's answer,
assuring them that he had only written a private letter to Sir
Henry Yane, and did not even know that their committee was
concerned in the matter, is amongst the State Papers.
At the end of July, Col. Deane tells his brother commander
that he has been to Bristol, to confer with the Lord General,
and is now at Plymouth, with more load on his back than
he can easily carry. He has heard from Blake, who is still
on guard at Kinsale, that Rupert's fleet had all gone back to
Kinsale town, and that they only kept &ve of their best sailors
to run away with. Deane fears deceit, and hopes they will
be closely watched (p. 24). A few days later he complains
to Popham that Coytmor evidently opens and reads all their
letters to each other, even when they send public despatches at
the same time to the Council of State, which conduct he judges
" very unfit."
There are many allusions in these papers to the difficulties
which the authorities had with the commanders and crews of
their vessels. In the first place, they were often dilatory in
their preparations, liking well to loiter about London or Ports-
mouth, instead of making all haste to put to sea. In this
July, 1649, Popham had evidently been complaining on this
head, for Coytmor assures him that they are to have a sharp
check for their neglect, and that two of them have promised to
be ready forthwith (p. 20). Two or three weeks later, Coytmor
prays Popham to write a " sharp letter " to Captain Wilkinson
of the Increase, who, having boarded two vessels and found
them full of arms and ammunition for Scotland, let them go
because he had no order to stay Scotch vessels ; a proceeding
which Coytmor stigmatizes as weakness and folly, if indeed
there is not more knavery than folly in it (p. 23).
On August 8th, Coytmor sends details of a tumult on the
Tiger, Captain Peacocke's ship, which is only casually alluded
to in the State Papers. Some difference between the ship's
master and the boatswain grew to such a height that it raised
a mutiny, the common men siding with the boatswain. The
Captain called a Council of War, which so inflamed the " brable "
that he was forced to take his ship into Yarmouth, where he
was in danger every hour that the men would run away with
her to the enemy. Captain Coppin was there as a guard, but
he was not k4 considerable " against such a ship as the Tiger,
and they did not dare to call in the help of the land soldiers,
for fear of further inflaming the seamen. Coytmor considered
Capt. Peacocke to be in fault, and declared that the quarrel
arose in consequence of his having gone ashore to see his wife.
Indeed, he held the wives responsible for all the disasters,
including the loss of the Heart and the possible loss of the
Tiger. Captain Harrison, for instance, " who was wont to be
the most vigilant in writing of all the commanders," had not
been heard from for a month, and about a month ago his wife
went down to him. If the captains were permitted to have
their wives aboard, sore damage to the State would, he believed,
assuredly follow {pp. 25, 26).
The outbreak on the Tiger having been subdued and the ring-
leader and principal actors secured on shore, the ship put out to
sea again {p. 34), but further trouble soon arose, in consequence
of the six months' term of service of the merchant ships
employed by the State being increased to eight (pp. 26, 34),
a measure which gave great dissatisfaction both to the captains
and their crews. The Jonas, Captain Wiltshire, and the
Elizabeth, Captain Coppin, both refused to stay out any longer,
and the State Papers mention the Dolphin as doing the same.
The Jonas was ordered to be paid off, the wages of the ring-
leaders suspended, and their persons, if- need be, secured. Capt.
Wiltshire and six of his men were afterwards ordered to be tried
by a Council of War. In the autumn, Capt. Ingle (" one of
your mad captains," as Coytmor calls him to Popham), followed
suit, declaring that his ship was no winter ship, and that all his
victuals were spent {p. 44). Captain Holland of the Falcon
had lately made the same protest and had been discharged.
The ships' commanders were also complained against by the
VI
merchants, but on a different ground, viz., for taking pay for
the convoying of their vessels. " It will be very fit," Yane
writes to Popham, " you and me have our thought to set down
some settled course in this matter" (p. 47).
On August 14th, 1649, Col. Popham joined the fleet in the
Downs, this time hoisting his flag upon the Happy Entrance,
perhaps as being commanded by Capt. Badiley (afterwards
Bear- Admiral), of whom he had a very high opinion. The
narrative of the voyage will be found on pp. 26-34. On p. 37
is a letter from Popham to Sir Henry Vane, in answer to one
of September 12th (p. 36), complaining that the Prince's land-
ing in Jersey had not been prevented. Popham defends him-
self, saying that he had but three ships of any force with him
at the time ; he is confident, however, that there is not a
Holland man-of-war which the Council has given him notice
of but he has been aboard of, including, he believes, those very
ships before they took in the Prince (/>. 38). The next report
was that the Prince had not yet reached Jersey at all (p. 39).
The weather at this time seems to have been very stormy,
and Coytmor wrote anxiously to Popham, saying that the sooner
he could come away from Guernsey with " the two unruly ships "
the better, considering the dangers of the place from the many
rocks about the islands and the violence of the tides (p. 42).
In Ireland, the weather seems to have rather played the part
of a deus ex machina, for on August 23 Deane wrote to the
Council of State, announcing his arrival at Dublin, and the
safe landing of the troops there, after a vain attempt " to recover
Munster and the Bay of Kinsale." There was a strong im-
pression abroad at the time that the troops were never intended
for Munster at all, in spite of the official statements to that
effect. This idea seems to have been unfounded, although it
may be questioned whether Lord Inchiquin's sagacity in
" purging " the Munster garrisons had not as much to do with
the change of plan as the wind had. In any case Cromwell was
probably glad enough to have the forces with him. A month
later, Col. Deane repeats the assertion that he was intended for the
south of Ireland, while defending the Lord Lieutenant's conduct
in looking first to the north ; and goes on to assure the Council
that my Lord and the gentlemen with him were as sensible
of the consequence of Kinsale and the ships as they themselves
ni
were, and that four regiments of foot and Ireton with two
thousand horse and dragoons were on the point of being sent
into Munster when Sir Charles Coote's brother brought news
of O'Neill's intentions, whereon the General did not dare to
send so large a force southwards, whilst Trim and Drogheda
remained in the enemy's hands (p. 40).
The criticisms on Cromwell at this time read rather like an
inverted version of the proceedings of 1599, when Essex was
so severely blamed for not taking Ulster in hand before turning
towards the south.
In this same September, Blake tells Popham of Cromwell's
offer to him "with much affection" of the Major Generalship
of the foot, praying his friend to prevent its coming before
Parliament if he can, as he does not wish to waive any resolution
of the House, and yet cannot accept it (p. 38).
There are a few other notices of the struggle in Ireland —
Coytmor's announcement to Sir George Ayscue of the " good
news " of the taking of Drogheda (p. 43) ; a list of the garrison
there, differing somewhat from those already printed ; an account
of a " shrewd dispute " of Yenables with Lord Montgomery of
Ards and Col. Mark Trevor, whereby " the whole forces of the
Lord of Ards and that party are quite defunct" (p. 45), and
of the fight near Arklow Castle, when three thousand of the
enemy betook themselves to a bog, and were there all cut off
and slain (pp. 4A, 45) ; and an interesting letter from Col.
Deane upon the taking of Wexford, in which he states that he
came to the Bar on the 29th of September, but for seven days
it blew so hard that they could land nothing, and in which
also he emphasizes the desire of Cromwell to induce the Governor
to surrender, and so to save the town (p. 47). See also letters
on pp. 50, 57.
In the proceedings of the Council of State, September 25,
1649 (see Cal. S.P. Dom. of that date), there is a reference to
the Admiralty Committee of a letter from Ipswich, concerning
the exchange of prisoners, and of one from Luke Whittington,
the Eoyalist agent at Dunkirk, but the letters themselves are
not amongst the State Papers. Copies of them, however, are in
this collection, and some others on the same subject, notably
one from the cavalier Captain Amy, declaring that some of his
Vlll
men, the King's loving subjects, are in prison in Dover, with
" the large allowance of one whole penny a day, besides other
usage correspondent thereto, things more becoming Turks than
Christians " ; that he sees plainly that the destruction of the
King's party is the thing aimed at ; but that they shall soon
see how dexterously he will imitate their barbarous cruelty,
when he will as little regard the murdering of a rebel as they
do the starving of a loyal subject {pp. 39, 40). Meanwhile, the
poor " rebels " were shut up in some old colliers under the
fort of Mardyke, kept in irons, and fed only on bread and water
(p. 43). Capt. Coppin, of the Greyhound, offered to go and free
them, and the Council of State gave orders to Sir George
Ayscue to look after the matter (p. 45. See also Cal. S.P.
Dom., 1649-50, p. 323).
In November, 1649, Rupert escaped from Kinsale and took
refuge at Lisbon. Col. Blake and his fleet were despatched
after him, and in May, 1650, Col. Popham followed with eight
more ships, reaching Cascaes Bay on the 26th (p. 65). The
Generals wrote to the King of Portugal, but his answer was so
" dilusory or at least dilatory," that they sent Charles "Vane, the
Parliament agent at Lisbon, to England, to report matters to the
Council. Rumours by and by reached the Generals that King
John was making ready to fight them, and on July 21 some
of his ships and some of Rupert's came down into the Bay
of Oeiras, but at this point the journal abruptly ends.
The Report on the Portland MSS., Vol. 1, however, contains
some very good letters from the Generals at Sea written at
this time, and one of these relates that on July 26, Prince
Rupert, " after long preparation and much noise," came forth
of the Bay, but the vigilance of the Admirals kept him from
getting past them, and he evidently had no mind to fight them,
and so, after two days, to the great grief of their hearts, he
put back into Lisbon.
From the first, the leaders seem to have felt that they were
upon a bootless errand, for the very day after he joined Blake,
Popham wrote to his wife that they had very little hope of
gaining Rupert's ships, the King of Portugal having taken
them into his protection, from whom there was no possibility
of getting them (p. 74).
IX
The last of Col. Popham' s narratives (jj. 83) describes the
movements of the fleet under his command from April 1st to
August 7th, 1651, the time being spent in cruising about,
convoying merchant ships, arranging for the exchange of
prisoners in Jersey and elsewhere, watching the coasts of
Holland, clearing off pickaroons, and keeping a look-out for the
enemy's ships.
In May, the fleet was off Dunkirk, and the Governor sent
to ask whether they came as friends or foes to France. Popham
replied that he came with no hostile intentions towards either
the Governor or the place which he commanded, unless pro-
voked to it; but, in his draft letter, he goes on to express
astonishment that " a pretending King without a kingdom "
has been allowed by his agents to seize a power in the ports
of the King of France. " Some of his predecessors," he con-
tinues, " have pretended a title to the Crown of France . . .
but it is not, I suppose, under that notion you permit him to
do it." This passage is, however, cancelled (pp. 87, 100).
At the end of June the fleet was ordered to Berwick, and
thence to the Sound, to look for the Swedish fleet, but at
Newcastle Popham was summoned back by the Council of
State, and the journal ends in Dover Road on August 7th.
He makes no allusion to his health, either here or in a letter
written a day or two later to the Council of State, but within
a fortnight, on August 19th, he died of fever, either on ship-
board or in Dover town. His death in the prime of life —
for he cannot have been much, if at all, over forty years of
age — was a distinct loss to the State, and the Council sent
condolences to his widow, with an assurance of their sense of
his services.
The last document belonging to the Popham papers proper
calendared in this collection is a letter from Thomas Gage
{p. 101), brother of the Sir Henry who distinguished himself
on the Royalist side by his relief of Basing. Born of an old
Roman Catholic family, he became a monk of the order of St.
Dominic, went as a missionary to South America, lived for
many years amongst the Indians, and after twenty-four years'
absence returned to England, left the Church of Rome and
joined the Parliament party. He was chaplain to Venables'
expedition in 1G55, and died in Jamaica soon afterwards.
The second division of this collection — the Clarke papers —
forms a part of the great collection of Sir William Clarke and
his son George — the bulk of which was bequeathed by Dr. G.
Clarke to Worcester College library on his death in 1736.
Why this part of the collection was not deposited with the
rest can only be matter of surmise, but as regards the main
portion — the letters of 1659 and 1660, which are here in great
numbers, while the same period is correspondingly poor in the
Worcester College collection, it seems a plausible suggestion
that there may have been some intention to use them as materials
for a history of the Restoration, perhaps in answer to the
" Narrative " here printed, to which reference will be made
later.
How they got amongst the Littlecote papers can also only
be conjectured, but a little dim light is thrown upon the matter
by a scrap of paper, endorsed by a Miss Eliza Taylor, daughter
of the Rev. Zachary Taylor, " My fathers account how manu-
scripts came into our hands." The memorandum is as follows :
"These original manuscripts were formerly in the possession
of Admiral Russell, King William's admiral when he invaded
England, and afterwards Lord Torrington. Upon his death
they fell into the hands of Dr. George Clarke, his secretary
and executor, who was afterwards secretary to Prince George
of Denmark, and fellow of All Souls', Oxford, and member for
the University till his death, when they fell into the hands
of Dr. Robert Shippen, Principal of Brasenose, who was Dr.
Clarke's executor. At his death they fell to Dr. Robert Ley-
borne, his nephew, and from him to the Rev. Mr. Taylor, heir
to him in right of his wife." This note is of course not accurate.
It was not Admiral Russell, but Admiral Herbert who com-
manded the Dutch fleet in 1688, and who was afterwards created
Lord Torrington, and there is no reason to believe that Dr.
Clarke ever acted as his secretary. Even supposing the allusion
to be merely to Clarke's secretaryship to the Admiralty, he only
held that post under Prince George of Denmark, from 1702
to 1705, whereas Torrington' s short rule at the Admiralty
terminated in January, 1690. Nor could Clarke have been
"previously" executor to the Earl, who did not die until 1716.
He was one of the four executors, however, and as such,
XI
no doubt, the group of Torrington letters now at the British
Museum (see p. 31 of this introduction) fell into his hands.
To these, the memorandum in question evidently refers.
But it is probable that the final statements of the note are
correct, and applicable to all the Clarke papers in Mr. Leyborne-
Popham's collection, there being little' doubt that on Dr. Clarke's
death they passed to Dr. R.. Shippen, his executor, and thence,
by way of the Leybornes and Taylors, reached Littlecote.
As regards Sir William Clarke's own life, there is little
information to be added to that given in the Dictionary of
National Biography and in Mr. Firth's prefaces to the Clarice
Papers. His parentage is still unrevealed, but he had a brother
Jacob, who in 1652 was at a school kept by one Mr. Andrews,
and winning " great commendations from his master," and a
sister Betty, who at this same date had " gotten a husband " ;
the young couple being in too great a hurry to get married to
wait until the consent of the brother, then absent in Scotland,
could be obtained (p. 103). The letter is written by one Simon
Browne, who seems to have had something to do with the
management of William Clarke's affairs. The latter had a
house in St. Martin's Lane (which he let to Major Husbands),
some rents at Rotherhithe and property at St. John's Wood
in Paddington and Marylebone parishes. St. John's Wood and
Marylebone Park were Crown lands, part of which appears to
have been in Clarke's hands during the Commonwealth, and
which was granted or re-granted to him after the Restoration
'kas a Coldstreamer" (pp. 102, 103, 194}. His rights here
were interfered with by a relative, one John Collins, of whom
more hereafter.
But although little light is thrown upon William Clarke's
own family, a good deal can be learnt about that of his wife,
Dorothy Hilyard, daughter of Thomas Hiiyard and Elizabeth
(Kympton), his wife, of Hampshire.
In a document to which attention will be drawn presently,
Dr. George Clarke states that, as his mother informed him,
her parents were forced to leave their Hampshire home to avoid
paying a fine of 10,000/. laid upon his grandfather " by the Star
Chamber or High Commission Court for some words which a
Xll
malicious neighbour of his swore he had spoke of Archbishop
Laud," but which his grandfather always denied. " It seems,"
continues Dr. Clarke, " my grandfather had the saltpetre farm,
and some of his servants, when he was at London, dug up
this neighbour's dove-house, which so exasperated him that he
made the information above mentioned" (p. 269).
The fact that the accusations against Hilyard were made
three years before Laud went to Canterbury need not be
emphasized, as Clarke might naturally use his later title, but
the reports found amongst the State Papers give a very different
colouring to the offence.
On April 30, 1630, Sir William Eussel, Sir John Wolsten-
holme, and Sir Kenelm Digby (Commissioners of Customs),
presented a report to the Lords of the Admiralty upon their
hearing of the complaints made against Thomas Hilyard and
one Stevens, his partner, who held the "saltpetre farm" in
Hampshire. They found it proved that the defendants had
exceeded their powers in every direction, "as in digging in
all places without distinction," in threshing and malting floors,
in dove-houses during breeding time, in parlours and chambers,
" yea, even God's House they have not forborne " ; by the bed-
side of women in childbed, the sick and the dying, "with so
much barbarous cruelty to their persons and their goods, and
with so base and uncivil language as is hard to be believed
any could have done that professed themselves Christians."*
After this tremendous indictment, it is not to be wondered
at that the case was taken up to the Star Chamber. There
it lingered on for two or three years, but on February 5, 1633-4,
the decree was given against Hilyard, his wife Elizabeth, and
two subordinates, Stevens' name having somehow dropped out.
Hilyard' s sentence was pillory, imprisonment during pleasure,
and a fine, the amount of which gave rise to considerable
diversity of opinion, Cottington voting for 2,000/., Windebank
for 5,000Z., Laud (now Archbishop) for 10,000Z.
It might be suggested that this lends support to the assertion
that the real crime was the words against the Archbishop, but
no one who has studied Laud's character can fail to acknowledge
that however much his anger might be kindled by insult to
* See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1629-1631. Also Mr. Brace's preface to that volume,
p. xxviii.
Xlll
himself, or rather to his office, it would burn far more hotly
against those who desecrated the house of God, or disturbed
the solemn last hours of the dying.
The fine was eventually set at 5,000Z., whereas the grandson
states it as 10,000?. Possibly he was thinking of Laud's pro-
posal, possibly also the pillory and imprisonment were com-
muted for a further money payment. Hilyard appears, how-
ever, to have evaded his punishment by changing his name and
flying to the north, although, Dr. Clarke says, his estate, being
thereby left to servants, suffered so much that he had better
have paid two such fines than have abandoned it. The State
Papers of 1630-1633 contain many papers on the subject,
informations, petitions from Hilyard, &c., but there is not the
least hint of any connection of Laud with the affair. The
original information was laid by one Thos. Bond, but " the
insolence of the saltpetre men," as Mr. Bruce calls it, was a
crying evil of the day. Rather curiously, Hilyard's wife Eliza-
beth was associated with him in the case in the Star Chamber,
perhaps as being an heiress, and so able to help in the payment
of the fine.
Besides Dorothy, who was their youngest child, the Hilyards
had a son, Kympton Hilyard, and another daughter married
to Gilbert Mabbott, the printer, and licenser of the press until
May, 1649, when he was discharged for having licensed the
" Agreement of the people" the " Moderate" and other " danger-
ous books." These two men always address William Clarke
as "brother." There appears, moreover, to have been a third
daughter, married to William Carey, goldsmith of London,
for he is not only brother to Clarke, but to Mabbott, and must
therefore have been on the Hilyard, not the Clarke side of the
house. There are also cousins, Staresmore, Sharwen and
Sherman, but how related does not appear, and there are several
allusions to a family named Mosse. " Mother Mosse " may
perhaps have been William Clarke's foster-mother, for she
writes to him (in a very illiterate fashion) as her " dear heart,"
longs to see him more than anything upon earth, is sure that
he has not his fellow in England, and signs herself his " humble
servant and mother." Her husband, although not in the army,
had some connexion with it, and was taken prisoner by the
Royalist party in Scotland, whereupon she petitioned the young
XIV
King and the Duke of Buckingham for his exchange. The
drafts of these petitions, written by Clarke, speak of the happy-
day of the King's coronation and of the beginning of his sacred
Majesty's " gracious and auspicious reign," sentiments that come
curiously from the pen of one " attending the Lord General
Cromwell," and which are actually written upon the same sheet
as one of the General's proclamations {p. 81). Mother Mosse
was evidently a very practical old lady, for she tells Clarke with
much satisfaction that his brother Cary has a mind to take
a house in the Strand, where his wife "may learn his trade
to buy and sell," and so be safe in the future, for " there is no
happiness in this world, without riches, that makes content and
love and all things (p. 106).
In addition to the correspondence, the Clarke MSS. in the
Littlecote collection include two rather bulky documents, both
of much interest. One is a narrative of the Restoration, the
other an autobiography of Dr. George Clarke. It may perhaps
be as well, although their dates place them near the end of
the volume, to notice them here, as both have more or less
bearing upon the Clarke family.
The Narrative (j>. 198) is not signed, but two points help at
once towards an identification of the writer. He was William
Clarke's uncle, and he had a house at Stanmore. By a fortunate
accident, a letter has been preserved, written by one Margaret
Collins, and dated at Stanmore, offering congratulations to her
cousin, Sir William Clarke, upon his knighthood, and mention-
ing her father {p. 188). Presumably, therefore, the author of
the Narrative was a Mr. Collins, of Stanmore. He was also
pretty certainly the Collins who interfered with Clarke's
property in Paddington or St. John's Wood, to the great annoy-
ance of the brothers-in-law, one of whom complained of Collins'
" devilish " conduct towards the tenant there, and lamented
Clarke's " extraordinary bewitched indulgence to that worst
and most cursed of families" (p. 103). At any rate, he speaks
of having a farm there, which he had to give up to Lord
Arlington (p. 239), and therefore is the man mentioned in
connexion with the petition of Arlington — or Sir Henry Bennet,
as he then was — for the estate (p. 194).
Furthermore, he had a son, whom he sent to Monk in Scot-
land (p. 206), and afterwards to the King at Breda, and who,
XV
therefore, can be clearly identified with the John Collins, whose
petition is amongst the State Papers. {See Cal. S.P. Dom.,
1660-j, p. 245.)
In the course of the Narrative itself, certain incidental state-
ments occur. The writer had known well the baker to the
Inner Temple (p. 209). He introduced to Monk a gentleman
of the Inner Temple (p. 213) ; and when in London, he lodged
at the Temple, and there " in the lane " merrily drank the
health of the King upon his knees (p. 220). Moreover, he
counted as his friends two former Masters, or as they were
then often called, "preachers" of the Temple (p. 233), and
last but not least, he speaks of the musicians of the Temple
as being brought in to serve there by himself (p. 223).
The inference appears to be that he had some close connexion
with the Temple, and that it was rather that of an official than
of a bencher. Whatever it was, he had given it up, and was
now living at Stanmore. A reference to the registers of the
Inner Temple shows that one John Collins was successively
chief butler and steward there up to the year 1656 (when the
latter office was taken up by another man), and the probability
is that he was the author of the Narrative. His son, mentioned
above, who practised at the Chancery Bar before Lord Chan-
cellor Hyde (p. 238), may perhaps be the John Collins admitted
to the Inner Temple in this same year, 1656.
The Narrative is the work of a foolish man, but there is much
in it that is interesting, and its frank conceit is amusing.
It is primarily an attack upon the Continuation of Sir Richard
Bakers Chronicle (professedly written by Ed. Phillips, but
probably inspired by Dr. Clarges), and upon the view that
" Monk was he that did bring in the King." It is preceded
by a sketch of the argument in doggerel verse. According to
Mr. Collins, he himself was the man that did bring in the
King, it " pleasing the Lord to put it into his mind " to argue
with the General in such solemn and convincing fashion that
Monk was always much " touched," or " moved," or " troubled,"
and usually ended by praying his mentor to tell him what he
ought to do. The narrator pictures himself as hurrying about
from Speaker to General, from General to City, from City back
to General, until he gradually brought everybody into a right
frame of mind, and the Restoration was happily accomplished.
25. b
XVI
Not the least amusing feature is the violence with which
he rebuts the idea of Dr. Clarges having done not a tenth part
of what he professes to have done himself. It is absurd
(according to him) to suppose the General to have been
influenced by Clarges, but by no means absurd to believe him
to have been guided by Collins.
In spite, however, of the vanity of the narrator, there is,
as before said, much of interest in the narrative, and a good
deal to be learnt from it as regards Monk, and his relations
with the Speaker, the City, and the Parliament.
The attitude of the General's lady is rather humorously
described ; her anxiety to get possession of Hampton Court
[p. 226) ; her suddenly developed Royalist proclivities when
she found the Restoration inevitable ; her energy in preparing
Whitehall for the King (while with equal energy she emptied
his fishponds for her own use) ; her ostentatious setting of
her maids to work in public at the embroidery of hangings
for the King's bed, and her perturbation concerning the return
of the King's old friends, lest her husband should be put in
the background by those who had borne the toil and heat of the
day (pp. 229, 230).
There are a good many scraps of information, too, about the
doings in the City, and the gradually awakening loyalty there,
as shown at the banquets given to Monk and his officers, where
the Temple musicians were told they must give up their ''usual
old songs" and get others more suitable to the occasion, and
where, as the Royalist tone became more pronounced, a masque
was performed, in which Monk was represented as St. George,
and was assured, " We'll celebrate your name for ever after,
if you'll restore the King, as he'd the daughter" (p. 223).
The other lengthy manuscript contained in this collection lifts
the reader into a very different atmosphere. In perfectly simple
fashion, and with unaffected modesty, Dr. George Clarke tells
us the history of his long and useful life, from the time when,
as a little child, he tumbled out of a coach, his legs luckily
falling into a hole in the road (in the middle of Whitehall !),
so big that the carriage wheels passed harmlessly over them
(p. 259). He must have been a loveable child, to judge by
the affectionate gratitude with which, a lifetime afterwards,
the friends of his childhood were remembered. As a small boy,
XV11
lie went to a school kept by one Mr. Andrews, who, though
a Papist, took good care that the faith of his Protestant pupils
should not be tampered with. At ten years old, his school
life was brought to an end by an attack of small-pox, and from
this time his education was undertaken by his stepfather, Dr.
Barrowe (Milton's friend), of whom he writes with the utmost
love and reverence.
In July, 1676, he entered himself at Brasenose College,
Oxford, and in the following year, " spoke verses " in the
theatre, and won the first square cap ever worn by a commoner.
After taking his degree, he intended to read for the Bar, but
his views altered in 1680, when, at the time of the changes
in All Souls' College, caused by Archbishop Sancroft's action,
he obtained a fellowship there, which he held to the end of his
life. In March, 1681-2, he was appointed Judge- Advocate of
the army, vice his stepfather, who resigned in his favour ; but,
" there being hardly any land forces in England but horse and
foot guards," there were not many occasions for courts martial
(p. 262). When down at Plymouth, in 1684, he went to St.
Nicholas' island, where Major-General Lambert had been
imprisoned, and relates what he heard concerning his death.
" He always loved gardening, and took a delight, during his
confinement, to work in a little garden there. One day, as he
was at work, some gentlemen came in a boat to see the island,
and the Major-General went in to change his nightgown, that
he might wait upon the company in a more decent dress, and
catched a cold that brought him to his grave" (p. 263).
Upon King Charles' death, King James renewed Dr. Clarke's
patent and increased his salary. He wished to go down into
the west with the army marching against Monmouth, but was
delayed by the King, and only arrived after the capture of
the Duke. He seems to have taken no part in the terrible after
scenes there, for he merely says that he went to the Bath,
and to see his mother, and then hurried back to London to
the trial of " some of the soldiers of the regiments that came
from Holland, and had declared that they would be for the
black Jemmy against the white" {p. 263).
On Sir Leoline Jenkins' death, he became member for Oxford
University, defeating Dr. Oldys by seventy-nine votes ; but before
he reached town, Parliament was prorogued. On his return to
b2
XV111
Oxford, Obadiah Walker, the Papist head of University College,
threatening that the " three questions " should shortly be put to
him, he thought it wiser to absent himself for a time, and went
to visit the Dean of Gloucester, the Bishop of Bristol, and other
friends. In company with the warden of his College, Dr.
Finch, son of Lord Winchilsea, he went to Longleat, where
Lord Weymouth showed them the Character of a Trimmer,
" and," says Dr. Clarke, " Sir William Coventry was named
for the author of it, but after the Revolution, George, Marquis
of Halifax, told me he had written it" (p. 264).
In 1887 occurred King James' celebrated visit to Oxford.
Anthony a Wood mentions his Majesty's speech to Clarke about
All Souls' College, but the doctor's own account is much more
amusing. The King having told him that they held their
lands by praying for souls, he " endeavoured to set his Majesty
right" by assuring him that there was no such thing in their
charter. The King retorted that he had it from their visitor,
Archbishop Sheldon, who ought to know, and Clarke at this
point had wisdom enough not to argue the matter any further,
being indeed told afterwards that he was "but an ill-courtier"
for going so far (p. 265).
He goes on to describe the " second chiding " given to the
fellows of Magdalen by the King, who put himself into so great
a passion that he faltered in his speech, while Lord Sunderland
stood by his elbow "with much sedate malice in his face."
As the gentlemen of Magdalen were leaving the room, he heard
Charnock say to them, " Come, let's obey the King, let's obey
the King," upon which Mr. Wilkes turned about and told him
with a good deal of firmness, " Mr. Charnock, we must obey God
before the King" (p. 266). Clarke regrets that his old friend,
Dr. Parker, accepted the Presidentship of Magdalen from the
Bang's hand, " but he was a man of ambition."
When Dr. Cartwright, the Bishop of Chester, " who had shown
great complaisance to Dr. Leybourne, the King's bishop, as he
called him," came to Oxford as commissioner for Magdalen,
he asked Clarke why the gentlemen of the Church of England
were so averse from complying with the King, who meant to give
them a better security than the Test and Penal laws, saying,
" Would not anyone who has a bond part with it for a judgment ?"
to which Lord Chief Justice Wright rejoined, " My Lord, the
XIX
Church, of England has a statute, which is better than a judg-
ment, and would anyone part with a better security for a worse?"
{p. 266).
Dr. Clarke was at the court-martial upon the Portsmouth
officers, who refused to take Papists into their regiments, and
waited on the King with their answer. " I can never forget,
he says, "the concern he was in, which showed itself by a
dejection rather than anger ; indeed at that time he began to
be apprehensive of the Prince of Orange's design, so that the
change which appeared in him is not to be wondered at"
(p. 267).
Perhaps the most graphic part of the whole narrative is the
account of what happened after the landing of the Prince, when
Clarke, going westward, met the King and the army marching
back, and was an eye-witness of the confusion of the court
and the bewilderment of James, who knew not whom to trust,
for "everybody in this hurly-burly was thinking of himself, and
nobody minded the King." When the news spread that the
Prince of Denmark and the Duke of Ormond had deserted him,
Lord Lichfield remarked with a sigh, " Poor man, they will
leave him so fast, they will not give him time to make terms "
(p. 268).
In the summer of 1689, Clarke went down to the north
with the Commissioners of the army, and was in Edinburgh
when the Castle surrendered to Sir John Lanier.
The following year, he accompanied King William to Ireland,
and was present at the battle of the Boyne. He was much
struck by the little notice which the King took of " that very
great man" the Duke of Schonberg. All his trust was in his
Dutch officers, and Schonberg was not even consulted about the
line of march. Clarke believed that the veteran General felt
this so much that it made him reckless and desirous of death.
He was killed quite early in the battle. The King "did
not seem to be concerned," but just at that time he was
in great anxiety for his Blue Guards, who were in danger
from a body of Irish horse. Clarke, who was near him,
heard him say softly to himself, " My poor guards, my
poor guards," but when he saw them stand their ground
and force back the horse in disorder, he drew a long breath,
and said his guards had done what he never saw foot
XX
do before in his life. Clarke says nothing could have been
more fortunate for the English army than King James' carrying
off, to act as his convoy, the French frigates which, fresh from
their victory at Beachy Head, had been intended to scour St.
George's Channel, intercept provisions and cut off correspondence
with England (p. 274).
After the battle of the Boyne, Clarke remained in Ireland at
the King's request "to help Count Solms," and was with the
latter until he left for England, just before the surrender of
Cork, at the siege of which place the gallant Duke of Grafton
(son of Charles II.) lost his life. Lord Inchiquin, who had the
perusing of his papers after his death, found amongst them
a most kind letter from King William to him " upon occasion
of his behaviour in the sea fight off Beachy, where he acted
only as private captain, though before the Revolution . . .
he had been vice or rear- Admiral of England" (p. 277). If
he had lived, Clarke thinks it very probable that he would
have made a great name in naval affairs.
Many details are given of the doings of the English troops
in Ireland, the most interesting being the notice of the siege
and surrender of Limerick. " It may appear very strange," he
remarks, " that a numerous garrison, not pressed by any want,
should give up a town which nobody was in a condition to take
from them, at a time when those who lay before it had actually
drawn off their cannon and were preparing to march away,
and when that garrison did every day expect a squadron of
ships to come to their relief." The explanation was, he believed,
that Sarsfield wished to get away, as he reckoned upon making
himself considerable in France by taking over there such a large
body of troops (p. 281).
On December 5, 1691, Dr. Clarke left Ireland, in company
with General Ginckle, and after this, during King William's
absence abroad, was, as secretary of war, much in attendance
upon the Queen, until " she was snatched away from a nation
that did not deserve such a blessing as to be governed by
her" (v. 282).
Upon Queen Anne's accession, he became secretary to Prince
George of Denmark, Lord High Admiral, until by his opposition
to the Court candidate for the Speaker's chair in 1705, he lost
his office, from which time he absented himself altogether from
XXI
the Court until 1711, when he went up to return thanks to
the Queen, who had put him into the Commission of the
Admiralty without his knowledge.
Meanwhile, he had built himself the house adjoining All
Souls', which he bequeathed to the College for the warden's
lodgings, and having now also disposed of his place of Judge-
Advocate to Mr. Byde (the purchaser of Ware Park from the
Fanshaws) he removed all his books and goods to Oxford, and
there " enjoyed, thank God, a great deal of quiet for many
years" {jpV. 283, 284).
In 1710, Lord Eochester died, much lamented by Dr. Clarke,
who believed that, had he lived, the last years of Queen Anne's
reign would have passed more to her own and her people's
satisfaction, and things have taken a different turn (p. 285).
On Lord Hyde's going up to the House of Lords, Clarke
succeeded him as member for Launceston, but upon Sir William
Whitlock's death in 1717, he was again chosen for his University,
and retained his seat there until his death.
The last pages of the chronicle are mostly taken up with
recording the loss of one valued friend after another. " Among
many inconveniences of age," he sadly remarks, " the outliving
friends is not the least grievous ; it is a taking away of comfort
and assistance at a time when one most needs them, and at
this time of life new friendships are not easily made " (p. 287).
One wonders if the lonely old bachelor never regretted his
determination not to marry, " because he did not understand
women."
The autobiography closes with the writer's election for the
fifth time to represent his University in 1734, an honour which
he was very unwilling to receive, for old age and failing sight
were rendering him unfit to attend his duty in Parliament,
and were making his life, as he pathetically says, " very un-
comfortable." " Pray God," he concludes, " prepare and fit me
for another."
The earlier letters and papers in the Clarke portion of this
collection, dated from 1648 to September, 1659, include many
individual papers of interest, but are as a whole much less
valuable than the later ones, as might be expected from the
fulness of the Worcester College collection of that period;
XX11
selections from which have been printed by Mr. Firth in his
Clarke Papers, Scotland during the Commonwealth, and Scotland
during the Protectorate. The letters of Captain Ingram and
Thomas Margetts {p. 6) have already been printed by Mr.
Firth. There is an interesting aeount by Colonel Rainborowe
of the siege of Pontefract, and the animosity of Sir Henry
Cholmley to Fairfax, whose orders he flatly refused to obey,
declaring that his Excellency had nothing to do with them or
they with him (p. 7). Eobert Spavin, Cromwell's secretary
(who was afterwards dismissed and punished for selling passes
and protections), writes to the same effect.
On p. 9, is one of the few letters written from the Royalist
point of view. It describes the state of Charles' Court at the
time when Montrose, and also Lanerick and Loudon were there,
and at daggers drawn with each other. " To sum up all,"
the writer says, " our King hath as hard a game to play as
our poor prince had ; his counsellors but few, and they hated
by most, his court but little, and yet full of factions, and these
increased hj the quarrels of the Scots lords."
The complaints of the Hampshire folk against the soldiers
and the account of the Diggers on St. George's Hill (p. 14)
have been printed by Mr. Firth. On p. 14 also, is a letter from
Col. Poyer (the victim selected by lot for execution after what
is generally known as Laugharne's rebellion in Wales), defend-
ing his conduct and pleading for mercy. The plea, however,
was not accepted, and he was shot in the Piazza of Covent
Garden on April 25, 1649. Clarke notices that " it is observable
that the lot should fall upon him, who was the first beginner
of the second war."
After this there is a break in the series of Clarke letters,
the next being dated in November, when Col. John Pyne wrote
complaining of the spread of John Lilburne's opinions, and the
difficulty of getting pay for the soldiers (now that all the
sequestration moneys were ordered to be sent straight up to
Goldsmiths' Hall, and the County Committees left without
funds), so that the men were discontented and apt to turn
Levellers, and " the old deceitful interest under the notion of the
Presbyterian party" began to practise their old designs {p. 51).
Two letters from Coventry give a curious picture of some of
the -wild fanatics of the time {pp. 57, 59).
...
xxm
In the spring of 1650, men's eyes were all turned towards
Scotland, where the young King was daily expected. Col.
Duckenfield strongly urged the desirability of promptly
despatching the army northwards, and fighting the Scots before
their harvest supplied them with money, and in May, Lieut.-
Col. Hobson wondered much at the army's not marching,
especially now that the agreement between the King and Scots
was confirmed. Many of the old Royalists, he says, are quite
taken off by it from siding with the King, and some, lately
come to Newcastle, who were with Montrose, tell of their sad
usage by the Presbyterians, saying moreover that the heart of
Montrose was broken before the fight in the very thoughts that
the King and Scots would agree; that Charles the Second had
thereby as much betrayed the interests of the Royalists as
any sectary in England, " and that 'twas as lawful to fight
for a jack in a box as for a King locked in a Scots saddle."
In a postscript he notes that Montrose's execution is being
hurried on before they can hear from the King, and he ends
by lamenting that the k' honest party" in England and Scotland
should fight each other on the quarrel of him that would destroy
both (p. 73).
In November, Joseph Frost (son of Gualter Frost, the old
Clerk of the Council) writes ascribing the premature death
of the Prince of Orange to his having "espoused the quarrel
of that wicked Scottish family," and speaks of his poor young
widow as "left big with child, and laden with that often
imprecation of her father — God so deal by me and mine, &c."
(p. 78). Five days before this letter was written, on November 4,
O.S., her nineteenth birthday, the Princess had given birth
to the son who was afterwards to turn his mother's brother
from his throne.
In this same November, 1650, Margetts and Rushworth
sent Clarke various letters on passing occurrences; the
doings of the ranters, whom truly the reports render " stark
mad"; the i' subscription " getting up approving the King's
death; the alarm caused by the intelligence of the rising in
Norfolk and Suffolk, &c. {pp. 77-79).
On p. 105 is the only letter of Cromwell's (except a
very short note on p. 13) contained in this volume, written
to Colonel Robert Lilburne, concerning the allowance of
XXIV
travelling money to the disbanded soldiers in Scotland,
the sending of the train horses and of moneys thither,
and the " reducing " of one of the quartermasters of the draught
horses. The answer to this letter is printed in " Scotland and
the Commonwealth."
The report of the proceedings before the Committee of Plun-
dered Ministers in the case of Mr. Erbury, accused of blas-
phemous speeches and false teaching, has already been printed
by Mr. Firth in the " Clarke Papers, Vol. II."
One of Clarke's: cousins, Thos. Sherman, was in 1653-4
quartered in the Lewis, at Loch Stornaway, whence he writes
three or four letters, which have some interest in relation to
Clarke's family affairs, and to the movements of Lord Seaforth
and his Highlanders (pp. 107-109).
On p. 112 is a curious account of a female soldier.
In March, 1659, there occurred the quarrel between Whalley
and Ashneld, which is mentioned by Ludlow, and caused a
serious division amongst the officers of the army. Lieut.-Col.
Gough, who was with Ashneld at the time, sent an account
of it to Clarke, and a little later Ashneld wrote himself on
the subject (pp. 114, 115).
Towards the end of April, the army demanded that the Parlia-
ment should be dissolved*. Richard was obliged to yield —
bargaining, however, that he should not be compelled to dis-
miss it in person — and on the 22nd the proclamation was issued
and the doors were locked. " The fourth estate," as Lord Falk-
land had prophesied to his fellow-members, had turned them
out of doors. This, however, was by no means the view which
the officers themselves wished to have taken of the affair, and
on the 23rd Fleetwood wrote to Monk, saying that he feared
the late action of the army might be misrepresented to him,
as if they had forced the Parliament, whereas "his Highness
by his own authority did dissolve them, in which the army
did stand by his Highness."
Of the rapidly succeeding events — the retirement of Richard,
the recall of the Long Parliament, &c. — these papers have
nothing to say, but there is a letter from Wariston, then Presi-
dent of the Council of State, written in July, describing the
throng of business consequent upon the expected rising of the
Royalists (p. 118), and an account of the meeting of Lambert's
XXV
officers at Derby — after the suppression of Booth's insurrec-
tions— to draw up the petition, or, one might rather say, to
formulate the demands, which they intended to send up to the
House (p. 122).
The refusal of Parliament to accede to the demands of Lam-
bert's army led, as is well known, to a new rupture ; Lambert
and Desborough were dismissed, the former marched to London
and was joined by the troops sent out to oppose him, the Parlia-
ment ceased to sit, and once more the power rested with the
Council of officers at Wallingford House.
Then Monk for the first time made a sign, and called upon
his Scottish army to rally round him in defence of the Parlia-
ment.
From this point the Littlecote papers become of great
importance, supplying much information that can be found
nowhere else concerning Monk's dealings with his own army
in Scotland and the measures taken by him to suppress opposi-
tion in the English army after he reached London.
At the end of October he sent round a declaration of fidelity
to Parliament and to himself, to be signed by the various
regiments, together with copies of his three letters to Fleet-
wood, Lambert, and Lenfhall. His army was devoted to him,
and for the most part accepted the declaration without demur
(see Colonel Man's letter from Scone, p. 125), but probably many
of the officers in their hearts felt what Captain Scrape, an
old officer of the Commonwealth, who had fought in Essex's
horse regiment at the first battle of Newbury, dared to say.
" Indeed, my Lord," he wrote to Monk on November 14, " it is
so sad to me when I do think upon it that my heart is
almost overwhelmed within me, that we which have prayed
together, took counsel together, fought together, obtained
victories together, and rejoiced so often together, I say that we,
which have been thus together, should be anywise provoked each
against other so high to engage one another's heads and hands
for the fighting one against another to the destroying of each
other, which, through God's mercy, the common enemy was
not ever permitted to do" (p. 126).
At Ayr the officers of Col. Sawrey's regiment apparently
retracted upon more mature consideration the consent which
they had previously given, and Major Robson fears that so
xxvi
many of them "will not be free to act in this good and con-
siderable business," that if they resign, some companies will
not have one commissioned officer left them, although the com-
panies themselves are fully satisfied (p. 127). In consequence
of the non-acceptance of Monk's terms by the senior officers,
Eobson himself was just at this time made colonel of the
regiment.
There was now great alarm at Wallingford House. Lam-
bert was appointed commander in the north of England, and
commissioners were sent to Monk, who, however, resolved
to despatch three agents of his own to London. Instead of
carrying out Monk's instructions, his commissioners hurriedly
concluded a treaty with the Committee of Safety, in which they
went so far beyond their instructions that the General and his
officers refused to ratify it (p. 131). Before, however, he could
possibly have had time to hear what had happened, Monk wrote
his celebrated letter to the Lord Mayor, which created such
indignation that the bearers, Colonels Atkins and Markham,
were at once put under arrest. Negotiations were set on foot
in the north for a fresh treaty, and instructions, public and
private, were given by Monk to a fresh set of commissioners
(j>p. 128, 129). It is not clear whether the private instructions
were drawn up for them or for the former ones, but probably
they were much the same in each case. One point greatly
emphasized in them is that the members of the new Parliament,
if called, are " to indent with the sheriff against Charles Stewart
and any other single person whatever," shewing that if Monk
had at this time no intention of restoring the King, he also
had no intention of setting himself up as head of the government.
The Council of officers in London had at last resolved that a
new Parliament should be called, and that it should consist
of two houses. On December 24, Col. Atkins wrote trium-
phantly that they were nearly at the end of their troubles.
He quotes Fleetwood's well-known message to the Speaker,
and says that he, Desborough, Berry, Ashfield, and the rest,
are in a mourning condition, thinking it in vain to fly, yet
knowing that some examples must be made. As for the Ana-
baptists, they are all " as tame as asses and as mute as fishes."
(p. 136.)
On January 2nd, the Mayor and Aldermen of Carlisle sent
XXV11
Monk the assurance of their adherence ; the first apparently
of the long series of addresses which poured down upon him
during his march through England, that memorable march of
an army whose proclaimed object was to vindicate the superiority
of the civil over the military power.
On January 27, Monk was at Dunstable, where Collins relates
that he met him, charged by Lenthall with a letter and messages,
advising the General by no means to offer to surrender his
commission, lest the Parliament should take him at his word.
When Monk reached London, on February 4th, his designs
were as much unknown as ever, and were the subject of endless
surmises, some hoping " the best of him, that he will seek
the nation's good" by declaring for a free Parliament, others
fearing that he will join the Rump party (pp- 142-145). Some
letters written to Bristol at this time give a graphic account
of the tumults in the city, and of Monk's entrance and subse-
quent proceedings. One of the suggestions made is that Lam-
bert may gather together the scattered soldiers that are abroad
and with them declare for a free Parliament, as " there is little
chance of Monk's doing so." Collins' narrative gives many
details of what happened at this time.
Meanwhile, the Royalists were bestirring themselves in
Yorkshire, and a meeting of gentry was held at York,
under the lead of Lord Fairfax, in spite of the pro-
tests of Sir Thomas Morgan and of Col. Charles Fairfax.
Divers of the gentlemen, including Lord Fairfax himself,
and Lord Fauconberg, Cromwell's son-in-law, met the
two commanders before the meeting, engaging to them
in honour only to do fair things ; upon which and on finding
that the intention was only to send an address to Monk, who,
if he disliked it, might simply put it in his pocket, they were
permitted to meet. But afterwards, being " certified that they
acted high " and having seen a copy of the paper they intended
to present, Morgan and Colonel Charles went to the place
of meeting and declared their opinion of the said paper: that
they conceived it to be of dangerous consequence and " tending
to the embruing these poor nations into blood again." Lord
Fairfax wrote a private letter to Monk, explaining that special
care was taken at the meeting to exclude all who had been
in arms against Parliament, and assuring him that it was not
XXV111
the contrivance of a few, but " the desires of the most con-
siderable part of the country," who would have met in far
greater numbers but frr giving occasion of jealousy to the
soldiers. He urged Monk— as one who might be so good a
means, by the assistance of God, to restore the nation to its
just rights — -to consider what they were sending to him, praying
that he might be a happy instrument to open a door of hope
for the people. The public letter thus sent up is at the British
Museum (Egerton MSS. 2,618, f. 60) and a printed copy of it
(and of the declaration enclosed with it) is amongst the State
Papers at the Public Record Office. On the 18th, Monk replied
to them with an assurance that it had been settled that the
house should be filled up and that there would be no qualification
that could hinder the excluded members from sitting, which,
though not exactly what they propounded would, he hoped, give
them satisfaction (pp. 146-155).
Three or four letters from officers in Ireland are valuable
as throwing light on the movement got up there by Coote,
Theophilus Jones, and others, in support of Monk's action in
England (jpp. 141, 155).
Towards the end of February, dissatisfaction and disturbance
began to show themselves amongst the troops, notably in Col.
Rich's regiment, whose quarter-master, Humphrey "Warren,
writes to Monk that endeavours are being used to make the
soldiers believe that Parliament intends to call in Charles Stewart.
A few days later, a further account of Rich's doings is sent by
Col. Ingoldsby (who was Monk's right hand in putting down
both Rich's and Lambert's intended insurrections), and the
articles against him are summarized on p. 168. Even yet,
Monk's comrades were very slow to take up the idea that he
really meant to restore the monarchy, but the people were
rapidly becoming enthusiastic, and to their clamour for a free
Parliament were now adding their demand for a King (pp. 159,
162, 163). There is a very interesting letter from Col. Overton,
written as late as March 6th, in which he states that the " general
noise of the nation for a King" has so startled the garrison at
Hull that they had felt it necessary to declare to Monk their
adherence to him (see the letter from the garrison, p. 163) in
his resolution to support a Commonwealth, trusting that his
integrity had so armed him against all such influences that
XXIX
they would prove abortive in the birth. After representing
the needs of his soldiers, and urging the payment of
their arrears before any steps are taken for disbanding
them, Overton concludes by assuring his Lordship of his
constant adherence " to the cause of a Commonwealth, in
opposition to a King, single person or House of Lords, or any
other arbitrary government." In fact he protests so much that
it looks as if he had doubts concerning Monk's intentions,
although he professes such confidence in them (p. 170), and
this idea is supported by the letter sent up by the garrison
the week before, in which they plainly hint their suspicions,
urge Monk to continue constant to what he had so positively
declared in the presence of God against that interest, and pro-
claim their resolution to live and die in the Commonwealth cause.
In the west of England, Col. Okey, who feared from Monk's
letter u that Charles Stuart would follow," had been giving
some trouble, but he presently retracted his opposition, " to
the dissipation of the black cloud" which had been hanging
over Bristol (pp. 160, 164). He was not satisfied, however,
and, continuing his agitation, was dismissed by Monk a few
weeks later.
Captain Kelly and Colonel Whetham both wrote on April
12 respecting the expectations and high bearing of the Cavaliers,
Whetham boldly saying that if they must have a single pers,on,
he wishes they would pitch upon his Excellency. Col. Fairfax
and Col. Hugh Bethel at York, Colonel Streater and Sir John
Norwich at Northampton, Major John Browne at Reading,
and others send details of the doings of Lambert's party and
the disturbances in Yorkshire (pp. 175-177, 180-182).
The list of the London Militia Commissioners, with notes
(p. 166), the account of the quarrel between the old and
new (i.e., the King's and Marshal's) Colleges at Aberdeen
(p. 134), and letters from Hugh Peters (p. 179), Sir
Charles Ccote, on the adjournment of the Irish Conven-
tion {p. 179), and Col. Fairfax, on the reading of the
proclamation announcing the return of the King (p. 182),
are worth notice. See also letters from Col. Unton Croke,
son of Sir John Croke, a former Recorder of London and
Speaker of the House of Commons (jp. 174), Sir Wm. Lockhart,
husband of Cromwell's niece Robina (pp. 172, 176), and Major,
XXX
afterwards Sir Edward Harley — son of Sir Robert Harley and
Briiliana Conway — who is so often alluded to in his grand-
father's letters as his "little Ned" (pp. 176, 189). Papers
relating to Oxford are scattered through the volume, for which
the reader is referred to the index.
Rather a curious point may be mentioned in regard to a MS.
copy of the letter from S. L. to Lambert (p. 124), enclosing
a supposed proclamation of Charles II. These were printed
as a tract in 1659, and again by Lord Somers, who strongly
defends the authenticity of the proclamation. It is difficult,
however, to take it seriously, and the MS. version amongst
these papers makes it more so, as it is spelt throughout in the
Scotch, not the English fashion. From this it would appear
that the whole was written by a Scotchman, for whilst it would
be quite natural to alter the spelling to the English manner
when printing it, it is hardly conceivable that anyone copying
a document, would take the trouble to turn the English spelling
into Scotch.
Of post-Restoration papers there are very few.
The most interesting perhaps are the letters from Col. Daniel
and Sir Thomas Morgan on the state of affairs in Scotland
(pp. 189-192). Amongst others worthy of notice are a
list of the Fellows ejected at Oxford in 1648 and of those
put in their places, which, though very imperfect, has points
wjiich do not appear to be noticed by Anthony a Wood,
the Register of Visitors or elsewhere (p. 184) ; a curious
inventory of goods of the late King, bought (for a very small
sum) by Sir William Clarke (p. 194) ; a rather interesting
news-letter from the Hague, written in December, 1655
{p. 195) ; and a long letter from Dean Prideaux, on the nations
of the east (p. 254). There are several good Ormond letters
(copies by Dr. Clarke), which are printed here, as although
most — perhaps all — of them are in the Bodleian Library, they
are only calendared in manuscript. One from the Duke of
York to the King (p. 242), although very clearly dated, would
seem to belong to the spring of 1682, when the Duke had
triumphed over his enemies (and when he was certainly at
Windsor during the last week of April), rather than to that
of 1678, when, so far from, the King being master, he was
in the midst of the struggle with his Parliament, and "the
XXXI
factious party which, was then prevalent amongst them made
it their only business to be rid of the Duke, to pull down
the ministers and to weaken the Crown" {Life of James II.).
A large number of documents, which formerly made part
of the Littlecote collection, were purchased in 1884 for the
British Museum, and now form Yols. 2,618-2,621 of the Egerton
MSS. ; the contents of the volumes being as follows: —
Eg. 2,618. Miscellaneous historical and other letters and
papers, mostly drawn from the Clarke portion of the collection
(1556-1753).
Eg. 2,619. Original letters from Queen Henrietta Maria to
Charles I. (1642-1645). The greater number printed by Mrs.
Everett Green from copies in the Harley MSS.
Eg. 2,620. Original letters of Oliver Cromwell (1648-1654).
Printed in the English Historical Review, 1887, p. 150.
Eg. 2,621. Correspondence and papers of Admiral Arthur
Herbert, cr. Earl of Torrington in 1689, chiefly relating to
the Revolution of 1688.
This Report has been prepared and the introduction has
been written by Mrs. S. C. Lomas. Mr. C. H. Firth has
given much kind help and advice during the progress of the
work.
25.
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF
F. W. LEYBORNE-POPHAM, Esq.
OF LITTLECOTE, co. WILTS.
Recusants.
1582, May 27 — Note, by John Manning, of the certificates
from the Bishops of several dioceses of recusants in the said
dioceses, " to remain of record in the Crown Office."
Papists and Jesuits..
[1585 ?J — " Questions to be answered for the Justice of Eng-
land," being queries to be referred to the Lord Treasurer, Lord
Chief Baron, Lieutenant of the Tower, &c, concerning the causes
and manner of punishment of Papists and Jesuits, apparently
with a view to refuting the statements of some book in their
defence. Haydock and Hemerford are spoken of as "lately
executed."
G. Alexander to his cousin, Humphrey Popham.
[1586, circa?] July 4. Dublin — I hope you have long before
this received my former letter, together with the other to my
father, and two rugs, and a runlet of Irish aqua-vitse, to be
conveyed to him. I pray you send him the enclosed, and when
you get his letters to me in answer, see them safely delivered to
Mr. Fantleroy or some others of my fellows, to be sent hither
with all speed possible. I hope to see you in London at Michael-
mas.
[There is a Thomas Fauntleroy in the service of Sir Henry
Wallop, Vice-Treasurer and one of the Lords Justices of Ireland,
whose name occurs frequently in the Irish Calendar o>f State
Papers 1586-1588, as sending packets over to Ireland.]
Thomas Stanley to Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of
England.
[1599 ?] — " It is holden a principle in experience that as many
threads are stronger than one by combination, so many men's
heads are better than one in consultation," and thus a work of
worth may be performed by those whom the world deems weak.
" Excellent is that law, my honourable good Lord, which is last
provided for the poor, but yet as gold, be it never so precious,
is unprofitable without use, so laws, be they never so laudable,
want life without execution." I pray leave to inform you of what
25. Wt 1773 A
will much strengthen your careful proceedings for erecting houses
of correction. It is a good work which your Lordship has in
hand and the Lord of Hosts will give his blessing to it. " It is
now, my Lord, very near two years expired since myself and
others engaged ourselves in prosecuting this cause," which alone
has kept me in London with great charge and loss of time. I
did not undertake it for private gain but for the good of my
country, and to shew my duty to her Majesty and to your Lord-
ship. " Give me leave, I beg you, a little further to expostulate
with your Honour what now remaineth to finish this good and
godly work. Surely nothing but authority, which by reference
from her Majesty your honour hath. I doubt not but your
honour's purpose is to have the service to be of continuance. I
can no way see that we, the undertakers, shall be able to perform
and hold it out to the good of the country, except your Lordship
will vouchsafe to be a means that we may have authority granted
unto us by her Majesty's letters patents for the employment of
the stocks and implements to govern the houses, giving good and
sufficient security for the stock in every county, with privilege
of such works as by us hath at our great charge been devised only
to perform this business, which works were never yet practised
nor used by any other in this land." We will proceed only in
Middlesex and Surrey, reforming the great abuses there, although
there are other counties that have stock of money ready, and
would have us come to them because they want men of experience
to manage the work. The magistrates would like to take the
benefit away from those that first revealed the means, " by means
whereof the poor hath not been so set on work as they might have
been . . . The greatness of your honour's weighty affairs
in term time enforceth your Lordship that you cannot intend this
business, therefore, according to your Lordship's direction, and
as my duty is, my purpose was most willingly to have attended
your Lordship this vacation, but having especial matters in the
country this summer, which toucheth my poor estate very near,
I humbly make bold to commend these bearers unto your honour
with a book ready drawn by advice of counsel concerning this
business, most humbly beseeching your Lordship in God's name
vouchsafe to peruse over the said book, with these other few
reasons here enclosed, and to give such allowance or correction
thereunto as to your honour shall seem convenient. Since your
Lordship's departure from London, I was with my Lord Mayor,
Mr. Recorder, and Sir Robert "Wroth, they being all together at
the merchants' feast, and they told me their money shall be ready
at what time your Lordship please to appoint. Surrey in most
parts is also ready, so as I trust with your honourable furtherance
the busine s will be prosperously forwarded." [Probably
relates to the Act of 1597.]
Roger Downes and William Stapleton.
1601, September 21 — Fine levied upon Roger Downes, in the
Queen's Court at Chester, before Sir Richard Lewkener, in regard
of certain lands in Nether Upton, Upton and Macclesfield, co.
Chester, in suit between himself and William Stapleton. Latin.
Copy on parchment.
John Foden and Edward Cherye.
1601, September 21 — Extract from the Plea Rolls concerning
the above-mentioned, in relation to the Upton property. Latin.
Parchment.
Balliol College, Oxford, to Lord Chief Justice Popham.
1603, August 19. Balliol College — Understanding by a letter
delivered to us from your Lordship by Doctor Reynolds " that
your honour is desirous to be certified the cause wherefore the
fellows of our house cannot yield to the late addition of some
conditions to be annexed to Mr. BlundelPs foundation of the new
places in our house, both of the fellowship and scholarship,
according to your Lordship's desire, we have thought good, for
the better satisfaction and contentation of your Lordship, that the
master of our house, together with two of the ancient fellows,
Dr. Higgs and Mr. Gittines, should repair unto your Lordship
as well to acquaint your Lordship with the state of our old founda-
tions, as also upon mutual conference to yield to such competent
conditions as may not be overmuch of prejudiceness to the right
and liberty of the poor and ancient fellowship. And what they
shall do herein and agree unto with your Lordship, we, the rest of
the fellows, shall be willing to approve and ratify."
All Sottls College, Oxford.
1615, June 13 — Memorandum that all the masters of arts and
doctors [of All Souls College] " concurred with Wadham College
for the proctorship," except two or three, who were presumed by
their silence to agree with the others, and Dr. Osborne, who was
averse to it, but consented rather than differ from the rest.
Signed by Richard Moket, warden ; Anthony Daveys, sub-
warden ; and the bursars and deans of the college. Copy.
On the same sheet.
1615, June 14 — Memorandum that it was agreed by the warden
and dean of law, in the presence of the rest of the officers, that
Mr. Duppa, by not concurring with the rest in the election of a
proctor, violated his oath, damna, scandala, prcejudicia, collegio
non faciam, and that for this result he should be put out of com-
mons for three months. Richard Moket, warden ; Tho. Dingley,
dean of law. Copy.
On the same sheet.
1617, May 3— William Bennion, M.A. and fellow of All Souls
College, confessed before the warden and other officers that a letter
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated April 26, had been twice
read to him, which letter admonished the members of the college
that when the major part of the fellows agreed in the choice
oi a proctor, no man was publicly to dissent from the agreement,
and by so doing to make the college a scorn to the University.
Dorso : — "In Dr. Woodward's time, the ten chaplains of New
College were turned out by the sole power of the warden."
Parliament.
[1628] April 3 — Paper book containing proceedings in Parlia-
ment concerning the liberty of the subject, on April 3 and 7. It
gives the resolutions of April 3 and part of Littleton's speech
and the whole of Selden's and Coke's speeches on the 7th ; also
a portion of the Attorney- General [Heath's] objections, and copies
of some of the records cited, being almost identical with the
account in State Trials, vol III., p. 82 et seq.
Dr. Corbett, Bishop of Norwich.
1634, April 19. Norwich — Speech delivered to his clergy at
a synod held at Norwich on this date, urging them to contribute
to the repairs of St. Paul's Cathedral. [Printed in the Calendar
of State Papers, Domestic, 1633-1634, hut under date April 29.]>
Charles I. to Dr. John Prideaux [Bishop of "Worcester and]
Yice-Chancellor of Oxford University.
1642, July 1. Court at York — Granting permission that all
orders, &c, of Parliament may be publicly read in the University
provided that his answers to them be read at the same time.
Copy.
Oxford University.
[1642] July 12 — Parliament order, forbidding the University
to send the college plate to the King at York, and ordering the
apprehension of Dr. Prideaux, Dr. Fell, Dr. Frewin, and Dr.
Potter, who have been active in the matter. Copy. [Printed in
Lords' Journals, Vol. V ., p. 208.]
Divers [of Oxford University] to the House of Commons.
[1642 ?] — By the power and greatness of the Archbishop, their
late Chancellor, your petitioners have extremely suffered in their
liberties and freedoms, and are still enthralled by divers statutes
and ordinances contained in a book of statutes, by his power
and procurement imposed on them, as it may appear by the
remonstrance hereunto annexed.
Therefore they humbly pray this honourable House that the
said book of statutes may be annulled, and such other statutes
established as are agreeable to the ancient liberties and privileges
of the said University, and may tend to the advancement of learn-
ing, good manners, and the true reformed Protestant religion,
/Subjoined,
6
The Heads of the Remonstrance.
1. That the Archbishop's election to the Chancellorship was
not statuteably made.
2. That he procured a book of statutes to be imposed on the
University without consent of Convocation.
3. That he left out of the same book of statutes all former
statutes which gave any limitation to the Chancellor's
power.
4. That by the said book of statutes he enlarged his own
power unreasonably.
5 That by the said book of statutes he settled on himself a
vast arbitrary power.
6. That by the said [statutes] and otherwise he infringed
the ancient and necessary right of appeals.
7. That by the said statutes the liberties of Congregation and
Convocation are upon the matter quite taken away.
8. That he procured a meeting of heads of houses to be estab-
lished, whose proceedings are inconsistent with the liber-
ties oi the masters.
9. That by the said statutes all magistrates are free from
frequent punishment and the obligation of perjury if
they shall neglect their duties, unless it be exceeding
gross.
10. That he left others miserably fettered under the said
statutes, by variety of punishments, oaths and subscrip-
tions.
1J. That he endeavoured to betray the privileges of the Uni-
versity into his own hands by subjecting the University
to a metropolitical visitation.
Earl of Newcastle.
1643, October 7 — Commission from the Earl of Newcastle to
Captain William Leyburne to be captain of a troop of harque-
busiers in the regiment under the command of Colonel Sir Ferdi-
nando Leigh, Bart. Signed.
Committee of Lords and Commons for the Associated Western
Counties to Colonel Edward Popham.
1645, May 5. Starchamber — Commission to be colonel of a
regiment of foot, with which he is immediately to march into the
west to Sir Thomas Fairfax. Signed by the Earl of Northumber-
land and fourteen others.
Charles I. to Queen Henrietta Maria.
1646, October 17. Newcastle — Stating why he cannot consent
to a Presbyterian form of government. Copy. [Printed in
Clarendon's State Papers, Vol. II., p. 277, and also, but with
variations, in Mr. Bruce 's "Letters of Charles I. to Henrietta
Maria;' p. 70.]
Charles I. to Queen Henrietta Maria.
1646, November 21. Newcastle — Concerning the Militia,
Church government, &c. Copy. [Printed in Clarendon, Vol.
II., p. 295, and M Letters of Charles I." p. 79.]
The Same to the Same.
1646, December 12 and 19. Newcastle — Concerning the cove-
nant, Militia, &c. Copy. [Printed in Clarendon, Vol. II., p.
313, and "Letters of Charles I" p. 84.]
John Crossman to Sir Thomas Fairfax.
1647, December 20. Windsor Castle — Complaining of his
unjust imprisonment, and protesting against the execution of
martial law.
Captain Lieutenant John Ingram to Sir Thomas Fairfax.
1647, December 21 — Concerning his committal by the Council
of War. [Printed in the " Clarke Papers," Vol. II., Appendix
A.}
Thomas Margetts to William Clarke.
1647, December 29. York — Concerning Levellers, the army,
the action of the Scots, &c. [Printed in the * Clarke Papers,'
Vol. II., Appendix A.~\
5>
John Ashburnham.
[1647] — Manuscript copy of Ashburnham' s " Narrative " of
King Charles I.'s escape to the Scottish army and to the Isle of
Wight. Draft. Imperfect.
[The MS. contains the first fifty (printed) pages of the
" Narrative," and is corrected in two handwritings, one of which
hears some resemblance to Ashburnham's own. The printed
" Narrative," of which the original is stated by Lord Ashburnham
to be m possession of the family, agrees with this MS. as
corrected."]
Coionel Thomas Eainborowe to Lord [General Fairfax].
1648, October 15. Doncaster — "I am much troubled that I
am not able to give your Excellency so good an account of the
business of Pontefract as I hoped by this I should have done.
I was necessitated to stay so long at London to gain the month's
pay for my regiment, as it was the last night ere I got hither.
This day I went to Pontefract and acquainted Sir Henry Cholmely
and the other chief officers with my orders from your Excellency
as to that business. He, with very much violence, declared his
non- submission thereto, saying your Excellency had nothing to
do with them nor they with you, and that he had told your
Excellency publicly so much when he was last at the head-
quarters. Colonel Fairfax and Colonel Malevory [Mauleverer]
told him they conceived otherwise and were ready and glad to
obey your Excellency's orders. He thereupon answered they and
all others that had a mind to it might, but that there was two
or three regiments that he was sure would not, but offered that
if I would write one letter to the Parliament he would write
another^ and as they ordered, it should be. I told him they had
given your Excellency your power and I was under your com-
mands, had your orders and expected no other, but should prosecute
them. He replied he should do the same by those orders he had
from the committee, and would obey no other unless immediately
from the Parliament. We are to meet at York with the com-
mittee of the Militia on Tuesday, and if they or the Parliament
shall take from him the power he hath received, he then resolves
to sit down with it. I found my regiment in the Isle of Axholm
and not engaged, because they could have no assurance of such
necessary provision as might put them into a condition of service.
I hear nothing from any of the horse your Excellency appointed
to march to me. The greatest want for the well managing of this
siege is horse, here being only two foot and two horse regiments,
one of each being upon duty every night and the other two lying
by in reserve, so that they are almost upon constant duty, which
hath so worn out the horse that the small party the enemy hath
in the castle baffles them exceedingly.
The enemy is increased since this siege from sixty to six score
horse. Last Friday they ruined one troop, killed eight, have
the captain, lieutenant and several others prisoners. Yesterday
they did the same to another troop, killing ten on the place and
carrying away divers horse, foot and pioneers, prisoners. Truly,
sir, I find these horse so over-mastered and disheartened hereby,
that without an addition of some better horse, it is impossible to
manage this siege ; the enemy still keep the Hall and take
liberty to go whither they please on that side, as appears by their
rambling ten miles outright, and returning safe with prisoners
and other booty.
Sir Henry offered at last that I might make a new post on the
Hall side and command my own men there, and he his, till he
heard from the Parliament, which for the furtherance of the
service I should have done, if I had had any horse of my own,
or could have expected any from them that might have secured
us till we had thrown up our works, which we could not, our
forces being every day beaten from those few posts they already
keep, neither is the leaguer in any measure provided of ammuni-
tion. Powder and shot is expected from Hull, but match there is
none, though it be as much wanted as any of the other, nor is
there any tools provided for intrenchments or approaches. I am
unwilling at this time to acquaint your Excellency with such
grounds of jealousy as the honest men, as well soldiers as others,
have concerning the management of this business. I should take
it for a very great respect to be excused from this service. But
if your Excellency shall think fit still to command me in it, if I
may be supplied with horse and ammunition — which are of abso-
lute necessity to this work — I doubt not of carrying it on to the
honour and satisfaction of jout Excellency, the country, and the
afore-named officers, who expressed their willingness and readi-
ness to submit to your command herein. My resolution is to
continue at Doncaster till I hear from your Excellency, unless
in the meantime the horse appointed come up to me and there
be such a supply of ammunition made as may rationally enable
us to the service.
I cannot omit to acquaint your Excellency that some of my
regiment have carried themselves very abusively in their march
through the country, in so much that without some extraordinary
example of justice upon one or two of the prime villains it will
be impossible to satisfy the country or reduce the regiment into
that regularity which all the honest men in it desire, and cannot
comfortably command without, which is no way to be accom-
plished, but by a commission from your Excellency for trial of
them according to the nature of their offences, which are very high
and crying."
R[obert] Spavin to William Clarke at St. Albans.
1648, November 2. Byram, near Poiitefract — Dear friend and
bridegroom, I am glad that you have a little breathing-time after
your solemnities, to visit your poor friends with a line. Tommy
Wragg must wear a willow garland and give the eldership to you.
But sure, if you had no better choice than we had in Scotland,
you would not be so lusty.
" We are merry now that we have set our faces towards the sun,
and 1 think we should have kept pace with it till we got to St.
Albans had not PomJret put a stop to us, as being by the House's
order and the committee of Yorkshire's desire to take the care of
the siege, which will ask us three weeks' time to settle, and then
I hope we shall draw towards you and leave Colonel Bright to
command.
The Yorkshire foot, Lieut.-Colonel Fairfax, Colonel Maleverer,
&c, are exceeding cordial to us, and I believe will not be dis-
banded, but Cholmeley, a very knave, hates us to the death, leapt
at the news of Colonel Rainsborowe's being killed.
I am very glad and so [are] the rest of our friends, to hear of a
beginning to action with you. I verily think God will break
that great idol the Parliament, and that old job- trot [sic] form of
government of King, Lords, and Commons. It is no matter how
nor by whom, sure I am it cannot be worse if honest men have
the mail aging of it — and no matter whether they be great or no.
I hope we shall shortly see one another, when I intend to ask
your advice to the choosing of a wife.
Well, my heart, the Lord is about a great work, and such as will
stumble many mean-principled men, and such as I think but
few great ones shall be honoured withall." Quoted by Mr. Firth
in his preface to Vol. II. of the Clarke Papers, p. 7.
The Officers of his Regiment to Lieutenant-General
Cromwell.
1648, November — Requesting him to present a petition to his
Excellency, their much honoured general. Signed by J . Black-
more, Eciw. Scotten, Jos. Wallington, and fourteen others.
Endorsed, " Prom his own regiment of horse, to be printed before
their petition to the general." [Probably one of those enclosed
in CromwelVs letter of November 2ftth. See Rushworth, VII.,
p. 1,339.]
Tiios. B[lague?] to John Rushworth, Secretary to Lord Fair-
fax, Queen Street, near Covent Garden.
1648[-9], January 11. Winchester — I thank both the general
and yourself for your good opinion of me. As for the enclosed
memorandum of the officers, I find a great deal of reason to
stream through every line thereof, but it is not reason that will
either carry me thither or maintain me there, wherefore I desired
my estate that I might be serviceable. Had it been a temporal
estate, I might have sold it as soon as I got it, but being altogether
ecclesiastical, I could not. I submit to the reasons given, but if
they will have me make brick they must find straw. I live
merely upon the fortune which I had provided for my children ;
my wife is permitted by the committee to be their servant, and I,
ner almsman. But if you provide legs for me, I shall be ready
to go or run to serve you and the sooner the better. Endorsed
by Wm. Clarke, " Scout for Ireland." [Signature much defaced,
apparently by intention.^
Marquis of Ormond to King Charles II.
1648 [-9], February 21— Copy. [Printed in Carte's "Life of
Ormonde;' Vol. III., p. 608.]
Council of State to Colonels Popham, Blake, and Deane.
1648 [-9], February 27 — Commission appointing them to be
Commissioners for ordering and commanding the fleet during the
ensuing year. Signed by the Earl of Denbigh. [Copy calen-
dared under this date; see Cal. of S.P. Dam., 1649-1650.]
473 to [Thomas Kynaston?].
1648-9, March 15-25— " To encourage you to take some pains
in this kind I will assure you that his Majesty shall know his
obligations to you, and now I must needs join in opinion with you
that it is high time for all honest men to use their utmost
10
endeavours for revenging the horrid murder of the late King and
for the restoring his Majesty, that now is, to the possession of his
three kingdoms, which we look upon thus : upon England as only
recoverable by the sword, the quarrel of the independent party
being not individual against the person of the King, but specially
against the government itself (monarchy) to which purpose we
are making applications to foreign Princes for assistance. Earl
of Brainford [Brentford*] is in Sweden to that end, and
letters are sent to the Emperor, King of Spain, and
others, his Majesty's want of money being so great that
he is not able to send ambassadors or agents. Ireland
we look on as almost our own, which indeed I think will
be the first place whither his Majesty will remove, from whence
as occasion shall serve forces may be landed in the west of Eng-
land, Wales, Scotland, about which is the only great dispute
amongst us, for that kingdom is considered as recoverable one of
two ways, either by complying with Ormond [Argyle ?] and his
party, or by endeavouring to destroy them. For the pressing of the
first of these, Will Murray is lately come hither from Scotland
to persuade the King to put himself into Argyle's hands, to
become the head of the Covenant. There are not a few that advise
his Majesty to take the Covenant, because they conceive it would
prove the best way for us in time of all interests in that kingdom,
and also by that means the King would in short time be able
to wrest the power out of Argyle's hands. That course is strongly
opposed by Montrose — who is now here — and all his party, who
propose the way of force as agreeing better both with conscience
and honour. Most of our high boys at court are of this opinion,
especially Gerard, who is a fast friend to Montrose. Lanerick and
Lowden, who are not well satisfied with the counsel of this place,
keep aloof from business and propose nothing. His Majesty has
attempted nothing as yet in the business of accommodation be-
twixt Montrose and Lanerick, which I am afraid will be found
a difficult work. Hopton is here, and one of the four to whom
the managing of affairs is trusted, a person certainly of great
integrity and my friend, the other three, Cottington, Culpepper
and Hyde, of whom truly I have a good esteem, though generally
these are much hated. Your friend Denham went to France with
the Duke of York. Now," Tom, to sum up all ; our King hath as
hard a game to play as our poor Prince had, his councillors but
few and they hated by most ; his Court but little, and yet full
of factions, and these strengthened and increased by the divisions
and differences that are betwixt the Scots Lords, now by accident
met together in this place ; and yet I hope God Almighty will so
order all our affairs that we shall one day meet happily and live
quietly and peaceably together under the government of his
Majesty, our lawful sovereign, and that this may be speedily
accomplished, is the constant and hearty prayers of — dear Tom —
your affectionate servant, 473."
Postscript. — -" I have written to you at this time by my friend,
because I conceived it might be dangerous to write openly in
* Patrick Ruthven, Earl of Forth.
11
these ticklish times. I shall desire you to appoint in your next
to me how I shall direct mine for the future. Is there no loyalty
left in the City? If there be and you can discover it, the only
way to show it will be by presenting his Majesty with some hand-
some sum of money. I will assure you that ten or twenty thousand
pounds at this time will set the King's affairs in great forwardness,
in which if you can be instrumental you will not want all due
acknowledgment. Let me know your opinion in it, so once
again God keep you." Endorsed, M Mr. Kineston letter" [it can-
not, however, have been written by him, as he was in England"].
Ships.
1648[-9], March 20— The stations of the ships of the fleet, with
their commanders. Forty-nine ships of war are mentioned and
eight merchant ships.
Colonel Deane and Colonel Blake to Colonel Edw. Popham.
1648 [-9], March 24 — Instructions concerning his command of
the fleet. Signed.
The Council of State to Lord Fairfax.
1649, March 26. Derby House — Directing him to take
measures for the security of Montgomery and Hawarden Castles in
Flintshire, and also of Chirk Castle, the dwelling-house of Sir
Thomas Middleton. Signed by John Bradshaw. Seal of the
Council, impressed.
[Colonel Popham.]
1649, March 28 — Account of a voyage begun on this date,
the fleet being then under the joint command of Cols. Blake,
Deane, and Popham. " Intelligence was brought to the Council
of State upon Saturday, the 24th of March, that five ships, under
the command of Rupert, were come to Scilly and lay in the
mouth of the channel to intercept all merchant ships as they
came hence, and that they had already taken the Culpepper,
the Ark and other ships, richly laden. It was agreed amongst
ourselves that one of us should forthwith repair abroad one of
the ships belonging to the Parliament of England that were
abroad, and there to command that part of the fleet till the
rest could be made ready and to take all opportunities of destroy-
ing or reducing the enemy's ships. It falling to my lot, and I
receiving orders and instructions to that purpose, upon the
Monday following, being the 26th of March, repaired to the
Downs, where I found the Charles and forthwith went aboard
of her; there were likewise the Constant Warwick and the
Nicodemus in that Road. On Thursday morning the 29th of
12
March, there came a post from Margate, and informed me that
there had been an Irish frigate in that road and had taken
thence a small vessel. I presently ordered the Nicodemus to
look after this man-of-war, who that day recovered his prize
from him but the frigate got away. The 3rd of April the
Hector coming from Portsmouth into the Downs, I ordered her
to range the coast of Flanders and to lie off Ostend and Dunkirk
to intercept the enemy's prizes as they were bringing them into
those ports, purposing myself with the first opportunity of wind
and weather to sail with the Charles, Constant Warwick, and
Nicodemus to the westward. The 5th of April, the wind
continuing westerly, I ordered the Constant Warwick to stand
over for Callis (Calais) with a convoy, and as soon as ever he
had seen her safe there to return again. The 6th the wind
coming up at N.w. I set sail, and when I came into Dover Road,
I found it at w.n.w. I stopped there for the Constant Warwick,
who came to me the next day. It blew very fresh at w.s.w.
thick weather, and so I was forced back again into the Downs,
having, before I came out of Dover Road, received a letter from
the Generals of the fleet, ordering me to take with me to the
westwards three rich East India ships that were outward bound,
which caused my stay there till the 16th following, in which
time came down the Assurance frigate, the three East India ships,
which Captain Proud, Captain Swan and Captain Tompson
commanded, as likewise the white hoy laden with provisions for
the soldiers in Ireland, bound for Dublin. The Robert frigate
and the Increase came likewise from Portsmouth into the Downs,
and the Greyhound from the northward, who had rescued a
Holland ship laden with corn, bound for Yarmouth, from an
Irish man-of-war, whom he brought thither to me. The Robert
I ordered to lie off Dungeness, the Increase to lie off Folkestone
to be ready to join with me as I went to the westward, and the
Greyhound to return with his prize to Yarmouth and there upon
payment of an eighth for salvage to release her.
[Two pages missing.]
The 10th, 11th, and 12th [of May] we did all we could to
fit out the squadron for Ireland; upon the 12th I got notice
of ^he Triumph being on the coast, and dispatched away the
Hercules to bring me word. The 13th I set sail and stood off
to sea, about twelve o'clock at noon I met with the Triumph,
and inat night came aboard of her, where we resolved to stand
back again for Plymouth Sound to fit ourselves there and take
those ships that were there along with us, and stand away for
Kinsale. The 14th we dispatched away the Andrew, the Lion,
the Assurance, the ketch, for Dublin, the Vice-Admiral with his
squadron came into us this day, and brought in with him Smith's
ship, which had been rescued from the Prince's fleet, and this
night we stood into Plymouth Sound. The 15th we sent for
the prisoners from Pendennis Castle that were taken in the
Guinea frigate, we went ashore and examined what of the
prisoners were fit to be released, the sickness being amongst
them and they likely to bring disease into the town, so we gave
13
them an engagement never to act anything against the Parlia-
ment, and so released them. The 16th we fitted our ships with
ballast and took in water. The 17th we held a Council of War
upon the prisoners taken in the Guinea frigate, which had been
revolters ; two that were officers, the one a gunner, the other a
boatswain [on] the Guinea frigate, and were both officers in the
Satisfaction, and had revolted in her, were condemned to die
with three others. The 18th the boatswain and gunner were
both hanged at the yard arm, the other three, being common
men, were reprieved. This day we set sail with the whole
fleet out, of Plymouth for the coast of Ireland. The 19th we saw
a sail coming out of Mount's Bay, which stood towards Scilly,
our frigates chased her, and about twelve at noon fetched her
up and brought her to us, she was a States man-of-war bound
for Waterford, in her were found an English Lieutenant
Colonel, Major, and two Captains, all bound to the Marquis
of Ormond, whom we took out, and sent them in the Phoenix,
who had that day wronged the head of her mainmast, to
Pendennis Castle to be kept prisoners. The 20th it blew very
hard at n.e. and e.n.e., this day we made the high land of
Dungannon and towards night stood off again to sea. The 21st
we came in to the Bay of Kinsale. [In Colonel Popham's
handwriting. ]
[Colonel Edward Popham to the Commander of a ship.]
[1649, March?] — Instructions concerning the forthcoming
expedition.
Philip Ward.
1649, April 9 — Examination of Philip Ward, of Rochester,
concerning certain letters " found about him."
Enclosing,
Earl of Norwich to Capt. Philip Ward.
1648, May 12th and 20th — Two commissions, appointing
him severally Captain in Col. Richard Leigh's regiment and
serjeant-major of Col. James T ill's regiment. Parchment.
Signed.
Lieut.- General Oliver Cromwell to [John] Rushworth,
Secretary.
1649, April 14 — " It is hereby desired that Captain Richard
Crackenthorpe's troop be put into the regiment of Col. Hacker
and that the said Captain and his officers have their commissions
given accordingly." Signed.
14
Colonel Thomas Pride and others to Colonel Mackworth.
1649, April 17. St. James' — Asking for the release of Mr.
Tillam, now a prisoner in [Shrewsbury] garrison. Signed by
Col. Pride, Hugh Peters and John Mason.
The Committee of Co. Hants to Sir Henry Mildmay.
1649, April 19. Winchester — Complaining of the "insuffer-
able violences and oppressions this country yet laboureth under "
from the ill carriage of Colonel Martin's regiment. Signed.
[Printed in the " Clarke Papers," Vol. II., p. 212.]
Enclosing,
Inhabitants of Whitchurch to Lord Fairfax.
1649, April — Complaining of their losses by the free
quartering of Col. Martin's soldiers upon them, and praying
his Excellency's warrant for avoiding such burdens in time
to come. Signed by John Morgan, Mayor; Alexander
Gregson and John Belchamber, ministers ; and 46 others.
Captain John Gladman to Colonel Whalley.
1649, April 19. Kingston — Concerning the diggers at St.
George's Hill. Printed in the " Clarice Papers" Vol. II., p.
211.
Colonel George Twisleton to William Clarke, at Whitehall.
1649, April 20. Denbigh — " I hear some forces are designed
to march through these countries towards Anglesey for Ireland.
I much pity them in regard they will be starved, for this country
has not bread for the inhabitants. Corn cannot be gotten for
money. Wheat was at 16s. the bushel at our market. The
Lord expedite the Irish expedition and quicken the councils of
our chieftains. It is high time we were up and doing both at
home and abroad. There is much fire under the ashes and much
tinder everywhere. A little blast will bring them together,
and then such a flame as has not yet been in England.'1
Colonel John Poyer to Colonel Fleetwood.
1649, April [21]. Whitehall — Be pleased to cast your eye
over these few lines, and present the truth to his Excellency.
It is known "how faithfully I have served the Parliament in
their lowest ebb of affairs, and at such time that the King had
taken Bristol, all Wales — Pembroke excepted — declared for the
King, our forces routed at Emling Castle by Gerett [Gerard],
myself then on shipboard bound for London ; but upon the
report of so sad news I repaired to Pembroke, prepared for a
15
siege, and withstood Gerett and his forces for eleven weeks and
at last forced him to raise the siege." I refused his offer of
preferment, with 5,000/. to boot, and although not commissioned
by Parliament nor receiving a penny from them, I stood firm
to my principles. I am proclaimed traitor without proof of
disaffection, the small sum I prayed to relieve my poor wife and
four children is denied me, and, despairing of right done me
against my bloody enemies drove me desperate to defend myself
and to secure some of them, but in obedience to the General's
letter I released them, whose liberty hath produced much mis-
chief and brought myself to this deplored condition." Had I
intended to desert Parliament, I should not have set at liberty
Colonel Fleming's soldiers and the seamen taken at Pembroke,
nor have sent privately to the Lieut.-General to surrender the
town. " Pardon my boldness, for life is sweet, and all lawful
means are to be sought after to preserve the same."
Captain Thomas Rippon to William Clarke.
1649, April 24. Lancaster Castle — " Yesterday I turned forth
of the castle all the Papist priests [and] most of the debtors
and felons, and sent them into the gaoler's house in the town,
fourteen remaining, some of them for murders, others are in
upon outlawries after judgment. I desire to receive direction
to turn these after the rest. Then we shall have none but
prisoners of war within the castle."
William Clarke to Captain Rippon.
1649, April 24. Queen Street — " The work of Ireland goes
on very hopefully as to the supply of men, but little news yet of
money, which is the great wheel that turns all." The Presby-
terians " are very high in this city ; though they shut their church
doors on Thursday last, yet they are resolved to be more strict
to-morrow, notwithstanding the Parliament's order published to
the contrary for the observation of it.
The Parliament are not like to have their act for the taking
away of kingly government proclaimed. The same scruple re-
mains as before and without another act it will hardly be done.
Colonel Poyer should have been shot to death this day in the
Piazza in the Covent Garden, but it is deferred till to-morrow
at ten of the clock in the forenoon. It is observable that the lot
should fall upon him who was the first beginner of the second
war." Signed.
Peter Bound of Uphempston to Lord General Fairfax.
1649, April 24 — Complaining that he is sued at law for
matters merely relating to the war, although he is comprised
in Exeter Articles. With reference to the Judge Advocate of the
army, signed by Fairfax.
16
Captains Blake and Deane to Lord Fairfax.
1649, April 26. The Downs — Begging that the officers of the
fleet under their command, who are inhabitants of Rochester,
Strood, and Chatham, may be exempted from having soldiers
billeted on them. Signed.
George Ashe and others to Lord Fairfax.
1649, April 27 — Begging for mercy and that they may be
exempted from casting lots for their lives. Endorsed, " Petition
of the six condemned troopers. " [Printed in King's Pamphlets,
E. 552, No. 18.]
Captain William Bray to Thomas, Lord Fairfax.
1649, April [27]. Windsor Castle — [Printed in King's
Pamphlets, E. 552, No. 6.*]
Lieut.-Colonel J. Rede to William Clarke, at Whitehall.
1649, April 28. Poole — Concerning the quarterings of Captain
Lillingston's company, and the hardships endured by the inhabi-
tants of Poole, Wimborne, Canford, and Corfemullin.
Colonel James Heane to William Clarke.
1649, April 29. Weymouth — Sir Hardress Waller's com-
pany has gone and a company from Bristol is come in their
places, who have no money and little clothes, and so are " rather
like to besiege us in eating up our provision than any way to
comfort us." I pray you procure a pass from the General for Mr.
John Lewer to go to Scilly to exchange a former fellow-prisoner
of mine, Mr. Thomas Waltham, who is like to perish there.
The Mayor of Gloucester and others to Lord Fairfax.
1649, April — Certifying that Lieut.-Colonel Grime, Deputy-
Governor of the garrison of Gloucester, has been faithful to his
trust and kept the soldiers under his command in good order,
maintaining a fair correspondence between them and the citizens.
Signed by Henry Cugly, Mayor, and 17 others.
Hawkers of books to Lord General Fairfax.
1649, April — Your petitioners, being maimed soldiers and poor
tradesmen who have lost their livelihoods during the war, have
been forced to sell papers in the streets to keep themselves from
starving, but a warrant has been directed by your Excellency to
the Marshal General of the Army requiring him to put in
execution the Ordinances of Parliament concerning scandalous
* This is not the letter printed in Cary's Memorials of the Civil War*
17
pamphlets, and the Act of Common Council prohibiting persons
from crying or selling any books or papers in the streets of the
City of London, by which your petitioners will be ruined. They
do not desire to sell any unlicensed books, but " the benefit oi
licensed pamphlets doth now redown only to the benefit of four
or five rich men, who although they be stationers, yet were never
apprenticed to sell pamphlets.'* Your petitioners, therefore,
pray you to mitigate the clause in your warrant concerning the
Act of Common Council, and engage themselves not only never
to sell any papers reflecting upon your proceedings, but also to
discover any that shall go about to impair the same.
Anne Laugharne to Thomas, Lord Fairfax.
1649, April — Praying for mercy for her husband, Major
General Laugharne.
Elizabeth Poyer to the same.
1649, April — A like petition for her husband, Colonel John
Poyer.
Maud, Mary and Elizabeth Powell to the same.
1649, April — A like petition for their brother, Colonel Rice
Powell.
The Commissioners of the Navy to Colonel Popham.
1649, May 13. Navy Office — Enquiring whether the merchant
ships which had been hired for six months by the State, would
be required for a longer period. Signed by Thomas Smith and
Colonel Willoughby.
Colonels Richard Deane and Robert Blake to Colonel
Edward Popham.
1649, May 22. Aboard the Triumjih, before Kinsale—
Directing him to repair to Sir George Ayscue and give him
order to send them one or two of his best ships ; thence to go to
Plymouth in the Adventure, and order the Yice- Admiral to repair
to them in Kinsale Road, leaving the Phoenix to range that
channel, and from Plymouth to hasten to London to represent
their condition and the posture of the enemy to the Council of
State, and to desire that money and provision may be sent to
them with all expedition. Signed.
Ships.
1649, May 22 — A list of 64 ships for the summer's expedition.
25. B
18
Colonels Robert Blake and Richard Deane to Colonel
Edward Popham, in Fish Yard, Westminster.
1649, June 5. Milford Haven — Informing him that they have
stopped 1750Z. composition money, which they found there in
the County Committee's hands, for the purposes of the fleet, and
that they have drawn bills for repayment on Sir Henry Vane.
Signed.
Colonels Robert Blake and Richard Deane to the Council
of State.
1649, June 20. The Triumph before Kinsale — After long
encounter with opposite winds we are safe again in Kinsale
road. " Upon our repair hither we have intelligence that that
providence which hath kept us by ill-weather hence, hath by
the same kept all the revolters still in here, so that we have
the same number of Rupert's fleet now within the port which
we left there." It is the desire of our souls " that no opportunity
may be pretermitted which may answer your expectations in the
reducement of that perfidious crew which are sheltered in this
harbour." Cvpy.
Thomas Medowe and William Lucas to Jeffrey Cobbe in
London.
1649, June 21. Yarmouth — Complaining of the "great losses
and spoils upon the poor fishermen in the North Seas " by the
Irish and other enemies.
Captatn Thos. Sparling to the Commissioners of the Navy,
in Mincing Lane.
1649, June 23. Guernsey — Complaining of Captain Stokes
and begging that a frigate may be sent, whose commander may
take charge of the squadron.
Colonels Richard Deane and Robert Blake to Colonel
Edward Popham.
1649, June 27. Triumph before Kinsale — The enemy is now
in sight of us, and "our intelligence says they intend to use
all means to get out by escaping, their vessels being clean, or
otherwise to fight us." We hope our keeping in the enemy here
may answer the importunity of those interested in the New-
foundland vessels, for whose safety, were not the season almost
pa*t, we should do our utmost for accommodating them with a
convoy. Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1649, June 29 — Informing him of their great want of victuals
and that Colonel Deane has been fixed upon by lot to go to
19
Plymouth and get supplies, whilst the other general remains
behind to watch the enemy's motions. Also that Sir George
Ayscue, being able to spare no help from Dublin to keep in the
rebels at Waterford and Washford [Wexford], they are forced to
have regard to those parts. Signed.
Colonels Richard Deane and Robert Blake to Colonel
Edward Popham.
1649, June 29. The Triumph before Kinsale — Asking that
James Moulton, son of Yice-Admiral Capt. Robert Moulton,
may have command of one of the frigates now building.
Signed,
[Colonel Popham to Colonel Deane and Colonel Blake.]
[1649, June, London] — I have almost settled my business
here, and shall then hasten to the Downs. The Council of State
has ordered the Charles thither, having heard that Charles Stuart
[" the Prince " erased'] has got together 800 English seamen at
Breda, for some sudden design. The Prince of Orange has
borrowed 50,000/. from the States to lend to him. I hope to
get the constant establishment of the Navy settled before I leave
here, " and then we shall not hereafter be so to seek for money
when we have occasion.' ' I have sent down bills of credit for
1,600/. towards the victualling of the ships to Mr. John Goodier
at Plymouth, ready for your orders, and the bills for 5,000/. shall
be speeded after them. Draft.
Colonel Deane to Colonel Popham in London.
1619, July 3. Aboard the Charles in Plymouth Sound. — I
arrived here yesterday, and have resolved to coast about for the
security of the East India merchants. If you be not gone out
of Londcn " I conceive you may do a great service to the State
in prevailing for some considerable number of forces to be
speedily sent into Munster, which in probability may not only
be advantageous for the gaining of Kinsale and the revolters
there, who make the land their refuge, but for the raising and
withdrawing the enemy from Dublin." Signed.
Oxford University.
1649, July 4— Resolution, "That the order of the 11th of
October, 1648 — concerning debarring such from votes as did
not submit to the Visitation — doth extend only to the matters
of government and reformation of Colleges, and not in respect
of letting of leases or any emoluments or profits belonging to
their particular places." Present — Dr. Reynolds, vice-chan-
cellor ; Dr. Wilkinson, President of Magdalen College ; Dr.
Mills ; Lieut.-Colonel Kelsey, governor of Oxford ; and Colonel
Scroope. "By order of the visitors, Ra : Austin, registrar."
B 2
20
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, July 4. I received your commands this morning, and
wrote to Col. Willoughby to give a sound check to the com-
manders for their neglect, and Capt. Sharpe and Capt. Goose
tell me that they will be ready to sail on Friday. I cannot learn
where the Lord Lieutenant will take ship, but have reminded
the Council that the generals of the fleet ought to know some-
thing of the matter in order to provide a convoy. It is rumoured
this morning that all your ships are beaten and sunk at Kin-
sale, and that Rupert is now triumphant before Dublin with his
fleet, blocking up the place. This is but one of ten thousand
of their feigned stories. You will receive herewith the Scottish
letter, which is referred by the House to the Council of State.
The bearer, Capt. Tatnell, is an honest, religious man and made
a stout fight.
Colonel Deane to Colonel Popham.
1649, July 6. Aboard the Charles in Plymouth Sound —
Urging upon him the importance of hastening forward the
victualling of the ships. Signed.
Colonel Popham to Sir Henry Yane.
1649, July 6. The Happy Entrance in Dover Road — I have
contracted with several persons for provisions for the ships ; the
only stop is money, and finding no other way of getting it but
by your sending the whole 3,000/. down to me in specie, I have
sent up the bearer, Captain Boddiley, captain of this ship, to
receive it and bring it down in one of the small frigates. Copy.
Robert Coytmor to [Col. Edward Popham].
1649, July 6. Whitehall — "I beseech you take into con-
sideration how Sir George Aiscue may be supplied with victuals,
for it would much sadden the hearts of the besiegers if he and
the rest of his squadron should be forced from thence."
The Same to the Same.
1649, July 7 — Here is one Monsieur Gomand, that was the
French ambassador's servant, who came over lately as a spy I
believe. He tells me that Sir Robert Welsh had undertaken
to raise a regiment in Ireland for the service of the French King,
and that some of the ships under your command met with five
hundred of his men at sea and brought them into Plymouth.
He desires they may be released. I remember there was a ship
brought in March into Milford which had between two and
three hundred soldiers in her, but how they are disposed I could
not tell.
21
RoiiERT CoTYMOR to COLONEL EDWARD PoPIIAM.
1649, July 10. Whitehall— The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
took his journey this evening about seven towards Ireland,
purposing this night to lodge at Reading. He had in his com-
pany about 200 men, most of which were of his life-guard and
their servants, with other gentlemen to accompany him out of
town. I suppose he goes for Bristol and so for Milford.
Colonel Blake to Colonel Popham, in the Downs.
1649, July 10. Before Kinsale — I doubt not Colonel Deane
hath acquainted you with the necessities of the fleet, as also of
our taking the Teresa frigate under command of Captain Darcy,
known to us before by the name of the Wexford, wherein were
Sir Hugh Wyndham and Colonel William Legg.
" I am sorry such clamours should come from the north coast.
You very well know from the beginning how ready we have
been to preserve trade, and how impossible it is to give satis-
faction unto all clamours," especially for the fleet in this place,
from whom so great performances are expected, as was lately
hinted in a letter from the Council of State. Signed.
Levellers.
1649, July 11 — Form of engagement on the part of the
Levellers to remain true prisoners at Taunton ; with note that
" the Levellers being to remove out of Bridewell unto another
place to be secured in, were demanded to subscribe in writing
unto a paper for being true prisoners, and this being sent them,
they utterly refused to sign it, saying they would rather lie in
a dungeon."
Sir Henry Yane, junr., to Colonel Deane, on board the Charles.
1649, July 14 — I am sending the 3,250Z. as you desire. As
to the 5,0002. which you say will not serve to victual the ships
on the Irish coast, all I can say is that the estimate of that sum
was according to the number of men given us by Colonel Pop-
ham, and therefore your proposition of 2,000?. more seems very
extraordinary. If you can certify the occasion of this charge,
without doubt the Council will do what is reasonable therein.
Copy.
Colonel Popham to Sir Henry Yane, junr.
1649, July 18. The Downs — I have seen yours of the 14th
to Colonel Deane, and must acqaint you that I never made
demand of this 5,000Z. as a sum of money to victual the whole
fleet in Ireland for two months, but as a sum which I hoped
might carry on the work there, for if you expect the 11,000Z.
to victual the whole fleet for two months you will find it a mistake.
" There is not a place in England that you can victual in under
11. bs. a man a month, which for 6,000 men for two months
22
amounts to 15,000^., for though some things be cheaper in one
place than another yet other things are dearer; if beef be cheap,
pork, pease and fish are dearer, and so in other provisions, that
there is very little difference of victualling in any place unless
we could buy in all places those things which are best cheap
in every place, which we have not time to' do."
Coytmor writes advising me to make a step up and perfect
the business of the winter guard with the Council myself, which
I do not understand, as I have already given the list to the
Council and they to the House. But it is not unusual for Mr.
Coytmor to mistake winter for summer, therefore, he may mean
me to remind the Council of State to provide money for the
summer guard. When I am with Colonel Deane, we will join
together to write a letter and send it to you to deliver. Copy.
Sir Henry Yane [junr.] to Colonel Popham, in the Downs.
1649, July 19. Whitehall — "I have received your letter of
the 18th instant from the Downs, and we have put the business
of the two months' victualling of the whole fleet in a way to be
certified from the Commissary of the Navy of the true estimate
of the charge, that whatever is above the 11,000Z. may be sup-
plied you, which you need not doubt will be when the true state
of it come to appear, and so you may tell Col. Deane when you
see him, but if you and Col. Deane do not write to the Council
of State that care be taken for to provide monies timely to pay
off the mariners' wages against their coming in, we shall be
exceedingly to seek, for the hundred thousand pounds intended us
from Deans' and Chapters' lands we have received as yet but
20,000/. of, and now the necessities of Ireland are such that the
Council think they shall be forced to put a stop upon the
remainder for the present, hoping to provide timely enough for
the mariners' wages,* wherein I doubt they may be slow it they
be not quickened by you, not thinking, I believe, that those ships
that are now abroad designed for the winter guard and which
must come in before the rest, will call for money so soon as I
am confident they will. For the preparing and fitting the winter
guard we have written to the Commissioners of the Navy to be
mindful of it, and hold correspondency frequently with you about
it, and therefore it will not need you should come up about it;
I know your presence is more necessary where it is, and there-
fore, for Mr. Coytmor' s conceit' I hope it shall not further trouble
you nor take impression upon you, but I pray let our winter
guard be out and this summer's service first over before you
mention the next summer's fleet, lest we be overwhelmed with
the thought of charge before we be able to overcome it."
Holograph.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Popham.
1649, July 19. Whitehall— " Sir Henry Yane hath written
to the Commissioners of the Navy to review the whole fleet
* See Cal. S.P. Dam. 1649-1650, p. 238.
23
which arc at present upon the charge for the State, and to make
a new calculation of the number of men and what the charge
for victualling of them will amount to for two months, whereby
he may move the Council of State for a supply of money to
what hath been already delivered forth."
The Commissioners of the Navy to Colonel Edward Popiiam.
1649, July 23. Navy Office — We have received a letter from
the Admiralty Committee,* intimating a mistake of 11,000/. in
our estimate, which we have examined into and find fully allowed.
We wonder much why you should apply to the Council of State
without in the least acquainting us with our supposed error.
We find your estimate miscast as regards the beer, but have
taken no notice of it to the Committee, " as more desirous to
rectify our own errors (if any) than to divulge other men's."
The Council of State to Colonel Popham.
1649, July 24. Whitehall — Concerning the exchange of
Captain Hatsell and John Waight, now prisoners in Jersey, for
Captain Collins and Charles Pulleyne. \_See Cal. of S.P. Dom.,
same date.~\ Signed by Bradshaw.
Enclosing,
Copy of certificate by Sir Philip Carteret, Lieut. -Governor
of Jersey, agreeing to the exchange, dated July 14.
Colonel Edward Popham to the Commissioners of the Navy.
[1649, July 25. Happy Entrance, Downs] — Answer to their
letter of the 23rd inst. \_See Cal. of S.P. Dom. under this date.~\
Draft.
EOBERT COYTMOR to [COLONEL EDWARD POPHAM].
1649, July 26. Whitehall— Captain Wilkinson of the
Increase reports that lately on his return from Berwick to Tyne-
mouth he descried two ships off Holy Island, which he visited
and found in them much arms and ammunition. They told
him they had bought them in London, but Captain Wilkinson,
because he had no orders to stay any Scotch vessels, let them
go. " Now you may perceive that the wicked party of the City
of London do supply our enemies with arms against us."
I cannot but admire the weakness that would suffer them to
go before he had acquainted the Council or Sir Arthur Hazlerigg.
I pray, Sir, write a sharp letter to him and give him a check for
his folly, but I am much afraid there is in it more knavery than
foKy.
Complaints have come to the Council from the chief men of
Newcastle that eighteen or twenty of their colliers and merchant
ships have been lately taken by two or three pirates, lying on
that coast. I shall write to Peacooke to look more carefully to
those parts.
* Sec Cal. S.P. Dom. 1649-1650, p. 240.
24
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Popham, in the Downs.
1649, July 27. Aboard the Charles in Plymouth Sound — I
have been at Bristol, to confer with the Lord General of Ireland.
I approve of what you have done for the winter guard, but
conceive that so active and diligent a man as Capt. Stokes cannot
be left out, and therefore we must contrive some way for him.
The emergencies upon the Irish coasts may peradventure give
an occasion for the alteration of the guard in those parts, though
I know not how you could have contrived the squadron better.
Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1649, July 31. The Charles in Plymouth Sound — In coming
to this place, I received yours by my wife, " and give you many
thanks for your respect to her, having put you to very much
trouble." I think your disposal of the winter guard is very
well done, as far as I can judge at present. " I profess I have
more load on my back than I can easily go through. Colonel
Blake sends me word that all Rupert's fleet is gone back to
Kinsale town, and that they only keep five of their best sailers
— as they say that come from the shore — to run away with ; but
whether it be a deceit to embolden us to draw off our great ships
that they might wholly escape, I know not. I hope we shall be
careful for to watch them.'' Signed.
The Council of State to the Generals at Sea.
1649, August 2. Whitehall — Enclosing intelligence from
Mr. Strickland. Signed by Bradshaw. \_See Cal. of S.P. Bom.,
same date.~\
Enclosing,
Thomas Cowell to John Bay in London
1649, July 23. Ostend — Giving particulars of men-of-
war and prizes brought in there, which grieved the writer
deeply.
Colonel Deane to Colonel Popham, in the Downs.
1649, August 3. Plymouth Sound, aboard the Charles — It
seems Mr. Coytmor opens the letters we send each other, though
we give an account at the same time to the Council of State,
which I judge very unfit. Captain Ball reports that the siege
is raised from before Dublin and a party of the enemy's horse
is come over to Colonel Jones. I send you a letter from your
wife, which came to me from London this day. I am much
obliged to you for your care of mine. I wish we had been so
happy as to meet, but seeing it is otherwise, we must be content.
Signed.
25
Colonel Richard Deane to the Committee of the Admiralty.
1649, August 3. On board the Charles in Plymouth Sound —
I received a letter from the Council of State of July 31 [see
Gal. of S.P. Bom. of that date'] intimating that they have given
order to the Navy Committee to accept my bills, although they
hoped our former allowance would have been sufficient. By the
account I sent their Lordships, you will see that the charges
will amount to. 7,000Z. at the least. I assure you "I am not
ambitious in handling of moneys, nor to be called off from other
service to such an extraordinary trouble and almost impossibility
as providing such a quantity of victuals in so short a time at
this season. I could heartily have wished that some other better
accountant and more able had been employed . . . but
though I should not husband all things to that exact advantage
as some others whose daily work it is, yet I assure your honours
I do as much therein as my capacity will reach to."
Colo>tel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham, aboard
the Happy Entrance in the Downs.
1649, August 7. Aboard the Charles in Plymouth Sound —
*' I purpose to set sail to-morrow with about twenty sail of ships,
which I have taken up in these parts for the transportation of
the army into Ireland. The Satisfaction, with the Hector, I sent
to Milford to convoy the colliers with ammunition. The Fame,
alias the Mayflower, I have sent to "Weymouth to man himself
and get a Flemish bottom or two for the transport of the army."
Postscript. — The States man-of-war, which was sent from Kin-
sale, I have found this day by examination to have landed powder
at Scilly. Three or four of his company have confessed it upon
oath, besides other things which will make him a prize.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, August 8. Whitehall — There is more than need of
your presence here, for upon some difference between the
master of the Tiger and the boatswain it grew to such a height
that it raised a mutiny in the ship, the common men siding with
the boatswain. The captain called a council of war by himself
and his officers, which so inflamed the " brable " that he was
forced to bring his ship into Yarmouth, and is in danger every
hour that the boatswain and the common men will run away
with the ship to the enemy. Captain Coppin is there as a guard,
but he is not considerable against a ship of the force that the
Tiger is, neither dare they meddle with the land soldiers lest
they more and more inflame the common men. If this ship
should revolt it would be a bad precedent, and therefore I pray
you hasten up here.
26
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Pophah.
1649, August 13. Aboard the Charles in Milford Haven — " 1
am this day come to Milford Haven, and this day my Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland is sailed hence with about thirty ships
towards Dublin." To-morrow I intend to sail either for Dublin
or towards Munster, if the wind serve better for that coast.
Signed.
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, August 13. Whitehall — Informing him that the Council
of State have decided that the merchant ships shall continue in
the service eight months [instead of six].
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, August 14. Whitehall — The inclosed is to acquaint
you of more complaints from the North. " I doubt much of the
loss and clamour that comes from thence is by the neglect of
Captame Peacocke, and the difference in his ship was by his
lying ashore with his wife ; so that all the inconvenience that
comes to your commanders at sea is because they are too uxorious
and mind that more than the trust reposed in them, for the
Heart frigate was lost by it and the Tiger now in the same
danger. Captain Harrison, who was wont to be the most vigilant
man in writing of any of your commanders, I have not heard
from him this month, for I am informed that about a month
ago his wife went down to him. I beseech you, Sir, give him
a touch of it in time lest an inconvenience happen, which may
not be remedied by writing. If you permit your captains to
have their wives on board the State will suffer much damage by
it, as it hath formerly to my knowledge."
[Colonel Edward Popham.]
[1649] August 14 — Narrative of proceedings of the fleet, from
this date until November 6.
Upon Tuesday, 14th August, I came aboard of the Happy
Entrance in the Downs about three of the clock in the afternoon,
I found there only the Happy Entrance and the Mary Rose of
our ships. The Mary Rose came in that morning from Ostend
with a convoy, the Captain of her informed me that he had met
with a States man-of-war, the Princess Maria, bound for Milford
with a convoy. The 15th I gave order to the Mary Rose to go
with four ships to Dublin, to which purpose he was under sail
with the first of the ebb at six in the morning, with the wind
at s.s.w. and s.w.s. and likely to blow ; his convoy refused to turn
to windward with him, so he came to an anchor again. This day
came in the Satisfaction with a convoy from Morleaux [Morlaix]
of which he being discharged, I gave him order to take the convoy
for Dublin into his charge, as likewise one bound to the Isle of
27
Wight, and three to Apsum, who came out of Holland under
the convoy of the aforementioned States man-of-war, by the
masters of which vessels I was informed that the States man-
of-war rode still at the Ness, that he had several English gentle-
men on board of him, and that the Captain's name was Yemball,
of whom I had an intimation that after he had carried his convoy
to Milford he was to do some service for the enemy in Ireland.
The 16th I took the Happy Entrance and the Mary Rose, and
stood to the westward with the wind at w.s.w. and plied it up
as far as the Ness, to see whether we could light on this States
man-of-war, and gave order to the Captain of the Satisfaction,
who stayed behind in the Downs (there being two States men-
of-war more in the Road), if he saw them make way to set sail
after me, to require them to stay, but if they would not, to make
haste to weigh and to accompany them till he met with me ; but,
when we come to the Ness, we found them gone thence, and so
we returned into the Downs again, with the wind at s.s.w. The
17th we continued in the Downs, with the wind at n.n.w. The
18th, the wind at N. and between that and the n.w. I sent away
a packet at past ten in the forenoon from aboard the Entrance
in the Downs to Mr. Coytmor, &c, with eight warrants to the
North squadron to receive their victual of Mr. King of Yarmouth,
and two bills of exchange for 2001. About three in the after-
noon the wind came up at s.e. and s.s.e. The 19th the wind
continued southerly. The 20th, the wind at s.e., the Adventure
towards the evening came into the Downs from the westward.
I ordered her to stand over and range along the coast of Flanders,
from thence to Yarmouth, and so into Chatham. The 21st, the
wind at s.e. I set sail for the northward with the latter end of
the moving of the flood. The 22nd, the wind at s.e. easterly,
we were off Aldborough, in the morning we met with the Tiger,
the Greyhound, the Hart and the Lily. The Lily I brought
with me into Yarmouth Roads, where we anchored that night.
The 23rd the wind came up at n.n.w. I remained in Yarmouth
Roads that day. The 24th the wind came up at e.s.e. and s.e.,
so I set sail to the northward with a fleet of colliers bound for
Newcastle. The 25th the wind continuing at e.s.e. we met with
a collier off the Spurn Head, who informed me that he had been
taken by a small Jersey man-of-war of four guns and pillaged,
and that, he had taken another ship and had carried her away
with him. I presently sent away the Jermyn frigate to look
after him, with orders to stand away after me to Newcastle if
he co ild hear no news of him in twenty-four hours, and I stood
on my course with the colliers. The 26th the wind was at w.
calm, about three in the afternoon it sprung up a gale at n.e.
about ten at night we came to an anchor short off Tynemouth.
The 27th about one in the morning the wind came up at n.w.
westerly, about eight that morning, with the wind at w.n.w.,
we weighed and stood in for Tynemouth, and about ten in the
forenoon we came to an anchor again under Tynemouth Castle ;
that night came out over the bar of Tynemouth between thirty
and forty sail of London colliers bound to the southward, with
28
theni about eight o'clock at night I set sail with the wind s.w.
southerly. It blew very fresh all that night, and 28th the
next day at s.s.w. We got as high as Scarborough, we met with
four frigates, which we made to be men-of-war of the enemy's,
and endeavoured to have spoke with them but could not, so we
stood after a small boat which was in company with one of them,
supposing it to have been his prize, he did what he could to have
got away from us but at last we got within shot of him and
made a shot at him, so he bore up to us ; we sent our boat with
an officer aboard of him, either the boatswain's mate or master's
mate, who brought us word that it was one come out of Hull
that morning light, bound for Sunderland for coal, and that the
four vessels that we made for frigates came out of Hull along with
him and belonged to that town, and were bound for Newcastle,
but by their working they appeared to us to be men-of-war.
About four in the afternoon the wind came up at n.w., so we
stood away with our convoy for Yarmouth Roads. The 29th the
wind continued northerly, and we our course with our convoy for
Yarmouth ; little wind till towards four in the afternoon, then
the wind came up s.e. and 8.S.E., about an hour before night
we made land, which we conceived to be Blakeney. It began to
blow bard, so we came to an anchor among the pits about eight
o'clock at night, some eight or nine leagues off the shore. The
30th the next morning the wind came up at s.w. and blew hard,
between seven and eight that morning we weighed, thick wet
weather, and very much wind; we stood in for the shore, and
between nine and ten of the clock it cleared up a little and we
found the shore fair by us, we stood alongst the shore till we
came off Hasborough, and there we anchored about twelve at
noon. It blew a storm of wind at w. and w.s. all that day ;
we had sent off our boat with ten men to go to Winterton, and
from thence that a man should go to Yarmouth by land, unless
it proved fair weather, and then they were to go through to
Yarmouth in the boat ; that night between nine and ten o'clock,
the wind came up at n.n.w. a very great storm. The next
morning, the 31st, we intended to set sail for Yarmouth Roads,
but the wind coming up at w.s.w. we rode still. That day about
three in the afternoon came the Warspite to me, who came out
of the Downs with a fleet of sixty sail of fishermen, he brought
me a packet from Captain Penrose, we enquired of the captain of
her whether he heard of our boat, he told us no, but that he
heard there was a man-of-war's boat with about ten men in her
cast away, which proved to be ours, they endeavouring to go to
Yarmouth, contrary to their order, and only one man saved,
who swam ashore ; all that day the wind continued at s.w. The
next morning, 1st September, the [wind] came up at w.n.w.,
and we weighed and stood in for Yarmouth Roads with the
Warspite. About twelve that day we came to an anchor in
Yarmouth Roads with very much wind at n.w. That day came
in thither likewise the Dragon, the Exchange, and the Magdalen,
with the Island [Iceland] fleet of fishery, the Increase met with
them the day before and came in likewise with them. Towards
29
evening came in the Jermyn frigate from the n., and the Lily
from tile guard of the herring fishery. The next day, the 2nd,
we rode still in Yarmouth Eoad, with the wind at the N.w. The
3rd the wind continuing at w.n.w. I gave out my orders to Cap-
tain Peacock for that squadron, and resolved to set sail with the
Lily and War spite and some colliers bound to Margate, Sandwich
and Dover, to the southward; about nine o'clock that night we
set sail accordingly with the wind at w.n.w., little wind. That
night the wind came up at w.s.w., blew very hard, and we came
to an anchor off Sole [Southwold] between twelve at night and
one in the morning. The next morning, the 4th, we weighed
again about? seven of the clock with the wind at N.w. It blew
a storm of wind all that day ; about seven at night we came to
an anchor in the Downs. The 5th, the wind came up at w.s.w.
and s.w. : towards night it blew very hard at n.w. and n.n.w.
The 6th, the wind continued at n.w., towards night at n., blew
hard. The War\_spite~\ came in from the N. and brought me
word that the George and the Unicorn were at the Spithead.
The 7th, the wind at n.w. and n.n.w., the George and the Unicorn
came into the Downs. The 8th the wind came up at s.s.w., a
handsome topsail gale. The Mary Rose set sail with a convoy
for Holland; little wind all that day till towards the evening
at s.e. it blew fresh. The 9th the wind came about to the s. and
s. and by w., and blew fresh. The 10th, wind was at w.n.w., little
wind in the morning ; the Constant Warwick and the Hind
frigate brought in a French commander of a small hoy, tihat
had done much mischief ; towards evening, at three of the clock,
the wind came at n. and n.n.e., little wind. The 11th the wind
came up at w.s.w. and s.w., and blew pretty fresh towards ten
of the clock, and so continued that day. The 12th the wind came
up at w.n.w. a great gale. The 13th the wind came up at n.n.e.,
n.e., and e.n.e. a gentle gale, fair weather. The 14th the wind
was easterly, handsome topsail gale ; about four in the afternoon
we set sail, that night the wind came up to the s. of the e.s.e.
The 15th the wind was at e.s.e. ; we made the Isle of Wight in
the morning, and stood in thither to speak with the St. George
and took her along with us for Guernsey ; about twelve o'clock
that day we came to an anchor in Stokes Bay. Sent to the St.
George to get an anchor aboard and to make way to set sail with
us; about three in the afternoon we weighed again with the
wind at e.s.e., made but little sail, expecting the coming of the
St. George, who came not to us till past sunset, so it being late
and not fit to go through the Needles with such great ships in
the night, we anchored in Yarmouth Eoad. The next morning,
the 16th, about seven o'clock, we weighed with the wind at e.s.e.
and went through the Needles, and being clear of them stood
over for the coast of France and that night anchored in the
Bay de Lette between Cape de la Hague and Cape de Galette.
The 17th, about six in the morning, with the wind at e., we
weighed again and stood away for Guernsey, and about eleven
of the forenoon we came to an anchor off the banks of Guernsey ;
when I came thither I found the alarm of the Prince's landing
30
at Jersey to be a false alarm. I that night sent away the
Constant Warwick and the Weymouth pink to Jersey to look into
every road and bay of the Island to see what shipping there
was there, and if possible to bring me away a boat to learn
intelligence from him. The 18th, in the morning I weighed,
and with the wind at e.s.e. stood away for Jersey. About one
of the clock we met with the Constant WanvicJc and the Wey-
mouth pink, who had looked into the road at Jersey and there
saw two States men-of-war, one hoy, and a small frigate under
the command of the castle, but could not learn any intelligence
from thence, and therefore I sent away the Constant Warwick
to St. Malo's to see what he could get there, and with all speed
to return to me again, either off Jersey, or upon the banks at
Guernsey. That night we anchored off the road of St. Albins
[St. Aubyn] on the south side of Jersey ; and the next morning,
the 19th, with the wind at s.s.e., we sent off the great shallop
and oar new little shallop with a dozen men, about five of the
clock in the morning, to go in close to the shore to fetch me a
fisherman or some other inhabitant of the Island to give me
intelligence. I weighed and stood in towards the Island, and my
shallop came off to me and brought away a boat, but the men
all left her; then we discovered three small sails standing in
towards Jersey; all the small vessels gave chase to them, but
they got in amongst the rocks, where there was no coming for
our vessels ; one of them proved a small frigate of Jersey. We
saw in the roads an indifferent big ship, which we guessed might
carry twenty-four or twenty-six guns, she had Dutch colours
and we supposed her a States man-of-war, one other small Flemish
vessel, which, if a man-of-war, might carry about sixteen guns,
and a small hoy ; which by our intelligence we learned had been
there above a fortnight. The wind was southward, and about
nine of the clock in the forenoon we stood away again for the
banks of Guernsey; on the west side of the Island is a great
sandy bay, very commodious for landing of men ; it is called St.
Anne's Bay, there is very good riding with an e. wind, but a
westerly makes a very great sea there. The 20th the wind was
at s.s.e. , towards night it came up westerly ; that day the Con-
stant Warwick returned from St. Malo's, who brought me word
there was no States man-of-war there. The 21st the wind was
at e.s.e., about noon it came to s.s.e. That day the Constant
Warwick, the Weymouth pink, the Eagle, and the shallop went
out towards Jersey. The 22nd the wind was at e.s.e., at S.E.,
and towards evening came at s. ; about four of the clock in the
afternoon the Constant Warwick, the Weymouth pink and the
shallop returned and brought me word that there were two ships
more come into Jersey, but they could not make what they were,
it being so thick a fog. The Eagle went for Granvillej about
the same time came in the Crescent with the commissioners for
Guernsey, and three vessels from Weymouth bound to St. Malo's.
At ten that night I sent the hoy with a packet to Portsmouth.
The 23rd the wind veered about to the westward of the south,
at s. and by w. and s.s.w. The 24th the wind continued
31
southerly, and blew very hard; towards noon it came to the
westward of the south, and so to the northward of the west till
it came to n.w. and n.w. and by n., and blew very fresh. The
25th the wind was at n.n.w., a fine gale and fair weather. The
26th the wind came about to the s. and s. and by w. and s.s.w.,
a strong gale of wind. The George went out this morning with
a convoy towards St. Malo's and was forced back with the
southerly wind and came to an anchor about eight in the morn-
ing. The 27th, between five and six this morning, the wind
came up at n.n.w., having blown a storm of wind all night at
s.s.w. This morning my boat returning from the shore brought
me word from thence that the Crescent the day before going into
St. Sampson, was cast away on the rocks ; so I sent Captain
Badiley, Captain Thorogood, the carpenter and others to see
whether she might be got off or no, if not, to get out of her
what might be preserved for the State, who brought me word
that she was bulged upon the rock, and would not be got off
to be brought home, and that they had taken out her guns,
rigging, ground tackle, &c, to be brought away. The 28th, the
next day, the wind blew fresh at w.N.w. I sent off the boat
away again to fetch away what was left in the Crescent. The
29th the wind came out s.w., and s.w., and by s., and blew hard ;
towards noon it flew tack to the w.s.w. This day the Eagle
returned about twelve o'clock at noon, having been at St. Malo's.
The 30th the wind came up at s., little wind and fair weather,
towards noon very thick and foggy; about one of the clock in
the afternoon, it clearing up a little, we discovered two ships
coming from Jersey and shortly after another, whereupon I
commanded the George, the Constant Warwick and the Wey-
mouth pink to weigh and stand towards the cape to see if they
could meet with them ; I cut my cable by the hawser and left
my cable and anchor behind ; that evening about seven o'clock
I came up with one of the yhips, which proved to be a French
vessel come from Alexandria bound for Newhaven [Havre-de-
Grace], in France, who was the day before by extremity of
weather forced into Jersey, and that morning came thence with
two States men-of-war; it growing very thick and dark, the
pilot was unwilling to adventure through the Raze, so we and
the George anchored that night three leagues short off the Raze.
The first of October, as soon as it was light, we set sail with the
wind at s.s.w. I sent the George towards the Downs, and myself
stood towards Portsmouth, to seek out the Constant Warwick
and the Weymouth pink and the States men-of-war. That night
we anchored three leagues short of St. Ellens [St. Helens].
The 2nd we weighed about seven in the morning with the wind
at e.s.e. and s.e., and stood in towards Portsmouth to take up
our boat, whom I had sent ashore the night before with a packet
and to enquire for the hoy ; and that night stood away for the
Downs with the wind at s., which came afterwards to s.w., and so
continued a good handsome gale all that night. The next morn-
ing, the 3rd, we were fair by Beachy by six of the clock, with
the wind at s.w. and by w. ; that night we got into the Downs,
32
where I found the St. Andrew, the George, the Mary Rose, the
Dragon, the Hind, the Paradox, who came the day before into
the Downs, and came from Kinsale the 26th of September, where
he le£t Colonel Blake with the Lion, the Garland, the Elizabeth,
Nonsuch and Guinea frigate ; here I understood the Triumph,
the Victory and the Charles were gone into Portsmouth. The
4th the wind continued at s.w., blew fresh. I ordered the
Andrew to put a month's victuals into the George and go into
Chatham. The 5th, the wind at s.s.w., a fresh gale, I ordered
the Happy Entrance to go into Chatham ; I came aboard the
George, and she set sail. I likewise ordered the Dragon and
the Paradox to lie off and on upon the coast of Flanders, to
carry a convoy thither and to bring one thence. The 6th the
wind was at s.w., it blew very hard. In the morning came in
the Unicorn from Portsmouth, having stayed there near three
weeks for beer in the room of that that stank, in the afternoon
came in the Hercules, who was ordered to come this way with a
convoy of colliers from Ireland, but of twelve that came out with
him he brought in only two. I ordered the captain of him to
go up into Lee road to provide himself with two months'
victuals more, and to convoy a ship of the merchants bound for
Eotterdam, and to stay there eight or ten days and return with
her and what other convoys were ready there, and to bring back
Mr. Strickland from thence. [See letter of Council of State,
Cal. of S.P. Dom., under date October 3, 1649.], The 7th the
wind was at s.s.e., but it did not continue there long, but came
back to the s.s.w. at s.w. The 8th the Hercides set sail for Lee
Road with the wind at s.s.w. The 9th the Andrew set sail with
the wind at w.s.w., that night the wind came up at n.w. The
10th, the next morning, with the wind at n.e. and e.n.e. the
Mary Rose set sail with the convoy to the Bay of Biscay, and
the Fellowship came down with her convoy for Ireland and
went away presently without anchoring here. In the afternoon
the Lily came in from the northward; it blew much wind, we
could not speak to him. The 11th the wind came up northerly,
at n.n.e. I sent away the Lily into Dover Road with order
to convoy the packet boat to Calais, who accordingly went, but
by extremity of weather was forced back again. The next
morning, the 15th, it blew very hard at n.e. a storm of wind all
day. The Old Warwick came in hither and the Dragon, but
the Dragon was forced from her anchors by the storm and went
westward ; all that night it blew very hard. The 13th the wind
continued at n.e. and blew hard. The 14th the wind dullerd
and blew but a gentle gale at e.s.e. and came about to the s.s.e.
This day I sent away the Lily into Portsmouth to be paid off
and laid up; the Paradox came in this day, who being very
defective and her victuals drawing towards an end, I resolved
to send her in to be surveyed at Chatham, and, if found fit, to be
hastened out, otherwise to be laid up. The 15th the wind was
at e.s.e., fair weather, little wind. This day I sent away the
Old Warwick with a convoy to Ipswich, and having but a week's
victuals, if the wind took him short that he could not return
33
to me, I ordered him to go in with his frigate to Deptford to be
paid oft'. I likewise this night sent away the Unicorn with a
convoy first to Calais, then to the Seinehead with two other
vessels, and so to return to me again. The 16th the wind was
at e., a little northerly, a pretty handsome fresh gale and fair
weather. The 17th the wind was at n.e., a handsome gale. The
18th the wind still continued n. I that day sent in the Paradox
frigate to Deptford and to convoy some vessels from Dover to
London. The 19th the wind came up at n.n.e., and from thence
to the N. and n.n.w., and back again to the n.n.e., and blew
very hard. The 20th the wind continued n. between the n.n.w.
and the n.e.n. The 21st the wind was at n.e., e.n.e. About
noon it came up at s. calm, about three in the afternoon it came
back again to the n.n.e., and blew pretty fresh. The 22nd,
about two of the clock, it came up at n.n.w., n.w., and so to the
w.s.w., where it remained most part of the day, little wind.
About three of the clock in the afternoon the Adventure came
into the Downs. The 23rd the wind blew back again to the N.
and n. and to e. This day the Greyhound came in, whom I
instantly sent away to Bulloigne (Boulogne) road, where I heard
some Irish men-of-war were, the Adventure I sent this day to
secure the herring fishermen, and the Thomas, who likewise
came in this day, I sent away to the Seinehead with a convoy.
Wednesday, the 24th of October, the wind came up at n.w. and
n.w. and by w. and w.n.w. This day the Greyhound came over
from Bulloigne road, where he found none of the enemy's
frigates as was informed. The 25th the wind continued
northerly, n.n.w. and n.w. That day I had notice of an Irish
man-of-war that lay hovering about the North Foreland. I sent
out the Greyhound on the back side of the sands to see if he could
light on him. The 26th, the next morning, the wind came up
southerly and s. and by w., fair weather, little wind. This day
the Unicorn came in from the westward. The 27th the wind
was at s.w., pretty fair weather, and a handsome gale withal.
The 28th the wind still continued at the s.w. This morning
came in the Greyhound, the Adventure and the Thomas, and
the Hind frigate with a convoy from the Seinehead to London ;
this day I likewise dispatched away the Greyhound to be a convoy
to two ships of the Merchant Adventurers bound to Hamborough.
The 29th the wind came up something more westerly at w.s.w.
This day came in the May Flower hoy from Guernsey, whom I
sent away with a convoy for London. The 30th the wind came
up easterly, fair weather and little wind. I sent away this day
the Adventure to range along the coast of France and Flanders,
and so over again upon our coast as far as the Hope, and after
three or four days to return to me again into the Downs. The
31st the wind came about to s.s.e. and s. and s.s.w. a handsome
gale; that day I sent away the Hind frigate to convoy some
vessels into the river from Margate and to return again with
all speed. The 1st of November it was very calm fair weather,
little wind, that that was was at s.w. The 2nd the wind was at
w.s.w. a fine gale, but fair weather. The 3rd the wind was at
25. C
34
s.e., thick foggy weather, little wind. This day came in the
Hind from the river and the Adventure from ranging the coast.
The 4th, the next morning, the wind was at s.e., and s.s.e. and
s.s.w. The 5th was at s. westerly, and w.s.w. towards the after-
noon, and at evening to the n. of the w. The 6th the wind came
up at N. and n.n.e., towards noon at e.n.e., and afterwards to the
southwards of the east. [In Colonel PopharrCs handwriting.']
The Commissioners of the Navy to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, August 15. Navy Office — Directing him to inform the
commanders of the various merchant ships employed in the
service of the State that they will be continued out for eight
months, and are to victual themselves accordingly. Signed by
Thomas Smith, Peter Pett, and William Willoughby.
[Colonel Edward Popham] to the Commissioners of the Navy.
1649, August 16 — Answer to the above. [See Cal. of S.P.
Dom., same date.] Copy.
[Colonel Edward Popham to the Council of State.]
1649, August 16. Aboard the Happy Entrance — I am
infinitely troubled to hear of our loss oft Flamborough Head.
I had heard of some distemper amongst the company of the
Tiger and that her captain had to bring her into Yarmouth and
to keep the Greyhound with him " during which time the great
spoil was done upon our merchants' ships by the pirates." I
should have gone myself had I not heard from the Captain that
the ringleader and principal actors were secured on shore, his
men very well settled and he gone to sea, where I hope he 'will
hereafter look better to the securing of the coast. At the beginn-
ing of tlit year I sent a ship or two to lie off Ostend, where they did
very good service, but in my absence they were recalled, and I
have never been able to send any in their place until Monday
last, when I sent the Constant Warwick and the Weymouth to
look after those rogues, of whom I am confident they will give
a good account. Copy. [For the letter to which this is the answer t
see Cal. of S.P. Dom. for 1649-1650, p. 278.]
Colonel Eichard Deane to the Council of State.
1649, August 23. Dublin — Announcing his arrival at Dublin
wi^h eighty-four sail, having in vain tried to " recover Munster
and the bay of Kinsale," and stating that all the troops are safely
landed. Copy.
Colonel Eichard Deane to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, August 23. Dublin — I perceive that you have taken
great pains to have spoken with me, and I as much desired it,
35
but it seems you were prevented " with an alarm from London
with. Swedes, Danes, &c, invading of us." You may be sure,
if wind and weather permit, that when I have sent Sir George
Ayscue up to Kinsale we will send you a couple of great ships
into the Downs.
Postscript. — "I perceive that my Lord Lieutenant will write
to the Council of State to move for Colonel Blake to be Major-
General of the foot. I wish we may have as honest a man in his
room if it- so be."
EOBEET COYTMOR to [COLONEL EDWARD POPHAM].
1649, August 23. Whitehall — I have received letters which
inform me that the Lord Lieutenant left Milford for Dublin on
the 13th inst. with four thousand horse and foot; also that
Major- General Ireton left the next day with the like force for
Kinsale. The House has passed an Act that no French wine
shall be brought into the country, the French having prohibited
our merchants from bringing any woollen cloth or stuffs into
France.
The Same to the Same.
1649, August 25. Whitehall — The Lord Governor has landed
at Dublin with thirty-five sail, which carried two thousand foot
and a thousand horse, and the day following Major-General Ireton
went to sea with seventy-seven sail for Munster. You will receive
letters from the Council [see Cal. of S.P. Bom. for 1649-1650,
p. 290] to ride before Ostend and Dunkirk with the two second-
rate ships. How unfit those great ships are to ride before Ostend
I believe few of the Council know. I have written to Colonel
Deane and Colonel Blake to spare you some of the frigates, " for
I have acquainted them that Ostend, Newport and Dunkirk are
now become worse than Argeere."
Colonel Eichard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham, in
the Downs.
1649, September 1. Aboard the Charles in Bullock Eoad —
Sending him the St. Andrew and the Bonaventure under the
command of Sir George Ayscue, who wishes to go to London on
his own affairs. Signed.
Eobert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, September 6. Whitehall — Captain Wiltshire's ship, the
Jonas, is come in "by reason of the mutiny of his mariners, who
would not stay out any longer. The ship is ordered to be paid
off and the wages suspended of such of the mariners as were the
ringleaders, and to secure their persons if they see cause." The
company of Captain Coppin's ship, the Elizabeth, are of the
C 2
36
same mind and refuse to continue any longer in the service.
" This is an ill-example and there must be some present course
taken with these men lest it should spread further."
ROBERT CoYTMOR to [COLONEL EDWARD POPHAM] .
1649, September 8. Whitehall — The occasion of my writing
to you is to acquaint you with an intercepted letter which dis-
covers the whole Levelling plot. Your Honour may give warn-
ing to the Governors of the three castles in the Downs and
likewise to Captain Billiers, Deputy-Governor of Dover Castle,
that they may keep a careful watch. " The most distempers
that doth yet appear is in Oxford, for there are four or five
companies that have seized on their commanders and officers.
The Lord General and his Council of War met this morning
about them and have taken a course to send forces to quell
them.,,
Council of State.
1649, September 10. Whitehall — Reference of the petitions
of George James, Thomas Stone and other merchants trading
to Biscay to the Committee of the Admiralty. [See Cat. of
S.P. Dam. of this date.~\ Enclosed are the two 'petitions of
the merchants which are mentioned as having been sent to Colonel
Popham in a letter of the Council of State calendared under date
September 11.
Colonel Robert Blake to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, September 10. Off Kinsale Bay — I doubt not but you
have heard that a considerable part of the army on their way
hither were by contrary winds forced into Dublin. " As for the
posture of the enemy in Kinsale we understand that the Scottish
man and a flyboat lie ready to come forth, whose intention we
shall with God's assistance endeavour to prevent."
Sir Henry Vane, jun., to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, September 12 — I have received two letters from you, one
concerning Mrs. Cave, the other about the pirate lately taken.
For the first, as soon as my father comes to town, I will let you
know my opinion ; for the other I have acquainted the Council
of State, as you desired, who have often prayed the House to have
something done about the trial of mariners, but till you write to
the House yourself nothing will be done. " We are hotly
alarmed with the Prince's landing at Jersey and that he is come
in the two Dutch ships we have formerly given you notice of.
It is much wondered at that you have had no ships to intercept
him, and therefore it will concern you to speed away some ships
and those of strength that way to watch over the Prince's motions
37
and to hinder any more transportation of men from France that
way. You must be very watchful in this business, for all men
expected to have had the first notice of such a business from
yourself.
" Postscript. — Colonel Deane writes me word that he has sent
you so many ships into the Downs that he thinks the two great
ships might have been spared. If it be so, pray let us know."
Holograph. Seal with arms.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, September 12 — I have served the State seven months
and have as yet received nothing at all. Anything that may be
claimed in the way of gratuities is due to your secretary, Mr.
Robinson The fees of the clerks and officers of the Council of
State have been long since settled and paid quarterly. Mr.
Frost himself has his 41. a day and indeed deserves it, for he
takes a great deal of care and pains about State affairs. His
eldest son, that attends with him in the Council, has SI. a day.
Ilis other two sons and two clerks a noble a day each, the
messengers 55. a day, with %d. a mile when they ride, and the
doorkeeper a noble a day. I intreat you to write to Sir Henry
Vane, Colonel "Walton and others of your friends in the Council
to ask them to give me a fitting allowance. If they think 300Z.
too much I heg for 250Z. or what they conceive fit.
The Same to the Same.
1649, September 13. Whitehall— In my letter last night " I
doubt me I did mistake in saying that the old man was allowed
4:1. a da^; and 3Z. for his son, when indeed the father has but
40s. a day, and his eldest son 20s. and all the rest of his clerks
a noble."
The Same to [the Same].
Same date and place — Complaining of the slackness of the
postmasters of Southwark and Dartford in the performance of
their duties.
Colonel E. Popham to Sir H. V[ane].
1649, September 14 — Yours of the 12th I received last night
late, giving me notice of the Prince's landing at Jersey and that
it is much wondered at that he was not prevented. In answer to
which I must acquaint you that I had but three ships
of any considerable force — the Happy Entrance, the Mary Rose
and the Constant Warwick — until the George and Unicorn came
down, and they are so ill-manned as to be of little use. The
ships Colonel Deane sent me are the Leopard, the Bonaventure
and the Adventure, whose eight months are done, and they are to
3S .
be brought into dock and fitted for the winter guard. There
was no serviceable ship but the St. Andrew and that remains
at Plymouth. Would you or any man imagine that the army
being so long landed in Ireland they should send no more ships
from thence? You would do well to move the Council of State
to send to Colonel Deane and Colonel Blake to send some ships
from thence to Guernsey. I am confident there is not a States
man-of-war which you have given us notice of but we have been
aboard of, and I believe those very ships before they took in the
Prince, but carrying nothing with them which might give cause
of suspicion. Many inconveniences might have been prevented
had Colonel Deane, Colonel Blake and I fully understood one
another's minds, which by letters we cannot do. Copy.
Written on the bach of a petition from John Williams and
John Mathews of Dover, for the restoration of their boat, seized by
Captain Baddeley.
Colonel Richard Deane to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, September 14. Aboard the Charles in Milford Haven —
I set sail from Dublin on the second. Just out one of our
seamen fell from the main top mast upon Captain Wildey
and ma and hurt us shrewdly, so that X was unable to turn in
bed for many days, but blessed be God we are all three — the man
who hurt us and we two — reasonable well. Three days ago went
away the last of the Lord Lieutenant's army. I have sent you
a copy of Rupert's letters to Ormond and his answer before the
rout, by which you may partly guess their condition. These
letters were taken in Ormond' s cabinet and my Lord Lieutenant
gave them to me. Signed.
Colonel Robert Blake to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, September 16. Aboard the Lion off the Old Head — I
have received a letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in-
viting me with much affection to be Major-General of his foot
and telling me that he has written to some friends in London to
obtain it. It was a strange surprize — greater than that of my
present employment, which although it was extremely beyond
my expectations as well as merits I was soon able to resolve upon
by your counsel and friendship. This resolution remains the
same and I pray you that if the motion be not yet made public
"you will interpose your interest for the prevention of it or to
oppose it if it shall be, that I may not be brought to that great
unhappiness as to waive any resolution of Parliament, which
in this case I shall be constrained to do. . . . I desire from
my heart to serve the Parliament in anything I can, so I shall
account it an especial happiness to be able to serve them in that
conjunction which they have already placed me. If they please
otherwise to resolve I shall be content with a great deal more
cheerfulness to lay down the command than I took it up, and in
private to contribute the devoutest performances of my soul for
their honour and prosperity."
3$
Colonel Robert Blake to Colonel Edward Popham.
Same date — Informing him that he has sent the Triumph and
Victory back to England, both being leaky and the men on the
Victory in a very sickly condition. Signed.
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, September 18. Whitehall — " I believe by this time you
find that there was no reality in the report of the Prince's being
at Jersey. Both he and his brother were at St. Germains on
Monday was sennight and that afternoon they went away.
Whether it was for Jersey or for Holland or which way they
steered their course there is no certainty yet."
Postscript. — There is some doubts of a new rising in Kent.
The business about the Holland trade is put off till your coming
to London.
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, September 18. Aboard the Phoenix in Milford Haven —
Captain Hewitt in the Concord is come from Bristol, bringing our
provisions, and the Lord Lieutenant's household stuff. He tells
me that the Lord Lieutenant's lady will not go over to Ireland
this winter.
Captair Thompson in the Mayflower, like a hen with one
chick, is also come hither with the ship he hired. I have sent
him with Captain Wildey in the Charles to ply about Lands
End, Scilly and the Start. Signed.
The Mayor and Jurats of Dover to the President of the
Council of State.
1649, September 20. Dover — The enclosed letters have been
delivered to us by Elizabeth Whitewell, wife of a prisoner in
Walmer Castle. They are written" from Dunkirk by Mr. Luke
Whittington, said to be the Prince's agent there, and one Cap-
tain Amy. The persons of whom they write are imprisoned
here, not by us but by the Council of State. There are some
poor men of this town prisoners at Dunkirk in an old leaky
ship lying on the water, who humbly desire their liberty. Copy.
On the same sheet,
Luke Whittington to the Mayor of Dover.
1649, September [13-] 23. Dunkirk — Stating that he is
employed by his Majesty of Great Britain about his maritime
affairs; that he has imprisoned certain masters of ships;
and that he means to keep them until his Majesty* s true and
faithful subjects, now in prison in Dover and elsewhere, are
released. Copy. Also
40
The Same to the Same.
1649, September [14-]24. To the like effect. Copy.
John Smythier and Francis Bacon to the Council of State.
1649, September 21. Ipswich — We have received the enclosed
letter from Dunkirk. Lambley and Lavenick are men of great
use for the trade of this town and much wanted here. Copy.
On the same sheet,
Luke Whittington to the Bailiffs of Ipswich.
1649, September [11-]21 — Offering to exchange William
Lamley and John Levenicke for Captain Fairweather and
Mr. Aubeny. Copy. Also
Thomas Amy to the Mayor of Dover.
1649, September [15-]25. Dunkirk — Amongst his
Majesty's loving subjects \_prisoners] in your town " are
fourteen of my men, who I am informed have the large
allowance of one whole penny a day, besides other usage
correspondent thereto, things more becoming Turks than
Christians ; but I now plainly see it is the destruction of the
King's party is aimed at, wherefore we are resolved on a
timely prevention, and I believe you will shortly hear how
dexterously we imitate your barbarous cruelty. I have now,
amongst others, got six of your town, two of which I have
caused to be chained, as you have done William Milgrum
and Robert Mackrow ; and be assured that if the least of our
party perish in prison or otherwise, twenty of yours shall
suffer for it here. Besides, yours being a seaport, we may
doubtless snap more, who shall see that we shall as little
regard the murdering of a rebel as you the starving of loyal
subjects?' But if you will set Milgrum and his company free
you shall have exchange of man for man. Copy.
Colonel Eichard Deane to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, September 22. Aboard the Phoenix, Milford Haven —
" I perceive by Mr. Coytmor that you are gone to Jersey, where
he tells me Mr. Charles Stuart is. You take notice by Major
Robinson's that the Lord Lieutenant is not like with his army
to march to Munster this two months and you desire me to use
all my interest with him and Ireton about it and say you are
sorry they are no more sensible of that place, to all which be
pleased to receive this answer. My Lord and the gentlemen with
him are as sensible of the consequence of Kinsale and the ships
as we can possibly be, and first we endeavoured with the greatest
part of the army to have landed there when Ireton and I were as
high and \_sic~] Youghall, but the wind took us short and we
were forced for Dublin, where they had so deep a resentment
of the business of Munster that they had appointed four regi-
41
ments of foot to be reshipped and Ireton with two thousand
horse and dragoons to have gone through all the enemy's quarters
by land thither, and sent for me and desired me to provide
snipping accordingly. But £ir Charles Coote's brother coming
at the same time from Londonderry and acquainting them that
Owen Roe O'Neale might probably, as he had hope then, [turn
erased"] the balance if the Parliament would not accept of him —
which my Lord was sure they would not — in joining with the
enemy and in regard that Trymme and Tredath [Drogheda] were
the two garrisons that would destroy all the whole country
between them and Dublin if my Lord should march southerly,
and that all Ulster would — as also what Sir Charles Coote had
got in Connaught — be left if Owen Roe did turn to the enemy
and those garrisons in the enemy's hands. Besides I must confess
it was not my opinion that it was safe for the army to ship again
at this season of the year, which is so subject to blowing, that if
we should be scattered and forced into England probably they
would run most of them away and so endanger the loss not only
of that design but also of the whole business of Ireland. But
now it hath pleased God to give them Tredath, Trimme and
Dundalk, as you may perceive by the enclosed from my Lord to
me, they have nothing in their eyes so much as Munster.
And I doubt not but the Lord will give a blessing to their
endeavours.
This day I received notice from Colonel Blake that he hath
sent the Triumph and the Victory in. And truly it is my
opinion they should go quite in — as you may perceive by my
letter, the enclosed to the Council of State — for the great ones
going in, the lesser may be continued out the longer and put the
State to no more charge.
I am now sailing for Grenor Bay and the Bar of Wexford,
where I hope to meet the Lord Lieutenant and part of his
army."
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Popham.
1649, September 22. Whitehall — Captain Moulton with the
Victory, Captain Hall with the Triumph and Sir George Ayscue
with the St. Andrew will be in the Downs with the first westerly
wind.
The Council of State have appointed the Mary Rose to convoy
the merchant ships to Bilbao, but Captain Penrose hath made
excuse that his ship is foul and in want of stores, which Sir
Henry Yane does not take well from him. Signed.
Ships.
1649, September 22 — A list of 23 ships in the Irish seas or
lately sent thence.
42
Colonel Eobert Blake to Colonel Popham..
1649, September 26. Aboard the Lion off tbe Old Head —
Upon the Triumph and Victory leaving this coast I wrote
acquainting you with the condition of the fleet. The Paradox
frigate, under command of my brother, being not fit for service
on this coast I have sent to Colonel Deane at Green Ore Bay, and
if he find him not there to repair to you at the Downs for further
disposal. As for affairs here I know nothing otherwise than
what I wrote you formerly, not doubting but you have heard of
the success which God hath been pleased to give our forces in
taking of Drogheda, &c. I shall with God's assistance do my
utmost endeavour to keep plying off and on this bay for deterring
the enemy's issuing forth. Signed.
Eobert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, September 27. Whitehall — " Sea affairs go on but
slowly here, like the Egyptian chariots in the Eed 863." In my
opinion, if one of you were here once a month, you would further
maritime affairs far more than by being abroad. The Council
of State leaves it to you to dispose of the great ships that are
at Guernsey and to put others in their room. The sooner you
come away with those two unruly ships the better, " being as
dangerous a place as you can be upon, in respect of the coast
of France and the many rocks that are about those islands,
besides the violence of the tides there, but whom you will leave
commander-in-chief there I am not able to advise. The custom
was heretofore that the senior commander of the State's ships
should command in chief, and if you keep that rule then either
Captain Young or Captain Pierce should command over the
[captain of the] Constant Warwick, who is a stranger unto me,
but by what I have heard he hath more capacity to manage the
business than either of the other two, though I hold Young to be
a very honest man, yet not fit for such a command.5 ' If you
could put Captain Bodiley on board the Dragon or Constant
Warwick to command in chief the business would be very well
managed.
Colonel Eichard Deane to the Council of State.
1649, September 27. Dublin — Eeporting the casting away of
the Tiger's Whelp on Dublin bar and the condition and move-
ments of the Irish fleet. Copy.
William Mildram or Meldrum and others to Colonel Popham.
[1649, September, Dover] — Petitioning for their release by
exchange or otherwise from the custody of Henry Tiddeman,
serjeant of the Admiralty, according to Captain Amye's proposal.
Twenty-three signatures.
43
Robert Coytmor to Sir George Ayscue.
1619, October 1. Whitehall — The enemy in Dunkirk have
taken many of our ships of late and have written arrogant letters
to Dover, Yarmouth, Hull and Ipswich, threatening how cruelly
they would use all our men who are their prisoners if we did
not discharge theirs; and, in pursuance of their wicked work,
they have taken one or two of the colliers and laid them under
the fort of Mardyke and made them a prison for our men, where
they put them in irons and feed them with nothing but bread
and water. Captain Coppin has offered to free these men and sink
the ships, and the committee have moved the Council of State to
recommend the matter to your care. k4 The good news that is
come this day from the Lord Lieutenant is that the town of
Drogheda was taken by a storm with the loss of about eighty
men of ours — some letters say but sixty-four — and the officers
of note are only Colonel Castle and Captain Symonds. Of the
enemy put to the sword three thousand five hundred and fifty-
four." "We have taken Trim, Dundalk and Carlingf ord. Colonel
Venables has gone to Lake Lisnegarve and then to join Sir
Charles Coote to clear the province of Ulster. The Lord Lieu-
tenant has gone with the other army to Washford [Wexford],
which I hope he has taken before now, and so to Kinsale or
Kilkenny. He will want more foot to garrison the places taken.
" The brave town of Limerick have sent to treat with him upon
composition, so I hope we shall have all Ireland brought under
the obedience of this Commonwealth in a short time. The Lord
make us thankful for all his mercies."
Postscript. — " The French begin to lose ground with the
Spaniard and they have sent to us and promise us satisfaction
for the many injuries done to us. This one is tanparalleled —
that they should admit of our ships to be brought and sold in
Dunkirk as though they were lawful prizes. I hope the time
is at hand when we shall pay them in their own coin." Copy.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Popham.
1649, October 2. Whitehall — The Council of State have given
order at Portsmouth to make stay of all colliers that come from
Irelaad. You may guess what employment they are to be set
upon.
There is news from Ireland of the taking of Carlingford and
that Colonel Venables has joined with Sir Charles Coote to clear
the province of Ulster, and the Lord Lieutenant is gone with
the body of the army towards Washford [Wexford]. The last
great storm has driven the James, Blackamore Lady and Scotch'
man out of Kinsale. It may be Rupert is gone in them. Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1649, October 3. Whitehall — "I was to wait on your lady
when that great storm was, but I would not acquaint her in what
44
danger you were in respect of that rocky place and the dangerous
shoals on the French coast." It is desired that you will certify
whether the Thomas, which has been condemned in the
Admiralty Court as belonging to desperate malignants, is fit for
the service of the State.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Popham.
1649, October 4. Whitehall — There is no certain news here
of C[harles] S[tuart] being at Jersey but what came from your-
self. The Council of State is informed that the Unicom has
ridden in Stokes Bay these three weeks and done no service at
all. Sir Henry Vane commanded me to acquaint you with it
and that you should send for her and employ her for the service
of the State. Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1649, October 5. Whitehall — I have received a letter from one
of your mad captains, Richard Ingle by name, from Zealand.
He says his ship is no winter ship and that his victuals are spent.
I think it will be no disservice to discharge him and the
vessel for the present. Holland with the Falcon is discharged,
whom I conceive to be such another commander as Ingle is.
Signed.
Colonel Richard Deane to the Council of State.
1649, October 5. Greenor Bay — We arrived at Wexford on
the 29th of September, and my Lord [Lieutenant] came with
the whole army on the 2nd instant, the enemy having put into
the town on the 1st a governor with fifteen hundred foot. The
castle at the mouth of the harbour was quitted at the approach
of the army. The Lord Lieutenant has summoned the town
and they are in treaty. Copy.
Ireland.
1649, October 5. Liverpool — "We hear here that upon the
advance of my Lord Lieutenant's army towards Wexford, Wick-
low was quit and left, and that the garrison also deserted Artlow
[Arklow] Castle and put fire to it, but it was speedily quenched
by some of the army and a strong garrison put into it. The castle
is strong and stands upon a pass thirty-four miles from Dublin.
Whether Wexford yield or hold out is not yet certain, the report
at Dublin being that they intend to stand upon their guard and
had received in three thousand more men.
Colonel Venables, being made Major-General of Ulster and
Governor of Londonderry, and marching northward " his forlorn "
was fallen upon by an ambuscade of nine hundred horse under
Colonel Mark Trevor and the Lord of Ards and put to some
45
disorder, but the whole body then drew up and routed the enemy,
taking five hundred prisoners and slaying fourteen or fifteen
hundred, but Lord Ards and Colonel Trevor escaped. By others
who were in Dublin on Wednesday we have the further addition
" that upon the deserting of Artlow Castle three thousand of the
enemy betook themselves to a bog and were all cut off and slain
by our army, and that much shipping is observed to pass with
people from Ireland towards Spain.,,
On the same sheet.
A list of the horse and foot in Drogheda upon the last muster :
Foot, besides officers 2,500.
Horse 220.
Eminent officers — Sir Arthur Aston, Colonels Waring [or
Warren], Wall, Burne [Byrne], Flemmins [Fleming], and Sir
Edmund. Yerney, two brothers of Lord Taaffe, Majors Butler,
Williams, Dowdall and Tempest, Lieutenant-Colonels Dreyle
[Boyle ?], Gray, Butler and Cavenagh, Captain Harbottle, Sir
John Dungham [Dongan], prisoner, Captain Walter Dungham,
Captain Edmund Fitzgerard, and Plunket, son to Lord Dun-
sanev.
The Council of State to Colonel Popham.
1649, October 6. Whitehall — Concerning prisoners at Dun-
kirk and directing him to prevent pirates from going in and out
of that port. Signed by Bradshaw. [The order for the letter
is calendared under date^\
EOBERT COYTMOR tO [COLONEL EDWARD POPHAM].
1649, October 6 — I send you an information by one Little,
that was a prisoner in the ship under Mardyke fort, by which
you will see how easy it is to free those men and sink the ship.
The Council has given orders to Sir George Ayscue accordingly.
I hope he has acquainted you with them. Captain Coppin of
the Greyhound offered to do the business himself.
The Same to the Same.
1649, October 8. Whitehall — Letters from Ireland bring news
that three thousand of the enemy were placed in a narrow way
near Arclo Castle to stop our army, " but they were beaten off
and fled into a bog, which some of our old soldiers knew very well
and went after them and cut them all off. We have another letter
from the north of Ireland, which saith that Colonel Yenables had
a shrewd dispute with the Lord of Ards and Mark Trevor and he
killed and took near two thousand men. So that the whole
forces of the Lord of Ards and that party are quite defunct, and
I hope the province of Ulster will be the Parliament's without
any further opposition." Signed.
46
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, October 12. Whitehall— The letters you sent for Colonel
Deane and Colonel Blake were inclosed in my packet to Mr.
Robinson, but the post boy was met upon Hounslow Heath and
robbed of his horse and all his letters. Some of them were taken
up the next day upon the heath and yours have been sent to me
to-day. " The French affairs are still in the same posture. The
King and Queen in Paris and the Prince of Conde and the
Cardinal are reconciled, as it is conceived, but the town of Bor-
deaux stand still upon their defence and are battering the castle
there/' Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1649, October 18. Whitehall — I shall endeavour to hasten
forth the Recovery, " but I am informed that some of the Com-
missioners have a design to cast her and so by that means have
her for themselves or their friends. I have often acquainted you
that the State cannot have faithful service done by them so long
a3 many of them are owners of ships and practise the trade of
merchandising, and some others of them are woodmongers and
buyers and sellers of timber. If you will have the navy and
Commonwealth faithfully served you must have the Com-
missioners free from such practices. I do not speak thus as
though I would be one myself, for I bless God I am not, in
regard of the dealing I have lately observed by them." Signed.
The Same to [the Same].
1649, October 19. Whitehall — Your brother [Col. Alexander
Popham] came to town with his lady to-day.
" You may be pleased to write a line or two to the Council of
State for the setting forth the Recovery, for I understand that
some persons have a design to buy her for merchant affairs. The
captain and all the officers will certify that she is a new strong
ship and will sail better than any of the prize ships." Signed.
The Same to [the Same].
1649, October 19. Whitehall — There hath been one Lewis
with me to recommend him to you for the place of purser in the
Bonaventure. He was Captain Richard Cranley's man, and
though he be my countryman I can give him no better character
than I can give his master. You have made an order that every
man should execute his place in his own person. If you put
that in execution I believe he will leave the place. You have
servants and followers of your own that, I believe, expect pre-
ferment.
47
EOBERT COYTMOR tO [COLONEL EDWARD POPHAM].
1649, October 22 — " I may not be so free in writing unto you
now as formerly. I pray you let not your clerk see those letters
which I wrote to you touching some parties."
Sir H. Vane, jun., to Colonel Edward Popham, in the Downs.
1649, October 22 — " Upon some complaint to the Committee of
the Navy about the abuse of convoys in the captains taking
moneys and the like to the grievance of the merchants, the Parlia-
ment have referred it to the Council of State to consider for the
future how certain ships may be allotted for convoys and that
without charge to the merchants. It will be very fit you and me
have our thought to set down some settled course in this matter.
My father being not yet come to town I have not been able
to do anything about what your mother petitions for."
Holograph.
Colonel Eichard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, October 22. Milford Haven, aboard the Phoenix — The
Lord Lieutenant with his army came before Wexford the first
of this month and we with twenty sail came to the bar with
the battering guns, bread and ammunition on the 29th of last
month, but it blew so hard that we could land nothing for seven
days. My Lord summoned the town, but received a dilatory
answer — they hoping for relief from Ormond's forces — and on the
1 1th began his batteries, upon which they sent a trumpet to desire
leave for some gentleman to come out, who brought articles,
which no doubt you have seen. Before the Lieutenant's answer
was sent in the governor of the castle, perceiving the cannon
had made a great breach in it, offered to deliver it to us, provided
they might have their lives and liberties, which were granted.
We therefore delayed sending my Lord's answer until they saw
that we had the castle, hoping they would surrender and that we
might save the town. But as soon as the enemy perceived that
our men were in the castle and fired into the town they began
to run away from the walls, whereon they on the castle called to
those by the batteries to fall on, and without orders or word they
got ladders and climbed the walls and in half an hour we had
possession of the town, with the loss of only seven men.
The enemy lost at least a thousand, slain or drowned.
On the 16th my Lord marched to Ross, and on the 18th the
town surrendered upon articles. From Ross he marched on the
19th to Duncannon with what forces he could spare, and has
sent for his battering guns to come to him by water.
Charles II.
1649, October 23. The Court at Castle Elizabeth in Jersey—
A declaration to his subjects in the kingdom of England. M.S.
48
[Printed copy amongst the King's Pamphlets, E. 578 (2), but
dated October 31.]
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, October 26. Whitehall — Informing him of the taking
of Wexford and the surrender of Ross, and that Inchiquin had
been refused entrance into Cork, Youghall, Dungarvan, and
Bandon Bridge. Signed.
The Same to [the Same].
1649, October 27. Whitehall — A man-of-war lately took two
fishermen's ships out; of Rye Bay and chased four of them ashore,
and would have carried them all away if sixty of the garrison
of Rye had not come and driven them off. The committee
desire you to order some vessel to guard the coast of Sussex.
Postscript. — " Lilburne was yesterday brought to his trial for
publishing treasonable pamphlets, but acquitted for want of
positive proofs." Signed.
The Council of State to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, October 27. Whitehall — Concerning the mischief done
to merchant ships at the Canaries. Signed by Bradshaw. See
Cal. of SP. Dom., same date.
Enclosing,
Report by David Stephens that great damage is expected
to be done to the vintage shipping by Captain Plunkett, who
has come into the Canary Roads with an Irish man-of-war,
bringing the Marquis of Ormondes and Lord Inchiquin' s
commission. Dated September lZth, 1649, Teneriffe. With
note from Nic. Blake to Mr. Hill concerning the same.
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, October 29. Whitehall — " I have received a letter from
the Council of State unto you, which is a direction how the
engagement shall be taken in each of the ships in the State's ser-
vice. The committee are of opinion that you shall do well to
order every man that subscribes the engagement to write also
the place of his abode, which they conceive will be a further tie
upon them. I am of opinion that Dover will supply you with
parchment enough for rolls for as many ships as you shall cause
to take the engagement." Signed.
49
Sib H. Vane, jun.. aiftl Colonel Valentine Walton to Colonel
Edward Popham, on board the St. George in the Downs.
1649, November 1 — The letter from the Governor of Boulogne
to the Parliament has been communicated as you desired, but
" the direction was so slight, being a Messieurs, Messieurs du
Parlement oV Angleterre that the Council thought not fit to have
it delivered ; and as you have occasion you may let the Governor
know that the true direction to the Parliament is, Aux tr&s
haut et tr&s puissant, le Parlement d' Angleterre, which you
desire all letters sent to them by your hand may be in that
manner directed." In Vane's handwriting, signed by both.
Colonel Robert Blake to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649, November 5. Cork Haven — On Saturday last I came into
this harbour, being invited by a report that the town of Cork
had declared for us and turned out Major-General Stirling, the
Governor, which intelligence I found to be true. " There came
to me Colonel Reeves, he who was formerly in Taunton Castle,
Colonel Townsend and Colonel Blunt, with divers other gentle-
men, actors in this business, in whom truly I find a great deal of
gallantry of spirit." God is still working for us, for while I am
writing news comes that Youghall has again declared for us,
and we have some hope of getting Kinsale shortly. Copy.
[The Governor of Ostend to Col. Edward Popham.]
1649, Nov. [6-] 16. Ostend — I have received your Excellency's
letter, in which you are pleased to state your opinion of me for
having admitted into this port a vessel taken by an Irishman,
with fresh herring. There being here a convoy vessel belonging
to your jurisdiction, the captain of which demanded from me the
restitution of the said vessel, I answered him very courteously
that I was heartily sorry not to be able to serve him in the
matter, but that I had no authority in such business, which
belonged to the Admiralty, although I would willingly help him
as far as I could, as I have done all those who have made use of
me from Parliament. It grieves me extremely that your Ex-
cellency has a different opinion concerning me, but I hope you
will inform yourself of my conduot, and be pleased to consider
me still as your servant. The prize-vessel with corn was taken
by a Nieuport warship, whose owners are persons of high quality
and credit, and have a patent from the King, my master, to do
all the injury possible to the enemies of his Majesty and of his
commerce. I hope your Excellency will look at this dispassion-
ately, and give permission to the owners of the prize to convey
her to the ports of Flanders. Spanish. [Compare Col. Pop-
ham's letter of Nov. 12, Col. of S.P. Bom. for 1649-50, p. 389.]
35. D
50
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, November 8. Milford Haven — I received intelligence
yesterday that Cork and Youghall are declared for the Parlia-
ment of England and upon that Rupert sailed in haste from
Kinsale with seven ships. Which way he is gone we know not,
but in all probability for the Straits, to meet the vintage coming
home. My reason is that the Bishop of Deny was taken with two
letters going from Rupert to Inchiquin, wherein Rupert writes
that he stayed for Lord Musgrave * and intended to see him out
of danger on the French coast.
The Council of State to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, November 10. Whitehall — We are satisfied it is
necessary that the five hundred men appointed to go for Guernsey
should be speeded away, which men we conceive are in good
readiness, and we have given order that ships should be ready
for them at Portsmouth. For the better expediting this service
we desire you to repair to Portsmouth and Weymouth to see to
the despatch of those forces, whereby the danger that may other-
wise happen may be prevented. Signed by Bradskaiv. [The
order for the letter is printed in Cal. of S.P. Dom., under date
November 9.]
The Council of State to the Generals at Sea.
1649, November 16. Whitehall — For enabling the army in
Ireland to carry on their worl£, there are five thousand foot
recruits and a regiment of horse ready to be sent over, for the
transportation of which we desire you to take up such ships as
may be sufficient, and what you shall agree with them for, we
shall take order it be paid. Three thousand foot and three troops
of horse are to be shipped at Chester and Liverpool and the rest
at Minehead, Appledore and Milford. We are informed there
is no shipping at present " in Liverpool or Chester water," and
when any do come in they go out at pleasure for want of some
ship of war to lie there to command them. "We desire you
to use all expeditions for sending some shipping from those parts,
for the want of men is so great in Ireland by reason of so many
places taken that are garrisoned, that there must be a supply
with more speed than shipping can now at this time or year be
reasonably expected to come about." Signed by Bradshaw.
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Popham.
1649, November [16 ? Milford Haven]" — Captain Fearnes of
the President has come in from Knockfergus, " who tells me
that that is an agreement between the Governor of that place
and Sir Charles Coote that if he be not relieved within these
ten days, that then he will deliver the town. Coleraine, I doubt
* Probably Sir Pihilip Musgrave is meant.
51
not but you have heard is taken, so that this place only remains
of all the North of Ireland in opposition against the Parliament."
I am now going for the coast of Ireland. Signed. Torn.
Colonel John Pyne to William Clarke, servant to Lord
General Fairfax, at Whitehall.
1649, November 17. Curry Mallett — " What I wrote for my
thoughts concerning the consequence of Lilborne's being ac-
quitted was not without book, for I find his party to increase as
well as insult and cry victory. The ministers, many of them
they are mad on the other hand, I will give you a branch of a
late petition of his prayer in the pulpit of one of them, viz. : —
' Lord ever be good and gracious unto those who according unto
our covenant engagement, ought to bear rule over us/ Besides,
there hath lately passed an order in the House that all moneys
for sequestrations shall be returned into Goldsmiths' Hall, so the
committee of this county are now disabled to pay one penny unto
anyone whatsoever, though never so deserving, whereas before,
we did by paying and encouraging officers and soldiers in some
part of their dues, we preserved the interest of the Parliament
and army amongst them, notwithstanding many endeavours by
some busy and powerful persons in this county to the contrary,
but now the soldier begins to grow discontented, being apt to
turn leveller, and the old deceitful interest under the notion of
the Presbyterian party begins to rejoice and practise their old
designs. These things considered, and if Sir Hardress Waller
should be called with his forces from us, we should in these
western parts be left in a very raw and unsettled condition, es-
pecially if it should prove true that the Prince is at Jersey with
two thousand Swissers. We must submit unto God, who hitherto
hath protected his people, though but a very small remnant com-
paratively with the multitude of enemies they are environed
with.
I am very glad there are resolutions taken to proceed vigorously
with the engagement, which I think will make a notable dis-
covery and indeed rout amongst all professions and callings what-
soever, however for my own part I do swear all constables and
tithingmen according unto the engagement. I have not heard
a long time from Mr. Rushworth, I hope he is well."
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Popham.
1649, November 23. Aboard the Phoenix in Milford Haven —
I should have been gone two days since had we not been becalmed
when we were under sail, " but I am glad I stayed to receive the
good news of Sir Hardress Waller's forwardness towards the
assistance of our friends in Ireland, who want more such hands
to that good work. It troubles me that it lies not in my power
to give him that assistance you desire," but if you order the
Adventure and some other to call in at Plymouth I conceive they
D2
52
may well both transport and convoy him and be a security to
those western coasts, where there is much, — as I think, — cause-
less fear. Signed.
The Council of State to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, November 24. Whitehall— We desire you to lay your
commands upon the colliers to go to Chester and receive orders
from Mr. Walley for transporting the forces there. When you
have landed your soldiers at Guernsey we desire " that you face
them at Jersey with your fleet and hover thereabout for some
time, whereby you may annoy them at Jersey and trouble their
counsels and retard their executions of what they shall resolve."
Signed by Bradshaic.
The Same to the Same.
1649, November 29. Whitehall — Enclosing information con-
cerning the depredations committed 4* by Rupert and other
pirates " and directing him to take measures for the preservation
of the merchants and for the suppression of the pirates. Signed
by Bradshaw. The order for the letter is in Cal. of S.P. Dom„
same date.
The Council of State to the Generals at Sea.
1649, December 1. Whitehall — " By the enclosed you will see
what information we have received concerning the proceedings
of Rupert at sea, taking and spoiling our merchants, whereby he
will, beside the loss of particular men, much enrich himself and
infest the seas, interrupt and destroy trade and diminish the
customs, and also increase the fleet he already hath to a great
number, which may prove of great difficulty to reduce if it be
not presently undertaken." We therefore recommend to your
special care what use may be made of the winter fleet and to
consider what ships of the Irish squadron may be employed in
that service, and also how the mischief may be prevented, by
taking the ships under his command. Signed by Bradshaw.
\Order for the letter in Cal. of S.P. Bom., same date.~\
The Same to the Same.
1649, December 3. Whitehall — Directing them to send out a
fleet of ten ships to find out where Rupert is and to reduce or
destroy his fleet, a ship from Cadiz confirming the information
that Rupert is in those seas and has sent to Spain to have liberty
of the ports for disposing of his prizes and for victualling.
Signed by Bradshaw. \Order for the letter in Cal. of S.P. Dom.,
same datel\
Council of State to [the Generals at Sea].
1649, December 8. Whitehall — The paper of which enclosed
is a copy has been presented to us from the Commissioners of the
Navy and some of the Trinity House and approved by us. We
have given orders to the Navy Commissioners to put the same
in execution, and desire you to use all possible expedition in
getting the squadron out to sea.
Enclosing,
Navy Commissioners and others to the Council of State.
1649, December 7. Navy Office — Offering suggestions
in regard to the squadron to be 'put forth for the southward,
in accordance with the order directed to them [by the
Admiralty Committee. See Cal. of S.P. Dom., under date
December 6.] With a list of the ships fit for the service.
Copy.
Admiralty Committee to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649, December 9. Whitehall — Stating that they have con-
ferred with the Navy Commissioners and suggesting certain ships
to be a fleet to attend Rupert's motions. Signed by Sir Henry
Vane, jun., and Colonel John Jones. [Printed in Cal. of S.P.
Dom., but under date December 1st.]
The Council of State to Colonel Popham.
1649, December 13. Whitehall — Directing him to give Cap-
tain Sherwin a commission as commander of the Hind. Signed
by Bradshaw. [See Cal. of S.P. Dom., under date December
12.]
The Isle of Wight.
[1649] — Proposition for the establishment of the castles and
forts in the Isle of Wight, viz. : — Carisbrooke Castle, Cowes
Castle, Sandham [Sandown] Fort, Yarmouth Castle, Caries
Sconce, Bembridge Fort, Netleyheath and Gurnard. Signed by
Tho. Bowerman, Edm. llolph and John Baskett.
EOBERT COYTMOR to CAPTAIN BaDILEY.
1649 [-50], January 3 — Informing him that his letter respect-
ing Prince Rupert's proceedings has been laid before the com-
mittee and has given them more light than they had hitherto
had.
William Purefoy to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649 [-50], January 9 — Asking that his kinsman, who is on
board the Leopard "in the condition of a common man," may
54
be preferred to some employment " suitable to his experience
and former services." Seal of arms. -
Hugh Morrell to Colonel Popham.
1649[-50], January 11. London — Two vessels, worth 40,000Z.,
have been taken by Captain White \_see Cat. of S.P. Bom.,
January \bth, 1650]. Seventeen arch rebels have been let free
out of Dover ^aol and have gone to Calais, and Captain Bing
is let out of Newgate. Two or three keepers ought to be hung
up for such acts.
EOBERT CoYTMOR to COLONELS POPHAM and BLAKE.
1649 [-50], January 12. Whitehall — The Commissioners have
orders to make ready twenty ships with all speed, " for we hear
the French are preparing to meet with our fleet by the extraordi-
nary manning of their own, as you will perceive by Keyser' s letter
enclosed. I fear nothing but that your fleet is too weak to go
into the Straits." The money is all on board the Constant
Warwick, and she is fallen down into the Hope already. Signed.
Enclosing,
Captain Thomas Keyser to Colonel Edward Popham at
Whitehall.
[16]49[-50], January 10 — Informing him of his arrival
from Seine-head and that there were great naval preparations
being made in France, where it was the common talk that
Prince Robert \_Rupert] and they would join; and urging
him not to allow the ships designed for the Straits to go forth
ill-manned.
Robert Coytmor to Colonels Popiiam and Blake.
1649 [-50], January 12. Whitehall — My packet was ready
when Mr. Scott came and wrote the enclosed, and also willed
me to acquaint you by word of mouth that it was the Council
of State's opinion as well as his " that you should do well to
send forth a ship of force to range along the coast to see whether
they can meet with the Holland ship that carries back the Laird
Liverton [Liberton] from Jersey, and that he may be narrowly
searched in case he be surprized."
Enclosing,
Thomas Scot to Colonel Edward Popham.
1649 [-50], January 12. Whitehall — Captain Keyser has
given information " that upon the Lord Libburton's return
from Jersey there will probably an opportunity offer itself
for understanding the effect of his negotiation, and the return
he has got. Now truly, considering it is from the Prince,
a declared enemy of this Commo?iwealth, I know no cause of
55
tenderness therein hut that if he comes in your way he may
be visited, and if there be anything of concernment to or desigr.
against this Commonwealth that you please to cause it to be
transmitted hither with all due speed."
[Council of State to Colonel Robert Blake.]
[1649-50, January 17] — Instructions for the General appointed
to command the fleet for the southern expedition.
Printed in Thurloe's State Papers, Vol. 1, p. 134.
The Navy Commissioners to the Generals of the Fleet at
Portsmouth.
1649 [-50], January 21. Navy Office — Concerning the fitting
out and despatch of the southward fleet and the difficulty of
obtaining merchant ships .for the summer1 guard. Three
signatures.
Robert Thomson to Colonel Edward Popiiam.
1649 [-50], January 21. Navy Office — I have propounded
your letter to Captain Goslin, but he wholly declines to be made
commander of any merchant ship over another man's head, who
has more right to it than he. I fear that if you do not give
leave to masters to go as commanders of their own ships you will
lack fitting men to command more than ships.
The Council of State to Colonel Popiiam.
1649 [-50], January 24. Whitehall — Informing him that
there are eight vessels at Ostend and Dunkirk " making ready
for Charles Stuart," besides two frigates gone westward to look
for prizes, and directing him to go towards those parts to prevent
mischief. Signed by Bradshaw. [The order for this letter is
given in Cal. of S.P. Dom., under this date.~\
Generals of the Fleet to the Council of State.
[16]49[-50], January 26. Portsmouth— Stating that tbey
have no medicaments, cordials or syrups for the surgeons of the
fleet, and that as such things cannot be obtained in Portsmouth
they are about to send one of the surgeons up to London to pro-
cure them. Copy by Colonel Popham.
Robert Coytmor to Colonel Edward Popiiam.
1649 [-50], January 26—1 beseech you consider what weak
guard you have at home in the channel and write to the Council
of State to hasten forth the summer guarel.
56
Postscript. — " Believe me Sir, there is need of yoHi here. I may
not speak or write of the slowness of some persons in the public
service, for I suffer deeply already for my free speaking thereof,
and I find that you do not bear me out in it as I expected ; and
therefore I will sit down suffering with patience, which I have
much ado to hold when I see such selfishness in men, which
is no better than knavery if I should do it."
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1649 [-50], January 28 — Informing him that two Dutch ships
have been wrecked on the Goodwins and that the crew and goods
to the value of 80Z. have been preserved by Captain Coppin's and
Captain Holding's men at the hazard of their lives ; but that
the Serjeant of the Admiralty claims the goods, and that the
claim is countenanced by the Governor of Dover Castle, " which
makes the poor seamen half mad."
Sir H. Vane, jun., to Colonel Popham, at Portsmouth.
[1650, January] — " I hope by this despatch you will have all
things brought to you that you expect from hence for expediting
of Colonel Blake; which being done it will be necessary our
business here in the narrow seas be consulted and looked after,
least we have blamers at home whilst our thoughts are so much
abroad.
I expected to have had Colonel Deane before this time with us,
that by both your advices the list of officers for the next summer
service might be settled and all things relating to the same put
in a good way of despatch. Much solicitations we have for a fit
commander of the Northern squadron now Peacocke is removed
thence."
Council of State to Colonels Popham, Blake and Deane.
1649 [-50], February 12. Whitehall — Commission appointing
them Cemmanders of the fleet for the ensuing year. Signed by
Bradshaw. Seal. Parchment.
Captain [Thomas?] Lilburne's Answer.
1649[-50], February 23—" If Captain Lilburne should en-
deavour to provoke and stir up the soldiers against their officers
he must acknowledge that to be a crime not sufferable in any
officer or soldier of the army, but he never gave the least occasion
for any man to suspect such a thing, and utterly detests such
a spirit, way and practice, but on the contrary has ever made it
his study and endeavour, according to his utmost power, interest
and ability, to maintain the pure and good government of the
army and to keep a unity and good correspondence between the
officers and soldiers of the army, and to make up breaches and
57
differences from time to time as occasions have been offered.
Capt. Lilbume hates and utterly dislikes such a way as going
from town to town to inquire if the soldiers paid their quarters,
as is without any ground in the world suggested, nor he never
did any such thing, but having reason to ride much through the
country between his own house and his troop, and other occasions,
he hath been told oftentimes by countrymen how deeply they have
suffered by the soldiers quartering, and if as an officer of the
army, tender of the honour of the army, and as a countryman,
of the good of the country, he should have asked whether the
soldiers carry fair and did not wrong the country, knowing that
his Excellency had given such strict orders and commands to
all officers of the army to be careful to put the Act of Parlia-
ment and those orders in execution, also knowing how the rest
of the army were quartered and that the rest of the counties
were free from any burthen by reason of quartering, he humbly
conceives it could not be looked upon as any offence in him,
but only as one desiring to act in obedience to his Excellency's
orders and commands, and if he saw them violated by members
of the army to acquaint his Excellency therewith that justice
may be done. [Imperfect.]
[Captain] Robert Beake to William Clarke, one of the clerks
of Lord Fairfax.
1649[-50], March 13. Coventry — "Last Lord's day preached
here one Mr. [Joseph] Salmon, sometimes a preacher at Paul's
wharf, and his hour was spent to the admiration of all honest
men, of whose worth they no sooner made their boast but — they
not only found him a comrade of Copps — they perceived in him
a most pernicious spirit and heard him swear many desperate
oaths, of which he was convicted before the magistrate." One
[Andrew] Wyke, an Essex man, and a Mrs. Wallis have been
here to visit Copp. 4k They said the Scripture to them was no
more than a ballad, that there was no devil, that it was God
that swore in them." Wyke called a soldier of mine a friend of
hell, a child of the devil. These men are of acute wits and
voluble tongues. They are now committed for contempt of
authority and other misdemeanours. [Compare letter from the
Council of State in Col. of S.P. Dom., under date March 16.
Copp was imprisoned for writing a pamphlet called "Some
blasphemous truths ."]
Major William Daniel to William Clarke, one of the Secre-
taries to Lord Fairfax, in St. Martin's Lane.
1649 [-50], March 16. Chester Custle — News has come from
Ireland that the rebels have blown up the castle in the Island
of Allen and the Castle of Athy. They have also delivered up
B ally shannon, which place our party have garrisoned, as well
as the Bog of Allen, Athy, Kilrush, Tomaline [Timolin?], and
58
KQbay. The Lord Lieutenant is very active in Munster and is
now before Clonmell. The plague is very hot in the Irish
quarters.
Colonel Whitley has been taken, who " pretended to have
made his peace in the general composition of North Wales,
and had the General's pass and protection either true or counter-
feit. But he being one of the Prince of Wales' sworn servants,
and took but the benefit of his protection to act some base design,
it pleased God it was discovered by a letter that came from a
grand cavalier that was one who had intended to have surprised
the Isle of Bardsey near Carnarvon, which going to him was
intercepted by the way, and we, the committee of North Wales,
clapt him up prisoner. There are many other dangerous persons
that move under the General's protection, and I could wish that
you, who are so near him, might prevent such actings, for there
is such a deadly feud betwixt the persons for a state and
monarchical government that there is no hopes of reconciling
many of them."
Exiled Gentlemen of Jersey to Loud General Fairfax.
1650, March 28— The Council of State, on 29th of May, 1649,
referred it to your Excellency's care to consider of some forces
to secure Guernsey and to reduce Jersey. [See Cat. of S.P. Bom.
for 1649-1650, p. 161.] But Jersey still continuing unsubdued,
a harbour for pirates and a continual relief for Guernsey Castle,
and certain intelligence having arrived that the Prince has gone
away with all foreigners and that " a panic fear hath seized
upon the malignants there, to the transportation of their goods
to St. Malo's," your petitioners, faithful friends of Parliament
and utterly undone, pray that some forces may be sent to join
with those already in Guernsey for the reduction of Jersey.
Colonel Robert Duckenfield to [William] Clarke, Secretary
to the Lord General in London.
1650, Ma[rch, end of?] — u General Major Ashton and Colonel
Holland are much eyed as most popular and inclining to head a
party to close with the Scots against us. They have conveyed
their estates to others to evade the law, which course very many do
imitate daily. It's the earnest desire of the modest and well-
affected party — that in regard [of] a new war which they plainly
discern is coining hastily upon us and cannot be diverted, the
clergy being the chief causers thereof — that such as be inter-
mediaries and promoters of the new war may bear the greatest
burden thereof and that the innocent may not as formerly most
suffer for the faults of the no — [torn~\. One newly arrived here
from the north of Ireland saith that the old national feud betwixt
the Scots and us begins to appear there very sharply, and that
the English are like to be questioned for outing their dear
brethren of their sweet possessions in Ulster. The Irish generally
5D
fly towards Connaught as their last refuge excepting Spain and
are in extreme want and disorder, which causeth the Catholics
to haste the Prince into Scotland with all their might to divert
our Irish army if it be possible. And on the other hand I con-
ceive it would be very advantageous for our state to haste an
army into Scotland, thereby we may on equal terms fight the
Scots before their new harvest, till when they cannot hurt us
much, they wanting money and other necessaries, and thereby
we shall evade a winter's war, which otherwise assuredly we must
expect from them, which will be three times more chargeable and
insufferable and dangerous in that country than a summer's war.
Some ministers and others of Lancashire are bound to appear
at the assizes or imprisoned for exclaiming against the present
authority, that commonly in the pulpits [is] called a den of
thieves and such like terms."
Postscript. — " The better sort of the Scots have most villainous
intents towards us and often say they will revenge all their late
losses and affronts received from England. The loss of Ulster
they digest worst of all." Seal with arms and crest.
Andrew Wyke to Samuel Snell, Mayor, and the rest of the
Aldermen of Coventry.
1650, April 1. Coventry, Common Gaol — I am given to under-
stand by Mr. Butler, my keeper, that I am prohibited from
preaching at the grates as formerly, and that none are to speak
with me but in his presence. You profess to the world to walk
by the rules of mercy, love and justice, yet you imprison me,
against whom there is nothing alleged but for swearing, for
which I was fined two shillings, and now you have sent up to the
Council of State, by which means I am further detained. I am
above a hundred miles from my home [Colchester] and was upon
my return thither when Captain Beake secured me, yet you have
not been so far Christian as to supply my wants, and further,
when I quietly and peaceably preached Christ to the people, you
hi.ve restrained me, prejudicing the good of many poor souls that
hungered after the bread of life.
" I have one word more and I leave you, viz., that if the glory,
pomp and greatness, the ornaments and brave attire of you magis-
trates in Coventry, the sweet perfumes and savours of you, do not
become a stink and noisomeness, a shame and destruction to you,
and that you are burnt up in the ashes of the consumption of all
your outward glory; and if the slain of the Lord, among you
Coventry magistrates and Christians be not many, and that within
two years after the date hereof, then say the Lord have not
spoken by me." [See Cat. of S.P. Dom. for 1650, pps. 133, 517,
&c]
to
1650, April 2. Edinburgh — " The winds have been of late and
continue still very fair from Holland, so that we are in hourly
expectation from thence, and till some inkling which way matters
60
are likely to go there nothing will or can be done of concernment
here, only this rest assured of, that not a people alive can be
more desperately and unanimously bent upon invading England.
We wait only the stating of the quarrel. And believe it, our
statesmen would make short work with the King, but for the
Kirk, and they once engaged you will see strange work. The
most backward men will be the most forward and the most cold
the zealousest. . . All men are of opinion that the King will
land in some part or other of this country. We say the mis-
carriage of the last year's war in Ireland was because of the
King's not going in person thither. We are all in a posture of
war, every man knows under what captain and colonel to rise.
We can no sooner hear the King will come, but we hope presently
to have a strong army . . . and be confident we are then
forthwith for action ; we cannot maintain an army at home.
1,000/. sterling is given towards repairing and fitting the Abbey
and Stirling Castle for his Majesty, and now that search is made
for his household goods, as plate, pewter, &c, very little can be
found. Several oi the German officers and others lately come
to town have been the last week with David Lesley. He desires
them to make shift for two or three weeks, and then he doubted
not but that they should have money and employment. But
this I may assure you, our hopes are not so much in any force we
can raise, as in fomenting divisions among them. Having notice
from the Commissioners that they intend to keep the next Lord's
day as a day of humiliation, it is also enjoined to be kept through-
out Scotland for the good success of the treaty. Last Friday
Argyle's eldest son was contracted to the Earl of Murray's
daughter, and on Saturday he began his journey towards the
Highlands to set all in order there, whence he is not expected
till towards the latter end of this month, about which time, if
not before, things will begin to work. One came hither last
week with letters from the Earl of Derby, thinking to get passage
from hence to Holland to the King. There was sent hither last
week a list of every troop and company in England and how
strong each, and by whom commanded, and where quartered,
and the like for Ireland, and what advantages and disadvantages
you have for getting of moneys over what last year. Also what
divisions in Parliament, army, city, country, intimations thereof.
Late letters from Dublin say that Ormond is over sea and that
the Irish are all submitted upon condition to have libertv of
conscience. This is written and given out by the greatest here.
The last letters from the North speak not of Montrose's being in
the Orkney, notwithstanding all reports. Nothing yet from
Holland." Copy. [Printed m " Original letters and papers
of State, fyc." ed. by John NicJcolls, 1743. B. M. press mark
599 k 13.]
On the same sheet,
[1650, March} — Instructions to the Commissioners sent to
Breda :
1. The King's late letter sent to Scotland to be urged
not satisfactory nor the grounds of the treaty.
61
2. To urge him to recall all commissions or warrants given
by his Majesty or by his warrant.
3. To acknowledge all former Parliaments since the late
King's own presence or Commissioners.
4. To urge the League and Covenant with the additions.
5. To urge the motives granted upon the eleven resolutions.
6. To put from him all persons excepted against by [the
committee of cancelled] both kingdoms.
7. That he is convinced in his judgment in the subscribing
of the covenant.
8. To invite him home ; but it is their humble advice to
end all things before he come from Holland.
9. To entertain correspondence with the Presbyterians about
the King.
10. The treaty to continue only forty days.
11. Matters civil for the King and his successors to deter-
mine by Parliament and ecclesiastical matters by the
Assembly.
Sunday next is ordered a day of humiliation here, which
will be kept by our Commissioners in Holland, and
the ministers of the Low Countries are not only hoped
to concur therein, but also in address to his Majesty.
The reasons of the fast. These —
1. The continuance of and increase of sin and pro-
faneness.
2. The sad condition of the well-affected in England
and Ireland.
3. The King's present condition and the address
presently made to him.
4. The condition of those who presently rule in
Judicature, whether civil, ecclesiastical or military, in
this kingdom, that they may be preserved, stand faith-
ful and never incline to malignancy or sectary.
5. The sad condition of seed time and the season of
the year threatening a dearth if not by special
providence prevented. Copy.
[Colonel Popham.]
1650, April 16. Narrative of a voyage begun upon this date —
" Upon Tuesday, the 16th of April, I came aboard of the State's
ship the Andrew, then riding in Tilbury Hope, where I found
the Paragon, the Phoenix, the Peregrine, the America, the Great
Lewis, and between Gravesend and the Hope lay the James,
another merchants' ship in the State's service, all which had their
orders ; the Andrew, the Phoenix, the America, the Great Lewis,
all bound for the westward ; the Paragon and the Peregrine for
the coast of Ireland ; and the James for the guard of the New-
foundland fishery. The wind in the morning was east, but
towards four in the afternoon came to the S.S.W. and S.W. ; most
of the ships wanted men and lie here to man themselves. The
17th J continued at an anchor in the Hope, the wind at S.W,
62
The 18th came in the Rainbow from Chatham and the James
and the Merchant out of the river, the wind continued between
the S.W. and the S. The 19th I gave order to the Falcon to
convoy three vessels laden with the State's goods bound for
Portsmouth into the Downs and to stay for the Paragon, who
was to convoy them thence to Portsmouth, the wind in the
morning was at S.S.W., towards the noon it came to the W.S.W.
The 20th the wind came up easterly and towards noon to the
southward ; this day with the first of the ebb the Falcon went
hence with her convoy. 21st, we weighed about twelve of the
clock with the wind at S.S.W. and between that and the S.W.,
the Paragon, the Phcenix, the Peregrine and the Great Lewis in
company. The Rainbow was left behind to man herself and the
America to convoy some vessels for Rotterdam. We came to an
anchor about three of the clock off the Nore, where we found the
Paradox and a Flemish hoy lately come from Lisbon at an anchor
bound for London. The master of the Flemish vessel, Cornelius,
Scotchman, informed me that he had been sixteen days from
Lisbon, that he had letters from Colonel Blake, but could not
come at them till he had unladen his ship, and that three days
before he came thence there came in two French ships, the one
a great ship of above forty pieces of ordnance and five hundred
men, the other about six or eight and twenty guns, both Flemish
vessels, with an intention to have served the Prince, but by a
mistake the captains came aboard of Colonel Blake, whom he
there detained prisoners and kept the ships, and saith likewise
that there were four French ships more coming thither. 22nd,
here we anchored all night and the next morning till towards
eleven of the clock in the forenoon, about which time we all set
sail again with the wind at W.S.W., sometime more southerly,
sometime more westerly ; a pretty fresh gale. We came over the
Flats and came to an anchor again in Margate Road about three
in the afternoon that day. 23rd, the next morning, we weighed
again about four of the clock with the wind at S.S.W., but it
growing very thick foggy wet weather we would not adventure
through, but came to an anchor off of the North Foreland. 24th,
the next morning, between five and six, we weighed again with
the wind at S.W. and turned into the Downs, where we came to
an anchor again. Here we found the Dragon, the Greyhound,
the Lucy, the Lily, the John pink, the Truelove, the Hind, there
came in hither this day the Mary and five other ships from the
Straits. 25th, the wind came up this day to the north of the
west and continued at W.1ST.W. and N.W. till noon, and then flew
back again to the south of the west ; it continued at the S.W.
all that night and the next day, 26th, and blew verv hard. The
27th the wind was at S.S.W. and S.W., towards the evening I
received a letter from the Governor of Rye, Major Gibbons, who
informed me that there were four small men-of-war of the enemv
lying in Rye Bay within sig-ht of the town, I present^ dispatched
away the Greyhound and the Lily to look after them. The 28th
the wind came to the east of the south, continued there a little
while and flew back again to the S.W. In the day sent away
63
the John pink to Rye to fetch thence the mackerel fishermen.
The 29th the wind was at N.W. and W.N.W. and came back
again to the S.W. and to the east of the sonth and S.E. This day
the Supply went hence with a convoy for Youghal, the Lucy with
a convoy for Seinehead, and so to the coast of Ireland, the
Phoenix and the Dragon for the westward, and the James, a
merchants' ship, for a convoy for the Newfoundland fishery. The
Hind and the Truelove I ordered for Portsmouth and to take
with them several vessels laden with ordnance and ammunition
for the State's service bound for Portsmouth, but the wind
beginning to blow fresh westerly they bore up again and came
into the Downs this night. 30th, the next morning, between two
and three of the clock, the wind came up at N.N.E. ; the Hind
and the Truelove went away with their convoy; about twelve
o'clock this day I set sail out of the Downs, ordering the Great
Lewis to bear me company, but she came not that day ; I ordered
Captain Hackwell, in the Paragon, and the Peregrine to stay
there till further order from Colonel Deane. Oif Hide [Hythe]
I met with the Star frigate, who had given chase to a Norway
man all that day, had newly come up with her. I ordered him
to search her thoroughly, and so parted with her. The first of
May I got the length of the Wight by six in the morning with
the wind at N.N.E. I kept on my course to the westward, lay
weighed that night. The 2nd, next morning, came up with me
the Great Lewis and the merchant. "We all got into the Sound
at Plymouth and came to an anchor there about nine of the
clock in the morning, the wind being at E.N.E. ; shortly after
came in the Hopeful Luke with three or four vessels bound for
the Newfoundland and the Hector and Peter frigates, who had
been at St. Malo's with a convoy. 3rd, the wind continuing
at E.N.E. I gave orders to the Hopeful Luke to be gone with
these four vessels for Newfoundland. This day came in the
Satisfaction from Portsmouth, and the Hopeful Luke set sail
according to my order for Newfoundland. The 4th the wind still
continued in his former corner easterly and to the northward of
the east. 5th, the Greyhound and Lily came in hither, the
Greyhound having but two days' beer aboard I ordered to go
into Catwater to wash and tallow and to take in more victuals,
the like for the Lily. This day came in likewise the James, the
other convoy bound for Newfoundland, whom I kept with me
till I could hear from London ; the wind still continues at E.N.E.
The 6th came in the Phoenix from Portsmouth about eight in
the morning and the William ketch about noon came likewise
thence, the wind being at E.N.E. I presently ordered the
Phoenix to stand off with the William ketch to sea and see her
safe out of the channel, whom I ordered to repair to Lisbon to
Colonel Blake with the packet. Between one and two that day
the wind came to the south of the east, and about three to the
south and so to the westward of the south till it came to the
S.W. and W.S.W. The 7th the wind continued W. and blew
very hard, this day came a messenger to me from the Council of
State with all my despatches for Lisbon. The 8th the wind
64
continued still S.W. and W.S.W., but blew not so hard [as
the] day before, it came to the N.W. and W.N.W., but flew back
again to the south, thick and rainy weather towards night. The
9th, in the morning came in a vessel of Plymouth, who came from
Avara in Portugal, could give little intelligence, but that he
heard our fleet was at Lisbon and so was Rupert ; the wind was
at W.N.W. and N.W. and N.N.W. The 10th in the morning
the wind was N. somewhat easterly, less wind, but came about
again to the S. and S.S.W. The Greyhound and Lily went
hence this day to lie off Scilly, the Phoenix to accompany the
ketch bound for Lisbon to Colonel Blake with a packet from
the Council of State ; towards the evening the Hector and Peter
set sail for Ireland, with the wind at N.E. The 11th wind still
continued E. or S.E, N.E. ; the Dragon came out this morning,
having victualled and washed. The 12th the Dragon set sail
to the westward to lie between Scilly and Mounts Bay with the
wind at E.N.E., a fresh gale all the day till towards five in the
afternoon the wind came up southerly, little wind, but between
seven and eight came back again to E. and E. and to N. The
13th came in the Resolution, the Hercules, the Paragon and some
vessels with her bound for the coast of Ireland, it blew fresh at
N.E. and E.N.E. all that day; we delivered out stores that the
Resolution brought for the ships bound to the southwards and
took in other provisions that were to be taken in at Plymouth.
The 14th, wind still continued easterly, about eight of the clock
in the morning I came aboard the Resolution, and as soon as ever
I came aboard I shot off a warning piece, loosed my fore topsail
and gave order to those several ships to set sail with me for
Lisbon ; the Andrew, the Satisfaction, the Hercules, the Great
Lewis, the Merchant and the James, which was formerly designed
for the convoy of the Newfoundland fishery ; toward the evening
the wind came up S. and S.S.E. thick rainy weather, that we
could not weigh that night ; about four of the clock the Phoenix
came in, whom I ordered to follow me. The 15th, about three
in the morning, I weighed with the wind at S.E. and stood off
to sea with the Resolution, the Andreio, the Phoenix, the Satis-
faction, the Hercules, the Great Lewis, the Merchant, the James
and the Hercules of Plymouth, a victualler that carried provisions
for the rest of the fleet at Lisbon. About six o'clock in the
evening, finding the victualler a great way astern, gave order to
stay for her, so we lay by the lee till past eight, and then she
came up with us, we likewise met with the Greyhound coming
from the westward, the wind was at N.E. and E.N.E., a pretty
fresh gale till towards two in the morning, 16th, then it grew
little wind till towards four, then it was westerly to N.W. and
N.W. a fresh gale, then it came about to W. and W.S.W. and
S.W. The 17th the wind continued between the S.W. and
S.S.W. ; we were in the fair way between Scilly and Ushant.
The 18th was little wind, fair weather, the wind southerly, be-
tween the S.S.E. and S.S.W. The 19th calm, fair weather, the
wind at W.S.W. and S.W. The 20th thick weather and rain,
little wind, the wind at S.W. ; about twelve o'clock at noon the
65
wind came up at N.KW. and N., a fine easy gale, so we steered
away S.W. and to S. till eight at night, and then we steered away
S.S.W. The 21st the wind still continued N. and to the W. of
the N. and we our course S.S.W. The 22nd the wind came a
little to the E. of the N., a fine gentle gale, fair weather, and
we continued our S.S.W. course. The 23rd the wind was E. in
the morning and at M . towards noon, and after, very little wind ;
we kept our course S. and S. and to W., towards four in the
afternoon the wind came up at W. and W.S.W., a fresh gale,
and towards twelve at night it blew a storm of wind and S.W.
and S.S.W. till eight the next morning, 24th, then the wind
came up N. and N.N.W., a fresh gale. About twelve o'clock
this day was made the North Cape ; we steered away S. and by
W. and S.S.W. ; it blew very fresh all this night at N. and
N.N.W. The 25th the wind being at N. and N. and by E. we
steered away S. and S. and by E. with a short sail, it being a very-
fresh gale of wind and all the fleet far astern ; towards noon it
blew much wind and the wind still increasing upon us towards
night, about eight of the clock we lay short, fearing we should
overrun our port. It blew a storm of wind; we lay with our
head to the westward till twelve that night, then we made sail
again. The 26th, between nine and ten in the morning, it being
very hazy we got sight of the Borlings [Berlengas], being about
four leagues short of them, the wind was at N. and to the E., a
fresh gale, fine weather. That night I came into the road before
Castcalles [Cascaes], where I found Colonel Blake and the rest
of the fleet. Colonel Blake came aboard to me in the morning,
where we agreed together first of all before we proceeded to any-
thing to send to Mr. [Chas.] Yane, the Parliament's agent at
Lisbon to the King of Portugal, to acquaint him with what we
further intended, which we accordingly did ; the wind blew very
fresh that day at N.N.E. The 28th we received letters from
Mr. Yane intimating to us his resolution of coming to us the next
day. Colonel Blake with some merchants come from Lisbon
came aboard hither ; we gave a pass to one Mr. Happell, master
of an English ship, to carry a Governor from Lisbon to the
Terceiras. The wind still blew very hard N. The 29th came
a letter from the Brazil Company desiring the releasing of the
English ships we had stayed bound t ) Brazil, or if that could not
be obtained that they might have liberty to take out their goods,
to which we returned no answer, expecting Mr. Yane, from whom
late this night we received a letter that the Comte de Yermira
desired to speak with him this afternoon, and that at his request
he had deferred his coming aboard to us until the next day.
We had this day very fair weather, little wind, what was W. and
W.N.W., towards night it was off the shore N. again. The 30th
Mr. Yane, the agent, sent another letter to us excusing himself
that he was hindered from coming to us according to his inten-
tion by a command from the King of Portugal, who had given
order that he should speak with him that afternoon ; fair weather
this dav, the wind E. and E.N.E. ; towards night N. again and
to the W. of the N". The 31st Mr. Yane with much difficulty
25 B
66
got aboard, who as soon as he had seen our instructions, resolved
to return no more, the wind in the morning was E., fair weather ;
in the afternoon it was off the shore N. The first of June we
all rode here in Castcalles Road, filling water, with the wind
W. in the day and N. at night. This evening came Colonel
Blake aboard this ship and remained here. The 2nd two of Mr.
Vane's servants came aboard from Lisbon, who brought word
that all the English merchants that seemed any way affected to
the Parliament were secured in Lisbon ; the wine was out at W.
all day and N. at night, a pretty fresh gale. The 3rd we had
much wind at N.N.W., this day we purposed to have called a
council of war, but we had so much wind the boats were not
able to come aboard. The 4th it blew fresh, but not so much
wind as the day before ; it was off of the shore N"., and towards
night little wind. The 5th pretty fair weather, the wind came
off from the sea, W. About six in the morning we shot off a
gun and hung out a flag of council, where we resolved to send an
officer with a letter to the King of Portugal to demand the ships,
and in case he refused them to do what we could to right ourselves
by force. The 6th we sent away the lieutenant of the George
with a letter to the King of Portugal, as it was agreed on the
day before at the council of war, and wrote likewise to the Gover-
nor of Castcalles to give him a safe convoy to Lisbon and back
again, and ordered him to return again as soon as ever he had
delivered the letter to the King of Portugal. We set the King
a day to give an answer to our letter, which was between this
and Monday next, the 10th of this month. It blew a fresh gale
at W.N. and about noon came off the shore and was ~N. The
7th fair weather in the morning, the wind variable, sometimes
S., sometimes W., but towards noon it came off the shore at
N.N.E. and blew fresh ; all our [men] were this day employed,
some in fetching water, others in fetching their provisions.
About five in the afternoon came in the Brazil frigate from
Plymouth with the rest of the victuals for the fleet here. The
8th a small vessel stole in bv us close under the Castle of Cast-
calles into Lisbon, so we ordered the Phoenix, Expedition and
Providence to lie off the Rock to stop any vessels before they got
within the Rock that were bound into Lisbon ; the wind was
sometimes W., sometimes 1ST., a pretty fresh gale. 9th June fair
weather, the wind variable, a fresh breeze in the afternoon at
W.N.W., towards night more N. off the shore. The 10th we set
all our boats awork to fill water and take out our victuals both out
of the Plymouth ship and the Brazil frigate [sic], it being fair
weather and little wind. This day we expected the return of our
messenger from the King of Portugal, but he came not. The
11th we called a council of war to advise what was fit to be done,
the time limited for the King to send his answer being: expired
and our messenger not returned. As soon as the council was set,
about eight in the morning, Captain Legend returned with an
answer from the King, which being interpreted delusory or at
least dilatory, we resolved to dispatch away Mr. Yane, the agent,
for England, to give an account to the Council of State of our
67
proceedings, and the Bear-Admiral with the Entrance, George,
Leopard, Adventure, Assurance, Merchant, Whelp and ketch to
Cales [Cadiz] as well to meet with some French that lay hovering
there, as to bring beverage and water for the supply of the fleet
and with the rest to block up this harbour. The 12th we were
all day taking out all the beverage and water these ships could
spare that were bound for Cales for the supply of those that
stayed behind. We likewise ordered the Constant Warwick to carry
Mr. Vane for England and to return to us again with all expe-
dition. The 13th Constant Warwick set sail for England about
eight in the morning with the wind at N.E. This day we sent
out all our frigates to bring us in what fishermen they could get,
who brought us in sixteen sail, only two escaped. The 14th the
Rear- Admiral early in the morning set sail with his squadron
of ships for Cales with a fresh gale of wind at N.N.W., and it
continued so all that day. The 15th we sent in a Frenchman to
Lisbon with the soldiers that belonged to the ships bound for
Brazil and one fisher boat with twenty fishermen in her ; the wind
still blew fresh northerly. The 16th we discovered a sail coming
out of the bay of the Wyers [Oeiras], the frigates stood with him
and brought him off to us, he was a Swede bound for Stockholm.
He informed us that the King of Portugal was making ready
all his shipping to come out and fight with us ; that he had put
soldiers aboard all our English merchantmen within and had put
the English seamen to man his ships ; it was pretty fair weather,
the wind at TsT.W., towards the evening more westerly. The 17th
early in the morning passed by us a Frenchman with a white
ensign and jack ; our frigates stood with him, but could not cut
him off from getting into Lisbon. This day we weighed and
stood in nearer into Castcalles Road to get smooth water to clap
on some fishes on our bowsprit, which was very rotten and had
a great crack a little above the wooldings, the wind was at N.W.,
fair weather and a pretty fresh gale, towards evening it was
more N. The 18th we made way for the fitting of our bowsprit,
it being fair weather, little sea and the wind at N.W., towards the
evening it came more northerly. About seven of the clock in
the evening came off a boat to us from Castcalles, who brought
us letters from the Brazil Company inviting us to send some
ashore to confer with them, for whom they sent to us a pass
under the hand of the Secretary of State for their safe being
there, but we returned answer to them that if they pleased to come
hither to us they should have free liberty both to come and go
at their pleasure, and dispatched away the letter that nig-ht by
the same boat. The 19th we had fair weather, the wind TV.,
towards noon it came about to the IN", of the W. Between twelve
and one of the clock in the afternoon this day we received a
second letter from the merchants of the Brazil Company to invite
us to send some ashore, for that the company had forbid them
to ffo on sea, which as formerly we refused, but acquainting them
that if they had anything to impart to us they might come and
go freelv. The 20th the Brazil Company of merchants sent to
us Mr. William Roles with a letter, wherein they referred them-
68
selves to him to deliver their mind more fully to us, the drift
of whose discourse tended to the sending of some persons of
quality ashore to be hostages in their room while they remained
aboard with us, to which we could not consent, we having none
but officers in the fleet, which we did not think fit at such a time
as this was to trust from their ships, with which answer he
returned this night. The wind was at W. and to S.W., little wind
till towards two or three in the afternoon, then it came up
northerly, and towards night blew very fresh and all the night.
The 21st the wind still continued I\T., somewhat to the W., and
blew very hard. The Brazil Company this day sent us again
another letter and in it a safe conduct under the King's own
hand for any we should send ashore to go and return in safety,
which was sent back again to them by the same messenger,
with a safe conduct from us for any they should send aboard ;
it blew hard that night. The 22nd the wind was off the shore
N. and N. and by E. Towards ten o'clock in the forenoon it was
indifferent fair weather. The boat then went to Castcalles with
the messenger and letter to the Brazil Company. The Phoenix
and Exj^edition came in from lying off the Rock and the Tigzr
and Providence went out. The 23rd it was very fair weather and
little wind at N.E. ; towards noon Mr. Roles was sent off to us
again with a letter from the Brazil Company, intimating to us
that they could not come aboard upon our safe conduct till they
had asked leave, which they were gone to Lisbon to do, and that
then they would give us an account, to which we returned no
other answer but that if they came they should be welcome ;
he likewise brought off nine of our men, that were prisoners at
Castcalles, and we likewise returned some seamen ashore that
were in the ships bound for Brazil. Towards evening there was a
pretty fresh breeze off the shore at IS. The 24th it was fair
weather, little wind at N*., in the afternoon a pretty fresh breeze.
The 25th, fair weather, little wind, very variable, sometimes N".,
sometimes W., sometimes S. ; about three o'clock in the after-
noon we spied a sail off the cape standing into Lisbon by
Sisembry [Cezimbra], the Elizabeth weig-hed and stood with him
[sic] and made several shots at her and at last brought her away,
she was a French vessel laden with corn bound for Lisbon. The
26th the wind was W. at W.N.W. and W. and by K, fair
weather all day. We sent the master of the French vessel ashore
to know whether they would deposit money in our hands for the
vessel and goods, they being consigned to English, but really
belonging to Portugal, as we found by papers. The 27th it was
thick weather, but fair, the wind at W. and W. and by S. ;
towards evening it was off the shore at N.N.W. and blew pretty
fresh. The 28th the wind was W., fair weather and little wind,
the Tiger brought in a small Hamburger that came from the
Madeiras bound for Lisbon ; this day came a Swede ship out of
Lisbon and brought from thence divers English that stole away,
who brought us word of great preparations that the King* of
Portugal was making both by sea and by land, and that he had
banished and [sic] imprisoned all the English merchants and sea-
Hien that would not serve Rupert. The 29th it was fair weatner,
little wind, all the morning W., in the afternoon it came to the
S.W., thick rainy weather and began to blow fresh. The 80th the
wind came back again to the N. and N". and by W. off the shore
and blew hard all that day and night. Towards evening we dis-
covered two carvels near the shore on the Almado side bound for
Lisbon ; we fitted and manned one of our fisher boats and sent
after them to see if she could cut them oif from going to the
town. The 1st of July the wind was all the morning out at W.
and W.N.W., in the afternoon it landened and came up to the
N. a fresh breeze ; this evening our fisher boat that was sent out
the day before returned and brought us word that one of the two
boats we sent him after got in, the other he forced ashore under
the castle at Sisembre ; he brought us in a new carvel with three
mizzens and four murderers that he gave chase in the morning,
all her men quitted her and got away in a boat, so he brought
away the carvel supposed to come from Port a Port bound to
Lisbon. The 2nd the wind was out at W. and S. and S.W. in
the morning and little wind, in the afternoon it was at N.W.
and KW. and by N. About four of the clock in the afternoon
Mr. Roles was sent to us with a letter from the Brazil Company,
wherein they signified to us that they had by Mr. Roles sent us
an oifer, which they doubted not but if we would hearken to we
should go with satisfaction and reputation from this kingdom.
We demanded of Mr. Roles what it was, who told us in a business
of that consequence he durst not trust his memory and had
therefore writ it down as it was delivered to him by them ; it
consisted of three propositions — the first, that we would give our
consent that the Brazil Company might buy all the ships of
Prince Rupert and employ them in their service only, and not
against England nor any of the people of England, they engaging
themselves that they should never be restored to this nor any
other King of England. Secondly, that Rupert and his brother
might have liberty to go whether they would. Thirdly, that we
should deliver up the Brazil ships with all that belonged to them
to proceed in their voyage, all which we rejected and did not
think worthy of an answer, and that night sent him ashore again.
The 3rd it was fair weather, the wind W. in the morning, in the
afternoon off the shore northerly, a fresh breeze. The 4th the
wind was at W. and to the S. of the W. and continued so all day,
little wind and fair weather. The 5th the wind was at S.S.E. in
the morning till towards nine of the clock, then it was thick
wet weather and that brought about the wind to the W. of the S.
and it continued at S.W. all that day. We this day, finding
water and all sorts of liquor to grow very short with us, called
a council of war to advise of what was fit to be done, having had
no news of our fleet that went to Cales since they went from us ;
it was there resolved not to spare any more of our fleet to Cales,
but to send the Tiger, Providence and Cygnet to the Isles of
Bayonne with as many empty casks as they could carry, to fill
them with fresh water and to return again to us with all the
haste they could, with which, and lengthening out our own all we
to
Could by bringing our men to half-allowance of drink, we intended
to remain here, either till our fleet returned from Cales or till
necessity enforced us to remove altogether, and accordingly the
Tiger, the Providence and Cygnet set sail this evening with the
wind at S.W. for the Isles of Bayonne. The 6th the wind was
southerly, that that was in the morning, but calm for the most
part of the day, towards the afternoon the wind was W. and to
the N., about seven at night the Expedition came in, having
plied between the Borlings and the Rock all the week. The
7th the wind was at W.S.W., a handsome gale, fair weather all
the morning ; there came in hither a great ship of Sweden bound
for St. Utal to load salt. He met with the Tiger frigate off the
Borlings, who sent him into us. lie acquainted us that he had
met with three or four Turks men-of-war, who lay off Port ;
we took out of him what fresh water he had and permitted him
to go into St. Utal. Towards three of the clock in the afternoon
the wind came to W. and W.N.W. The 8th the wind was at
E. and S.E. and S.S.E. and S.W. in the morning, fair weather,
little wind, in the afternoon it came to the N.E. and to the W.
of the N., N.N.W. The 9th it blew very hard all day, but the
wind was very variable, sometimes at N.N.E., N., N.N.W. and
W.N.W., then it flew back again to the N.N.W. and blew very
hard all night. The 10th the wind continued N., sometimes to
the E., sometimes to the W. of the N., a stiff gale, but not so
much wind as was the day before, this day was brought in to
us a fly boat of Amsterdam that came from Norway laden with
deals and was bound for Lisbon, but we would not suffer him
to go in thither, the Cygnet not being able to keep it up any
longer to the N. was forced to bear up and came in this day. The
11th the wind was easterly all the morning, a pretty fresh gale,
and to the N". of the E. ; towards noon it proved little wind and
the wind very variable, sometimes W. and at last settled in the
N.N.E. About the shutting in of the evening we discovered seven
or eight sail of ships off the Rock, the Phoenix was one of them
and brought in a Holland ship of twenty-six guns that was
bound for Lisbon ; the rest were bound for St. Utal. The 12th
the wind was E. in the morning, little wind and very hot,
towards noon it sprung up a gale at N.W., and after at
N.N.E., where it continued all that day; the Phoenix descried
a sail in the morning and stood off with her, about three of the
clock in the afternoon he brought her into us, she proved a
Flushing man-of-war, a cruiser that lay on this coast to look after
Brazil men. The 13th the wind was W. in the morning, little
wind and very hot weather, towards the afternoon a fresh breeze
came off the shore at N.N.W. and K and N.N.E. and there
continued all that day. The 14th the wind was E. in the morn-
ing, then it came to the W., little wind and hot weather, in the
afternoon it came to the N. of the W., a fresh breeze, and towards
evening it came to the N.E. This day we sent out the America
and the carvel to the Borlings and the Phoenix to lie off. The
15th the wind was W. all the morning, very hot weather, towards
three in the afternoon came a fresh breeze off the shore at N.
71
and N.N.E. The 16th, little wind at W., this day about ten in
the morning came in the Assurance from Cales, who brought us
news oi three French men-oi-war our neet met with in their way
to Cales, one whereof they sunk, the others got away and told us
that our fleet would be speedily here from Cales with beverage
and water; it blew hard all this night. The 17th the wind
continued still northerly and blew very fresh all the morning,
toward the afternoon it came to the westward of the N. and to the
N.W. and blew hard. This evening the Providence, whom we
ordered to tne Isles of Bayonne to fetch water, being very leaky
returned, not being able to keep it up. The 18th, fair weather,
little wind in the morning, W., in the afternoon off the shore
a breeze at N.W., N.N.W., and N. and by E. The 19th we sent
out the Bonadventure to lie off the Point as near as she could
and so as he might keep sight of us too ; this day the Providence
having stopped her leak, we sent her away to ply towards the
Isles of Bayonne and to observe the former orders given her, in
the morning we had a fine breeze at W. and W.N.W., towards the
evening it came up to N.N.W. The 20th the wind in the morn-
ing was E., little wind, but it came about to the W. and W.N.W.
and N.W., where it continued almost all the day a pretty fresh
breeze. About six o'clock in the evening we descried several ships
coming from before the town of Lisbon into the Bay of Wyers
and continued so till dark night, which we supposed to be the
King of Portugal's fleet come down to ride there. The 21st,
early in the morning, we descried four sail of ships more come
down into the Bay of Wyers, which made in all fourteen sail
of ships or thereabouts, they were some of Rupert's fleet and some
of the King of Portugal's. The wind was in the morning W.
and W.N.W., a fresh breeze. The Bonadventure and Assurance
descrying a sail at sea stood with her and about noon brought
her in unto us ; she was a vessel of Amsterdam come from Bilbao
bound for Malaga, so we dismissed him, the wind being fair for
him at N.W. and afterwards at N.N.W., a fresh gale. The 22nd
there came down more ships into the Bay of Wyers, twenty-two
sail we saw there riding at an anchor ; we this day called a council
of war and disposed ourselves into the best posture we could to
receive them ; the wind in the morning was at W.N.W., a fresh
gale, in the afternoon off the shore at N.W. and KKW. The
23rd in the morning came in the Tiger from Yisfo, little wind,
a fresh breeze, about noon at W.N.W. and there it continued
all that day. Imperfect.
Annexed,
Note of receipt of 200 dollars from Captain Jacob
Reynolds at Pondeveara in Galicia for a carvel sold by him
there, with further note of disbursement of part of the money.
William Robinson to Colonel Popham, aboard the Andrew
in the Downs.
1650, April 24. Whitehall — Some French men-of-war have
arrived in Wyers [Oeiras] Bay. Colonel Deaue has gone to
lauuch the Swiftsure.
72
"William Robinson to Colonel Popham.
1650, April 25. Whitehall — " An order of Parliament for the
taking down of the late King's arms from all ships of any persons
belonging to the Commonwealth came this day hither." I sent
you yesterday a letter from your good lady, and wrote you word
of the launching of two frigates at Deptford. They are called the
Fairfax and the President.
Sir Henry Vane, jun., to Colonel Edward Popham.
1650, April 27 — You have probably by this time received your
instructions. " We are here very desirous that your fleet were
under sail. We hope the Resolution will be coming into the
Downs about the middle of next week and that you will take
care that all your other ships be ready against that time. . . .
We have several reports from Portugal, which make us wish this
second fleet there and therefore no time is to be lost. I make
bold to trouble you with the inclosed to my brother when you
come to Portugal. ... If there be like to be any difference
between the King of Portugal and you, pray take [care] of my
brother's safety, for which purpose you will receive instructions
from the Council of State.
I fear I was the occasion of making known to your wife your
going southward ; however it was innocently done, as presuming
you had told it her, and all that I can offer in recompense is to do
her what service lies in my power in your absence, if she will
please to command me."
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Edward Popham].
1650, April 30. Whitehall — Mr. Strickland writes that " the
Pretender and the Scots are upon the matter agreed ; the differ-
ence is only that he and his English Council would have them
presently make war upon England, but the Kirk would have him
forbear for two or three years, hoping that they shall be able to
bring him into England without blood. They presented him
with 3,000/."
George, Lord Goring, to the Marquis of Ormond.
1650, May 3. Paris — " When Colonel Marsh went from hence
I was in so ill a condition of health that I was not able to write
to your Lordship by him, but that omission was the less material
because he tarried the King's and the Queen's letters, and their
Majesties were pleased in them to give your Lordship some
assurance of the ambition I had to serve you. I hope he is by
this time in Ireland, but if there should be anv delay in his
journey, Mr. Rawlins is so well informed of my inclinations and
of their Majesties' approbation of them that this seems only to
discharge my duty and to beseech your Lordship to judge of my
respects to you and of my affection to your service, not by the
73
use you can make of them, but by the interest you have in them.
I hope to be at Madrid by the end of this month, and until I
receive your Lordship's orders I shall only negotiate my
particular pretensions so far as they shall enable me to £0 into
Ireland if your Lordship shall think that journey proper for me ;
but when I have the honour to hear from you I shall follow your
Lordship's directions with that exactness which becomes a person
so much devoted to the interest of the Crown and to your Lord-
ship's service. [Copy by Dr. George Clarke.']
William Robinson to Colonel Edward Popham, in Plymouth
Sound.
1650, May 7. Whitehall — Colonel Deane has gone down to
the Hope to hasten forth the rest of your fleet. " Some of Mon-
trose's forces in Scotland have received a great blow by some of
Lieut.-General Leslie's forces under the conduct of Straugherne
[Strachan] and Carr. Letters from Berwick say that Major-
General Hurry and divers other persons of quality are taken
prisoners and many slain. All the ordnance in Edinburgh
Castle yesterday was sennight made loud reports of this victory."
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham, on board
the St. Andrew in Plymouth Sound.
1650, May 11 . The Downs — Informing him of the dispatch of
stores and giving his opinion of the great importance of hastening
away the expedition. Signed.
Lieut.-Colonel P[aul] Hobson to William Clarke in London.
1650, May 16. Newcastle — " We are well and very safe, but
much admire at the army's not marching, especially now the
agreement betwixt the King and Scots is fully confirmed. The
old malignants are very much taken off from siding with the
King upon the Scotch interest, there being two or three come
from hence who was in the last party that was routed with Mon-
trose and declare to the malignants their sad usage by the Scotch
presbyterians and withal declare how much the heart of Montrose
was broken before the fight in the very thoughts that the King
and Scots would agree, and withal protest that Charles the
Second, in joining with the Scots, had as really betrayed a kingly
interest and the interest of all royalists as ever any sectary
of England, and that 'twas as lawful to fight for a jack-in-a-box
as for a King locked in a Scotch saddle. But its hard trusting
either Scot or Cavalier, they both thirsting for the blood of the
honest party in England."
Postscript. — May 14, Edinburgh. " Great preparations there
are for an execution of justice upon Montrose before they hear
from the King or the King hears from them, fearing he may beg
his life. The sentence is to be quartered in the public view of
74
the people." The King is expected here before long. To-
morrow is a day of thanksgiving ; on Thursday Parliament and
Commissioners of the Kirk sit.
" I could heartily wish that the honest party of Scotland and
England did better know each other's mind than to fight one
against another upon the quarrel of him that would destroy
both. The ministers pray exceedingly for the King's safe arrival
in Scotland rmd stir up the people in all places to affect his
Majesty as a man brought in to the Kirk and therefore of
necessity to God."
Admiral Edward Popham to his Wife.
1650, May 27. The Resolution off Lisbon—" My only dear,"
I wrote to thee last Sunday week by a ship I met at sea. Last
night I arrived safe here, where I met Colonel Blake. " We
have little hopes of gaining Eupert's ships, the King of Portugal
having taken them into his protection, from whence there is no
possibility for us to get them, so that the most we shall do will
be to lie before this town as long as our provisions last and stop
all ships either from going out or coming to him, which may
perhaps in time bring them to reason. If not I persuade myself
we shall do him much more mischief than those ships are
worth, or if they were his own could do him good. The Lorcl of
heaven comfort thee and keep up thy spirits, for I am much
afflicted for thee." though for myself I do not know I was ever
better, had I but the enjoyment of thy company."
The Council of State to the Lord General.
1650, June 14. Whitehall — For better enabling the western
parts to make opposition to the enemy, the Parliament have
thought fit to order that a regiment of foot should be raised by
Colonel Bennet and that Colonel Heane should make up his
companies into an entire regiment and that commissions should
be granted accordingly. Signed by Bradshaw.
Charles Vane to [the Generals of the Fleet].
1650, July 13 — I shall in the first place thank you for \our
civilities. Our passage to England was not so speedy as you
expected ; we were nearly three weeks in getting to Plymouth,
where I took post and came safe to London. " I made a relation
of our proceedings to the Council of State, and acquainted them
in what posture I left our fleet, who seemed to be well satisfied
with what had been done, and gave me thanks in the name of
the Commonwealth for my good service. The next day I was
called to the Bar and made a relation to the Parliament of my
whole transactions with the King of Portugal from my first
arrival to my coming away. The Speaker then told me the House
had approved of what I had done and gave me the thanks of
the House. They likewise ordered a letter of thanks to be written
to you." Endorsed by Colonel Pojiham, " Mr. Vane to us."
75
Battle of Dunbar.
1650, September 3 — A list of the persons who received money
for colours taken at the battle of Dunbar. At the end is a note
allowing the swm of 94Z. 10s. disbursed by William Clarke for
a hundred and eighty-nine colours and staves brought in.
John Mtjlys to [William] Warren.
1650, September 7. Lisbon — I have received your letter of
the 6th and do esteem the good ejection your Generals show to
put away disconfidence and return to continue that ancient amity
and friendship that hath ever been between the two nations.
" I gave account unto his Majesty — whom God preserve — of
your letter and he pleased to resolve that the gentleman with
whom you had the late conferences should presently without
delay depart for the i eitoria near St. Julian, who carrieth with
him a letter from his Majesty signed with his royal hand for
your Generals and most ample and suffici nt power to celebrate
and conclude without detence a treaty of peace and amity between
both parties. Do you therefore presently procure that from
thence may come some person with the like power that all differ-
ences may be ended, and I shall be exceedingly srlacL It may
fall to your lot that we may meet, seeing that I am to accompany
his Majesty's Commissioner in this occasion."
The Marquis of Ormond to Lord Goring.
1650, September 16. Clare — " When Colonel Marsh arrived
here we were declined to so low a condition that there hath since
been no means of sending him away nor any probability that the
fruits of his voyage — if he could have been sent — could have
come time enough to raise us up again, although by an extra-
ordinary providence we have been preserved hitherto against the
rebels' force and the strong endeavours of this nation for their own
ruin. Yet now thi3 latter hath stricken my hopes so near dead
that I judge them at once incapable and unworthy of any care
from his Majesty or his ministers that may otherwise be usefully
employed to his service. Your Lordship will please to under-
stand this expression according to the common acceptation, where
the prevailing and guiding party is taken for a nation, though
the better — and sometimes the greater number — are borne away
by the art and power they have gained ; which here is so clearly
the case that great numbers of the most interested persons are
violently thrust to slavery by the unseasonable inconsiderate am-
bition of some of the clergy. This digression from the business
of his Majesty and the Queen's letters concerning your Lord-
ship and of your instructions to Mr. Rawlins, is to let you see
that what value soever I set upon your company and assistance
in the King's service, yet I was not so indulgent to my own
content as to purchase it with the hazard of bringing your Lord-
ship into the state I am in, which is such that I can neither
76
promise myself safety in remaining in it or getting out of it or
that I can perish usefully to the King or with much honour to
myself. These being now the only considerations I have in sight
I need not trouble your Lordship with any discourse upon the
propositions you sent me, since in either of the events I have
cause to expect there will be here no use — as to the King — of
anything of supply, and if anything divert those events I shall
have time to advertise it to your Lordship and the ambassadors
and to expect the mentioned supplies about the spring, the
principal part whereof I shall esteem your person to be, both
in relation to the success of the King's service and the particular
satisfaction of your Lordship's faithful humble servant." [Copy
by Dr. George Clarke^]
G[ilbert] Mabbott to his brother [in-law, William Clarke].
1650, October 19 — Parliamentary intelligence. It is reported
that our fleet has taken above twenty Brazil ships. The army
with the Lord Deputy was in such want of provisions that he
sent eight hundred of the ablest with a body of horse towards
Athlone and the rest to Sir Hardress Waller in co. Limerick
where they " are waiting what God will do in carrying them
over the Shannon."
Colonels Charles Fleetwood, George Monck and other officers
to Colonel John Downes, in the chair of the Committee of the
Army.
1650, October 19. Edinburgh — Asking that Mr. [William]
Clarke may be appointed [secretary] in the place of Captain
Deane, who is to be employed bv the Commissioners for Ireland.
Copy. Prijited in the Clarice Papers," Vol II., p. 224.
Kimpton Hilliard to his brother [in-law], William Clarke.
1650, October 29. Axe Yard — Printed in the " Clarke Papers"
Vol. II., p. 225.
Scotland.
1650, November 1 — " Intelligence that Middleton's body on the
29th October was at a pass about six miles beyond Johnstown
[Perth] and had about eight thousand men. Huntley, a Colonel,
and the regiment of them are all in a body. The King at this
time seemed very discontented.
Friday Middleton was to have come to St. Johnston's, but
refused.
Lord Ogilvy and Tillibere [Tullibardine] came in and the
Chancellor and Lord Lome went out as pledges.
They desire acceptance, else to have leave to march through
the country and fight the enemy and they should not come within
six miles of the Court.
TT
Friday and Saturday last were boated over near Johnstown
about two thousand horse and about fifteen hundred dragoons,
not any foot; the dragoons were lately mounted.
Warning was given to all the nobility, gentry and ministers
from the King and estates to be at Johnstown 28th instant and
to debate of some overtures between them and Midleton.
The King is there. Midleton' s party increase daily. Holborne
commands at Stirling. Much talk that Straghan will join with
the English.
The King's crowning should have been at Stirling 22nd
October, then appointed 29th, but nothing done or prepared in
order thereto.
David Lesley's troopers give out they will not draw a sword
against Midleton.
From the north of Scotland we understand that it is generally
rising. Not a gentleman hath two sons, but sends in one of them
at least, and there are a thousand noblemen and gentlemen
confederated together.
Dundee is kept for the Estates by one Lawe's regiment.
One Mackloudherris hath brought up a regiment from the
furthest Highlands, who the most part have pieces of rough hides
on their feet instead of shoes.
Midleton and that party are quartered about Forfar, the chief
town of privilege in Angus.
There is only Arnett's regiment of horse left in Fife.
They are hard at work at Bruntisland.
At Stirling there are four regiments of foot, all Highlanders,
and four troops of horse.
They have given over fortifying at Stirling."
Endorsed by Wm. Clarice, " Intelligence concerning the
enemy."
Joseph Frost to William Clarke in Edinburgh.
1650, November 9. Whitehall — This week has brought intelli-
gence of the death of the Prince of Orange at the Hague of
small-pox. His decease cannot but make great u changes in the
councils of the Scotch boy. It is very observable that no sooner
had he espoused the quarrel of that wicked Scotch family and
set himself to help to re-set up that tyranny which the Lord in
his mercy had thrown down, but the Lord cut him off. He hath
left his lady * big with child and laden with that often impre-
cation of her father — God so deal by me and mine, &c." Rupert
is again at sea with a considerable number of ships and has taken
two merchant ships, " but I make no question that his piracies
are steps to his destruction." Seal with arms and crest.
T[homas] M[argetts] to William Clarke in Edinburgh.
1650, November 12. Whitehall — Our talk here is of (1) the
reformation of law ; (2) the " reformation of names of months
and days, as that instead of January, February, &c, Sunday,
* Princess Mary, daughter of Charles I.
T8
Monday, &c, we shall only say the first, second, &c, month or
day ; (3) that for the preventing of drunkenness a law will be
made that none shall drink to another ; (4) that some course will
be taken to set all idle and poor persons on work, nay that none
shall be in the Commonwealth, but shall be so provided for as
that he [be] useful and serviceable to it in some way or other."
Awhile ago Major Browne, governor of Upnor Castle, was at a
Court of War cashiered the army for false musters, neglect of
duty and other misdemeanours. Two soldiers are to ride the
wooden horse and to be whipped at the cart's tail in Smithfield
for assaulting two citizens there on the night of the 5th of
November.
T[homas] M[argetts] to William Clarke.
1650, November 16. Whitehall — It is hinted here that our
late Lord General shall be general in Holland, in the room of the
late Prince of Orange. I hope we in England — if God succeed
you in Scotland — shall fall into a good settlement. Abundance
of those they call ranters are in several parts, and truly the
reports of them render them stark mad. To-day a soldier rode
the wooden horse at Paul's, with two muskets at each lieel,
another was whipped at the limbers of a piece of ordnance from
Paul's Guard to the Old Exchange, and to have thirty stripes for
expressing some ranting opinions. On Monday Mr. Johnston
is to be shot for killing a fellow-soldier, and on Tuesday a soldier
is to be hanged for running from his colours at the place where
Charing Cross stood.
John Sherwin to Col. Deane and Col. Popham at Whitehall.
1650, November 26. Liverpool — I sent an account of my pro-
ceedings to you on the 8th inst., as also a parcel of letters which
I took in Bartlett's vessel at the Isle of Man. I received some
damage in the storm, but am endeavouring reparation, and " if
God will please to send fair weather I make no question but to
be at sea suddenly ; that 1 may endeavour the restraining of one
Bradskaw, an old papist Isle of Man pirate, from committing
any more insolencies." Seal with device.
John Rushworth to William Clarke in Edinburgh.
1650, November 30. London — Parliament hath passed an
order that the Justices of the Peace are to put out of every city,
corporation or market town all ministers who do not subscribe
the Engagement. They have also ordered a day for framing
a subscription to be signed by everyone in the House approving
the justice done upon the King, " which is like to make a great
root amongst those that were not at the trial." There is to be
a petition to Parliament for rooting lawyers out of the House,
namely to desire that they may either follow the service of the
House or their profession. Captain Fry has put forth a book
79
entitled, " A hearty desire that his countrymen may noe longer
be deceived by such as call themselves the ministers of the Gospell,"
complaining that such men, when they begin their prayers before
their sermons, demean themselves as fools and knaves in stage
plays, making wry mouths, squint eyes and screwed faces, and
like a company of conjurers do mumble out the beginning of their
sermons.'*
I received both yours of the 22nd November. Send often " but
write very cautiously unless you write in shorthand, for a member
of the House told me this day that one Captain Clarke, meaning
Mr. William Clarke, did write in his letter of 22nd November
disaffectedly, whereas it only related the soldiers' wants and
expectation of money. I am sorry truth should be so ill-resented."
[The last paragraph only in Rushworth? s own hand.~\
Thomas Margetts to William Clarke in Edinburgh.
1650, November 30. Whitehall — Yesterday there came intelli-
gence of a rising in Suffolk and Norfolk, but no particulars. It
gave us great alarm and we sat up almost all last night dispatch-
ing messengers to the several garrisons to command extraordinary
care. Colonel Eich is posted down into Suffolk and Colonel
Walton to Lynn, and all the officers in town belonging to you
in Scotland or to the southern garrisons and regiments, are
ordered by the Council of State to repair to their charges forth-
with. I hear it is intended that every member of the House
that will not subscribe to the legality of the King's death shall
not sit there. " I wish we may not engage in and entertain more
than we have parts or interest to bring about. Yesterday Colonel
Barkstead was busy in examining of a business of scandal upon
his Excellency the Lord G[eneral] C[romwell] and himself. A
woman of ill report gave out that his Excellency had been often
with her, and bragged up and down of it, and that he used to give
her 20-?. a time. The Colonel the same, and he used to give her
405. This only to make thee merry and to be used at discretion."
Thomas Fulford to William Clarke, attending the Lord
General Cromwell at Edinburgh.
1650, December 7 — Giving an account of his valiant deeds at
Hamilton.
Lord General Cromwell.
1650, December 19. [Edinburgh]1 — Proclamation that in
accordance with the articles of a treaty between himself and Col.
Walter Dundas, governor of Edinburgh Castle, all persons having
goods in the castle are to have liberty to repair thither and fetch
them forth between the 19th and 24th insts. Draft, of which
the first few lines are in longhand and the rest in shorthand, the
beginning being also repeated in shorthand at the end. [Printed
in 4k CromwelVs Letters, fyc," Vol. III., p. 99.]
Enclosed : The key to a numerical cypher.
80
[Col. Edward Popiiam to the Council of State?]
[1650 ?] — Capt. Richard Badiley, who commands this ship [the
Happy Entrance] under me, begs leave of absence to follow a
suit in London, but his presence here is so necessary that al-
though I would gladly show him all favour I cannot grant his
request without prejudice to the service of the State. His
adversary purposes to take advantage of his absence to delay the
trial and escape out of England, wherefore my earnest request is
that you will grant him a writ of ne exeat regnum, that when he
is able he may know where to find his remedy. Draft.
Malachi Thruston to [Colonel Edward Popham].
[1650 ?] — I formerly prayed your help to procure me a fellow-
ship in the University, when you desired me to inform you in
what college I desire to be. I was educated in Sydney Sussex
College, Cambridge, " and have in the same college a strict
relation of propriety to a fellowship founded by one Mr. Peter
Blundell, sometimes living in the city. That gentleman, when
he died, left your grandfather, Sir John Popham, in trust with
a great deal of his estate to be employed for pious uses. Some of
that estate was by Sir John Popham's immediate direction and
management bestowed in founding two fellowships with as many
scholarships in the above-named college," which fellowships
have been vacant for a long time, one having been void for about
ten years. I beg your assistance to get an order from the Com-
mittee for the Universities that I may enter upon that fellowship
to which I have so good a claim. I should have acquainted
your brother, Colonel Alexander Popham, with this matter had
he been in London, he being a feofee of Mr. Blundell' s lands, but
in his absence I address myself to you.
Oxford University.
[1650 ?] — Reasons given in by Dr. Baldwin and Mr. Thomas
Barlow to the Committee [for the Universities?] why the
ancient fellows " of colleges {i.e., those of above ten years' stand-
ing as Masters of Arts), should not be deprived, viz. : — That it
would unjustly take away the said fellows' rights and livelihood ;
would lessen the honour of the University abroad by leaving
in it only young and unknown men ; would deprive the colleges
of experienced officers and young scholars of learned tutors ;
and would lead many of those deprived to turn papists. Also
that all the experienced students of Civil Law and of Medicine
would thus be turned out. \ Apparently in relation to the
question of terminable fellowships, mooted towards the end of
1649.]
The Same.
[1650?] — Additional reasons by Dr. Baldwin and Mr. Barlow,
combating the statement that men of this standing are unuseful
and unprofitable.
81
E. M[osse] to King Charles II.
[1651, January 1} — Your Majesty was pleased to suspend the
execution of the sentence of death upon petitioner's husband,
John Mosse, and to agree to his exchange for Sir James Lums-
dale, whereon she made her suit to General Cromwell, " by whom
it is thought very unequal, yet — in regard of your petitioner's
miserable condition, though he cannot own your petitioner's
husband as a member of the army — is willing to exchange
[blank] for him." She therefore prays that " as a sweet pledge
of your Majesty's gracious and auspicious reign your sacred
Majesty will please upon this happy day of your Majesty's corona-
tion" to agree to the said exchange and release petitioner's
husband, and so " engage her and her poor babes for ever to pray
for your Majesty's long and glorious reign over us." Draft
by William Clarice. On the same sheet as Cromwell' 's Proclama-
tion, above.
[E. Mosse] to the Duke of Buckingham.
[1651, January 1] — His sacred Majesty was pleased to spare
the life of petitioner's husband and to declare by the hand of Lord
Lothian that he would accept an exchange. Sir James Lums-
dale, who was named, being thought by General Cromwell too
considerable, petitioner prays that his Majesty may be moved
to accept [blank'] propounded in exchange for him " and upon
this happy day of his inauguration to release him, which will
render his Majesty's fame eminent to all nations for his piety
and mercy." Draft by Wm. Clarke, on the same sheet as the
preceding.
Admiralty Committee.
1650[-51], March 3 — Reference of the petition of Cornelia
F elders, &c, concerning the prisoners at Colchester [see f. 98
below] to the Generals of the Fleet, who are to discharge the boys
under 14 years of age, and to release or exchange the others
as they shall find cause.
James Frese to Lord General Fairfax and his Council of War.
1650[-51], March 4. The Fleet prison — The avenging hand
of God's judgment is gone forth against this nation for their
backsliding and non-performance of their promises for the
advance of God's honour and glory. " Unless this be speedily
by you performed — before the meeting of your enemies, appear-
ing from the north — the thrones of iniquity by you raised at
Westminster, the power of the judges and ministers thereof,
who call themselves Christians, but are of the synagogue of
Satan and instruments of injustice, tyranny and oppression,
quite abolished, and the cruel strongholds of Satan — called gaols
and prisons — demolished and laid open, the poor relieved, the
oppressed righted and the enslaved set free, you cannot, you
25. F
82
must not, nay, you shall not prosper." I beseech you, if there
be any true love in you to Christ or bowels of mercy and
compassion towards his oppressed members, not only to think
on these things but to accomplish them speedily before your
departure from London. With references to Psalms x., «'.,
xxiv., Ixxxii. and cxl.
Sir George Ayscue to the Generals of the Fleet.
165Q[-51}, March 18. Aboard the Rainbow in Plymouth
Sound — Concerning ships for Scilly. Signed.
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonels Popiiam and Blake, at
Whitehall.
1650[-51], March 19. Aboard the Speaker in Lee Road —
Complaining of his trouble in " getting down the boats that are
to go for Scotland." Signed.
Thomas White to Colonel Popiiam, in London.
1650-1, March 24. Dover — According to your command I
sent a man to Calais to enquire what arms there were to be
shipped, but he could hear of none at Calais, Boulogne or Dun-
kirk, neither could he hear of any man called Captain Titus.
Sir George Ayscue to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, March 25. Aboard the Rainbow in Plymouth
Sound — Excusing himself for not having left a ship in the Downs
to convoy the provision ships to Plymouth, and stating his con-
viction that the Guinea frigate and the Warwick will not be a
sufficient guard for Scilly. [Dated March 25, 1650, but evidently
by mistake^]
Sir William Masiiam to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, March 27 — Recommending Mr. John Tucker of Wye in
Kent, heir to a considerable estate, who wishes to serve as a
volunteer on board his ship. Signed.
Edward Ashe to Colonel Edward Popiiam.
1651, March 28. Fenchurch Street — I must trouble you to
send me your letter to the Commander-in-Chief in the Downs
to let us have a convoy for Stephen Rogers for Calais ; it is
but twenty-four hours' work. " Our trade is at present very
small, and if we cannot get convoy the trade will be lost, for
the Dutch have convoys to supply their markets daily."
83
Colonel Richard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, April 1. Edinburgh. — I am sorry to hear the bad tidings
from Guernsey. We are still besieging Blackness, and expect
to storm daily. From the other side we hear nothing. There
is come from thence Lord Waleston [Warriston], but his
business I know not. Signed.
William Rowe to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, April 1. Whitehall — " My brother, Captain Scott, now
in Scotland, having brought with him from Ireland a handsome
young gentlewoman, his wife, they are so passionate in their
affections each to other that he desires and she is willing to go
by sea to Scotland." It would be a favour if directions could
be given to the captain of the convoy going for Scotland to give
her and her maid accommodation in his ship.
[Colonel Edward Popham.}
1651, April 1. Narrative of proceedings of the fleet from this
date until August 7th : —
1651, April 1st, I came aboard the James riding in the Hope,
the wind then at S.W. Here were then riding in the Hope the
Satisfaction, the lftth Whelp, the Giles, the Seven Brothers, the
Reformation, the Defence, and the Charles ; this evening came
down the Happy Entrance. The wind continued at S.W. and
blew hard. The Seven Brothers and the Reformation fell down
into the Downs. The 3rd the wind continued S.W., a fresh gale.
The 4th the wind W., fair weather. The 5th the wind was at
S.W., a great gale ; this evening with the flood I went up for
London, where I stayed the 6th and 7th ; the 8th came down
again, the wind then E., fair weather. The 9th it blew a fresh
gale at N.E. The 10th the wind about four in the morning was
at N. and N.N.W. ; about six in the morning it came about E.
This day passed by us several Dutch vessels bound for Lisbon,
which we stayed in the Downs and sent up to London by order
from the Council of State. The 11th the wind was E., little
wind in the morning, towards noon a fresh gale ; about two of
the clock in the afternoon about high water we weighed and set
sail and got down as low as Lee Road. The 12th the wind E.,
fair weather ; with the first of the ebb in the afternoon we weighed
and turned down as low as the Nore, and came to an anchor a
little to the northward of the Nore. The 13th in the morning
came to me a messenger from the Council of State with an order
to me to send over the Happy Entrance, the Constant Warwick
and Elizabeth frigates to lie on the coast of Holland to follow such
orders as they shall receive from our ambassadors in Holland
and to command one of the said ships to receive the said
messenger aboard, whereupon I immediately ordered the Happy
Entrance for that service. The wind still hung E., towards
evening it was thick and foggy, so we rode fast here this day.
84
The 14th the wind was E. and thick weather all day, so we rode
fast. The 15th, about four in the morning, it being clear
weather and the wind E. we turned down and anchored off
Whitaker's beacon, where we stopped the tide of flood, and stayed
there till the next morning. The 16th, about four in the
morning, we weighed again with the wind E., fair weather, we
stopped again off the Naze till towards four in the afternoon,
and then we weighed again ; the wind came about to the S.S.E.,
little wind. About eight at night we anchored again, thwart
of Harwich ; after we were at an anchor the wind came up W.
and W.N.W. and blew fresh. The 17th we weighed about four
in the morning with the wind N". and N.N.E., a fresh gale, and
came to an anchor in the Downs about two of the clock in the
afternoon, where we found only the Victory. The 18th the wind
was at N.N".E. I ordered the Whelp to convoy two vessels from
Dover to Callis [Calais] ; this day came down Captain
Bennett in the Defence with seven vessels bound for
Roane [Rouen] and went away with them. This day
the wind came about to the W. and W.S.W. and blew
a fresh gale ; towards the evening came in the Seven
Brothers out of the river of Thames and the Defence with
his convoy bound to the Seinehead, who had met with two
Irish men-of-war, the Francis and the Patrick, and fought with
them two hours ; he received many shot from them in his hull
and divers between wind and water ; this evening likewise came
in fifty sail of fishermen for mackerel from the coast of Sussex.
The 20th it blew hard at N.W. all the morning ; about noon it
was less wind, and then it came about to the JST.E. The 21st it
blew fresh N". in the morning, towards noon less wind at N".E.
This day came down the Eagle with two hoys bound for Shore-
ham and Arundel that came from London. The 22nd the wind
continued E. and W.E. The Defence and Victory set sail for the
westward with the convoy bound for the Seinehead, and the
Whelp set sail to be a guard to the mackerel fishery. The 23rd
the wind still continued E. and N.E. ; about noon came in the
Elizabeth frigate from Portsmouth, whom I immediately dis-
patched away to look after the Irish frigates, which I had intelli-
gence were on the coast. I likewise ordered the Seven Brothers
to go away in company with him, which was [done] accordingly
between two and three in the afternoon. The 24th the wind
was at N.E., fair weather and a fresh gale of wind; this day
came down a Elushinger from Gravesend laden with corn, bound
for the Canaries, who informed that he left there the Constant
Warwick and the Discovery. The 25th the wind still continued
between the N, and the E., fair weather, this day the Mayflower
pink set sail with a convoy that came from Portsmouth, bound
up the river. The 26th the wind continued E., a fresh gale all
tlie morning; in the afternoon it was less wind and more N.
This afternoon came in the Constant Warwick out of the river,
whom I immediately ordered away for the coast of Holland.
This evening came in the Nicodemus frigate, whom I presently
ordered to the westward to clear the coast of many small picaroons
85
that did much mischief there, who accordingly set sail to the
westward. The 27th the wind was at N.W., this morning with
the latter end of the ebb the Constant Warwick set sail for the
coast of Holland ; towards noon the wind came up S.E. and S.S.E.,
where it remained not long, but was very variable ; towards the
evening it was at W.S.W. and S.W., a fresh gale. The 28th
the wind was at S.W. and S., fair weather ; towards noon little
wind, then it came to the S.E, and the E. and E.N.E. The 29th
it blew very fresh northerly and N.E. ; towards the afternoon
it came to the S.W. and W.S.W., and towards the evening to the
N.W. The 30th the wind was N.E. all day, little wind ; towards
evening came in two Hollanders from Norway laden with deals
bound for London. They met with two men-of-war off the
Tessle [Texel], they supposed them Irish frigates, that plundered
them of many things. The 1st of May the wind in the morning
was W., towards noon E. again, then S. and S. and by W. and
S.E., little wind and fair weather. The 2nd the wind was N.
in the morning and N.W. The Victory, Defence and the Expec-
tation from Naples came in, who brought news that the convoy
was gone to Smyrna, that Captain Penn with his squadron of
frigates lay between Malta and Sicily, that the Lion and the
Hopeful Luke were coming home with the convoy from Malaga
and Cales [Cadiz] and eight prizes that had been taken, but
what they were he knew not; and he supposed they would bo
here with the first wind. The 3rd it was calm all the morning
and a fog towards noon, and afterwards a fresh gale at N.E. and
E.N.E. The 4th the wind continued E., a very fresh gale, and E.
and by S. and E.S.E., much wind. The 5th in the morning we
weighed with the wind at E., fresh gale, and finding a Flemish
vessel that came in from Bordeaux, suspicious that she might
be bound for Scotland, we sent some men aboard of her to carry
her into Dover Pier till she could get an order to have her
cleared. When I came into Dover Eoad I found a Hollander,
a Lubecker and a Hamburger newly come to an anchor there,
I sent my boat aboard of them and found they came from
Cales. I found there likewise three small Ostend men-of-war,
who had with them four prizes, two whereof I found belonging
to Scilly, these I sent into Dover Pier, the others being French
vessels I let them alone ; here I anchored this night. The 6th
in the morning I weighed with the wind at N.N.W. and the
Victory, and stood over for Callis Eoad. I saw three frigates,
two small ones, one great one of about thirty guns, but I could
not get near them, I suppose the enemy's, newly come out of
Dunkirk. The tide of flood being come I anchored in Callis
Eoad with the Victory ; there came over in company a hoy from
Dover laden with goods, who put her goods aboard of a shallop
and sent them into Callis. The 7th, about three in the morning,
we weighed with the wind N. and stood over for the English
coast, little wind, then it came about S. and S.S.W. We saw a
frigate, as we supposed, that came out of the Downs, who plying
off it with the wind S. towards us, was forced to anchor off of the
South Foreland, so we stopped that tide, too, and anchored in
86
Dover Road. With the tide of ebb we weighed and stood off
again to sea, with the wind at S.S.W., thick weather, then it
came about to the S.S.E. and was like to blow, so we anchored
as soon as it was dark. The 8th the wind was at S.S.W., very
thick foggy weather, so we rode fast, and about one of the clock
in the afternoon descried some ships. The Victory made a shot
at them and they came in to us, the one was the Dragon, the
other the Merchant Adventure, come from Portsmouth with some
small vessels ; shortly after we descried other ships, who were
some English ships come from Malaga, Cales, St. Lucar and
Toloune [Toulon], who informed us that the Lion and the Hope-
ful Luke came along with them, but that they had lost them
the day before ; so it being like to prove ill weather, thick and
much wind, we stood into the Downs with them with the wind
at S.W. and W.S.W., much wind ; we came to an anchor about
seven at night, then the wind came up at N.W. and blew very
hard. The 9th we saw the Lion at anchor, who came into the
Downs in the night, and the Hopeful Luke with the prizes
and other merchant ships with them; the wind blew hard at
N.N.W. and then came about to the S.W. In the afternoon
came in the Unity, who told me she lost the Reason off Scilly,
shortly after came in the Reason ; it blew a storm of wind at S.
and S.S.E., which lasted about two hours, and then came to the
S.S.W. and S.W. and blew less wind, but by gusts. The 10th
it blew a storm of wind at S.S.W. and S.W. ; this day about noon
came in the Elizabeth frigate from the westward with some other
vessels he took and a small Frenchman. The 11th the wind was
E. and E.S.E. and S.E., towards noon much wind at S.S.W.
and S.W., where it continued. The 12th the wind was at S.,
it blew much wind all day ; towards the evening it came to the
S.S.W. About six in the afternoon came in the Martha of
London, John Whittley master, from Virginia. The 13th the
wind was S., a fine gale, not much wind, this day came down the
Richard and Benjamin bound with a convoy for St. Lucar, the
Whelp and the Blessing bound for Ireland, with other vessels ;
towards night the wind came up at N.W., little wind. The 14th
the wind was at S.W. and S.S.W. and blew hard; there being
several ships that lay at anchor off the north sands end, where
they had rode five or six days, with foul weather and southerly
winds, I ordered the Elizabeth to go up amongst them to see
what they were. The 15th the wind was at S.W. and S.S.W.,
this day the Elizabeth returned, having visited the ships at the
north sands head, who brought word that there were several
Hollanders, some light, some laden with goods bound for Genoa,
some for Ligorne [Leghorn], some for Cales, some for other
places in the Straits. They had with them three men-of-war
to convoy them, who had commissions likewise to take all French
they met withal. The 16th, early in the morning, we weighed
with this ship, the Victory, the Elizabeth and the Dragon, but
the Unity and Reason did not make way to weigh, so we sent
to them and caused them to weigh, the wind was at W.S.W., fair
weather ; then it came to the N.W. and N., but it came back
87
again to the S.S.W. and S.W. We stood over for Dunkirk Boad,
where we came to an anchor about nine that night. The 17th
the wind came about to the E. and E.N.E., fair weather, foggy
in the morning till seven or eight of the clock. I ordered the
Dragon and the Reason to stand away for Ostend, where I was
informed there rode two frigates of the enemy's, the Francis and
the Patrick, who had taken two or three English prizes. This
day the Governor of Dunkirk sent to me to know whether we
came as allies or enemies to the crown of France, that he might
accordingly inform his master, to which I presently returned
answer that I came not thither with any hostile intentions
either against himself or the place he commanded unless I were
provoked to it by any hostile actions of his. The 18th the wind
was S. and S.E. and S.S.E. ; in the morning came out a Lubeoker
from Dunkirk that had nothing in her but ballast, so she was
dismissed, we made ships in the offing about five o'clock in the
afternoon, which we supposed to be some of the rogues and their
prizes standing in for Dunkirk, whereupon I sent men aboard
of the Unity, and ordered her to weigh and stand nearer the pier
to see if she could cut them off from going in ; the wind came
about to the W. and W.S.W. ; towards night came in the Hope-
ful Luke, so I ordered her to anchor in Captain Reeves his berth
in the narrow to the W. and ordered the Elizabeth to look after
those vessels which we saw very near the shore just in the close
of the evening. The 19th, this morning early, came in the
Greyhound with the wind at W.S.W. I presently ordered her
and the Unity to go within the sands and the Elizabeth without
to see what those ships were that we had descried the night before,
which were at an anchor. As soon as they saw them they
endeavoured to get away with all the sail they could make, and
ours stood after them ; about noon came in the Happy Entrance
hither, and after her the Reason to give me an account that the
Dragon, seeing the Elizabeth chase, followed her ; Captain
Coppin informed me that he had the day before met with a States
man-of-war, who had a convoy of Fluskingers under his charge
bound for London, but having met with a great frigate of Dun-
kirk of thirty-six guns and two other small frigates had fought
with him, wounded the captain, killed and wounded many of his
men and took all his convoy for him ; we suppose these to be
the ships with their prizes that we had seen the night before ;
it blew very fresh all this day at W.S.W. and S.W. The 20th
the wind continued at S.W. and W.S.W., a fresh gale in the
afternoon. The ketch returned about four of the clock, whom
we manned and sent to pursue the enemy's frigates and their
prizes, who informed us that one of the frigates and all their
prizes were run ashore at Newport and that the Dragon, Eliza-
beth and Greyhound were in pursuit of the great frigate of thirty-
six guns, who they believe was gone into Ostend. The 21st,
about two of the clock in the morning, I dispatched away the
ketch to Newport with a letter to the Governor by Mr. Fowler to
demand the frigate and prizes that were forced ashore there ;
the wind was at S.W. and W.S.W. About four of the clock in
88
the afternoon came in the Unity, shortly after the Elizabeth and
Dragon, by whom I was informed of the great frigate of Dun-
kirk of thirty-six guns running into Ostend, where she was seized
by the Governor and all the men stopped up in prison. The 22nd
the wind continued between the S.W. and the W. I called a
council of war this day, wherein several things were debated,
both for the blocking up the harbour and in relation to our several
berths, as also touching the attempting, the firing or surprising
the frigate of the enemy that lay within the splinter under the
fort. About eleven o'clock this day the Sandwich pink came in
and brought me a packet from Captain Birkdale, whom I immedi-
ately dispatched away with an answer, and accordingly he set
sail about two of the clock in the afternoon this day. The 23rd,
early in the morning, I received a letter from Mr. Fowler, and
in it a letter enclosed from the Governor of Newport by the ketch,
signifying to me that of himself he could do nothing in answering
my desires, but that he had sent away to Brussels and he doubted
not of a speedy return, according to the tenor whereof I should
hear further from him. I sent away the Unity to Newport to
fetch thence Mr. Fowler; the wind was this day S.W. and
W.S.W., a fresh gale towards the evening. The 24th the wind
was at S W. and S.W. to W. This morning came two merchants
from England in a Dover shallop, who were interested in the
prizes taken by the Dunkirkers and forced ashore by us at New-
port, they stayed not but presently set sail for Newport ; fair
weather in the morning, but much wind in the afternoon.
The 25th the wind Was at S.W. and W.S.W., little wind and
fair weather. The 26th we weighed and came to an anchor
more W. off of Mardike Hook, little wind, that that was, was W.
and S.W. ; in the afternoon the wind came up E. and was at
E.N.E. In the evening the Entrance set sail for England to
supply herself with fresh water. I sent with her the hoy rescued
from the enemy and the ketch that I hired at Dover to bring us
hither; the Unity returned from Newport; this night came
some merchants from London to look after their goods that had
been forced ashore at Newport, who presently went away thither.
The 27th it was little wind all the morning at N.W. and W.N.W.
and W., in the afternoon towards the evening tide I ordered the
Dragon to ply out to sea on the back side of the sands, and to
look now and then into Ostend Road and before Newport and to
enquire whether the prizes forced in there were likely to be
restored to their owners or no, and whether the enemies were
likely to have the men-of-war again or no that we might accord-
ingly look out for them. The 28th the wind was N. ; in the
morning we descried a sail in the offing and sent the ketch to
see what she was, who brought her to us ; she was a small sloop
of Ostend, whom upon examination we discharged ; there were
brought in likewise a shallop and a bilander that came from
Flushing, the one bound for Diepe, the other for Roane [Rouen],
upon the account of merchants in Flushing, whom we likewise
discharged ; it blew fresh in the afternoon at N.N.E. The 29th
came in a hoy of Flushing from Sunderland laden with coal
89
bound for Dunkirk, but I would not permit her to go in, so she
went away for Newport, the wind was at N.E., a hne gale ; to-
wards the evening came in another ketch from Flushing bound
for Dunkirk laden with wine, but belonging to a merchant in
Flushing. I would not suffer him to go into Uunkirk, so he went
for Newport, and I sent the ketch along with him to see him
thither. The 30th the wind was N.N.E., a fresh gale of wind
all day, in the morning a small sloop came from Flushing
bound into Dunkirk, whom I stopped and sent back again ; this
day I received a letter from the Governor of Dunkirk, desiring
to know the reason why I stopped vessels coming into that port,
to whom by the advice of the Council of War I returned answer ;
for this reason I stopped them, because I knew not whether they
might belong to any enemies of ours in that port or no, and so I
dismissed the messenger. The 31st May the Greyhound seized
on a prize formerly taken by the Santa Clara of Jersey and sent
into Dunkirk ; she belonged to Lynn, coming from Sunderland,
bound home, was taken, and finding the Greyhound was like to
surprise her again the men took the boat and run ashore near
Dunkirk and left the vessel, so the Greyhound brought her in ;
the wind was N.E., sometimes more N., fair weather and little
wind; towards evening came in the Dragon from Ostend, who
gave me an account of several transactions there between him
and the Governor and concerning a small vessel of the enemy
protected there by the Governor. The 1st of June the wind still
continued at N.E., an indifferent fresh gale ; about noon came
in the ketch from Newport, who brought me a letter from the
Governor signifying to me that the Court at Brussels had re-
ferred the business concerning the prizes to the Court of
Admiralty at Brigges [Bruges?], whose sentence and judgment
was now to be expected; this evening a small man-of-war got
into Dunkirk by the Greyhound, who made several shots at him
and did him some prejudice, but he escaped by us. The 2nd
it blew very fresh at N.E. and E.N.E. all day; this day the
packet boat brought me a packet from the Council of State,
ordering me to send two ships to Goree to attend the ambassadors
in Holland and two more to the westward to look out for the
East India ships and to convoy them hence. The 3rd the wind
was at N.E. and E.N.E., little wind all day, I ordered the Dragon
to go for Ostend to fetch thence the Peter frigate, which had
been sent thither by the Lord Deputy of Ireland to transport
Irish soldiers, who I heard was detained there and belonged
to the State of England. The Entrance and the Margate hoy
came in this day out of England. The 4th the wind came
about to the W.S.W. and blew very fresh, this day I ordered
the Victory and Elizabeth to go to the westward, who accordingly
about two of the clock in the afternoon set sail, fair weather
and little wind, and by them I sent hence the ketch with coal
rescued from the enemy that came from Sunderland, and was
rescued again by the Greyhound and ketch and brought in
hither ; about five in the afternoon the wind came up to the
W.N.W., fair weather and little wind. The 5th, in the morning,
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it was thick and foggy, little wind, till towards eight of the
clock, then it came np at N.E., a fresh gale, and continued there
all day between that and the N.N.E. This evening came by the
Ostend packet boat, who informed me that the Dragon in Ostend
Road had made stay of an Ostender of twenty-eight guns.
About noon came the Orange Tree of Flushing, Christopher de
Vinte master, out of Dunkirk, who had nothing in but ballast
and was bound for Rochelle. The 6th it blew fresh at N.E. and
N.N.E. About noon this day came out the St. Peter of Harling
in Freesland from Dunkirk bound for Newcastle, light. The
7th, in the morning, the wind was at N.E. and blew fresh, then
it came to the N.N.E. and the N.N.W. ; towards the evening
came in a Dutch sloop from Ostend with some merchants that
had been in Flanders to look for their goods that had been
rescued from the enemy and were forced ashore at Newport;
shortly after we descried another sloop, to whom one of our
vessels gave chase, and found him to be a sloop come out from
Ostend, who had purposely pursued the other sloop that the
English merchants were in, for which reason I made stay of him.
The 8th it was thick and foggy, the wind at N. and N. to W.,
it blew hard. This morning the Entrance — in regard the wind
was out of the way for her to go to Holland — I ordered to convoy
the small vessel that came from Ostend to England and then to
lose no opportunity of repairing to Goree to the lords am-
bassadors there to attend their commands. The 9th, in the morn-
ing, the wind was at N.N.W., a fresh gale, in the afternoon
less wind and more westerly. The 10th it blew very fresh
northerly in the afternoon, and towards night it was less wind.
About four in the afternoon came hither the Fortune of Flush-
ing, a sloop, Andrew Clancleane master, from Dunkirk, light,
bound for St. Ouen and from thence for Flushing, he said the
town was full of soldiers, but that there was only large
frigates and three other small vessels not fitted to sail.
This day the hoy brought in a Dane laden with deals,
pitch and tar that came from Coppenhaven [Copen-
hagen] pretended for Flushing, and that he was coming
to Dunkirk to look for a pilot. He had upon him a
French merchant, which he pretended to be only a passenger,
he had no bills of lading, therefore I sent him home for Dover ;
the skipper informed me that there were ten thousand Swedes
ready to be shipped at Stockholm and eighteen sail of ships
ready there to take them in, whither they were intended he
knew not, but he heard for Dantsicke. I ordered the Dragon to
carry him for Dover; the wind was N. and blew fresh in the
morning, but less wind in the afternoon. The 12th, early in
the morning, the packet boat, as he came from Ostend, left me
several packets ; the wind was N., but little wind all day. The
13th it was little wind at W. to N. and W.N.W., this day I
permitted the Ostend shallop that I had made stay of, upon
suspicion that she had an intent to pillage some English gentle-
man that came out of Ostend, [to depart], in regard nothing
could be directly charged upon them. This afternoon came in
91
the Dragon from England, whom I presently ordered back again
to England with a packet to the Council of State, and to remain
thereabouts till Tuesday night; in the meantime to range the
coast of France and England and call in again at Dover on
Tuesday night for a packet, and if he found none there to
return again hither. The 14th it was little wind, that that was,
was sometimes E., sometimes N. About noon came in a boat
with a letter from the Governor of Ostend, signifying to me
that the Peter frigate, which I had formerly demanded as belong-
ing to the Parliament of England and was then under restraint
by order from the Earl of Fuensoldana, should be released to any
to whom I should give orders for the receiving of her. The 15th
the wind was at S.E. in the morning, fair weather, in the after-
noon it came up to the N.W. and N. The 16th was little wind
at W.S.W. and S.W. In the morning came in the Reformation
with a packet from the Downs ; he had the day before brought
home the convoy from Bilbao. In this packet I was ordered by
the Council of State to hasten away another ship to Holland
to bring thence the ambassadors, their stay in Holland determin-
ing the 20th of this month; whereupon having no other here
for that service I immediately ordered the Reformation thither.
The 17th, early in the morning, the Reformation set sail for the
coast of Holland with the wind W., where it continued all day,
a fresh gale, towards night it came up more S. to the W.S.W.
and S.W. The 18th the wind was W. In the morning came
in the Dragon, who brought me an order from the Council of
State to leave here what ships I should judge fit to prevent the
pirates from coming out of this harbour of Dunkirk; this day
towards the evening I ordered the Reason and Unity to go to
Ostend to take the convoy that were ready there, and so to go
from thence to London with them and carry in their ships to be
paid off. The 19th the wind came up N., sometimes to the E.
of the N., sometimes to the W. of the N. This day, about ten
of the clock, I set sail out of Dunkirk Road, according to an
order I received from the Council of State, and left behind me
there the Dragon, the Greyhound and the Margate hoy to keep
in the enemy's frigates. Towards the evening came up a fresh
gale of wind N. ; about seven o'clock at night we met with a ship
of Amsterdam that came from Norway and was bound for the
Wight, who reported that the King of Denmark was seized on,
was to be brought to his trial and had but three days given him
to answer for himself. This night about eleven o'clock we
anchored between the South Foreland and the South Sands Head.
The 20th, about eight of the clock in the morning, we weighed
and came into the Downs, the wind N., and blew very fresh.
This evening came into the road the Mayflower, bound for New
England. The 21st it was little wind at E. and E.S.E. ; in the
morning came in the Dehorah from the North Foreland, who had
been guarding the fishermen. I presently ordered him to return
thither again. The 22nd the wind was E. all the day and blew
very hard, especially towards the evening ; and then came some-
thing to the N. of the E. The 23rd the wind was at S.E. and
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S.S.E., in the morning a fresh gale, then little wind at N.W.,
then S.W., a storm of wind. This day came in the Crown fly-
boat, a French prize from Cales, and several vessels from Seine-
head; towards night less wind, W. The 24th, early in the
morning, the Seven Brothers with her convoy was forced back
from the westward into the Downs ; the wind was at N.W. and
blew fresh. ' Several ships came from Plymouth, one that came
from Ginney [Guinea], another from New England with two
victuallers that had been in the State's service at Scilly;
towards evening it was little wind, then it came to
S.S.W. and S. The 25th the wind was W., all the
ships bound for London set sail this morning, the Ginney-
man, New Englandman, those come from Roane [Rouen],
&c. This day came in a Dane from St. Mayo [Malo]
laden with salt; this evening I ordered the Lion to go over
with a convoy to Callis. The 26th the wind was at N.W., a
fresh gale in the morning, in the afternoon it was more W. and
less wind. This day I received an order from the Council of
State to go with the James, Lion, Reserve, President to the north
as high as Berwick and so over to the Sound to see whether
I could meet with the Swedish fleet. I presently shot off a gun
and loosed my foretopsail to get my men aboard, which the
Dragon and Greyhound seeing, being off of the South Foreland,
thinking it had been for them to come in, came in hither. The
27th the wind was at N.W., little wind towards noon, in the
afternoon it came about to the S.W. and towards the evening to
the W.S.W. The 28th the wind was at W.S.W., a fresh gale ;
this day came the Robert pink by with a convoy from New-
haven and Brighthelmstone bound for London. This day
likewise came in the Vanguard from the north ; towards the
evening the wind came about to the N. of the W. and to N.W.
and little wind. The 29th the wind was at W.N.W. and N.W.,
a fresh gale. In the morning several ships came in from New-
castle bound to the westward. The Roebuck came in this morn-
ing from Guernsey and brought me a packet from the Governor ;
the Reserve came in hither in the afternoon from Yarmouth
Roads, whom I ordered to fit herself to be ready to go along with
me the next day ; little wind towards evening and that W. The
30th we weighed with the wind at W.S.W. with this ship, the
Vanguard, the Lion, the Dragon and the Reserve, about seven
in the morning; it was but an easy gale of wind and like to
be thick weather ; several vessels came to us from Margate and
other places to go along with us to Newcastle ; the wind was
at S.W. and rain and foggy. About three of the clock in the
afternoon it cleared up and then we made Orford church and
castle ; the wind came about to the W.N.W. and N.W. with rain
and gusts of wind. The 1st of July, between four and five in
the morning, we were thwart of Yarmouth Road, the wind being
W. ; all the small vessels bound for Newcastle went into the
roads ; it blew a fresh gale of wind, sometimes W.N.W., some-
times W.S.W. In the afternoon it was less wind, we saw no
sail, only one herring buss, who had made his voyage and was
93
bound home to Amsterdam, lie told us he had seen neither
land nor sail for many days. The 2nd the wind was at N.W.,
a constant steady gale ; between seven and eight in the morning
we tacked and stood in towards the shore till eight at night, but
we came not within sight of the land, but tacked and stood off
again to sea; we guessed ourselves to be about the height of
Cromer. The 3rd the wind was at N.W., about four in the
morning we tacked and stood in again towards the shore ; about
two in the afternoon we had sight of Cromer at the topmast head,
about twelve leagues upon our lee bow; about noon the wind
came up to the N. and N. to E. and continued there till night,
fair weather and little wind. Between eleven and twelve at night
we shot off a gun and came to an anchor, so did the rest of the
ships with me in ten fathom water upon the west bank. The
4th the wind was N., windy, rainy and thick weather, so we rode
fast all this day ; towards night it was less wind. The 5th the
wind was N„ but thick and wet weather till towards ten of the
clock, at which time it clearing up, we weighed and stood in
towards the shore ; about two of the clock in the afternoon the
windward tide being done and the leeward come we all anchored
again in fourteen fathom water ; towards sunset it cleared up a
little and soon the topmast head discerned land. The 6th we
weighed about eight in the morning, with the wind N"., and stood
in towards the shore till twelve o'clock at noon, and then the tide
being done we came to an anchor between the Spurn and Flam-
borough Head ; it was fair weather and very little wind ; about
six at night we weighed again, the wind coming about to the S.
and S. and S.W. The 7th, as soon as it was light in the morn-
ing, we found ourselves off of Flamborough Head; the wind
was at W.S.W. and between that and the W., sometimes it was
gusty and sometimes little wind ; we came to an anchor off of the
Bar of Tynemouth about ten of the clock at night, and presently
sent away the boat with a letter to the Trinity House at New-
castle to furnish us with five able pilots for our five ships for the
Sound. The 8th I found here the Success at an anchor, who
came in hither two days before ; him I resolved to carry along
with me ; the wind was this day for the most part W., sometimes
to the N. sometimes to the S. of it a point or two, fair weather
and little wind we had this day. This evening my boat returned
with only two pilots and neither of them acquainted with Gotten-
burg ; three more promising to be aboard the next morning.
The 9th the wind was W. in the morning, towards noon little
wind, the Cygnet came in the morning from Amsterdam. I got
my pilots for the Sound aboard and was preparing to set sail,
and just as I was ready so to do I received a packet from Mr.
Coytmor, wherein he advertised me of an order that the Council
of State had sent after me by the Nonsuch ketoh to command
me to hasten back again into the Downs, whereupon I stopped.
The wind came about to the S. and then to the E. and towards
night back again to the W. This evening the Cygnet set sail
for the Frith in Scotland. The 10th the wind was W. in the
morning, several ships came in from the southward, some bound
94
for Newcastle, some for Scotland, to which the Recovery and
Paradox were convoys, both which came in hither as they passed
by. The wind came about to the E. abont noon and S.E., little
wind all day ; towards night it was at S. and S.S.W. We des-
cried two sail standing in hither about night, which we supposed
to be the Entrance and Margate hoy. The 11th, as soon as it
was light in the morning, we found the two ships that we descried
in the offing standing in hither to be the Entrance and Margate
hoy, who were come to an anchor by us ; the wind was this day
at S.S.W. and S.W. and blew pretty fresh in the morning ;
in the afternoon it came up W. and towards the evening it was
less wind. About ten at night came in the Nonsuch ketch, who
brought me an express from the Council of State commanding
my return with all the ships with me into the Downs, whereupon
I presently ordered all the pilots that we had taken in here
for the Sound to be set ashore, and gave order for our sailing.
The 12th, as soon as it was light, we set sail about three in the
morning, this ship, the Vanguard, the Lion, the Happy Entrance,
the Reserve, Dragon, Margate hoy and Nonsuch ketch — with the
wind at W.S.W. and S.W. to S. and S.S.W. and about noon it
came to the E. of the S. and S.S.E., a fresh gale, rainy and thick
weather. The 13th, about one of the clock in the morning,
came up a very great gust of wind at W.N.W., it continued
much wind W. all this day; about eight in the morning we
were off Flamborough Head and about nine at night we came
to an anchor four leagues off Cromer, the Lion a little before
having carried her foretopmast by the board. The 14th it still
continued much wind at W.N.W. ; we found in the morning
the Reserve's boatsprit and foremast gone and the Happy
Entrance a league astern of us, having either broke her cable
or drove so far off in the night ; the Margate hoy and Nonsuch
ketch we lost sight of, being as we supposed got close under the
shore or into Yarmouth Roads. About noon it proved less wind,
so we got up our anchors and stood in for the shore, the wind
continuing W. ; and as soon as we were under sail the ketch and
the hoy came off to us, and about eight at night we came to an
anchor again between Winterton and Hasborough, and then I
ordered the Reserve to go to Chatham to fit herself with masts
and the hoy to go into Yarmouth Roads to see what vessels were
bound for London and convey them thither, and so to return
again to her former station. The 15th we weighed about four
of the clock in the morning with the wind at W.N.W. and N.W.
to W., a fine fresh gale; we went on the back side of the
Newark sands, about seven in the morning we were thwart of
Yarmouth, the wind coming up to the S.W. We came to an
anchor four or five leagues off Orf ord Ness about six of the clock,
and anchored there till twelve that night. The 16th, about one
in the morning, we were under sail with the wind at N.W. ;
about five in the morning we had sight of the North Fore-
land, it was but little wind, and about nine of the clock in the
morning, it being calm, we were enforced to come to an anchor
again about five leagues off the Foreland. About twelve at noon
95
we weighed again with little wind at S.W. and turned into
Margate Road, where we came to an anchor again about six
at night. The 17th, between six and seven in the morning, we
weighed with the wind at E.N.E., a gentle gale, and arrived
in the Downs, where we came to an anchor about eleven of the
clock in the forenoon, where I found the Leopard, the Kef or-
mation, the Charles, the Seven Brothers, the Greyhound. This
afternoon I went ashore at Deal with a resolution to go for
London, where I stayed for the dispatch of three months' pro-
vision of victuals for Captain Penn's squadron till the 29th,
which night I came aboard hither, little wind at S. to E. This
night I ordered the Dragon to go to Portsmouth to fetch thence
the vessels laden with provisions at Portsmouth for Captain Penn's
fleet, which the Commissioners by their letter of the 28th instant
intimated to me were in readiness there. The 30th the Dragon
set sail early in the morning with little wind, but E. ; in the
afternoon it was a fresh gale at E.KE. and N.E. The 31st the
wind in the morning was at E.S.E., then it came to the N.
of the E., an easy gale of wind all this day. The 1st of August
the wind in the morning was at S.S.W., little wind ; towards
noon it was at S.W. and blew very fresh. This day I ordered
the Constant Warwick to stand over for the coast of Flanders
and to return again in three days ; she set sail between eleven
and twelve of the clock at noon. The 2nd the wind was S.
and blew fresh, about noon it came to the S.W. ; in the evening
came in the Reserve frigate from Chatham and at the same time
came in the Dolphin, and William and Mary from Grinney.
The 3rd the wind was S. in the morning, in the afternoon it was
S.W., this evening about seven of the clock came in several
ships out of the river bound to the Straits, and the Expedition,
Greyhound and Nonsuch ketch, who brought with them two
Flemish vessels that had been taken by a pirate and was rescued
from him by them, a third prize was fired before those that were
in her left her; the men that belonged to the vessels all run
ashore near Newport. The 4th the wind was W. and N.W. and
then went back again to the westward, it was little wind most
part of this day; in the afternoon it was all N., but it stayed
not there, but came about to the S. and was at S.S.W. This
evening I ordered the Expedition to go down into Dover Road
and to convoy some vessels from thence bound to Callis, the
Greyhound likewise having some defective beer I ordered her
to go into Dover Road to change it. The 5th the wind in the
morning was at W.N.W. ; the Leopard shot off a gun and loosed
his foretopsail to give notice to all vessels to prepare to go with
him. About nine of the clock in the morning the wind came up
N., about two in the afternoon they all set sail and fell down
into Dover Roads, where they all anchored, the Leopard being
to take in a month's provision at Dover. This day I ordered the
Reserve frigate to go down into Dover Road and to take there
two vessels, one bound for St. Vallery and another for
Roane [Rouen] and convoy them to their several ports,
who accordingly set sail about four in the afternoon,-
tlie wind was at N. by E. and blew fresh all the
afternoon. The 6th the wind continued at N. by E.
and blew very fresh ; this day came down several merchants
ships bound to Malaga and three to Morlaix, whom I ordered
the Expedition to give convoy to and to stay there three or four
days to bring them back again. The 7th the wind still con-
tinued N., but not so much of it as was the day before. This
day came in the Merchant frigate, he brought with him the
master and merchant of a ship bound for one of the Charitie
Islands, whom I sent into Dover till order should be given for
his enlargement. The Dragon I sent out this day to lie between
Callis and Dover with the Merchant frigate to look for two
French ships who were coming from Greenland. The wind still
continued at N.N.E. all this day and blew a fresh gale ; this day
came in a Hollander, but he rode so far to the southwards, and
the leeward tide being come we could not send our boat aboard
of him ; he fired a gun as soon as he came in and a pilot went off
to him from Deal.
Colonel Kobert Blake to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, April 2. Taunton — I hope to hold to my resolution
of being in Plymouth by the end of this week. " According to
the enclosed paper intercepted by C. Holden I perceive strong
endeavours are used abroad — as I believe in all the world — to
oppose us and assist our enemies. But I hope the Lord will
defeat them all. I shall use my utmost diligence to serve his
Providence in all things."
Kobert Coytmor to Admiral Popham, on board the James.
1651, April 2. Whitehall — Eecommending William Herbert
to him by command of Sir Henry Vane.
The Same to the Same.
1651, April 2. Whitehall — I conceived I should have found
by the papers your secretary left behind him how the ships are
apnointed to their stations and copies of the orders you had given
since Colonel Deane went to sea, but I can find nothing amongst
thalTchaos of papers. I entreat you to give me the names of the
ships that are of your squadron and also of Colonel Deane's
squadron, and what ships you have ordered to guard the river's
mouth. Signed.
Postscript. — The Committee desires you to appoint two small
vessels to carry packets between Holland and England and also
some fit vessel to ply about the mouth of Humber, for the
pickeroons are so busy there that they go ashore and take people
out of their beds and carry them and their goods away.
97
Captain Lionel Lane to Colonel Edward Popiiam, Admiral.
1651, April 3. The Victory — Announcing his arrival in the
Downs. Signed.
Colonel Edward Popiiam to Captain John Coppin, of the
Happy Entrance.
1651, April 4. On board the James, off the Hope — Directing
him to proceed to Guernsey to inform himself of the condition
of the island and the strength of the enemy in Castle Cornet
and to take steps for distressing the latter and for annoying the
pirates at sea. Signed.
Colonel Edward Popiiam to Captain Jonas Beeves, of the
Elizabeth.
1651, April 4. Aboard the James — Whereas intelligence has
been given that the enemy may design to land men upon
Guernsey either from Jersey, St. Malo or elsewhere, you are,
upon your arrival on the bank of Guernsey, to inform yourself
from the Governor of the state thereof and of the strength of
the enemy in Castle Cornet and at sea, and upon meeting with
Captain Coppin of the Happy Entrance you are to advise with
him how to hinder the enemy's designs, and report to the Council
of State. Copy.
Robert Coytmor to [Colonel Popham].
1651, April 5 — "You will receive a letter from the Committee
for the exchange of prisoners with Carterett. In case you should
stand strictly for the exchange only of prisoners of war, then
many poor seamen will suffer and perish, of whom you have
much need . . . having prisoners enough to exchange them
all with." How you will contrive the release of these prisoners
I do not know ; whether you will issue forth orders to the several
generals to discharge them and to take their several subscription
of their being set at liberty and to order them to repair to some
place near Portsmouth, where they may be shipped for Jersey,
and whether they must have money to carry them to the place of
rendezvous, I present to your consideration.
Captain Richard Newbery to [Robert Coytmor P] .
1651, April 10. Yarmouth Road, Lily frigate — Giving a
detailed account of the movements of the ships upon the east
coast.
Colonel Edward Popham to [the Admiralty Committee].
1651, April 11 — I have received from you two letters, one con-
cerning the exchange of prisoners at Jersey, to which purpose
08
I have written to Sir George Carteret ; the other, which concerns
the exchange and usage of Colonels Sadler, Axtell and Lehunt,
prisoners in Scilly ; as to that I have written to the Governor
of that island. I hope you will be pleased to make good my
engagements in that kind. Mr. Coytmor writes to n:e by your
command to set at liberty the " Oastenders " that are prisoners
in Colchester, which I shall readily do when I find anything
under your hands to warrant me, ki but I think it may be for
your service to forbear till I hear from Sir George Carteret, that
so they being released with other prisoners of theirs may make
up the number to get off all ours that are prisoners with them."
Copy.
[Admiralty Committee] to Colonel .Edward Popham.
1651, April 11. Whitehall — Directing him to carry out the
order for the discharge or exchange of divers prisoners lying
in Colchester gaol, who have been taken as pirates by the com-
mander of the Mary of Colchester. Signed by Denis Bond and
Colonels George Thomson and Valentine Walton.
Colonel Eichard Deane to Colonel Edward Popham.
1651, April 12. Edinburgh — " I am glad to hear what you
write concerning Captain Penn and the Lion, and [sorry ?] for
what you write of old Moulton and Colonel Willoughby's death.
I think he were a very able man to supply his room."
The boats that came from London arrived here yesterday, four
and twenty of them, there being one taken by a pirate as they
came along and one " lost from his company." Signed.
[Colonel Edward Popham] to [the Captain of the Happy
Entrance].
[1651, April 13] — Ordering him, in pursuance of a command
from the Council of State, to repair to the coast of Holland,
report himself to the English ambassadors at the Hague and put
himself under their orders ; also to inform himself what ships
and provisions are preparing there for Scotland, and to try to
intercept any such vessels. Draft. \_See Coldnel Popham' s
narrative, p. 83 above.]
Intelligence from Guernsey.
1651, April 17 — I understand from Jersey that there are not
above two hundred or two hundred and fifty strangers there, men
of note as well as private soldiers. One Captain Greenfield lately
came from thence, discontented with the small respect he found
with Sir George [Carteret]. He is now at Morlaix to make sale
of some prizes sent by the Governor of Scilly. There is a Colonel
Robinson at St. Malo and other officers ; also divers Irishmen,
9f
officers and seamen. Captain Amy is lately come there from
Scilly and has offered 12,800 livres tournois to have a frigate
built to carry forty or fifty guns, but the workmen and he could
not agree. It is reported that he is about to buy one that belongs
to the Prince. At Morlaix are divers officers and men of note.
There are said to be two thousand soldiers at Scilly, four hundred
whereof have formerly been officers.
Vincent de la Bare to Colonel Popham.
1651, April 23. Dover — On behalf of the fishermen of Dover,
who are anxious to preserve a market for their commodities at
Calais.
M. DE CoTJRTEBOURNET to COLONEL PoPHAM.
1651, April 25-May 5. Calais — Asking that the fishermen
may have the same liberties which were granted to them at the
request of his Governor, the Comte de Charost. French,
Intelligence from France.
1651 [April] — I landed at St. Yallery and went on to Dieppe,
where I perceived nothing in agitation. Thence I went to
Rouen and to Caen, where was Captain Skinner attending the
Marquis of Ormond, being to command a frigate setting forth
by the said Marquis for piracy. In Caen was also one Captain
Brasdor, lately in Scotland and now come from Jersey. He has
a commission from the Scots King to raise a regiment of foot for
his service, and is procuring leave from the French King to
raise men. He has a frigate lying at Havre de Grace ready to
transport them. There is a report in Caen that the Prince of
Conde and the Queen of Sweden privately correspond about
assistance for the Scots King. From thence I went to Havre de
Grace, where I saw the frigates and also the Dolphin, presented
last year to the Queen of France by the Queen of Sweden;
to St. Malo's, where was a small frigate of Sir George Carteret's,
rigging for piracy ; and to Blavete in Brest. Coming from Brest
I met a Frenchman, who had been taken prisoner by an Ostend
barque, set out by Sir Richard Grenville with stores for Scilly.
He told me they had a little trunk aboard which Sir Richard
strictly charged should be thrown overboard in case they should
meet with a Parliament ship, which trunk, as he said, was full
of commissions under the Scots King's broad seal, which were
to be sent from Scilly into England. Sir Richard Grenville
himself is at a little town called Lantreire in Brittany, but
purposes soon to go for Scilly. The merchants of Dieppe,
Rouen, Havre de Grace, Honfleur, Harfleur and St. Malo's have
sent commissioners to the Court to desire that an ambassador
may be sent to England and that the Knights of Malta may
G2
100
forbear seizing on any English, ships. [Endorsed by Col.
Popham as sent to him by the Council of State, 1st of May,
1651.]
William Robinson to General Popham, on board the Resolution.
1651, May 14. Whitehall — I have this day bad the honour
to wait on your nephew, Colonel Conway, and shall attend him
to Colonel Deane.
" My Lord Lieutenant intends to be here very speedil}-, 'tis
thought this week. Ormond, Inchiquin and the Protestant party
of rebels in Ireland sent propositions to my Lord Lieutenant for
their security, which my Lord refused, and sent their
messengers, — Sir Robert Sterling, Dean Boyle and another,—
back with positive proposals, which must be submitted to by the
15th instant, otherwise they should expect no further favour."
[Colonel Edward Popham] to [the Governor of Dunkirk].
[1651, May 17th. Aboard the James] — The great spoil done
to the people of England by pirates who receive protection at
Dunkirk has caused my coming hither. I come not with any
hostile intention either against your person or the place you
command unless provoked by any hostile actions of yours. I
formerly hinted to you that there was a person in Dunkirk who
calls himself Luke Whittington, agent for his Majesty's mari-
time affairs of his kingdom of Ireland at Dunkirk, *k who gives
commissions and passes [which I supposed you would so far have
taken notice of for the honour of the King, your master, your
nation and yourself as not to have suffered a pretending King
without a kingdom by his agents to have seized a paiver in the
ports of the King of France. Same of his predecessors have
pretended a title to the Crown of France, and with as much right
as some others he lays claim to, but it is not I suppose under that
notion you permit him to do it). I do assure myself you cannot
do the King, your master, your nation and yourself more right
in anything than in sending him hither to me or else into
England." As to the Erench prisoners I know of none detained
except for piracy, but will so far gratify any reasonable demand
of yours that if you will engage to permit no more piracies in
the future, I will, upon your signification of the names of such
French prisoners, immediately release them. Draft. The para-
graph in italics is camelled. [The date of this is fixed by Col.
Pophamfs narrative, see p. 87 above.]
Vincent de la Bare to Colonel Edward Popham, on board the
James.
1651, May 23. Dover — I thank you for the news of the
twenty-five thousand men in the army. Pray God bless all good
designs. I had letters to-day from Steven Rogers from Calais.
101
(% He writes me you should have a care of fireships, for there is
such intentions reported at Calais. . . . The Governor of
Calais, Monsieur Courteborne [Courtebournet], being out of
town, was taken by the cavaliers of St. Toures, but on scarmouss-
ing and a good horse he did escape."
Thomas Gage to Col. Edward Popham, aboard the James in
the Downs.
1651, June 24. Upper Deal — "An ocean of distance or the
distance of an ocean hath stopped this small and worthless gift
of an unworthy author* from coming to your hands, intended and
with best heart wishes devoted to your honour — as Mr. Simon
Blackmore can witness — when first your flag began to awe our
neighbouring foes and to strike dread into the inhabitants of all
the Lusitanian shore. I hope now it will find harbour and pro-
tection, not deserved but expected from your goodness, blasting
what may be objected, f route capillata post est occasio calua.
The style or dressing of it I confess is rude and beggarly, it
having been penned when after four and twenty years practice
in the Spanish and Indian dialect your servant had forgot his
mother-tongue ; yet it hath been graced with one of our worthy
senators' muse,t whose prophecy of heroic acts to be with victory
performed by English champions among the tawny Indians, if
hereafter it prove true, I hope the great God of heaven will keep
your honour yet to plough the utmost western ocean with Eng-
lish strong-built ships and gilded steins, and in their hollow
bottoms thither to convey such gallant spirits as shall thoroughly
search that second Canaan, and by your wise command shall
crush that Popish tyrannizing power there and set at liberty
poor groaning slaves, carrying to them the true and glorious
Gospel light, compared by our Lord and Saviour, Matt. xxiv. 27,
unto a lightning coming out of the east and shining even unto the
west. In the meanwhile here we wait upon God's providence,
your honour be pleased in this poor work to observe the various
ways of providence towards myself, a lost sheep in those remote
parts, who yet obtained mercy and have been brought from that
darkness to an admirable light. I present further to your
honour's view a petty fancy penned by me lately when at London
with Phineas' spirit I acted against Cozbi and Zimri-like Jesuits."
Oliver Cromwell to William Clarke.
1651, July 31 — 'Warrant for the payment out of contingent
moneys remaining in his hands of allowances to Adjutant-
Generals Sedascue, Hopton, Merrist and Nelthoq). Signed.
The Same to the Same.
1651, August 6 — Warrant for the payment of — pounds to
Captain Morris, being at the rate of 205. per man for troopers
brought up to the army in Scotland. Signed.
* " The English- American, his travail by sea and land," pub. 1648.
t Thomas Chaloner.
102
Kympton Hilliard to his brother [in-law], William Clarke,
in Scotland.
1651, October 30. Jersey— Concerning the reduction of Jersey.
Printed in the Clarke Pajiers, Vol. II., f. 228.
Phineas Payne to William Clarke, at Leith.
1652, April 13. Westminster — Yours of the 3rd mentions
that Mr. Browne owes [your brother] Jacob 8/. He has not
yet received your rent at Redriffe, so I will disburse the &l.
next week when Jacob's master comes to town, and if I can get
405. from Mr. Browne or his wife it will make 71. to pay him
for half a year. I pray you send two words to Mr. Browne
to pay me what they can towards the boy's schooling.
Phineas Payne to William Clarke, Keeper of the Broad Seal
in Scotland.
1652, May 29. Westminster — I have disbursed bl. for Jacob
according to your orders. I could get but 40s. from Mr. Browne,
who tells me he has received no money at Redriffe. If he had
I should have got that likewise from him towards payment for
your boy's schooling. I hope to come to Scotland before long,
and pray you meanwhile to take all the care you can of my
brother Scriven.
Capt. Edmund Chillenden to William Clarke.
1652, June 5. London — I will as speedily as may be pay the
money due to you and also my share for housekeeping, but I
am put to great straits "because of buying my troop's arrears
and a fourth part of the Colonel's troop, which will come to at
least 3,500/." and shall have to mortgage what cost me 900/.
for 5007. I would do it to you as soon as to any if you have
so much money lying by you. It is as good security as any
in England and I could have 1,200/. for it, but am loath to
sell it. Pray give my kind love to your good wife and to
Mrs. Mosse. Seal of arms.
William Cary to his brother [in-law], William Clarke, at
Leith.
1652, June 29 — I find that many of your trees have been cut
dowoi. On Thursday I will go to Paddingtoh and make further
enquiries, " for truly you are very much abused in the business."
I have sent your things in the Diligence of Yarmouth, but could
not find all you asked for. I was three times there before I
could get into the house, and when I was in '" things were some-
what disorderly. I wish that Major Husbands may deal well
with you about your house and goods, and that my brother
Mabbott would take the right way to make an end with Mr.
Collins. I dare not meddle, but I only hint this to you."
103
William Clarke.
[1652, June ?] — Inventory of goods in Mr. Clarke's house
in St. Martin's Lane left to Major Husbands. The list includes
various articles of furniture in parlour, hall, long gallery and
four bed-rooms, with carpets and pictures and many kitchen
utensils.
Simon Browne to William Clarke.
1652, July 10. Westminster— As concerning your brother's
schooling Mr. Payne paid 5/. and I 40s. , so Mr. Andrews had
71. for half a year's schooling and boarding. Your brother and
sister are in good health. " Your Jacob hath great commenda-
tions from his master, and l\ope he will be a good scholar and
that you will have great comfort of him. Your sister Betty is
married and hath gotten a husband. They were greatly in league
one with the other, and I thought there would be a great deal
of ill-conveniency to part them, thought \torrC\ my consent to it,
and hope it will be for her good. The young [man] doth
appear to me to be a very deserving fellow and one well ex-
perienced in religion and very capable of any employment in
military affairs. His calling is a broadweaver by his trade and
he can make use of our sort of work very well. I would very
gladly [have] had your approbation, but that it is so you was so
far remote. I hope you shall have no cause of dislike of it."
Gilbert Mabbott to his brother [in-law], William Clarke.
1652, July — " My brother Carey, M. Mosse, myself and wife
were at Paddington this day to take possession of the house built
upon thy three acres, which I heard the present tenant was
willing to deliver, — Collins having dealt so devilishly with him."
He was absent, but I am to meet him on Tuesday. " I am
tender of meddling severely — according to law— with Collins,
though thou hast given liberty therein, hearing and knowing
of thy extraordinary bewitched indulgency to that worst and most
cursed of families, one whereof I hear is coming down — upon
some encouragement — to work the ends of the whole upon thee.
I wish a dram of self-preserving and reasonable wisdom might
be laid in the balance against a thousand-weight of thy. most
undeserved affection ; and as thou art extreme innocent, so thou
wouldst be a little prudent therein — as thou art sufficient in all
other affairs." I do not want to meddle with thy private matters
further than to serve thee, " only give me leave to be jealous
and zealous for thy good." . .
General Monk.
1652, August 1 — Certifying that in November last he appointed
William Clarke to receive the assessments of cos. Angus,
Mearnes [i.e., Kincardine] and part of Perth for drink money,
104
and to pay the same to Col. Cobbett's and Col. Cooper's regiments
and the train [of artillery] then quartering at Dundee, in which
service Mr. Clarke disbursed certain sums which, by reason of
the settling of the Scotch assessment by Major-General Lambert
in January i have not been repaid to him ; and desiring that he
may be reimbursed for the same. Signed.
Enclosing,
Account by William Clarice of the sums received from
various parishes and their disbursements, dated October 6,
1652.-—; Received, 1,059/. lkO^.; paid, 1,358*. 2s. 2\A.;
disbursed more than received, 298/. 11 s. 2d
Capt. Edmund Chillenden to William Clarke.
1652, August 28. London — I pray you tell Mr. John Bilton
that Capt. Dale spoke him fair to his face, but turned him out
of his troop as soon as he was out of sight. I keep you and Mr.
Mabbott still in my troop. I desire you to certify me who is
Governor of Aberdeen and to speak to Mr. Lewin to clear the
100Z. with Mr. Bilton that I and Mr. Hatter stand engaged for.
" This is all from him that desires no longer to live than he may
perve his God, country and relations, amongst whom you are
uone of the least."
Postscript. — This Parliament, erased'] is resolved to sit to
perpetuity, but I hope they will have a sooner period than is
dreamt of. Be silent in this ; you shall hear more."
Walter Curtis to Gilbert Mabbott.
1652, October 6. Colchester — I understand from your last that
Mr. Alden has not yet paid Mr. Clarke his money, which I take
very ill at his hands, as he told me when I first came into Essex
that the money was ready and would be paid in three or four
days. I shall be in London within a fortnight to pay in our
rents and will attend to it.
The Same to [the Same].
1652, October 29. Colchester — I am sorry that illness has
prevented my coming to London, but I have sent for Aldwin \_sic],
and will shortly send you the money, " for I cannot tell how
to be ungrateful to such an honest gentleman as Mr. Clarke
hath been unto me all along."
Major-General Richard Deane to Receiver General George
Bilton.
1652, October — Warrant for payment of 1,174/. 145. \d. to
William Clarke, of which 298Z. lis. 10tZ. is to re-imburse him
for moneys advanced by him for drink money to Col. Cobbett's
and Col. Cooper's regiments, the two Scarborough companies
105
and the train, when they quartered at Dundee, and the rest is
to be held by him and paid out upon warrants from Major-
General Deane.
Colonel Mathew Alured to William Clarke, at Leith.
1652, December 10. Ayre — " I thank you for your constant
good intelligence. We do a little wonder at the sudden disposal
of Major-General Deane out of this country," and pray you to
let us know who succeeds him and when he takes his journey into
England. Seal with crest.
Captain Edmund Chillenden to William Clarke, at Leith.
1652, December 21. London — I would gladly have acceded
to your desire for your man, Scriven, to ride in my troop,
but we are ordered to disband out of each troop a farrier and
saddler and ten troopers. I shall be very hard put to it to keep
you in and brother Mabbott, but I am resolved so to do. Pray
send me word to what day I paid you.
Gilbert Mabbott to his brother [in-law], William Clarke.
1652, December 25 — As you advise I shall not proceed against
Collins. He offers to give you three other acres of his land
if the whole may be measured. Brother Carey and 1 have
to-day partly ended with your landlord, and have allowed him
14s. for your study shelves. Your goods will be removed to
Mr. Basset's, who has promised us a chamber for them. We did
not take the house, because the tenant has gone already, and you
would have had to pay \bl. for a half-year's standing for your
goods unless a tenant had been procured, which is very un-
certain and improbable at this time of the year. Captain Child
[Chillenden] promises me that you shall certainly not be preju-
diced by the reducement of your troop. " For the great man's
answer concerning me it is like himself ; however, I thank
thee for thy care therein."
General Oliver Cromwell to Colonel Lilborne, in Scotland.
1652[-3], January 22. Cockpit—" The Council of State, being
made acquainted with the condition of those soldiers who have
been lately disbanded in Scotland, and of the necessities and
exigencies many of them will be put unto through want of money
to bear their charges to their respective homes in England, have
made an order — the copy whereof is enclosed — in pursuance of
which I have sent to Mr. Hatter at York to take up a sum of
money there to pay so many of those soldiers as come that way,
who s^all be found to be in want, viz.: — To the foot soldiers
a fortnight's pay and to the horsemen eight or ten days' pay
as there shall be occasion, for defraying their charges to London
or to their respective homes.
106
Upon conference with Major-General Deane we have thought
fit that all the train horses in England except thirty-two, with
a proportionable number of drivers, shall be sent into Scotland
by Quarter Master Curtise and mustered there. And that when
moneys are to be sent to the army in Scotland the carriages
in England shall convey it to York, and there the carriages from
Scotland shall receive it from them and carry it into Scotland.
And in respect that one of the quarter masters of the draught
horses is to be reduced we think fit that Mr. Capell, who was
formerly clerk to the Commissary, — being now one of the
quarter masters — shall be reduced and return to be clerk again
under the present Commissary in the room of Mr. Woods, who is
at present clerk to the Commissary, Mr. Woods having an en-
sign's place in Leith. I have no more at present, but rest your
loving friend." Signed, and the superscription also signed. Seal
with the Cromwell arms. [The answer to this is 'printed in
Mr. Firth's " Scotland and the Commonwealth," p. 80.]
Committee of Plundered Ministers.
1652[-3], February 8. Chequer Chamber — Mr. Millington in
the chair. Eeport of proceedings in the case of Mr. Erbery,
accused of blasphemous speeches and false teaching. Copy.
[Printed in the Clarke Papers, Vol. II., p. 233.]
Elizabeth Mosse to William Clarke.
1652 [-3], March 5. London — " Dear heart, I received thine
of the 27th of February. For thy sister Cary things are
something better now between them than they were." The old
woman, his aunt, is the cause of all the mischief. She hath used
thy sister so basely from time to time that she is resolved never
to speak to her more. Your brother Cary is now in the mind
to take a house in the Strand, kk and then she may learn his trade
to buy and sell, and her condition would not be so bad whatever
should happen, if she had some insight into his trade. He
complains much for money, and is more troubled at the spending
of a penny than he hath been at a pound, and he takes a great
deal of pains. There is no happiness in this world without
riches, that makes content and love and all things. If your
brother Cary takes a house in the Strand he will take all your
goods into his custody, and hopes to enjoy your company when
you come into England, for which time I cannot tell thee how
much I long for it. I long more to see thee than anything
upon earth; thou hast not left thy fellow in England . . .
so with my humble service I remain thy humble servant and
mother."
Postscript. — " Thy cousin Staresmore bought some linen of me,
but I shall never desire more of his custom. He did more quarrel
with me and exclaim on me than the profit was worth."
Endorsed by Clarke : " Mother Mosse, concerning sister Cary,
&c."
107
Thomas. Sherman to his cousin, William Clarke, at Dalkeith.
1C53, November 5th. Stornoway — I have paid Capt. Wood
200Z. on account of the French wines, and Major Crispe 100/.
for the Spanish, and will speedily send you the rest. I have
sold all the French wine except five hogsheads, and they would
have gone too, but Capt. Wood brought with him from Orkney
ten tuns of French wine, base trash, which he sold for 20L
to 221. the tun, and so spoiled my market.
As to my neglect of duty in my employment, truly Col.
Cobbett has misinformed you. "If I had two pairs of legs
and as many hands, I could have employed them. If any
friend of his had but half the trouble as I had, then he would
tell you another tale. I did my duty at all times ; blow, snow,
or rain it was all one to me." I have sent you and Col.
Cobbett each a copy of my accounts. I fear his is not very
plain, but we all want pen, ink and paper. We believe that
the Greyhound will not come hither until Capt. Tomson comes
with the Governor's packet. Pray present my service to Major-
General Lilburne. I am much troubled to hear that his brother
is so tormented. Liberty is precious. Pray present my respects
to your wife, cousin Staresmore and cousin Sharwen.
The Same to the Same.
1653, November 10. Stornoway — I have received no satis-
faction for my services since I came from you. Please send
my wife 50/., which I will pay you again. I have the money,
but have laid part out in making a brewhouse. I have sent to
Capt. Brayse [Brassey] for malt and hops, and some hoops and
other goods. I hope to send you by the next shipping a taste
of our good liquor. I pray you forget not my poor wife. I
could wish this place would suit with her weakness. Send the
money for her to Mr. Henry Bainbridge at Christopher's
Church, near the stocks in London, or else to herself by your
brother Carey. In one of your letters you desired to know if
I had lost anything at Mull. Truly I did, beer, tobacco,
pipes, strong water and sugar. The biscuit which Commissary
Eldred sent last is not as it should be. We have not six months'
provision of bread for this garrison.
Captain Edward Lunne to Colonel Robert Lilburne.
1653, November 13. Scalloway Castle in the mainland of
Zetland [Shetland] — Three companies of Colonel Cooper's
regiment being already relieved from Orkney, " I am full of
hopes not to stay long in this country, which affordeth nothing
wherewith an Englishman will fall in love ; for that cause
therefore, and because companies separated from their regiments
march oft too much in the rear of relief, I am bold to represent
to your Honour my hopes and condition, notwithstanding Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Sawrey hath before this, I am confident, remem-
108
bered those and that to your Honour effectually. I shall only
add this, that there is in this country much land held of the
King of Denmark, whose the chief rents are, to the value of
about an hundred pound by year. The arrear of most of it
being yet in the tenants' hands for three years past or there-
abouts, I thought it my duty to inform your Honour thus far.
But if our Commonwealth became landlord, I hope my successor
here will take off the collector's office from me. I have not
meddled with it at all, because I understand not your Honour's
mind in it."
Captain James Thompson to Colonel Robert Lilburne.
1653, November 30. Dunbarton Castle — " I beg your pardon
in being so long silent in giving your Honour an account
of some proceedings in this country. The last night I had notice
that the Laird of Cowgrane [Cochrane] had received commission
for the raising of this shire, and that he demands every third
man, or else to force the gentlemen to go along with him.
Hearing likewise that he was then at his own house, I thought
it my duty to endeavour the apprehending of him, and accord-
ingly in the night sent to my ensign, which was at Greenock,
a small party, and gave him orders that he should ferry over
Clyde with the party that he had with him and tnose that
I had sent, to make an attempt upon Cowgrane' s house, the which
he accordingly did, and came to it betwixt one and two this
morning. He had crows of iron and great hammers with him
for the forcing of doors, but the iron grate was so strong that,
after the doors were broken in pieces, he could not enter till he
set fire to the gates with peats, and then they opened to him,
but he was deprived of his expectation, for there was no Cow-
grane there, nor not so much as a man within the house. After
they had possession a party appeared and fired at the house,
which caused him to continue there all niqdit, and in the morn-
ing came back. Truly this country are dangerous people, and
I am confident that there is not one man hardly free from
acting for them either by monies or intelligence. This Cow-
grane is Fullerd's son-in-law, and Fullerd's brother is likewise
with the enemy. I am just now informed bv a letter from
the Laird of Lusse that McFarlin's islands in the head of Loch
Lomond are possessed, and a fortifying by the enemy."
Thomas Sherman to his cousin, Willlim Clarke, at Dalkeith.
1653, December 22. Loch Stornoway — My respects to you
and your wife, cousin Star esm ore and Shardwen. We are all
in good health, save some half score of our men. We have very
bad quarters here, and have buried two men since we came.
I sent to Capt. Brasey in my last for malt, hops and hoops.
Pray send me some. We shall not have bread to serve this
garrison till May. We have had no ships come to us since Mr.
Tom son left. If there be any action abroad in the spring, I
109
could wish myself in it. Good sugar is a good commodity here,
and London strong water, and also Lynn beer.
Thomas Sherman to his cousin, William Clarke.
1653 [-4], March 3. Stornoway — Many thanks for remember-
ing my wife. Pray pay 101. to Mr. Phillips for tobacco and
pipes at Leith, if you cannot get some things abated. His
tobacco lies on my hands and rots, it is so bad. I desire you
to acquaint the Commander-in-Chief that this garrison has
barely five weeks' provisions, and the country cannot help us at
all. Ask Commissary Eldred to hasten ships away. In the
morning of the 2nd of January, between three and four o'clock,
Seaforth and his party fell on our out-quarters, and barbarously
nuirdered seven or eight of our men, and as many have since
died of their wounds. They stayed until the 23rd of January,
and gave us alarms oft, but in the day they would not be seen,
but on the mountains. He is expected here again if we have
no ships to come speedily.
Marquis of Argyle to Colonel Lilbitrne.
1654, March 25. Stirling — I hear from the hills that Midle-
ton's commission is very absolute Hn all matters, civil and
ecclesiastical, and that there is a declaration in print, which
I hope shortly to see. I have engaged my nephew, Lord Charles
Gordon, to a peaceable behaviour, giving him some interest
in the estates, but delaying the perfecting of it, lest he be
troublesome. I have apnointed Sir Robert Innes, jun., and
Sir John Gordon as governors of the estates. I offer to your
consideration whether Straboggy ["Huntley] might not fitly be
made a carrison, it being" the nearer wav to Aberdeen from
the Boyne. Signed. [Printed at length in " Scotland and the
Protectorate," p. 60.]
Kympton Hilliard to his brother[-in-law, William] Clarke.
1654, May 14. Douglas Castle — " In my last I gave a relation
of my engaging with the enemy at Gauston in the country of
Kyle the 9th instant, " after which I returned to Ayre, and the
11th I marched to this place ; but on the way, hearing of some
loose parties of the enemy that yet remained thereabout, the
12th, With thirty of my troop, I marched hither, where I
certainly heard that the enemy was retired again into Galloway.
They did remain about the country on the moors all the night
and part of the next day, when they, through the intelligence
those parts gave them, came and took such horses and arms
which the country had taken out of the field and secured, while
I was in pursuit of the enemy; six horses the country had
taken of mine, but the same night I recovered two out of their
hands. The other four I understand are delivered by them
to the enemy, especially one black gelding worth 12/. that a
countryman rode after the enemv with and delivered. I have
110
desired the General's order to be prepared on the country for
those horses, as also for a supply of firelocks and twenty cases
of pistols if he shall so please. Have lost and broken six or
seven firelocks and lost eight cases of pistols. I also entreat
you to obtain me an order to the Governor of Ayre to deliver
me a barrel of powder and a keg of shot, which I have
received upon my promise to get an order for it. There
are three prisoners, whereof one is Cardinese's lieutenant,
who may possibly recover of his wounds, and who hath
given his parole to Colonel Cooper. The other two I suppose
are mortally wounded. The report is various of the number
slain, some say nine, others five, and others but three, one
whereof was Captain Fergison's lieutenant, named Tompson,
who was lately come to Cardinese with a message to march
northward, whither he was marching when I fought him. The
number wounded that escaped was, some say, twelve, but for
certain seven wounded were altogether at one house. I had
only three men wounded, who are all here, blessed be God,
and past danger. I hope you will not esteem us raw
soldiers, though we are but a new raised troop, that we
durst, being but twenty-two, march four miles out of our
way to seek out an enemy to encounter with, whom our
intelligence gave us to be three score, and who by all
relations were when we fought them sixty-seven, completely
armed, and far better mounted than ourselves, who were almost
tired, both horses and men having marched fourteen miles
that day before the engagement. I pray you let this be an
opportunity to move for my establishment. The men deserve
well, who after they were commanded to discharge their fire-i
locks at a reasonable distance did it well, and afterward dis-
charging their pistols when we were very close, threw them
at the enemy, and then fell in with sword, which continued
near half an hour after we had broken them. I may truly say
blessed be the Lord, for his mercies endure for ever. I was
in my dream this last night troubled with an apprehension
that thou wert discontinued Secretarv, but I know dreams
are but fables, yet I cannot forbear telling thee of it."
General Monk.
1655, March 28. Dalkeith — Pass for Lieutenant- Colonel
George Heriott to go into Fife and to Dundee. Signed. Seal
of arms.
Captain John Hill to William Clarke.
1655, September 25. Ruthven Castle — There is a mistake
in the store-keeper's account here. I send you the papers.
I have written to the General concerning our need of a surgeon.
We cannot always get one from Inverness, where they have but
two. " I think the hills are for present the most quiet part of
Ill
Scot] and, A single Englishman may pass from hence to Inver-
loughie, for so did a lieutenant the last week from thence
to this place, only accompanied with my post. I hope they
will continue peaceable, if the Highlanders be not too hard
put at for old thefts and misdemeanours, for that will cause
them to break out again, they not being able to make satisfaction
for the tenth part of the wrong they have done.
General Monk to Captain John Drywood and Cornet Thomas
Medlicott.
1655[-6], January 21. Edinburgh — Order for reserving such
sums of money in the Treasury as have been stopped for
provisions. Signed.
Generals Blake and Montague to the Protector.
1656, September 19. Aboard the Naseby, Bay of Wiers —
Being out of water and our victuals almost spent, we have come
here to recruit our wants and await further orders. We have
received the enclosed account from the Commander of the
squadron before Cadiz, and have sent to secure the prizes. " The
providences that have already come to our knowledge, concurring
to bring those ships into our hands, do very much convince us
it is of God, in more than an ordinary manner, and we trust
it will by the same good hand be sanctified unto us." Copy.
Marquis of Ormond to Dr. Oliver Darcy, Bishop of Dromore.
[1656, September 26] — Copy. Printed in Carte's Life of
Ormond, Vol. II., appendix, p. 18, and in Clarendon's State
Papers, Yol. III., p. 306.
Henry Lawrence, Lord President of the Council, to General
Monk.
1656, December 23. Whitehall — Concerning the restoration
to the Duchess of Hamilton of the estate of Kinneal. Signed.
\_See Cat. of S.P. Bom. of this date.~]
Marquis of Argyle.
1656 [-7] February 19. London — Bond of Archibald, Marquis
of Argyle — as principal — together with William, Lord Cochrane,
Rory McLeod of Dunvegan, Sir John Wemys of Bogy, Col.
David Barclay, William Cary, goldsmith, of London, and Archi-
bald Campbell of Drumsynnie [Drimsynnie] for payment of 8001.
and other moneys to Colonel Ralph Cobbett. Signed and sealed,
but the signatures, excepting those of Rory MacLeod and Archi-
bald Campbell, have been torn out.
112
LlETJT.-COLONEL KOGER SaWREY to WlLLIAM CLARKE, at
Dalkeith.
1657, April 6. Citadel at Ayre — "I with my company got
very well to Ayre upon Saturday, where we found all things
in good order and friends in health, only a young person with
Captain-Lieutenant Shockly, entertained the last muster, who
is since discovered to be a woman ; her name she saith is Ann
Dimack, daughter to one John Dimack of Keale, near Bulling-
brooke Castle in Lincolnshire. She hath been with us but one
muster, and saith that her father and mother being dead she
lived with her aunt, and fell in love with one John Evison, who
had served his time in London, but was a Lincolnshire man.
Her friends was against it, and would by no means yield to their
marriage, nor had she any way of accomplishing her end left,
but by putting herself into man's habit, which she did in May,
1655, and so went to London together, and finding him not to
be in a capacity to live they both resolved to betake them-
selves to services, this maid still keeping in man's apparel, and
went as two brothers. The young man lived at Islington and
the maid at London with a coachman in Chick Lane, whose
name was Taylor, where she served two years under the name
of Stephen Evison, and after that coming with John by sea the
said John was cast away, and she, keeping still her man's
habit, came to Car] isle, and there listed herself for a soldier
under Major Tolhurst by the name of John Evison, and there
she continued until she came to this garrison, and never was
known to any, which she declares very solemnly to be all the
way of her progress in her disguise. And I can perceive nothing
but modesty in her carriage since she hath been with us, and
shall send to the other places where she hath been formerly to
know the truth of her declaration. If you think it necessary
you may acquaint my Lord General with it, with my respects
to yourself and lady, returning you hearty thanks for your late
kindness."
The Magistrates of Amsterdam to the High Admiral of
Scotland.
1657, September 13. Amsterdam — Concerning a ship called
the White Cow, which had been wrecked on its way to Green-
land. Latin. Seal of arms.
George Scott to General Monk.
1657 [-8], March 4. Edinburgh — A year ago petitioner, being
called in question for alleged accession to the challenge given
by Walter Scott to Lord Blantyre, gave bond for his good
behaviour. Sir James Johnstoun of Westerrall, the grantor of
the bond, having petitioner's whole fortune in his hands, with-
holds the said bond, and has reduced petitioner and his ten
children to a very deplorable condition. Pravs order to John-
stoun to deliver up the deed. With reference by Monk to Lieut.-
Colonel Pownall. Signed.
113
James, Lord Forrester, to the Lord Protector.
1657 [-8], March 13 — Petitions that having been m arms for
the late King of Scots, he was, upon capitulation in 1653,
allowed by Lord General Monk to return to his own home,
but about eighteen months since was committed to the custody
of the Marshal General of Scotland, and still continues a prisoner,
to the endangering of his health and the damage of his estate.
Prays an order to General Monk for his release. Presented on
above date and referred to Monk.
General Monk.
1658, August 2. Dalkeith— Pass for William Field to
Dunkirk. Signed.
The Same.
1658, August 28. Edinburgh — Pass for William Arnott and
Thomas Fotheringham, burgesses of Edinburgh, with their
servants, horses, swords and necessaries, to go to London and
return. Signed. Seal of arms.
The Same.
1658, September 1. Edinburgh — Permission for David Dick-
son, bailiff in Forfar, to keep a fowling piece. Signed. Seal
of arms.
Laird of Calder.
1658, September — Reasons why the " fewdewtie," due from
the Isle of Ilia [Islay] by the Laird of Caddell [Calder],
is at the disposal of his Highness the Protector, notwithstanding
the grant to the Duke of Lennox.
D. Drummond to General Monk.
1658, November 8. Crieff — I wrote in my last concerning
these pranks of the protesters in preparing their papers to be
given in to the Council. They have been very serious with
all their adherents to stand to the uttermost in prosecuting
that business, which after a long and serious trial I have found
it true that their only and main cause in giving this testimony
against the English is because my Lord Protector comes to the
Government by virtue of the Petition and Advice, in which
there is no mention of the League and Covenant, and thereby
they conclude that the English have first, unjustly invaded;
second, unjustly tolerated diversities of religions ; third, unjustly
usurped the government of these nations ; and all this they do
under the colour of their testimony, as they call it. " These
things being so material and the eyes of the whole country
upon the result, and the Protector so much concerned now in
this first beginning of his government, makes me the more
25. H
114
bold to use my freedom, for no disrespect to the persons of the
protestors but to their actions, who formerly used the same
course [torn] the last authority in contempt as that the
same was against religion, and [now] more, and in more brusque
terms, and more bold." I entreat your Lordship not to look
upon me as impertinent, but such businesses must be taken
at the beginning, which is the only time to cure these growing
diseases.
Captain Thomas Reade to General Monk, at Dalkeith.
1658, November 8. Stirling — An account of the damage
sustained by the house of the Laird of Buchanon when it was
garrisoned. Amount, 63Z. 125. 8d.
The Council or Scotland to John Baynes, Receiver General.
1658, December 28. Holyrood House — Order for the payment
of fire and candle money to the soldiers garrisoned in Scotland.
Copy.
General Monk.
1658 [-9], January 15. Edinburgh — Permission for the servant
of the Laird of Clarkington to keep a fowling piece. Signed.
Seal of arms.
Lord Kenmore to General George Monk.
1659, March 14. Brugh, Galloway — Complaining of the
affronts he has received from the Laird of Ricarton's servants,
who have run up and down among his poor people like mad
men, led on by one Hodgen, an Englishman, living in Dum-
fries ; and praying that a settlement may be ordered between
himself and Ricarton.
Lieut. -Colonel William Gough to General Monk, at
Dalkeith.
1658 [-9], March 22. Lambeth Marsh — "I am sorry I have
no better a subject than what I am now to give your Lordship
some little account of, which is of a late unhappy difference
betwixt my Lord Whally, Colonel Ashfleld, and myself,
occasioned upon an accidental discourse in Westminster Hall,
more particularly between my Lord Whally and Colonel Ash-
field about the government and such like things, and in the
conclusion of the discourse my Lord Whally did passionately
express him, saving, you have your meetings by yourselves and
we will have our meetings by ourselves, and further said that
we kept out honest men, and gave a particular instance of one
officer. Upon which Colonel Ashfield [said] that it was a mis-
take, saying none was ever kept out in any meetings that he
115
was at, and I said the like, being assured that as to our par-
ticulars there was not any such thing done, and our ground
for this our confidence in this thing was because it was at my
Lord Fleetwood's house, where we had nothing to do to keep
any out. But yet notwith [standing] my Lord Whally earnestly
asserted it to be so, and Colonel Ashfield did also earnestly
assert the contrary, and this was done several times by my Lord
Whally and Colonel Ashfield, as also by myself twice or thrice.
Upon which my Lord Whally did take it as giving him the lie,
and said we were uncivil and that we deserved to have our
pates cut, and that if he had us in place [sic] where he would
cut our pates, and this is a true stote of that which was the
offence in brief. Having lately received an intimation from
my Major that your Lordship had an account of it I thought
it my duty to give this small account."
[The Earl of Seaforth to General Monk?]
1658[-9], March— The late Earl of Seaforth, being burdened
by debt, went beyond seas in December, 1648, when the Com-
mittee of the Estates of Scotland laid a fine upon !him of
100,000 marks Scots, although after his " way-going " he never
meddled with affairs, and remained abroad until his death. The
fine now lies in the hands of some friends of the Marquis of
Argyle, who are endeavouring to get it ratified. I have never
had the value of the fourth part of the fine on my father's
estate, and trust that the Acts of Grace and other Acts of
Indemnity may protect me by your Lordship's favour. [Copy f]
Colonel Richard Ashfield to General Monk, at Dalkeith.
1659, April 16 — I hope when I see you again to be able to
prove that I have neither — as has been represented — put a
blemish upon the discipline of the army, nor intermeddled too
much in public affairs. " As to that unhappy discourse which
Lieut.-General Whaley entertained Lieut.- Colonel Gough and
myself with in Westminster Hall, I can say this, there was
nothing intended or done on my part but what might have
borne a favourable construction, notwithstanding I was more
than ordinarv provoked," and as to public affairs I have only
followed the honourable officers of the army in what the whole
Council thereof hath now brought forth. I am sorry my
occasions should detain me from my charge at such a time as
this, but I hope every term will dispatch me. Seal of arms.
Lord Fleetwood to General Monk.
1659, April 23 — " I do presume that some late actions of the
army may be misrepresented unto you, for prevention whereof
I shall give you a short account of affairs here. We having
received very certain assurances of our old enemies' designs and
H2
116
others to disturb our present peace, we were necessitated to draw
the forces together in order to the security and peace of this city
and nation. Notwithstanding our intentions were for the good of
the whole, yet I believe some will very evilly represent us in
this action, as if we had forced the Parliament, though his
Highness by his own authority did dissolve them, in which
the army did stand by his Highness. The present state of
affairs are through mercy in much quietness and the army in
much union, and I hope your Lordship will not give credit to
other information, but preserve the union betwixt both armies
as may enable them with joint endeavours to serve his Highness
in the further preservation of this good old cause we have been
so long engaged in, and not suffer the attempts of any to divide
us to take effect, the welfare of these nations being so much
concerned therein. I shall rest very confident your Lordship
will preserve a right understanding betwixt us, whereby we
may be the better enabled through the goodness of the Lord to
answer the great ends of our trust. Your Lordship shall
suddenly hear at large from me concerning these affairs, and
[I] shall take it as a great kindness from you rather to give
credit to myself than any other, wherein you may be assured
I shall not deceive your expectation but give you the true
state of things."
Pa [trick] Blair to General Monk.
1659, April 29. Kirkwall — Complaining of his persecution
by Captain Watson, Governor of Orkney.
Lieutenant-Colonels John Mason and Eoger Sawrey to
General Monk.
1659, May 3. London — We assure your Lordship that " the
army here in England is very unanimous in this late action,
which is demonstrated by the several addresses which have come
both from regiments and garrisons. Signed.
Helen Hay, Lady Wariston, to General Monk, in Scotland.
1659, May 4. Edinburgh — "I received a letter from your
Lordship this day in favour of Mr. Gideon Penman, minister
at Creichtown, and am glad to have the opportunity to give
your Lordship information touching that man's carriage as a
minister, who hath been justly suspended from his ministry
by the Synod of Lothian, and is processed for other gross faults,
such as forgery of a subscription to a band and endeavouring
to get a decree concerning his stipend vitiated, which have been
prosecuted before the Court of Justice in part, and for the further
prosecution thereof are referred to the Criminal Court and before
the Synod. He is further processed for worldly mindedness in
making of bargains and playing the notary rather than the
minister amongst the country people, besides that he hath been
iir
greatly questioned for his insufficiency to preach the Gospel,
and after thrice hearing of him before the Synod and their
committee they could not give him this testimony that they
found him sufficient, but for what they had heard they could not
declare him insufficient, and this was only the mind of the
plurality, and many did declare that they judged him insufficient.
And it would appear that your Lordship hath been informed
that he is only prosecuted for meddling with the stipend during
his suspension, contrary to a law whereof he was ignorant. But
your Lordship may be assured that if his abilities were duly
tried by divines and lawyers it shall be found that he hath
much more law than Gospel, whereof he hath given evidence
by the manifold devices of law used by him during his trial
to obstruct all proceedings against him. And as to his poverty
it is well known that he hath an estate whereon he may live
without any help of a stipend, which by the law of God and
men is designed and set apart for such as are able to instruct
the people and are diligent to care for their souls. And as for
these children which are called motherless, if your Lordship
knew their ages and what means he hath provided for them you
would not jud^re them objects of compassion. I crave your Lord-
ship's pardon for this trouble." Seal of arms.
John Thurloe to General Monk, in Edinburgh.
1659, May 31. Whitehall — I know your Lordship remembers
well the business of Bilton and his correspondents, Short and
Drywood. Short has brought an action of 10,000/. against me
for false imprisonment, as one of the Council of State, pre-
tending that his prosecution was by my means only, and that as
soon as he came into Scotland you discharged him, and wondered
that he should have been sent there when he appeared to be
innocent. " Truly, my Lord, he was a mere stranger to me,
and so was the business until I had it from your Lordship
and the Council of Scotland, and I well remember that as it
was represented from thence it seemed not only a foul business
upon Bilton but upon Short too, through whose hands the
moneys went." The papers are all in Scotland, and I have asked
Lord Fleetwood to send them to you. I pray you to tell him
the full state of the business and how the State was wronged.
[George Bilton and John Drywood were deputy treasurers of war
for Scotland and were accused of mis-appropriating moneys.
There are many allusions to the matter in the Cal. S.P. Dom.
for 1657-1658.]
General Monk to Captain Joseph "Wallington.
1659, June 25 — Order to search for and seize the arms of
certain persons named, in the parishes of Evendale, Glasford,
and Lesmahego, in Lanarkshire. Copy.
118
Lord Wariston [President of the Council] to General Monk
in Scotland.
1659, July 14 — " There is such throng of business that with
very great difficulty I got your letters read and answered by the
Council, the intelligences cometh so thick of the designs oi the
inalignants to rise in many places at once upon expectation or
assurance of Charles Stewart, and what he can do to be with them.
The Council are very diligent to use all means of prevention.
We are sending General-Major Desborow to the West. The
Forest of Dean, Coventry and Chichester are places designed by
the adversary. The Council will take the roil of all those who
have given bond to the Lieutenant of the Tower, and demand
personal assurance of them. They desire that you do the like in
Scotland and Lieut.-General Ludlow in Ireland. Mr. Reynolds
did give me the enclosed ticket to be sent to you. All excepted
persons are to go out of London to-morrow, or be under hazard
of execution. The business anent sending Commissioners to
Scotland will be taken into consideration with the Act of Union
and Grace."
Postscript. — Your Lordship will do well to look to Macnaugh-
ton, and some other Highlanders, who are speaking strange
language, as some write." Seal of arms. [The order for this
letter is given in the Cat. S.P. Dom. for lb59-1660, p. 27.]
LlEUT.-COLONEL JOHN PEARSON to GENERAL MONK.
1659, July 15. Dunkirk — "I suppose your Lordship hath
heard that the Council of State hath employed Colonel Ashfield,
Colonel Packer and myself to inquire into the late mutiny, and
given us instructions to regulate the affairs of this place. Since
our coming hither we have endeavoured to compose the minds of
our forces, which through God's mercy hath not been without
good effect, and though we are not without fears that some design
for Charles Stuart was at the bottom of the meeting, yet we are
not able to find it out, but it rather seems to be upon the account
of prejudice that the soldiers had against their officers, for not
taking that care of them as might nave been expected, and as
they found from their officers in England and Scotland where
most of them have served ; but, God be thanked, all is very well
and quiet, and I hope will so continue. Some grand iniquities
are found amongst officers here, insomuch that their own soldiers
loath them ; some captains of" the watch tumbles about the streets
when they go the rounds. Drunkenness, dreadful swearing,
uncleanness, money coining, and what not, hath too much
abounded. Some of them we are necessitated to deal with, yet
with a very tender hand. There are a great many very good
and substantial officers which are encouraged. The six troops of
horse are very right men for most part. The three regiments
that are in the French pay are lodged under the walls of this
town. The cessation of arms is continued in these parts,
119
wherein this town is included. The Spaniard keeps six or eight
thousand men in a body near Nieuport. The Duke of York is in
the head of them and General Marcin is his Lieutenant
General. The French commanders in these parts inform us
that those forces are designed for Charles Stuart. Comte
Chamberg, a Lieutenant-General of the .French army, Governor
of Bergen, and commander of all the French garrisons in these
parts, came hither about three days since to visit us and pro-
fesseth exceeding affection to our nation, being a Protestant, and
his mother an English woman, and saith that if the Spaniard
make any attempt here, though under pretence of Charles Stuart,
he will assist us and give us constant intelligence of the enemy's
motion. Also Monsieur Talloon, the French Intendant, wrote
to us to let us know that if we had occasion, he was commanded
to assist us with all the French troops in these parts, and that
he would advise us from time to time of the enemy's designs.
So that your Lordship may see the French keep fair correspon-
dence with us. But, however, this place is in so good a con-
dition for strength and men with wUat likewise England can
supply that we need not fear any of them, and it is rather to
be judged that Charles Stuart's design was for England or
Scotland if his could be transported, than to waste them against
Dunkirk. The Fort of Mardyke is but an inconsiderable place,
and I suppose the Parliament will order the slighting of it. The
time your Lordship gave is expired, and had not I been employed
in this business I had waited on your Lordship by this time."
Postscript. — " I hope this town will yield the state a revenue
of 16,0002. per annum or more."
George Bilton to General Monk.
1659, July 18 — Petitioning that he has now been sixteen
months under close restraint in the Tolbooth, Edinburgh, and
praying to be allowed the liberty of the Castle, until such time
as things are cleared.
Gideon Waugh, deputy sheriff of Roxburghshire, to General
Monk.
1659, July 19. Jedburgh — Relating his proceedings in regard
to a difference between Robert Ker of Craillinghall and John
Rutherford of Edgerstoun on the one part, and John and Thomas
Rutherford of Hunthill on the other part, concerning certain
seats in the church of Jedburgh.
Yice- Admiral John Lawson to General Monk, in Scotland.
1659, July '22. Aboard the James before Oistend — I was
ordered here by the Council on a report that the Spaniards in-
tended to ship men for England, and to draw forces before
Dunkirk. I hear that there are five or six thousand men near
120
Newport, but there are so few ships at Ostend and Newport that
there is no likelihood of their shipping men, and as little of
their sending forces to Dunkirk, as those near Newport are pitiful
shattered broken regiments. I am informed that the Prince of
Conde is near Maestricht with some forces. Charles Stuart and
the titular Duke of York are at Brussels.
[General Monk] to the Governors of Garrisons and Chief
Officers of the regiments in Scotland.
1659, July 25. Dalkeith — Instructing them to prevent all
horse-races and other suspicious meetings ; to seize the arms of
persons that have adhered to the enemy, or horses above the
value they have orders for ; to take account of strangers ; to get
intelligence of intended meetings by disaffected persons for pro-
moting the interest of Charles Stuart or his party, or for raising
insurrections in the Commonwealth ; and to hold correspondence
with adjacent garrisons and advise with the well-affected justices
of the peace. Copy.
Council of State to Receiver General John Baynes.
1659, August 8. Whitehall — "Warrant to satisfy General
Monk's warrants up to 20,000Z. Copy. [See Cal. S.P. Bom.
under date.]
General Monk to John Baynes.
1659, August 15 — Warrant for payment of 20,000Z to Charles
Zinzan, deputy-treasurer at War. Signed.
Major John Hill to General Monk.
1659, September 5. Inverloughy — I have received infor-
mation " that William Ferguson of Inveray and Forbes of
Skellater — hearing of some stirs in England, and aiming to be
the first that should honour themselves with rising for Charles
Stuart — are broken loose, but I know none that will join with
them except some few thieves, and I conceive it were no great
difficulty to get them taken if some active Highlanders, such
as John Mac Intosh of Forther, were put upon it." All these
parts are quiet.
John Livingstone to General Monk.
1659, September 7. Ancram — Concerning the difference
between the Lairds of Hunthill, sen. and jun., and the Lairds
of Cralinghall and Edgerston, respecting the right to the seats
in the loft of Jedburgh Church. [See Gideon Waugh's letter
of July 19, above. ~]
121
Captain Joseph Witter to General Monk.
1659, September 12. Dunstaifnage — " Upon the 3rd instant
I received a letter from Mc Cleane of Lockbowye and Mc Cleane
of Ardgowre, of which the enclosed is a true copy, as also I had
other notice that Daniel Mc Cleane of Brollosse was endeavouring
to get up a party to disturb the peace of the Commonwealth.
Whereupon I sent four files of soldiers with an officer upon the
3rd instant in the night, ordering them to march to Arrosse in
Mull, to apprehend the said Daniel Mc Cleane and his party,
where the said Daniel was with above twenty armed men, who
kept watch and discovered my party, whereupon the said Daniel
and his party fled, and though they were pursued both with
my party and above a hundred of the countrymen, yet the
said Daniel hath escaped, and is fled out of Mull to the Isle of
Skye, as it is said. Tliose men that were with him left him
when he was pursued, and not above four men were with him
when he went out of Mull, which was upon the 6th instant. I
shall be careful to give your Lordship a good account of these
parts, which at present are all very peaceable, and I hope to
bring Daniel Mc Cleane in ere long."
Postscript. — " I have employed a gentleman, who is nearly
related unto Daniel Mc Cleane, for to bring the said Daniel
in. I have lately received a letter from Mc Naughton, who
excuses his not coming in at present, but assured me in his
letters that there shall not any man in the nations live more
peaceable than he would do. I expect him here ere long."
Seal with arms and crest.
Enclosing,
Mc Cleane of Lochbowre and John Mc Cleane of Ardgowre
to Captain Joseph Witter.
1659, September 2. Arros — " This afternoon the quondam
tutor, Daniel \_Mc Cleane], came here to Arrosse, we know
not for what intent, accompanied with above twenty armed
men, and so remains as yet. We conceive you have a fit
time to execute my Lord General's instructions for the pre-
serving the peace, and we do assure you, if Daniel be kept
from seducing some foolish ones in the country of his own
stamp and temper* Mc Cleane' s country shall be as faithful
to tender the peace of the Commonwealth as any people in
the three nations. Therefore we lay it to your door, and if
you send privately the matter of twenty or four and twenty
firelocks, who shall be assisted by us and our men here with
all diligence, he may be apprehended, and it will conduce
much for the preserving of the peace. If you take not this
occasion, blame not us if you repent it hereafter." Copy.
Major John Hill to General Monk.
1659, September 12. Inverloughy — " Daniel Mc Cleane of
Brollas, who was sometime tutor of Mc Cleane, did lately en-
deavour the disturbance of the peace in Mull, and had gotten
m
together about twenty men in arms, and kept watch. But four
files of soldiers being sent out by Captain Witter were no sooner
discovered but the tutor fled, bis men deserted him all except
four who fled out of the island with him, and it is thought
he is gone towards Skye."
All is quiet in these parts. There are some rumours about,
but ere this month is out I shall take a course that I hope
will silence all.
Postscript. — "I have sent some of Lord Lambert's letters in
print and copies of them to most of the Highland lairds, that
they may see what is become of the enemy's design in England.' '
Your letter to Lochiel shall be delivered to-day.
[General Monk] to Sir Henry Vane.
1659, September 13 — Recommending him to continue Mr.
Matthew Lock, who had been Clerk to the Council in Scotland
since its establishment in 1654. Copy.
Captain Robert Scrape to General Monk.
1659, September 22. Dundee — Sending a copy of the infor-
mations against the ringleaders in a recent mutiny among the
soldiers quartered there. Copy enclosed.
Captain Edward Frere to William Clarke, at Dalkeith.
1659, September 23. Dundee — Concerning the mutiny above
mentioned.
Colonel Michell to William Clarke, at Edinburgh.
1659, September 24. Wingeworth — " My Lord General's
letter, dated 8th instant, I received the same time when I had
the honour of my Lord Lambert's company at my house, whom
I attended in his Lordship's examination of this country's late
insurrection, upon which occasion I was hindered then from that
due acknowledgment of my Lord Monck's kindness and care
in reference to my salary accruing upon the musters in my late
regiment under his Lordship's command. I must confess I
cannot be importunate, nor thought it convenient to request my
Lord Lambert's recommendation of the same, knowing that I
shall receive from my Lord the like justice and respect that is
given to any other when the Treasury is better supplied. Though,
Sir, upon the' score of kindness and the ancient friendly
acquaintance between us, give me leave to entreat your endeavours
as occasion offers to negotiate on my behalf with these argu-
ments ; that all regiments as they march out of Scotland are
cleared off, particularly one foot regiment, Colonel Ashfeild's.
My condition — in these present changes of command — seems
to run parallel, for in Colonel Overton's regiment's removal,
when paid off, am I — as to all musters, till, as I take it, the
first of August — included, and the being once withdrawn they
123
leave me on a single concern, which, too often proves dilatory
and difficult, besides I am as to them reduced, my present
employment being a new conferment, and notwithstanding the
same should be marched into Scotland I could not thereby
have so much advantage as being paid off with my late charge
and these companies that are at liberty, one of which is in
Kent, two in tnis county, also dispersed, behind the army in
pay, unrecruited, wanting many supplies with[out] which they
cannot be fitted this winter for a march. My Lieutenant-
Colonel is at London about these and the like things for them.
Sir upon these reasons I desire this favour that you will move
my Lord General on my behalf, otherwise I fear I may receive
that prejudice which 1 am assured his Lordship, out of his
accustomed kindness to officers and particular favours to myself,
is not inclined to put upon me. . . . As to public affairs
you are by correspondence as fully acquainted therewith, only
take this private hint of a meeting of about fifty officers at
Derby upon my Lord Lambert's being in this country, though
his Lordship was not informed of their desires drawn up and
subscribed. Colonel Sankey, myself, Major Creed and others
were appointed to model a draft of a petition and address, which
was effected in five heads. The first was to revive the army's
proposal and address for the expedience of settlement. Second,
was the danger of invading the army's union by the adversary
as his last design to create and foment divisions, so humbly
offered a settled order during the Parliament's pleasure of con-
tinuing an army, and prayed my Lord Fleetwood, Commander-
in-Chief of horse and foot, my Lord Lambert next. Some debate
was from some persons that had best known Scotland, but
concluded my Lord Disborrough and Lord Monck the other
two grand officers, leaving titles to the Parliament. Third head,
for removing neutral magistrates, countenancing such as in this
time of danger appeared and adhered to the Parliament, those
fit and qualified with magistracy and other power in their
respective countries. Arrears to be paid militia, volunteers
or county troops, &c. Fourth, Corporations lately guilty them-
selves and receiving the accessions of enemies into their towns
to have a signal mark of disfavour put upon them. All other
corporations to be better regulated suitable to the constitution
of a Commonwealth's government. Fifth head, to bring to
condign punishment magistrates, ministers and others that
excited or fell in with the late insurrection. I durst not send
a copy till the same had been communicated at London, but
thought it necessary to impart the heads, entreating you to keep
them private till you publicly receive one, only to give my
Lord a hint thereof." Seal of arms.
Colonel Michell, Colonel Sankey and others to General
Monk.
1659, September. [Derby] — Enclosed is a paper of proposals
agreed on by the officers of the army engaged in the suppression
124
of the insurrections in Cheshire, Lancashire, &c, to be tendered
to the General Council of officers in London. We send them
to your Lordship to prevent future surprisals, not doubting of
your concurrence after our many years' experience of your
fidelity to the public and readiness in the pursuit of the
principles which we formerly contended for. If your Lordship
please to make any return, pray do it with all expedition and
direct to Lieut.-Colonel Duckenfield or Major Creed in London,
whither they are going to the General Council of officers there
by appointment of the council of officers met together here.
Fifteen signatures.
LlEUT.-CoLONEL ARTHUR YoUNG to GENERAL MONK.
1G59, October 9. Glasgow — The Provincial Assembly have
agreed upon endeavouring to unite all the ministers in Scot-
land. For that ourpose tliey have appointed two of every
presbytery to meet at Edinburgh, " that they may present
something to the Parliament, if not underhand to send to
Charles Stewart to come with some forces, which it is thought
he may procure in regard of the union betwixt France and
Spain. Both in their preaching and praying they express
much dislike against toleration."
The Noblemen and Gentlemen of Perthshire to General Monk.
1659, October 13 — Begging him to take measures for staying
the " contagious infection " among the horses in the garrison
of Drummond. Fifteen signatures.
S. L. to Lord Lambert.
1659, October 24 — Urging him to take up the King's cause,
and sending him a copy of a [supposed?] proclamation of
Charles II., which has been three months in the town. [Printed
as a pamphlet in 1659 (British Museum press mark, 8,122b);
also in Sowers' Tracts, Vol. VI., p. 538.]
Officers of the Army in Scotland to the Churches of Christ
in the three Nations.
[1659, October]! — A declaration. Printed in "A true Narra-
tive of the proceedings in Parliament, Council of Safety,
General Council of the Army and Committee of Safety, from
the 22 of September tilt this present" King's Pamphlets, E
1,010, No. 24, p. 26.
Army in Scotland.
[1659, October] — A declaration of the Commander-in-Chief
of the forces in Scotland and of the officers of the army under
125
Ms command, in vindication of the liberties of the people and
the privileges of Parliament. Printed with a few variations in
" A true Narrative" p. 24. Issued after the preceding.
The Militia of London.
1659, October — " The names of militia appointed by the
Committee of Safety after the Council of Officers dissolved the
Parliament, which was 11th of October, 1659." Printed in " A
true Narrative" p. 70.
Captain Griffith Lloyd to General Monk, in Edinburgh.
1659, November 12. Wallingford House — "I have received
command from my Lord Fleetwood to write to your Lordship,
who would have done it himself had he not been troubled with
a soreness in his eyes. His Lordship is troubled at the
messenger Mr. Houlcupp's going away without his knowledge,
having kept him some time in expectation of hearing from your
Lordship, and intending to have sent your Lordship an answer
by him to that which the messenger that came last from you
brought, but he being gone my Lord hath answered yours
by one Burges, a messenger from hence, but I conceive Mr.
Houlcupp was under some fear of being put under restraint
for some words spoken by him somewhat too unadvisedly, and
for that reason hasted out of town. But I can assure your Lord-
ship whatever his guilt may be there was not the least design
of that nature intended against him for your Lordship's sake,
neither was there any cause of suspicion given him why he
should fear any such thing, for I know my Lord hath a great
respect for your Lordship and such as relate to you, and your
messenger well knows that when he was under restraint at his
first coming to this town, my Lord upon notice of it com-
manded me to see him enlarged, which I did accordingly,
and I hope the Lord will maintain a right understanding
between my Lord and yourself, notwithstanding all endeavours
by others to the contrary, and that he will knit your hearts
to each other in love and friendship, which I can assure you
is the earnest desire of his Lordship, and I hope you will believe
me herein. The Lord reconcile those seeming differences which
may be between us at present, that yet we may be instruments
in his hand for the accomplishment of that work we have
hitherto professed to carry on to his praise."
Colonel Miles Man to General Monk, in Edinburgh.
1659, November 12. Scone, near Inverness — " I received your
Lordship's, dated the 29 of October, with a declaration in it
to be signed by the officers of Colonel Smvth's regiment— which
is the same as one of the former — only there is added to it the
three letters sent by your Lordship to Mr. Speaker, the Lord
126
Fleetwood and the Lord Lambert, and that we shall be true
and faithful to your Lordship, which is signed by all the
commission officers in this garrison, and I intend to send it to
Sincklar and Ruthin that it may be signed by those officers also,
and from thence to Major Hill, and I shall desire him to send
it to your Lordship when he hath signed it. The officers of this
garrison are very well satisfied in your proceedings, and likewise
those at Sincklar and Ruthin. This week two sad accidents
had like to have fallen out in this garrison, for both the great
buildings had like to have been, on a flame, which could hardly
have been quenched but that they were timely discovered, for
the fire had got into two beams which lay under a chimney
in each building, and had burnt within two or three inches
of the floors. "We have had many such accidents before, as
Ensign Cartwright can inform your Lordship, and searched all
the chimneys, and what we found dangerous we did help them.
However, I shall make another search to prevent as much
as I can for the future. The overseers in those days, as also
the masons and carpenters, were very negligent in suffering
the beams to be laid as they are." Seal loith arms and crest.
Captain Robert Scrape to General Monk, at Edinburgh.
1659, November 14. Dundee — As I have in my former letters
declared against falseness in any to trust repose in them, so
I am still, and hope ever shall be, of the same mind and
[judgment, let my judgment be what it will. My Lord, I have
much considered, weighed, and pondered upon the late so great
change in England, and upon the whole my spirit is drawn to
conclude upon this : that though the army in England did
attempt a matter of so high a nature, to interrupt and dissolve
the late Parliament, from whom we received our commissions,
and though I cannot receive as yet full satisfaction as to their
attempt in that nature, yet I cannot find my heart to be drawn
out so far to engage against them, as it hath been against
those which they and we have been engaged together against,
the great enemy of England's peace. Indeed, my Lord, it is
so sad to me when I do think upon it that my heart is almost
overwhelmed within me, that we which have prayed together,
took counsel together, fought together, obtained victories
together, and rejoiced so often together, I say that we, which
have been thus together, should be anywise nrovoked each
against other so high to engage one another's heads and hands
for the fighting one against another to the destroying of each
other, which through God's mercy the common enemy was not
ever permitted to do, but in all their attempts was worsted.
My Lord, the Parliament, from whom I did receive my com-
mission, are so scattered that they are most of them repaired
to their homes, but had they taken themselves to any place
and called for our aid and assistance for their peaceable sitting
I do so own it as my principle and duty that I would forthwith
127
have contributed my utmost assistance for them or other ways
desired them to accept to take in my commission again. My
Lord, it is now next Easter seventeen years since I have been
in the service of the Commonwealth, and I can also say I bless
God that no man can justly say I was a coward in what service
soever I was put upon, and I was generally of the marching
army. I was of my Lord of Essex regiment of horse at first
Newbury fight, where I was wounded, after in my Lord Fair-
fax's regiment of foot, and the next march of the said time.
I have been sixteen years in commission, so I hope I shall
not be reckoned amongst those which are cowards. If I be,
my conscience tells me to the contrary, that I have the part
of a man in me in the field in a just quarrel. My Lord, when
I do think upon what great kindness I have received from your
Lordship when I was wounded at Falkirk, I do not know how
to have an esteem high enough of your Lordship, together with
your stoutness, good conduct and prudence I have myself much
observed and taken notice of to be in your Lordship, upon which
accounts were it that we were to engage against a common
enemy, none should more put forth his capacity and courage
to go along and join with your Lordship than myself. I beseech
your Lordship entertain such thoughts of me, for assuredly my
Lord my heart is much towards you, and as occasion hath offered
I have declared so much, not only here to those I have com-
versed with, but also in England of late. Further, my Lord,
I do humbly crave that your Lordship will not take it amiss
that I have assumed the boldness to be so bold with your
Lordship. I shall be careful of the four companies of my
Colonel's regiment to keep them in good order. I do wish
I might receive your Lordship's order for the march of them
to Colonel Overton, by reason all the field officers of his regi-
ment are in England. Seal of arms.
Council of Officers.
1659, November 15. "Wallingford House — Agreement of the
General Council of officers for the army in England and Scot-
land, and Commissioners appointed by the General Council of
officers in Ireland. Printed in Baker's Chronicle, p. 693, ed.
1670.
Major Yaxley Bobson to General Monk, at Edinburgh.
1659, November 21. Citadel of Ayre — Upon my return to
this garrison I made known to the several officers of the six
companies here your Lordship's answer and resolutions con-
cerning those particulars which I was commanded by them to
signify to your Lordship, and was much troubled to see many
of the officers to disown that which not long since they did
freely set their hands to. I fear my Lieutenant-Colonel, Cap-
tain Lieutenant Gosslinge, Lieutenant Bagott, Lieutenant
128
Frewinge, Ensign Hamnett and Ensign Stanton will not be
free to act in this good and considerable business which the
Lord hath put upon you. I humbly desire that your Lordship
would use all means possible to give them satisfaction, especially
my Lieutenant-Colonel, whose company we much desire with
us. I can assure your Lordship the companies are fully satis-
fied and resolved to act with cheerfulness, and shall make it
my only business at present to keep them in unity, and shall
by the assistance of God keep this citadel for the interest of the
Parliament, and shall not willingly yield to any others, under
any pretence whatsoever, without your Lordship's commands.
If all the above-mentioned officers leave off there will be some
companies having not one commission officer left them, and do
humbly conceive there will be a necessity, as well as safety,
that your Lordship please to appoint others immediately to
supply their vacancies. The bearer hereof, Ensign More, who
I do humbly [beg] that your Lordship would please to return
to us again, being a person well beloved, an old officer and
faithful, and will be of much use with us. There i also
Lieutenant Hickson, Lieutenant Fenninge, Ensign Crafts,
Sergeant Barrowes, Sergeant Smith, Sergeant Hutton, Sergeant
Fisher and Sergeant Fenninge, who are deserving good soldiers
and faithful, would be well accepted of in the several companies.
I cannot be positive in this, because know not how or what
the resolutions of the present officers are, and therefore shall
leave Ensign More to give your Lordship an account of these
officers. I also humbly crave that your Lordship would send
to us a faithful and well-experienced gunner, we having not
one that can be useful to us if any occasion should be, as also
some honest officer, whom your Lordship shall think fit, to
take the charge of this considerable place. My Lord, you may
be assured of my faithfulness, but am sensible of my own
unfitness and weakness to undergo such a burden. If Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Crispe should leave us I do humbly conceive
that there cannot be safety for any of the six companies to
quarter in the town, and therefore shall, if your Lordship please
to order, draw all into the citadel, and must request your
Lordship to make some provision for us for our locality for coals
and candles, both for the companies and guards. "We have
not at present any store of each, and must be forced to supply
ourselves, they being absolute necessaries. I have no more to
add at present, but shall leave this bearer to give your Lordship
a more full account; shall only desire the Lord to strengthen
your hands and encourage your heart in the worst of difficulties
in this good and great work.
Commissioners for the Army in Scotland.
[1659, December, beginning of?]! — Instructions: — 1. To
repair to York or Newcastle or such place as shall be agreed
upon, to treat with the like number commissioned by Lord
Fleetwood and the Council of Officers in England.
129
2. To confer with the former Commissioners and learn why
they went beyond their instructions.
3. To complain to Lord Lambert and the English Com-
missioners that, during the last treaty, their army was re-
cruited, the militia raised and expresses were stopped.
4. lo express the desire of General Monk and his officers for
peace and friendship with their brethren in England.
5. To insist upon the restoration of Parliament.
6. To show that General Monk and his officers are willing to
confirm whatever in the former agreement accorded with his
instructions to his Commissioners, although not to those articles
in which the Commissioners went beyond their instructions,
concerning the constitution of the Council of Officers, of the
Army, and of the Navy, the calling of a new Parliament and
the case of the displaced officers.
Commissioners for the Army in Scotland.
[1659, December, beginning of ?] — Private instructions.*
" Notwithstanding anything contained in your public instruc-
tions, you may consent to a General Council of Officers and
to the calling of another Parliament in these cases, and with
these limitations following: —
" 1. Concerning the General Council of Officers, you are to
provide that they do not meddle with any civil matters, and
you are to see that there be military matters of that concern-
ment as may require such a council, and that the power and
jurisdiction of this council be expressed and declared, and that
the officers here be made acquainted with the whole matter and
their opinion be first had in it.
" 2. In regard the Navy and the Army never were one body,
and the three armies at this time are three distinct bodies,
which beside the common cause have each their distinct interests,
you shall provide that each of the three armies of England,
Scotland and Ireland and the Navy may in the said General
Council of Officers have their respective negative voices upon
one another and upon all the rest, and that the representees
of the said Armies and Navy shall from time to time follow the
directions of the said Armies and Navy, and shall be liable
to be changed or recalled at their pleasure. Unless they shall
agree that the said Armies be united under the seven Com-
missioners appointed by authority of Parliament, and then they
are to be consulted with concerning the constitution of the said
General Council.
" 3. Concerning the calling a new Parliament, it is to be con-
sented to in these cases only and with these provisoes follow-
ing: — 1. That in all other things you be agreed, and that the
question remain -only there. 2. In case the members of the
present Parliament shall refuse to sit, or do not make their
application to you, nor assist the Army of Scotland in their own
defence. 3. That it be agreed that the said new Parliament
* Perhaps a copy of those to the former Commissioner s, given to the later ones.
25. I
ISO
consist of one House only, viz., that which was formerly
called the House of Commons, and that to them be solely and
fully remitted the establishing of a new Government, provided
that they do not call in C[harles] S[tuart] or set up any single
person whatsoever, and that they do not infringe the liberty
granted to tender consciences, and that the time of their sitting
be limited. 4. That inasmuch as there is no power at this time
extant which is capable to limit and restrict the elections of
the said Parliament or to appoint the qualifications of the
members — unless the Long Parliament be suffered to meet
again — that the elections be made according to the ancient
constitution or according to the proportion in the Instrument
of Government, and that the qualifications be according to the
said Instrument of Government or the Petition and Advice.
Or at least that they be made by the Council of State, lately
authorised by Parliament, and they all be suffered to consult
freely, this proviso being always added, that the members of
Parliament indent with the Sheriff against C|~harles] 8[tuart]
and any other single person whatsoever, and likewise that they
indent to preserve and continue liberty to tender consciences.
5. That it be provided that no persons be recommended to any
shire, city or town corporate to be elected, under the penalty of
1,000Z., to be paid by the person recommending, and that no
members of the army shall come to the elections with force
or threatenings, or firearms, or men under command, upon the
same penalty. 6. That a protestation be drawn up to be signed
by all commission officers to obey the Parliament as tlie supreme
authority, providing they do not set up C[harles] S[tuart] nor
destroy liberty of conscience.
" 4. Concerning the case of the displaced officers, you are to
refer it to Parliament only. But in case you find you cannot
get that ^ranted, you are to break off upon some other point."
Colonel Samuel Atkins to "William Clarke, at Dalkeith.
1659, December 1. From my close prison at "Westminster —
" Colonel Markham and myself delivered my Lord General's
letter to the Lord Mayor on Wednesday, the 23rd past, which
hath occasioned both our close imprisonment. I confess I was
against the delivery of it, being the peace was concluded the
week before, and said it would create jealousies of my Lord
General, &c, but it was thought fit by wiser heads than myself
it should be delivered. When I was examined, I told them
I thought G[eneral] M[onk] feared his Commissioners would
not obtain such terms as he desired, at least so soon as the
business required, therefore he might write that letter to show
his resolution still to stand out, and that his Lordship's end in
writing thereof was conceiving it might come in the heat of
the treaty and so it might stir up the Lord Mayor, &c, to
become mediators, and I do from my heart believe this was the
reason.
131
" They seemed at Whitehall to be greatly troubled that his
Lordship should send Commissioners to treat, and within seven
days after send such a letter to set all in confusion, but I told
them what his Lordship's design was bv writing it." When
they seized me they took other papers of my own writing,
" which locks the prison doors the faster upon me. There were
several of these letters in other hands besides what came to me,
and copies were delivered out of them two or three days before
we delivered the letter to my Lord Mayor. They have got one
or two that were written with your hand, which is best known
here, for the letter Colonel Markham and I delivered was not
your hand, so they pretended we had forged it, and printed so
much in the Diurnal, or to that effect. However I suffer, I am
content and am glad there is an agreement made between you
without bloodshed, for there were many watched for it that are
enemies to both. . . . Colonel Wilkes told them all their
private instructions before ever they began to treat."
Jo. TTrquhart, Sheriff, to General Monk.
1659, December 5. Cromartie — Assuring him that all in the
shire are resolved to behave themselves peaceably, and submit
to the present government of the Commonwealth.
General Monk to General Fleetwood.
[1659, December 7 ?] — " I have received your Lordship's of
the 1st instant, and am according to your Lordship's desire mak-
ing all possible preparations for expediting the treaty and bring-
ing these unhappy differences to a happy composure, which is at
this time my chiefest and indeed only design. I could have
wished your Lordship had not at this time touched upon my
honour, which I assure your Lordship is a point as tender
as it is unconcerned in this business, but I do set so high
a rate upon the peace of the nations and the interest of God's
people that I shall not further expostulate with your Lordship
upon that. I was no further obliged by any act of our Com-
missioners than where instructions would bear them out, and
how far that was themselves are able to show, for they have
them to produce for their own justification. What assurance
they made to the Council of Officers with you, or what they
affirmed there, I know not, nor what power they had to give
any assurance or make any affirmation at all to any unless
with the Commissioners with whom they were to treat. But
for the ending of all disputes of this nature and for the pre-
venting of such mistakes and consequently delays in this
ensuing treaty, I have sent for them to come to me from New-
castle to Barwick before the treaty begins, that I may have a
thorough information of the whole matter. As for the per-
formance of the other articles of the agreement, I have already
made an offer to my Lord Lambert to draw the forces off
J 12
182
according to the provision there made, in case it should please
his Lordship to do the like, but cannot yet obtain that favour
at his hands. But for setting Colonel Cobbett at liberty I shall
defer it till the agreement be fully perfected. And in the
meantime shall hope your Lordship will be satisfied when I
tell you that I do not look upon him as a messenger or as one
that may claim the benefit of that plea, but as a person that,
after he was laid aside by the Parliament, did notwithstanding
come down hither to act upon their commission and to put in
execution a design of which your Lordship shall hear further
hereafter, and which I do not think his bringing a letter from
your Lordship can excuse or be sufficient to make your Lordship
his only competent judge. My Lord, I entreat your Lordship
to pardon this freedom of mine, and not to look upon it as
intended by me to widen the breach which is already too great
between us, but only as of necessity compelled to make answer
to your Lordship's pressing letters. And that your Lordship
would be nleased rather to press those officers with you, who
are so difficult to be brought over to a compliance, than us,
with the dangers that are like to follow upon our irresolutions.
It had been seasonable advice when the consultation was had
about forcing the Parliament, to have laid before them the
advantages the common enemy was like to gain by that act,
and the dangers and divisions which were like to ensue in army
and Commonwealth, and that all this would lie at their doors.
But for myself and the rest here, as we were no way the
beginners of this breach, so we shall make it our chiefest aim
and think it our greatest mercy, if it may please God to make
us the instruments of closing it up so as it may produce peace
and prosperity to the nations and liberty and freedom to the
people of God, to which, if any other consideration may be
added, it shall be the peculiar respect I have for your Lordship,
which in all the time of this unhappy difference I have been
very zealous to preserve, and it is none of the least of my hopes
and expectations upon the issue of this treaty that your Lordship
may again have occasion to account me your" humble servant.
Draft. [Probably loritten at the same time as that to Lambert,
quoted in Baker's Chronicle, p. 695.]
Lord Wariston to his brother, Sir James Stewart, Lord
Provost of Edinburgh.
1659, December 10 — ..." This is to show you that
the General Council of Officers has resolved that a Parliament
be called and sit in or before February, and that it consist
of two assemblies. They are much inclined to use all possible
means to prevent war, blood and mischief so far as they can.
The city is much calmed since at their desire the Grenadiers
are removed. There are two regiments of foot and two of
horse lying about Portsmouth. The Lord, who is the God
and prince of peace and can command and create peace, restore
133
it and preserve it in these nations and move the heart of every-
one to contribute to it in their relations and stations. I send
you Dr. Owen's answer to the two grand questions of the time
about the magistrates' powers in matters of religion and the
other about tithes."
[General Monk] to [General Lambert].
[1659, December 14?} — " By way of a further answer to your
Lordship's letters by our Commissioners, and to manifest to
your Lordship how desirous I am that this business may come
to a speedy and a happy issue, I have made all possible haste
to send the enclosed to you, and by that time your Lordship
shall have signed them and sent hither a safe conduct and
drawn back your forces, my Commissioners shall be furnished
with instructions and be ready to set out for Alnwick. It was
condescended to by Colonel Sankey — who affirmed he had power
from your Lordship — that the treaty should be held at a place
most convenient and equal for both parties, and in all likelihood
a good progress had been made in it by this time had it not
pleased your Lordship to give us the late diversion. I assure
your Lordship I did not understand the meaning of it, nor do
yet, but I am so desirous of the peace and settlement of these
poor nations, which are even now upon the brink of ruin, and
of continuing and renewing the ancient love and friendship
between the armies, that I shall willing pass it by, provided
that your Lordship will no longer lay the blame of the delays
upon me, but acknowledge — with Colonel Sankey — where the
fault indeed was." Draft. [Probably written at the same time
as one to Fleetwood, of this date, which is amongst the Clarke
MSS. at Worcester College, Oxford.]
Enclosing,
Articles of Agreement.
[1659, December] — Heads of agreement: — 1. "That the
forces of both the Lord Monet? s and Lord Lambert's army
return into the same quarters they were in on the first day
af December last and continue there during the treaty.
'' 2. That the place for the treaty be Anwick in Northumber-
land, and the time of its beginning the [blank] day of this
tnstant December.
" 3. That the number of the Commissioners appointed to
treat be five of each army, and none of them be excepted
against by either party.
" 4. That no letters or packets signed by the Commissioners
of either army be interrupted or opened, but have free passage
to such person or persons in England, Scotland, or Ireland
as they are directed to, and the like privilege and freedom
to their messengers, so that such messengers be sent to the
Lord Fleetwood, Lord Monck, or Lord Lambert, and no
other person.
134
"5. That these articles he agreed to by the Lord Lambert
in the name and behalf of all the army in England.
" 6. That a safe conduct for the five Commissioners
appointed by the Lord Monck in behalf of his army and
their attendants be given by the Lord Lambert for their
coming to Anwick and return to Berwick, and the like given
by the Lord Monck for the Commissioners of the Lord
Lambert's army to come to Anwick and return to Newcastle.
And that the treaty continue for \blank~] days after the
aforesaid {blank~\ instant and no longer." Draft.
John Row and others, concerning the Colleges of Old and
New Aberdeen.
1659, December [between the 14th and 21st] — " Since the
purest truth, running through the muddy channels of popular
report, cannot but contract soil, and, being delineated by the
unskilful pencil of vulgar fame, doth oftentimes degenerate
from its genuine nature ; wherefore, that the world may be
undeceived and all mistakes obviated, we have judged it ex-
pedient to present to public view with our mourning pen a full
and real relation of those deplorable accidents fallen out betwixt
us and our neighbour college, rather to be rolled up in the
dark veil of everlasting silence than to be presented on a
Christian theatre. The source and fountain of these our mis-
chiefs is this ; there were some three or four young men who
were students the last year in the New-town college, who because
of their relations with us and their Regent's absence and other
pressing reasons did willingly stay at our college, being directed
hither by their friends judging it their greater advantage, but
the masters of the other college — as if this were not most
familiar unto themselves, which we do not disapprove, since
gentlemen are free and at their parents' disposal — did much
cry out, condemning this as a vice in us which their practice
shows they allow as a virtue in themselves, and to reduce their
former scholars they fell upon most absurd and base practices.
Some of their masters, engaging their students in the quarrel,
did most frequently come, attended with troops of them, both
to our college and town, upon the least information of any
scholar's arrival, either to take them away by persuasion or force.
In this they were so impudent that they were not ashamed
to dacker* in search of them the taverns and stables of
our town. Neither here resting, upon the eighth of this
instant December a multitude of their students with their
porter — at whose persuasion we spare to speak — about three or
four hours in the morning did surprise a student of others
[ours?] lying in the town and violently carried him with
them, but how soon he was free of safe keeping did of his own
accord most speedily return again, a pymptom that his stay
with us was not bv constraint. The New-town students, per-
* To search for stolon goods.
135
ceiving their captive to be gone, did in tumultuating manner
come towards our college, whereof some six or eight did enter,
demanding that the boy — since he wanted parents — might be
made to declare before them whether it was his own desire to
stay or to return where he was, else would they again take him
by force. These their foolish threats, though we little regarded,
yet since it was also the earnest desire of Principal Moor and
Mr. John Forbes, Eegent, their masters, that their students
might be humoured, we, studious of peace, condescended to them,
and in the presence of these masters the boy declared that it
was Kis desire to stay in our college. Yet this did not quiet
their distempered minds fraught with fury and diabolic mad-
ness, but they further desired that the boy might be carried to
their college, there also to declare his mind, which unreasonable
suit their masters, more studious to please their scholars than
to keep their authority, also pressed, though they confessed
their satisfaction with what was already done. We, that it
might be demonstrated to the world how zealous we were that
a good understanding might be kept betwixt the students of
both houses, and that gentlemen's sons — whose safety is to us
our own life — might not incur any inconvenience, did so much
deny ourselves as to grant them this also, yet the boy, as
before, so now did still testify his ardent desire to be with us,
so that now again it may appear how little credit ought to be
given to the calumnies of the masters of our neighbour college,
who gives us out to the world to be violent takers of their
scholars. Here it is to be observed that our students — though
they wanted neither numbers nor courage not only to repulse
the injuries and affronts of a part, but of their whole college —
yet such was their goodness and reverence to their masters,
that crossing their youthful humours, at their desires and com-
mands they opened not their mouths ; an expression of more
nor ordinary grace and obedience. After all which, upon the
twelfth of this instant, we commissionated two masters to enquire
of their principals if they had animadverted upon the insolencies
of their scholars and to desire in times to come that all such
provocations and grounds of offence might be obviated; but it
was returned that as yet nothing was done, neither afterwards —
notwithstanding of their promise — did they call to an account
the seditious authors of their former wrongs. This their
omission of discipline doth sufficiently declare either a want
of authority — no small defect in a master — or that which
is worse, a connivance and secret approbation of their scholars'
doings, by which they have animated them to further folly and
prodigious attempts even practiced, not in any age to be
parallelled, for upon Wednesday last, being the 14 of this
instant, some thirty or forty of the strongest of them armed
with batons, iron clubs, dirks and other murdering weapons did
surprise our students betwixt seven and eight at night, some at
supper, others giving Christian thanks for mercies received, and
did with more nor a barbarous cruelty hurt some and wound
136
others, neither did this their diabolic fury cease from raging,
while our scholars more frequently convening repulsed the same
and turned them home. Those horrid riots and unheard of
home-suken,* more beseeming infernal furies than Christian
students, we have most seriously represented to the civil magis-
trate, entreating for such redress as law and the gravity of the
crime doth require. All the ground alleged for these murdering
acts and cruel massacres is this which f olloweth : —
There was a scholar, who was our own the former year, who
at his coming from home was somewhat of mind to go to the
New-town college, but afterwards animadverting that this could
not be done but by the loss of his friends' countenance and
favour, he suffered himself easily to be persuaded by some of
his condisciples and cousins to return to us again, which he did
perform before he either entered their town or college. If this
be a wrong not to be redressed but by blood and wounds the
criminal judges shall determine, neither shall we spare expense
nor labour in prosecuting this so monstrous a villainy, while
such condign punishment be taken as mav be satisfactory to
the injured and deter the wicked from the like undertakings in
after times. Thus have we plainly and with what brevity we
could given a true and faithful narration of the rise and progress
of those tragical accidents that our innocence may appear, that
neither we nor our students be stained by sinistrous information
with the foul spots of so horrid facts and crimes."
Mr. Jo. Row.
Pat. Sandilands.
An. Massie.
w. johnestotjne.
Ge. Gordone.
Colonel Samuel Atkins to General Monk or Colonel Mayers,
Governor of Berwick.
1659, December 24 — I advised you last post how near we
were to an end of our troubles, and how all parts were up for
the Parliament, and that Sir A. H[esilrige] was three thousand
horse and foot at Portsmouth ; and this day hath produced
a total declaring for the Parliament of all the forces in London
and the Tower, and all places here are now at their devotion,
and Fleetwood sent to the Speaker yesternight that the Lord
had blasted them and spit in their faces and witnessed against
their perfidiousness, and that he was freely willing to [lie at?]
their mercy. Colonel Okey and Colonel Markham have a com-
mission from the Speaker and [sever] al members to command
all the horse of the armies in [England?] and Colonel Alured
and Colonel Mosse, &c, the foot, and the Parliament doors were
[opened] and' the Speaker and several members have met and
written letters to all their members to give their attendance, so
that next week the Parliament will sit. Desborow and Fleet*
* Or harae-sucken, the crime of assaulting a person in his own house.
137
wood, Berry, Ashfield and all that Lave acted with them are
in a mourning condition. They think it in vain to fly, but some
must be made examples."
It is well understood " that you will leave all the rebels to
the mercy of the Parliament. Lawson is still with his fleet
at Gravesend, and all unanimous for the Parliament."
I was released last Saturday, " after twenty-one days close
imprisonment for delivering your letter to my Lord Mayor, &c.
But the case is now altered. The Anabaptists are all as tame
as asses and as mute as fishes."
Postscript. — " Your Excellency is made Commander-in-Chief
of all the forces in England and Scotland, and Captain Good-
win is at Gravesend [waiting] for a wind with your commission."
Damaged. \_Comjare Hesilrige's letter in the Reptort on the
Portland MSS., Vol. 1, V. 689.]
Doctor Thomas Clarges to [Thomas] Gumble.
1659, December 26. London — " The scene of affairs here
is much altered in one week, as you may perceive by the
enclosed diurnal, which is a book published by my directions,
for I have been a great printer since I came hither. Captain
Goodwin will shew you also two printed pieces of my contriv-
ance, one is ' Hypocrites unmasked] and the other is called
1 A letter from a Colonel in Scotland to an officer at London.' I
sent that letter from Nottinghamshire and dated it from Edin-
burgh, and I put to it Ethelbert Morgan, and it is not known
to this day but that it came from him to one Colonel Mark-
ham, and pray desire him to own it if need be. This Colonel
Markham is one that heretofore was a great acquaintance of my
Lord Broghill, and did do some ill offices to my brother [Monk],
but he has made large amends here, for he has been an active
stickler for him, and delivered his letter to the city and was
imprisoned for it. Mr. "Weaver, the Parliament man, is his
brother-in-law, and he has a regiment in Ireland, and is a very
honest Presbyterian. About ten days since things had no very
good face, for we feared the forces that went against Portsmouth
might prevail against it, but they all went into the town, which
was a great accession to our cause. I have many times been
forced to hide myself since I came hither, for I am present at
all the most private consultations and most despatches are
of my drawing, and M. Lock he writes them fair, which may
perhaps get him to be clerk of the Council of State. The last
despatch to my brother of the 22nd of this month was of my
drawing, only the expressions in it against the Commissioners
was not so sharply in my copy as in that letter which was sent.
Mr. Philip Howard, when things were at worst, offered to raise
a troop of gentlemen in the north and carry them in to my
brother upon condition to command them for a life guard, which
our friends here encouraged him to, and he has been a week
gone northwards. He is a stout man and ventures a good
138
estate, and in the last Parliament of the Protector, whereof
he was a member, he was a great Commonwealth's man. If
my brother comes to London I conceive he will leave honest
Major-General Morgan Commander-in-Chief of the forces \n
Scotland. I hope the General has given honest Hublethorp
a regiment."
The Marquis of Argyle and the Laird of Mc Clean.
[1659 ?] — Proposals tendered to General Monk by the friends
of the Laird of Mc Clean for removing the debates at law
between him and the Marquis of Argyle.
1. Mc Lean's friends are willing — upon the Marquis's
accounting before indifferent men of judgment at Edinburgh
as to his claims upon Mc Lean's father — to give security to
the said Marquis for what sum the auditor shall find due, to
be paid at several terms, as may be done without inconvenience.
2. If the Marquis wishes present satisfaction, they are willing
to take a sufficient amount of his debts with his creditors in
Edinburgh, according to a list to be given to Monk by Argyle.
3. If these overtures do not satisfy the Marquis, it is prayed
(for the avoiding of long and litigious suits at law), that
Argyle chose his lawyers to meet with those of Mc Lean, viz. :
Sir Jo. Gilmur, Mr. Jo. Fletcher and Mr. Andrew Gilmur, to
determine the case.
4. If the Marquis apprehends any partiality in the lawyers
the friends of Mc Lean pray the Lord General to be umpire.
[Printed at length by Mr. Firth in "Scotland and the Pro-
tectorate," p. 416.]
The Mayor and Aldermen of Carlisle to General Monk, in
Scotland.
1659[-60], January 2. Carlisle— ' This is the day which
the Lord hath made for the rejoicing of these nations in the
horn of His salvation. The snare is broken and we are delivered.
Blessed be God, who hath not cast out our prayers nor turned
His mercy from us ; and precious may your memorial be in the
midst of his people, who have not counted your life dear unto
yourself, that you might put a stop to the deluge of confusions
in this breach of all bonds, both of God and man. My Lord,
our hearts have ever joined with you, and as we have formerly
declared our fidelity to this Parliament, so we now hold it our
duty to present our affections to your hands by Captain Cuth-
bert Studholme, that if there be anything wherein your Lord-
ship conceives us serviceable in this good cause, we may receive
your commands by him, which we shall observe with zeal."
Signed by Isaac Tullie, Mayor; Tim Tullie and Comfort
Starr, ministers ; and seven others.*
Staffordshire.
[1660], January 5 — "An account of the state of Stafford and
Staffordshire, as Major Barton found it when he was deputed
* For their further proceedings, see Report on the Portland MSS., vol. 1, p. 693.
150
by Colonel Sanders and Colonel Hacker for the disbanding of
those unparliamentary troops and companies there."
January 3. Being come to Stafford, he found the troops " very
sad in that county by orders from Wallingford House " and
unwilling to disband without satisfaction, but at length Cap-
tain Dudley's and Captain Gent's companies were disbanded,
and their arms put into the Mayor's hands, " who, with one Mr.
Wilson, well affected persons, were commissionated to claim
two companies of townsmen for the town's defence."
January 5. There came an order from the Commissioners
for the government of the army to Colonel Crompton to secure
Stafford garrison and to mount the rest for the rendezvous at
Northampton, whereon " I proceeded no further in disbanding."
Stafford is very tenable, being naturally fortified, and it is to
be considered whether it be not fit to keep it a garrison, as the
country is ant to fly into arms, the northern inhabitants being
" moorlanders " and the southern parts abounding with " iron-
men." There are many papists and malignants there, and a
speedy regard should be had to both town and county. {Com-
pare the letter of Nath. Burton, evidently the same man,
Cal. S.P. Bom., 1659-1660, p. 298.]
General Monk to the Mayor and Aldermen of Newcastle
and others.
1659[-60], January 5. Newcastle — Appointing new Com-
missioners for the Militia. Signed.
Inhabitants of Newcastle to [General Monk].
1659 [-60], January 6 — Praying that they may have an honest
and well-principled garrison; that the train-bands may be
formed under the command of faithful men ; that Tynemouth
Castle, " the key of the trade of this place," may be committed
to an approved Commander; that the militia may be put into
fresh hands ; that the officers who adhered to General Lambert
may be reduced; and that no Anabaptists or Quakers may be
admitted to places of trust, either civil or military.
The Soldiers at Tynemouth Castle to [General Monk].
1659 [-60], January 6 — Denying the report that the Governor
of Tynemouth, Major Topping, is about to revolt from his
obedience to the Parliament. 96 signatures. Copy.
Ralph Bamford to [William Clarke?].
1659 [-60], January 6. Newcastle — Yesterday, in Gateside
[Gateshead] at the Golden Lion, I met one Mr. Ausbourne, who
wishes my Lord General to know that he heard Captain Jones
say that he himself and another captain intercepted a packet sent
140
from the General to Major Dorney, " in order to the possession
of Newcastle, and did thereby give opportunity to the Lord
Lambert for the pre-possession of the same."
Colleges of Aberdeen.
1659-60, January 9 — List of Justices of the Peace for ex-
amining the business of the colleges of Aberdeen, including
the Laird of Knockmedden, the Sheriff of Banff, the Governor of
Dunnotar, Dr. Douglas, provost of Banff, and four others.
Colonel Peter Wallis.
1659 [-60], January — Information of Theophilus Eaton,
advocate of the Parliament army in Ireland, against Colonel
Peter Wallis, for having aided and abetted Lieut.- General
Charles Fleetwood, Colonel John Lambert and the rest of the
rebellious officers and soldiers in England in their interruption
of Parliament, subversion of the laws of the land, destruction
of religion and ruin of these nations and the good people
thereof. Copy.
Lieutenant-Colonel William Walker.
1659 [-60J, January — A narrative of the deportment of Lieut.-
Colonel Walker towards the Parliament since the late inter-
ruption.
1. That he went over from Dublin to North Wales upon the
rising of Sir George Booth and was instrumental in preventing
other risings there.
2. That he hath not received pay M equal with the brigade "
since his coming over.
3. That he disapproved the paper called " The conduct of the
Army," and would not sign it.
4. That having command of the Irish brigade when they
were ordered to Yorkshire immediately after the interruption
of Parliament, he promoted the writing a letter to Lord Fleet-
wood, signifying the dissatisfaction of the brigade with the
proceedings of the army, and he also occasioned the writing
of another letter to say that the brigade would not engage
against General Monk and their brethren of Scotland.
5. That he promoted the signing of an engagement amongst
the brigade not to fight against General Monk or his army,
to which purpose a letter was written to Major-General Lam-
bert.
6. That he joined in sending a letter to the Council of Officers
in Ireland, expressing the sense and trouble of the officers of
the brigade at the proceedings of the army in England.
7. That Major-General Lambert, hearing of the discontent
of the brigade, sent for Lieut.- Colonel Walker and other officers
and tried to satisfy them, but Walker told him that they in
141
Ireland had been passive in all changes in order to avoid blood
or declare against their brethren of England, and that " it was
some few officers at London that caused the many revolutions
and brought in the old Protector," and that they had come
over to subdue a common enemy, and, being strangers to persons
and things in London, could only be satisfied by an " implicit
account."
8. That, — notwithstanding the agreement made between
Monk's and Fleetwood's Commissioners, wherein no mention
was made of restoring the Parliament, — he wrote to General
Ludlow, desiring him to endeavour to bring it in.
9. That being three or four times at the general Council of
Officers at "Whitehall, he did each time urge the bringing in
this Parliament and oppose the election of a new one.
10. That after his coming to London, he wrote to the brigade
to declare for the Parliament, which they accordingly did.
11. That formerly, upon the breach of Lord Richard's Parlia-
ment and restoring this, he ran a hazard by promoting the
Parliament interest in Ireland.
12. That he performed other services, as raising and trans-
porting troops, and that he left Inchiquin on his desertion of
Parliament, and discovered his revolt.
Sir Theo. Jones to General Monk.
1659 [-60], February 1. Dublin — I cannot express the com-
fort given to this army and nation by your letter to the Council
of State and assurances on our behalf of our integrity to Parlia-
ment, so unjustly aspersed.
As to one of those intended to be sent us by Parliament [as
Commissioners], it is hoped that what we formerly said to
your Excellency concerning him, " how little the service in the
late actings here hath been advantaged but on the contrary
much obstructed by bim," may be further considered. For the
Lord President of Connaught, his hands needs to be strengthened
and not weakened, which we fear is designed, "it having been
declared in another case that to be in the chief government
here is to be divested of commands in the army," which would
undermine his power both in the army and in his government.
" And although there be not much ground for the Lord Steele's
returning hither in his former capacity — as one of the Com-
missioners of Parliament or as Lord Chancellor — yet finding him
to have been lately named amongst others for the government
here," I must tell you that he was the principal discountenancer
of ministers and of the very ministry itself," and that by his
power as Lord Chancellor he cast out honest men from the
Commission of the Peace, putting in Anabaptists, Quakers and
such like.
We sent a list of such as were of approved fidelity and that
had been nominated to commands, to be presented to Parliament,
and hoped to receive their confirmation, yet we understand that
14*
respect has not been Lad thereunto and that the commands
are to be otherwise bestowed, so that persons of we know not
what principles may be imposed on the army, " and in con-
clusion all revert to the former confusion." Duplicate.
Damaged.
— — i to General Monk.
1659 [-60], February 2 — An account of the guards in London.
The guard at St. Paul's, four companies and two troops.
At Gresham College, one company.
One company in Southwark and at the bridges.
At Whitehall, t^ree companies every night, of which two guard
the Parliament when they sit, and return to duty at Whitehall
at night.
One troop of horse at the Mews.
One company of foot at Chelsea College every night.
[Compare Baker's Chronicle, p. 702.]
Parliament.
1659 [-60], February 4 — Order of the House of Commons
that General Monk is to attend and receive the sense of the
Parliament for his signal and faithful services. Signed by Thos.
St. Nicholas. [Printed in Commons' Journals, Vol. VII., p.
834.]
John Bland to Robert Yeaman, junior, in Bristol.
1659 [-60], February 7. London — Our city yet stands to its
just declaration for a free Parliament, and Monk was yesterday
at the House, " but let all talk what they will he doth not please
them of the turbulent party, yet doth not declare his resolve,
so some hope the best of him that he will seek the nation's
good. Others fear his joining with the Rump party." On Sun-
day he took possession of the Tower.
William Prichard to William Canne, at Bristol.
1659 [-60], February 7. Gray's Inn — The city of London has
declared that they will pay no taxes or other impositions till
they have a free Parliament, and the greatest part of the
counties of England have done the same.
General Monk has refused to take the oath of abjuration
of the family of the Kings of England, or any other oath what-
soever, for he told the Council that he made such a promise
to all the gentlemen of the counties as he came along.
I suppose you hear of the insurrection here as well as we
understand of those in Bristol. " It is verily supposed that
143
Monk will be for a free Parliament, in regard that he has
already declared to the House that it is the sense of all the
country to have one." Endorsed: — "This is an attorney, a
Bristol man; lieth at Gray's Inn."
William Prichard to his cousin, Walter Gunter.
1659 [-60], February 7. Gray's Inn — To the same effect as
the preceding.
T. Prichard to his cousin, Walter Gunter, in Broad Street,
Bristol.
1659 [-GO], February 7— . . . "This city, Lord Mayor
and Common Council, made an Act on Thursday that they would
not tax a penny on this city for soldiers or otherwise till
ordered by a free Parliament, let the Rump command what they
please. Monk yesterday made a speech in the House much
better and different from this enclosed paper, for indeed it is
hoped that he will be for a free Parliament, but not certainly
known, but if he will not this city and other counties are
resolved to procure it, at least to endeavour it, in spite of him,
yet it is by some hoped he will not oppose it. I conceive it
were fit for your city to apply yourselves by some of the best
persons of the town to Monk with a well-drawn ingenious
remonstrance, with a thousand citizens' hands to it, expressing
the decay of trade and the destruction of the city by quartering
soldiers, and a declaration that you hazard your lives and fortunes
to procure a free Parliament. Thus have a great many cities
and counties done already."
Postscript. — " 'Tis talked here this night as if the Parliament
would be dissolved in a few days, either by force or voluntary."
Thomas Cotton, for his Master, Thomas Cary, to Thomas
Rjcraft, Bristol.
1659 [-60], February 7. London — On Monk's coming in, the
soldiers were ordered to leave the city, but being behind with
their pay they resolved to mutiny and to declare for a free
Parliament before they would be gone. They beat their officers
and killed one, and on Friday last engaged with the prentices
to rise also. Some hundred or so of these gathered together
well armed, and made Leaden Hall their pnace of rendezvous,
expecting that the soldiers would have been true to them, but
they proved false, set on the prentices, taking their arms and
stripping- them of their clothes, and carried about forty to
prison half naked. " On Saturday, Monk came in with his
army very peaceably, and the other soldiers were forced to
depart."
144
John Watkins to his cousin, Edward Wilcox, in Redcliffe
Street, Bristol.
1659[-60], February 7— . . . " Thursday last the foot
soldiers, being to march hence to make room for Monk's men
and receiving no pay, did resolve not to go, but fell upon their
officers, beat them, killed one of their captains, took away the
colours, broke the drums in pieces and secured Somerset House,
mounted seven pieces of ordnance by the street door, some of
them cried out " a free Parliament," and threatened to blow
up the Rump. The London apprentices, hearing of this, about
twelve o'clock at night beat up a drum for a free Parliament,
but it being late and most people in bed, could not gather to
so great a head but that a regiment of horse scattered them,
took some prisoners, stripped them and brought them to White-
hall. All this while several companies of horse stood before
the door of Somerset House that they could not come out to help
the apprentices, but at length Friday, about noon, came in
General Monk, attended with two regiments of horse and three
of foot, every second man of his horse having carbines by their
sides besides their swords and a case of pistols. The foot had
the best arms and were the likeliest men that ever I saw. All
the officers had red and white favours in their hats, and his
trumpeters and foot boys a red livery, laced with silver lace,
but his foot, being to enter into Somerset House, was denied
entrance by the aforesaid soldiers, and there stood before the
door about two hours, till at last they within, receiving 10s.
apiece, parted quietly and marched towards Canterbury according
to their orders. The House was Friday and Saturday upon the
qualifications of new-elected members, but resolved to fill them-
selves up to the number of four hundred, whereof thes^e now
sitting to be part. Saturday, the oath of abjuration being
tendered to General Monk by the Committee of Safety, he re-
fused it, telling them he would consider of it, and demanding
who of them already took it. Mr. Cradocke lies at the sign of
the White Hart in the Strand over against Somerset House.
Monday, Sir Robert Pye and Major Finch er, who presented the
declaration of Berkshire to the Speaker and were by him com-
mitted to the Tower, appeared at the Upper Bench bar before
Justice Newdigate upon their habeas corpus, who made an order
that if good cause be not shown by Wednesdav next by the
State's counsel why they should not (sic) be still imprisoned, the
return of the habeas corpus is to be filed and they to be bailed.
I suppose you have seen and heard of the several petitions and
declarations of the counties of Kent, Suffolk, Norfolk, Gloucester,
cities of Rochester, Canterbury, Gloucester, with many others.
It is said that Warwickshire declaration was delivered Saturday
night, and all agree for a full and free Parliament. Ten
thousand watermen subscribed a declaration, and London
apprentices likewise. The apprentices had a very fair reception,
and as I was told on Sunday by one of the four that delivered
it to General Monk, he faithfully promised them a free Parlia-
145
ment, but would except against all those that were in the late
rebellion with Lambert. The secluded members have again
petitioned Monk to have the House filled up. I have heard
yesterday of your boys. I cannot imagine the event thereof,
but I am sure the news put somebody here in a sweat. Sunday,
Monk possessed himself with the Tower, as it is reported.
Yesterday Monk went to the Parliament House, and there
made a small speech* but very little of learning or ingenuity
in it. I would have sent it you down, but the postage would
be more than it is worth. The three companies of foot that was
last with you and two more being at Gravesend yesterday and
to be transported to Dunkirk, declared for a free Parliament,
whereupon a regiment of horse came and took away their arms,
paid them no money and disbanded them. Some are of opinion
that Lambert will gather together these scattering soldiers that
are abroad and with them declare for a free Parliament if Monk
doth not; there is little probability of Monk's doing it."
Memorandum: — "John Watkins, servant to Colonel Robert
Aldworth, at Lincoln's Inn."
[John Watkins] to Richard Mellichap, Broad Street, Bristol.
1659[-60], February 7 — ..." Sunday I spoke with one
of those four London apprentices that delivered their declaration,
who told me that General Monk promised them a free Parlia-
ment, only would except those that were in the late rebellion
with Lambert. If so, it was a fair answer, and he stood bare-
headed to them and brought them through two rooms to the
stairs-head, out of his lodging-chamber." On Saturday he
refused the oath of abjuration, on Sunday possessed himself
of the Tower, and on Monday went to the Parliament House.
"His speech is here enclosed, it is not worth postage."
Yesterday the three companies of foot from Bristol and two
more, being ordered to Dunkirk, did at Gravesend unanimously
declare for a free Parliament, upon which the regiment of horse
that was formerly Colonel Pride's came and took away all their
arms, gave them not a farthing of money and disbanded them ;
but they are now gone to Westminster to get their pay if they
can.
Letters and declarations come daily to General Monk for a
full and free Parliament. I observe in all his speeches " there
is not one word of his resolution to acquiesce in the present
powers nor to do his utmost for their preservation. A little
time will produce much. I cannot but admire at the spirits of
your boys. The report was presently all over London, and
many extremely taken with it, others judging it a madness, for
they have excelled all other places."
Thursday the House takes into consideration the qualification
of new members. Pray burn all my letters.
Memorandum : — "Upon second thoughts I have sent up this
other letter of John Watkins, servant to Colonel Aldworth, at
his lodging in Lincoln's Inn."
25. j
146
Colonel John Mason, Governor of Jersey.
1659 [-60], February 7 — Information of Captain Eichard
Yardley, Capt. Joseph. Underwood and other officers to the
Commissioners of the army against Col. Mason. [ The substance
of this is printed in a contemporaneous pamphlet called Satan
in Samuel's mantle. B.M. press mark 9,004 k 13.]
Enclosing,
Petition by the same (excepting Yardley) to the same,
praying to be re-instated in the commands of which Colonel
Mason has deprived them.
Scotland.
1659 [-60], February [9 ?] — A list of Commissioners and judges
for Scotland: —
Commissioners. — Major-General Morgan, Colonel Thomas
Pury, Colonel Nathaniel Whetham, Auditor John Thomson,
Edmund Petty of Wickam.
Judges. — Mr. Crook of Oxford, Dr. Owen of Trinity Hall,
Cambridge, Mr. William Lister, Mr. Goodier, Mr. Mosely,
Lord Hopton [Hopetoun], Mr. Du Eumple [Sir James Dal-
rymple], Mr. Peter Wetherborne [Wedderburn], John Ellis
and Eobert Sinclair of Lockermagus.
[For date, see order in Commons* Journals, under date
February 6th, Vol VII., p. 835.]
Colonel C. Fairfax to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 11. York—" I tremble at the account
that J\ must give your Excellency of tjhe meeting of the
gentry — about forty in number — yesterday at York. There was
a good providence that the night before the Major-General
returned to the city. Upon intimation — given me the day
preceding — I wrote to my Lord Fairfax, whose honest inten-
tions though I told him I could not suspect, yet something
might be inserted in their intended address which might have
a tendency to that which my masters had in distaste from other
counties. And — as it is my duty to serve them faithfully —
I cannot give way it should be in this place. Not that we had
the least fear of any surprisal where he was present, were they
many thousand, but though they be not forty and only com-
ing in a petitioning way, if to the effect before expressed,
t'would draw me into prejudice. In these and other hints to
that purpose I declared my perplexity. I sent this letter
by Major Bailly, who — by persuasions and arguments — sup-
plied what was wanting. And I being at night with the
Major-General, my major brought my Lord's letter in answer,
wherein — excusing his omission of giving me notice — he did
assure me there was nothing intended but what was just and
honest, for which I should incur no blame or disadvantage,
and that the persons to meet should not exceed thirty. The
147
Major-General thought my Lord might take it an affront to be
denied entrance with so small a party. Divers of the gentle-
men before this meeting came to my chamber — viz., the Lord
Fawconberge, Lord Fairfax, Sir Thomas Wharton, Sir Christo-
pher Wyvell, Sir Henry Cholmley, &c. — on whom I intending
to wait to the Major-General, he came opportunely, pressed the
danger in full and plain terms, and they engaging in honour
to do fair things — it being only to your Excellency, who upon
your dislike might put it in your pocket and not shew it to the
Parliament — gave them that liberty. But he being after certi-
fied that they acted high, went to the place where they were
assembled, and made a large narrative of the ill resent the
Parliament had of debates of that nature. What the thing
was — it was so ill charactered — we did not look upon it, because
we would neither give nor take offence, nor could have pre-
vented, but that it would have been sent from some other place.
I have presented it to the Major-General to join in my request
to your Excellency that another regiment of horse may be sent
into these parts for security of the county, not doubting — but
well knowing — that malignants will work upon this foundation,
in order whereunto I have sent to Captain Pockley to have all
his men at their colours. Indeed they want officers."
Postscript. — "There being a like address from the city of
York — moved at their Common Council — it was prudently put
off by Sir Rob. Barwick, their Recorder, as being a matter
requiring much time and caution."
Major-General Morgan to General Monk, in Whitehall.
1659[-60], February 11. York — " On my just being ready
to take my journey for Scotland I did hear of a great meeting
of the Lord Fairfax and several other noblemen and gentlemen
in these northern parts, which put a stop to my setting
forward [upon which I had] resolved, till such time as I could
inform myself [of] the occasion of their meeting, and yesterday
the Lord Fairfax, Lord Falkonbridge, with divers others as
aforesaid, came to this city, whereupon I went to them and
desired to know the reason of so many considerable persons
coming to this place together, to which the Lord Fairfax
replied it was only in order to the drawing up of a letter to
present to the Parliament or your Lordship, and not in the
least tending to the disturbance of the Parliament or peace
of these nations. Yet I told my Lord and the rest that this
meeting of theirs under the garrison's noise [nose?] at this
juncture of time, would be of ill report and prove offensive,
thereafter I departed from them, and went with Colonel Fair-
fax to the town's house to meet with the Commissioners for
the Militia, and no sooner we arrived there but met with a copy
of the paper they intend to present to the Parliament or your
Lordship. Upon reading thereof I desired Colonel Fairfax to
go along with me once more to attend the said noblemen,
148
&c, and at meeting took occasion to signify to the Lord Fair-
fax and the rest my opinion of their said paper, that I
conceived the same of dangerous consequence and to tend
to no less than the imbrneing these poor nations into blood
again, and my being heartily sorry for their such procedure,
and that they would not rest satisfied in the present Parlia-
ment's determinations, nor give them leave by their impatience
to settle these poor distracted nations in peace and quietness,
which was never more expected than at this day, nor greater
hopes for a settlement on a sure basis than now. My Lord,
I do verily believe that the Lord Fairfax hath been much
wrought upon by three or four persons, one of which your
Lordship may guess, he being my near neighbour, a person
that I know your Lordship placed some confidence in. If the
Lord Fairfax and the rest of the gentlemen depart this city
this morning, and that I find all things peaceable and quiet,
I resolve to set forward for Scotland in the afternoon, lest
there be some design on foot there, but I conceive the gentle-
men in these parts intentions will not be fully known till
[they] have the Parliament's and your Lordship's return."
I find Colonel Fairfax cordial and constant, and believe "that
relations nor anything else will prevail with him to consent to
anything prejudicial to the peace of these nations, but that
he will use all possible diligence to preserve this city in peace
and free from any surprisal or insurrection, who waits for the
Parliament's or your Lordship's orders for the further manag-
ing the affairs in these parts. But truly, my Lord, as your
Lordship well knows, he is ancient and infirm, and thereby
disenabled from being so active as formerly to hinder what
may happen. Therefore I humbly offer to your Lordship that
some fit person may be thought upon to be sent to command
the forces in these northern parts with all convenient speed.
I have sent for Colonel Smythson and doubt not but he will
prove both cordial and honest. The prementioned paper I
understand is enclosed in a letter to be sent to your Lordship
by four of the gentlemen that consulted with them, two of
their names are Mr. Dawny and Mr. Harrison, late sheriff.
They intend to begin their journey on Monday next. They
[have] also prepared the like to the Lord Mayor of the City
of London, the which I could heartily wish might be met with
by the way and detained from the City. Truly, my Lord,
affairs in these parts begin to look with black faces, threatening
disturbing the peace of these nations, if the Lord in much
mercy to his poor people prevent not, and I fear there will
be opposition made at the gathering in of the assessments.
I could heartily desire for the security of the peace in these
parts that Colonel Beth ell, Major Strangewidge and Major
Gutheridge were hastened down to their respective commands.
My Lord, I am almost of the opinion that the Lord Fairfax
may be easilier drawn off from further joining and appearing
in the prenamed particular than he hath already been brought
149
to it, though they are extreme high in their language. . . «
The enclosed is a copy of [a paper] intended to be delivered
your Lordship's honour by the foresaid gentlemen. My
Lord, the late regiments, the Lord Lambert's and Colonel
Smythson's, cannot be expected to be in a good posture till
such time commissions come down for them and the respective
officers enter to the discharge of their duty ; there is great want
of money amongst them. Likewise it wouid exceedingly contri-
bute to the security of this nlace, &c, that a regiment of horse
were ordered for the northern parts here and places adjacent.
There are several honest gentlemen in these parts that offer to
draw up a paper and to procure a considerable number of hands
thereto in opposition to that drawn by the above specified
gentlemen, one Major Boyart and Justice Sykes near Leeds
are very forward in that particular, but await for encourage-
ment from the Parliament and your Lordship to do the same.
At my arrival in Scotland, I shall not fail to give your Lord-
ship a speedy account how I find affairs there. This day came
to my hands a letter from Stirling, intimating all is quiet
and peaceable. [Lord] Kenmore and about twenty vagabond
persons that follow him [are in] Galloway, but I hope Major
Farmer will take course .to suppress and disperse them before
I can get there, where I shall be always ready to observe your
Lordship's commands." Damaged.
Thomas Lord Fairfax to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 14. Appleton — "I perceive you have
received reports from several hands of our late proceedings in
this county, but out of the great sense I have that misunder-
standings in a time when not only this country but the whole
nation is labouring for the life and being of their just rights
and liberties might be a remora to a happy composure of our
sad distractions, I could not but acquaint your Lordship that
when we first resolved upon a meeting of the gentlemen at
York special care was taken that none should be admitted
but such as had not been in arms against the Parliament, and
there was none amongst us who could be upon that account
excepted against, which the Major-General and Colonels here
I believe would have prevented, and I must say it was the
desires of the most considerable part of the country, who would
have met in far greater numbers but for giving occasion of
jealousy to the soldiers, and I can further assure your Lordship
it was not the contrivance of a few but many, for quality,
estate and callings the most interested in the country, with the
concurrence of many thousands more, which we forbore for
avoiding suspicion to take subscriptions of. The country hath
sent up some gentlemen to desire your Lordship to consider
what they shall present to you, as one who may be so good a
means by the assistance of God to restore this nation to its
just rights and privileges, which I earnestly desire vou may be
150
a happy instrument in, as now yon have an opportunity to do,
and offer it to your wise consideration, and as a true friend,
if I may be so free, to your moderation in a business of so high
concernment, as we with you seeking by all means, through
the blessing of God, a happy settlement, which we conceive
will be much advantaged by a favourable reception of those
gentlemen, which are sent up from this country and will be
shortly with you. Now, my Lord, I should seem very unwise
if it were my own concernment in a time when difficulties
and dangers would so much discourage hopes to offer a business,
yet at such a time as this, when the nation is in such distress,
in doing my duty I shall less consider myself, and as I do
this out of a sincere affection to the public so my real love
and respects to your Lordship, as now opportunity is offered.
[That] you may be a happy instrument to open a door of hope
for restoring the true interest, rights and just freedom of this
nation, is the earnest prayer of your Lordship's most humble
servant." Holograph. Seal with crest.
T. B . . . to Richard Baker, Lime Street, London.
1659-60, February 14-24 — Had the Vanderwoorts been at
Brussels before my departure, I should have employed all my
interest and industry in their behalf, neither shall I fail to do
as much as can be done in absence, hoping for a good corres-
pondence between England and Spain, which may be more
easy since Lambert, the Spaniard's professed enemy, is out
of power. I never imagined that the present government would
own Cromwell's action, so dishonourable and discouraging to
the state. " Surely persons who have given so fair proofs of
their wisdom and conduct in restoring themselves against all
oppositions cannot be ignorant of the benefits may accrue to
themselves and the nation by their ancient and surest friends.
The reconciliation will become of more easy contrivance by
the departure of the three brothers into France, which is daily
expected." I cannot yet tell what person will be sent. " You
are acquainted with the punctilios of the nation. They will
not seem to make the first step, especially conceiving them-
selves to have received an injury without any occasion given
by them." Mr. Wilson was sent only to hear, not to propose,
and his application to persons abroad was against their expecta-
tion. Their intentions will be found to be real when a person
of understanding and trust shall make both parties truly under-
stand one another. You would do well to make the Vander-
woorts apply themselves to Don Alonso [de Cardenas] and to
Zamora, the Marquis's secretary, who I believe may be made
serviceable by hopes of gratitude. Endorsed: — " Intelligence
from Brussels."
Colonel C. Fairfax to General Monk, at Whitehall.
1659[-60], February 15. York — "Besides my application
to your Excellency — wherein with others I have subscribed —
151
give me leave by myself in the most serious manner that I can
to testify and declare my affections in relation both to my
country and nation in general. Surely, we were in a more
distracted condition than is imaginable by any particular man
in the remote parts or at London. Your last letter in print —
brought by Colonel Bethell — is conceived to be of great extent
and efficacy towards a general settlement of peace and unity,
if that the legislative power might give a stamp of reception
and acceptance of your proposals, which cannot but be expected,
especially that the sitting of the Parliament may be limited
and fixed to a short time, and in the interim nothing but
preparatory to an ensuing Parliament, and that the House
may be forthwith recruited to make it more complete than
yet they are, so that the next — with due qualifications — may
proceed in such manner as may establish us a free people to the
enjoyment of our rights, both Christian and civil, liberty of
conscience to moderate spirits being necessarily included, with-
out which care all the rest will be fruitless. This being the
sense and language of most of the more considerable persons
that I speak with, I am bold to present, and shall have my
pardon of course for any presumption as not seeming to advise,
knowing it to be unfit and much above my sphere. As to my
regiment I have ordered my major to send a bill of exchange
for five hundred pounds according to your Excellency's com-
mand, but hear nothing of the return, so that we are at a low
ebb for monies and humbly desire your further direction to
me whether to give tickets for quarters — as the horse officers
do — or borrow of the magistrates, to be repaid out of your
next cess, as we find warranted by Act of Parliament. Your
Lordship will please to return me the letter — sent me by my
Lord Fairfax — which I sent up to the Council/' Seal of arms.
General G. M[onk] to David Dickson and others.
1659 [-60], February 16. Drapers' Hall — " I received yours
by Mr. Sharpe, who is dear to me upon many accounts as my
very good friend, but coming with your recommendation upon
so good and worthy an errand I cannot but receive him as the
minister of Christ and the messenger of his Church, and you
may be assured that I shall improve my utmost interest for
the preservation of the rights of your church, and shall do what
I can for that afflicted country, which I have great reason
to love and be tender of, having experienced so much kindness
from you. I doubt not but you will have a further account
from Mr. Sharpe of my great affections to serve you, and that
it shall be my care to endeavour that the Gospel ordinances
and privileges of God's people may be established both here and
there with you. I do desire your prayers to God for His blessing
upon our counsels and undertakings, and entreat you tjaat you
would be pleased to promote the peace and settlement of these
152
nations, and in what yon may quiet and compose men's spirits
that we may, waiting with patience, reap the fruit of our hopes
and prayers. I have no further but to beg of God the increase
of Divine blessings upon your labours, and that you may be
kept by His power as glorious instruments in His work.''
Draft.
Sir Charles Coote and the Council of Officers to General
Monk.
1659[-60], February 16. Dublin— After we had with much
long suffering and patience endured all imaginable miseries
and all those brought upon us — next our sins — by occasion of
the unparalleled interruption given to the freedom and liberty
of Parliament by their own waged servants, the army in Eng-
land, in December 1648, when they forcibly excluded about
the one half of the members of Parliament, we hoped that
when the remaining members were once set free from force,
they would then assert and restore the privileges of Parliament
and liberties of the people in re-admitting those so illegally
and forcibly excluded members and fill the vacant places, and
so unite in a full and free Parliament and settle the peace of
the nations. But when by an extraordinary providence they
were set free from force — wherein you have the high honour
to have been eminently instrumental — we find, much contrary
to our just expectations, that they have not only denied re-
admittance to those excluded members, but have also voted
that they shall not be chosen in any further elections during
this Parliament, although these eleven years past that they
have stood excluded there hath not been any charge exhibited
against them, and although others who are of fanatic principles,
against whom impeachments of high treason are exhibited to
those remaining members of Parliament, are admitted to sit.
We therefore cannot but behold our miseries and the miseries
of the three nations, so far from being near an end as there
are new grounds laid for the continuance and increase of their
bondage, and thence it is that we, the Council of Officers of
the army in Ireland, in discharge of our duties to God and
the three nations, have resolved to put our lives in our hands,
joined in a declaration, which we have caused to be imprinted
and published and have therein the general concurrence of
the army and nation, a printed copy whereof we herewith
humbly offer to your Excellency; and whatsoever our enemies
may say of us, yet we trust your Lordship will believe — to
whom we profess it with the candour and clearness of honest
men — that our only ends therein are the same which we men-
tioned in our declaration of the fourteenth of December last,
wherein we declared for adhering to the Parliament in defence
of its privileges and the just rights and liberties of the people
of these nations, which we now clearly see to our great grief
are apparently violated by some remaining members now sitting
at Westminster.
153
We must observe to you that Sir Hardress Waller, Colonel
John Warren, Lieutenant-Colonel Puckle and Lieutenant-
Colonel Flower — who was Lieutenant-Colonel to General Fleet-
wood's regiment of foot — by combination with the soldiers
within the Castle of Dublin, then particularly under the said
Colonel Warren's charge, on Wednesday, the 15th of this
month, treacherously surprised the said castle and became
possessed thereof, whereupon we did all then instantly put our-
selves into a defensive and offensive posture, and are so con-
fident of our being able to undeceive the soldiers whom they
seduced, as we are well assured that they will suddenly deliver
up to us that castle, with Sir Hardress Waller and the rest of
his adherents that seduced them. Our prayers to Almighty
God are to give such an issue to the present miseries of these
nations as may be for the preservation of the Protestant
religion and the happiness of the nations, and that without the
effusion of Christian blood, wherein we beseech — and doubt
not — your Lordship's concurrence with us, as that which will
be acceptable to God and well pleasing to all good men and
particularly to us." Thirty-one signatures.
Postscript. — February 18. " The packet with which the
above letter was to be sent you not being yet gone, we can
now tell you — thanks be to God — this day, about one of the
clock in the afternoon, the soldiers which were within the
Castle of Dublin, being fully satisfied in our declaration,
rendered up to us the said castle, with Sir Hardress Waller
and the other officers with him named in our letter, and so
we are now possessed thereof and Sir Hardress Waller and the
said officers are our prisoners." Seal of arms.
Colonel C. Fairfax to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 18. York— " Your Excellency's late
letter of the 11th of this instant directed to the Speaker is
here received with so general an applause — both in city and
county — that I hope they will not only pay their assessments
but be of peaceable demeanour, though this shall not make
us a jot less vigilant. . . . The letter we have reprinted
here to be dispersed into the county, and have sent eighty copies
after Major-General Morgan — who went yesterday towards Scot-
land. Colonel Smithson's gone home to the burial of a child,
but will return upon Monday, and Colonel Beth ell — very ill of
a cold — will make a short stay at home, taking view of some
of his troops by the way. Captain Nordhend [Northend] —
Governor of Scarbrough — came hither yesternight and goes
back this morning. He gives this account of his charge;
that his men are faithful, but in great want of pay.
They have thirty-eight double barrels of powder — most for
great shot — four hundred and fifty serviceable pikes, a like
number of muskets with firelocks, fourteen kegs of musket
ball, and some shot for demi cannon. Your Excellency's
154
great care for the support of all armies under your command
is known to be such that, were it not to satisfy importuni-
ties of others, I durst not offer it [sic]. Colonel Bethell com-
plains for his regiment, and I shall put in a word for my own,
yet hope to make shift for a few weeks' time. Officers need[ed] in
all vacant commands to head troops and companies. I desire that
Captain White — now major to Colonel [torn] may account
with his company, and that, upon removal of Captain Greene,
Lieutenant Thomas Ambler may succeed — if your Excellency
please — being a very good soldier and well loved of his com-
pany; and in the other Captain's place I shall move for no
relation further than the merit of him recommended may
prevail for acceptance. Colonel Lilburne — whom the Major-
General acquainted with your pleasure — intends to remove with
his family into the south. Lieutenant Rich. Baily — by your
Lordship appointed Postmaster at Tadcaster — has a competitor
for his place and fears a removal ; having been at great charge
in taking a house and laying in provisions, [he] petitions con-
tinuance or re-admittance into the army. Inch * I have dis-
charged— hearing nothing from his masters to continue his
restraint — yet keep some of his papers that I may have him
forthcoming or give them some knowledge of his other accounts."
Damaged. Seal with arms.
Lieutenant- Colonel Patrick Blair to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 18. John-a-Groats House — I am so far
on my return to Orkney, Captain Watson — now when he can
do no more — having eight days ago submitted and accepted
of the Act of Indemnity. I shall not trouble your Excellency
further concerning his actions since the interruption of Parlia-
ment, and although he has within these three years banished
me out of Orkney by his boundless malice, I desire nothing
to his prejudice, only begging you to send one in his room
of better principles and more peaceable spirit. The fountain
whence his malice against me flowed was my saying he would
own another interest than your Lordship did if he had occasion,
which he hath now verified.
General Monk to Lord Fairfax and the Gentlemen of
Yorkshire.
1659[-60], February 18. Drapers' Hall — "I have received
your letter and therewithal a declaration subscribed with the
hands of many noble and worthy persons, and affirmed by you
to be the sense of the whole county and city of York. [See
Cat. of S.P. Dom. for 1659, 1660, p. 356.] All that I am able
to return you in answer thereunto is to acquaint you that the
House hath condescended that their numbers shall be filled
up, and that all the writs shall issue forth to-morrow, and that
there will be no such qualifications — as I am informed — as
* See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1659, 1660, pp. 352, 368.
155
may hinder the secluded members from being chosen again if
the countries shall think fit to elect them. This though it be
not absolutely and exactly that which you propound is yet so
near it that I cannot but have good hope it may give you
satisfaction, and so much the rather because I find your desires
not to be peremptory but alternative, and conclude from thence
that though a third expedient be pitched upon as the most
effectual for satisfying all parties, yet seeing it is such as answers
your main end of having your representatives in the House,
and doth not so restrain you with qualifications but that you
may have the liberty to elect those men whom you would
have now to return to their trust upon their former elections,
that it is the implicit and virtual sense of your own declarations,
and that it was rather forgotten to be expressed than purposely
left out. And if in any small matters I should be mistaken
in my opinion or you in your expectation, I make it my request
to you that you would not for small matters run the hazard
of that confusion which you seem, and have indeed just reason
to fear, and you may assure yourselves that I shall at all times
in my station further your just desires.,, Draft.
Sir Theo. Jones to General Monk, in London.
1659[-60], February 19. Dublin— "The enclosed declaration
is what is generally and unanimously owned here by the army
and others — some few excepted of contrary principles and seek-
ing themselves rather than the good and peace of the nations.
We had not thus anticipated your Excellency in this our
declaring — not having first therein advised with your Ex-
cellency— but that we were thereunto enforced by a design laid
by Sir Hardress Waller and his party for seizing Sir Charles
Coote, myself and others on Wednesday last, the 15th instant,
which being discovered on the very point of time wherein it
should have been acted, Sir Hardress Waller with others did
thereupon shut themselves up in the Castle of Dublin, they
being conscious to themselves of their own guilt and fearing
advantage might have been otherwise taken against them.
They were shut up until Saturday, and then the place was de-
livered into our hands and is kept for the Parliament, Sir
Hardress Waller himself being prisoner.
That his design for seizing Sir Charles Coote, &c, was by
him grounded on a letter from your Excellency, wherein was
recommended to him the care of preventing — as he said — our
declaring for a free Parliament, this by him so high strained
and so prosecuted might have been of more dangerous conse-
quence than — by the blessing of God — it hath proved, for all
was on our part done without tumult or blood. We desire your
Lordship's candid constructions in these things, there being
therein nothing intended but what is clearly expressed in our
said declaration, this being also in pursuance of what had
been by us formerly declared — the freeing the Parliament from
156
force — which is we doubt not what is intended by your Ex-
cellency and what is expected from you by the good people of
these nations, whose eyes are on you as a great and glorious
instrument in the Lord's hand for a general good. Therein
your Excellency cannot but expect a blessing from heaven and
an universal concurrence thioughout the three nations, we being
here ready to attend your Excellency's commands in this cause
with five thousand men or more if necessary." Seal of arms.
[General Monk] to the Lord Mayor.
1659 [-60], February 21 — " Being necessitated for despatch of
some important affairs to withdraw both myself and forces for
some time to St. James's and the parts adjacent, I do hereby
seriously commend to your care the peace and safety of this
great city. I shall leave behind me the usual guards, but if
any disturbance should arise in any part of it, you shall be
supplied with more. Meantime you may please to give directions
to the constables within their respective precincts that, if they
be at any time molested, they shall call to the neighbourhood
to assist them with what arms they have for preservation of
the peace and safety of this place. And as for your Common
Council and militia and prisoners, I shall, I hope, take that
timely care therein as shall render you all fully satisfied."
Draft.
[The Same] to the Same.
Same date. Whitehall — I find that there will be present
need of money both for the sea and land forces, and having
had experience of your good affection, I beg you to convene
the Court of Aldermen and represent to them the great necessity.
If they will advance 140,000Z. with speed they shall be repaid
from the first money arising out of the assessments. Draft.
Major Robert Beake to General Monk.
1659 [-60], February 22. Coventry — Reporting the seizure of
arms and ammunition on their way through that city.
City of London.
1659[-60], February 23 — The names of the Commissioners
for the Militia for the City of London, approved by Parliament.
[Printed in Commons' Journals, Vol. VII., p. 850.]
Cheshire.
1659 [-60], February 23 — A list of persons in Cheshire and
Chester who received commissions and acted in raising men
and money against the authority of Parliament by order of the
Committee of Safety and General Fleetwood, viz.—
157
Colonel Henry Berkenhead, Lieutenant-Colonel Gilbert
Gerrard, Major John Whitworth, Captains Robert Hyde,
William Cohen, Thomas Hartington, Jonathan Ridge, John
Trevers and Carter, " a Quaker, hath a troop of horse yet in
arms," Thomas Ball, Lieutenant Hitchins and Ensign Hewet ;
also Samuel Buck and Mark Gellico, and Captain Andrews and
Captain Nichols of Colonel Biscoe's regiment. Signed by
Captain Joseph Witter.
Cumberland.
1659 [-60], February 23 — Information against Thomas Lang-
horne, John Hudson, Gawen Wrenne and John Robertson, late
Commissioners for the Militia, who exercised their authority
contrary to the trust reposed in them by Parliament by unjust
impositions, by Colonel Lambert's order. Copy.
Quarter- Master Humphrey Warren to General Monk, at
Whitehall.
1659[-60], February 24. Bury St. Edmund's— . . .
" I am very little privy to the carriage of things amongst the
officers, but thus much I can assure you, that there is great
dissatisfaction touching your present undertakings, and endeav-
ours used to make the soldiers believe that the Parliament
intends to bring in Charles Stuart. My Lord, I can perceive
nothing but an intended opposition against your honour and
the Parliament, the certainty of which I shall ere long be able
to give you a better account of, for to-morrow my Colonel
[Colonel Rich], who is here present, intends to draw his regi-
ment to a rendezvous, and some of the foot in this country.
Whether it be by your honour's appointment or no I know
not, nor where the place of rendezvous will be I cannot certainly
tell, but so far as I am informed it will be betwixt this place
and Beckles."
Luke Robinson to General Monk.
[16] 59 [-60], February 24. Westminster — Recommending
Captain Edward Todd to be cornet to Major Strangways, in the
place of Mr. Arthur, who has declined the appointment.
William Strode to the Mayor and Burgesses of Taunton.
1659 [-60], February 24. Barrington — Being informed that
Mr. Ceely, Mr. Bovett and Mr. Sampson are now in your town
levying money and raising and quartering soldiers, " imprison-
ing and securing divers of the free subjects of England, pretend-
ing an authority from the few members late sitting at
[Westminster] and calling themselves a Parliament — which too
158
long by force and guile tyrannized over the people and Parlia-
ment of England — all which actings and every of them are by
the laws of England high treason, as in Strafford's case and
others," I therefore certify you that on Tuesday morning last
the old members of Parliament returned to the House and made
several votes for the settlement of the government of the three
nations. As a member of that good old Parliament, I desire
you to hinder any persons acting in the above unjust ways
and to secure their persons.
Colonel Richard Bovett to General Monk, at Whitehall.
lC59[-60], February 25 — In pursuance of the order received
from yourself, Sir Arthur Hesilrige and Colonel Morley, I give
you an account of my proceedings since arriving in this country.
I drew out part of my regiment towards Bristol, leaving the rest
at Bridgwater, Taunton and Wellington, "but receiving notice
from Colonel Okey of some insurrection ready to break forth
in Wiltshire, I marched that party unto Brewton, where they
now lie quartered, but both them and the other in a necessitous
condition." The two months' pay due to them is not likely to
be raised by the Act for settling the militia, that being nearly
expired and the Commissioners meeting with much obstruc-
tion. " The Commissioners for the assessment being summoned
to meet Tuesday last [at Somerton] there appeared but six
Commissioners, of whom Colonel Strode' s son [William
Strode of Street, co. Somerset] was one, who there openly
declared that it was treason to raise money by the authority
of those members, that they were no Parliament, with more
to that purpose, which language made null the meeting, none
joining with me in the business. I held it my duty, as a
servant to that authority, to secure the said Mr. Strode, who
is now a prisoner in Taunton until I have order from the
Parliament or your Excellency for his release. Indeed I must
acknowledge I saw never a greater sadness on the spirits of
those who have adhered to and adventured their all in the
Parliament's service, nor a greater cheerfulness and height of
spirit amongst the old enemy, grounded upon what hopes I
know not, but I doubt not that God will prosper the work of
the Commonwealth, for which you have so eminently declared."
[Compftre letter of the Council of State in Cal. of S.P. Dom.,
under date March 1st of this year."}
Christopher Cornwell to General Monk, in London.
1659 [-60], February 25. Ipswich — Reporting the mutiny of
certain troopers in Colonel Rich's regiment who are supposed
to have ridden off to London to wait upon the General.
159
Colonel Charles Fairfax to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 25. York— "Many thousands of God's
people will bless our good God for so happy a balance as your
Excellency appears in these unsteady times. Indeed we want
words to make out our affections to you and our deep resent-
ment of the horrid reports we had lately here in reference to
your person. "We knew you are under a safe protection, yet
cannot but fear the designs of assasinats, you being eyed as the
great remora in their way to hinder our clashing and breaking
one against another to do their work." The receivers general
for the Exchequer received a letter from the Council of State
to procure 1,500Z. for Colonel Clarke's regiment. They intend
to petition for an Act of Indemnity for any payments made,
but "they cannot expect any stamp of allowance as to any
moneys paid by late irregular orders from the pretended Council
of Safety inclosed in letters to them from Major-General Lam-
bert." Seal of arms.
Captain W. Eichardson to General Monk, at "Whitehall.
1659[-60], February 25. Durham— "I humbly make bold
to acquaint your Lordship with a passage which happened in
this city this night. About seven of the clock several bonfires
were made and people gathering very fast together into the
market-place, and at one tavern, where several Cavaliers were
drinking, sack and beer were sent forth to the multitude, and
some of my soldiers were desired by the gentlemen to drink
the King's health. At length some of the rabble began to cry
for a King and a free Parliament and in that humour were
going to ring their bells, which being intimated unto me by my
officers and many of my soldiers, I went to the Mayor of the
town and desired to know what meant that concourse of people
and bonfires and ranting at that time of night in the town.
He told me he knew not, neither was it in his power to quell
them; the truth is he is an Anabaptist, and they do condemn
him on that score and set a fire at his door. At length, seeing
them so high, I called my company together, not seeing one
amongst them but Cavaliers and very many being now in town,
I dispersed the multitude to their several houses and drew my
company to the Tolbooth, where I keep guard and shall continue
a strict guard until Captain Harts taffe's company come in,
who lie but seven miles from the town, for whom I have sent.
What their grounds are I know not, but they are very high
and talk that now they shall have a King; their game is
a-playing. I shall endeavour to my utmost to preserve the
peace in this place and question not, after the drink is forth
of their heads — for the greatest part of them are drunk — they
will bethink themselves of a more peaceable comportment.
160
Colonel John Okey to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 25. Bristol— u I thought it my duty to
let you know that in pursuance of an order from the Council
of State concerning an intended insurrection of the common
enemy, I did draw the forces together for the prevention of it,
and do find at present they have laid it aside. We should have
been ready through the blessing of God for them in case they
had stirred, having had notice of it three days before the Coun-
cil's letter came to my hands. We are here pretty quiet — blessed
be God. I hear the secluded members do sit in the House. I
hope it may be a means, through the blessing of God, to con-
tinue peace and quietness amongst us. The forces here have
been drawn together, to whom your letter has been communi-
cated, to which there is a general concurrence of the officers.
I am now going towards Gloucester, and from thence intend
to meet the officers of my regiment and shall suddenly give
your honour an account, which I hope shall be what becomes
Christians and soldiers." Seal with arms and crest.
Colonel James Redman and others to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 25. Chester — Expressing their approval
of the action of General Monk and the officers in re-admitting
the secluded members to Parliament. Nine signatures. Seal
with arms and crest.
Richard Elsworth to General Monk, in London.
1659[-60], February 25. Bristol — "On the beholding and
serious consideration of the present face and state of affairs in
this city, carried on and managed in private and underhand
by the Mayor thereof and his cabinet fanatic council — Alderman
Yeates, Mr. Robert Aldworth, the town clerk, Mr. Jeremiah
Holloway, Mr. Philip Dorny, Mr. Nehemiah Collins, Mr.
Harper — and in public by Colonel Okey and the Anabaptistical
party therein, backed by two troops of horse and about six
companies of foot, I am invited — out of my tenderest affections
unto your Excellency and the security, peace, and welfare of
this nation, this city, and adjacent counties especially, whereof
you are Commander-in-Chief — to prostrate before your wisdom
this account of their said transactings, according to its appear-
ance to the most discerning eyes. To wit that the parties afore-
said are highly discontented at the re-admission of the secluded
members to sit in Parliament, so that the said Mayor yesterday
much blamed and after a sort jeered Walter Sandy, Esquire
and Alderman, for causing the bells of his parish to ring for
joy of their re-admission as aforesaid, saying it was but as
gilded brass, which expression beareth a twofold sense, either
as to the tidings thereof or to the honourable heroes of this
nation by God's mercy thus re-admitted. And as to his private
161
consultations, the more sober, judicious and moderate of the
Aldermen — John Gunning, Joseph Jackson, Miles Jackson, —
Batman, Arthur Farmer, Walter Sandy and George White,
Esquires and Aldermen — and Common Council are exempted the
same for unknown causes, unless it be because they disrelish
and are active in proceedings against the Anabaptistical and
fanatic party of this city aforesaid, so that the factious and most
fanatic are now the only actors in the present scene thereof.
The consequent of whose consultations may prove not a little
dangerous to our peace, if not unto your Excellency and the
peace of the nation, in case a seasonable prevention be not
endeavoured to the now timely frustration of their design on
foot, even almost at its birth, according to the expression of a
soldier, that a few days since said how that within a fortnight
our streets should run with blood, whereof the said Mayor —
as it is reported — being acquainted, he suffered him to go un-
examined as to what he meant or intended thereby. The truth
is the most judicious, in inspection into transactions, do fear and
suspect that the said Colonel designs, out of discontent, for to
make this a garrison, in opposition to you and the now Parlia-
ment's commands, to the use of some grandees — of his judg-
ment— now or lately in power [and] that Colonel Lambart shall
be Commander-in-Chief of these and all the forces in the west,
inasmuch as the said Colonel hath brought up certain quantities
of powder by his agent, Mr. Showell — the collector of the
customs. A view — as it is credibly spoken — hath been taken
of the great fort now demolished ; more horse and foot — as
it is also spoken — are on their march hitherward, and that
Colonel Lambart is to head them, and the soldiers give out
in their common discourse that ere long the said Lambart shall
be returned to his command, not doubting but to be hard enough
for your Excellency, with many such like expressions, which
bespeak their intentions to make a war with this Parliament
before April next is expired. Besides, the Anabaptists and
Quakers — as it is credibly spoken — have engrossed great quanti-
ties of arms into their custodies, and yet the said Mayor will
not consent unto the aforesaid Alderman's proposal to disarm
them."
Robert Ellison, Sheriff, to General Monk, in London.
1659 [-60], February 27. Newcastle — You are much in the
hearts of your friends here for the good you have already done.
I have written to Colonel Birch and to Lord Widdrington con-
cerning the militia for Durham and Newcastle, and one word
from your Excellency will do the work. I hear from Durham
" that some of your friends making bonfires on Saturday night,
Captain Richardson, who commands the soldiers there, ordered
the fires to be put out, and the soldiers, in doing of it, threw
some of them into their shops, beat down several persons and
hurt some, and dealt very unhandsomely with them. I do not
hear of any cause given save the fires and that the people cried
25. " K
162
out once or twice God save my Lord Monk and the Parliament/'
Captain "Waller starts to-morrow with the officers' letter, and I
have desired him to enquire into the business and report to you.
I entreat your Lordship's interest for the guarding of these
coasts, and that care may be taken of the trade to the Sound,
as we hear that divers Os tenders are abroad and intend to lie
upon the North Seas. If this House sit, I intend to come and
take my place. If I be not already out of my sheriff's place,
I entreat I may be eased, as it is a great charge, at least 350Z.
a year loss.
North Wales.
1659 [-601, February 27 — All the garrisons in the counties
of North "Wales are in the hands of men of unsound and
desperate principles and very active under the late Committee
of Safety, to the great oppression of the country.
Denbigh Castle, a place of great strength, in the hands of
Captain William Wynn, fitter to be demolished than to be
kept up.
Red Castle in Montgomeryshire, in the hands of Captain
Price, a place of no great strength, fit to be demolished.
Conway town and Castle, in the hands of Captain Prichard.
Carnarvon Castle, in the hands of Captain Lewis Price, strong
built, but wants water.
The Isle of Anglesey and Castle of Beaumaris, in the hands
of Colonel John Jones, a very considerable garrison in respect
of Ireland and North Wales.
Captain Thomas Stewart to General Monk.
1659 [-60], February 27. Nottingham — Reporting a tumult
which has taken place in the town under Lieutenant Broadhead,
formerly in the Cavaliers' army in Newark, and relating that
the crowd marched up and down with colours flying, crying
out, " A King, a King." Signed.
Quarter-Master Humphrey Warren to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 27. Bury St. Edmond's— Reporting
that General Monk's letter was read at the rendezvous by Colonel
Rich, who declared "modestly and seriously" that he did not
desire to persuade the soldiers to anything, but only to take
the general sense of the regiment.
The Same to the Same.
1659[-60], February 28. Bury gt Edmond's — Since writing
to you, I have had reason to fear that there is some design
on foot, because, 1, none but despisers of dignities are in favour ;
2, we have men sent up and down from place to place both
163
night and day, and none employed but such people ; 3, the officer
supposed to be sent up to you for further orders was never with
you; and 4, it has become a criminal thing to plead for
obedience to the commands of God. Many reproachful ex-
pressions were vented at the rendezvous against your Excellency,
both by soldiers and officers.
Grocers' Hall.
1659[-60], February 28 — A Est of officers invited to Grocers'
Hall on this date.
Garrison of Hull to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 28. Hull— "We are in this garrison
very much startled by some intimation posted to us this post
from the hands of divers of our friends of the army, who have
a fairer inspection into the affairs of State than we can have
at this distance, and so discontented with public transactions,
as they say, to point at the ease of C. S[tuart's] ends, that they
have declared their disconcurrence with present proceedings
together with their resolutions of remaining faithful and con-
stant to the cause of the Commonwealth. In question to that
so oft abjured interest of a King, we confess we have not been
without our fears and jealousies that your Lordship would not
find it an expedient to a Commonwealth's settlement, which
you had proposed in a declaration at the re-admission of the
secluded members, so that what we feared seems now to fall out.
We would hope that you would continue constant to what you
have so positively declared in the presence of God against
that interest, and therefore have judged it incumbent upon us
to signify to you what is intimated us, and withal to assure
you that we are resolved to live and die in adherence to that
cause, which in some of your papers you have publicly owned
with us and asserted to be the only end of all your late under-
takings.
Underwritten: — Note by Colonel Fairfax. "Transcribed by
Marshall at the command of Bell, his master, and by him
dispersed amongst the soldiers, both of horse and foot, that now
are quartered in the city of York." — C. F.
Colonel Nathaniel Rich to Colonel Tngoldsby.
1659 f -60], February 28 — The first news of your motion from
London into these parts " did arrive with me by Captain Hop-
kins, at which I make no small wonder, since I am not conscious
to myself of anything that merits from you or any with you
or those from whom you come the comportment of an enemy.
And though I may be reckoned one of them to whom this late
change seems somewhat strange, yet what I have expressed by
way of dissatisfaction never did amount to occasion anv such
K2
164
motion, as in my letter to General Monk is manifest." The
mere rnmour of our rendezvous "has been sufficient to beget
you this trouble, though had those you came from had patience
to have seen fact rather than have been led to this kind of
management of affairs by bare suggestion, I believe the offence
had not been taken."
Touching our rendezvous this day, it was occasioned by the
tidings of your hostile march and posture, and lest ours that was
open and friendly might tempt you to treat us as enemies.
I desire therefore to hear " an express of what as yet I have but
by rumour. If further 'tis life, liberty, horse, arms or other
property you desire, 'tis possible they may be sold at as dear
a rate as we can. But if nothing else but a second succession
be your desire to one that hath had the honour of being twice
your predecessor, your title by commission or order from any
whom I am no more ambitious to serve than they are to trust,
shall by the bearer be in no wise unwelcome."
Major Thomas Izard to General Monk, at St. James'.
1659[-60], February 29. Bristol — If there were anything
strange at this day, I should wonder who told your Excellency
that there was any fear of disturbance by Colonel Okey's means
in these parts. It is true that when I first acquainted him with
your letter he was somewhat disturbed, fearing that Charles
Stewart would follow, but when he had considered, Le said
that if those things which you had declared for were made good
he was satisfied. The next day he had letters from Yice-
Admiral Lawson and others which gave him full satisfaction,
since which he has acted very prudently. If otherwise, I should
have done my utmost to prevent him, " for I as much fear this
fanatic generation — which I suppose you expect trouble from —
as I do the Cavaliers," and shall watch them both. I hope the
business of Colonel Rich will come to nothing. I think he
and his major are two as dangerous persons as any in this
army.
Richard Ellsworth to General Monk, at St. James'.
1659[-60], February 29. Bristol— In my last I told you
that the most judicious of this city believed that Colonel Okey
designed to garrison it, in opposition to the commands of Par-
liament and your Excellency. I have now to inform you that
the said Colonel — being convinced of the injustice of his pro-
ceedings towards those merchants here who had declared for
the re- admission of the secluded members of Parliament — did on
Monday last, before departing hence, desire a conference with
the said gentlemen, and acknowledged that he was persuaded
to proceed against them by the fanatic party, but that " the
mis-givings of his spirit for that his carriage to them-ward
had given him an invitation to decline his intended journey
165
that day, on tke Christian account of a desired reconciliation.^
He also solemnly averred to Mr. Jones — a reverend divine of
this city — that he would not only willingly " acquiesce under "
this present government, but would do what in him lay to win
his officers and soldiers to the like acquiescence. Whereby the
Colonel has regained and heightened his esteem with the
moderate party of the city, " and was by them yesterday brought
several miles on his journey towards Gloucester, &c, not one
of the said factious, fanatic party then him accompanying, as
aforesaid, to the dissipation of that black cloud we lately feared
would break over this place." Seal of arms.
Major Jeremiah Tolhurst to General Monk.
1659[-60], February 29. Carlisle — I communicated your
letter of the 21st instant to the officers and soldiers here, and
I find it to be very well pleasing except to two officers, Captain
Studholme and Lieutenant Scott, who are citizens, and who,
although they will not declare their dislike, desire to delay to
declare their acquiescence in that proceeding, expecting to hear
of strong opposition made in some part of the nation by the men
who sat before the secluded members came in. I shall be very
vigilant to secure this garrison and the country for the service
of the present Parliament, for whom I first took up arms, and I
shall send a list of officers of these companies for whose fidelity
I dare engage. " All men in these northern parts, except Ana-
baptists, Independents and Quakers, are well pleased, and I
believe you will find that party averse everywhere." I am
sorry to say so, for I bear special respect to some of them.
Seal of arms.
Colonel Richard Ingoldsby to General Monk.
[16]59[-60], February 29. Newmarket — This morning on our
march "intelligence multiplied upon us out of Norfolk and
Suffolk that the sectarians of those parts had made a combina-
tion amongst themselves to assist Rich with thirty troops of
horses which they would raise out of collections from their
several churches, that they had proceeded to the listing of some
men, and to the promising of great matters to divers militia
troops of Norfolk. We found that Rich had got five troops
to rendezvous on Saturday. With what pretences he excuses
it we may perceive by his letter to your Excellency, a copy
of which he sent me, wherein, give me leave to observe, he waives
the owning that authority and command which the Parliament
hath so justly given you." Notwithstanding his pretences he
rendezvoused the five troops again yesterday. His design looks
to be that the foot soldiers at Colchester might join with them.
44 1 find he marched directly towards Colchester from his rendez-
vous near Bury, and marched yesterday as far as Melford towards
Sudbury, but finding his men not so willing to follow him as
166
he hoped, he sent to me this evening a kind of submissive
message by Captain Hopkins [seep. 163 above], who I commanded
not to let any of his troop stir ont of their quarters,
which he obeyed and is the only troop that came not
to any rendezvous, and. though Rich and Breman have
carried the standards of the troops with them, yet at
least four score of the soldiers are come off and stop
at Bury for my orders, and those with them have sent to me
that they will obey me, which caused me to send orders to
Rich and Breman to meet me with the five troops " to-morrow
at Bury, and if they will not come that the soldiers bring their
officers prisoners with them. Rich's object seems to be to gain
time.
Postscript. — I have heard on the way that Lambert, Fleet-
wood, Kelsey, Eliston [ ? Ellatson] and others have been very
busy about Newmarket, Cambridge and Royston.
London Militia.
1659[-60], February — "A list of persons in the militia of
the city of London, prepared by the Council of State to be
presented to Parliament. Characterized as followeth: —
Thomas Allen.
Isaac Pennington.
Philip Skippon, Esquire.
Alderman Atkins.
Alderman Foote.
Alderman Dethicke.
Alderman Milner.
Alderman Thompson.
Alderman Love.
Alderman Warner.
Alderman Backwell.
Slingsby Bethell, Esquire.
Mch. Gould, Esquire.
Col. John Okey.
Col. Owen Rowe.
Praise-God Barebone.
Henry Brandrith.
John Jackson.
Humphrey Cliffe, Deputy.
Capt. John Marriott.
William Jolly, Deputy.
Lord Mayor.
Excise Commissioner under the
Committee of Safety.
Congregational.
Congregational.
Disaffected to General Monck.
Beat up his drums under Com-
mittee of Safety.
A venomous petitioner.
A member of the Committee of
Safety, and spoke in Common
Council against the General's
letter.
A seeker, lay preacher, Excise-
man.
Against the General's letter.
Against the General's letter.
A Captain entrusted under the
Committee of Safety.
167
Lieut.-Col. Charles Doyly,
Major Randoll.
Col. John Owen.
Col. William Webb.
Capt. Robert Walton.
Thomas Benson.
Hugh Mason.
Capt. William Meade.
Samuel Boulstrode.
Capt. Nicholas Roberts.
Edward Bushell.
Capt. John Meadowes.
Mr. John Barrondell.
Mr. — Dennis.
Major Robert Russell.
Deputy Camfeild.
William Allen.
Capt. Thomas Owen.
Capt. Stephen Henbury.
Thomas Arnold, Esquire.
Robert Cardwell.
Richard Baker.
Thomas Plampin.
Joseph Houlden.
Capt. Edward Story.
Abraham Babington.
James Hayes.
Richard Arnold.
John Lawson.
William Harrington.
Col. John White.
George Foxcroft.
William Pennoyer, Esqiure.
Mr. Ross.
Col. Gower.
Thomas Lenthall.
Isaac Foster, Esquire.
Independent and deputed a Com-
missioner by the Committee of
Safety.
The same with Doyly.
The same with Doyly and Randoll.
Never acts in city affairs.
Appointed Captain by the Com-
mittee of Safety.
Anabaptist and horse captain
under the Committee of Safety.
Fanatic.
A captain of horse under the
Committee of Safety.
Fanatic.
Appointed Commissioner by the
Committee of Safety and opposer
of reading the General's letter.
Appointed Commissioner by the
Committee of Safety and an active
person.
A grand Sectary.
Fanatic.
Excise Commissioner under Com-
mittee of Safety.
Fanatic.
Fanatic.
A Congregational man.
Fanatic.
Commissioner of the Customs
under Committee of Safety.
Had command under the Com-
mittee of Safety, and a man of
strange opinions.
For toleration of opinions.
A Congregational mean person.
Appointed Commissioner under
the Committee of Safety.
188
Capt. Henry Fendall.
Robert Davies.
Thomas Parris.
Richard Moore.
Major John Greene.
James Cox.
John Cade.
John Lockey.
Edward Turner.
Edmond White.
Humphrey Davy.
Samuel Emms.
Robert Winch.
Robert Ingram.
John Brett.
Joshua Pordage.
Jacob Willett.
Henry Cole.
Anthony Selby.
Laurence Saunders.
Joshua Woolnoth.
Henry Creech.
Capt. Edward Greene.
Capt. Bolt.
Richard Wareing.
Rowland Hill.
Theophilus Biddulph.
Christopher Willoughby.
Nicholas Caplin.
Josiah Primate.
Thomas Barnardiston.
Ed. Saunders.
William Mullins.
James Wainwright.
William Medlicott,
A Commander under the Com-
mittee of Safety.
A dangerous Sectary.
A time server.
A time server.
A promoter of Barebone's petition.
A fanatic.
Captain under the Committee of
Safety.
An Anabaptist.
Fanatic.
Fanatic.
A pernicious Sectary.
A dangerous Sectary.
Fanatic.
Captain under the Committee of
Safety.
Captain under the Committee of
Safety.
Captain under the Committee of
Safety.
A Fifth monarchy man.
Fanatic.
Fanatic and Barebone's associate.
Employed by the Committee of
Safety.
Colonel Nathaniel Rich.
1659[-60], February- — Articles exhibited against Colonel Rich,
stating that he appointed four agitators from each troop in
his regiment to represent grievances, who at one of their meet-
ings produced propositions to be presented to Parliament; that
he endeavoured to introduce into his regiment men of dangerous
principles, as Quakers and the like, discountenancing old and
faithful soldiers and preferring the agitators ; that those who
169
were ready to " engage us into blood against Portsmouth " are
still in the regiment; that he acquitted John Webb, who was
proved to have wished to have a blow at General Monk's head,
accounting him the cause of all disturbances, and also John
Downes, who, seeing a red hot iron in the fire, wished it were
in General Monk's body; that during the last interruption of
Parliament he was often at the meeting of the General Council
of Officers at Wallingford House, and there declared all Mayors
and Corporations to be the props of tyranny and monarchy,
evidently judging it " both lawful and expedient to break all
civil authority to make way for the Fifth Monarchy," and
urging the insertion — in the instructions from the Council of
Officers to tfhe pretended Committee of Safety — of an order to
take special care in re-modelling the government that all
Corporations in England be thrown down and disfranchised;
that he declared that God had laid the Parliament aside because
of its severe sentence against Major-General Harrison, and that
if they should now restore the Parliament they had dissolved
it would be the most absolute tyranny in the world; that he
had been an abettor to Cavaliers and sometimes denied his own
orders performed in the State's service ; and lastly that he had
counterfeited Captain French's hand for his own advantage.
P[eter] C[ornelius] Y[an] Z[uruck-See] to General Monk.
1659-60, February — Exhorting him to stand unmoveable
in the centre to keep the balance in the government, that one
sect may not domineer over the other, lest England should
become like Holland, Denmark, Spain and other countries,
where they honour Calvin, Luther and the Pope more than the
Holy Scriptures.
The Council of State.
1659[-60], March 3— Order that Sir John Temple, Colonel
Birch, Mr. Trevor and Mr. Weaver should confer with the
Generals at land and sea and the Committees for the Army
and Admiralty to consider about the debt and revenue. Signed
by John Rushworth, as Clerk of the Council.
Devonshire Militia.
1659 [-60], March 3 — A list of Commissioners for the Militia
of Devonshire, including the names of Sir Thomas Middleton,
Sir Thomas Powell, Sir John Trevor, Sir William Meredith,
Sir John Carter and twenty-one others. Copy.
Flintshire Militia.
Same date — A like list for Flintshire, including the names
of Lord Glynne, Sir John Trevor, Henry Conway, Roger Gros-
venor and nineteen others. Copy.
170
Monmouthshire Militia.
1659 [-60], March. 5 — A list of officers for the militia in
Monmouthshire, recommended to General Monk. Includes the
names of Sir Trevor Williams, Colonel, Charles Yann, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel, and nineteen others. Copy.
Glamorganshire Militia.
1659[-60], March 6— A like list for Glamorganshire.
Includes the names of Colonel Bussey Mansell, Lieutenant-
Colonel Thomas Matthews and seventeen others. Copy.
Major-General Eobert Overton to General Monk.
1659[-60], March 6. Hull— " Myself and officers having
lately signified to your Lordship how that some public proceeds
concurring with the general noise of the nation for a King
did so surprise and startle us that we judged it very incumbent
upon us to corroborate your resolutions of prosecuting the cause
o± a Commonwealth by adding the testimony of our adherence
to you therein, I have thougnt it now necessary to give you
an account of our after proceeds, which may possibly be mis-
represented to you. Upon the dispatch of that letter to your
Lordship, we wrote to Colonel Fairfax, Colonel Bethell and
Colonel Smythson at York, representing to them what was
reported to us and in order to the begetting of a good under-
standing between us and those forces, tnat upon occasion of any
such design we might be capacitated to be communicative
to each other for those ends wnereunto they and we together
with your Lordship and the whole army are mutually engaged
both by former and later declarations, we desired them to
correspond with us. But either upon some misunderstanding
of us, misbehaviour of the messenger, or some misinformation
or other, the person by whom we sent the letter is secured.
We have since that — upon a negative passing the House which
seemed to encourage tne expectation of monarchy — had some
conference about a declaration for a Commonwealth, in oppo-
sition to a King, single person and House of Lords, consentane-
ous with what the whole army have engaged, which I thought
to have transmitted to your Lordship by an officer, in order
to your approbation and for the strengthening of your hands
against those attempts which might have been made to the
contrary, but finding that the army are unanimously resolved
to adhere to you in the defence of what they have declared for,
we have dissolved that our intention into an acquiescence with
those hopes we have that your integrity hath so armed you
against any such influence that those assays will prove abortive
in the birth. The most of the soldiery of this garrison are so
much in arrear and so greatly indebted, both to the town and
their officers, that I am afraid very great disturbances will
attend the admission of those who are commissionated to succeed
171
them, some of whom will no sooner be dismissed their places
but they will be disposed of into prisons to their ruin, having
overrun their own abilities to answer the soldiers' necessities
and to preserve them in peace. I shall therefore humbly desire
that — as you were pleased very honourably to practise in Scot-
land— no new officers may be imposed upon us here till the
arrears of the old are so cleared and such provision made for
part at least of the soldiers' arrears as may reimburse what
they have expended in the discharge of their entrustments. I
have been forced for present supplies to prohibit the return of
the excise and customs of this place, which shall be reimbursed
as pay is received, and in order to the gathering up of some
arrears of excise — there being no other horse here — I was
necessitated to call in a part of a militia troop, which upon
information of a resolve of Parliament for their disbanding,
which I knew not of before, I have since dismissed. I hope
when your Lordship hath examined that letter which came to
me from the late Council of State, with my return thereunto —
copies of which I have enclosed to Colonel Allured to present
to you — your Lordship will not find cause to continue me under
any misprision in that matter, for as the Council seem to
represent you very fairly in that proceed, from whom the old
enemy catched at an advantage to blow up their expectations
into bonfires and other rantings and revellings, so I understood
them aiming at no other end than to possess your friends
with a right understanding of you in that application to the
Parliament, concerning which I could not resolve myself into
any certainty when I wrote to them, whether that address was
really yours or pretendedly published by some pamphleteer. I
am informed that my cousin Overton hath, upon my desiring
of him to forbear taking the charge of that company committed
to him till I had written to your Lordship, suggested very
false things against me in the town — which I can easily dis-
prove by those who were present — and may, I suppose, therein
misrepresent me to your Lordship, but I shall desire — from that
respect which old friendship may claim — that you will not give
credit to what he may inform till your Lordship do better
understand his temper and the truth of what he may allege.
I have, my Lord, upon every occasion so sufficiently signified
my adherence to the cause of a Commonwealth in opposition
to a King, single person or House of Lords or any other arbitrary
Government . . . that I hope you will place no other than
an honourable estimate of me in what I profess and practise to
those ends."
Postscript. — "It is confidently averred to me this day by a
considerable person that it is the common boast of the Cavaliers
in Lincolnshire that it shall not be long before they drink
healths in the Roundheads' blood. Now, my Lord, upon sight
and hearing of much of this import we cannot be blamed for
being more than ordinary watchful and resolved against that
172
William, Lord Lockhart, to General Monk.
1659 [-60], March 8. London — Recommending Dr. Dun, who
has lived in France and studied physic with great proficiency.
[Sir William or Lord Lockhart was at this time Governor of
Dunkirk, hut had come over to London for a few days. See
Cal. of S.P. Bom., 1659-1660, p. 344.]
Lord Ancram to Arthur Annesley, Lord President of the
Council.
1660, April 1. Kew — I am told by some of the chief men
of Richmond that the town is in a disturbed state. Horsemen
have been seen to ride through it at night, Cornelius Holland,
Sir Arthur Hesilrige and Colonel Sydenham have lately been
there, and gunpowder and arms have been brought in. There
is great apprehension that a rising is intended by the fanatics
and discontented, who abound in those parts. To-morrow is a
general meeting of the Commissioners of the County Militia
at Kingston, and Wednesday next is the meeting at Guildford
for choosing our knights of the shire. If any rising be intended,
it will most likely be there. I beg that you will send a troop
of horse to search suspected places in Richmond and to keep
guard at Kingston and at Guildford.
Lieutenant- Colonel Nicholas Andrews to General Monk.
1660, April 2. Canterbury — Acknowledging receipt of the
proclamation of the Council of State and of the General's letter,
which has been read to and received with satisfaction by the
regiment.
Lieutenant-Colonel William Style to General Monk, at
St. James'.
1660, April 4. Yarmouth — Complaining that officers and
soldiers are being threatened by the magistrates for the prose-
cution of their duties.
William, Lord Lockhart, to General Monk.
1660, April 9-19. Dunkirk — I enclose copies of depositions
taken in the cases of my trumpeter and others who have
entered into clandestine practices. I received a letter from Lord
Goring — called Earl of Norwich — dated at Bruges in Flanders,
asking for a pass to come to Dunkirk and stay there until he
should receive another from your Excellency for his return to
England, which he says he hears you have granted him. My
answer was that it would not be convenient either for him or
me for him to come here until he had received your pass, but
that, after its receipt, if he would be pleased to take this town
in his way, he should find all respect and accommodation
possible. Signed. Depositions enclosed.
173
Captain Richard Lyons to [General Monk].
1660, April 10 — Asking to be continued as Governor of Cowes
Castle.
Captain Francis xvelly to General Monk.
1660, April 12. Leith — An address lately came here to be
signed by the officers, " which was somewhat scrupled at by some
in regard it wanted your Excellency's authority," but after the
address was several times read and debated it was signed, as we
had good assurances that though it came not directly from you
yet we knew it was a thing which the army in England had
done by your consent. Many objected that by signing "they
should for ever bind their hands, and if the next Parliament
would bring in Charles Stuart they were obliged to consent unto
it. It was answered that we should not give rules to our
superiors, but be subject unto the authority which was over
us, and likewise that the disobeying of power has been an
extraordinary means to unsettle the nations."
Postscript. — " The Scotch are very high and in great expecta-
tion of Charles the Second."
Colonel Nathaniel Whetham to General Monk.
1660, April 12. Chard — Honest people are greatly dis-
couraged by the confidence of the Cavaliers, who have chosen,
as one of the knights of the shire, one whose father was in
actual service for the King. Many " that upon the poll tendered
their voices for an honest gentleman, were refused to have
their names taken." If by your Excellency's means I might
have been a member of Parliament, it might at this time
have been more useful to me than ever, but I am resolved
to submit to what you, the Council and the Parliament shall
resolve. And if we must have a single person, I desire that
the Parliament would pitch upon your Excellency, which is
also the prayer of all good people that ever I speak with.
The Vintners' Company to William Clarke and his wife.
1660, April 12 — An invitation to dinner for this date.
Printed. Seal of arms.
Colonel John Mason.
1660, April 12 — Having received a commission from Parlia-
ment on June 28 last to be Governor of Jersey, he has been
there ever since, has received but one month's pay, and has
been at 200/. charges. On first going over, for divers good
causes, he suspended several officers until the pleasure of Parlia-
ment could be known, and there being an absolute necessity
1T4
for their places to be supplied because of the danger threatening
the island, certain others were appointed by order of Lord
Fleetwood. He himself also sent over three soldiers, but
neither soldiers nor officers have ever received more than one
month's pay, and that only since their return to England,
so that during their stay in the island they were maintained
by their colonel. Prays an order for their pay and his own.
\_See page 146 above.~\
The Commissioners of the Militia in Gloucestershire to
General Monk.
1660, April 12. Gloucester — Begretting that any misconduct
in the county should occasion reflections on those in charge of
the affairs thereof. Signed hy Lord Berkeley and eight others.
The Magistrates of Droitwich to General Monk.
1660, April 13. Droitwich — Regretting that his letter of
April 5 had reached them too late. If it had come to hand
one hour before the election of burgesses, they would most
cheerfully have endeavoured to elect Doctor "Walker. Four
signatures.
Colonel Unton Croke to General Monk, at St. James's.
1660, April 15 — Though it be somewhat late, yet I hope this
address of my regiment may arrive in time. I assure your
Excellency " there are not a band of men in the army more
solicitous — even covetous — to express our duty to your Ex-
cellency than we are," and as several tests have already been
put on the officers of the army, so I wish you would encourage
us "to make trial of every individual soldier under us, by
which means we should find out some knaves who yet secretly
lurk amongst us. . . . The news of Colonel Lambert's
escape flew to my troops — as also the reward of 100Z. to him
who should seize him — on speedier wings than I could convey
it, and they are all intent on their work and duty."
Colonel S[am.] Clarke to [General Monk].
1660, April 16. Glasgow — Expressing his devotion to the
General and the ensuing Parliament.
Endorsed by William Clarice: — "Col. Clarke's gallant
resolutions." Seal with crest.
Cornet Matthew Boynton to General Monk, at St. James'.
1660, April 16. Worcester — Concerning an expected attack
upon the town by the fanatical party. Seal of arms.
175
The Commissioners of Excise for Nottinghamshire to General
Monk.
1660, April 16. Nottingham— Informing him that both
Mansfield and East Retford have refused to pay their taxes, and
that the latter town has behaved in a tumultuous manner ; also
asking him to send orders for the disarmament of East Retford
as an example to the whole county.
Colonel Hugh Bethell to General Monk.
1660, April 17. York — Concerning a party from Captain
Peverell's troop, who have marched into York, and of whom
the most refractory have been secured.
Colonel Charles Fairfax to General Monk, at St. James*.
1660, April 17. Hull — " As to quarters in private families —
intimated in your last — you may please to be informed that
whilst I was in York it was only done, upon my Lord Mayor's
mediation with the citizens, by their own consent, not our
compulsion. And as to those in the county, I gave order to
the officers formerly in this garrison, in their several disper-
sions no otherwise to take it. I certified to your Excellency
where each company was quartered, but failed in a like notice
to the Quarter Master General, which was my error. Your
Lordship- having now placed my regiment in Hull, Scarborough
and Clifford's Tower, will hear no complaints of that nature,
for each pays for his bed what his landlord exacts. The
Council's proclamation concerning arrears — which never could
be questioned, your Lordship sitting at the helm — gives full
security against false aspersions that any intrenchment is
intended nor will such design now take any impression. And
the fom enters of such jealousies — seeing the fruitless success —
will in a little time weary themselves in hindering your settle-
ment of the nation in peace. An ill requital of masters that
advanced them, but it is Jeshuran like when full then to
kick. My Major writes that the Council have allowed 500?. for
this garrison. That monies — well husbanded by the survey
of such as you shall send down for the work, for such are most
satisfactory — will help towards the repairs for sufficiency, not
for beauty. I wish we had a little in hand to go on with the
platforms. I would not hinder the service by too high a certifi-
cate."
Postscript. — "Your Excellency will have from a better hand
the news of the late disturbance in York. They talk of a party
to head them this night, but Colonel Bethell went last night
to the city and I hope did find all in a good composure. I hear
thirty are secured in order to be sent up. If any of those
turbulent spirits come amongst us we shall do the like. All
our officers — the Major excepted and an Ensign, his son — are
a-t our duties, this requiring our vigilancy."
176
Lord Lockhart to [General Monk].
1660, April 17-27. [Dunkirk]— I find that it will be well
to draw up a testimony of our readiness to acquiesce in whatever
is agreed upon by the approaching Parliament and make the
officers sign it before I give them your Excellency's commission.
I have of late observed some symptoms that might turn to some
small distemper, but I shall answer for the fidelity of this
garrison with my life. I have said nothing to the Council, and
'' pray that it may rest with your Excellency, who, as a common
father, must be acquainted with the least weakness in any of
your great and numerous family."
Major Edward Harley to General .Monk'.
1660, April 18. Hereford — Colonel Butler, whose care is very
vigilant, has lost divers of his men, who have slipped away
this evening.
The place appointed for rendezvous, near Edgehill, makes
me suspect a design upon Oxford, that place being a very
proper situation to unite their forces.
Colonel John Streater to General Monk.
1660, April 20. Northampton — I came here yesternight
and found that part of my regiment hereabouts in good order.
"I have and do devote myself wholly to your Lordship's com-
mands and promise in the presence of God to stick close to you
and your commands. Many there are that flatter your Ex-
cellency, for which they may expect of favour from you, that
to my knowledge would not set to their helping hand when the
Lambertonian and Wallingfordian interest was afloat." Signed.
Colonel Hugh Bethell to [General Monk].
1660, April 20. York — "I hope my last concerning the
carriage of the troop late Captain Peverell's of Colonel Smith-
son's regiment, came safe to your Excellency's hands, since
which we have taken the examinations of several of them
and find there hath been a design to divide and corrupt several
others from their duty and obedience. "We have secured divers
of them and disarmed the rest until Colonel Smithson come,
who, I suppose, hath or will give your Excellency an account
thereof. Two of the agitators, viz., one Mathew Broadwith and
George Byfield of the same troop, did escape before they were
discovered. One Merrey, who was formerly Lieutenant to that
troop — by these examinations herewith transmitted — seems to
be chief agitator in this business. He is here in safe custody
till your Excellency's pleasure be further known, we had him
under examination, but he peremptorily refuseth to answer to
any question. For the other two we shall do our utmost
endeavours to apprehend them.
ITT
"I have drawn the whole regiment into this town for the
security thereof and peace of the country, which I am persuaded
they had a design to surprise.
Major Waterhouse being, according to his order, marched
for Scotland two days since, the Lord Mayor hath been active
with considerable guards of the townsmen to assist us to prevent
any attempt upon this place. Reports have been very various
touching my Lord Lambert's being in these parts, as also
of several other discontented persons, as by information appears.
"We have sent out parties for their discovery and apprehension,
and in the securing of this place we hope their malice and design
will be prevented. I received your Lordship's letter with your
commands as to the address, which was performed by the non-
commission officers and soldiers before your Excellency's came
to my hands, excepting some very few which are dismissed.
Upon my conference with the regiment I find them very con-
formable and obedient."
Sir John Norwich to General Monk.
1660, April 21. Northampton — Informing him that Lambert
was expected to lie the previous night at Welford, and that
all the fanatical party in those parts is expected to rendezvous
at Edgehill. Signed.
Major John Browne to General Monk.
[16] 60, April 22. Beading — This day I received information
from a trooper of Captain Hesilrige's that he was sent to
Edgehill to discover what forces were got together there, and
found only three hundred horse and about forty foot. Before
he returned, Major Creed had sent three several messengers
to the said troop to draw them off, which he effected through
the folly of their Commander. I hear also that many of the
troop are dissatisfied. I have had a letter from Captain
Goddard's troop, which I send you. The former officers of our
regiment have attempted every troop, but I will not forget my
duty.
I hear that Major-General Lambert intended to march towards
Naseby. The trooper told me that Colonels Okey and Cobbett,
[Major] Creed, and Captains Spinage and Hunter were at Edge-
hill, but he saw not Lambert there.
Colonel John Streater to General Monk.
1660, April 23. Northampton — I doubt not that Lord
Ingoldsby has already told you of the action near Daventry.
The two companies, whereof my own was one, behaved with
great resolution, which was an encouragement to the horse.
25. L
178
The company that I sent to Coventry also behaved gallantly,
resisting the importunities of a troop of horse under my former
Major, who met them on their march thither.
I have disbanded Colonel Twisleton's company and sent them
to their homes, by advice of Lord Ingoldsby.
KOBERT EOLLE to GENERAL MONK.
1660, April 23. Heaunton — Asking that Mr. Northcote may
not be removed from the postmastership at Plymouth. Signed.
Seal of arms.
The Commissioners for the Militia in Derbyshire to General
Monk.
1660, April 23. Derby — Asking that they might have the
assistance of Captain Greenwood in ordering the forces raised
by them. Seven signatures.
Major John Braman to [General Monk].
1660, April 24. Lambeth House — Complaining of his im-
prisonment, and asking that as he has been elected member
for Stockbridge, the House may be moved to demand his release.
Major General Thomas Morgan to General Monk.
1660, April [24]. Edinburgh — Having this day viewed an
order from the Council of State for the release of Mr. Drywood.
late deputy-treasurer of war, upon bond for his surrender at
Wood Street Compter, I have given him a pass, and have in
some measure examined the reasons of his long imprisonment.
I believe him to be innocent, and my judgment is shared
by several other officers of the army, wherefore I pray you
to let him have a speedy hearing and if possible to readmit
him to his former employment. Signed.
Captain William Newman to General Monk.
1660, April 24. Edinburgh Castle — Having received an
order from the Council of State for release of Mr. John Drywood
— late deputy-treasurer of Scotland — upon his giving bond in
1,000Z. to surrender at Wood Street Compter within 28 days,
I shall do nothing more, but only tell your Excellency that Mr.
Bilton, on his deathbed, said that Mr. Drywood was guilty
of no wrong to the State. He has been all along an enemy
to the fanatic party, and if you will employ him, many here
will be very thankful. He will give you an ample account
of persons and things at this place.
179
H[ugh] Peters to General Monk.
1660, April 24 — "I take it indeed as an act of much love
and tenderness that your honour sent this bearer to see an
old decrepit friend. The Lord God — who is able — requite all
respects to his unworthy servants. Truly, my Lord, my weak
head and crazy carcass puts me in mind of my great change,
and therefore thank God that these twelve months — ever since
the breach of Richard's Parliament — I have meddled with no
public affairs more than the thoughts of mine own and others
presented to yourself. I only wish that sobriety, and — above
that — religion may prosper in the nation, and that our Govern-
ment may look forward to heal, not backward to destroy;
we have had too much of that. I have little news but that
I am sensible of the sadness of thousands who are wise and
discreet persons. And though, truly, I am not worth the minding
any way, yet my hearty duty to your Excellency bids me say
that since all Europe is in fear and shaken exceedingly, Geneva
besieged — as I hear — and Orange demolished, Holland perplexed,
the popish enemy triumphing everywhere, how glorious would
it be if in your days the Protestant churches might be com-
forted, who hang so much upon England, witness Queen Eliza-
beth's time. But I forget myself and leave with my most
hearty thanks and assuring you that I have no design nor
business in this world but what you know ; opinions and whim-
seys I loath, but am orthodox through mercy."
Sir Charles Coote to General Monk, at St. James*.
1660, April 25. Dublin — I am thankful for your good
opinion and earnestly desire to be serviceable to your Lordship.
I am glad the proposals we sent for the settlement of this army
met with a favourable reception from you, and I doubt not
but that you will find our troops faithful and useful. They
cheerfully subscribed the engagement sent to you by the Council
of officers here, not a single officer and only five privates having
refused to sign. " And truly for the Convention and the English
gentry of Ireland that are not of the army, though it cannot
be imagined but that some particular persons will be extrava-
gant in their discourse, yet I must assure your Lordship the
generality of them are of sober principles and willing to expect
a good settlement of these nations from the wise consultations
of the Parliament of England and the Council there, and are
not so rash and precipitate in their resolutions as perhaps
they are represented to your Lordship. The adjourning of the
Convention for six weeks' time was yesterday voted at a grand
committee and I hope it will commence on Friday next, though
the earnest desires of many to hear something out of England
in this juncture of affairs before their dispersing makes them
press hard that the adjournment may not begin until some day
the next week." Signed,
L2
180
Colonel Fairfax to General Monk, at St. James'.
1660, April 27. Hull— "This day Lieutenant Merry,
Corporal Preston — and John Rawdon, whom the commission
reacheth not — were sent hither by Colonel Bethell, together with
William Winde of the same troop, a witness, the substance
of whose information is, that Broadwith — not yet apprehended
nor Byfield — did order their march to York, and told him,
the said Winde, that all things were well, and wrought in the
south beyond expectation. Merry — in his further examination
before me — would confess nothing, but took frivolous exceptions
against them that informed. I have them in safe custody
within the castle, in order to a trial on Thursday se'nnight,
supposing the principal* may be tried before, that we may the
better know how to proceed against the accessaries and in the
interim may receive your Excellency's further commands. The
delay in the least is not in favour to the prisoners — against
whom we protest our utmost abhorrency — but that we may
walk by the safest rule, not presuming to lead but desirous to
be directed by a better precedent. It is acknowledged a mercy
that the Lord has delivered the enemy of our peace into your
Excellency's hands — so merciful a patriot when it may consist
with justice and the nation's security, none than yourself being
a more competent judge. They are my grandfather's children
that must be ruined by their wretched father's ambition and
eating sour grapes, but we of their blood had rather bemoan
him than see the country redacted to confusion, and if there
be no medium — which in truth none can find out better than
yourself — then potius pereat unus quam unitas, and the will
of the Lord be done. I cannot enlarge more than in affections
and pity to the poor innocents.
Postscript. — "I am indeed more passionate than partial, nor
can such a man go to his deserved execution without a tear."
Colonel Thomas Blount to General Monk.
1660, April 28. Writtlemarsh — Asking him to send a troop
of horse to Greenwich to prevent the people there from gathering
in a warlike posture under pretence of a maypole, which is
against a law made in 1644.
The Non-Commissioned Officers and Soldiers of Captain
Ogle's troop to General Monk.
1660, April 29 — Declaring their willingness to observe all
commands of his Excellency or the Council of State, and to
agree to whatsoever the coming Parliament may resolve. Fifty-
nine signatures.
* Lambert, re-taken on April 22.
181
LlEITT.-CoLONEL JOHN STILE to GENERAL MONK.
1660, April 30. Lynn — This day the Commissioners for
Norfolk came and demanded the keys of the town gates — wish-
ing them to be kept by the Mayor — and likewise required to
see our commissions, which they did. I desired them to excuse
my delivering them the keys until I should receive orders from
the Parliament or Council. I also acquainted them that it was
usual for the officer in command to keep the keys of the gates
in all places. I therefore desired them to wait till I knew
your Excellency's pleasure therein.
Major Theophiltjs Hart to General Monk.
1660, April 30. Coventry — Reporting that he has examined
the two troops who were in the late engagement with Lambert
to find out by what order they left their quarters, and that he
has decided to send the Colonel's troop to Worcester and the
other to Tamworth to be disbanded. He found the soldiers
very sensible of their error, into which they had been led by
some busy persons who were Anabaptists.
Colonel J[ohn] Hewson to General Monk.
1659 [-60], April — I came yesterday to my house with purpose
to attend the Council but they were not sitting, and being
very lame of the gout I am constrained to trouble your Ex-
cellency with this, desiring the man in whose house I have
lodged above a month to satisfy you that I have lived there
privately, without knowledge of my friends and holding con-
verse with none, "that no jealousy might fix upon me, and
that your Excellency may be satisfied I am innocent as to any
disturbance which the Council by their proclamation doth
suspect." Seal of arms.
Sir John Palgrave to General Monk.
1660, April — On Saturday I received your commands to take
care of the parts about Yarmouth. On Monday I went thither,
and found ready compliance of the Commander-in-Chief, Lieu-
tenant Colonel Styles. All is quiet there. " Yesterday I came
to Norwich to meet those gentlemen of the militia, where some
progress is made as the choice of the Colonel and most of the
officers. Sir Horace Townshend, the horse, viz., two troops.
The four regiments of foot to my Lord Richardson, Sir John
Hobart, Sir Ralph Hare and Sir William Doyle. Some infor-
mations we had from about Lynn and Walsingham which
import some disturbance, but the troops not yet come in."
Seal of arms.
182
Richard Cromwell to the Vice-Chancellor and Convocation
of Oxford.
1660, May 8. Hursley — Resigning his position as Chancellor
of the University. Copy. [Printed in " Life and Times of
Anthony a Wood," Vol. I., p. 315.]
Colonel Fairfax to General Monk, at St. James'.
1660, May 11. Kingston-upon-Hull — " This day we had a
very great solemnity — and indeed it was done with all full
observances both by magistrates and officers — a scaffold erected,
the proclamation read, all of us attending in our best posture
to declare a concurrence to this just act of superiors, according
to that duty which our allegiance requireth. Only one soldier —
more hinting than expressing his disassent by not firing in
course — may give us the trouble to-morrow to cashier him.
Yesterday we had a convention of officers for trial of Lieutenant
Merry, that busy agitator. The work has been hitherto — by
your Excellency's sweet conduct — without any blood; not lit
for us to begin the precedent." Your commission limits us to
members of the army, which he is not, and although he is
clearly within the article of intelligence, and by it punishable,
yet your letter "limits us to proceeding against him as a spy,
and — in favour of life — must be taken strictly." I have
hitherto kept the soldiers strictly to their duty, and have never
been a stonecast from the works here, not having my warrant
from you, save for a journey at the season of the year to
Scarborough Spa. Now the danger is past I shall give the men
more liberty, not exceeding the limits of your former com-
mands. Seal of arms.
Oxford University.
1660, July 25 — Citation by Robert, Bishop of Oxford ; Richard
Zouch, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty; Michael Wood-
ward, Warden of New College ; Thomas Barlow, Provost of
Queen's ; Robert Say, Provost of Oriel ; Walter Blandford,
Warden of Wadham ; and five others, Commissioners amongst
others for the visitation of Oxford University, summoning the
members of the University to attend them " in Domo Congre-
gationis Universitatis " [the Convocation House] upon the last
day of July. Latin.
The Commissioners of Scotland to the Duke of Albemarle.
1660, August 11. Holyrood House — We have received your
Excellency's letter concerning the estate of Kinneall, and have
consulted with Mr. Hodges, who advises us to wait until you
have read the enclosed. We thought it our duty to concur
with this proposal, "lest your Excellency's most important
183
affairs for the service of these kingdoms should remove the
particulars of your own concernments from your remembrance."
Three signatures.
Enclosing,
Robert Hodges to the Duke of Albemarle.
1660, August 11. Edinburgh — Hearing that your Ex-
cellency has given order for delivering to the Duchess of
Hamilton the writings and evidences relating to Kinneall,
I make bold to advise you to see that the Duchess accept the
burden of all debts upon the estate, and that she and her
husband, the Earl of Selkirk, give you an ample discharge
" of your intromission with that estate." Signed.
The Commissioners of Scotland to the Duke of Albemarle.
1660, August 28. Holyrood House — Enclosing a petition
from Capt. Benjamin Brassey [or Bressie] to the King and
recommending his case. Two signatures. Petition enclosed.
Doctor W. Burt, Warden of Winchester College, to the
Visitors of the University of Oxford.
1660, September 10. Winchester College — " Two letters we
received, the one directed to the electors in behalf of Allenson,
the other to the Warden and fellows of Winchester College
in behalf of New College in Oxon." To the first the bearer
will answer " that it is neither agreeable with our customs
or statutes, the school being able to present to our election a
sufficient number of good scholars, as at this time, to admit of
any superannuates already departed, the consequence whereof
would be very prejudicial to their successors in the place. To
the other be pleased to accept of this return, that the major
part of our fellows at present are at their several livings and
the college very much in debt, besides other great charges
necessarily to be defrayed. Yet upon the return from our
progress which to-morrow will begin, and the convention of
our fellows at the Audit immediately following, wherein we
may best judge of our ability, your request, God willing, shall
then be propounded at our first meeting. We only desire this
small delay not to avoid the effect of your request but out of
necessity."
George Hitchcock and others of Oxford University +o the
House of Commons.
1660, December 27 — Complaining that the visitors of the
University are mostly clergy and members of the University,
contrary to the statutes, and that they have " outed " several
heads, fellows and professors who were statutably chosen, where
there were no persons to claim their places, while continuing
184
those who came in by authority of the Rump, particularly
at All Souls, where they have continued Mr. Cawley, son of
a regicide. Also that one of them [Hitchcock. See Cal. of
S.P. Dom for 1660-1661, p. 273], for not quitting his chamber,
being his freehold, had his room broken into by soldiers, a
pistol discharged at him, *his person dangerously wounded,
"and so hurried to the common gaol" into close confinement.
Being well- affected persons, they pray to be re-established in
their places in the University. Signed by George Hitchcock
and four others.
Oxford Colleges.
[1660} — List of persons ejected by the visitors in 1648 and
those put in their places.
Ejected, to be provided for if Put in by the visitors and
they sue for their places. still fellows.
St. John Baptist's College.
Dr. George Wyld. Tho. Brace.
Robert Cuff. Edw. Humbarston.
Jos. Crowther. John Whitwick.
John Goad. William Waddon.
Peter Mewes. Robert George.
Robert Jennings. John Troughton.
George Gysbie.
Tho. Winnafd.
[John] Blackman.
Jo. Speed.
They outed Mr. Ellis, organist, and all the choir, taking Sir
William Paddy's revenue, belonging to the said choir, and em-
ployed it in a wrong way. Sir William Paddy gave 200?. per
annum.
Ejected. Put in.
Merton College.
[Roger] Brent. [Peter] Mcols.
[Chris.] Fowle. [John] Powell.
[John] Lee.
There is no certain number of fellows in this college.
New College.
[William] Beaw.
[James] Tychburn.
[Timothy] Blencoe.
[Richard] Rowlandson.
[Robert] Baynham.
[John] Dunmer.
[Thomas] Fowkes.
[John] Marshall.
[Roger] Higham.
Compton [P Henry Complin].
185
Ejected. Put in.
University College.
Tko. Ratcliff. [Sampson] Eyton.
[Abraham] Woodhead. [Edward] Terry,
[Obadiah] Walker. [Edward] Farrar.
[Edward] Anderson.
[Richard] Griffith.
Balliol College.
[James] Thickens. A fellowship void.
Christchurch.
See the paper given in, which is too large to transcribe.
Given unto me by Mr. Jo. Dolbin.
St. Mary Magdalen College.
I have only received the names of such persons as were
ejected, not of such as still remain in the said charge, put
in by order of the visitors. I refer you therefore to the paper
given me.
All Souls College.
Dr. Baldwin has delivered unto his hand the state of this
college, to whom I refer you.
Oriel College.
Jo. Duncomb. [Samuel] Carter.
Hen. Chamberlain. [Thomas] Newman, butler.
Phil. Bowch.
Roger Erye, butler — see his
petition.
Corpus Christi College.
[George] Stratford, dead. Lane.
Dr. Ja. Hyde. [Samuel] Byfield.
[Richard] Samways. [John] Seyer.
[John] Heywood, / think [William] Gardiner.
married.
[John] Kind. [John] Paris.
[Thomas] Sutton. Maltin [? Thos. Malthus].
[George] Halsted, married.
[Thomas] Sanderson.
[Henry] Dutton, married.
[Joseph] Barker, married.
[James] Jackson.
[Thomas] Drury.
[Thomas] Jennings, sr. [scholar].
[William] Lydall, dead, sr.
[John] Clark, sr.
[Gamaliel] Clarson [Clark-
son], sr.
186
Corpus Christi College, continued.
Ejected.
[Edward] Eales, chaplain.
[William] Fulman.
[William] Stamp.
[William] Colldoham.
[William] Tonstall.
Rob. Newlin, steward.
Tho. Seymer, manciple.
John Parn, butler, dead.
Jo. Hill, cook, senior.
Hen. Price, cook, junior.
Tho. Bowdon, janitor.
This note is somewhat imperfect, but the best I can for the
present get, none of the old stock of fellows being left in that
college.
Queen's College.
Richard Gregory, butler, [George] Philips, fellow,
see his petition. Jo. Cornelius, butler.
Brazen-Nose College.
John Newton. Jo. Burscough.
Tho. Church. Sam. Bruen.
Rich. [ ? Hugh] Roberts. Robert Ridgway.
Ralph Rawson.
Jo. Blackburne.
Exeter College.
[John] Proctor. [Abraham] Batten.
[John] Bidgood. [Samuel] Conant.
[Degory] Polewheele. [John] Sanders.
Wm. Harding, cook, see his I)r. [Peter] Fiatt.
petition. [Edmund] Davies.
Ant. Jett, cook.
Wadham College.
Dr. [Tristram] Sugg. [Walter] Pope.
[Richard] Goodrige [or There are two fellowships
Goodridge]. now actually void.
Strangridge [Nicholas Strang-
ways], restored by a
mandamus.
Lincoln College.
[John] Gilbert. A fellowship now actually
void.
Trinity College.
Pembroke College.
[Philip] Potter.
Jesus College.
[William?] Braborn.
i87
[Richard] Campian.
[Joh.ii] Langley.
[Anthony] Fidoe [divinity'].
Stevenson [? Philip
Stephens!.
Beadles ejected. Beadles possessing their places.
Edm. Gayton, Esq., beadle of
physic and arts.
Sol. Lychfield, beadle of law,
yeoman beadle.
Hen. Davies, yeoman beadle.
William Ball, yeoman beadle
of physic and arts.
[John] Wilkins, Esq., Beadle of Divinity, came in by dead
(sic).
[Samuel] Clark, Esq., beadle of law, came in by the resignation
of Mr. Hoare. He is a learned man.
Ejected. Put in.
Dr. Archibald Baylie, Presi-
dent of St. John Baptist
College.
Dr. Hannibal Potter, Presi-
dent of Trinity College.
Dr. Tho. Walker, Master of
University College.
[Henry] Whitwick, Master of
Pembroke College.
Dr. Francis Maunsell,
Principal of Jesus College.
Dr. [Robert] Newlin, Presi-
dent of Corpus Christi
College.
Dr. [George] Morley, Dean of Dr. Edw.
Christchurch. See his case. Dean.
Mr. Thankfull Owen,
President.
now
Dr. Seth Ward, now Presi-
dent.
Mr. Francis Johnson, now
Master.
Dr. Henry Langley, now
Master.
Mr. [Francis] Howell, now
Principal.
Dr. Edm. Staunton, now
President.
Reynolds, now
All the present Canons (excepting Dr. Wall and Mr. Pocock),
being six in number, came in by the visitors.
Dr. Richard Gardiner, Prebend [of Christchurch], Dr. Christo-
pher Rogers, Christchurch. See his case.
Mr. Tho. Yates lays claim
to the headship of Brazen-
Nose.
Mr. Jo. Birkenhead, fellow of
All Souls', Moral philoso-
phy lecturer.
Mr. Robert Waring (dead)
put out of his history
lecture.
Dr. Hen. Stringer (dead) was
Greek lecturer.
Dr. Jo. Edwards (dead) put
out of his natural philoso-
phy lecture.
Dr. [Peter] Turner (dead)
put out of his geometry
lecture.
Dr. Dan. Greenwood, now
Principal.
Mr. [William] Carpenter,
now lecturer.
Dr. [Lewis] Du Molins, now
lecturer.
Mr. [John] Harmer. now
lecturer.
Dr. [Joshua] Crosse, now
lecturer.
Dr. [John] Wallace [or
Wallis], now lecturer.
ife
Ejected.
Mr. Jo. Greaves {dead) was
astronomy lecturer.
Dr. [Robert] Sanderson,
Regius Professor of
Divinity.
Dr. [Thomas] Lawrence
(dead) Lady Margaret
Professor.
Dr. [John] Maplet, Principal
of Gloucester Hall.
Dr. Tho. Read put in his
plea for Magdalen Hall.
Petitions to be considered.
cook of
Put in.
Dr. Seth "Ward, now lec-
turer.
Dr. [John] Conant, now
Professor.
Dr. Hen. Wilkinson of
Christchurch, Professor.
Dr. [Tobias] Garbrand, now
Principal.
Dr. Hen. Wilkinson, now
Principal.
Against.
Anth. Jett, now cook.
Will. Harding,
Exeter.
Mr. Ellys, organist of St.
John's.
Rich. Gregoiy, butler of
Queen's.
Roger Fry, butler of Oriel
College.
Some other petitions tied together in one bundle" [wanting'].
The place void a long time.
Cornelius, now butler.
Newman, now butler.
Margaret Collins to her cousin, Sir William Clarke, at
his house in the Pell Mell.
1660 [-61], March 22. Stanmore — Congratulating him upon
his knighthood and asking his good offices with her father.
Printed in the preface to Vol. II. of the Clarke Papers, p. 9.
John Playford to Sir William Clarke.
1661, March 26— A bill of bl. 5s. Sd. for books, including
Dugdale's History of St. Paul's, price 15s., and a volume con-
taining "fourteen plays of several sorts."
The Order of the Garter.
1661, April 15 — A list of the knights of the Garter, apparently
arranged according to the position of their stalls in St. George's
Chapel.
Major Nicholas Kelk and Thomas Kelk to the Earl of
Southampton.
1661, April 26— Bond in 1,000Z., conditioned for the loyal
and peaceful behaviour of Nicholas Kelk. Signed.
189
Colonel Sir Edward Harley to the Duke [of Albemarle].
1661, May 18-28. Dunkirk — I have consulted with the Irish
officers at Mardyke about their removal near to this town. They
conceive unless the necessity were urgent "their troops will be
much incommoded when they shall be in so narrow a room
as they must be if they remove under the town walls, for
although there are not in the troops above 1,600 effective men
yet there are many more women and children, who take up
much room and receive much supply " by fish they take on the
shore.
I consider the troops will be of more service at Mardyke " to
countenance the new works upon Fort Lyon side, and if the
Spaniards will attempt to fall upon the Irish at Mardyke then
it is much more likely that the Spaniards will possess Mardyke
and make a quarter there; besides I must freely acquaint
your Grace that I very much doubt when the Irish and English
come so near together they will not agree so well as at this
distance."
I have intelligence that the Spaniards are drawing all their
strength to "Nieuport, Furnes, Hounscot [Hondschoote], and
Berghe [Bergues], where several troops are expected this day."
The Officers at Dunkirk to the Duke of Albemarle.
1661, May — " You having been a father to your country and
more particularly to us of this garrison, Grod having raised
you up to accomplish those things in the restoration of our
Lord and master, his most sacred Majesty, to his rights, which
we all constantly and passionately desired but had not the
possibility to effect but by your conduct," we implore you to
mediate with the King that no officer or soldier of the troops or
companies of this garrison may be cashiered or put out of their
employment without first having their arrears paid.
Signed by Colonel Eoger Alsop, Lieutenant-Colonels Maurice
Kingswell and "William Fleetwood and 47 others.
William Cary to his sister [in-law], Lady Clarke.
1661, June — An account of money expended for household
and personal effects.
Sir William Clarke to his brother [in-law], William
Cary, Goldsmith.
1661, August 26. Cockpit — An order to pay 201. to his
cousin, James Staresmore. With receipt by Staresmore for the
money.
Colonel William Daniel to the Duke of Albemarle.
1661, November 4. Ayr — ..." The government by
Bishops doth not relish with this country's palates ; a petulant
190
zeal and ignorance is tke cause, which time and experience must
work out. His Majesty can never trust a popular government
in the Church ; they will be naturally discomposing his affairs.
I gave my Lord Chancellor and the Major General an account
of the carriage of the people in these parts at the proclamation
for episcopal government, which I know was presented to your
Grace. There was no reverent assistance by the magistrates
of this place at the solemnity. There was a protestation thrown
about at the time thereof, and at night the same, to wit the
proclamation, was by rude hands plucked off the cross and other
conspicuous places. They all pretend zeal to the King but not
in a way consistent to his authority."
Lord Kutherford to the Duke [of Albemarle].
1661, November 4. Dunkirk — I am exceedingly sorry that
I did not know your Grace's kindness for Major Francis Conway.
" It is above six weeks since he was reduced and passed into
England, yea above four months since he was designed to be
cashiered for some dangerous words spoken by him in public
in the market-place of his Majesty, whereof all the magistrates
were witness. Yet if it be your will he have a company again,
I shall renounce my own concernment in every point and give
him rather my own company, since my chief study is and
always shall be to obey exactly, with all submission, your Grace's
commands."
Major Francis Conway to Lord General Monk (sic).
1661, November 26. Bedminster, near Bristol — Protesting
his own loyalty and denouncing Mr. John Casbeard, who
formerly afflicted and ruined any that did but name his Majesty,
and after the rout at Worcester " made a great bonfire before
his door at Bristol and gave money to drink for joy."
Captain John Bardsley to Major-General Sir Thomas
Morgan.
1661, November 28. Stirling Castle — Complaining of the
insults offered to the English soldiers by the townsmen of
Stirling. Copy.
Major-General Sir Thomas Morgan to the Duke of Albe-
marle, at the Cockpit.
1661, December 2. Leith Citadel — I thank your Lordship for
procuring fourteen days' pay for the soldiers here. " When
it came I knew not how to make the forces subsist one week
longer, so that it came very seasonably and I shall take care
to lengthen it as long as possibly we can, but still am necessitated
humbly to entreat that your Lordship will be further mindful
191
of us and favour us with your assistance against this little be
expended to gain another supply if our arrears be not suddenly
ordered to be paid off, for the soldiers have no landlords to
trust them and if their weekly subsistance fail them they will
be reduced to straights. My Lord, there lately happened an
unhappy difference 'twixt the magistrates of Stirling with the
townspeople, some country gentlemen and the officers and
soldiers of Stirling Castle, and to be truly informed of the
ground and occasion of the said difference the Lord Chancellor
appointed the magistrates to repair to Edinburgh, and I, [with]
the officers of Stirling Castle, to repair hither, since whose ap-
pearance face to face the officers have made it clearly evident
that the magistrates &c. were the fomenters and only occasion of
the quarrel, and that it was a premeditated design either to have
murdered the officers or at least to have affronted them in
such gross manner as to have rendered them incapable of the
commands. For upon notice given to the castle of what danger
several of their officers were in, an officer drew forth a party
consisting of eight files of men into the town and despatched a
corporal with four soldiers to go and see what was become of
the officers, but the magistrates and townspeople being all in
arms — or the greatest part of them — they set upon the corporal
and four soldiers and presently knocked three of them down,
and the rest escaping returned back to the residue of the afore-
said party, on which they advanced towards the baillie's house,
where the officers were engaged, and meeting also with oppo-
sition they fell upon the magistrates and townspeople with the
butt ends of their muskets and wounded eighteen or twenty
of them, and so cleared the streets before them and came to the
bailie's house, where they found the officers wounded, disarmed
and in the condition of prisoners, but after they had rescued
them out of their hands they returned to the castle. There
are ten or twelve of the soldiers wounded. The Laird of
Pommoio* on the party's approach cried to the townspeople,
kill the rogues, kill the rogues, &c.Y but it would be too tedious
to give your Grace a full relation, therefore I shall not enlarge
much, only that I find some of the great ones seem to be
much troubled at this unhandsome carriage of their countrymen
and the daily continuance thereof, and would gladly salve it
up without a further hearing, finding it to be very foul, but I
press your Lordship that the offenders may be made exemplary
for preventing the like injuries being offered to any of his
Majesty's soldiers for the time to come, so that they have desired
a meeting with me on Wednesday next, and I shall see what
justice they will do therein. But in a word, my Lord, they are
very abusive and injurious to the soldiers and if I continued
not a strict discipline amongst the soldiers they would quickly
revenue themselves, yet I am now constrained for the soldiers'
security to give order that no soldiers depart out of their
* Possibly the Laird of Polmood fined in 1662- See Acts of the Parliament
of Scotland, vol. vii., p. 422.
192
garrisons without their swords, and that they go not less than
six or twelve together, and withal strictly require them that
they offer not the least injury or offence to any of the people
of this kingdom but endeavour to shun all occasions thereof."
Signed. Seal of arms.
Sir Thomas Morgan to the Duke of Albemarle.
1661, December 16. Leith Citadel — "Whereas there was
arrears of the cess due by the city of Edinburgh and town of
Leith, I made demand thereof from the Lord Provost and magis-
trates of Edinburgh, whereupon they did allege that there was
a number of poor people both in the city and town of Leith
that were no way able to pay the arrears of cess due by them
and that they had already used all possible diligence for the
collecting thereof, and therefore desired that I would assist
them with a party of soldiers to see what could be done that
way, the which I accordingly did grant. And truly, my Lord,
when the officers came to quarter soldiers on the deficients, they
found many not only poor and so unable to pay their cess, but
also very many that had left their habitations both in the
city of Edinburgh and town of Leith, and there was several
English amongst them. And in respect of the poverty of many
decayed families, &c, as aforesaid, I was necessitated to suspend
150?. of the arrears of assess due by them and to promise to the
Lord Provost and magistrates of Edinburgh that on their taking
speedy care for the payment of the remainder — to answer the
present urging necessities of his Majesty's English forces here —
I would intercede with your Grace in their behalf that the said
150Z. may be abated and allowed them, and his Lordship with
the magistrates entreat your Grace's favour for them."
[Nicholas Monk], Bishop of Hereford.
1661, December 18 — A list of persons invited to the funeral
of the Bishop of Hereford, including the Earls of Lindsey,
Bath and Anglesey, Lords Mohun, Petre and Ashley, Sir
Edward Seymour, Sir Thomas Clarges, Sir Peter Killigrew, Sir
William Morris, Secretary of State, Colonel John Birch, Bernard
Grenvile, Sir John Rolle, Sir William Penn, Jonathan Tre-
lawney and fifteen others. With note of twenty-four bishops
and a hundred and thirty-five members of Convocation.
Captain Thomas Ellis to Sir William Clark, at the Cockpit.
1661, December 28. Leith — Alexander Clarke and his com-
pany have arrived here in a little ketch from Hull, bringing
with them all the rigging saved from your ship [the Security]
lost at the Spurn at Humber mouth, where never ship was
lost before. They say they were bewitched, but I told them
they were besotted with ignorance."
193
The Lokd Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh to the Duke
of Albemarle.
1661, December — "We have seen your Grace's letter written
to our Lord Provost for payment of 3001. sterling, due in
arrear to the soldiers. "We need not represent to your Grace
our deplorable and sad condition and that of our neighbours.
The honourable Major-General and all your officers, as they have
been and are spectators thereof, so we doubt not but they have
made the same known to your Grace, and that nevertheless we
have straitened ourselves to the very highest in raising and
paying in to him the one half of the said money upon some
promises and assurances to be freed of the other half thereof,
which we in all humility must beg, and that your Grace would
be pleased favourably to abate [it] unto us and to signify
so much unto the Major-General for our exoneration" Signed
by Robert Murray, provost, and William Reid and John Lauder,
bailiffs.
The COLDSTREAMERS.
1661, December — "It is humbly desired that such persons
as were at Coldstream with the Duke of Albemarle and did
join with him in pulling down the usurped powers, and have
not since his Majesty's restoration showed any disaffection to
his government by word or action, may have no mark of dis-
favour or disgrace set upon them by being prohibited wearing
arms or banished the city from following their lawful occasions,
seeing they are persons that do well deserve the title of his
Majesty's loving and faithful subjects and are more odious to
the fanatical rebels than his Majesty's old suffering servants,
because of their return to loyalty and obedience."
Endorsed: — "Memorandum for the Coldstreamers." In the
handwriting of Sir William Clarice.
[Duke of Albemarle] to Sir Copleston Bampfield, Sir
William Courtney and Sir John ISTorthcott
1661 [-2], January 23 — His Majesty and the Council, being
acquainted with the enclosed letter and certificate concerning
arms hidden in the Guildhall at Exeter, have commanded me
to appoint the three nearest deputy-lieutenants to examine the
business. I therefore desire you three to do so and to return
the examinations to me. {Draft, in Sir William Clarke's hand-
writing^ Enclosing,
1. Henry Gaudy, Mayor of Exeter, to Sir J ohn Smith, M.P.,
and Robert Walker, M.P.
1661 [-2], January 18 — Information concerning the above-
mentioned arms.
2. Gunsmiths of Exeter to the Duke of Albemarle.
1661 [-2], January 18 — Certificate on the same subject.
25. M'
19*
Francis Rogers and others to Sir Wm. Olarke.
1662, September 17. Denmark House — Being appointed by
the King's warrant to require those who have had any of the
late King's goods in their hands to deliver them up or make
satisfaction, we find that Sir William Clarke has had " of the
aforesaid goods viz.: — Fifty-six books of Greek and Latin, and
an old trunk, nine Turkey chairs, a Turkey carpet, a demi
carpet, a feather-bed and bolster, a demi carpet, a small carpet,
a small feather-bed and blanket, the four Evangelists, a man
sitting on a stone, a woman giving suck, a Kincr of France,
Madonna and child, a Madonna, child and Jesus (sic), a Madonna
with flowers, a Saint on marble, a Mary in clouds, Christ
praying, a child bearing a cross, a Queen when a child, a
Madonna and two children, and a landscape with a windmill,
for which he paid to the late usurped powers the sum of 36?."
He affirms that he many years since disposed of the goods in
Scotland, but offers to pay 20?. in composition. "We hereby
order Sir Wm. Clarke to make the said payment to Thomas
Chaffinch, Esq., who is to give him a discharge for the same.
Enclosing : — Receipt for the money, by Thomas Chaffinch.
Lord Treasurer Southampton to the King.
1664, April 22 — Report upon a reference of Secretary
Bennet's petition concerning St. John's Wood and Marylebone
Park.
A moiety of St. John's Wood is in lease to Mr. Collins for
fifteen years to come at 13?. with a lease in reversion to make
up thirty-one years at 50?. and 500/. fine.
Sir William Clarke has a fourth part for thirty-one years,
"lately granted as a Coldstreamer."
The other fourth is out of lease, which your Majesty had
directed me to grant to Mr. John Seymour at 25?. rent and
600?. fine.
As to Marybone Park, it is submitted to your Majestv whether
you intend to reduce it to a park again or to reserve that power
to yourself, as you have done in other leases.
Sir William Clarke has sixty acres of it in his lease of St.
John's Wood. Mr. John Cary had the custody, with herbage
and pannage, valued at 162?. per annum.
The whole is valued yearly at 870?. and let to under tenants,
who pay the same to Sir George Stroud's executors and Mr.
Wandesford for a debt for making powder at Oxford. They
are almost paid off but claim compensation for a year more.
As the park is now, Mr. Surveyor certifies that it may be
fit to reserve 200?. rent and 6,000?. fine.
The Queen was seeking it as part of her jointure, and if
your Majesty disposes of it to the petitioner the part reserved
may be given to her. Copy.
195
The Inhabitants of the Old Pell Mell to the King.
1664, July — The petitioners have always had the use of the
way between their houses and St. James' Park, the said way —
parcel of the Bailiwick of St. James', and partly taken out of
St. James' Fields — being demised to them with their houses,
which are built applicable to it, and cannot be turned without
great damage and charge. His Majesty, having declared that
the continuance of that way would offend his garden, was
pleased to grant it to petitioners to augment their gardens, which
grant they now pray him to confirm. Signed by Sir Gilbert
Gerard, Lord Holies, Lord Eanelagh, Lord Save and Sele, Sir
William Clarke, and twenty- two others. Copy.
Henry Yassall to the Duke [of Albemarle].
1665, April — Memorial in the name of the Society of Gentle-
men in the Barbadoes, adventurers for Carolina, concerning the
terms of their concession and their agreement to plant a colony
at Cape Feare. Signed.
John Laurence, Lord Mayor, to the Duke of Albemarle.
1665, August 11. London — Concerning collections for the
poor in the suburbs.
Foreign Intelligence.
1665, December 8-18. [Hague?] — The news from Germany
this week is very scanty. The Emperor, having returned to
Vienna, has held a Council and resolved to levy some fresh
regiments, but with what object is not known. The articles of
capitulation are finished at Ratisbon, excepting that which con-
cerns the management of the gates, in which the Electoral
Princes and Estates of the Empire claim to have their share,
which, however, will not prevent a settlement. The Princes
and Estates, who intend to contest certain matters with the
States General of the Low Countries, are preparing their com-
plaints to present to the Assembly. The envoy of the Bishop
of Munster complains greatly of the proceedings of the Count
of Waldeck.
The disagreement between the Elector Palatine and the Elector
of Mentz has been submitted to mediators at Spires.
It is said that the King of Sweden has written a serious
letter to the Emperor on this subject, alleging that the Elector
of Mentz, who by his vocation is bound to promote peace, is
the first in the Empire to disturb it, by which means he may
bring about a fresh war, and urging the Emperor to use his
authority to settle matters.
M Z
196
The troops of the Duke of Brounsurque [Brunswick] and the
Count of Waldeck are still upon their frontiers, the rendezvous
having been between Neuburg and Salingen [Sublingen?] in
the province of Hoya, whence they will advance towards Osna-
bruck, and thence to join the troops of this State, who after the
reduction of Lochem — whence the garrison of the Bishop of
Munster departed on Monday last — are reported to intend to
march towards Westphalia to meet the Lunenbourg troops.
This the Bishop, who is between them with six or seven thousand
horse, will try to prevent. Thus in a few days we may have
news of a conflict if the frost do not prevent it, for the army
is beginning to talk of winter quarters.
The States have to-day been electing the chief officers for a
regiment of marines.
M. Hannibal Zeestat has lately come from Copenhagen, with
no commission that one knows of. M. Klingersberg, envoy-
extraordinary of the King of Denmark, is also still here, and
the treaty between that Crown and this State may be finished
in a few days. It is said that it only depends upon the final
declaration of the States of Holland, as does also that with
the Elector of Brandenburg.
M. [Sir Walter] Vane, envoy from the King of Great Britain,
has arrived at Cleves, whence the deputies of the States — who
went to congratulate the Elector — returned to the Hague four
days ago. They were very well received and entertained there.
The troops of Munster still possess a few places here and
there, but of no importance, and our army would soon retake
them if they wished. But for all that a good peace would be
better. May God give it to us.
Last week a party of troops were sent out on some enterprise,
and the Bishop having notice of it fell upon them in an
ambuscade, when our troops had to fly, losing about a hundred
and fifty horses. The Count of Warfuse [sic], a volunteer, Mr.
Honeywood, captain of cavalry, and three or four other officers
were taken prisoners. It is said that if our cavalry had had
room to turn they would have repulsed the enemy, but they
had a ditch on one side of them and a marsh on the other.
French.
Nathaniel Eldred to the King.
[1665 ?]' — Praying discharge of proceedings instituted against
him in relation to his late employment as Commissioner of
Prize goods in Scotland. Copy.
R. Saltonstall to the Duke of Albemarle.
1665 [-6], January 18 — Asking to have his protection for his
safe passage into co. Durham and back again.
m
Ann Savile to Ms. Shippen, Fellow of University College,
Oxford.
1666, March 30 — Though possibly I admire you as much
as ever any did, I must tell you that your subject was unworthy
of your pen. Shallow waters often make the greatest noise
where there is least depth. "I know you know this verified
in her who protests there are few things could parallel the joy
I should have to satisfy you, but I must avow, though I desire
nothing more, I can give but an imperfect relation of what
I saw; I am not certain whether in the glass or only my
fancy. It is true Mr. Astall showed me two crystal balls, the
one of which was more transparent than the other; it was in
the clearer glass I saw what I thought I did, for the other
represented nothing but a chaos and confusion. I told my
brother it was a vision of Diana and her nymphs, who was
pleased I had so religiously observed her laws, and came to
encourage me in continuing a design that would be most
glorious to me and satisfactory to her; but Mr. Shippen is
too serious to be answered with a droll. I must tell him then,
and tell him really, the glass seemed to be full of small atoms,
which with earnest beholding dilated themselves and grew
bigger, as I thought, by degrees, assuming the shapes of men
and women. The heads appeared first, and after, arms and legs,
like the metamorphosed sisters of Phaeton, branched out. There
was one figure in the form of a woman, which I called the
goddess, which was bigger than a many other that encompassed
her, which I believed her nymphs. One time a beauteous sky,
studded with stars and planets, I saw; likewise a man and
woman set in two chairs not far from one another. I fancied
then the colours they were in, but now I have forgot what fancy
I had then, and doubtless it was but the fulfilling of that
proverb, as the fool thinketh, so the bell ringeth. I said as much
then, and laughed as heartily as you will do at my story to
see Mr. Aston (sic) so very serious, and how he would have
inspired a faith into me, telling me the gift might be lost
which he was confident I had. . . . But Mr. Shippen, what
I saw in Mr. Astall' s glass, I see also in your letter, and I see
the most accomplished of men guilty of entertaining fancies,
as well as the most disingenious of women, since such a
character as you give is unmerited, and all those praises and
epithets the issue of your brains," so that it would prove a
greater vanity in me to believe them than that I had a gift
of seeing, which I want not.*
* Compare a curious paper in the Egerton MSS. at the British Museum, vol*
L8, f. 159.
198
Mysteb*a Revel ata.
1674 — Narrative of the Restoration of Charles II., by John
Collins, Uncle of Sir William Clarke.
Certain memorials and annotations on the late Duke of
Albemarle and some writers concerning him and his achieve-
ments. Written soon after the death of George, Duke of Albe-
marle.
Now that the Duke's defunct, and ev'ry poet
Or man of wit ambitious is to show it
In magnifying him, whilst all contend,
As for a prize, who may him most commend,
As if he were most worthy of the bays
Who could extol his name with highest praise;
And since our learned Universities
Excited, have sent forth their elegies
In divers languages, to admiration,
Mixt (as 'tis usual) with some adulation,
As in like wise (to dulcerate their matter)
Court preachers have not spar'd his Grace to natter,
Knowing they doubly did their work the while
They honoured him on whom his Prince did smile;
And since our senators in their records
Have almost deified him with high words
And more, his merit to perpetuate
As the Restorer of our King and State,
A story, 'ntitled A Continuation
Is publisht, though contrived by combination
Of partial writers, whose great interest
It was thereby to have the truth supprest,
Whilst they, a* bold impostors, celebrate
Monk's and their own names, at a mighty rate,
Yet thus supposititious, as we see,
It printed and re-printed too must be;
Now since the world runs so on wheels, and fame,
Made up of many tongues, hath raised his name
To such a height, who's so absurd to doubt
The truth of what's so gloriously held out
Cum privilegio, too? It needs must pass
For current coin. Against the stream (alas)
He vainly strives, and shall be thought but odd
And singular, that shuns the path so trod,
Or with th' Antipodes to go astray
That shall incline to any other way.
Or if, in contradiction, he relate
What is most true, he'll have Cassandra's fate.
199
Yet, gentle sirs, maynt a spectator have
That favour, which in justice he may crave,
To know from whence you have this certain ground
Whereon so confidently to resound
Such high tantaras ? Did you know the man,
Or his transactions ? Show me, if you can,
What did he freely do, that may convince
He loyal was, and constant to his Prince P
0 yes, you'll say, did not the nation ring
How Monk was he that did bring in the King?
He did indeed, and so did many more
With brandisht swords, who but awhile before
Oppos'd him what they could; till all in vain
They found the King must be brought home again ;
Then who'd not face about, and forward seem
T' attend his Majesty, so to redeem
Themselves from former faults? It was the way
And some have thriv'd well in't, as others say.
So much we sometimes taken are with those
That only cozen us with outward shows.
But you may think, yea, and perhaps believe
How Monk did long ago plot and contrive
In's secret thoughts, how he might bring to pass
This grand design, which now so acted was.
This was a secret plot indeed, not known
To any breast, no not unto his own,
As I believe. A myst'ry so profound,
The depth thereof my judgment cannot sound
I must confess ; yet have some cause to know it,
If any one knows more, I would he'd show it.
I'm sure th' instructions that Wilks did bring
With's fellow Treaters, show'd us no such thing
Nor did Monk, though solicited, comply
With loyal Booth, but on the contrary
Assisted Lambert, till he flew so high
He did Monk's friends, the re-raised Rump, decry,
And turn'd em out of doors, so that Sib, Abthub,
Scott, Mobley, Walton and the rest for quarter
Got into Portsmouth, whence they send to Monk,
Who now comes forwards (Lambert being sunk)
T' assist those Rumpebs, re-assembled, and
T' assure em, he with them would stoutly stand
And sure those Rumpebs ne'er intended more
The King or Monabchy for to restore.
But not to quit our senses or our reason
(Though we'll not charge Republicans with treason)
Examine well Monk's actions 'mongst the Scots
His letters, declarations (full of blots)
200
Before and at his coming thence, yea, even
His answer to his countrymen of Devon
As he was marching hitherwards. In these
Consider well his oaths, his promises
(Though since supprest) how all that made address
Unto him by the way, found small success
Or hopes, so firmly he stook and combin'd
With Scott and Robinson, till some design' d
A way to part 'em. Told him they, as spies,
Came from that party that did ways devise
To ruin him. Advis'd him not to come
To London, till their forces thence were gone.
Forewarn'd him, how they 'ntended to engage
Him in their odious acts, then off the stage
To throw him. And when they sent him away
Into the city, such high pranks to play,
These loyalists did not then spare to tell him
How that high party at low rates would sell him ;
As boasting then they had him in their power,
At which the Speaker and his friends lookt sour.
His Excellence was much dejected, too,
As sensible they would him thus undo,
In which distress, to raise him, he's advis'd
How this o'er-pow'ring Faction over-pois'd
Might be, by 's quick return to London, where
For a free Parliament he might declare,
Which would regain the City, and 'twas fit
The late secluded members to re-mit,
Which would so strengthen him, that danger free
He what he would in a short time might be.
This self-concerning counsel quickly took,
(Th' adviser soon perceiv'd it in his look)
Without delay, into the City then
Next morning marches he, with all his men ;
Dines with the Mayor, convenes a Council, and
Declares for a free Parliament he'll stand.
The citizens, before all in a dump,
Now ring their bells, make bonfires, roast the Rump,
Cry up a Monk, whilst Haselrigg and Scott
At this affront are inwardly more hot,
And rage implacably. But to allay
Or stop their fury, there's a ready way,
The late secluded members to bring on,
Necessity requires it now, 'tis done.
But here observe with what a different mind
These persons act, th' adviser he designed
As from the first, how he about might bring
These matters so as to restore the King,
Which he foresaw these sub-divisions would
Sooner than all the Royal party could.
20i
The General (who now hath got that style
Which Haselrigge and 's party all the while
Before denied him) now begins to feel
His strength increasing, and the force of steel,
Which to keep up, ere re-admitted, he
Gets the secluded members to agree.
And thus his thoughts enlarging with his power
He's far enough from thinking to restore
His Majesty. He and his lady both
Are otherwise engaged, upon their troth,
T' aggrandize now themselves; the good old cause
Advanced had the sword above the laws
In Scotland, where the King and Bishops, too,
Were still kept out, why mayn't he here so do,
And settle all into a Commonwealth?
Exchange is not deemed robbery or stealth
'Mongst soldiers of fortune, nor is't strange
For them to raise themselves by any change.
Their then Scout-master, Chaplain Gumble, still
Their listning ears doth with such doctrines fill
(As he knew suited well with their desire),
As his grand patron Scott did him inspire,
Who with Sir Arthur and his crest^fall'n crew
Re-visit now the General anew;
And to associate him in his new reign
They are content that he shall be again
Here, as in Scotland, Chief, and as the State
Shall settled be, he shall pre-dominate
As once the Prince of Aurange did, among
This Hogin Mogins; this took very strong,
And to prepare his Excellency for't
He now expects the gift of Hampton Court,
As fitting for him, but this was gainsaid
And by a more discerning party stayed;
Whilst twenty thousand pounds in lieu thereof
Is voted to him ; now all in a puff
He and his lady are, dissatisfied
In that the House had not thus gratified
Their longings; 'twere not fit for me to show
What passions they exprest, though much I know
And took some care t' allay em by advice
They should not be more forward in't than wise,
Unless they would incur the fatal doom
Of Cromwell's family, so late thrown down.
But to adhere close to the Parliament,
And still with what they did to rest content.
So was I sure they should be held in fast,
And that the King would be brought in at last.
For now some loyal and free sp'rited men
Ctrn hardlv hold, but they must now and then
202
Within the House make mention of the King,
Which startles others, as if no such thing
Were to be nam'd. But for a Common-weale
His Excellence and they do closely deal,
Still to uphold it. And now full of fear
(The time of their dissolving drawing near)
All care is ta'en, a danger to prevent,
That none may be for the next Parliament
Elected, but who qualified must be,
So as no Royalist you there might see.
But though the genius of the nation slept
It was not dead; some loyal persons crept
Into the first elections, which so vext
Her Excellence and others, that perplext
She in much passion clamours, and cries, oh
We shall have a fine Parliament, I trow,
If such elections pass ; and to prevent
The like elsewhere, a proclamation's sent
Erom the then Council, whereby 'tis decreed
That ev'ry officer, 'ere he proceed
To an election, should this proclamation,
With their late act of strict qualification,
Proclaim and publish. Yet e'en to their faces
The people much oppos't in many places,
And chose such persons, as they loyal knew,
But to prevent their sitting, there's a new
Device amongst the Common- Wealth's men, that
On the first day they'll early meet, and what
But to prevent the Royalists, and then
Make a Committee suddenly of men
That should reject all such as were in fact
Not qualified according to the Act.
This plot discover'd and prevented, all
The kyal members meet, to business fall,
Maugre such scruples, which are now decried,
The royal party grows the stronger side.
But lets look back and see what did befall
In this last Lent vacation's interval;
Eirst Sir John Robinson, then the Lord Mayor,
The General freely feast (and to keep fair)
All hi? field-officers. To please their eyes
And appetites, at several halls likewise
They're nobly entertained, where (by design)
Speeches and songs are fitted to incline
Them to a loyal temper; everywhere
Country and city Royalists declare
All animosities to lay aside,
And in a friendly manner to abide
With what th' ensuing Parliament should do,
Which mov'd the soldiers to assent thereto
203
By much the more ; but now, ere they're awist,
Lambert, the General's antagonist,
Escapes out of the Tower, and all amain,
Draws to him all the forces he can gain
From out th' old English regiments, which lay
Quarter' d in several counties, by which way
(Had he not timely been supprest and taken)
He might the army probably have shaken.
But this so strange and sudden accident
Wrought good effects for us in the event;
For now the General perceived that he
Could not confide in all the soldiery,
Many of whom stood to uphold the sword
In Lambert's way; and how, with one accord,
The people, yea, the Presbyterians, all
"With one consent inclined to stand or fall
By what th' ensuing Parliament should act,
Which they unanimously hope in fact
Would soon restore the King, the only way
To a just settlement, which ev'ry day
They saw perverted, and new projects found
To lay the nation level with the ground,
Which they could not endure, but all about
The spirit raised by Booth afresh breaks out.
Now tell me, all ye scribblers, which way would
Ye have the General turn? Think ye he could
Have taken any course but what he did,
T' accept the grace so freely offered
Unto him from his Liege, in such a season,
When as necessity as well as reason
Inforc'd him to 't, and the reward so great
As for an outside service rarely yet
The like hath been, which (as I think) ought he
And 's party to ascribe unto the free
Transcendent bounty of their gracious Master,
And not to their own merit, such a plaster
(Whatsoever quack applied it) will not heal,
Or cover what they seek so to conceal,
By telling half a story, hardly that,
And all so maimed and mangled, who knows what
To make on 't? Leaving out what is most true,
And interposing ev'rywhere some new
Inventions false and feigned, to uphold
Their cause and party, grown so over-bold
As to applaud each other, when we know
Their King or Country little to them owe,
For anything that's worthy commendation ;
Nor can I yield them any approbation
In what they to themselves so arrogate,
Nor would I in the least wise derogate
204
From any, dead or living, and detest
Indiff'rent things to an ill sense to wrest.
Nor do I speak thus since the Duke is dead ;
Many can witness, they have heard and read
As much from me in 's lifetime : still the same
Is truth, although it sometimes meets with blame,
Yet shall I not abandon 't, but disclose
Much more thereof, when I shall write in prose
What well I know, the world to undeceive,
If God and his Vice-gerent give me leave.
Et spes et ratio studiorum in Ccesare tantum.
Mysteria Revelata.
A true, plain and impartial narrative and relation of several
matters and transactions concerning his Majesty's late happy
Restoration, with some other circumstantial matters and
passages, precedent to, or consequent thereupon.
Faithfully collected in those times, and now evidently
declared by the author, out of his own certain knowledge,
observations and memorials. For the better information of all
such as are lovers of truth.
Veritas, temporis filia.
Written 1674.
Having by the especial mercy and providence of Almighty
God — who in his infinite wisdom and goodness is oftentimes
pleased for his own greater glory to raise up and enable weak
and unworthy instruments to further and effect his great and
wonderful works — had the opportunity and happiness to be not
only privy to, but active in some material passages and matters
conducing to the late long expected Restoration of his now
most sacred Majesty to his rightful crowns and dominions,
and having thereupon received not only the serious advice and
direction of certain reverend Divines and other honourable and
worthy persons, lovers of truth and loyalty, but also their strict
charge and injunction — which I may not neglect — that I should
for the better information of future ages — if not the present —
set down and leave in writing some memorials of such things
as I know relating to the matters above-mentioned, as I
shall more particularly declare hereafter, I could not, with
any satisfaction to myself or others, any longer forbear liberare
animam, but out of such notes and memorials as I heretofore
took of those transactions, to transcribe and commit to writing
this ensuing narrative, without any such artificial colours or
varnish as some have misrepresented their stories in, but in
that plain, clear and naked way as best suits with venerable
Truth.
205
And herein I shall not in the least unjustly arrogate to
myself or derogate from others. And though I may sometimes
spare to speak the whole truth of what I know, yet in what
I shall say or write, I profess before God and men, it shall
be the truth and nothing but the truth, according to my own
knowledge and certain information in the times and matters
which I shall treat of. And in so doing, I am not ignorant
of that saying, as commonly true as it is old, obsequium amicos *
[yeritas odium parit, whereby I shall have cause to dread that
danger of tracing truth too near the heels, and withal, con-
sidering how the minds of very many are prepossessed with the
plausible reports, histories and writings of others, which have
passed under high approbation and authorities and thereby
gained an advantageous opinion and reputation with the world,
that it will not be an easy matter now to obtain any credit
or regard to what shall be said or written, different or contrary
thereunto. Yet howsoever, knowing my own sincere intentions
herein, and that whatsoever my weaknesses may be in my
manner of writing, yet there is virtue in that divine sentence,
magna est Veritas, et praivalebit, I am not without hope that
these plain and unpolished relations, with the truth revealed
in them, will find some acceptance at least with loyal and
uninterested persons, whose favourable and good opinion I most
of all affect and esteem.
1674 — In the summer 1659 there were quartered upon me at
Stanmore several officers and soldiers of Lambert's army, in
their return that way from the defeat of Sir George Booth,
by whose discourse I understood that they had deep designs
to make such an alteration in the Government, both as to such
a Church and State as was then left, as I thought would be
opposed by many others ; and observing also the several letters,
declarations and passages that had been lately before between
General Monk and his late fellow Commissioner Fleetwood, and
also Lambert and his party, whereby it appeared that tho' all
differed among themselves, yet] they did all convenire in
aliquo tertio, as against the King, to keep him from his right
that so they might share and divide all amongst them, and
observing how the then Rump Parliament and Lambert and
his party began to differ, so that there were like to be great
and open breaches between them, thus contending for Empire,
and withal revolving in my mind the late ill success of Sir
George Booth and his party, as likewise of divers other Royalists
upon the like attempts, whereby they had only occasioned their
own sad ruin and the strengthening of the adverse party by
their sequestered estates, and how difficult it would be by any
such conjunction of the Royalists to effect their desires, but that
it might more probably be done by keeping open and widening
• At this point eight leaves of the MS. have been cut out. The passage withim
square brackets is inserted in the margin in Dr, George Clarke's handwriting.
206
the breaches and divisions already begun between the Republi-
cans and such different sects and parties as then contended
for domination, according to the old advice, divide et impera,
it pleased God (from whom all holy desires, all good counsels,
and all just works do proceed) to put it into my mind and
thoughts in my then solitary retirement, how that now there
was a good opportunity for me to send my eldest son into
Scotland to my nephew Clark, then secretary there to General
Monck, as aforesaid, to observe how matters went there and
to give me advertisement as occasion should be, whereby
possibly something might in time be brought about which
might be at least preparatory and subservient to the so long
contended for restitution of his Majesty. And accordingly
resolving so to do, I prepared my son for the journey. But
the passages by land being then stopped, he was forced to
betake himself to a way of passage by sea, and in order there-
unto about Allhallowtide, 1659, he contracted with one Green-
lowe, a Scotchman, who knew my nephew and had then a ship
on the Thames ready to set forth for Leith, but was stayed
some weeks after before it could get away hence, and then
afterwards some searches and examinations were made of the
passengers at Gravesend and elsewhere, which put my son to
some charge to free himself, and so after a pursuit at sea by
a Dutch caper and after a dangerous tempest which carried
them far off northwards, they at last arrived at Leith about the
third of January, when General Monck was upon his march
for England, and my son hastened by post and overtook him
at Berwick, where my nephew Clark joyfully received him
and soon after brought bim to the General, at whose table
he was entertained in all his march hitherwards and observed
as much of their actions and intendments as he could. And
as the General came forwards towards London, and was, as he
passed through several counties, petitioned to for a free Parlia-
ment, my son wrote to me of it and of other remarkable
passages at that time, of all which and of other transactions
amongst the remnant members then sitting at Westminster,
with some of whom I had some acquaintance and converse as
occasion served, I made the best observations I could in order
to my intended designs. And upon some further overtures and
advices from my son I resolved to meet and attend the General
Monck before he came near London, and therewith I acquainted
my familiar friend, Mr. Robert Harleston, a loyal gentleman,
who was then secretary to the Speaker Lenthall, who informed
his master, the Speaker, of it and of my relation then attending
tbe General, whereupon the Speaker sent for me by Mr.
Harleston, and upon discourse with me, finding me vexed with
the high carriage of Sir Arthur Haselriqrge everywhere, he freely
imparted to me his resentment to this effect, how Sir Arthur
Haselrigge and his party, whereof Scott was one of the chief,
though then absent with Mr. Robinson to attend the General,
did assume to themselves the main, if not sole power to govern
207
the House and the nation, and impose what oaths and taxes
they pleased, howsoever displeasing to the more sober party;
that if at any time any of them spoke of General Monck,
Haselrigge would not endure to hear him called by that title ;
and that it was apparent that he and his party intended to
engage him to carry on their ill designs by violence, or to
lessen or cast him off. Whereupon I telling him what I had
heard to the like purpose, the Speaker willed me to advise
the General from him not to make any offers — as he had done —
to give up his commission, lest they should take him at his
word, nor to make overmuch haste into London until the
present forces there were sent away and the House brought to
some better temper, whereby he might have some power amongst
them, with more to the like effect. And in the close, I moved
him that to introduce me the better with the General, he would
be pleased to give me his letter to him. He assented to it,
and thereupon Mr. Harleston and I drew the letter and the
Speaker signed it ; the effect thereof was for credence to be given
to me by the General in what I should say to him, whereupon
being there furnished, and with some other advices, I rode forth
of London on Thursday morning, the 26th of January, 1659 [-60],
accompanied with one Mr. Eaulins, allied to Colonel Whetham,
who was also well known to me and whom we expected to find,
as we did, with the General. The first night we lodged at Dun-
stable, and the next morning riding onwards early towards
Stony Stratford we met returning thence towards London the
City Commissioners, who, as I afterwards heard, went not off
well satisfied from the General. And soon after we met my son
and nephew coming on some distance before the General, who
came after with Scott and Eobinson in their caroch, and was to
dine with them that day at their inn at Dunstable, where,
a little before dinner, my nephew brought me to present my
service and thanks to the General, which I did for his favours
to my son and nephew, who received me kindly in the presence
of Scott, Robinson, Whetham and others ; and I dining with
them, Scott drank to me, and after dinner vouchsafed to compli-
ment me and to offer me any service (as he phrased it) that he
might do for me or my son, whom some supposed (as I after
understood) I designed to prefer to some service under the
General, which was a great mistake. After dinner ended, I
withdrew with my son to my nephew's lodging, where he showed
me the instructions given to Wilks, Knight and Clobery to
treat with Lambert's Commissioners, which were positive
against the Royal family and monarchy, and he also acquainted
me with some other special matters of privacy, and I telling
him how I came not only to visit, but that I had some special
concerns to impart to the General when I might have a fit
opportunity to speak freely and privately with him, which I
understood could not well be until the evening, in the interim
I desired my nephew to inform me in some things, and, inter
alia, how the General inclined as in point of religionr which
208
lie told me was altogether for the Presbyterial way, but to
keep them subject to the civil power as he had done in Scot-
land. And as for Government, he assured me the General was
entirely for a Commonwealth and against monarchy, which
indeed I doubted not, having seen and read his many several
letters, declarations and protestations, and also his answer to his
countrymen of Devon. And therefore he willed me to be wary
that I did not discover myself to him to be a Royalist, for then
he would be shy of me and avoid me, wherein I resolved to be
as cautious as I could.
After this some of the General's chief officers and counsellors
in his affairs being in my nephew's chamber and discoursing
of the hot encounter that had been that morning with the
gentlemen of Buckinghamshire that at Stony Stratford had
petitioned the General for a free Parliament, and how that
Colonel Lydcott had told Sir Richard Temple there how he
would fain hold a trencher again to a single person, as he had
done to Oliver, but it must not be, whereupon it being said
by one that such petitioners deserved to be sequestered, it was
said by another that such a course might provoke the people
to rise and raise much trouble, one of the chief of them there-
upon said he wished that they would rise, for it would be for
the advantage of their party, who he doubted not would give
them a rout, and then they should have the more power over
them and their estates, for they were sure all the purchasers
of Crown lands and Church lands would side with the army,
with other discourses to the like purpose, whereby I somewhat
understood their inclinations, though I thought it not fit then
to contradict, but to hear their sentiments. And indeed I soon
afterwards understood more fully that it was resolved by Scott
and his party — if they had gone on successfully in their designs —
to have sequestered the estates of all those petitioners and such
as abetted or favoured them, which I had the more reason to
believe for that upon that short discourse which Scott had that
afternoon vouchsafed me, he was so full of passion that he could
not but tell me how at Stony Stratford they had been troubled
with such a company of petitioners as had raised a tumult upon
him, but they should find that an order should be taken with
them, or to that effect. And I saying that it seemed they were
very earnest to have the secluded members re-admitted, he very
magisterially said to this effect that the Parliament had adjudged
it otherwise, and that was enough for all men to know and obey,
whereby I perceived his imperious resolutions and how useful
it was for me to use my utmost endeavours to take off the General
from complying with him and his party, which I resolved not
to be wanting in, especially seeing I had the Speaker's credential
letter for me, whereby I might be the more free in saying what
I thought fit and necessary to his Excellency.
And now the evening approaching and the General being
returned to his. own inn from Scott and Robinson, the two
Parliament Commissioners — as they were called — and his Ex-
209
cellency being at leisure, as I was told, my nephew conducted
me up into his chamber, where I found him standing by the
fireside with Colonel Whetham and Mr. Gumble, whom I wished
further off. Whetham I had known many years before, as
baker to the Inner Temple and being always affected to Presby-
terian ministers and meetings, and so averse to Bishops and
monarchy. He went forth at first in some command under Cap-
tain Browne — afterwards Alderman — became a Colonel, and then
Governor of Portsmouth, and after he was removed thence, he
was for some years a Commissioner with Monk and others for
the Government of Scotland, and then lately again restored to
be Governor of Portsmouth, whither Haselrigge, "Walton,
Morley and other members of the late remnant Parliament,
dissolved by Lambert, had resorted to him, and from whence,
as Colonel Whetham told me, they had sent for Monck to come
up with his forces out of Scotland for their assistance. As for
Gumble I had not seen him before that day, but had heard too
much of him, as having been sometime a seditious Sermoci-
nator at Wycombe in Buckinghamshire, near to Marlow, where
Scott sometime lived, who afterwards preferred him to be chap-
lain to the Commissioners in Scotland, between whom and the
Rump Parliament he was sometimes employed in some messages,
and some orders passed there to remember him with some
reward for his services, which his patron Scott did not so for-
get but that at his being thus with General Monck in his
march towards London he obtained for Gumble the place of
Scoutmaster General for the army, whereby he had large pay
and the honour of a double title, suitable to his spotted motley
composition. But to leave these two odd companions, my nephew
having whispered his Excellency how I desired to speak
privately with him, he then withdrew to a window, where I
presented him the Speaker's letter, which he read very regard-
fully, and then, asking me what I had to say to him further,
I began to tell him how Mr. Speaker willed me to inform his
Excellency how matters went untowardly amongst them in the
Parliament, especially for that Sir Arthur Haselrigge and his
party — whereof Mr. Scott was one of the chief, when he was
amongst them — did contrary to the votes of the more sober and
substantial party assume to themselves the whole power and
ordering of matters in the House and nation, and of imposing
what taxes and oaths they pleased. And that — as he understood
them — they designed to usurp the sole government of the nation,
and to perpetuate it to a few of them ; that they had caused an
oath of abjuration to be framed, and ordered it to be taken by
everyone of the Council of State before he should take his
place, which Mr. Nevill and some such of the most violent
and inconsiderable persons had taken, but the more sober and
substantial persons refused it, as having been already — as they
said — overburdened with oaths ; and that he wished his Ex-
cellency to decline the taking that oath ; that the City of London
refused to pay the taxes lately imposed by that imperious party,
25. N
210
as declaring they would not be taxed or governed by so few,
but insisted upon it to have the secluded members readmitted
or a free Parliament called; that, if his Excellency adhered
to Haselrigge's party, lie would hardly get moneys to pay bis
soldiers but by such violent courses as that predominant party
would put him upon to make him as odious as themselves,
and then perhaps throw him off, for that already Haselrigge
could not endure to hear him called General by anyone in the
House, but would presently startle at it and ask whom they
meant and angrily say that he was no more General than him-
self was. And therefore the Speaker advised him that he should
not make any more offers of laying down his commission, lest
they should take him at his word, but to keep his power and
forces sure to him, and that until the House were better settled,
he should not make too much haste towards London. In all
which his Lordship vouchsafing to hear me willingly — as I
perceived — I then adventured to superadd how the sober party
of the House and the City of London and people generally
in the nation did expect and hope, as I presumed his Lordship
perceived by their application to them on his march hither-
wards, that he would be a means to free them from the domi-
nation of this party, who envied him the good opinion which
the people conceived of him, and that they had no good inten-
tions towards him, and that Mr. Scott's oldest son William had
discovered so much publicly in his late discourses in West-
minster Hall concerning him, where he said that his wings
must be clipped and that he should not be permitted to come
into London with his forces but be kept off at some distance to
be ordered as the Parliament or Council of State should see
fit. And I also went on and told his Excellency that howsoever
Scott and Robinson were sent as to attend him, yet it was
conceived to be rather out of envy to him, hearing what appli-
cations were made to him, and to watch him as spies than for
any good will towards him, and therefore such as wished his
Lordship well thoug*ht it concerned him to be wary of them
and to look to his own preservation, with which discourse his
Lordship seemed to be somewhat affected and told me that
he would not willingly come into London without his forces,
whereupon I saying that there were several companies of soldiers
in London, which was under the command of the then powerful
party, and that unless they were first removed and sent further
off, I doubted that his Excellency would not find any convenient
or very quiet quarter amongst them there for his soldiers, and
that I doubted not but if his Excellency would write to the
Speaker he would use endeavours for an order of the House
to remove those soldiers into the countries, and so to make room
for his forces at London, this the General so well liked that
he told me he would write to the Speaker about it, and that
he would the next morning — being Saturday — go no further
than St. Alban's, but stay there until Thursday following,
by which time his forces would be come all together from the
211
several roads, and then he would march to Barnett, where he
desired me to meet him again. And so for that time I took
my leave of his Lordship, who — as I was told — immediately
called his secretary and officers together, and wrote and signed
his letter to the Speaker to the purpose before mentioned.
Howsoever, to entitle Mr. Clarges to be the author of it, as he
must — forsooth — of all material actions, it is said by his friend
the author of the Continuation of Sir Eichard Baker's History,
page 741, that it was penned by Mr. Clarges at Nottingham
about the 20th of January before, and there approved of and
signed by the General, but agreed by him and Clarges that it
should not be sent till he came to St. Alban's for reasons there
expressed, which are very improbable, though seemingly
cunning. And this letter so drawn and signed, too, was with
two blanks left in it, the first being for the messenger's name
(not then thought of, as it seems), and the last was a blank
for the day when the General's forces would be drawn to
Barnet, which probably was not at Nottingham so long fore-
thought of. But the Continuator, page 743, agrees that these
blanks were filled up at Barnett, and then he proceeds to tell
us what thoughts the General had by whom to send this letter,
as whether by Major Knight, Clarges or Secretary Clarke.
And to introduce a reason for Clarges not to carry that letter,
it was judged more expedient that he (forsooth) should be sent
before to prepare a party in the House, whereas within two lines
after, it is said that Lydcott, who is allied to the Speaker,
was sent away in the evening ; and sure I am, Clarges was not
sent away before, but he staid long after, that is to say,
all that Saturday and the night following at St. Alban's, and
the next day, being Sunday, the 29th of January, he, with
my nephew and Doctor Barrowe, came and dined with me at
my house at Stanmore, being about eight miles distant from
St. Alban's, twelve miles from London, and went not thence
towards London until after dinner, so that Colonel Lydcott was
a very slow messenger if he were not at London a day or more
before Mr. Clarges. But before I leave St. Alban's quite, take
this remark, that when I came in there with my nephew on
Saturday before noon, we found Hugh Peters in querpo* like
a jack pudding bustling up and down there in the market, and
as soon as the General came he presently put himself into his
attendance, and saying grace at the table at dinner, I remember
he prayed for a defecated Gospel, an expression fit for such
a carnal Gospeller, and declaring himself to be one of the
General's chaplains he made claim to preach before him on the
morrow, which he did accordingly, and doubtless to little good
purpose, but I heard him not, and went away to my own
house as aforesaid on Saturday after dinner. And thus Mr.
Clarges departing from us at Stanmore on Sunday afternoon,
the 29th of January, 1659 [60], and not before, and then also —
as he said — to go and prepare at Whitehall for the reception
of his sister, the General's lady, who was then coming or come
* " stripped of the upper garment " (Halliwell).
N2
212
from Scotland by sea, I stayed with my nephew and Doctor
Barrowe at Stanmore until the next forenoon, when they with
my son returned thence to St. Alban's, and I rode to London,
where, after I had given the Speaker an account of my actings,
which he very well liked, and I had also spoken with some
other friends, who told me how sad the citizens were, for that
their Commissioners returned with no better satisfaction from
the General, and how they dreaded his coming up to London
with his forces and joining with that predominant party in
the House, against whose government and imposing taxes they
had already protested, I went the next day to the Exchange,
where I met and conferred with divers of the chief citizens,
who seemed very disconsolate, but I so far persuaded them
not to fear the General's coming amongst them, for I hoped
it would be for their good, that I remember how some amongst
them said that it was the most comfortable news that they had
heard a great while and that it was a cordial to them. And
upon my telling them how the General had declared to me
that he would on the Thursday morning following march from
St. Alban's to Barnet if they had any further address to make
to him there, it was soon after resolved amongst them that on
that Thursday forenoon a select company of the chiefest young
citizens should then attend the General with a petition for a
free Parliament, &c, which they accordingly did, and I there
met them and several other citizens of worth that I knew and
thenceforth corresponded with them.
And some time before dinner at Barnet, I coming up into
the room where the General was with much company and
standing near the lower end of it, his Excellency, spying me,
came presently to me, and after some few words passed he
charged me to dine with him and to take a time to speak
more privately with him towards the evening, which I attended
accordingly.
But in the interim Mr. Scott meeting me there, he looked
very frowningly upon me, uttering these angry words to me,
" Oh, are you come again ? You take very great pains," and
so went muttering away, which nothing troubled me although
some near friends of mine that knew somewhat of my adventures
wished me to take care that I kept my head upon my shoulders ;
and, doubtless, had I not been successful in carrying on my
designs against him, he would have ruined me and mine. But
his anger nothing daunted me, for I looked on it either as
occasioned by some information that his scout Gumble — whom
I always after found to be very malicious against me or any
of the King's friends — had given him of my address to and
discourse with the General at Dunstable, or that Scott had
since found the General not so fast to him as he thought
formerly, which rather rejoiced and animated me to go on the
more stoutly against him than any way to slack or be dis-
couraged by it.
And towards the evening I, finding the General freed from
213
company, brought to him his countryman, Mr. Thomas Carew,
of the Inner Temple — now Sir Thomas Carew — a worthy loyal
gentleman of Devonshire, who, after some discourse and drink-
ing of a bottle of sack together, parting from the General,
I had an opportunity of freely discoursing with him and
informing him how affairs went in the House of Commons and
how the Speaker willed me to let him know that Sir Arthur
and his party had proposed among themselves to allow his Ex-
cellency, after he should come to Whitehall, ten pounds a day
for his dinner, but the Speaker advised him by no means to
accept of it, for if he did it would be a snare to him and
a means to keep him in a perpetual slavery to that faction,
of whom he should be sure to have some of them always with
him at the table to watch over him and such as should come
to him, and so to keep him on still subservient to these ends.
And upon his Lordship asking me if the soldiers were all removed
out of town, I told him how I understood the soldiers that were
quartered at Somerset House and St. James' were very loath
to remove thence, though others were gone or upon going into
countries, whereto the General answered that if they were not
gone the next day before he came he would send them going
without pay.
And finding his Excellency very inclinable to hear me I
proceeded to tell him how at my late going from him to
London I found the citizens generally very sad and discon-
tented ; and he asking me wherefore, I presumed to tell him
how that before their Commissioners had attended him they had
some hopes that his Excellency would have relieved them from
those pressures and taxes the now ruling faction in the Parlia-
ment imposed upon them, and to whom they could not submit,
but now they doubted his Excellency would be drawn to join
with them against the city, which, if so, they were undone and
the whole nation would likewise suffer with them. Wherewith
his Excellency seeming somewhat touched, I went on to tell
him (as the truth was) that I had laboured with divers chief
citizens to persuade them otherwise, and that howsoever his
Lordship did not perhaps declare himself so freely to their
Commissioner as they expected, yet I presumed to assure them
that he had good intentions towards them and that they would
shortly find that he came for their good and not to their
hurt, whereat they seemed very willing to entertain any such
hopes and showed a very great readiness to serve his Excellency
in any way they might, by raising money for him and his
soldiers, though not to pay the taxes imposed upon them by
Haselrigge and his party, with which discourse his Excellency
seemed well pleased, and I spared not to put him in minjd
of how great concernment it would be for him to keep in
with the City of London and not to be carried on against them
by Sir Arthur and Scott and that predominant faction, who
presuming of his Excellency's concurrence with them did so
overrule the more sober party in the Parliament and usurp
214
the whole government to themselves that they incensed not only
the City, bnt the best part of the whole nation against them,
and that they would doubtless endeavour to engage his Ex-
cellency (if he were not aware) in some violent action, whereby
to make him as odious as themselves, and then it would be the
more in their power to throw him off or to do what they pleased
with him, whereas if his Excellency would comply with the city
it would be so grateful to them and the whole nation that he
might then stand on his own legs, and having the citizens'
hearts and affections he should also have their purses at com-
mand, so that he would not want pay for his soldiers or any
other accommodation, whereas otherwise he must be an
executioner of such unreasonable orders or commands as that
faction would lay upon him, and so should get nothing from
the citizens or others but what he could rend from them by
violence, and how long such a course would last or what might
be the end of it I left to his Lordship to consider. All which
and more I profess I then urged to his Excellency with more
serious earnestness than I can now express by writing, and
as I then hoped, it made some impression on him, in the
close of which discourse his Excellency was pleased to tell me
how he intended the next morning to march with his forces
towards Westminster by Chancery Lane, purposely to salute the
Speaker there at his house at the Rolls, and willed me to let
him know so much. And thus we fairly parted that evening,
and I retired to my nephew and son and to some honest citizens
that stayed there that night, to whom I gave as comfortable
assurances as I could or durst of the General's good intentions
towards them.
But that night some messenger or posts, as they passed
by Barnet, brought intelligence to Scott of some insurrection
and troubles arising in London, which so alarmed him that he
arose out of his bed and came much affrighted with it about
midnight or somewhat after to the General, and would have
had him to have risen and marched away presently with his
forces to London. But he, not so easily terrified, thought fit
to stay till the morning, and then preparing to draw his
soldiers together I came away early to give the Speaker notice
of his Excellency's intended visit of him, as directed. But
the Speaker, being held somewhat long in the House before
they rose, the General had passed with his friends through
Chancery Lane and was come into the Strand, where before
Somerset House I saw him and the Speaker meet and salute
one another, and soon after the Speaker visited him and con-
ferred with him. And from thenceforth I was daily with them,
and employed upon all occasions between them. And here
let me interpose this, that upon my coming thus from Barnet
to London I found that the alarm given at Barnet the night
before the General's coming from thence was not altogether
without ground, for that night there was a great insurrection
in the City, drums beaten and printed papers thrown about to
215
invite the citizens to stand np for their liberties and for a free
Parliament, one of which printed declarations I gave the
General soon after his coming to Whitehall, that he might see
how doubtful some of the citizens were of his Lordship's inten-
tions and what they still desired.
On the Monday following, being the 6th of February, the
Commissioner Monck — as all the Parliament orders then styled
him — was conducted into the House of Commons, where what
the Speaker said to him and what his answer was is set forth
fully enough by the Continuator, with some advantageous com-
ments, &c, not here to be repeated. But notwithstanding all
the acts and actings of Haselrigge and Scott the citizens of
London still persisted in their declared resolutions in their
Common Council not to pay any public taxes until the House
should be filled up with equal representatives, which Scott
and his party could not brook.
On Thursday morning following, being the 9th of February,
very early, my son— who continued to lodge with my nephew
at Whitehall — came to me at the Temple in his ridinp- habit,
whereof I asking him the reason he told me very sadly how
the Council of State had sat up almost all that night, and had
given the General orders to march with his army into London
and to do some strange things there, and desired my directions
whether he should go with him or not, whereto I answered
that he should take his horse and attend close on him and
observe how matters passed; and that I would go to West-
minster and enquire how affairs went there, and would not
fail to come and attend the General in the City before noon.
At Westminster I found the most sober and considerable
members very much amazed and dejected with the General's
going as he did into London, and that Scott and his party now
insulted and told them how they must now come over and join
with them, for their General Monck was now so engaged as he
could not come oif, but must adhere to them, with other such
like passages, as I there observed.
And about eleven forenoon I went towards the Guildhall,
where I found that the General's dinner was preparing at the
Three Tuns tavern, but himself was not then come in from
the Court of Aldermen convened that forenoon. But about
twelve, he coming in with his officers and seeing me in the
rooms, he presently came to me and asked me what news
abroad, whereto, between grief and anger, I very plainly
answered him in these or the very like words, " Alas, my Lord,
how can you expect any good news from me now, seeing I
find your Lordship engaged in such an action as I always feared
and desired your Lordship to beware of," and told him how
much all people were amazed at it, and his friends of the
Parliament were much dejected and insulted on by Scott and
his party, who now vaunted that they had made him sure
enough to their party and power, which I wished he could free
himself from, with other such expostulations, as my passion
216
then made rne very bold to utter to him, whereat his Excellency,
seeming somewhat troubled and excusing the necessity of this
action, drank to me a glass of sack, and dinner coming in
he made me sit down and dine with him and at dinner drank
to me again. And as soon as dinner was over, and after a little
more discourse with me, he caused a letter to be written to
the Parliament by his secretary, Clarke, in such manner as is
set forth in the Continuation, whereupon followed such an
answer and such effects as are therein also expressed. Whereat,
sure I am, that some of the officers whom I had conversed with
declared to the General their high discontents and unwilling-
ness to act against the City, and some citizens of the General's
kindred and friends — whom I had formerly met and conversed
with at Barnet and elsewhere — were so nettled that they did
now plainly declare that if the General went on to do such
things they would no more serve under him, or to the like
effect.
And here, although I affect not to be an observator of all
the misrepresentations or fictions wherewith that partial history
styled the Continuation is full fraught, but only of such wherein
I am knowing and concerned, yet I cannot but observe a very
great error in that the author there makes the speech of Mr.
Jolly to the General to be the ground and occasion of his
writing as he did to the House of Commons, whereas in very
truth I may say (without arrogance) that that letter was written
merely upon my dealing so roundly with the General as I did.
And sure I am, that he so wrote to the House immediately
after dinner on Thursday, and received their further orders
that very afternoon to proceed in beating down the gates and
portcullises, which was accordingly done that evening, and was
so well known that it is not any way to be contradicted. And
it was also as true and well known to many that Mr. Jolly
came not to the General until that evening and the morrow
morning after, when those things were done and overpast, so
that the letter which was written immediately after dinner
could not be upon Mr. Jolly's address to the General, which
was not till the evening and morrow after; and then indeed
Mr. Jolly came to the General and spoke to him to very good
purpose, as became so prudent and discreet a citizen, from whose
worth and merit in it I would no ways derogate, but only desire
that the truth might be rightly presented and understood.
And indeed some reason of the mistake might be, because
Mr. Clarges was not then there or so conversant with the
General as is pretended.
But to return ; this violent breach upon the City in
imprisoning such and so many of their citizens and break-
ing down their gates brought such an amazement and
discontent amongst them that in that evening many loyal
persons, as Sir John Robinson, Sir Robert Smith and divers
of their military officers and other considerable persons, con-
vened together at a tavern, where they were pleased to take me
217
in amongst them, and some discourses passed concerning their
then present troubles. And amongst them one Major Taylor —
as he was then called — being a very civil well-spoken gentleman
and formerly acquainted with me, and knowing me to have
some usual access to the General, took me from that good
company to another tavern, where Mr. Richard Ford, a very
loyal prudent gentleman — now Sir Richard Ford, Alderman —
then was or met us.
And therefore I think the author of the Continuation is also
somewhat mistaken in page 746, where he affirms Mr. Ford
to be one of the nine citizens imprisoned by the General that
morning. But passing that by, at this conference with Mr.
Ford and Major Taylor I understood how ready the City and
some particular persons in it would be to supply the General
with money if he would comply with their reasonable desires,
wherewith I afterwards acquainted his Excellency, and as for
Mr. Ford and Major Taylor I found them to be such loyal
worthy persons, and so active and ready to further anything
conducing to his Majesty's service in the City, that henceforth
I held much correspondence with them and we often met and
consulted together upon several occasions, as hereafter will
appear.
And now the House of Commons, having by their votes
sent to the General on Thursday before mentioned dissolved
the then Common Council of London, whereby the General
could not expect any meeting of them the next morning, as
he had signified in his letter to the Parliament, he then
returns from his quarter out of the City — where he and his
forces were not then very welcome — unto his former quarters
at Whitehall, where I attended him, and he causing all others
to withdraw out of the room, his Lordship began to ask me
how matters went, whereupon I told him how much the Speaker
was troubled with what was lately imposed on his Excellency
to act against the City, and how he had thereby weakened and
discouraged his best friends and given his adversaries a greater
power of him than before they had, and that it might be feared
they would make use of it accordingly, for that very day on
which they sent his Lordship into London it was so plotted
that Praise-God Barebone, with his fanatic party, presented
a petition to the House for an oath of Renunciation to be
taken by all such as should be employed in any civil or military
offices or affairs, which I told his Lordship was looked upon
as a design to remove all such as would not comply with their
ways and oaths, which how far it might concern his Excellencv
and the commanders and soldiers under him, I left to his
consideration, as likewise how the high Rumpers had dealt with
him and slighted him in other respects, whereat his Lordship
seemed so troubled that his countenance was sad, and as it
were despondent, and after some pause he asking me how it
might be holpen, it then pleased God to put it into my mind
to propound that to him, which I had long designed and desired
218
in these or the like words : My Lord, you see how ill you
are used by this predominant party in the House, and what
an odious service they have lately put you upon and what use
they make of it to your disadvantage and danger, and how
they will probably so proceed if they be not stopped and pre-
vented. Whereto his Lordship giving heed he asked me how
that might be, whereupon I told him that there was one
expedient left yet, if he would speedily make use of it, which
he presently asking what that was, I told him it was for him
to return into the City and declare for a free Parliament,
and to re-admit the secluded members as soon as he could,
which he well knew he had been in many places petitioned for,
and by that means he would oblige the City and the whole
nation to him, and gain such a plurality of voices in the
Parliament as would oversway his adversaries and carry all
before them, and so strengthen and advance him that he need
not then stand at the pleasure of this high imperious party,
but that he might then be over them, and so be even what
he pleased. At which words and advice, I protest seriously
I saw his very countenance change and become more cheerful
than before, and so exciting him to make present use of this
expedient I left him then in a good pleasant way, and came
thither again in the evening, when I found he was then busy
in calling together his officers and advising with them what to
do the next day, in order to regain the good opinion of the
City and in writing to the Parliament, which kept them up
somewhat late that night to order and finish all, as they did,
to my great rejoicing, who could not then rest elsewhere,
but stayed there all night with my nephew and son.
And here also, I cannot but observe another strange fiction
in the author of the Continuation, where, page 746, to introduce
Mr. Clarges (forsooth) to be the sole adviser of the General's
return into the City — as he must be or would be thought to
be of all great and grateful actions — it is said that the General
on Friday in the evening came back out of London to White-
hall, and then, page 747, that on that evening Clarges privately
went to the General and made such a solemn and pathetical
speech to him as is set forth by the Continuator, in totidem
verbis, and I wonder how he should so come by it. Surely
he was not present at the hearing of it at so private a conference.
But Mr. Clarges might give him the copy, true, but it is rare
that Mr. Clarges should so pen his private speeches to the
General, which doubtless is a great fiction, as many other such
pretensions are, for I protest upon my faith that I fully and
freely, as is before declared, did that very day before I dined,
so discourse with and advise the General, as is before declared.
And it is also true that the General thereupon did soon after
convene his officers, so that probably Mr. Clarges was — amongst
others — rather called upon or sent for to the General, than that
he came, as is pretended, so privately with his advice in that
evening.
219
And now the General, having the next day dined with the
Lord Mayor and — by Clarges' advice, as the Continuator must
say — procured the Aldermen and Common Council to meet him
at Guildhall at four in the afternoon, and there declared his
having sent to the Parliament that morning to issue out writs
for filling up the House, &c, I attended his Lordship coming
forth from the Council that evening, where the hall and rooms
above being full thronged with citizens of all sorts, rejoicing
at the welcome news of filling up the Parliament, his Lordship
at his coming forth laid his hand upon my right arm. and so
I had the ushering of him downstairs into and through the
hall, where the people generally cried out, " God bless your
Lordship," and through that throng I showed him to his caroch,
standing in the yard, whence his Lordship sent me back to the
Council of Aldermen to know of them where he should quarter.
Which message I accordingly delivered, and when I came to
the General to the Bull's Head tavern in Cheapside — where
hjs Lordship stayed awhile, sending away letters to the com-
manders abroad to satisfy them what he had done and why —
which was indeed because he could not otherwise have gotten
money to pay and keep up his forces, his Lordship took a
glass of sack and drank to me, saying that I was his true
friend, with other such kind expressions, and so leaving my
son still to attend him, I took leave and departed between ten
and eleven at night, when the town was generally filled with
joyful acclamations, ringing of bells, making of bonfires, &c.
And here — amongst this mirth — let me also intermix a merry
passage, which was this : As I came from delivering my message
from the General to the Court of Aldermen and was returned
into the Guildhall yard, I was met by my friend Capt. Toby
Frere, who having before observed me ushering the General
and being a great man with him, as he said, he desired me
to tell him some good news, and would not suffer me to pass
but I must needs drink a glass of sack with him at the Three
Tuns tavern, which I, then sweating, accepted at the bar, and
hastening to return to the General and putting my hand in
my pocket to pay for the wine, I found that all my money
was gone, which doubtless was by some pickpocket as I was
ushering the General along the throng, whereupon I saying that
now I had no money I was not fit company for anyone, the
captain presently put G.Ye shillings into my hand. But after-
wards, as I was going homewards from the General's quarters
through St. Paul's churchyard and the boys at the bonfires
there asked me for somewhat towards the roasting of the Rump —
which was then taken up for a merry phrase in the town —
and I putting my hand into my pocket for a piece of silver
to give them, I found my five shillings was also gone, which
I supposed was done at the Bull tavern door, where was a
great throng as I entered in there. And thus my pocket was
twice picked that night, which troubled me not, in regard of
the good success of my endeavours ; and when I came to the
220
Temple, where there was a bonfire made in the lane, I merrily
upon my knees drank his Majesty's health there, amongst some
loval gentlemen, in hopes to see his Majesty shortly to return
into England.
On the morrow, being Sunday, I attended his Excellency at
his new quarter in part of Winchester House in Broad Street,
where I dined with him, and after dinner, understanding upon
conference with my good friend, Major Taylor, that a great
quantity of arms which had been delivered formerly out of the
stores to Vane and his party were then in the hands or power
of some fanatics (of which sort of people his Excellency had
no good opinion) I brought the Major to the General and
by that means obtained warrants for the seizing and taking
such arms from them, and other the like offices I did from
time to time as occasion required.
And as I was daily employed in messages and correspondences
between the General and the Speaker, and had ready admission
unto either of them in their bedchambers or elsewhere and
free liberty of conference with them at all hours, so I neglected
not often meetings and consultations with Mr. Eord, Major
Taylor and other loyal friends of the City, who thought it best
to have the General to leave his then quarter at Winchester
House and to remove to the house of Sir William Wale, near
to and opening into Drapers' Hall, where there was room near
him for his own entertainments and also to receive and keep
his guard of soldiers about him, which was accordingly effected,
and his Excellency lodged and was kindly treated in that house,
where Sir William Wale and his lady and relations, being long
approved Eoyalists, showed great kindness to all the General's
servants and other friends that were well affected, and where
upon occasion of my often late attendances upon the General
I sometimes lodged, and there I observed how Scott and
several persons of his party came and solicited the General to
return thence to Whitehall, which I conceived to be for no good
purpose, and therefore I did daily by myself and by the loyal
party in the City still dissuade the General from it, and so
fixed him to remain where he was notwithstanding all their
endeavours to the contrary, which that party perceiving, there
came soon after from them — as I conceived — Mr. Clarges, and
earnestly pressed me not to urge the General's stay there but
that he might repair to Whitehall, where it was more requisite
and convenient for him, with much more to the like purpose,
which moved not me to assent to what he said for several
reasons, as I then told him. And so Mr. Clarges not prevailing,
the General still remained there, and in a day or two after
his lady also came thither to him and was kindly received
and lodged in the same house, and was pleased to take such
notice of me that she was very kind to me and would some-
times on a Sunday have me to go with her in her caroch
to confer together with the Speaker, as we did.
And thither also to Sir William Wale's house soon after
221
came Mr. Hugh Peters, and offered himself ready to
preach before the General at Drapers' Hall, but I took
the boldness privately to dissuade his Excellency from
permitting it, and told him that now the citizens did neither
affect Mr. Peters nor his doctrine, and so Mr. Peters was
put off from his intended preachments, and did the more for-
bear his visits there, although afterwards he came sometimes
and dined with the General at St. James'. But soon after this
passage concerning Mr. Peters, I meeting with Mr. Ford and
Major Taylor and acquainting them with it, we fell into a
consultation what preacher to fit his Excellency and his lady
with, which I told them must be Presbyterial and none else.
And I having been lately told by Mr. John Scott, a servant
to his now Majesty and then an agent for him here in
London, and acquainted with my friend Mr. Harleston, how
upon some conference he had with Mr. Calamy he found him,
as he conceived, weary of the late charges, and willing to close
with the Royal party, or at least not averse to them, as indeed
the Presbyterians generally then were, partly out of remorse
of conscience for what they had done or been the cause of, as
my charitv persuades me, or for that they had been so lately
so wearied with changes and affrighted by Lambert and his
party, who intended to subvert or change the magistracy and
ministry which the Presbyterians then possessed. Those two
gentlemen presently agreed to introduce Mr. Calamy, being a
neighbour near there, into the acquaintance and favour of the
General and his lady, which accordingly was done; and it
took such good effect with the lady that she had a high
esteem of Mr. Calamy, called him cousin, and held a great
friendship with him ever after, to his death, though possibly
to his prejudice in some respects as the world thought.
But all the while I neglected not my continual solicitations
by myself and friends for the General's restoring the secluded
members to sit again in the Parliament, as conceiving it would
be a good preparation for restoring his Majesty, &c. ; and in
order thereto did sometimes put his Lordship in mind what
members were about the town fittest to be convened to treat
withal. And I remember well how some of them, understand-
ing from me how I solicited their readmittance by the General,
drew together sometimes in the suburbs towards Westminster,
whereupon the Speaker advised me to warn them to beware
how they continued any such meetings about the west end
of the town, for fear they should be interrupted or perhaps
seized upon by order of the then Council or the yet prevailing
party in the House, but rather to meet in London, and soon
after some of those secluded members, whom I had named
to the General with others, met and treated with him at Sir
William Wale's house, where there was somewhat a hot debate
in my hearing between some of them and one . . .
Hutchinson, who there did in high words oppose their re-
admittance, which gave me cause to doubt whether all of them
222
who were then present seemed so well satisfied with that
moderation and temper which they found in those gentlemen
with whom they conferred as the author of the Continuation
tells us page 749. Notwithstanding all which, matters being
soon after agreed between the General and the secluded
members, wherein it is not improbable but Mr. Clarges, Colonel
Clobery and the Scoutmaster Gumble, [were] now employed,
as the Continuator says, to treat with those members especially
for articles to keep up and pay the army, seeing they were
all three of them concerned therein as officers and interested
persons, it was resolved by the General that on Tuesday,
21st February, all the secluded members in or about the
town, which were then very many, should meet him and some
members of Parliament at his lodgings at Whitehall, and
thence his guards should conduct them into the House of
Commons. And in order to this there was prepared a studied
speech and declaration, which the General was then to publish
to them, which was printed and accordingly then published,
which speech so spoken by the General, and the declaration
then read also in his presence, by his Secretary Clarke, to the
members of Parliament at Whitehall, I shall here transcribe
verbatim, for that it is in star omnium, the very substance
of the General's intentions declared in his former letters and
declarations, and doubtless at this time was the very soul of
his desires and endeavours. The consideration whereof I leave
to all judicious and impartial readers, it being as followeth.
[Here follow the Speech and Declaration, which are printed
in King 's Pamphle*s (E 1,016, No. 2), in Somers' Tracts, and
elsewhere.']
Which speech and declaration being so read and published, and
the Speaker having told me that he would keep off from enter-
ing the House of Commons until he should understand that the
secluded members were ready to come thither, it was accordingly
so brought about and the secluded members re-admitted,
whereat I did not a little rejoice, as not doubting then but by
God's assistance (maugre all contrary designs and declarations)
the long desired restoration of his Majesty and the Govern-
ment would be happily in good time brought about and effected.
And at this re-admittance of the secluded members it may
safely be believed that Haselrigge, Scott and their party were
not a little nettled, insomuch that in that afternoon they came
all together in a great heat and discontent to the General
at his lodgings at Whitehall, where I came in as they were
confusedly parting from him, who as soon as I came in and
they were gone, his Lordship taking me aside told me how
those members had now told him that they would not join
with the secluded members or act any more.
Whereat I confess I could not choose but smile, and merrily
told his Lordship that it needed not to trouble him if they did
not act any more, for there were enough now in the House
to act without them. And that he should leave them now
228
to their ease, for they had acted enough if not too much
already, and they could not now do his Lordship or his friends
any great good or hurt, their reign being at an end.
And so, advising his Lordship to make good use of this
opportunity, I left him. And soon after his Lordship found
that what I had foretold him might follow for lus settlement
and advantage upon re-admission of the secluded members
did succeed accordingly, for which he had some reason to look
upon me as his friend. But my desires and endeavours tended
to a further and higher end and purpose, when I was as cautious
and reserved towards him as he was, or as the author of the
Continuation would have us to believe him to be.
But to return to the City and my sure friends and corres-
pondents there, upon some conference with them they told
me of an intention they and the well-affected party in the
City had — to keep on the General to them, who had now
removed his quarter to St. James' — to invite and treat him
and his lady and his field officers, and that in a public mann<?
at several Halls, which I liked well as a means to allay their
stomachs and to sweeten and temper their humours, wherein
they proceeded accordingly. But first of all for an intro-
duction, that exemplary loyal gentleman, Sir John Robinson,
began and at his own house bestowed a very noble dinner
on the General and his lady, friends and officers, amongst
whom I was admitted by special ticket to be one, as I was at
the other public entertainments, and afterwards Alderman
Allen, then Lord Mayor, did the like, where Mr. Sanders,
Duke and the rest of that company of musicians — whom I had
formerly brought in to serve at the Temple — attending and
singing some of their usual old songs, I took occasion to advise
them to get some new songs and speeches fitted to those hopes
we then had of better times, which was so minded that at
the next entertainment after at Mercers' Hall — of which com-
pany was Mr. Ford before named — there was after dinner
a pretty pastoral. And soon after that at Clothworkers' Hall —
we growing a little more bold — one was brought in towards
the latter end of dinner, uttering a speech in verse, well
composed by my friend, Mr. Alexander Broome, and directed
to the General, in the close whereof, comparing the General
to St. George who freed the King's daughter from the dragon,
there were two lines to this purpose, "We'll celebrate your
name for ever after, If you'll restore the King, as he'd the
daughter." All which, with the free entertainments, were
so well digested that henceforth at every other Hall son^s and
speeches were uttered to the like purpose in a very handsome
and ingenious manner, conducing to loyalty, and the copies
of them printed and dispersed everywhere in city and country,
where they were bv the most joyfully received.
And here I may not omit how on a solemn day of enter-
taining the General at one of the Halls in London, the General,
Lord Mayor, Aldermen and a great auditory of select persons
224
of divines, lawyers and citizens, being assembled in St. Paul's
Church, London, the eloquent Doctor Gauden then preached
before them an excellent sermon, tending to loyalty, which
was afterwards printed.
And therein, as I remember he also sometimes told me, he
showed how his brethren of the ministry were not so well
advised in still pressing — as they did — for a settlement of the
Church, whereas his opinion was that the State should first
be settled, and then and not before it might be hoped that the
Church would also be settled.
And now the Speaker began to be awakened, so that at his
house at the Rolls one day, upon private conference with him,
he told me how now — after the re-admission of the secluded
members — some in the House of Commons began to speak of
the King, and that he had often heretofore thought that he
would be restored, though he could not think by what way.
But now he thought it would be done, whereupon I saying
that it was probable it might so come to pass ere long,
and that I heard how already some went! over to obtain
his Majesty's pardon and favour, and withal asked him what
course he took for his own safety, whereto he answered that
it concerned him indeed to take care of it, but he durst not
as yet make any application that way, for if he should it
would rather do him hurt than good, which occasioned me to
ask him why he thought so, whereto he answered me because
it would presently be known here, and therefore he must for-
bear a little longer. Whereupon, I asking him if it might
not be done so privately as it might not be known
here, he told me no, for in all the late times there
was intelligence given here within some eight or ten days
after that any person came over or made any application
there to the King. Whereat, I wondering how or by whom
that should be, he then named to me a person* then great in
place and trust about his Majesty, who he said held continual
correspondence with Thurloe, sometimes secretary to Oliver,
which I confess filled me with much amazement, especially
when I observed some very strange passages concerning that
person after his Majesty's arrival here in England, which made
me fear that what the Speaker had told me before of him
might be in some sort true.
After this I found the Speaker, howsoever he had been
active or passive before, as he would sometimes say he had
had too much of the Chair, to be very ready and compliant
for the King's restoration, and desirous also to have inclined
the General that way if he could. But he told me he found
it very difficult, and that at the late christening of his son's
child — to whom General Monck was godfather — he had sounded
his inclination and found him still as towards the King very
opposite and averse, to say no worse, and he also told me
that now the parties in the House came to be somewhat equal
* Sir Bichard Willis.
225
either for monarchy or a Commonwealth, and he doubted that
the General was so fixed that he would still go on with the
Commonwealth party, which I confess I was somewhat troubled
at, as hoping that since the secluded members were restored
he had been better enlightened. And in fine, the Speaker
and I agreed to try him, and I undertook to do it thus, that
I should tell him from the Speaker how he found men of
different ways in the Parliament, some for the King, and some
for a Commonwealth, insomuch that he desired his Lordship's
direction how to steer, which message I soon after in the
evening late at St. James', when I had the General all alone,
did deliver to him in the best manner I could, whereupon he
very seriously willed me to return this answer from him to
the Speaker, which was in these words : That by any means
he should steer — or hold on — for a Commonwealth, for he
doubted not but they should get ground of the other party
every day, which answer I confess I forbore fully to deliver
to the Speaker, as he soon afterwards found by the General's
actings and told me of it, and withal how obstinate he found
the General against the King's restoration upon his more
private discourse with him.
All which I leave to consideration, the matter being all
true upon my faith.
And now to come to what the author of the Continuation
would impose on our belief in his page 745, concerning the
General's using means to divert the settling of Hampton Court
upon him, and his refusing the offer and temptation of Scott,
Haselrigge and that party for him to take the dominion of the
three kingdoms upon himself, as that author says, I shall truly
and impartially set down what I know and believe concerning
those matters and no more, nor otherwise, as I hope for mercy.
And first I do easily believe that Scott and that party, finding
their dominion abated in the Parliament, did treat with the
General concerning his taking upon him in some sort the
government of the three nations, but doubtless so as that
they might also have shared and reigned with him in a
Commonwealth way, for I often saw them with the General
about that time, and as I heard, upon some such treaty, whereto
I not being privy, will say no more than [that] I heard and had
some reason to believe that the General did then somewhat
incline and bend himself to their counsels or proposals to have
a Commonwealth established and himself to have been chief of
it, as sometimes was the Prince of Orange in the Netherlands.
And as for the business of Hampton Court, which was then
concurrent in agitation, and so far driven on and prepared
that it was put into a Bill intended for an Act and promoted
in the Parliament by Scott's party to have settled it on the
General and his heirs, and upon what agreements and for
what political ends and designs I leave the reader to judge.
But it was so resented by all the moderate and well-affected
party in the House, and especially for that it was proposed
' 25. O
226
and driven on by Scott and his party, that to divert that
design and to gratify — if not satisfy — the General, another
expedient was found out to order him twenty thousand pounds
in money and the custody or stewardship of that house of
Hampton Court and the parks for his life, which some of the
members, after their rising the same day, told me in the hall
they did to preserve the house and estate for his Majesty,
who possibly might return again, though they saw some en-
deavoured ever to keep him out and to usurp and spoil his
estate and houses, to which they could not assent. And as
I was there discoursing with some of the members, 'there
comes into "Westminster Hall Sir Peter Killigrew and Mr.
James — afterwards Sir James — Muddeford, both kinsmen of
the General's, and then newly come from dining with him at
St. James', who meeting me there began presently in a very
passionate manner to vent their discontents at what had passed
that day in the Parliament, in that Hampton Court was not
settled upon the General, but that he was put off with a
pretence of £20,000, which they said he declared at dinner
he did not value, with more to the like effect, which they
were so passionate in that I thought fit to draw them aside
out of the hearing of those in the hall to the Common Pleas
Bar, and there laboured with the best persuasions and reasons
I could to allay and cool their heats and to keep them from
discovering themselves or the General's discontents any further.
And indeed I had before that some intent and occasion to have
gone presently to St. James', but finding these gentlemen to
come so hot from thence as they did, I thought it best for
me to stay, as I did, till towards the cool of the evening, when
the heat there might possibly be somewhat abated, which
truly I did not find so fully done when I came there after-
wards but that the General's lady was as highly discontented
as she was disappointed, in that the Parliament had not done
concerning Hampton Court as she expected, of which and some-
what else I conceived she had too great an affection. And
therefore I applied myself to her accordingly, and persuaded
her to rest contented with what the Parliament did, who had
a great respect for the General and doubtless would take care
of him and his, and that it would be his best and safest way
always to adhere to them and acquiesce in what they did,
and not for him or her to seem discontented at what was done
or to discover that which would bring upon them envy and
danger, as she saw had lately befallen Cromwell's family and
relations for climbing too high, which I wished her to beware
of. All which I protest I told her in those very words or to
the same effect, whereto she said that she saw how with some
indeed they should have been envied for it if Hampton Court
had been settled upon them. And so I brought myself off
with her as well as I could in such a hot and distempered
season. And it may be observed that in the aforecited page
of the Continuation it is also said that at the same time that
227
the 20,000?. was ordered to the General the Hamper [Hanaper]
Office was also conferred upon the then Commissary Clarges,
which shows how the same party had then also some kindness
for them both. And howsoever the General and his Com-
missary were gratified, I was glad the design of Hampton Conrt
was diverted, as considering that if that wheel had gone round
it would also have moved or driven on others to a higher
motion and degree which by this repulse now stopped.
And now the prefixed time for the rising of the Parliament
drawing on, there was much ado in the House to invent and
propose qualifications strict enough to keep off: all royally
affected and other persons, but such as they liked, wherein
they were so over cautious that I presumed to tell the General
that if so many qualifications must be imposed there would
be few gentlemen and men of quality returned, but it would
be such a kind of Parliament as Oliver once convened of
such petty members for a great part of them that the better
part disdained them, and they parted without doing anything
but making themselves ridiculous. But, however, the quali-
cations were very strict and unnecessary. And so this
present Parliament dissolved itself the 17th of March,
.1659, another Parliament being summoned to succeed on
the 25 th of April following, in all which time and
amongst all these transactions that I had with the
General and Speaker and otherwise I often met with and
imparted all that I knew unto my worthy friend, Mr. Francis
Finch, before named, who — as himself has told me — transmitted
them amongst his intelligences to his ancient friend, the then
Lord Chancellor Hyde, whereby — as I have been told and have
reason to believe — his Lordship and the rest of his Majesty's
councillors there were the better informed, and accordingly
prepared the several letters, messages and declarations that were
afterwards very prudently and seasonably sent thence by his
Majesty. And as I also imparted all these intrigues and
passages to Mr. John Scott, before named, and was now —
notwithstanding all their cautious and precarious qualifica-
tions— very confident that his Majesty would be restored at
the next ensuing Parliament, Mr. Scott, having an intent then
to return to his Majesty, was very earnest with me to have
gone over with him to have seen the King and his Court
there, and to have given his Majesty some account of my
services, which I confess I have since wished I had done. But
I, conceiving then that I might do his Majesty more service
here, I assented to Mr. Scott's second request, that my eldest
son should accompany him to wait on his Majesty to give him
an account of affairs here and to do his Majesty what service
he could, which accordingly he did, and was very favourably
received there, and after some time returned to me again and
did what good offices he could here in satisfying some diffident
commanders and others of his Majesty's clemency and good-
ness, and in doing what other services he could for his Majesty
02
228
and his servants. But soon after my son's going hence with
Mr. Scott, I was sent for to the house now Sir Joseph Sheldon's,
in London, by Dr. Morley, whom I had often before seen
amongst the relations of the Lady Coventry, and had from
them conveyed many letters to him when he attended his
Majesty beyond seas, and he was pleased to tell me how he
had met my son and Mr. Scott upon the way going towards
his Majesty and how Mr. Scott having told him somewhat of
me, and he knowing me before how I was affected, he desired
me to inform him how matters went here, which I then freely
did, when I saw his care and endeavours were very great to
serve his Majesty in order to his then hoped for restoration,
and to use all prudent means to prepare and oblige several
considerable persons, as well spiritual as temporal, to that end.
And afterwards, I informing the Doctor how General Monck
had lately taken to lodge with him at St. James* one Mr.
Morrice, being one of the late re-admitted members and the
General's countryman and ally, and I thought he might be
useful for the Doctor's design, the Doctor was then pleased to
give me order to bring or send Mr. Morrice to him, which
I accordingly did, and if he proved so useful an instrument in
the Parliament House for carrying on the General's affairs
in relation to his Majesty's interest as the Continuator says,
page 752, he was afterwards upon his Majesty's Restoration
well rewarded for it, being made one of his Majesty's principal
Secretaries of State. About this time it was that the General's
antagonist, Colonel Lambert, escaped out of the Tower and
got some of the discontented officers and soldiers to join with
him, but he was soon afterwards taken and brought up with
others as prisoners to London. And well it was that he was
so soon taken, for it was doubted that if he had stood up
a while longer more of the soldiery were staggering and possibly
might have gone to him, which danger, though happily avoided
and suppressed by the General's care, yet it might put him
in mind upon what slippery ground he stood in relying upon
a mercenary army, when so many malcontented Anabaptists,
fanatics and others laboured to seduce them. And probably
it might make him the more malleable and fit to receive the
impressions of such counsels and offers as about this time were,
on his Majesty's behalf, tendered unto him for his greater
benefit and security.
And here let me interpose another circumstance not imperti-
nent, which is thus : Upon several conferences with my nephew
Clarke, he hinted to me how I should take care that my friends —
as he called them — the Royalists should be quiet and not break
out any way to provoke the General to engage against them,
as then he must and would do, which advice I communicated
to divers, who observed it, and yet by reason of an acrimonious
tract or sermon now printed and put forth by Doctor Griffin,
a zealous Royalist, there were like to have been ill humours
stirred, but that instantly from several countries there were
229
very serene declarations set forth and printed, the copy of that
for London being extant in the Continuation, by all which
that heat was allayed and all parties quietly expected what the
approaching Parliament would do. And now the writs for
elections of knights and burgesses for the near approaching
Parliament being sent abroad, one of the first elections that
was taken notice of was of that at Canterbury, where two loyal
worthy persons were elected burgesses as namely [
and Heneage Finch, Esq., now the Right Hon. Lord High
Chancellor of England. At the news whereof the General's
lady was so passionately concerned that she exclaimed openly
against it, as saying we should have a fine Parliament indeed
if such men should be chosen, with much more to the same
tune. And indeed hereupon the then Council of State, whereof
the General was first, put forth a declaration for observing
strictly the late Act of Qualifications, and that the Act and
that declaration should be read by every sheriff and other
officer before they proceeded to any election, notwithstanding
all which the Royalists and well-affected persons were in
many places chosen and returned. But to prevent their sitting
in the House those that were for — their Diana — the good old
cause, had a design to meet early at the beginning of the
Parliament and to settle such a Committee for Elections
as should reject those Royalists. But this weak plot was also
discovered and prevented by the Royalists' early resort to and
attending the Parliament, so that they became the more pre-
valent party there.
About this time I remember how I, well knowing that howso-
ever matters had been sometimes carried on and acted in the
City of London, that yet there were in it many worthy and
loyal persons, therefore went purposely to Sir Richard Eord
and moved him to frame and put forth some vindication, which
he accordingly did very ingeniously and well, which he after-
wards showed me, and it was printed and published very
seasonably. And now his Majesty's gracious letters and
declarations being generally and gratefully received and sub-
mitted to by both Houses of Parliament, and due preparations
made for his Majesty's much desired return to his Parliament
and for his reception at Whitehall, I could not but admire
what a zealous convert the General's lady came or seemed to
be on a sudden, and how busy she was forsooth at the
preparations of the House for the King, whilst she was as busy
in clearing his ponds at Hampton Court of the carps and other
fish in them, as one of her servants told me. And it was
also then pretended and given out by some and believed by
many that she had been that way strongly affected before,
and that now she was working a bed for his Majesty, the
truth and ground whereof was that her maids were at that
time working some pieces for a bed, such as it was, but not-
fit for his Majesty, which they so did — I suppose purposely —
in an ante-room in the passage towards the dining-room and
230
such, other public rooms at St. James' as the General commonly
was in, and as any passed by there the maids would usually
be at them and ask them if they would sew a stitch in the
King's bed, offering their needles to them to that purpose, and
thereby they got moneys to be given them, which could not
but amount to a good sum if they had it all to themselves.
And many other such like artifices there were to persuade the
over-credulous world to believe more than was true.
But amidst these preparations for the King's return I found
upon some discourse with this Lady Monck that she was very
much troubled to think that some persons should be admitted
to come over with his Majesty whom she thought not well of,
as namely the then Lord Chancellor Hyde and the ever loyal
Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, which animosity I by many
reasons endeavoured to persuade her ladyship to decline and
to speak no more of it, seeing they were great persons who
had constantly served and attended his Majesty in his sufferings
and doubtless would be generally received and welcomed, and
that the General would not be lessened or damaged by their
coming, which I perceived she then greatly feared. And about
this time some consultations were also held with the General
for the bringing in his Majesty upon articles, which arose
from such who were conscious of so much guilt and demerit
as they feared they could not be secure without such pre-
capitulations. And hereupon Mr. Edmund Warcup, who
pretended he had kept with him all the papers concerning the
last treaty with the late King — which he valued at a high
rate — was brought on to attend the General, as he did for that
purpose, and it was said that such articles were framed into*
a Bill to have passed in the Parliament if the weather had
served for it, and so to have put a reed instead of a sceptre
into his Majesty's hands, against which a very rational letter
to the Earl of Manchester, then Speaker of the House of Lords,
was printed and published by a loyal judicious person, which
letter I have with me, and yet sure I am that several times
after his Majesty's restoration some of very near relation to
and employment with the General did often murmur and
repine that such an Act had not passed, although I thought
they had no reason for it then, they having found his Majesty's
clemency and bounty such as had not only forgiven, but given
them much beyond their deserts.
But to amuse and deceive the ignorant multitude, who judge
of things only by their outward appearance and are easily
induced to believe that surely the merit was great that is
so highly rewarded, there was no invention, artifice or practice
omitted amongst these now seeming converts to raise and
spread abroad many fictitious reports and stories, as how the
General had long ago designed and plotted how to bring about
and effect his Majesty's restoration, although in his deep
wisdom and policy he was fain to dissemble it until he had
this opportunity to effect it; that to that end he kept himself
231
still in Scotland, and that Oliver could never get him thence,
which upon discourse with some of the General's privados they
assured me was no such matter, but that he had come away
if Oliver had but sent a letter for him. And as concerning
Mr. Monck the minister's going into Scotland, whereof much
ado is made in the Continuation, I have been assured that
it was to fetch home his daughter that was there and not
otherwise, howsoever it was given out that he had travelled
between the King and the General. And to smother or sup-
press all disclosures or remembrances of what had passed to
the contrary of what they imposed upon us, a course was taken
to suppress all the General's former letters and declarations
which were bound with his serious oaths and vows for a
Commonwealth against a King, &c, as likewise his answer to
a letter sent him by his loyal countrymen of Devonshire to
the like effect as he was marching hither out of Scotland
and all other memorials of that nature, which were coming on
to have been printed together in perpetuam rei memoriam if
they had not been stopped as they were by the vigilant care
of Mr. Clarges.
Notwithstanding all which, within some short time after his
Majesty's happy Restoration, there came from beyond seas in
print two several tracts, one written in French, as I have
heard, another in Dutch, which discoursed somewhat of the
means of his Majesty's restoration, wherein there was not so
much attributed to General Monck and his party as they did
to themselves, to support whose reputation from being shaken
or diminished there was soon after interposed in the London
printed weekly intelligence near a leaf full of encomiums,
extolling the General's high achievements and loyalty, &c,
which I observing and asking Sir John Birkenhead who then
wrote or put forth these intelligences about it, he told me that
Sir Thomas Clarges brought to him that part ready written
and desired it might be there inserted as it was, and also after-
wards when it was understood that some persons were preparing
to write the life of the Duke of Albemarle, Sir Thomas Clarges
to prevent it set Dr. Gumble, the Duke's chaplain and scout-
master, to undertake that work, which he did with all the art
and advantage imaginable. And moreover I understood how
afterwards to stop the mouths and pens of all gainsayers and
to inform or misinform the world in a more ample and
authorised manner, Sir Thomas Clarges — as now we must call
him — had then a deeper design, which was to compose a
chronicle or history of the late times, which should inter alia
set forth all those transactions which concerned the General
or his party in order to their pretended actings for his Majesty's
restoration, and to that purpose how he conferred with and
got notes and memorials from some persons that I know.
And therefore considering with myself how this club of con-
federates were all of them such interested persons that nothing
might be expected from them but what should tend to the
232
support of tkose fictitious stories and reports they had already
raised and obtruded upon the unknowing part of the world,
and thereby to anticipate and prevent any such true and
impartial history as the weightiness of those matters and
actions required and which possibly they feared some more
indifferent author might take in hand to compose and set forth
if not prevented by their prior edition, I say, considering these
persons, though some of them were my acquaintance and
friends, yet magis arnica Veritas, I could not forbear out of my
pure respect to truth and out of duty to my sovereign and his
subjects of all degrees — whom I was not willing to see and
suffer to be misled and abused by untruths and fictions as
far as I might help or prevent it — I resolved to try if I could
procure Doctor Peter Heylin, whom I had observed to be a
sagacious and exact historian and a lover of truth, to under-
take the work. And accordingly I went to him at his house
at Westminster, and acquainting him with the before-mentioned
matters I humbly moved him to be pleased to undertake the
history of the late times and of his Majesty's restoration,
which otherwise I doubted would be partially done by such
interested persons as I saw intended it, and that if he so
pleased to enter upon it I should attend him with some such
information in it, as I supposed few else had, whereto he made
me this answer, that truly he commended my desires to have
a true history written of the late times, as, he said, the matter
required, and that it was a great pity and shame that it should
be done partially, so as to transmit untruths to posterity. But
he told me somewhat sadly how it had pleased God to take
from him his sight, and that he was then upon a work which
he had much ado to finish, and therefore he could not undertake
what I moved him in, whereupon I asking him if he would
then please to recommend me to any person that he thought
fit and willing to undertake it, and I would wait upon him,
he thereupon was pleased to say that he knew none fitter
than myself, and that if I would enter upon it I should be
furnished with some materials also, which one Mr. Gataker
had — who was indeed a loyal stationer, with whom I was well
acquainted— whereupon I told him as the truth was that I
thought not myself of ability to undertake such a work, and
that I had many other small employments and businesses upon
me, and — above all men — I could not do it without danger, for
that I saw the General and some about him were very watchful
and suspicious of me already, and possibly for that I knew so
much of their intrigues as I did. Whereupon the Doctor
advised me that if I durst not write or publish it in my own
lifetime or in the lifetime of the Duke — for so he was then
styled — yet I should not neglect to commit it to writing and
leave it sealed up in the custody of some trusty friend that
might open it after my death or when it might safely be done,
that so the truth might not be smothered or suppressed. And
this he not only advised, but charged me to do without fail.
233
The like advice and charge I also received from my reverend
friend, Doctor Gauden, sometimes preacher at the Temple, and
afterwards Bishop of Exeter and of Worcester, as likewise
from Mr. Johnson, formerly preacher also at the Temple, who
urging me to this work put me in mind of the story of
Mordecai, &c. And truly I could not slight or forget these
so serious charges laid upon me by such reverend and worthy
persons, but that I thought myself thereby, if not otherwise,
obliged thus plainly and truly to set down this unpolished
narrative, as I have done, out of such papers, collections and
materials of these matters as in those times I preserved and
kept by me, and indeed as well by the advice of others as
upon my own consideration that I now being in the seventy-
sixth year of my age, it is high time for me to mind that good
advice of doing of what is in my heart to do, and to defer
it no longer. I have now by God's assistance thus far effected
it and with that candour and veracity as if they were the
last words I should write or speak in the world, which I
must shortly leave and give account for to the God of truth,
whose allknowing wisdom cannot be mocked or deceived with
any falsities or impostures, howsoever men may for a while
be misled or deluded by them.
And therefore I cannot but with some indignation, as well
as wonder, take notice of the overbold presumption of the
author or authors of the Continuation before mentioned, being
a pretended history of a high nature, dedicated to the King's
Majesty, and published openly under an honourable license,
and where in the epistle to the reader, which commonly shows
the design of the writer and is here penned with some caution
and craft, the author makes some seeming profession of his
fair dealing in these words : That he hath been so faithful
therein, as — relating to what he said before, which is specially
considerable — that there is not any letter, speech or discourse
in public — not including private — conferences, which are not
exactly set down as they were written or spoken, save only
that of such letters or speeches as were very long, the most
pertinent parts are only retained, which clause, as it was
cautiously penned so was it as partially observed, for the Con-
tinuator, in page 173, only mentions the substance in the
margin of the General's letter to Fleetwood and Lambert near
the 28th of October, 1659, which if it was so material that it
gave the greatest check to their career and gave some life to
the fainting hopes of all good men — as the author pretends —
it might very fitly have been set forth more largely than it
is there, and he also conceals whole declarations and letters,
as page 723 he says that two declarations were published by
the General, and two expostulatory letters were written, one
to Fleetwood and the other to Lambert, &c, and another to
the Speaker, but sets not forth any of those declarations or
letters or any other letters or declarations which passed from
or between the General and Fleetwood, besides many the like
234
omissions of what might certainly have discovered more truth
than the author was willing to have had known, whereas in
other places he is not sparing to invent and speak much more
than is true, where it helps to set forth, palliate or colour
the great design. And indeed a knowing and impartial reader
may safely discern that the author doth so palpably err and
prevaricate in the main matter of his Majesty's restoration,
that that part seems wholly framed and devoted to magnify
and extol the achievements of the General, and next of Sir
Thomas Clarges, and that beyond all poetica licentia, as appears
in this very epistle, wherein he applies the wonder of his
Majesty's restoration to the generosity of the General's attempt
and the prudent conduct of it, and therein the General's secrecy
in these words, as being obliged to act very differently from
his intentions to gain the confidence of those jealous masters
whose authority he pretended to obey, &c, and that notwith-
standing his greatest sub til ty many objected — thinking thereby
to weaken his credit with the army — that the King was in
the bottom of his design, a pretence indeed often taken up
by the author as he goes on in his history, but how truly I
leave to the discerning reader to judge, especially for the
General's declaration before set forth verbatim, when he was
most free and not so obliged as that clause pretends, he being
then above their power and in plain opposition to it and so
doubtless declaring his mind freely as he did. And then that
Sir Thomas Clarges may be pointed at with two significant
asterisms and so induced as a necessary co-operation in that
mysterious work, he goes on to tell us in these words : It is
evident that he (the General) acquainted but one person (i.e.,
Clarges) with his design, and that he did, supposing it impossi-
ble alone, without correspondence, to manage so hazardous an
undertaking, &c. And this first asterism points in the margin
to p. 724, where we find noted that the General discovers to
Clarges some glimmerings of his intentions, and wherein but
in this only, that he resolved to endeavour to restore the Parlia-
ment, &c, and to let in the secluded members, as well as others,
and that he conjured Clarges to secrecy because of the jealousy,
&c, that the King was in the bottom of his designs, &c, which
is the great caution or suspicion urged upon any feigned
occasion. Wherein there are two things that pass my credulity,
as p. 721, where the Continuator says that Colonel Talbot and
Clarges were sent from Fleetwood, Lambert and Desborough
to prevail with Monck for a treaty of mediation, which doubtless
tended not to his Majesty's restoration, and afterwards, p.
724, he says that the General should then, about the 2nd of
November, 1659, at Edinburgh, resolve to let in the secluded
members, which surely if he had then and there so resolved
there would probably some glimmerings of it have been dis-
covered upon the many petitions and addresses made to him
afterwards for that purpose, and not to have lain wholly con-
cealed, as it was, till the advice of another and his own urgent
235
necessity for his support and preservation did strongly and
unavoidably enforce and drive him to it, as this author well
knows and hath before set forth. And upon what terms and
directions he did then let in those secluded members, sit liber
judex, his own declaration to them at that time when he was
most free — which is before set forth verbatim — doth clearly
demonstrate.
And secondly where the epistoler adds in these words : How
necessary this correspondence was — i.e., the General's corres-
pondence with Clarges — is apparent by many transitions, but
by none more than in the lucky contrivance of getting the
army out of London and the quartering of his soldiers in their
places, and dispersing the rest, whereby the Parliament, City
and kingdom became at his reverence, and without which his
Majesty's restoration could never have been effected in this
way. And if this lucky contrivance were of such effect as the
Continuator sets it forth to be, that thereby the Parliament,
City and kingdom became at the General's reverence, and with-
out which, &c, may I not wonder that the General should
afterwards so declare and act as he did contrary to the effecting
his Majesty's restoration, for then it appeared that he so
declared and acted spontaneously and not by any superior awe
or coercion then upon him, whereas the Parliament, City and
kingdom became so at his reverence. But possibly the Con-
tinuator may as well palliate or excuse this as he does many
other the like contradictions and counteraetings.
And because this contrivance of getting the army out of
London, &c, was so lucky and effectual, this epistle — which
being the key of the work was doubtless studiously penned
by Mr. Clarges himself — must necessarily entitle Mr. Clarges
to be the sole author and contriver of this lucky exploit,
as by the second asterism, which points at pp. 740-742, where
in p. 740 the Continuator sets forth the letter, as he says it
was penned by Mr. Clarges and approved and signed by the
General, though with some blanks, and that at Nottingham,
about the 20th of January, 1659 [-60], where Mr. Clarges was
then newly come to him, and that before Scott and Robinson
came to the General. And for this letter thus far off and so
long before signed with blanks, the Continuator says it was
then agreed it should not be sent till the General came to St.
Alban's, that those in the House of the faction for the Oath
of Abjuration might suppose that it came with the privity of
Scott and Robinson, and seeing him so near be less apt to oppose
his desires. Which counterfeit reason, how weak and improba-
ble it is, as well for that the Oath of Abjuration came long
after it in time, as likewise the time of sending of this letter
away afterwards to the Speaker, and why not sent then by
Mr. Clarges, as in p. I leave it hereupon, and upon what
is formerly said in this narrative concerning it, to the judg-
ment of any indifferent reader whether Mr. Clarges was so
236
much the author of and actor in this lucky contrivance, &c,
as the Continuator would have us believe him to be.
But not to pass slightly over this epistle, wherein every
word seems to be of weight, let it be observed how in the
beginning of it the author, having recited what Sir Richard
Baker affirmed of the history written by himself: That it was
collected with so great care and diligence, &c, the Continuator
thereupon infers and says thus : And if so much might be said
of what he — i.e., Sir Richard Baker — did, I presume nothing
that hath been since added to it and published hath impaired
the credit and worth of it. In which words it is conceived
that the epistoler doth indeed presume a little too much con-
cerning his additions, which are not taken to be of equal
credit and worth with Sir Richard Baker's history, and so the
Continuation may be an impairing, &c.
And then in the next paragraph the epistoler thus proclaims :
How necessary this Continuation is, will best appear by the
perusal thereof and in that part which concerns the transactions
of the Duke of Albemarle, there is not only so exact an account
as is nowhere else to be found, but also many secret passages
of particular remark, which could never have been known but
from his Excellency's own papers and several other private
collections of persons active with him in that service, which I —
i.e., the author — had the permission to make use of.
Now for the account concerning the Duke of Albemarle's
transactions, it is so far from being exact that it is very lame
and partial, painted and varnished over with strange colours
and pretensions, which do misrepresent or obscure and hide
the truth from us, and indeed no exact account of his tran-
sactions is anywhere to be found, there having been such course
taken to prevent and suppress it as is before truly set forth.
And for the secret passages, &c, which never had been known
but from the General's own papers and several other collections
of persons active with him, &c. — i.e., Clarges — I would willingly
see what secret passages are so made known from his Ex-
cellency's own papers and several, &c. I find none such set
forth clearly in the whole story, but purposely concealed. And
for Mr. Clarges' private collections, as they are set forth, believe
'em who list, I have not historical faith enough for it.
And whereas in the third paragraph he magnifies this
wonderful restoration of his Majesty, &c. — i.e., by the General
and Mr. Clarges — for the generosity of the attempt and the
prudent conduct of it let us a little consider of it.
The attempt indeed had been generous if it had been spon-
taneous and free, as upon the account of loyalty to his Prince
and love to his country, but in what action of these pretenders
do we find either of these fore-mentioned virtues? Did they
not drive on other, yea contrary ends and designs and that
lucri gratia, until necessity for self-preservation and seasonable
tenders of honour and reward brought these pretended
attempters quite about to act as at last they did — contrary to
237
what they had long before done — when they could not well
do otherwise, and for this they have been bountifully rewarded,
so that a nobleman of this nation said very truly once to me
that if the General brought not home the King he had certainly
brought himself home very well.
And as for the pretended courage joined with this generosity
thus to preserve the kingdom, &c, at a time when the governing
power was in those that were irreconcilable to his Majesty's
person and government, &c, 0 strange prevarication ! Did
these courageous attempters act against or did they not rather
act for and with these irreconcilable persons ? It is too apparent
they did. And so surely the happy restoration of his Majesty
was brought about by the prudent conduct and courage of
other more loyal attempters, who brought about those pre-
tended attempters to do at last as they did, or else the work
had not been done by them, which nevertheless they now thus
vainly arrogate thus wholly to themselves. And in so doing
they audaciously catch up and run away with the main ques-
tion, as taking that for granted on their part which is not at
all to be admitted. And then for the like further magnifying
of this achievement, as at a time when by the defeat of Sir
George Booth his Majesty's greatest hopes were frustrated
and most of the nobility and gentry which were engaged
with him were disarmed, &c. And what of all this ? Was
the defeat of Sir George Booth any obstacle to General Monck's
supposed actings for his Majesty? If so, why had he not then
assisted him as he was moved to have done? Nay, why did
he give orders to ... to oppose Sir George Booth? And
as for the loyal nobility and gentry being then disarmed, &c,
surely that did not then trouble the General or the Rump
party that sent for him, and intended further to disarm them
and confiscate their estates, as before is said. And that indeed
howsoever Sir George Booth and his party were so unhappily
defeated, yet certainly the genius and spirit of the nation still
kept up for his Majesty, and so thereby and by the over-
ruling Providence of God — who sometimes, as in this instance
of the attempters, turns men and matters quite about to serve
His purposes, contrary to their own intentions — his Majesty's
restoration was in due time happily brought about and effected,
and surely I believe that for this wonderful work more glory
is to be given to God and less to the General and his party
than the Continuator hath ascribed.
But then, says the epistoler, the General's secrecy in the
conduct of this great affair is very remarkable, being obliged
to act very differently from his intentions, &c. 0 profound
policy ! But this is so plainly discovered and answered before
ex ore suo by his own declaration, &c, that I need not say
any more to it, but to admire the author's confidence in thus
imposing such incredible fictions upon us. And indeed if I
dare appeal to the judgment of any uninterested person that
shall with a discerning eye read over and peruse that whole
238
history concerning the so much magnified achievements of the
General and his adviser, Mr. Clarges, and others, in order to
the restoration of his Majesty, whether he shall not observe
it throughout stuffed up with many elaborate but fictitious
speeches, answers and contrivances to set forth their preten-
sions, mixed also with many weak though cunning shifts and
devices to palliate or excuse their counteraetings, and some
slights to pass over or wholly to conceal or suppress what the
authors knew was unexcusable, or that they durst not touch
upon or discover to the world, though most fit and necessary
to have informed us of the truth of some of the most material
actions and passages, if the author would have dealt so fairly
and candidly with us as in the Epistle he seemed to profess,
and so to have followed that approved rule and example of
the famous historian Polybius, who lays it down as an axiom
or general ground for all historiographers thus, historisi est
ne quid falsi audeat dicere, ne quid veri non audeat. But not
finding any such sincerity in the author of the Continuation,
I shall leave him and his works to better judgments and crave
leave to speak a little of my own concernments and my son's,
briefly thus.
"Within some few days after his Majesty's happy arrival at
his Court at Whitehall, I went thither with my son, who,
presenting himself in his Majesty's presence, as he was attended
and discoursing with many noblemen round about him, his
Majesty was graciously pleased, as soon as he saw my son, to
stretch forth his hand for him to kiss. The like favourable
reception also his Royal Highness at his lodgings vouchsafed
unto him, with some very gracious expressions towards him.
In a few days after, we also went together to tender our
services to the then Lord Chancellor Hyde, who then, being
lame of the gout, lay upon his bed at Dorset House; and his
Lordship observing me and my son to stand off, near the door,
in regard of many persons of quality then attending near
unto him, his Lordship was pleased to call us to him by our
names, and vouchsafing to take me by the hand and so to hold
me a good while, he was pleased to say to me how I and my
son had done the King very good service, and that we should
be remembered for it, asking me wherein he might serve us,
with other such like noble and free expressions, for which I
thankfully answered that what we had done was but our duties,
and that we rejoiced in his Majesty's and his happy return,
and so, wishing his Lordship good health, we took leave at that
time. And indeed I must ever thankfully acknowledge that
upon several occasions afterwards, his Lordship showed his
continual favour and respect towards us in a very noble way,
howsoever it was not of any profit or advantage to us — as I
presume his Lordship intended — save only that he showed
favour to my son as he came to practise before his Lordship
in the Court of Chancery. About this time also my son went
to "Whitehall, and there tendered his duty and service to the
239
truly honourable Lord, the then Marquis of Onnond, with
his humble thanks for the favours his Honour vouchsafed him
when he attended his Majesty at Breda, which his Lordship
received so graciously that he was pleased freely to say unto
us how our services must not be forgotten, but that some place
must be had for my son, with other such like favourable ex-
pressions, which his Lordship then vouchsafed to bestow upon
us, and upon all occasions afterwards his Lordship in his wonted
affability would not disdain to admit us to his presence, with
demonstrations of his continual favours and respects to us.
After this, I being one day attending on my honourable
good friend, the Reverend Dr. Morley, then Bishop of Worcester,
as his Majesty was walking in St. James' Park, it pleased this
good Bishop to bring me to his Majesty and to speak some
good words of me to him, as that I was a loyal person that
had done his Majesty very good service, &c, whereat his
Majesty — making some stand — vouchsafed to give me his royal
hand to kiss, and to cast a very gracious look and countenance
upon me and to assure me of his favour, &c.
About this time also some occasions in order to his Majesty's
service drew me to attend that honourable and loyal secretary,
Sir Edward Nicholas, who was sometimes pleased to question
and confer with me concerning some persons and matters,
wherein I gave him such satisfaction that he was pleased to
encourage me to come oftener to him, declaring himself ready
to serve me — as he phrased it — in anything he might.
But he soon after retired from that honourable place and
employment, and I afterwards wanted his friendly assistance
when I came to be a petitioner to his Majesty for his favour
in renewing to me a lease of a farm, which I then and some
years before held by a former grant from the Crown, and had
bestowed very great charge in improving and building upon it,
insomuch that it was then the main of my small estate, but
it lying too near to a newly obtained seat and habitation of a
courtier then very prevalent* I could not obtain that favour to
have my lease renewed, but was fain to part with my remaining
farm, to my no small damage, if not undoing.
And howsoever, by serving his Majesty thus as I did — and
that against my own interest, as some have told me — I have
been so far from getting anything that I have been a great
loser and near to undoing. Yet I bless God for it, I rejoiced
nevertheless in what service I did and in the success of it,
not doubting but that in God's good time his gracious Vice-
gerent here will, upon further suit and petition to his High-
ness upon a fit occasion, vouchsafe to remember me and my
son, his most humble servants, who do always — as duty binds
us — heartily pray for all happiness to attend his sacred Majesty
and all the Royal Family, with the welfare and prosperity of
all his Majesty's loyal subjects and servants in all his High-
ness' kingdoms and dominions long to continue, amen.
Soli Deo omnipotenti sit honor et gloria in etemum.
* Lord Arlington,
240
Duke of Ormond to the King.
[1674, May?]— Printed in Carte's Life of Ormond, Yol. II.,
p. 445. Dr. Clarke's copy is noted : " Found in his Grace's
red desk after his death. It was writ surely in 1G74, when he
was going to Ireland. Memo. : The above is in Sir Robert
Southwell's hand."
Duke of Ormond and Lord Eanelagh.
1675, November 3 [12?]» — Dispute in the Council between
Lords Ormond and Eanelagh [see Carte's Life of Ormond,
Vol. II., p. 452, where the date is given as the 12th~], with an
account of further proceedings in the matter, viz. : That on
November 17 Sir John Nicholas moved his Majesty on
Ormond's behalf that the Lord Eanelagh should put in his
statements in writing, to which the King replied that Lord
Eanelagh' s account was not for the Council, but only for him-
self. Some time after there were further discussions in Council
on the business, when the Lord Keeper said " that the Lord
Eanelagh, having made a mistake in his discourse about mis-
management, at which the Duke of Ormond took offence,
meant no such thing, and that it was altogether beside his
business to meddle when it did not concern him — whereupon
the Lord Ossory moved that the Lord Eanelagh would put the
mismanagements into writing, because a part of the time con-
cerned him — whereupon the Lord Lauderdale said, as did his
Majesty before, that the judgment of Lord Eanelagh's business
was in his Majesty and that the paper ought only to be
delivered to his Majesty."
Memorandum: — "Lord Eanelagh's narrative was read in
Council 1st March 1675[-6]."
Duke of Ormond to the King.
1677, October 24. Dublin — "By this post, Mr. Secretary
Coventry will receive such a state of your Majesty's revenue
and charge here as can be for the present made, and I am
persuaded it will be found to be no better than the computation
represents it; so that I conceive it will be necessary for your
Majesty to think of the ways of being supplied, if you still
continue to be of opinion to put your affairs in this kingdom
into a condition not only to secure your government here but
to contribute towards the doing it in all other your dominions.
If your Majesty shall satisfy yourself with keeping things here
in the state they are, that is make a scrambling shift to
pay your army and other ordinary expenses of the government
by borrowing from the future months to pay the present, I
think it may be done as long as no disorder shall arise within
your kingdoms, but if you aim, as I hope you do, at making
this kingdom useful to you in a more considerable degree by
the re-inforcement of your army and the securing of com-
241
modious harbours and places, I do not doubt but it may be
compassed, your Majesty doing your part towards it. It is
possible some projects may be brought to your Majesty how
this may be done, at least in some good proportion, by the
strength of your own revenue. I guess so because discourses
have been held with me to the same effect, but I exceedingly
distrust all such overtures. I am sure time must be lost in
the experiment, and that a Parliament here can and will do
it, if it be rightly handled, I do not question.
There is nothing the considering part of this people do more
apprehend should procure their ruin in the end or at the best
keep them from reaping the fruit of their industry than the
transmission of their money into England, and they suppose
the more they gi\e beyond what serves to support the govern-
ment the sooner they shall be undone or at least the longer
they shall be a- thriving. I do not think they will stick at the
giving any supply the kingdom can afford, if a way can be
found to satisfy them that it will be employed among them
without presuming to ask wherein — I wish the same temper
ruled everywhere ; this by the way — and methinks it should
not be impossible so to contrive it that they might have this
satisfaction, and yet your Majesty still receive what you now
do or a greater sum out of this revenue by transferring some
of the charge of England upon it, such as might be answered
by the commodities of this country. But till this and the
whole design can be better thought of and digested I must
presume to beseech your Majesty that you would not send for
small sums of money from hence upon every suggestion that
there is an overplus, when in reality there is no such thing,
if your Majesty has it still in your purpose to try to get con-
siderable supplies, for though the sums be inconsiderable yet
the drawing them away will greatly discourage and indispose
them who must give these supplies, and if I durst I would
rather propose that your Majesty — before a Parliament shall
be talked of — would employ some part of your own 20,000?.,
either in raising of more companies and sending them over or
in building of the Fort of Kingsale, for I am confident, if you
mean to command that a Parliament should be called, the
venture would bring you in a triple return, wherein your
Majesty would not fail to find your account your own way.
I humbly beg your Majesty's pardon for the length of this
letter. " Copy by Dr. Clarice.
Chahles II. to Alexander Popham.
1677 [-8], February 16. Court at Whitehall — Commission
to Alexander Popham to be cornet of a troop of horse under
the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Sir John Trelawny, Bart.,
captain, in the regiment of the Duke of York, of which the
Earl of Peterborough is Colonel. Sign manual. Countersigned
by Secretary Coventry. Parchment.
25. P
242
The Duke of York to the Duke of Ormond.
1678,* April 28. Windsor—" Now all the world sees that his
Majesty is master, if he pleases, and that 'twill be his own fault
if his affairs do not go well : I am sure you will do your part
to keep him to those good resolutions of sticking to himself
and the old Cavalier and Church of England party, who have
both power as well as will to support him and the monarchy,
which I am sure the Presbyterians will never do, but on the
contrary use all their endeavours to ruin both. I shall say no
more but to assure you that I shall always be a true and
steady friend to you and yours." Extract by Dr. Clarke.
Duke of Ormond to the King.
1678, September 26. Kilkenny — " The season for any further
work to be done at Kingsale for securing the harbour being
now near spent, it is fit your Majesty should have an account
of what is done and designed, that your approbation and pleasure
may be our guide and warrant. I have therefore sent Mr.
Robinson with his several drafts and to give your Majesty
all the information and satisfaction you can possibly receive
from hence concerning that place, with an account of what is
already spent upon it and an estimate of what it will cost to
bring the work to perfection in either of the ways your Majesty
shall resolve upon. I shall only presume to say that the work
which will cost least money and require fewest men is most
proper for the present state of your revenue and state of your
army, provided it may secure the harbour from attempts by
sea, for I conceive that place cannot be secured against a land
army but by an army; and the lesser design will be able
to defend itself from being overrun by any force that a fleet
can set ashore or by any sudden insurrection till it may be
succoured. I know this letter may find your Majesty full of
the businesses of the time and place. I will therefore end it
with my prayers for your prosperity in all things.' ' Copy by
Dr. Clarke.
Duke of Ormond to Sir Cyril Wyche.
1678, November 20. Dublin — "You find we write after the
English copy, where the apparent difference betwixt the state
of the two kingdoms will admit, which I need not mark to
you by instances. You know the disproportion betwixt Papists
and Protestants in England as to number is vastly different
from that in Ireland : there perhaps the hundredth man is
not a Papist, and here it may be the eighth or tenth man
is not a Protestant, yet it cannot hence be inferred that we
are at their mercy; on the contrary, I think they are more
at ours. And yet to drive them all out of this town and other
garrison towns, as they are sent out of* London, when it was
debated in Council was found for many reasons unfit, and so
* The date is quite distinct, but it seems much more probable that the letter was
written in 1682-
243
was another expedient — suggested by Lord Orrery — of taking
up and securing some gentlemen who had lost their estates
and yet retained great dependencies. This was laid aside
because it could not be foreseen to how many this rule would
extend ; how so many should be maintained in their confinement
or how many such a proceeding might alarm and put upon
desperate courses, which though it would probably end in their
own ruin, yet what disorder it might in the meantime produce
in this government, and especially in the revenue, which 'is
the support and life of it, is much to be feared. Nor is it
a frivolous speculation to consider how an inconsiderable
insurrection may be magnified in France and invite an invasion,
in which case only the Irish are to be feared as to a conquest.
But my Lord Orrery's ends visibly enough are to manifest
his extraordinary vigilance and forecast, which is a safe figure
to assume. If no mischief happens, providence and circum-
spection never want applause, if any shall happen and have no
success, he knows how to attribute the prevention to his
counsels, if it have success, he knows as well how to attribute
that to the neglect of his advices. Another end of his is to
asperse the government and render it suspected to the Protes-
tants, as not acting vigorously enough for their preservation
because they do not put in execution those things that he —
being a man of sense enough — knows to be impracticable or
really more likely to bring danger than safety upon them,
such as are the imprisonment of gentlemen and purging, as
he calls it, of garrison towns. I will not say that some private
ill-will to some particular persons has a part in his proposition,
or that he would be content there should be another rebellion
that there may be another distribution of lands, but I am satis-
fied all he proposes looks very like it.
I did not mean to have brought this letter to this length
when I begran it, but that Lord's ensnaring overtures, not made
directly to me but to one who he may well say at any time
he is confident has showed them to me, have drawn me on.
In this and in my letters to my Lord Longford and Sir Robert
Southwell, I have said what came hastily into my mind of
my proceedings in this difficult conjuncture, difficult in itself,
but more difficult perhaps to me in my station than to most
men." Copy by Dr. Clarke.
Duke of Ormond.
1678 [-9], January 15-March 22 — Copies of letters of the
King and the Duke of York to the Duke of Ormond and of
Ormond to them, all printed in Carte's Life, Vol. II., appen-
dix; pp. 93-95.
Duke of Ormond to Sir Cyril Wyche.
1678[-9], March 7. Dublin— "The last letters from my son
Ossory inform me that his Majesty was then resolved to send
244
twenty of those companies that were to be disbanded in England
to re-inforce his army here. If by my next letters I find that
resolution continues, you shall receive some directions con-
cerning them ; in the meantime I will own to you that the
proposition was mine at first, but there was a condition annexed
to it, namely, that his Majesty would call a Parliament here,
to provide as well for the subsistence of those recruits as for
many other things needful for the defences of this kingdom,
of which condition, though there be no notice taken in my
son's letter, yet I must suppose it understood because it is
well known the revenue here will not be able to do it, if it
should hold at the height it is, of which there is great doubt.
My son Ossory will show you what I have written to him on
this subject, if you call upon him.
There is nothing can tend more to the security and improve-
ment of this kingdom than a large access of English and
Protestants, since it is impossible to lessen the number of Irish
Papists on a sudden without laying waste upon the matter
,most of our towns and lands which are mostly inhabited and
tenanted by them, so that, I say, they cannot be brought to
an equality in number without that inconvenience, but we may
.be superior in strength by a considerable re-inforcement of the
army. They therefore that know not the true state of this
kingdom in that particular may think the same course may
be taken with Papists here that is in England, but if the
, laws here were the same they are in England as to capital and
pecuniary penalties and strictly put in execution, the Protestant
landlords would soon interpose for a mitigation and forbearance,
Jor they would find a beggared tenant little better than no
tenant, and yet some of those landlords are they that pretend
they cannot sleep for fear of having their throats cut by the
Papists, and asperse the government because there are so many
of them, though they themselves are the men that brought
them to inhabit their houses in towns and to plant and labour
their lands, and make daily complaints in their behalfs, upon
pretence of their being wronged and oppressed by excise men
and gatherers of hearth money. But I have said enough at
this time on a subject I did not design to treat of at all
when I began my letter.,, Copy by Dr. Clarice.
Duke of Ormond to Secretary Coventry.
16T9, April 30— Printed in Carte's Life, Vol. II., p. 491.
Duke of Ormond to Sir Rodert Southwell.
1679, April 30 and May 7 — Both printed in Carte's Life,
Yol. II., appendix, pp. 91, 92.
Duke of Ormond to the Earl of Shaftesbury.
1679, May 25. Dublin — "His Majesty having been pleased
amongst other affairs of greatest importance to his service to
245
order that the concerns of this his kingdom should be consulted
of and receive despatch from his Council of England, where
your Lordship presides, I hold it proper for me, considering
the place I hold, not only to congratulate your access to that
great station but to beseech your Lordship — as other great
things in agitation may permit — to call for those representations
and despatches which have been transmitted from hence since
my last coming to this government, whereby the true state of
this kingdom will best appear, and whereby I hope it will also
appear that I have not been wanting — as far as the means
that were in my power would reach — to provide for the safety
of his Majesty's government and good subjects. When your
Lordship shall be possessed of the papers I mean, I do not
doubt but you will find cause to propose the taking of some
resolutions and giving directions upon them, and I promise
myself they will be most prudent and effectual, now that the
ancient and prudent and prosperous methods of government
are resumed. My Lord, besides the public end designed in
this letter, I am desirous to take occasion to offer your Lordship
the surest and most authentic way of information which I
think you can have of proceedings here, past and to come,
whereof I have reason to suspect you have had misrepresenta-
tions as to what is past, though I must at the same time
confess that by what I have seen, as spoken by your Lordship
in relation to Ireland — which gives me the suspicion — I may
well conclude you did not give full credit to the intelligence
you had received, as it might reflect on me, and I am in this
so far satisfied that I profess if I had been present when some
expressions fell from your Lordship in the Lords' House con-
cerning this kingdom, I should not have understood or answered
them as they were understood and answered.* Yet the con-
juncture, my circumstances and course of life considered, I can-
not be much offended at the mistake or transport of a near
relation who might imagine I was glanced at in what of all
the things in the world he knew I was most tender in and
valued myself most upon, and I take the liberty to believe
that, supposing the case your own, your Lordship would have
the same indulgence for a son of yours. I should not have
given your Lordship the trouble of so many lines on this
subject, but that I have been assured you have been pleased
to say you had not any thought to my prejudice in that dis-
course, and if I did not think myself highly obliged by such
a declaration and if I were not very desirous to be esteemed
and really prepared to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most
humble and most obedient servant." Copy.
Prince of Orange to Lady Ossory.
1680, August 9-19. Dieren — La perte que vous venez de
faire est si grande, qu'il n'y a que Dieu seul qui vous puisse
donner de la consolation. J'espere qu'il vous en donnera, et
* See the Earl of Ossory's speech. Carte's Life, Vol. II., App. p. 90.
246
assez de force de pouvoir supporter un si fatal coup; pour
moi, elle m'a si sensiblement touche, que je vous puis assurer
qu'il n'y a homme au monde qui participe plus a votre juste
douleur. J'ai perdu un des meilleurs amis que j'avais au
monde, dont la memoire me sera tou jours aussi chere qu'a
ete sa personne, et ne souhaite rien plus que d' avoir des occasions
pour pouvoir temoigner a sa famille l'envie que j'ai de la
servir, et a vous faire connaitre combien veritablement je suis
votre tres affectionne serviteur." Copy by Dr. Clarke.
Duke of Ormond.
1680, August 10 and 19 — Letters to the King, the Duke
of York and Lady Clancarty, printed in Carte's Life, Yol. II.,
appendix, pp. 95, 96, and 123.
The Queen to the Duke of Ormond.
1680, September 3 [received]1— Printed by Carte, Yol. II..
appendix, p. 97.
Duke of Ormond.
1681, April 22- July 22 — fetters from the King to Ormond
and from Ormond to the Dujfce of York and the King, printed
by Carte, Yol. II., appendix, pp. 106-108.
Cambridge University.
1681, July 18 — Order by the Yice- Chancellor and heads of
colleges to oblige young scholars to reside in the University
for the greatest part of every term, except the first and last,
during the whole of their four years. Printed.
Duke of Ormond to Sir Leoline Jenkins.
1681, October 7th. Kilkenny — "His Majesty and this Church
have by the death of the Bishop of Derry had a loss hardly
reparable ; he was so well fitted for all the functions of a prelate,
and so particularly for such a city and diocese as Londonderry,
where a well-tempered and prudent resolution is highly
necessary, together with a virtuous and sober disposition to
hospitality. These qualifications are, for anything I have
heard, in Dr. Hopkins, now Bishop of Eapho. I am sure that
in my judgment he is one of the best and most discreet
preachers I ever heard; he is in the same province, and his
promotion to a much better bishopric is natural. If his
Majesty shall pitch upon him, I humbly offer Dean Sheridan
for Rapho; his younger brother, to whom he is inferior in
nothing, is Bishop of Cloyne, and he has long been Dean of
Downe, in the same province. I desire you humbly to present
my thoughts upon this occasion to his Majesty." Copy by
Dr. Clarke.
247
The Earl of Anglesey to the Duke of Ormond, at Dublin
Castle.
1681, December 3. London— " Tours of the 12th of last
month I received the 27th of the same by Sir Robert Reading,
who promised to give your Grace an account thereof, with
intimation of that respect and honour with which I received
that, and shall do anything that comes from your Grace's
hand, be it never so sharp, because I know you will hear
reason. I have almost finished my answer to it, but being
long, as the nature of your Grace's and the matter thereof
required, lest Sir Robert Reading have failed to write, I have
sent this to excuse my delay, because taking a little more time
I doubt not to give your Grace satisfaction, and evince my
being, may it please your Grace, your Grace's most humble
and affectionate servant." {.Copy in Dr. Clarke's handJ]
Underwritten.
"Memorandum: — The Duke of Ormond' s letter to the Earl
of Anglesey was dated the 12th November, 1681, to which the
Earl gave one answer of the 3rd December — viz., that above —
which was very civil, if not penitent; but having consulted
his interest with that faction for whom he had written his
book, he writes another, and does on the 7th following accommo-
date his style to their sense, printing his resentments in the
latter and suppressing his civility in the first. Some of the
Earl of Anglesey's errors detected in reference to the affairs
of Ireland. MSS. penes Ed. Southwell."
Endorsed:— "Not printed."
The Duke of York to the Duke of Ormond.
1682, March 23. Newmarket — "I hope you will be here
before I return for Scotland. I make no doubt but that your
coming here at this time will be for his Majesty's service,
for sure what you say will have weight with him, and I hope
you will be able to fix him in the resolution of standing
by and supporting himself by his old Cavalier and Church
party, which if countenanced have power as well as will to
serve him. I need say no more, but that I shall be as truly
your friend as you can desire." Extract by Dr. Clarice.
Duke of Ormond.
1684, October 19-December 28 — Copies of letters from the
King, Duke of York and Earl of Rochester to the Duke of
Ormond and of his letters to them, all of which are printed
in Carte's Life, Vol. II., pps. 111-117.
Duke of Ormond to the Lord Primate [of Ireland].
1685, July 11. St. James' Square — "The rebellion in the
West has had a happy conclusion, such as if it be improved
248
with prudence may establish a lasting peace, secure the
monarchy in the right line, and recover our reputation and
make the nations bear such a poise in Europe as our situation
and strength may naturally challenge. There are, as in all
governments, some things to be done and other things to be
avoided, and I hope God will direct the King in both. It is
the fate of all unsuccessful designs of the nature of the Duke
of Monmouth's that when they are disappointed they are also
branded — besides the wickedness of the attempt — with folly
and rashness and with want of vigour and conduct in the
execution, but certainly all these could never be more justly
charged upon any rebel than upon that unfortunate man, who
will not have many days to revolve and repent his crimes
and to consider from what happiness and to what misery he
has brought himself and his innocent wife and children. A
sad instance of the uncertainty of things in this world and of
the desperate and deplorable condition of man when abandoned
by God and left to the corruption of his own nature and dis-
ordinate passions. I believe the latter end of the next week
will be the end of his life. His case and the Lord Grey's are
not the same, so that some necessary formalities may reprieve
him some time longer." Extract by Dr. Clarke.
[Justice] Creswell Levins.
1685, November 5 — Certificate that he has heard the case
between Dr. Oldys and Philip Foster and that he does not
find that the doctor had any intention to dispute the privilege
of the University as concerning freehold estates.
Enclosing,
Jona. Johnson.
1685, October 5 — Deposition that he does not believe that
Dr. Oldys was privy to the summdns against Foster, and
that he declared that he would not contend with the Uni-
versity in the matter.
Duke of Ormond to his grandson, the Earl of Ossory.
1685 [-6], February 15 — Printed by Carte, Vol. II., appendix,
p. 119,
All Souls College, Oxford.
1686, June 14 — List by Dr. Clarke of pedigrees and other
writings which concern the founder's kinsmen, delivered to him
by Dr. James, warden, on this date.
Crofts, 1630. H. Beaumont, 1571, transcript.
Sherley. Eobert Googe, 1611.
Charles Scott. Boys, 15T9.
Thos. Harrington. Marshall Bridges, 1685.
Nicholas Wood, 1589. Darrell, 1592.
Henrv Beaumont, 1571. Constantine.
John Gibbons, 1589. Dr. Filmer, 1671.
249
Letter from Dr. Lewes and Awbrey, 1579.
Letter of the Archbishop for Boys, 1579.
Boys, 1579.
Letter from Kempe for Boys to Dr. Lewes, &c, 1579.
Goche's pedigree, 1587. Scott.
Certificate from Hopton, 1511.
Letter from Sir Wm. Sedley for Daniell, 1611.
Letter from the herald, December 21st, 1629.
The Fellows' reasons for not electing Digges.
Sir Dudley Digges' answer to the Fellows' reasons.
G. Cant. [Archbishop Abbott] letter to the "Warden, December
22nd, 1629.
Certificate of John Philpot, herald, August 27, 1629.
Sir Thos. Chicheley's and Mr. Jeffereys' certificate concerning
Edward Digges.
John Taylor to his brother [in-law], Dr. Shippen.
[16] 87, August 1st — Now you are in London, why do you
not speak to Dr. Covell and Mr. Birch, who is said to be a
famous preacher and will not accept the Chancellor's place if
it fall ? "I would gladly believe that you might both get the
Chancellor's place and a mandamus to be residentiary here.
Dr. James has lately got one, and though they be now five
in residence, yet I believe it may be a much better income
than any prebendary, especially during the vacancy of an
Archbishop.
" If you would talk with Mr. Vermuyden, Col. Anth. Ley-
borne, who lives at the Sugar Loaf in St. Lawrence Lane,
would bring you together. If he will pay 1001. and give good
security for the rest, I will take his bond."
The Seven Bishops.
1688, June 8 — A prayer upon the commitment of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury with six bishops more to the Tower.
Stockport.
1690, September 22nd — A list of persons assessed for the
poll tax in the town of Stockport, containing about 280 names,
besides wives, children, other relatives, apprentices and servants.
Total amount, 7bl. 175. Od. The chief payments are : — •
£ s. d.
Dr. Shippen, for his title 5 0 0
„ wife and three children for
the poll 0 5 0
„ for a little girl at his house 0 10
,, a man and two maids 0 3 0
„ for £5,000 of personal estate 25 0 0
Jo. Ardern, Esq., and his lady 5 2 0
„ „ for refusing to take the
oaths 5 1 0
250
£ s. d.
Jo. Shallcross, Esq., lady and two children 5 4 0
John Warren, Esq., and his lady 5 2 0
Tho. Swettenham, gent., his wife and five
children 1 7 0
Tho. Swettenham, for refusing to take the
oaths 110
Edw. Davenport, gent., wife and four
children 1 6 0
"Win. Davenport, gent., his lady and child ... 1 3 0
Rich. Garsden, gent., and his wife 1 2 0
The other amounts vary from 55. to Is.
The assessors are — Ralph Taylor, Wm. Wood, John Barret,
John Newton, Rob. Duckenfeild, John Warren and Hen.
Bradshaw. Collectors — John Warrington and Thomas Mathew-
son. With note that £25 is to be added for Dr. Shippen, making
the total 94/. 4s. [_sic\. Copy.
Sir Robert Southwell to the Earl or Clarendon.
1698, May — " It was in January, 1665-6, that I was sent
into Portugal to dispose that Court to terms of peace with
Spain. In a few days after Sir Richard Eanshaw, ambassador
at Madrid, came down to Portugal on the same errand, and
after some progress made in this work we went both to Madrid,
and in some months after arrived there the Earl of Sandwich
in quality of ambassador extraordinary, soon after which I
departed for Portugal, and having left Sir R. Fanshaw very
sick, the news of his death overtook me in my journey. The
difficulties which arose in this negotiation required my return
to Madrid in October, 1667, where then staying but for a week,
I was entertained in my Lord Ambassador's house and did
every day dine publicly with him. And the discourse happen-
ing one day to fall on Dunkirk and the vast expenses the King
of France had there made, my Lord Ambassador seemed to
undervalue them, and that the port could never be made com-
modious for shipping, for that the sea was so tempestuous and
the grounds so various and so rolling upon every storm that
there would never be a certain access to the port. And there-
fore, said he, I was the first man that, wpon the considerations,
moved the King to part with Dunkirk and all the burden of that
chargeable garrison, though it happens that Lord Clarendon
bears the blame. My Lord, this I am willing to attest at your
desire I should, and take liberty at the same time to mind your
Lordship of separating such papers within your store as may
concern the late Duke of Ormond, for whose memory your
Lordship preserves that reverence which is due from all. This
request is made with hopes that [with] what I have in my
custody and what your Lordship may furnish, some great hand
may be found that may be competent to write the character of
that great man, who for the space of fifty-seven years stuck firm
to the Crown." Copy by Dr. Clarke.
251
Sir Stephen Fox to Sir Robert Southwell.
1698, November 25. Whitehall — "I find in my book that
I received the 200,000 crowns at Havre-de-Grace in February,
1661, which produced in sterling money 43,333£. 65. 8d., which
was paid to Sir George Carteret, except about 7,0001. for raising
three troops of horse for Portugal to go with the foot that
went from Scotland. My Lord Duke of Northumberland was
this morning with me."
Extract by Dr. Clarke, with memorandum. — " Endorsed in
Sir Robert's own hand: — From Sir S. Fox, of money from
the French to transport our troops to Portugal, 1662."
Cardinal Mazarin.
[1698} — Extracts out of Sir Robert Southwell's Remarks en
Cardinal Mazarin? s negotiation of the Pyrenean Peace in 1659,
with memorandum by Dr. Clarke that they are taken from
Sir R. Southwell's MS., written in October, 1698.
Sir Robert Southwell to the Earl of Clarendon.
1700, April 25 — Printed in Clarendon's State Papers, Vol.
III., appendix, p. 25.
William III. to Richard, Earl of Ranelagh, Paymaster
General.
1699-1700, February 22. Court at Kensington — Warrant for
the payment of 449Z. to George Clarke, Judge Advocate, for
attendance of himself and his clerks at the Board of General
Officers at the Horse Guards, from January 1, 1697-8, to March
25, 1699. Copy.
Mayor of Bath to Alexander Popham, M.P., London.
1701 [-2], January 31. Bath — The freeholders of the eastern
part of our country have sent us a petition, which we have
signed, for adjourning the election of knights of the shire
to Wells and Taunton, "for the place where it is held is at
Ivelchester, which is such an odious place that there is neither
meat, drink nor lodging to be had," so that many freeholders
do not appear and those in the neighbourhood choose whom
they please. We pray you to promote the bill and that Bath
may be mentioned to have a poll also, as we have five hundred
freeholders within four miles of the city. We find "that the
bill for punishment of vagrants and sending them to the place
of their last settlement is like to be continued. We have great
trouble in this city in the summer time by poor and indigent
people that come to the Bath and bring with them but little
money, and as soon as it is spent cannot return home because
252
of their poverty unless they are whipt, which is very inhumane
to poor creatures." Pray consider of some method to be taken
and add a clause to the bill for their relief. Signed by Richard
Massey, Mayor, and two others.
Earl of Pembroke to Alexander Poriiam [and the other
Deputy Lieutenants of Co. Wilts].
1706, April 9. London — I send you an order from the
Council relating to Romish priests and Papists, and desire you
to use all care in putting it in force. Attested copy.
On the same sheet.
The Privy Council to the Earl of Pembroke.
1706, April 14:th. Council Chamber at Kensington —
Her Majesty desires you to cause the Deputy Lieutenants
of co. Wilts, to take an account of all Papists and reputed
Papists in the county, with their qualities, estates and places
of abode, in accordance icith the request made to her by
Parliament. Copy.
All Souls' College, Oxford.
1709, November 19. Lambeth — Order by Archbishop Tenison
to the clergy of his province to cause Dr. Bernard Gardiner,
warden of All Souls, to appear at Lambeth on Monday, 12th
of December, to answer to an appeal brought against him by
Eichard Stephens, fellow of the college. Latin. Copy.
On the same sheet,
1709, July Wth — Certificate by Mark Sayer, Proctor of
the Court of Arches, on behalf of Richard Stephens. It
is decreed by the statutes of the college and especially that
de tempore assumendi sacros ordines that all members of
the college are to proceed to take orders within two years
after their regentship, unless for legitimate impediments
approved by the Warden, fyc, and if any member violate
this statute after being duly named, he is to be excluded
from the college. But by other statutes and especially those
de habitu sociorum and de modo et tempore devoti dicendi
horas canonicas it is permitted that there may be bachelors
and doctors of medicine. The Warden, Br. Gardiner, has
summoned Richard Stephens, for many years a student of
the science of medicine, before the two years are completed,
and h>as ordered him to take deacon's orders within six
months from July 12, when the two years are computed to
be terminated — although Stephens has laid before him the
impediments and reasons to the contrary — which will be to
his no small prejudice. He being therefore thus oppressed
and injured, his proctor appeals to the Archbishop, praying
him to hear and determine the cause. Latin.
253
Archbishop Tenison to the Warden of All Souls.
1709 [-10], January 10. Lambeth— You will herewith receive
the interlocutory decrees which I have made in the appeals
lately brought before me by Mr. Dod and Mr. Stephens, which
I would have you take care may be entered in the college
books. There are several other important matters relating to
the college which need inspection, but I will reserve them
till my visitation.
On the same sheet,
Copy of the decree concerning Pierce Dod. Latin.
With memorandum that there was the like for Mr. Stephens.
Also
[1710]) — Reasons presented to the Archbishop, on the part
of the Warden and Dean, why the appeal of Richard
Stephens and Pierce Dod should be finally dismissed.
Sir Constantine Phipps.
1714, October 20. [Oxford] — Presentation of Sir Constan-
tine Phipps, late Lord Chancellor of Ireland and one of the
Lords Justices there, to the Vice-Chancellor, &c, of Oxford
University for the honorary degree of Doctor of Civil Law.
Presented by Jos. Trapp of Wadham College. In Dr. Clarice's
handwriting. Latin.
Dr. George Clarke.
[1715 ?] — Verses addressed to Dr. Clarke upon his gift of
a marble entablature for the altar of the chapel of All Souls'
College, Oxford. Latin.
Exchequer.
17 16 [-17], March 14 — An account of the public debts at the
Exchequer, exclusive of the deficiencies of Parliament grants.
[In Dr. Clarke's handwriting.']
William Siiippen to [Secretary Craggs*?].
1720, July 6. Norfolk Street-Thanking him for his kind
offer to admit him so largely into the South Sea subscription,
and regretting that he cannot bring himself on any con-
sideration to comply with so handsome a compliment.
W. Huddesford to Dr. [George] Clarke, All Soul's College,
Oxford.
1720, October 18. Bath — Concerning verses written by him
in honour of General Stewart and sent to Dr. Clarke for
criticism.
* See Craggs' letter to George Clarke, Egerton MSS. 2618, Wo. 95, British
Museum.
254
Warden B[ernard] Gardiner to George Clarke, Esq.,
London.
1720, December 5. All Souls [College, Oxford]—" I return
you Mr. Huddesford's verses, with a few, perhaps needless,
alterations, which you will do with as you please, so his name
be only mentioned." Please send me the name of the young
lad of Wadham whom you recommended for a chorister's place.
There are no almanacs to be had yet, but Mr. Vice-Chancellor
has promised me yours as soon as any. Mr. Towns end and
Mr. Piesley are gone to London. The Master got safe to Bath,
and if I cannot get rid of the pains I have long had, I must
go thither, too, I think.
Overleaf, the alterations referred to.
Verses on General Stewart by W. Huddesford.
1720 — In praise of his benefactions to Oxford University and
of his prowess in the Irish wars, at Carrickfergus. In Huddes-
ford's writing.
The Same.
1620 — Another copy, in Dr. Clarke's handwriting, with the
emendations proposed by Dr. Bernard Gardiner.
The Daily Journal.
1721, April 27 — Copy of the Daily Journal for this date, con-
taining a copy of the above verses : To the honourable General
Stewart, on his Excellency's bountiful gift to All Souls College,
Oxford." Prefaced by note to the "Author" of the Daily
Journal.
" The following copy of verses — supposed to be written by a
gentleman whose style you cannot wholly be unacquainted
with — is handed about the University. If it deserves a place
in your journal, you'll oblige an old friend."
High Sheriff, Grand Jury, &c, of Co. Oxford to the King.
[1721?} — Assuring his Majesty of their loyalty and express-
ing their grief at the seditious principles so openly main-
tained." Fifteen signatures. [The only name amongst the
signatures which is to he found in the list of High Sheriffs for
co. Oxford is that of John Dewe, who was Sheriff in 1721.]
Humphrey Prideaux [Dean of Norwich] to Francis Gwynne.
1721-2, February 5. Norwich — I have received your letter,
and would have answered it sooner, but "I am now so broken
by age and infirmity that I have few intervals of health to
enable me to do anything.
255
"I have indeed of ten said that there is wanting a good history
of the East from the time of Mahomet and that there are
sufficient materials to be had for it from the writings of the
Arabs, of which there is a great treasure at Oxford, especially
since the addition of Dr. Pocock's MSS. ; but I could not say
so much of the Mamelukes, of whom I know no author that
has written in particular, neither did they deserve that any
should." For they were a base lot of people, the scum of the
East, "who having treacherously destroyed the Tobidaj, their
masters, reigned in their stead, and bating that they finished the
expulsion of the western Christians out of the East — where they
barbarously destroyed Tripoli and Antioch and several other
cities — scarce did anything worthy to be recorded in history."
Their empire in Egypt lasted from [A.D.] 1250 to 1517, during
which time they had above fifty reigns, in which their Kings
mostly ascended the throne by the murder or deposition of their
predecessors, so quick a succession not allowing time for any of
them to do any great matters. They gloried in having been
slaves — Mamalue in Arabic signifying a slave — and used to
take the name of their masters in addition to their own.
But what you mistook me to say of the Mamalues is true
of the East in general, for there are many good histories in
the Arabian and Persian languages, and the revolutions and
considerable events afford materials for a very good history,
which we here wholly want. For from the time of Mahomet
there were four large empires erected in the East in succession,
whose transactions deserve recording as well as those of Greeks
or Romans.
The first was that of the Saracens, "which in eighty years
extended itself as largely as that of the Romans did in eight
hundred." It began in [A.D.] 622 and " expired all at once "
in 936, the governors of the Provinces each declaring himself
sovereign in his government and leaving the Caliph only
Bagdad, " where he and his successors continued for several ages
after as sacred persons, being, as it were, the Popes of the
Mahometan sect."
The empire of the Saracens being weakened, the Seljukian
Turks from the northern parts of Tartary made a terrible
invasion upon it in the year 1037, one part founding the king-
dom of Iconium, where in 1300 Othman founded the Turkish
empire that is now in being, of which Knowles hath given
us a very good history.
The other part, under Togrul Beg, fixed their empire in
Persia, where he and his successors reigned until they were
suppressed by Jingiz Can, King of the ancient Moguls.
This mighty Prince, who began to reign in the year 1202,
founded the largest empire that ever was in the world, for it
contained all China and India, and extended westward through
Tartary, Russia, Poland and Hungary as far as the Baltic,
Oder and Adriatic. Whenever a general Council was called,
two years were allowed for the meeting. This empire lasted
256
till the death of Bahadur Can, when it had the same end with
that of the Saracens, the governors of the Provinces by a
general conspiracy usurping the sovereignty and so extinguish-
ing the empire. "And we may reasonably expect that the
empire of the Othmans will, some time or other, have the same
fate. It hath been several times attempted by some of the
Bashaws, but it hath hitherto failed of success, for want of
the general concurrence of the rest." Mons. Petis de la Croix
has published in French a history of this empire, in compiling
which he has spent ten years, but I have not seen the book.
From the ruins of this empire, rose that of the later Moguls,
founded by the famous Tamerlane in the year 1368, who over-
ran all the eastern part of the world with " prodigious success
of victory." At his death he divided his empire amongst his
sons. " The posterity of him that had India for his part of
the legacy still reign there, unless the many revolutions and
convulsions of government which have happened there since
the death of Aurang Zeb have not by this time extinguished
it. Of this race of the Mogul Kings in India, one Signor
Manuchi, a "Venetian, who had been physician in the court of
Aurang Zeb for near forty years, hath written a very good
history," published in French and in English.
Of the materials at Oxford, there is a full account "in the
large catalogue of the MSS. of England, printed at Oxford
about twenty-five years since. Amongst these are the two famous
historians of the East, Abulfeda and Jannubius, which are now
printing at Oxford in Arabic and Latin by Mons. Gagnier,
a French gentleman, well skilled in this sort of learning."
But if Lord Pembroke desires further information of what the
East can afford us in this nature, I recommend Mons. Harbelot's
" Bihliotheca Orientalist a book written in French some years
since. A supplement to this is now being published at Rome.
The greatest difficulty in writing such a history — next to the
fact that the Arabic tongue must be thoroughly mastered and
also that nearly all the documents are in manuscript — will be
reconciling the contradictory accounts of the Arabic and Byzan-
tine writers, and the same may be said of the Latin and Arabic
accounts of the Holy "War. The Arabic writers are more exact
in their chronology than the Byzantine, and seem to be more
impartial. In order to understand oriental history, a new
geography is necessary ; the names given to countries and cities
by the Greeks and Romans being now wholly unknown in
the East. If that of Abulfeda were printed with a good
version, it would answer the matter. After the Saracens had
plundered the Greek libraries and attained a knowledge of
the Greek learning their writers deal as fully with their famous
scholars as with their famous warriors, and if the history of
the East here proposed should be made the same method should
be followed.
I have endeavoured to answer your letter as well as my
shattered head would give me leave to dictate it,
257
Koger, Earl of Orrery.
1721 [-2], February — Extracts made at this date by Dr.
George Clarke from the " MSS. memoirs of the most remarkable
passages in the life and death " of the Earl, " written by Mr.
Thomas Morrice, his Lordship's chaplain, and found amongst
his MSS. after his death. Lent me February 16, 1721, by Mr.
John Conyers, prepared for the press by John Walrond of Ottery
St. Mary in Devon, November 15th, 1711." [The extracts are
from the Life printed in 1742, with the collection of State letters,
but with some variations — e.g., Dr. Clarke's note, "Mr. Mark-
ham [tutor of the young Earl], " discovers Maresius preaching
one of Bishop, Andrew es' sermons at Geneva" has no counter-
part in the printed Life.']
Mr. Bromley.
1722, December — Memoranda, by Dr. Clarke, concerning
some business of Mr. Bromley and a letter written by him
to Mr. Walpole.
Bishop of Rochester and Others.
1723, May 9 — Examinations of Bingley, Skeene, Stewart,
Gordon and Corbet Kynaston in the proceedings against Bishop
Atterbury, George Kelly, &c. Partially printed in Pari.
History, Vol. VIII., p. 265, and mentioned in State Trials,
Vol, XVI., p. 618, 674, $c.
Edward, Earl of Clarendon.
1732, November 13 — Copy by Dr. Clarke of the account of
certain incidents in the civil war, including the fight of
Chalgrove Field and the death of Hampden, taken from the
Earl's History of the Rebellion, Yol. II., pp. 202-227. Endorsed
by Dr. Clarke : " These five sheets contain an exact copy of
that part of Lord Chancellor Clarendon's Life [sic], written all
in his Lordship's own hand, which is lodged in the Bodleian
Library, to remain there for twelve months, from next Christ-
mas. November 13, 1732."
The Same.
[1732 ?} — Like copy of " Characters of persons with whom
the Earl of Clarendon was conversant in the beginning of his
time," being extracts from the Life, pp, 16-30, folio edition
of 1759.
The Same.
[1732?]- — Like copy of the Earl's account of his doings in
Ma drift when he and Lord Cottington were sent on an embassy
25. Q
253
thither by King Charles II. in September, 1649. Partly
printed in the Life, p. 113, and partly in the History of the
Rebellion, "Vol. III., p. 257, et seq. of the folio edition of 1704.
Dr. George Clarke.
1734 [December 14th]V-MS. copy of Dr. Clarke's will.
[Printed. British Museum press mark, 698 h 17 (2).]
Carmen Britannicum.
[1737] — Elegy in Welsh, with English translation inter-
lined, upon the death of Queen Caroline, wife of George II.
William Shippen to his brother, Dr. [Robert] Shippen,
Principal of Brazen-Nose College, Oxon.
1739, May 26. Norfolk Street— The enclosed from the
Recorder of Chester was brought to me yesterday by Sir Robert
Grosvenor, and at his request I send it to you. Whatever you
do, I would have you give the baronet a very civil answer,
as he speaks with great respect of you. Lord Arran has
repeated his invitation and we shall all wait on him to-day
and drink your health. " I wish the person you intend for
Billy's tutor would qualify himself to instruct the boy well
in logic, which grows too much out of fashion." I hope the
boy will be a credit to your college.
Sir John Borough.
Undated — Notes by Dr. George Clarke on Sir John Borough's
" Sovereignty of the Seas."
Dr. George Clarke.
Undated — Drafts, much corrected, of dialogues (being trans-
lations from Fontenelle's "Dialogues des Morts"). The first
six "Dialogues des Morts Anciens" are all here, and in some
cases two or three versions of them ; and also the second six
" Dialogues des Morts Anciens avec des Modemes," and there
are two from the second series of "Dialogues des Morts
Modemes," viz. : " Paracelsus and Moliere " and " Mary Stuart
and Rizzio." All in Dr. George Clarke's handwriting.
J. A. Gr. to Mr. Shippen.
Undated — Concerning the validity of the patents whereby
the Earl of Glamorgan was created Duke of Beaufort and
Somerset by King Charles I.
Dr. Edward Greaves.
Undated — "Extracts from Mr. Greave's pocket books in the
Savilian study, Oxford," being notes on Rome, with diagrams.
In Dr. Clarke's handwriting.
259
Autobiography of Dr. George Clarke.
The first portion of this, dated at the top November 1st, 1720,
extends to the death of King William in 1701. The later
part, in different ink and on pages evidently inserted, carries
the narrative to 1727 ; and the final paragraph — again in
different ink — closes with the Parliamentary election of 1734.
The whole is in Dr. Clarke's own handwriting, and the
corrections and insertions appear to have been made at two
or three different times.
" 1720, November 1 — It is not that I think anything which
has happened to me is so remarkable as to deserve to be put
in writing that I make the following memoranda, but I
was willing to set them down that I might have the more
frequent occasions of reflecting upon God's mercy and good-
will to me, and as well to beg pardon for not having employed
the benefits I have received from him more to his honour and
glory and the advantage of my fellow creatures, as return him
my most humble praises and thanksgiving for those blessings
he has been graciously pleased to vouchsafe me in the tract
of a life which is now run into a great length. Sometime or
other perhaps I may have leisure to connect these disjointed
hints, but at present it shall suffice barely to take notice where
several things fell out which I am most concerned to remember.
My father was Sir William Clarke, Secretary at War; my
mother, Mrs. Dorothy, the youngest daughter of Thomas
Hilliard, Esq.
I was born in the Pell Mell, London, the 7th of May, 1661,
and nursed by my mother, for which I shall ever think myself
as much obliged to her as for bringing me into the world.
My father had his right leg shot off in the four days' sea
fight in the Downs in 1666, and was buried in Harwich Church,
where may be seen his true character, as I have been told by
those who knew him, in an excellent Latin epitaph, made by
his friend Dr. Samuel Barrow, who was best acquainted with
him. He left no child but myself.
In his lifetime, as I was going down to the Cockpit with
him and my mother in a new glass coach, which was just
then come into fashion, the coach door which I stood at new
open as we were over against the Horse Guards at Whitehall,
and I tumbled out. My legs fell into a hole in the pavement,
so that I received no prejudice on them by the coach wheels,
which went pretty fast over them, but I had a great wound
in my forehead, the mark of which remains to this day.
My father, as is very truly said in his epitaph, left but a
moderate estate, and much the greater part of that was lost-
in my mother's widowhood by a purchase of a bad title at
Grantchester, near Cambridge.
Q2
260
A few years after niy father's death, to my great good
fortune and her own happiness, my mother married that
excellent person, Dr. Samuel Barrow, physician in ordinary to
King Charles II. and Judge Advocate of the army. They lived
together twelve or fourteen years and were a pattern of conjugal
affection, and indeed I believe there never was a more humane,
good-natured, virtuous and truly religious couple. I think
they had a child, but it died very soon after it was born.
I was put to school to one Mr. Gordon, a Scotsman, who
lived in what is since called Jermyn Street. He was a good
man and had most of the gentlemen's sons of the neighbour-
hood, and though a Roman Catholic took great care to prevent
all disputes between the Protestant and Papist boys, and never
endeavoured himself to bring any of the Protestants over to
his persuasion. I stayed at school till I was somewhat above
ten years old, and then left it upon falling ill of the small-pox,
and never returned to that or went to any other, but my
father-in-law took the kind trouble to read the Greek and
Latin classic authors with me, and so continued till he sent
me to the University. During the time I was under his care
he gave me opportunities of learning to dance, fence, wrestle,
write, cast accounts, and as he was most indulgent to me took
me with him into all companies and places where anything
was to be seen worth observation, that, as he used to say, there
might be as little new to me in the world as could be when I
grew up to be a man.
The beginning of December, 1676, I went down to Oxford,
and by my father-in-law's direction entered myself of Brazen-
Nose College, under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Ralph Rawson,
an old Cavalier and admirable tutor. He used to read to us
constantly twice a day, not excepting Sundays. I was the last
pupil he took, and he left the college to go to his parsonage
of Rowlright [Rollright] in about a year, much too soon for
my advantage. After he went away, I had not anybody to
read to me, but took Mr. Thos. Millington, a very ingenious
fellow of the college, into my chamber, and had his friendship
and assistance when I doubted of anything in my studies.
[Margin: Tho. Millington found dead in his bed April 8th,
1689.]
There was a very hard frost at the time I came to Oxford,
so that the Thames was frozen over, and at the Act in July,
1677, I spoke verses in the theatre upon that subject. Bishop
Fell, I remember, brought Mr. Simon Harcourt, since Lord
Harcourt, and me acquainted before the Act, when we both
were to have spoken verses, but Mr. Harcourt, with three
others, were reserved to speak to the Duke of Ormond, Chan-
cellor of the University, who came hither in his way to Ireland
the August after, at which time several gentlemen who came
with the Duke had honorary degrees given them, and Dr.
South, the public orator, presented some of them in a verv
merry manner.
261
I had a square cap given me for speaking, and was the first
commoner, I think, that ever wore one in Oxford. [Margin :
I went to Cheshire with Mr. Millington, and so to Holywell.]
I took my bachelor's degree at Act term, 1679, when I was
three years standing in terms, according to the privilege of
the University, and determined the Lent after [margin : The
dispute with the collector about the gracious days. I was put
up on two post-nons in the scheme, and the vice- Chancellor
ordered I should have the collector's days and school], being
still of Brazen-Nose College, but being designed for the study
of the Common Law, and entered of the Inner Temple by Sir
William Pulteney, wnen Eeader, before I came to Oxford, my
father-in-law directed me to come up to town for that purpose,
and in order to it I put off my chamber at Brazen-Nose, with
design to leave the University, but a vacancy happening just
at that time at All Souls, by Archbishop Sancroft's turning
Trumbull out of his fellowship, it was resolved I should try
my fortune at the ensuing election, which I did accordingly,
and by the assistance of my good friend, Dr. Richard Adams,
fellow, and the only person I knew of the college, had a majority
of the fellows for me.
But that society having, at that time, generally refused an oath
which the Archbishop enjoined each elector to take or else to
lose his vote in the election, the Warden, Dr. James, made a
devolution to the Archbishop, who was pleased to appoint me
fellow, together with three others, whom he put into the room
of Mr. Ayloffe, Mr. Bishop and Mr. Southcote, who had been
chosen that election by the fellows upon the recommendation
of three who resigned to them, and we were entered in All
Souls the 1st of December, 1680. Mr. Ayloffe and the other
two who were put by had recourse to Hale,* and a ma?idamus
came from the King's Bench to the Warden to put in Mr.
Ayloffe, &c, or show cause why he did not. The Warden's
answer was that the college had a local visitor, who was
the proper judge of all these matters, whereupon the Court
dismissed the petition. I believe there have not been any
resignations since. The three put in by the Archbishop at the
same time with me were Miles Stapleton, since Doctor of
Divinity and Prebendary of Worcester; Mr. John Norris,
rector of Bemerton by Salisbury, who has left many things
behind him in prose and verse, and Mr. Thomas Gardner, who
quitted his fellowship after the Revolution, upon account of
the oaths.
My coming into this college diverted me from going to the
Temple, and my father-in-law, the year after, finding his health
and strength very sensibly decline, endeavoured to get me
joined with him in his commission of Judge Advocate, which
the King did not care to do, but was pleased to say he would
give me the employment if Dr. Barrow would resign it, so a
* If the Lord Chief Justice is meant, Dr. Clarke is mistaken, as he died in 167G.
262
patent passed for me in March, 1681, and was the first that
ever was granted for that place, which had always been held
before by commission, but it being necessary that the Judge
Advocate should administer an oath at Courts Martial and
upon several other occasions, it was thought requisite that he
should have the Broad Seal to empower him to do it, and
so it became a patent place, though only held during pleasure.
The 21st of March after, it pleased God to take away my
good father-in-law, to whom I had a thousand obligations and
whose memory I shall always respect as I ought to do, for the
tender care he had of me and the great love and kindness he
ever showed me.
My mother buried him in Fulham Church, and when she
died herself desired to be laid by him, as she was, and I put
up a tomb there in memory of them both. They lie in lead,
in a vault which I made for them, and I built some seats in
a gallery at the west end of the church, at the desire of the
parish, in consideration of this burying place, which belongs
to me, and is railed in with an iron rail, set about the tomb.
My mother continued some time at Fulham after the death
of my father-in-law, and then removed to London.
I did not take my degree of Master of Arts till the 18th of
April, 1683, losing a year by being Fellow of All Souls. There
being hardly any land forces in England but the Horse and
Foot Guards there were not very frequent occasions for Courts
Martial. The first after I came in was upon a complaint of
false musters against Sir Robert Holmes, Governor of the Isle
of Wight, who made himself so well with Mr. Blathwayt,
Secretary at "War, that all endeavours were used to avoid the
bringing it to that sort of trial, and whether to f avoir Sir
Robert or to engross all business to himself or that lie was
ignorant of the methods of the army, Mr. Blathwayt did all
he could to keep off a Court Martial, and would have had the
matter heard at his Office, by what he called a council of war,
where the Secretaiy at War was to be, and not the Judge
Advocate. Upon getting an intimation of this design, I
immediately went down to Windsor and waited upon the King,
whom I acquainted with it, and had the pleasure, as Mr. Blath-
wayt had the mortification, to hear his Majesty disapprove Mr.
Blathwayt' s project in pretty harsh terms and order a Court
Martial to examine into the false musters that were laid to Sir
Robert's charge. This put a stop to the attempts that were
on foot to render the Judge- Advocate's place useless, and which,
if they had succeeded, would of course have put an end to the
employment. [Margin : Dispute before the King at Hampton
Court about my seat in the Court Martial.] After this, in
1684, I was sent to hold a Court Martial at Plymouth, which
was perfectlv new, not to say irregular, for all Courts Martial
till that time were held at the headquarters. I satisfied the
King that this was a breaking into rules and improper to be
26*3
done, so that his Majesty would have excused ine from going
and bid me get anybody there to do the business for me, but
I answered that if he thought it for his service that a Court
Martial should be held there, I should not think much of my
pains in going, but that it would be expensive to his Majesty.
Accordingly I went thither, and at my return had his Majesty's
approbation- of what I had done in a very gracious manner,
and with that condescension and humanity which were so in-
separable from that Prince's actions.
When I was at Plymouth, I went a shooting one day with
some of Governor Kirk's officers, lately arrived from Tangier,
to the Mewstone, that lies about . . . from the place,
and was in great danger of being cast away among the rocks
as we were returning. I went to see St. Nicholas' island that
lies over against the citadel ; they told us that Major-General
Lambert, who had been prisoner there many years, died there,
I think the March before. He always loved gardening, and
took a delight, during his confinement, to work in a little
one he had there. One day, as he was at work, some gentle-
men came in a boat to see the island, and the Major-General
went in to change his night gown that he might wait upon
the company in a more decent dress, and catched a cold that
brought him to his grave.
[Margin : I changed my faculty in the college in King
Charles' time, the Archbishop of Canterbury recommending
it to the society.]
Upon King Charles' death in 1684-5, his successor, King
James, renewed my patent and increased my salary. The
summer of that year the Duke of Monmouth landed in Eng-
land, and I asked the King's leave to go down to the west to
the army. His Majesty kept me in London seven or eight
days, intending to send some orders by me, as he was pleased
to say, so that I did not get to Bristol until the news came
thither of the Duke of Monmouth's being taken nor join the
army till it was separating at Warminster, from whence I went
to see the Bath and afterwards to wait upon my mother, who
was at Pydeltrenthide [Puddletrenthide] in Dorsetshire with
my cousin Oxenbregge. I had not been there above two or
three days when I was forced to ride post to London to be
present at the trial of some of the soldiers of the regiments
that, came from Holland, and had declared that they would be
for the black Jemmy, against the white. Soon after, Sir
Leoline Jenkins died, and I was set up to succeed him as
Parliament man for the LTniversity. Dr. Oldys, of the Com-
mons, opposed me, but I carried it by a majority of 79 voices,
to the best of my remembrance. After the election I went up
to London, but before I got thither the Parliament was pro-
rogued upon the known difference between them and the Court
about employing Popish officers. I found that the King was
beginning to closet the members [margin : Memorandum, the
Bishop of London's trial], and thought it best for me to keep
264
out of his sight, and therefore returned to my college, but
I was no sooner there than Obadiah Walker, the Papist
Master of University College, enquired if the three questions
had been put to me, and upon being told that they had not
said he would take care they should: that my mind was well
known upon these points and that my employment would be
a very good one for Mr. Matson, one of his converts, who was
then by him. Mr. Matson wrote a letter to one of my friends
to offer me 300£. for my place, which he said it was not possible
for me to keep, but he insisted that I should give security to
return him the money if Whitehall should come not to he
favourable [margin: Not i)rove~\ to those of his persuasion, or
words to that purpose. But I rejected the offer, and making
Mr. Wm. Latten my deputy {margin : Went to Mr. Coningsby's
at Hampton Court, where I found Lord Lisbone and his lady,
and Dick Gorges, whom I saw there first] went into Hereford-
shire with Mr. Adams and stayed there till Dr. Leopold Finch,
Warden of All Souls, came to call upon me to go a College
progress into Wales. We proceeded as far as Abberbury
[Abenbury?] and somewhat further, but the weather proving
exceeding bad returned to Shrewsbury, and from thence back
to Dr. Adams at Marden, where we rested ourselves two or
three days and went to Gloucester, whither Dr. Jonathan
Trelawny, Bishop of Bristol, came on purpose to Dr. Jane's,
the Dean,' to meet us. From Gloucester we waited upon the
Bishop back to Bristol, and Dr. Jane among the rest, and stayed
there some time, being entertained in that kind and generous
manner with which his Lordship always uses his friends. At
last we parted, Dr. Jane returning to Gloucester and the Warden
and I going by Bath to Longleat. The new gardens were then
making, and we remained there, I think, about a fortnight,
very much to our satisfaction. Among other things, Lord
Weymouth showed us the Character of a Trimmer, in MS., of
which he said there were only five copies in being. Sir
William Coventry was named for the author of it, but after the
Eevolution, George, Marquis of Halifax, told me that he wrote
it.
From Longleat we went by Hungerford to Oxford, but the
spirit of closeting being very active, I went to Peterborough in
Northamptonshire to visit my good friends, Captain Orme
and his lady, that I might be out of Obadiah Walker's way,
and having travelled about that country and seen the most
remarkable places in it, went to Astrop Wells for a few days
and from thence to London, my friends writing me word that
my absence was taken notice of, and I thinking it as good to
be turned out in the town as country. But it happened that
I never was spoke to about the Penal laws and Test till after
the Parliament was dissolved, and then Lord Craven, who had
seen me at Court the day before, came in the morning to
my lodging before I was up and told me that he was to ask
me some questions, which he put to all Justices of the Peace
365
and Deputy- Lieutenants by the King's command. I soon satis-
fied him that I was neither, and so his Lordship went away
in a little confusion. My travelling that summer saved my
employment, for if I had been in London I should no doubt
have been put into the Commission of the Peace when the
Secretary at War, Commissaries, &c, were. The army was
after this encamped at Hounslow Heath, where there were
many Courts Martial, and I constantly assisted at them, but
a standing one was appointed to be held every week at the
Horse Guards, and the general officers to be Presidents by
turns. The intention of establishing this court was to with-
draw the soldiery from the civil power, and all matters, as well
civil as military, relating to the army were to be brought before
them. Now and then things arose that made it proper to have
the opinion of the King's Counsel, and one Mr. Beddingfield,
a Roman Catholic, was appointed to attend the Court Martial.
The Roman Catholics who were of it pressed mightily to have
him present at the debates, but I soon foresaw what the conse-
quence of that would be, and carried it by the help of my
Protestant friends that he should wait without till there was
occasion to consult him, and that happening hardly ever after,
he grew weary of attending, and I was rid of a very dangerous
competitor.
In the year 1687 King James came from Holywell to Oxford,
and I was one of the Masters of Arts who rode out to meet
him. [Margin : And appointed to speak to him at the gate
if he came to see the college.] The next morning I went to
his levee at Christchurch and found nobody with him but the
Duke of Beaufort except Father Warner and some priests, who
stood at a distance in a corner of the room. The King, seeing
me in a gown, asked me what college I was of, and upon my
saying All Souls he told me that we held our lands by praying
for souls. I endeavoured to set his Majesty right by assuring
him that there was no such thing in our Charter, but that
our Founder having diverted the King from falling upon the
Church lands by persuading him to a war with France, among
other motives which he had for founding the college as the
promoting of learning, piety, &c, one was the praying for the
souls of the persons who were killed in that war, but that it
was not made the tenure of our lands. His Majesty answered
in a little heat that he had it from our visitor, Archbishop
Sheldon, who ought to know. It was not good manners in
me to pursue that point any further, and I was told afterwards
that I was but an ill courtier in going so far.
Before the King left Oxford he sent for the members of
Magdalen College and chid them very severely for not obeying
him in the choice of a President.
The King put himself into so great passion that he changed
colour and faltered in his speech, but Lord Sunderland stood
by his elbow with much sedate malice in his face ; the gentle-
nen of Magdalen's were all the while upon their knees. As
366
they were going out of the room the last time, for they were
chid twice the same afternoon, I heard Charnock cry to them :
Come, let's obey the King, let's obey the King, upon which Mr.
Wilks turned about and told him with a good deal of firm-
ness: Mr. Charnock, we must obey God before the King. I
think he spoke loud enough for the King to hear him. After
the King went from Oxford, I went with Dr. Edisbury to his
brother's house at Erthig, by Wrexham, and several times
visited my good friend, Dr. Wainwright, the Chancellor of
Chester, who died but the beginning of last month (of October,
1720), of a cancer in his mouth. There I met Dr. Cartwright,
the Bishop of Chester, who had shown great complaisance to
Dr. Leybourne, the King's Bishop, as he called him, and all
the priests who came with him to Chester. He would have
had his Chancellor and Consistory meet Leybourne when he
came thither, but the Chancellor honestly refused it, as being
against the law to acknowledge anyone that acted by authority
of the See of Rome. This accident of meeting Bishop Cart-
wright put a difficulty upon me when he came to Oxford as
Commissioner to visit Magdalen College, for he sent me word
that if I would not come to see him he would come to see me,
whereupon I was obliged to go dine with him, and I well
remember after dinner, as we were drinking a bottle of wine, he
asked me why the gentlemen of the Church of England were
so averse from complying with the King, who meant to give
them a better security than the Test and Penal laws. Says
he: Would not anyone who has a bond part with it for a
judgment? and the King will give the Church a judgment for
their security. Lord Chief Justice Wright, who was by,
though one of the Commissioners, could not contain himself,
but answered : My Lord, the Church of England has a statute,
which is better than a judgment, and would anybody part
with a better security for a worse? After this my old friend,
Dr. Parker, Bishop of Oxford, was put into possession of the
Presidentship of Magdalen College. It was pity that he ran
into the measures of these times ; he was a man of ambition.
Next year I was at Astrop Wells [margin: Went to Castle
Ashby to the Bishop of London and Dr. Jane: when there
heard of Mr. Sydney, afterwards Lord Bomney, going to
Holland], and sent for from thence to Windsor upon occasion
of the Portsmouth officers refusing to admit Papists into their
regiments. A Court Martial was held in that room of the
castle which was afterwards the Princess of Denmark's Presence
Chamber. The officers endeavoured at first to excuse them-
selves from disobedience by alleging that orders were not
regularly sent them to take in the Papists. But it was carried
in the Court Martial that the orders had been sent them in
due form. The officers were called in again and acquainted
with the opinion of the Court, but told at the same time that
no advantage should be made of their mistake if they would
now take the Papists in, which they all refused to do. I
26T
waited upon the King immediately, with the President, to give
him an account of what passed, and can never forget the con-
cern he was in, which showed itself by a dejection rather than
anger; indeed at that time he began to be apprehensive of the
Prince of Orange's design, so that the change which appeared
in him is not to be wondered at.
The King came to London soon after upon receiving more
certain accounts of the preparations in Holland, and there
were frequent meetings of the general officers at Major-General
Worden's lodgings to consider what was necessary to be done,
supposing the Dutch should come. Among other things the
Articles of War were revised, and I went to Sir Thos. Powys,
Attorney General, for his opinion how far martial law might
be executed if an enemy should land. Sir Thomas was in
some confusion at the question, and did not care to give a direct
answer.
In November, 1688, the Prince of Orange landed at Exeter
(sic), and the King went to Salisbury, which was the head-
quarters. Dr. Kadcliffe and I set out of London shortly after
and went to Winchester, where we stayed two nights, and
on the Saturday designed to go to Salisbury, but before we
came thither we met the King with the Prince of Denmark,
Lord Feversham and Lord Peterborough in his coach and
the army all marching back. We went with the King to
Andover and waited upon him at his quarters, with the Prince
of Denmark and Duke of Ormond. I can never forget the
confusion the Court was in ; the Lord Churchill had gone over
to the Prince of Orange from Salisbury the night before, and
the Duke of Grafton that morning ; the King knew not whom
to trust, and the fright was so great that they were apt to
believe an impossible report just then brought in that the
Prince of Orange was come with twelve thousand horse between
Warminster and Salisbury. Upon hearing it the Lord Fevers-
ham, the General, never questioned the truth, but cried out:
Zounce, then Kirk be asleep. This I was an ear witness of.
Everybody in this hurly-burly was thinking of himself, and
nobody minded the King, who came up to Dr. Kadcliffe and
asked him what was good for the bleeding of his nose : it was
the last time that ever I saw him. Dr. Kadcliffe and I returned
with the Prince of Denmark to his quarters, and from thence
I carried the Doctor and Harry Wharton to a friend of mine,
Mr. Stokes, at Whitchurch, where we found the house full of
the officers of Lord Dartmouth's regiment. The Doctor and
Mr. Wharton went very early next morning to meet the Prince
of Denmark, Duke of Ormond, &c, by Sir Wm. Kingsmill's
house at Highclere, but missed them, and the Doctor returned
to London. I stayed that day at Whitchurch, and as the
master and mistress of the house were at dinner Lord Lichfield
opened the parlour door : his Lordship was a stranger to them,
but upon my telling them who he was they invited him to sit
down, which he did. After dinner, Col. Sandys, one of the
268
Captains of the first regiment of guards, of which his Lordship
had been made Colonel the day before, came to acquaint him
that the Prince of Denmark, Duke of Ormond, &c, were gone
in to the Prince of Orange. Lord Lichfield came up to me
and told me the news, and said with a sigh : Poor man (mean-
ing the King) they will leave him so fast they will not give
him time to make terms. Next day I went to Oxford to my
college, and stayed there till after we had the account of the
King's going away, the first time, when he was stopped at
Faversham. Immediately I went to London, and after the
Prince and Princess of Orange were declared King and Queen,
had my commission of Judge Advocate renewed, and a deputy
allowed me for the forces which were to go to Flanders under
the command of the now Duke of Marlborough. [Margin :
Memorandum. The delay to my commission till private ends
were served in the deputy, who was Mr. Whitfield, Lord Marl-
borough's secretary. In May or the latter end of April, 1689,
Mr. Warden fell ill in my bed, and by Dr. Radcliffe's advice,
when I was abroad, was immediately removed to a lodging
in Covent Garden, where his illness proved to be the small-pox.
I was with him most of the time by day and night till his
recovery, before which his sister, the Lady Jane, was brought
to the same house, where she died of the small-pox. At the
desire of Lord and Lady Weymouth I put down in writing
how she had a mind her things should be disposed of after her
death, and after reading it to her she declared it her will,
but could not sign it, for she was blind with the disease.]
Commissioners being appointed that summer of 1689 to view
and regulate the army, I offered myself to go along with
them, which the King agreed to. My good friends, Mr. Charles
Toll, deputy Paymaster, and Mr. Commissary Crawford and I
had a coach and six horses to carry us, and made a very pleasant
journey. They two went directly to York, but I accompanied
the Commissioners to Hull, in my way thither. At York, Mr.
Crawford fell ill, and remained behind there till he was in
a condition to return home. We went on to Newcastle, and
from thence I took post for Edinburgh, where I met Sir John
Lanier, who commanded the forces that besieged the castle,
and Lord Colchester. The evening I came thither the Duke
of Gordon, who was in the castle, desired to capitulate and to
have till next morning to bring in his demands. I asked Sir
John Lanier to go along with him to the treaty, but he said
the persons were already named who were to accompany him,
but if I would be at the Parliament Close he would come to
me and let me know what was done. I had not been at the
Close above half an hour when Sir John came and told me that
the treaty was broke off ; that when both sides were met before
the castle a man slipped in, whom the Duke of Gordon would
not deliver up, and without he did that Sir John would not
proceed any further. Sir John supposed that the man came
from the Highlands. The Scots who came about us seemed
269
to be pleased that the treaty was broke off and talked of the
strength of the castle, intimating that it was impregnable and
indeed it conld never have been taken if the siege had been
carried on in the manner it was begun, for though they could
have made a breach in the part where they battered it, it was
impossible to storm it, the rock being so steep on that side :
but there was no likelihood that two 18 pounders would make
one, and those were all that I could see in the battery. Sir
John Lanier spoke to the Duke of Hamilton, who was High
Commissioner, for his consent to raise batteries from the city
side as the most proper for that purpose, but the Duke showed
great unwillingness to give it and said it would occasion the
castle's firing into the town, which they had agreed not to do,
provided they were not attacked from that side. Sir John's
answer was that he saw no other way of taking the castle
and that he was sure he could soon be master of it by making
his approaches in that manner. But the Commissioner con-
tinuing averse to it, Sir John was forced to tell him that he
must be obliged to let the King know what he had proposed
and the Duke's answer, and that he had brought Lord Colchester
with him on purpose to be a witness of what passed between
them. This I had from Sir John or Lord Colchester or both
at that time and place. At last the Duke consented, and the
castle surrendered that night, I think, or next morning. I
remember they began to fire small shot into the town as soon
as Sir John broke off the treaty, and he and I were forced
to go close under the houses in our way to the shops, where
I had a mind to purchase some of their plaids. I waited upon
Duke Hamilton at Holyrood House and was received very
civilly : he would have had me go to Stirling to see the beauty
of their country, but I was obliged to be back at Newcastle on
Thursday, so that I stayed but twenty-six hours at Edinburgh
and was out in all but from Monday about twelve a clock to
Thursday about three in the afternoon, when I found my
company preparing to set out for Hexham, and thither I went
with them that night. I undertook this fatiguing excursion
at the desire of Lord Monmouth and Mr. Tho. Wharton, who
were both of them Commissioners for regulating the army,
and had relations in Scotland whom they had a mind to visit,
but Lord Monmouth stayed at Newcastle and only Mr. Wharton
went. While the Commissioners stayed at Newcastle, I went to
Hepburne, where my grandfather Hilyard lived some years
before he died, and saw the place in Jarrow Church hard by
where he and my grandmother lie buried. [Margin : Vide the
epitaph.] As my mother informed me, they were forced to
leave Hantshire, where their residence was, to avoid paying
a fine of 10,000?., laid upon my grandfather by the Star
Chamber or High Commission Court for some words which a
malicious neighbour of his swore he had spoke of Archbishop
Laud, but my grandfather always denied. It seems my grand-
father had the saltpetre farm, and some of his servants, when
2T0
he was at London, dug up this neighbour's dove-house, which
so exasperated him that he made the information above men-
tioned. He was forced to change his name to Hall, and lies
buried by that name ; my grandmother and he died almost
both at the same time, and left their children very young,
so that they were not able to take care of the estate, which was
at a distance and in the hands of servants, who made their
markets of them, and for ought I could ever understand the
family suffered more by removing into the north than if they
had paid two such fines.
The Commissioners went from Hexham to Carlisle, where
I found my old schoolmaster, Mr. Gordon, in custody. As I
remember he was taken up as coming from Ireland, which
was then altogether in Papist hands. I had the pleasure to
get him released. At Penrith the Commissioners found Mr.
Hooke, who had been chaplain to the Duke of Monmouth,
and has been since an officer of distinction in the French army ;
I think a Brigadier or Major- General. I saw him at Versailles
in 1715 in good credit.
Mr. Hooke had been seized at Whitehaven upon his landing
from Ireland, and was a prisoner at Penrith when most of
the Commissioners came thither on the Sunday. I say most
of them, for Mr. Wharton, the Comptroller, would not travel
on that day for fear of giving offence, as he said, to his
father's godly tenants in the north. The Commissioners sent
for Mr. Hooke, and as we were told when we came next day
drank with him pretty freely and used many arguments to
persuade him to leave King James' interests. His answer was
that King James had given him his life when he had forfeited
it in the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion, and that as long
as it was a life it should be at his service.
From Penrith we went by Kendal, Lancaster, Preston and
Warrington to Chester, where we met Major-General Tre-
lawney, who was of the commission, but had not been with
them till then, and the pleasure of seeing him and my good
friend, Dr. Wainwright, made me not accept of the invitation
my Lord Devonshire gave me to go along with him to Chats-
worth. Our route led us to Shrewsbury, Stafford and North-
ampton, where the Commissioners parted, and Major-General
Trelawney, Mr. Toll and I went with Mr. Wharton to Win-
chenden, from whence, after two or three days' stay, I got to
Oxford. [Margin : In this progress of the Commissioners
some very few officers were turned out who were suspected as
no friends to the Revolution, the regiments were all reviewed
and cleared and all vacancies filled up.]
The beginning of the next year the King was preparing for
his expedition to Ireland. [Margin : The 13th of Feb., 1689 ]
Mr. Crawford sent me word to the college that Mr. Blathwayt,
Secretary at War, refused to go along with his Majesty, and
advised me to lose no time, but come up and ask for the employ-
ment. I took post next morning for London, and as soon as
271
I came thither enquired of Mr. Blathwayt himself whether
what I heard was true and that he desired to quit his place of
Secretary at War: he told me he had, and that he wished me
success in my application for it. I got his Majesty moved in
my behalf, and in a little time had a message to attend him
at Kensington, where I found him in the garden. He was
pleased to tell me that he had made me Secretary at War,
and gave me his hand to kiss and ordered me to get myself
ready to go with him to Ireland. Before I returned to
London from Kensington I was told that it was whispered in
the Court as if Mr. Blathwayt was to continue in that employ-
ment, and I desired the Duke of Ormond to ask his Majesty
if there was any ground for the report.
His answer was that Blathwayt must continue while Clarke
is in Ireland : but by the favour of Lord Portland and methods
which he used he continued after my return and to the King's
death.
I waited upon his Majesty all along the way to Chester and
Gayton-in-Worrall, where he lay some few nights till the wind
seemed to turn, and then the King went on board at Hylake
[Hoylake], and in two or three days landed at Belfast. The
old Duke of Schonberg was quartered there and received his
Majesty. In the time the King stayed at Belfast, among others
the Presbyterian ministers presented a long address and claimed
the King's protection and favour upon three accounts: — 1st,
for their numbers, as being the most numerous of all the Protest-
ants of the north ; 2nd, their services, especially at London-
derry; and 3rd, because his Majesty and his ancestors were
all of their persuasion or to that effect. I remember when they
read the second article, Mr. Walker, who had been Governor
of Londonderry, and with whom I was talking, could not contain
himself, but contradicted what they said with a good deal of
warmth, though not loud enough for the King to hear. I can't
omit in this place to take notice of the little regard the King
showed to that very great man, the old Duke of Schonberg :
all the countenance and confidence was in the Dutch General
Officers, Count Solms, Mons. Scravemore [Scravenmoer], &c,
msomuch that the Duke, who commanded next under his
Majesty, was not so much as advised with about the march of
the army, as he complained to me himself while we were
at Belfast, and said if the King had supposed that he had not
been entirely negligent in informing himself of the country
that winter, he would have thought fit to have asked his opinion
which was the most proper way for it to advance, and if he
had, he should have told his Majesty the difficulties he might
probably meet with in going by Newry, and that the better
way was by Armagh and the Fewes, &c, but that he had never
till then heard so much of what was intended as I had told
him, for which he thanked me. Indeed I think that the Duke
resented these slights and ill-usage so much that he was not
unwilling to expose himself more than was really proper, in
272
hopes of putting an end to his uneasiness in the manner he
did. And I am the more confirmed in this thought by some
discourse I had with him two or three days before the battle
of the Boyne, and what passed between his Grace and a friend
of mine the very evening that preceded his death. His Grace
was killed immediately after the head of the line passed the
river and poor Mr. Walker of Londonderry with him. The
King had immediate notice of it by some of the Duke's Aides-
de-Camp, but did not seem to be concerned, whether it was
that he really was not sorry or that his thoughts were employed
about the regiment of Dutch Guards, whom he apprehended
in some danger from a body of Irish horse that was coming
to attack them, I will not determine.
The day before the battle, as the army marched up to the
Boyne and drew up upon a rise that sloped towards the river
as fast as they came to their ground, the King, after eating
a little at Count Schonberg's, rode along the line, with intent
to view the river he intended to pass and the enemy on the
other side of it: he had not rode half a quarter of a mile
before the Irish fired two field pieces, which we saw them
place upon a rising ground almost over against us ; I mean
the place where the King had dined and we were dining, on
the side of the Boyne. The company that followed the King
rode up the rising ground from the river in some disorder, as
we perceived, upon the firing these two pieces, which were
immediately after pointed against the Horse Guards, who upon
that were ordered to dismount that they might be the less
exposed to the shot that flew pretty thick and had done mischief
among the horses. Upon the movement made by the company
that attended the King, the enemy gave a great shout, but we
who were at the head of the Guards did not know that any
of the shot had taken place, and indeed when we were told a
little after that the King was wounded on the shoulder with
a cannon ball, but not dangerously, I could not bring myself
to believe that he was alive, and thought it was only given
out in that manner to prevent the confusion which the telling
his true condition would have occasioned. But to my great
satisfaction, I saw him soon after riding towards that place
where he received his hurt and so all along the line, but nobody
except the Marshal Schonberg was allowed to ride with him,
that he might not be again exposed to their shot from his
quality being discovered by the number of his attendants.
After his Majesty had viewed the ground and se°n the several
columns march into it he went to his tent, but so weak and
fatigued that he was taken off of his horse, and 1 remember,
as they were taking him off, he said that his hurt would
be of one advantage to him, for he should not wear armour
the next day. It is no wonder that in a divided nation as
ours is that false reports should be industriously raised in
order to lessen the credit of the other party, and therefore I
have not been surprised to have heard it confidently affirmed
273
by those who did not love his person that the King was not
wounded. We who were there knew the contrary, and that it
was a pretty considerable time before he was perfectly cnred.
Next morning, about eight or nine o'clock, our cannon began
to fire upon two houses, with yards walled about, that stood
on each side the road on the other side the Boyne just over
against the ford where the Guards were to pass. The enemy
had posted some foot in those houses, whose fire was silenced
by our cannon, but as the Guards w^ere got almost through
the water they rose up from behind the walls and gave one
fire upon them and ran away. Part of the troops marched
directly on between these two houses up the hill, and there
the Duke of Schonberg and Mr. Walker were killed, and news
was brought of it to the King, who had not passed the river,
but was looking upon the action and in great concern for his
Blue Guards, who had marched to the left between the two
houses and the river and were forming as fast as they could
to receive a body of Irish horse that was coming towards them
upon a full trot. The King was in a good deal of apprehension
for them, there not being hedge nor ditch before them nor any
of our horse to support them, and I was so near his Majesty
as to hear him say softly to himself : " My poor Guards, my
poor Guards, my poor Guards," as the enemy were coming down
upon them, but when he saw them stand their ground and
fire by platoons, so that the horse were forced to run away in
great disorder, he breathed out, as people use to do after holding
their breath upon a fright or suspense, and said he had seen
his Guards do that which he had never seen foot do in his
life. He then immediately called for his horse and went over
the river, near the place where the Guards had passed before,
and that part of the army which was with the King got over
there and lower towards Drogheda. The other part, commanded
by Count Maynhard [Mainhardt], afterwards Duke Schonberg,
went over at Slane, where there was little opposition and in
neither place much to do after the troops were passed, the
Irish returning before them to Duleek, about two miles off.
There some cornets of horse made a little stand by the advantage
of a small river and a stone bridge, so that the cannon were
sent for, and in the meantime we could see their foot making
the best of their way, without any manner of order, towards
Dublin. I think, too, that their horse quitted Duleek before
the cannon came. Our horse and dragoons pursued them till
dusk of the evening, but they got through a defile before we
could come up with them and made another stand, so that
our dragoons drew up in a line to face them and stayed for
the cannon that were coming up. By this time it was just
dark and the King went back to Duleek, where the foot were
ordered to halt, and his Majesty lay that night in the Prince
of Denmark's coach, for the baggage was not come up. We
shifted as well as we could without tents or servants and slept
very heartily upon the ground. In the night the enemy's horse
1 25. K
274
that faced our dragoons marched away, and we heard no more
of them. We were told that King James went off with a good
body of horse soon after the action began, for the General
Officers had addressed to him the night before in a Council of
War not to expose his person. He came to Dublin that even-
ing and went to the castle to Lady Tyrconnel, and about four
a clock next morning set out for Duneannon, and got thither
by night. There he went aboard a ship that he found in the
harbour and sailed for France, but was driven back either to
Cork or Kinsale, and hearing that there were seventeen or nine-
teen French frigates in the other of these harbours he sent
to them to convoy him, which they did, and by that means
were prevented from scouring St. George's Channel, inter-
cepting provisions and cutting off all correspondence with Eng-
land, which were the services for which they were designed,
so that if it had not been for this accident our army would
have had great difficulty to subsist, the French being masters
at sea by their success at Beachy fight [margin : Which
happened about the time of that at the Boyne] and Ireland
not in a condition to have supplied us with corn. A day or
two after the battle of the Boyne the army marched and
encamped at Finglass by Dublin, and from thence the King-
sent some of the General officers and myself to see what could
be done to secure our provision ships, which were come from
Carlingford to that harbour, for his Majesty had received an
account of those seventeen or nineteen frigates before-mentioned
that were designed to destroy them, and did not know that
King James had taken them with him to France to secure him
in his passage thither. The necessary orders were given to
have gabards, &c, ready to be sunk in the entrance of the
harbour if there should be occasion, and so we returned to the
camp, but in my way back I made a visit to my old acquaint-
ance, Dr. Lane of Merton College, whom I saw at a window
as I passed through the city. He had been secretary to the
Earl of Carlingford, who was killed at the Boyne, where the
doctor himself had been wounded in the hand, but I heard
nothing from him of his killing Duke Schonberg, which it
seems he afterwards frequently bragged of in England. His
condition was very low, having neither money nor friends. I
gave him some assistance, and found him still at Dublin when
I returned from the first siege of Limerick, and persuaded him
to go to England and apply himself to his profession of the
civil law, and I furnished him with a pass, &c, for which
I had but an ill return from him. From Finglass the army
marched southwards and came at last to Carrick, where the
King stayed till he received an account from Major-General
Kirke, who commanded before Waterford, that the place had
capitulated and the garrison was to march out next day. Upon
that his Majesty went thither and returned at night to Carrick,
and next day went for Dublin in order to go to England, where
he thought his presence necessary to quiet the apprehension
275
the nation were under upon the French threatening to land,
for they hovered about the coast some time after the advantage
they had over our fleet off of Beachy, but by that time his
Majesty got to Dublin the fright was over and he did not
pursue his voyage, but took a resolution of returning to the
army, which he had left under the command of Count Solms.
Before the King went from Carrick he made and signed a new
regulation [margin : Dated the 26th July, 1690] about pre-
cedency of the officers of horse, foot and dragoons, whom he
ordered to take place according to the dates of their com-
missions without regard to the ancientness of the corps to which
they did belong, and this was to be without distinction of
nations, being intended to favour the foreigners who were in
the army. Some years afterwards I gave the Earl of Rochester
a copy of that resolution to show the King, who at that time
had a great mind that his favourite, the Earl of Albemarle,
should command the Duke of Ormond, who was much the elder
officer, because the Duke was only Captain of the second troop
of Guards, and the Earl was put at the head of the first, in
the room of the Earl of Scarborough. I happened to be the
first person that told the Duke of Ormond of Lord Albemarle's
pretence to command, having by chance, as I was going to dine
with his Grace at the Cockpit, seen an order of that Lord's
nailed up at the Horse Guards, whereby he gave general
directions to all the troops. T?his dispute was carried to such
a height by the King's inclination to favour Lord Albemarle
that the Duke offered to lay down all his commissions, but it
was thought too unpopular a thing to accept them, especially
when he was right in the point for which he contended and
was at last yielded to him. During this contest I remember
one answer he gave the King, which showed a good deal of
spirit. The King asked him why he had not desired to have
the first troop of Guards when it was vacant. His Grace
replied: I thought, Sir, if any privilege or command was
annexed to the troop I might have had it without asking.
I am apt to believe that what I did in furnishing Lord
Rochester with a copy of that order to show the King was
some prejudice to me with him. [Margin: When the King
resolved to go for England he sent the Earl of Portland to me
to tell me that it would be for his service and that he desired
I would stay behind him in Ireland. I told my Lord that I
would wait upon his Majesty and give him my answer. I
did accordingly and told him what Lord Portland had said
to me. His Majesty repeated the same thing and urged me
to stay to help Count Solms, I suppose he meant with English,
which he could not speak. I told his Majesty that I came to
Ireland to attend him and nobody else ; that I had offered him
my service when those refused to come with him whose business
it was, and that I hoped he would let me wait upon him
back. His Majesty said he remembered it very well and that
I might be sure it should be the better for me. I still pressed
276
that I might go with him to England, and among other things
told him that I should be forgot if I stayed there, but he
was pleased to make me many gracious promises to incline me
to remain in Ireland, which I consented to do at last, and con-
tinued there till the end of the war, but how well those
promises were made good to me I have but too much cause
to remember, for when I came to England after the Peace
I found Mr. Ostall established in the employment which was
promised me, and I was put off with a commission of Secretary
at "War in the King's absence, which I enjoyed ten years,
which was all the King did for me as long as he lived.] After
the King* left Carrick, the army, under command of Count
Solms, advanced to Gelden Bridge, and there his Majesty
joined it again from Dublin and marched it to Limerick. In
his march he received an account that the French regiments
had left the place and were gone to Galway, which was very
true, and they continued at Galway all the time the army lay
before Limerick, and as soon as the siege was raised set sail
for Brest and the Earl of Tyrconnel and Mons. Lauzun with
them. Indeed the French did little or no service in Ireland,
not having struck a stroke that I know of while they were
there, for they retired from the Boyne very early in the day
and marched by the way of Limerick to Galway, from whence
they embarked for France, as is before mentioned. The ill-
success at Limerick is well known to be owing to the want of
ammunition, occasioned by Sarsfield's falling upon the artillery,
&c, at Cullen, as it was coming up to the siege, so that after
a fruitless attack of a breach, which we had not powder or
shot to make larger, the King left the army and embarked at
Duncannon for England, leaving Count Solms at the head of
the troops and Lord Rumney, Sir Chas. Porter, Lord Chancellor
of Ireland, and Mr. Coningsby, Paymaster of the army, Lords
Justices of the kingdom. [Margin : Sir J. Jeffrey's commission
for the government of Duncannon, ordered by the King at my
request as he was going towards Duncannon.]! The army
marched from Limerick to Tipperary and there separated,
Lieut. -General Douglas marching northwards with a part of it.
At Tipperary there happened a dispute between Sir J. Lanier,
Major-General Kirke and Mons. Tettau, a Danish Major-
General, about signing the resolutions that were taken in a
Council of War for disposing of the troops, Tettau pretending
to sign before them, as being the elder officer. But Lanier
and Kirke insisted upon their right of signing first, as being
of the troops of the kingdom, which gave them rank before
the officers of the Auxiliaries of the same commission. I was
lame at this time and could not stir out of my tent, so was not
at the Council of War, but Sir J. Lanier and Major-General
Kirke came to me and told me what they had done, and desired
I would let Lord Marlborough know it as soon as we should
have notice of his arrival, that he might not give up a point
which they had carried, and I accordingly sent my Lord an
277
account of it by the first express that went to him after we
knew of his landing at Cork. I can't recollect at this distance
of time where we were when we first heard of Lord Marl-
borough being before Cork, but I remember we marched to
Cashell, and there Count Solms left the army under command
of Mons. Ginckle, afterwards Earl of Athlone, and went for
England, and as soon as Lord Marlborough's arrival was known
Mons. Scravemore was detached with some troops to him at
Cork, and I think we did not get to winter quarters at Kilkenny
till we had news of the surrender of the place or very little
before. At that siege the gallant Duke of Grafton lost his life
by a musket shot as he was advancing towards the walls with
Col. Granville, afterwards Lord Granville, and some more volun-
teers. I was told by Lord Inchiquin, who was also with him
when he was killed and had the perusing of his papers after
his death, that he found a most kind letter of the King's to him
upon occasion of his behaviour in the sea fight off of Beachy,
where he acted only as private Captain, though before the
Revolution, if I am not mistaken, he had been Yice or Rear
Admiral of England, and it is very probable, if he had lived,
he would have made a great figure in our naval affairs.
We passed the winter of 1690 at Kilkenny and Dublin in
making preparations for next summer's campaign. [Margin :
And endeavouring to prevent the occasion for one by trying to
persuade the Irish to submit, for which purpose we had several
correspondences with them, but lest they should not be success-
ful, Mons. Ginckle was as active as the season would let him,
and by himself and those who commanded under him made
several expeditions in the winter, both in the north and south
of the kingdom : particularly he marched himself to Ross
Castle, which he took, and then returned to Kilkenny and sent
the detachment that had been with him into quarters. In his
way to Ross Castle I accompanied him as far as Clonmell, but
could not go further by reason of the country distemper, which
was very severe upon me, and besides the General was very
desirous that I should stay there to take care to hasten pro-
visions, &c, to him, as I did, during his expedition. When
I had pretty well recovered I went one day towards Carrick
a shooting and designed to cross the river about the midway
thither, where there was a wood on the other side that we
expected would afford us game. But by the time we were
come within less than half a quarter of a mile of the ford we
were to go over we perceived a boat with provisions coming
up the river and one of the persons who had been dragging
of it making signs to us with his hand to come to him, but
saying nothing. We beckoned and called to him to come to
us to the highway, where we stopped upon his making signs
to us, which he did, and upon our enquiring the reason of
his signs he told us that there were about eighty of King
James' men in the wood on the other side the water, who he
believed would take the boat because they had made an offer
m
of doing it already. While we were talking three of the
Rapparees, for they were no better, came down to the riverside
and fired at us, calling us many ill names, but when we returned
their shot they fell down upon their bellies and were silent.
I suppose the noise of the guns alarmed the rest of them
who were in the wood, for immediately about thirty or forty of
them showed themselves at the edge of it, as coming down
to the waterside to their companions. We made the boatmen
drag on their boat as fast as they could, and remained where
we were till they came to the place where the stream divided,
by which means they were in security, and then we turned
back towards Clonmell, having been providentially secured by
the accident of meeting this boat from falling among those
Rapparees, who gave no quarter at that time and were in the
very wood in which we designed to shoot.]
When I came to Dublin I claimed the place of chief secre-
tary to the government, which I said belonged to me, as I was
Secretary at War. My claim was allowed and I had lodgings
in the new buildings in the Castle, even with the cloisters and
under the rooms of State, looking out upon the terrace walk,
and there I fitted up a room for the Lords Justices to meet in
and despatch their business. This employment I enjoyed all
the while I was in Ireland, and executed by a deputy when
I went into the field with the army. Before the campaign
opened, the King sent for Sir John Lanier and Major-General
Kirke away from Ireland, and so he did for Lieut. -General
Douglas some time after, for the latter and the two first could
never agree, and I was somtimes apprehensive that their
animosities would have broke out into more than words, but
nothing of that sort happened. They all three went into
Flanders, and there soon ended their lives.
In their room the King sent over Lieut.-Gen. Mackay, Major-
Gen. Talmash, and Mons. Ruvigny, a Major-General, afterwards
Earl of Galway. I think they came to us when the army was
before Ballymore ; at least Mons. Ruvigny was there. Ballymore
was soon taken and the army advanced to Athlone, where it met
with great difficulties, for after the taking of the town on this
side the water they were to pass the river over a ford that was
guarded by the works of the town that is on the other, and
all the Irish army was encamped at so small a distance behind
that they might send what numbers of men they thought fit
to oppose us, indeed it was apprehended that they had laid
open the walls on the back of the town, and that instead of
a garrison we should have had their army to have encountered
when we got over the water if that was possible to be done,
which was much doubted. This attempt was looked upon to be so
hazardous that Mons. Ginckle ordered a guinea to be given to
each of the eight hundred grenadiers who were picked out for
the service, and many of them had horse armour for their
security. The first day they were drawn out the Irish army
had notice from a deserter, who swam the river at some distance
279
from the town, and marched down in such numbers that it was
thought fit to defer the execution of the design, which the
enemy took to be so difficult that they believed it entirely laid
aside, but next day it was resumed with success and our men
got over the river before the Irish were aware, and by that
time Major-General Maxwell, who commanded that day in the
place, was got from his house to the bridge, he was surrounded
and taken prisoner, as he told me himself. In this action
Major-General Mackay commanded the detachment that passed
the river, and though from his great caution he was against the
thing in the Council of War, yet no man exposed himself more
freely when the resolution was taken. Major-General Talmash
was a volunteer and carried over the water upon men's shoulders
after the grenadiers had possessed themselves of the works.
When the Irish army saw Athlone was taken they marched
to Aghrim, about ten miles on the road to Galway, and took
a very strong camp with two bogs before it and a tougher
or causeway between the bogs, over which those must pass who
would attack them in the centre. There four of our regiments
of foot were put into great disorder, but some of the horse
got over and made a stand, while the most of the rest of the
horse, being drawn to the left, attacked the enemy's right
and made them give way, and together with those who were
got over the bog in the centre pursued them as long as it
was light. Their cannon and most of their baggage were taken
and a great part of their tents left standing. In the beginning
of this action St. Ruth, the French General who commanded,
was killed by a cannon shot, and to his death the Irish attribute
the success the English had that day. Indeed, considering the
strength of the post and the inequality of the numbers — for the
Irish were thirty thousand, as Lord Bellew, who was brought
prisoner to Mons. Scravemore about four in the morning, when
he and I were at breakfast in the field, told us, and the English
army did not amount to eighteen thousand — it must be looked
upon as a very great action. The Prince of Hesse distinguished
himself that day and was wounded, and so did Lord Galway,
Sir Eras. Compton, Sir H. Bellasis and Col. Wolsely, and the
troops in general behaved themselves extremely well. I
remember before the engagement that our apprehensions were
more from the Irish horse than foot, but the contrary appeared
in the battle. After some short stay the army advanced to
Galway, which surrendered before any trenches were opened,
upon articles, and then we marched over Banahar Bridge and
so to Limerick, where there was so strong a garrison that we
durst not break ground and make approaches to attack it, for
they had at least as many foot in the place as we had before
it, but it being too soon to go into winter quarters we battered
and bombed it, and lay there in expectation of what might
happen. The town was open to their horse on the Connaught
side for a good while after we were encamped before it, but
at last our horse got over the Shannon and between the town
280
and their horse, which put them upon capitulating, and they
did it at a time when we could not have stayed there any
longer, and had actually drawn off several of our cannon and
mortars and sent them on board the artillery ships which lay
in the Shannon. When they beat the Chamade the first thing
they desired to know was whether they might be allowed to
go and serve where they had a mind, which was consented to,
and next day, as I remember, they sent out their demands
in writing, but those being very large it was thought better
to send them a draft of the terms we would grant them than
to retrench and alter theirs. Accordingly articles were drawn
up, and the Irish deputed six persons to treat with us upon
them. When we met the first question Sir Toby Butler asked
us was what we meant by the title, viz. : Articles granted by
Lieut.- General Ginckle, Commander-in-Chief, &c, to all
persons in the city of Limerick and in the Irish army that
is in the counties of Clare, Kerry, Cork and Mayo, and other
garrisons that are in their possession.
I answered that we meant to capitulate with and grant terms
to those who were in a condition to oppose us. Sir Toby
replied that if we meant to go no further there must be an
end of the treaty, and Sarsfield added that he would lay his
bones in those old walls rather than not take care of those
who stuck by them all along, so the second article was explained
to extend to all such as are under their jirotection in the said
counties, which I mention the more particularly because those
words, though first agreed to, were omitted by mistake in
transcribing that copy of the articles which was signed and
the mistake not found out till next day, when Mobs. Ginckle' s
son was actually gone towards England with the original or
a copy to be laid before their Majesties. This occasioned a
great deal of trouble, for when we came into England Mons.
Ginckle, Major-General Talmash and I either gave certificates
or depositions of what passed, and that which was left out by
mistake was granted the Irish under the Broad Seal of England,
and as I take it by Act of Parliament in Ireland, for I sent
oyer the very original draft of the Articles from whence the
signed copy was made to Lord Chancellor Porter, in order to
satisfy the Parliament there, where many were averse from
doing the Irish that piece of justice and aspersed Lord
Coningsby, who was one of the Justices that signed the Articles,
as if by his means the Broad Seal had been obtained to give
the Irish a favour that was never intended them at the time
of the treaty, whereas in reality it was the first thing insisted
upon by them and agreed to by us, and further I have reason
to believe that if it had not been for that Lord, the General's
son had been sent for back and the words that were left out
been inserted. After we had gone over all the articles in a
cursory manner the further consideration and finishing the
agreement was referred till the Lords Justices Porter and
Coningsby came from Dublin to the camp, which they were
281
desired to do, for the properties and civil rights of the Irish
being to be settled by these Articles it was thought proper
that they should be signed by the civil governors as well as
the military, which they were on the 3rd of October, 1691,
about ten a clock at night, and a gate of the town delivered
immediately, for we were in great haste to get possession
because the Irish expected a squadron of eighteen or twenty
frigates from France, and we feared if it came before the town
was delivered the Irish would have altered their minds, but it
did not arrive in the Shannon till it was too late for them to
change. It may appear very strange that a numerous garrison,
not pressed by any want, should give up a town which nobody
was in a condition to take from them at a time when those
who lay before it had actually drawn off their cannon and
were preparing to march away, and when that garrison did
every day expect a squadron of ships to come to their relief
if they had needed any, but when we reiiect that the first
thing insisted upon at the time they beat the Chamade was
a liberty to go and serve where they would and that Sarsfield
reckoned upon making himself considerable in France by
bringing over such a body of troops, it will be easy to account
for their surrender. [Margin: Luttrill's persuading the Irish
not to go to France and the argument used by him for that
purpose.] Besides, the Irish did not find themselves so assisted
by France as they expected, and the French officers who were
in the town were very weary of the service, so that they first
proposed capitulating, as Sarsfield averred openly in the presence
of the French Intendant, at the time of signing the Articles.
It was very happy that the treaty was concluded as it was,
for a very little time after Moils. Chateaurenaud came into the
Shannon with his squadron, and if he had not shown great
regard to what had been agreed ashore, would undoubtedly
have destroyed or taken all our ships with ammunition and
provisions that lay there, as well as seven men-of-war, English
and Dutch, that were with, them, and could not get out of the
river [margin : And therefore had orders to sink themselves to
prevent their falling into their hands.] Upon the delivery of
the town Major-General Talmash was left to command in it
and the army marched into quarters. Mons. Ginckle and I
went to Kilkenny, and after some short stay there to Dublin,
from whence I wrote to Lord Eumney for their Majesties' leave
to come to England, which his Lordship sent me, and on the
5th of December Mons. Ginckle and I left Ireland, and had so
good a passage that we came to an anchor before it was dark
that evening within a league of the bar of Chester, and landed
next morning at Hylelake [Hoylake], very near the same place
where I took shipping for Ireland about a year and a half
before.
When I came away from Dublin I left a deputy to execute
my employment of chief Secretary to the government, and he
continued in the execution of it till a new Governor was sent
over. From Chester Mons. Ginckle and I went in a Dutch
282
caleche of his to London and dined at Althorpe by the way
with the then Lord Sunderland, who openly owned at dinner
that he had given King James advice on purpose to ruin him,
which some of the company often took notice of after.
I attended the King when I came to town and gave him an
account of several things relating to the kingdom I was come
from, and particularly acquainted him with the animosity that
was between the English and Irish, which was but too much
encouraged by some in authority. I gave his Majesty some
instances, but begged to be excused from naming persons,
which he was pleased to grant, though not very willingly.
Before the King went that year to Flanders, which he did,
as I remember, the 3rd of March, he was pleased to send Mons.
Ginckle, now Lord Athlone, to me to tell me he would have
me stay in England and be Secretary at War in his absence.
My answer was that though this was not what I had reason
to expect from his Majesty's promise to me before I went with
him to Ireland and when I was there, yet if it was for his
service I would submit to it when I had a commission for
that employment. Lord Athlone replied that he did not know
whether I was to have a commission or not. I answered that
I would be no man's deputy, and that unless I had the King's
commission I would not act; that it was not an employment
of my seeking, and that I was very well contented to be quiet
and would think no more of it. My Lord was not satisfied
with my answer, but would oblige me to go with him to the
King, whom I spoke to much to the same purpose, and said
since his Majesty thought it for his service I was contented
to act in that station, provided I had his commission, which
was ordered me immediately, and I continued in that employ-
ment to his Majesty's death. I had the honour and pleasure
for three summers to attend his excellent Queen, and had
reason from her goodness to me to hope, if she had lived, that
I might have been the better for her service, but she was
snatched away from a nation that did not deserve such a bless-
ing as to be governed by her. After her death, in the year
1695, I lost the best of mothers, whom God was pleased to take
to himself the 27th of July.
Before King William's death I was desirous to retire from
public business, and had bargained with a gentleman to sell
him my place of Judge Advocate, but his Majesty died and the
bargain was never completed, and upon Queen Anne's coming
to the Crown I could not get leave to part with it, but was
pressed very much to be Secretary to the Prince of Denmark,
who was declared Lord High Admiral. I was truly very
unwilling to enter into that service, my inclinations being
extremely set upon a retreat, but my friends overruled me,
and the May after Queen Anne came to the Crown I was made
Secretary to the Prince and attended him at the Admiralty,
as well as in his private affairs, and had the business of the
Cinque Ports, whereof his Royal Highness was Warden, under
my care, and also received his directions about the Marine
283
regiments. I had had the honour to be known to the Prince
when King James was upon the throne and in the war of
Ireland, where I had frequent opportunities of waiting upon
him, and both then and when I was his secretary received
many marks of his favourable acceptance of my services, but
happening to be chose into Parliament in the year 1705 for
East Loo in Cornwall, as I had been for Winchelsea in the
first Parliament called by the Queen, I fell under his Highness'
displeasure because I refused to promise to give my vote for Mr.
Smyth to be Speaker, when he urged me to do it two or three
days before the House met. The contest between Mr. Smyth
and Mr. Bromley was very great, and the Court engaged warmly
for the former, several of those who used to be very friendly
to the latter going into Mr. Smyth's interest, which procured
him the chair, and the morning of the election I received a
message from the Prince by Mr. Nicholas, his treasurer, to
tell me that I was dismissed from his service. "While Mr.
Nicholas was acquainting me with this in the Lobby of the
House of Commons, a footman of the Prince's came to Mr.
Nicholas and told him the Prince must speak with him immedi-
ately, before he went from me. He laid me under an obligation
not to take notice of anything he had said to me from his
Highness, believing that he was sent for in order to be forbid
delivering his message. When he came to the Prince he was
asked if he had spoke to me as he was directed ; his answer
was that he had, but withal had engaged me not to take any
notice of it till his return, so that in effect he had not delivered
his message, and begged his Highness to give him his orders
to contradict what he had carried me. The Prince sat silent
for some time, and then said since it was done it could not
be helped, and after that I never saw his Highness, though
I had several intimations before his death that my waiting upon
him would not be unacceptable. But my offer to do it just after
he put me out of his service being received very coldly, I then
took a resolution never to go to him till he sent for me, and
that was the answer I still made to those who would have had
me go to St. James', and indeed I never did go near the
Court until I was put into the. commission of the Admiralty
in December, 1710, and went to return my thanks to the Queen,
who had been pleased to make me one of the commissioners
without my asking or knowing of it till it was done. While
I was in my attendance upon the Prince I began to build
a house for myself at All Souls' College upon some ground
belonging to it, and agreed that it should come to the Warden
of that college after my life and be made part of his lodgings,
upon condition that a part of what he then possessed should be
turned to the use of the Fellows, who are much straitened for
chambers. This house was almost finished at the time I was
dismissed by the Prince, and having disposed of my patent
of Judge Advocate to Mr. Byde of Ware Park about half a year
before, I was now entirely my own master, and removed all my
books and goods to Oxford, where I have enjoyed, thank God,
284
a great deal of quiet for many years, and I remember to have
had so true a relish of liberty and being my own master that
when I came to live there, I could hardly forbear writing some
verses of Grotius to Scriverius over my chimney —
Nulli pendere temporis tributum
Sed pro jure, suo diebus uti
Ignaris Domini nee elocatis.
But I let it alone, not being fond of inscriptions.
The May following, 1706, Mr. Bridges, Mr. Pereyra and I
went into Holland, and in our passage met with the news
of the Duke of Marlborough's victory over the French at
Ramillies, and when we got thither we found nothing but
rejoicings for the unexpected success, and every day bringing
accounts of some town or province submitting to the conqueror.
The marks of these rejoicings were every day renewed, and
indeed the French were so much stunned with the blow that
some months passed before they durst venture to draw any
of their troops out of the towns into which they had fled after
that rout, and there is but too good reason to think that great
art and industry was used by those who got immensely by the
war to keep off a Peace, to which both Dutch and French
were inclined, and might have been had upon very advantageous
terms to the confederacy. But England was to be sacrificed
to private gain. After some little time at the Hague we went
to North Holland, and so to Amsterdam, Utrecht, Loo and
Nimeghen, &c, and then back to Eotterdam, from whence an
old yacht carried us in very ill weather to Bergen-op-Zoom
and Antwerp, and from whence we went to Brussels, where
General Churchill commanded. We lodged with him in the
Hotel d' Orange and were entertained most kindly for about
seven weeks, when we were forced to steal away before he was
up in the morning, for his intention was to have kept us
there till his return to England, and that we should have
gone home together. While we were at Brussels we heard the
language of those who came from the army; they were all
in the same tone, that everything must be done for the Dutch
to persuade them to go on with the war, and among other
things I saw a letter from the Duke of Marlborough to his
brother to tell him that he must not give any passes, though
he was Governor of Brabant as well as Brussels, but let the
Dutch field deputies do it because they accounted for the money
paid for them to the States, and it went towards the carrying
on of the war. From Brussels Mr. Bridges and I went to the
blockade of Dendermond, and from thence to Ghent, Antwerp
and Breda, to Rotterdam and the Hague, and the beginning of
September to Brill, where we lay seventeen days for a wind,
and were three days in one of the most violent storms that
has been known in our passage to England, but it pleased God
to bring us safe thither. While we lay at Brill we had the
welcome news of the relief of Turin by the Duke of Savoy
and Prince Eugene.
As soon as I got ashore I made what haste I could to Oxford,
285
and there remained for the most part when the Parliament
did not sit, though sometimes I made little excursions to see
my good friends Admiral Churchill and Mr. Hill, and twice or
thrice in the company of the latter into the west, where we
visited some of our old acquaintance and passed our time very
agreeably. The 8th of May, 1710, I lost my true good friend,
Admiral Churchill, whom I must always honour and lament,
as I must the Rev. Dr. Aldrich, Dean of Christchurch, who
died the 14th of December that year. I met his body at
Wickham, as I was going up to take my chair at the Board
of Admiralty.
The death of these worthy men was followed by that of the
Earl of Rochester, the 2nd of May after, in whom the nation
had a great loss, and I such an one as is not to be repaired.
His Lordship's character is too well known for me to say any-
thing of him.
Upon his son's going up to the House of Lords, I succeeded
him in the borough of Launceston in Cornwall. If my Lord
had lived, it is reasonable to believe that the three or four
last years of Queen Anne's reign would have passed more to
her satisfaction and her people's than they did, and things
received a different turn from what we find: but the nation
did not deserve to have his life and that excellent princess's
continued to them. [Margin : While I was in the Admiralty
I had an opportunity of sending for some marble from Genoa,
which I employed in the east end of the chapel of All Souls',
and got 200?. from Mr. Portinan for the painting over it, in
which I think Mr. Thornhill excelled himself, but he had a
mind to leave a mark of his skill in this University.]
The commission of the Admiralty being superseded soon after
his present Majesty came into England, I retired to Oxford,
and stayed there till May, 1715, but two honest gentlemen
of my acquaintance having agreed to go to France, I joined
myself to them and went to Paris, where and at Fontainebleau,
&c, I passed two or three months very much to my satisfaction,
and returned to England by Peronne, Cambray, Yalenciennes,
Tournay, Lisle, Ypres, Dunkirk and Calais. We saw the new
canal to Mardyke, which the French had made to supply what
they destroyed at Dunkirk upon the Peace, but it was not
finished, and they had left off working upon it for some time
before we came thither, but while we were there the Intendant,
Mons. le Blanc, had orders to begin again, and he set men to
work upon it. I met my old friend, Dr. Savage, at Paris,
whither he was come from his seven or eight years' travels
in Italy and Sicily, &c, and was much tempted by him to bear
him company to Rome, which I am sorry I did not, having
always had a desire to see the antiquities of that city, but I
fancied myself too old to take such a ramble, though perhaps
I should have got over that objection and gone along with
him, but for a piece ["of] ceremony with one of my fellow
travellers, with whom I came from England. At Calais, as
we were coming to England, we met Brigadier Preston, who
286
arrived the same day : lie told us the first news of the Duke
of Ormond's being gone from his house at Richmond, but
nobody knew whither. Next morning, before we went on board
the packet-boat, one of the Duke's servants came to me to
desire my advice what he should do. I asked him what orders
he had : his answer was, to go to Paris and expect further
orders. I told him then he must go, and desired he would
present my most humble service to his Grace, who by this
discourse of his servant we supposed intended to come to
France. I mention this the more particularly because of a
malicious foolish story that was spread industriously at Oxford
at the time I was chosen Parliament man for the University,
that I was at Paris when notice came to the English gentlemen
there that the Duke was coming, and that I went away from
thence to avoid going out to meet him or seeing him when
there. Had I had any difficulty in waiting upon the Duke of
Ormond, it is not probable that I would have seen Lord Boling-
broke, with whom I was frequently, but it happened upon
comparing times that I had actually left Paris some hours
before the Duke left Richmond. Soon after I came ashore
I went down to Oxford to attend Lord Arran's instalment in
the theatre, the University having chosen him their Chancellor
upon his brother's being attainted by Act of Parliament. His
Lordship only stayed to dine at the Yice- Chancellor's at All
Souls, and went that night out of town. Not long after
Brigadier Pepper came to Oxford with some troops and orders
to seize several persons named in a list, and the Yice-Chancellor,
Dr. Gardiner, was required to assist him in searching for them
and such others as the Brigadier should acquaint him. I
think he met with but one of the persons in his list, Capt.
Halsay, whom he carried away with him about the noon of the
day he came in. He behaved himself very civilly the little
time he was here, and never let his men go from their arms
all the while they were in town, to prevent any disorders that
might have happened. By something the Brigadier said to me,
I had good grounds to believe that he was advised by some
persons here to have taken me up, but he said he would be
hanged first or to that effect. After he marched away, in some
short time, there were soldiers quartered in Oxford, who were
very rude and made everybody uneasy, but at last those who
sent them were weary or ashamed of plaguing people who
had not done anything to deserve it, and from whom there
was no colour of danger, and so removed them.
My intentions being to live quietly and out of public business
I stayed as much as I could at Oxford, which I confess grew
less agreeable by the death of friends, among whom I must
always remember Dr. Adams, Principal of Magdalen Hall,
whom I can never enough lament. He died of the gout
January 5th, 1715 ; my concern for him is still so fresh upon
me that I don't care to think of him. In the year 1717 some
business carried me to London, and while I was there Sir Wm.
Whitlock died, who was one of the representatives for the
287
University, and I was chose in his place by the kindness of
my friends, who sent me word of it when it was done. They
did me the same honour and in the same manner the next
Parliament, which was chose in March, 1722, when there was
a struggle for another person, out Mr. Bromley and I had a
great majority.
In March, 1723, I lost my poor cousin Cary, in the seventy-
sixth year of her age ; her death makes me very lonely, for
she always, since I remember, used to live with my mother,
who was her aunt. I buried her in St. Mary's Church, as she
desired, and have nut up a small remembrance of her upon
the wall near her grave. Some months after poor Sir Wm.
Gifford died and left me one of his executors, and I hope Mr.
Eowney — who was the other — and I have discharged that trust
to the satisfaction of his nephews and nieces, to whom he
bequeathed what he had. He lies buried in S. Michael's
Church in Oxford, and we got the consent of his heirs to put
a monument over him. The 20th of April, 1726, my dear old
friend, Mr. Edward Nicholas of Horsely, died at Bath, after a
very long and painful illness ; he was one of the oldest
acquaintances I had, there having been a constant friendship
between us for seven or eight and forty years. The 22nd of
the same month Dr. Bernard Gardiner, Warden of All Souls',
died, who was a great loss to me, and I think, to the College
and University. On the 11th of June, 1727, my dearest friend,
Mr. Eichard Hill of Eichmond, died in the 73rd year of his
age, after a long weakness of mind and body, occasioned by
several paralytic strokes. He was a most friendly valuable
man, and had disposed of more money to his relations in his
lifetime and a time of life when he was capable of enjoying
it than anyone of the age we live in. I had the pleasure of
a long intimacy with him, which the present King and Queen
were pleased to take notice of when I had the honour to kiss
their hands upon their accession to the Crown, and her Majesty
particularly expressed the great value she had for him and that
she should preserve for his memory. He ordered himself to
be buried at Hawkstone in Shropshire, the seat of the family,
where the several employments which he had gone through
with great reputation are expressed, in an epitaph of his own
making, upon a tomb which I persuaded him with much ado
to set up for himself last year.
I think there are few so good men left behind.
Among many inconveniences of age, the outliving friends
is not the least grievous ; it is a taking away of comfort and
assistance at a time one most needs them, and at this time of life
new friendships are not easily made. This consideration should
make one willing to leave a world which is robbed of what
made the continuing in it any ways desirable.
The morning of the same day that Mr. Hill died, King
George the First died at Osnabruck on his way to Hanover,
and his son, King George the Second, was proclaimed at
288
London on the 15th of that month. The Parliament met the
27th and was prorogued the 17th of July: in the few days
they sat they gave the King, for the charge of his civil govern-
ment, at least 100,000/. per annum more than his father had,
and settled a jointure upon the Queen of 100,000/. a year,
which is much more than ever was given to any Queen of
England. It is to be hoped that as the King has a larger civil
list than any of his predecessors and is said to be a good
manager, he will not come for supplies to pay his debts, as his
father did, but will keep within bounds. In thirteen years
that his father reigned he had above 1,800,000/. given him by
Parliament, besides his 700,000/. a year, and it is said he has
left a great debt, above 600,000/. : it is melancholy to consider
how those vast sums have been disposed of, though too well
known.
The 23rd of July, 1727, the Lord Viscount Harcourt was
seized with an apoplexy and dead palsy just as he got into
Sir Robert Walpole's house at Chelsea, and died the 29th at
two in the morning. I attended him to his grave in Stanton
Harcourt Church on the 4th of August, as I had his only son
vsome few years ago. My Lord's pall was bore up by the Earls
of Clarendon, Abingdon and Lichfield, Sir John D'Oiley, Sir
Robert Walter, Sir Jonathan Cope, Sir Robert Jenkinson and
myself. I forget who were bearers with me at his son's funeral.
My Lord was one of the oldest acquaintances I had in the
world. Bishop Fell brought us acquainted in the year 1677,
when we were appointed to speak verses in the theatre at the
Act of that year, but the Duke of Ormond being to come
through Oxford in his way to Ireland, my Lord, then Mr.
Harcourt, was one of the four reserved to speak to his Grace,
as he did on the 6th of August, 1677, and had invited himself
to dine with me that day this present year, 1727, in memory
of our fifty years' acquaintance, but it pleased God to order
it otherwise, and I have lost a very good friend. His public
abilities are well known in both Houses of Parliament and
Westminster Hall, as well as the Council Table. Life seems
to serve for little but the melancholy part of putting down
memorandums of the deaths of friends, and those, as Dr.
Tillotson veiy truly says, are some of the evils and calamities
of it that require the greatest consideration and a very great
degree of patience to support us under them and enable us to
bear them decently, for after all the pretences of philosophy
and extirpation of passions, nature has formed us as we are, and
hath planted in us strong inclinations and affections to our
friends, and these affections are as naturally moved upon the
loss of them, and pluck every string of our hearts as violently
as extreme hunger and thirst do gnaw upon our stomachs,
and whoever pretends to have a mighty affection for a thing
and yet at the same time does pretend that he can contentedly
and without any great sense or signification of pain bear the
loss of it, does not talk like a philosopher but like an hypocrite,
289
and under a grave pretence of being wise, is in truth an ill-
natured man. Publius Syrus's thought is pretty — Homo toties
moriiur, quoties amittit suos.
On the 18th of August this year, 1727, Mr. Bromley and I
were again elected to represent the University without any
opposition. It was a great honour the University did me, but
much against my own inclinations, which were to be quiet and
not obliged to run up to Parliament, whence no good is to be
expected. We are and are like to be under a military govern-
ment, for there does not seem to be any more prospect of
disbanding troops than lessening the Public Debt.
When honest Mr. Rowney and I went together to Lord Har-
court's funeral, I little thought we should have lost him so
soon, but it pleased God to take him away the 31st of this
month of August in the same manner as Lord Harcourt died.
On the 13th of February, 1731-2, my dear friend and worthy
fellow member for the University, Mr. Bromley, died very
unexpectedly at his lodgings in New Bond Street. I knew
nothing of his illness, but went to call upon him after church
in the forenoon, and to my very great surprize was told by
his servant at the door that he died at seven a clock that
morning. I drove immediately to Lord Clarendon's in St.
James' Square to propose my Lord Cornbury's offering himself
to the University, which was agreed to and letters wrote
accordingly. His Lordship was chose unanimously the 26th
and took the oaths at the table in the House the 28th. This
Parliament was dissolved by proclamation on the 17th of
April, 1734, and on the 27th I received a letter from Dr.
Holmes, Yice-Chancellor, that the day before I was unanimously
elected with Lord Cornbury to serve for the University. This
was the fifth time I was chose to represent that learned body,
and was a.n honour I was very unwilling to receive, my age
and the misfortune of losing my left eye, which continues
in a painful and very ill condition, making me unfit to attend
my duty in Parliament so constantly as I should, and indeed
the pain which this eye gives me and the weakness of the other,
which prevents in a great measure the satisfaction and amuse-
ment I used to have in reading, makes life very uncomfortable.
Pray God prepare and fit me for another.
25.
INDEX.
Abberbury [?Abenbury], 264.
Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 3, 249.
Aberdeen, 109, 134-136.
Governor of, 104.
old and new colleges at, dispute
between, 134-136, 140.
Abingdon, Earl of (Montagu Bertie),
OQO
Abjuration, oath of, 142, 144, 209, 235.
Abulfeda, Arabic writer, 256.
Adams, Dr. Richard, 261, 264.
as principal of Magdalen Hall.
Oxford, 286.
Admiral, Lord High. See Denmark,
Prince George of.
rear, 67.
vice or rear, 277.
Admiralty, the, 282, 285.
committee or commissioners of, 23,
36, 53, 54, 97, 169, 283.
letters, orders, &c, of, 48, 53,
81, 96, 98.
letters to, 25, 97.
supercession of, 285.
Court, 44.
judge of, 182.
serjeant of, 56, and see Tiddeman,
Henry.
Adriatic, the, 255.
Aghrim, co. Galway, defeat of the Irish
at, 279.
tougher near, 279.
Aiscue. See Ayscue.
Albemarle :
Duke of (George Monk). See
Monk.
Earl of (Arnold Joost Von Keppel),
Captain of the 1st troop of
Life Guards, 275.
Aldborough, Suffolk, 27.
Alden or Aldwin, Mr., 104 (2).
Aldrich, Dr. Henry, Dean of Christ-
church, 285.
Aldworth :
Robert, town clerk of Bristol, 160.
Col. Robert, servant of, 145 (2).
Alexander, George, letter of, 1.
father of, 1.
Alexandria, 31.
Algiers (Argeeres), piracy at, 35.
Allen :
Sir Thomas, Lord Mayor of London
(1659-60), 166, and see London,
Lord Mayor of.
William, 167.
Allen, bog of, co. Kildare, English
garrison at, 57.
island of, castle in, blown up, 57.
Allinson, , 183.
Almado, ships near, 69.
Alnwick (Anwick), 133, 134
Alsop, Col. Roger, paper signed by,
189.
Althorpe, co. Northampton, 282.
Alured, Col. Mathew, 136, 171.
letter from, 105.
Ambler, Lieut. Thomas, 154.
Amsterdam :
letter dated at, 112.
magistrates of, 112.
ships of, to or from, 70, 71, 91,
93.
travellers to, 284.
Amy or Amye, Capt., 39, 42, 99.
letter of, 40.
Anabaptists, 137, 139, 141, 159-161, 165,
167, 168, 181, 228.
Ancram, Lord, letter from, 172.
Ancram, Roxburghshire, letter dated at,
120.
Anderson, Edward, 185.
Andover, co. Hants, James II. at, 267.
Andrews, Andrewes :
Captain, 157.
[Lancelot], Bishop of Winchester,
257.
Lieut. -Col. Nicholas, letter from,
172.
Mr. , schoolmaster, 103.
Anglesey, Earl of. See Annesley,
Arthur.
Anglesey, island of, 14, 162.
Angus, co., 77, 103.
Anne,' Princess, as Princess of Denmark,
266.
as Queen, 252.
accession of, 282.
Parliament called by, 283.
makes Dr. Clarke Admiralty
Commissioner, 283.
— — close of the reign of, 285.
husband of. See Denmark, George,
Prince of.
Annesley, Arthur, Lord President of the
Council, letter to, 172.
as Earl of Anglesey, 192.
letter from, 247.
difference of, with the Duke
of Ormond, 247,
291
Antioch, destruction of, 255.
Antwerp, 284.
Appledore, co. Devon, 50.
Appleton, letter dated at, 149.
Apsum [Topsham, co. Devon], 27.
Arabic writers and writings, 255, 256.
Arches, Court of, proctor of. See
Sayer, Mark.
Ardern, Jo., 249.
wife of, 249.
Ardgoure, Argyleshire, 121 (2).
Ards, Lord of. See Montgomery.
Argeere. See Algiers.
Argyle, Marquis of (Archibald Camp-
bell), 10, 60, 115, 138.
bond of, 111.
letter from, 109.
eldest son of, contracted to the
Lord of Murray's daughter, 60.
nephew of, 109.
Arklow (Arclo, Artlow) Castle, co.
Wicklow, 44, 45 (2).
Arlington, Lord. See Bennet, Sir
Henry.
Armagh, 271.
Arms and ammunition, seizure of, 156.
Army, troops or forces, of the Parlia-
ment, 6, 7, 100, 115, 116 (2), 123,
129, 130, 140, 163, 170, 182, 189,
and passim.
and the army in Scotland, dissen-
sion and negotiations between,
125, 126, 128-134, 141.
Adjutants-general of, 101.
agitators in, 168.
chaplains of, 201.
the Coldstreamers in, 193, 194. .
commanders of, 123.
commissary for, 106.
commissioners for government of,
129, 131, 133, 134, 136, 139.
information to, 146.
petition to, 146.
commissioners appointed by, 128.
condemned troopers of, petition of,
16.
disaffection, disturbance or mutiny
in, 7, 36, 56, 123, 126, 132, 157,
158, 161-166, 168, 175-177, 180,
228.
disbanding of, 139, 145 (2), 181.
drink money for, 103, 104.
and General Monk. See Monk,
good behaviour or quiet state of,
110, 116 (2).
Grenadiers in, 132.
harquebusiers in, 4.
interruption of Parliament by. See
Parliament.
Judge Advocate of, reference to, 15.
Marshal-general of, 16.
money or pav for, or due to, 122,
145, 149, 151, 153, 154, 158, 170,
171, 174, 175, 220.
Monk made commander in chief of,
137.
munition, &c, of, 153.
officers of, displaced, 129, 130, 173.
Army, officers of — cont.
General Council of, 115, 124,
127-129, 131, 132, 141, 169.
invited to Grocers' Hall, 163.
— i — meeting of, at Derby, 123,
124.
needed for, 154.
at Portsmouth, 132, 137.
Quarter-Master-General of, 175.
Quarter-Masters of, 106.
raising of, 74, 137.
representatives of, in the Council of
officers, 129.
supports Richard Cromwell, 116.
scout-master of, 201.
soldiers in, necessitous condition of,
158.
with Fleetwood and Lambert, 133,
139, 140, 203.
a woman serving in, 112.
wounded in, 110.
Army, Royalist or Cavaliers', 162.
Army Committee, 169.
chairman of. See Downes, Col.
John.
Army (after the restoration), auxiliaries
in, 276.
Board of general officers, 251.
commissaries of, 265, 268.
commissions in, 241.
commissioners to view and regulate,
progress of, 268-270.
disbanding of, 244.
General of (in 1689). See Fever-
sham, Lord,
general officers of, 274.
government of, 289.
Grenadiers, the, 278.
Guards, the Blue, or Dutch, 273.
horse, 262, 272.
foot, 262, and see Guards, the
Blue.
life, 1st and 2nd troops, 275.
Judge Advocate of, 262, and see
Barrow, Dr. Samuel, and Clarke,
Dr. George.
, commission of, renewed, 268.
deputy of, 264, 268.
, office of, sold by Dr. Clarke,
283.
marine regiments in, 282.
officers of, precedency of, 275.
refuse to admit Papists into
their regiments, 266.
paymasters of. See Fox, Sir
Stephen, and Ranelagh, Richard,
Earl of.
deputy. See Toll, Charles.
regiments of, filled up, 270.
on Hounslow Heath, 265.
to be withdrawn from the civil
power, 265.
goes against the Prince of Orange,
267.
going to Flanders under Marl-
borough, 268.
very few turned out of, after the
Revolution, 270.
S2
292
Army — cont.
in Ireland, 270-281.
Arnett, Col., regiment of, 77.
Arnold :
Richard, 167.
Thomas, 167.
Arnott, William, pass for, 113.
Arran, Earl of (Richard Butler), brother
of the second Duke of Ormond, elected
Chancellor of Oxford University, 286.
Arrosse or Arros in Mull, 121 (2).
letter dated at, 121.
Arthur, Mr., 157.
Artillery, train of, 104, 105.
Artlow Castle. See Arklow.
Arundel, Sussex, 84.
Ashburnham, John, narrative of, 6.
Ashe :
Edward, letter from, 82.
George, petition of, 16.
Ashfield, Col. Richard, 114, 118, 137.
letter from, 115.
regiment of, 122.
Ashley, Lord [Anthony Ashley Cooper],
192.
Ashton, Major Ralph, 58.
Assessments, 148, 151, 153, 156, 192.
Astall or Aston, Mr., 197.
Aston, Sir Arthur [Governor of Drog-
heda], 45.
Astrop Wells, co. Northampton, 264,
266.
Athlone, Earl of. See Ginckle.
Athlone, English forces at, 76.
taking of, 278, 279.
Athy, co. Kildare, castle of, 57.
Atkins :
Col. Samuel, 130, 137.
— — letters from, 130, 136.
Alderman Sir Thomas, 166.
Atterbury, Dr. Francis, Bishop of
Rochester, trial of, 257.
Attorney- General (to James II). See
Powys, Sir Thomas.
Aubeny, Mr., 40.
Aurang Zeb, rule of, 256.
physician at the Court of, 256.
Ausbourne (? Osborne), Mr., 139.
Austin, Ra., registrar to the visitors
of Oxford University, 19.
Avara, Portugal, 64.
Awbrey [Dr. William], 249.
Axholm, island of, regiment in, 7.
Axtell, Col. Daniel, 98.
Avloffe, Mr., 261.
Ayr (Ayre), 109, 112.
citadel and garrison of, 112, 127,
128.
Governor of, 110.
letters dated at, 105, 112, 127, 189.
Avscue or Aiscue, Sir George, 17, 19,
20, 35 (2), 41, 45.
letters of, 82 (2).
letter to, 43.
B
B. T., letter from, 150.
Babington, Abraham, 167.
Backwell, Alderman, 161.
Bacon, Fras., letter of, 40.
Badiley, Baddiley, or Boddiley,
Richard, captain of the Happy En-
trance, 20, 31, 38, 42, 80.
letter to, 53.
Bagdad, Caliph of, 255.
Bagott, lieutenant, 127.
Bahadur Khan (Can), 256.
Bailly, Major [of Col. Charles Fairfax's
regiment], 146, 151, 175.
Baily, Lieut. Richard, postmaster of
Tadcaster, 154.
Bainbridge, Henry, 107.
Baker :
Richard, 167.
letter to, 150.
Sir Richard, 236.
Chronicle of, 236.
1 — papers printed in, 127,
132.
Continuation of [by
Phillips], criticised, 198-238.
Baldwin, Dr. Timothy, 185.
statements by, 80 (2).
Ball:
Capt. Andrew, 24.
Capt. Thomas, 157.
Willkim, yeoman beadle at Oxford,
187.
Ballymore, co. Westmeath, taking of,
278.
Bally shannon, co. Donegal, English
garrison at, 57.
Baltic, the, 255.
Bamford, Ralph, letter from, 139.
Bampfield, Sir Copleston, letter to, 193.
Banagher (Banahar) bridge, 279.
Bandon bridge, co. Cork; Lord Inchi-
quin refused admission to, 48.
Banff:
Provost of. See Douglas, Dr.
sheriff of, 140.
Barbadoes, Society of gentlemen in,
memorial of, 195.
Barclay, Col. David, 111.
Bardsey Isle, co. Carnarvon, 58.
Bardsley, Capt. John, letter from, 190.
Bare, Vincent de la, letters from, 99,
100.
Barebone, Praise-God, 166, 168 (2), 217.
Barker, Joseph, 185.
Barkstead, Col. John, 79.
Barlow, Thomas, Provost of Queen's
College, Oxford, 182.
statements by, 80 (2).
Barnardiston, Thomas, 168,,
293
Barnet, 216.
General Monk at, 211-214.
Barret, John, 250.
Barrington, co. Somerset, letter dated
at, 157.
Barrondell, John, 167.
Barrow or Barrowe, Dr. Samuel,
physician in ordinary to Charles II.,
and Judge Advocate of the army, 211,
212, 259-261.
marries Sir William Clarke's
widow, 260.
— •— character of, 260, 262.
Barrowes, Sergeant, 128.
Bartlett [Captain?], 78.
Barton or Burton, Major Nathaniel,
report by, 138.
Barwick, Sir Robert, Recorder of York,
147.
Baskett, John, paper signed by, 53.
Basset, Mr., 105.
Bath, Earl of [John Granville], 192.
Bath, co. Somerset (the Bath), 251, 287.
letters dated at, 251, 253.
Mayor of. See Massey, Richard.
visitors to, 254, 263, 264.
Batman, Alderman, of Bristol, 161.
Batten, Abraham, 186.
Baylie, Dr. Archibald, President of St.
John's College, Oxford, 187.
Baynes, John, Receiver-general for
Scotland, order or warrants to, 114,
120 (2).
Baynham, Robert, 184.
Bayonne, Isles of, 69-71.
Beachy Head, 31.
sea fight off, 274, 277.
Beake, Captain or Major Robert, 59.
— letters from, 57, 156.
Beaufort, Duke of [Henry Somerset],
265.
Beaufort, Duke of, title of, 258.
Beaumaris, castle of, 162.
Beaumont, Henry, 248.
Beaw, William, 184.
Beccles (Beckles), co. Suffolk, 157.
Beddipgfield, Mr., 265.
Bedminster, near Bristol, letter dated
at, 190.
Belchamber, John, complaint signed by,
14.
Belfast :
William III. lands at, 271.
Presbyterian ministers of, 271.
Bell, -r- , 163.
Bellasis, Sir H., 279.
Bellew, John, Lord, 279.
Bembridge fort, Isle of Wight, 53.
Bemerton by Salisbury, rector of, 261.
Bennett :
Captain, 84.
Colonel, 74.
Sir Henry, Secretary of State,
petitions for part of Marylebone
Park, 194.
as Lord Arlington, 239.
Bennion, William, M.A., 3.
Benson, Thomas, 167.
Bergen op Zoom, Flanders, 284.
Governor of, 119.
Bergues [Berghe], in Flanders, 189.
Berkeley, Lord, signature of, 174.
Berkenhead, Col. Henry, 157.
Berkshire, declaration from, 144.
Berlingas (Borlings), the, islands of,
65, 70.
Berry, Col. James, 137.
Berwick (Barwick), 23, 73, 92.
General Monk at, 131, 206.
Governor of, 136.
Bethell :
Col. Hugh, 148, 151, 153, 154, 170,
175, 180.
— letters from, 175, 176.
regiment of, 154.
Slingsby, 166.
Biddulph, Theophilus, 168.
Bidgood, John, 186.
Bilbao (Spain), ships to or from, 41,
71, 91.
Billiers, Capt., Deputy-Governor of
Dover castle, 36.
Bilton :
George, deputy- treasurer at war in
Scotland, 104, 117, 178.
petition of, 119.
warrant to, 104.
John, 104.
Bing, Captain, 54.
Bingley, Mr., 257.
Birch :
Col. John, 192.
[Dr. Peter], 249.
Colonel [Thomas], 161, 169.
Birkdale, Captain, 88.
Birkenhead :
Jo., moral philosophy lecturer at
Oxford, 187.
Sir John, 231.
Biscay, bay of, 32, 36.
Biscoe, Colonel, regiment of, 157.
Bishop, Mr., 261.
Bishops, 1, 189, 190, 192, 209.
the seven, a prayer for, 249.
Blackburne, Jo., 186.
Blackman, John, 184.
Blackmore :
Capt. John, 9.
Simon, 101.
Blackness, Scotland, siege of, 83.
B[lague ?], Thomas, letter of, 9.
wife and children of, 9.
Blair, Lieut. -Colonel Patrick, letters
from, 116, 154.
Blake :
Captain [Benjamin], brother of Col.
Robert, 42.
Nic, note by, 48.
Col. Robert, 24, 32, 35, 38, 41, 46,
56, 62-66.
letters from, 11, 16-19, 21,
36, 38, 42, 49, 96, 111.
letters to, 54 (2), 55, 82.
fleet under, sent to the south,
55 (2), 56, 62, 64, 74.
Blakeney, co. Norfolk, 28.
294
Bland, John, letter from, 142.
Blandford, Walter, warden of Wadham
College, Oxford, 182.
Blantyre, Alexander, Lord, 112.
Blathwayt, William, secretary at war,
262, 265, 270, 273
office of, 262.
Blavete "in Brest," 99.
Blencoe, Timothy, 184.
Blount, Col. Thomas, 180.
Blundell, Peter [of Tiverton], fellow
ships founded by, 80.
Blunt, Colonel (in Ireland), 49.
Boddiley, Captain. See Badiley.
Bogy. See Strathbogy.
Bolingbroke, Earl of [Henry St. John],
286.
Bolingbroke (Bullingbrooke) castle, co.
Lincoln, 112.
Bolt, Captain, 168.
Bond, Denis, order signed by, 98.
Books and pamphlets, hawkers of,
petition of, 16.
unlicensed, 17.
named :
A hearty desire, d-c, 79.
Bibliotheca Orientalis, 256.
Carman Britannicum, 258.
Character of a Trimmer, 264.
Chronicle, Baker's. See Baker,
Sir Richard.
Dialogues des Morts, 258.
English American, the, e&C., 101.
History of St. Paul's (Dug-
dale's), 188.
Hypocrites unmasked , 137.
Letter from a Colonel in Scot-
land, <fcc, 137.
Sovereignty of the Sea, 258.
plays, volume of, 188.
Booth, Sir George, 199, 203.
insurrection and defeat of, 140,
205, 237.
Bordeaux, 46, 85.
Borlings. See Berlingas.
Borough, Sir John, Sovereignty of the
Sea, by, 258.
Both Kingdoms, committee of, 61.
Boulogne (Bulloigne), 82.
Governor of, 49.
road, 33.
Bound, Peter, letter of, 15.
Bovett, Col. Richard, 157.
letter from, 158.
regiment of, 158.
Bowch, Phil., 185.
Bowdon, Thos., janitor of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, 186.
Bowerman, Thos., paper signed by, 53.
Boyart, Major, 149.
Boyle, Michael, Dean of Cork, 100.
as Primate of Ireland, letter
to, 247.
Boyne, the river, 272, 273.
battle of the, 272-274, 276.
Boyne, the, a district in Banffshire,
109.
Bovnton, Cornet Matthew, letter from,
174.
Boys [Thomas], 248. 249.
Brabant, Governor of, 284.
Braborn [? William], 186.
Brace, Thos., 184.
Bradshaw :
Henry, 250.
John, President of the Council of
State, letters or orders signed
by, 11, 23, 24, 45, 48, 50 (2),
52 (4), 53, 55, 56, 74.
a pirate, 78.
Braman or Breman, Major John (of
Col. Rich's regiment), 164, 166.
letter from, 178.
Brandenburg, Frederick William,
Elector of, 196.
Brandrith, Henry, 166.
Brasdor, Captain, 99.
Brassey (Brayse, Bressie), Captain Ben-
jamin, 107, 108, 183.
petition of, 183.
Bray, Captain William, letter of, 16.
Brazil company, 65, 67-69.
Brazil, ships to or from or Brazil ships,
65-70.
Breda, 19, 239, 284.
commissioners sent to, 60.
Breman. See Braman.
Brent, Roger, 184.
Brentford, Earl of. See Ruthven,
Patrick.
Bressie. See Brassey.
Brest, 99, 276.
Brett, John, 168.
Bridges :
Marshall, 248.
Mr., 284.
Bridgwater, co. Somerset, 158.
Bright, Colonel John, 8.
Brighton (Brighthelmstone), 92.
Brill, 284.
Bristol, Bishop of. See Trelawny, Dr.
Jonathan.
Bristol, 14, 39, 160, 161, 263, 264.
Broad Street in, 143, 144.
Cromwell goes to, 21, 24.
letters dated at, 160 (2), 164 (2).
letters addressed to, 142-145.
Mayor, Aldermen, and Council of,
160, 161.
Redcliffe Street in, 144.
rising in, for a free Parliament,
1-42-145.
troops to and from, 16, 145, 158.
Brittany, 99.
Broadhead, Lieutenant, 162.
Broadwith, Mathew, 176, 180.
Broghill, Lord (Roger Boyle), 137.
Brollas or Brollosse, in Mull, 121
(2).
Bromley [William], M.P. for Oxford
University, 257, 287, 289.
is a candidate for the office of
Speaker, 283.
death of, 289.
Broome, Alexander, 223.
295
Browne :
Captain and Alderman, 209.
Major John, governor of Upnor
castle, 78.
letter from, 177.
Simon, 102 (2).
letter of, 103.
wife of, 102.
Bruce's " Letters of Charles I. to
Henrietta Maria," papers printed
in, 5, 6 (2).
Bruges (Brigges), in Flanders, 172.
Admiralty of, 89.
Brugh in Galloway, letter dated at, 114.
Brunswick (Brounsurque), Duke of,
troops of, 196.
Bruntilsland, royalist party at, 77.
Brussels, 88, 150.
court at, 89.
the English Princes at, 120.
Governor of. See Churchill,
General.
Hotel d'Orange at, 284.
travellers to, 284.
Bruton (Brewton), co. Somerset, 158.
Buchanon, Laird of, damage done to his
house when a garrison, 114.
Buck, Samuel, 157.
Buckingham, second Duke of (George
Villiers), letter to, 81.
Buckingham, co. 209.
gentlemen of, petition Monk, 208.
Bullock Road (near Dublin), letter
dated from, 35.
Bulstrode (Boulstrode), Samuel, 167.
Bulges [Edward], messenger, 125.
Burscough, Jo., 186.
Burt, Dr. William, warden of Win-
chester College, letter from, 183.
Burton, Major. See Barton.
Bury St. Edmund's, 165, 166.
letters dated at, 157, 162 (2).
Bushell, Edward, 167.
Butler :
Colonel, 176.
Lieut. -Colonel [killed at Drogheda],
45.
Major [killed at Drogheda], 45.
Mr., keeper at Coventry gaol, 59.
Sir Toby, 280.
Byde, Mr., of Ware park, 283.
Byfield :
George, 176, 180.
Samuel, 185.
Byram, co. York, letter dated at, 8.
Byrne (Burne), Colonel, 45.
Byzantine writers, 256.
c
Cade, John, 168.
Cadiz (Cales), ships to or from, 52,
67-71, 85, 86, 92, 111.
Caen, 99.
Calais (Callis), 54, 82, 99-101, 285.
Governor of, 99, 101.
letter dated at, 99.
Calais — cont.
ships to or from, 12, 32, 33, 82,
84, 85, 92, 95, 96.
Calamy, Mr., chaplain to General Monk,
221.
Calder (Caddell), Laird of, 113.
Cales. See Cadiz.
Callis. See Calais.
Calvin, John, 169.
Cambrai (Cambray), 285.
Cambridge, town of, 166, 260.
Cambridge University, scholars of,
residence of, 246.
Vice- Chancellor and heads of
colleges, order by, 246.
Sidney Sussex, fellowships and
scholarships in, 80.
Trinity Hall, 146.
Camfeild, Deputy, 167.
Campbell, Archibald, of Drimsynnie,
111.
Campian, Richard, beadle at Oxford,
187.
Canaan, the second, 101.
Canaries, the, 48.
Canford, Dorset, quartering of soldiers
at, 16.
Canne, William, letter to, 142.
Canterbury, 144.
Archbishops of. See,
Grindal, Edmund.
Abbott, George.
Land, William.
Sheldon, Gilbert.
Sancroft, William.
Tillotson, John.
Tenison, Thomas.
visitation of the University
by, 253.
archbishopric of, 249.
burgesses elected at, 229.
letter dated at, 172.
Capell, Mr., 106.
Caplin, Nicholas, 168.
Cardenas, Don Alonso de, 150.
Cardinese, Captain, 110.
lieutenant of, 110.
Cardwell, Robert, 167.
Carew, Sir Thomas, 213.
Carey. See Cary.
Carie's Scone, Isle of Wight, 53.
Carisbrooke castle, Isle of Wight, 53.
Carlingford, Earl of [Nicholas Taafe],
killed at the Boyne, 274.
secretary to, 274.
Carlingford, co. Louth, 274.
taking of, 43 (2).
Carlisle, 112, 165, 270.
letters dated at, 138, 165.
Mayor and Aldermen of, 138.
Carnarvon castle, 162.
place near, 58.
Carolina, adventurers for, 195.
Caroline, Queen, wife of George II.,
elegy upon, 258.
Carpenter, William, moral philosophy
lecturer at Oxford, 187.
296
Can, Colonel, 73.
Carrick, co. Tipperary, 274-277.
Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), co. An-
trim, 50, 254.
Governor of, 50.
Carte's Life of Ormond, papers printed
in, 9, 111, 240, 243-248.
Carter :
Captain (Quaker), 157.
Sir John, 169.
Samuel, 185.
Carteret :
Sir George, Governor of Jersey,
97, 98 (2), 99, 251.
Sir Philip, Lieut. -Governor of
Jersey, certificate by, 23.
Cartwright :
Ensign, 126.
Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Chester,
266.
Cary, Carey :
John, 194.
Thomas, 143.
William, goldsmith of London
(brother-in-law of William
Clarke), 103, 105-107, 189.
letter, &c, of, 102, 111, 189.
wife of, 106.
— ' — daughters of, 287.
aunt of, 106.
Casbeard, John, 190.
Cascaes (Castcalles), near Lisbon, 65-68.
castle and Governor of, 66.
Cashell, the English army at, 277.
Castle, Colonel [William], 43.
Castle Ashby, co. Northampton, 266.
Castle Cornet, Guernsey, 97 (2).
Catherine, Queen (wife of Charles II.),
letter from, 246.
jointure of, 194.
Catwater, the, Plymouth, 63.
Cavalier and Church party, the old^^
242, 247.
Cavaliers. See Charles II., party of.
Cave, Mrs., 36.
Cavenagh, Lieut. -Colonel, 45.
Cawley, Mr. (son of the regicide), 184.
Ceely, Mr., 157.
Cezimbra (Sisembry), Portugal, 68.
castle of, 69.
Chaffinch, Thomas, receipt by, 194.
Chalgrove Field, fight at, 257.
Chaloner, Thomas, 101.
Chamade, beating of the, 280, 281.
Chamberg. Sea Schonberg.
Chamberlain, Henry, 185.
Chancery, Court of, 238.
Channel, the, or narrow seas, passim.
Channel Islands, 42.
Chard, co. Somerset, letter dated at,
173.
Charitie Islands, 96.
Charles I., 14, 60, 72, 77.
goods of, 194.
letters of, 4-6.
narrative of his escape to the
Scots' army, by Ashburnham, 6.
party of, 7.
Charles I. — cont.
titles bestowed by, 258.
treaty with, 230.
trial and execution of, alluded to,
10, 78, 79.
Charles II., Charles Stuart, or the
Prince, passim.
letters from, 243, 246, 247.
letters to, 91„ 240 (2), 242, 243,
245-247.
adherents or party of, Royalists,
Cavaliers, or the enemy, 39, 40,
54, 58, 62, 73, 74, 119, 123, 126,
132, 139, 164, 169, 171, 202, 205,
208, 212, 217, 220, 221, 225, 228,
237, 260, and see Scotland and
Ireland.
, designs of, 118, 122, 160.
ships belonging to, seized, 44.
rising of (under Sir George
Booth), 122-124.
boasting or high spirits of,
158, 171, 173.
uproar by, in Durham, 159.
elected in the new Parliament,
202, 229.
agents or envoys of, 100, 196, 221,
and see Whittington, Luke,
commission from, 99, 241.
commissioners to, 60.
coronation of, 77, 81 (2).
Councillors of, 227.
declaration of, 47.
declarations, messages, &c, of,
alluded to, 227, 229.
disloyalty to, 190.
embassies from, 258.
English Council of, 72.
forces for, 119.
garden of (at St. James), 195.
goods of, 60.
health of, drunk, 220.
loyaltv, help, or service to, 75, 76,
99, 190 (2), 193, 238, 239, 250.
matters to be laid before, 246.
movements or plans of, 9-11, 19,
29, 30, 36, 37, 39, 40, 44, 51,
54, 58-60, 72-74, 77, 113, 118-
120, 124.
order of, 193.
persons m attendance upon, in his
exile, 228, 230.
persons going over to, 224, 227.
petitions to, 81, 183, 195, 196.
proclamation of (supposed), 124.
raising of troops for, 99.
report to, 194.
restoration of, 193, 228, 230, 231.
desired, 10, 171, 173 (2),
189, 220-224.
expected, 227.
feared, 130, 157, 163, 164,
173, 226.
— i — Monk's share in. See Monk.
narrative of, or Hysteria
Revelata, 198-239.
proposed history of, 232.
revenue of, in Ireland, 240.
297
Charles II. — cont.
ships of, 55, 86, 87, 89, and see
Rupert, ships of.
sign manual of, 241.
speeches in favour of, 223.
called " the Scotch boy," 77.
and his Court, in Holland, 227.
" a pretending King without a
kingdom," 100.
Monk said to be still averse to,
224, 225.
preparations for the return of, 229,
230.
a bed worked for, 229, 230.
after his restoration, 238-240.
to be urged to stick to the old
Cavalier and Church party, 242,
247.
is now "master, if he pleases,"
242.
and Ireland, 243-245.
and courts martial, 262, 263.
sale of Dunkirk by. See Dunkirk,
death of, 263.
physilcian in ordinary to. See
Barrow, Dr. Samuel.
Charnock, Robert, 265.
Charost, Comte de, 99.
Chateaurenaud, Mons., 281.
Chatham, Kent, 16.
ships to or from, 27, 32, 62, 94,
95.
Chatsworth, co. Derby, invitation to,
270.
Chelsea, Sir Robert Walpole's house at,
288.
College, guards at, 142.
Cherye, Edward, 3.
Chester, Bishop of. See Cartwright,
Dr. Thomas.
Chester, city of, 50, 52, 156, 266, 270,
271.
bar of, 281.
castle, 57.
Chancellor of, 266.
Consistory of, 266.
letters dated at, 57, 160.
Recorder of, 258.
Queen's Court at, 2.
Chester, co., 261.
adherents of Fleetwood in, 156.
insurrection in, 124.
Chicheley, Sir Thomas, 249.
Chichester, 118.
Chillenden (Child), Capt. Edmund, 105.
letters of, 102, 104, 105.
troop of, 102, 104, 105.
China, 255.
Chirk castle, co. Denbigh, 11.
Cholmley, Sir Henry, 6, 8, 147.
Christians, expelled from the East, 255.
Church, Thomas, 186.
Church of England, 266.
, — party of. See Cavalier and
Church party.
Church government, 6.
lands, 208, 265.
settlement of the, 224.
Churches of Christ in the three Nations,
declaration to, 124.
Churchill :
General [Charles], brother of the
Duke of Marlborough, Governor
of Brussels and Brabant, 284.
Admiral [George], brother of the
Duke of Marlborough, 285.
John, Lord, 267, and see Marl-
borough.
Cinque Ports, warden of. See Den-
mark, Prince George of.
Civil war, note of incidents in, 257.
Clancarty, Lady, letter to, 246.
Clancleane, Andrew, 90.
Clare, Ireland, letter dated at, 75.
Clare, co., Irish army in, 280.
Clarendon, Edward [Hyde], first Earl
of, Lord Chancellor, 190, 227, 230,
238, and see Hyde, Sir Edward.
and the sale of Dunkirk, 250.
characters of persons known
by, 257.
History of the Rebellion byA
copy of part of, 257, 258.
papers printed in, 257,
258.
Life of, papers printed in,
257, 258.
State Papers of, documents
printed in, 5, 6 (2), 111, 251.
Henry, second Earl of, letters to,
250, 251.
Henry, fourth Earl of, 288.
Clarges, Dr. or Sir Thomas (brother-
in-law of General Monk), 137, 192,
211, 216, 218-220, 222, 231, 234-236,
238.
letter from, 137.
Hanaper Office given to, 227.
Clarke, Clark :
Alexander, 192.
Betty (sister of Sir William),
marriage of, 103.
Dorothy (wife of Sir William),
102, 107, 112, 173, 189, 259,
262, 263, 287.
marries Dr. Barrow, 260.
death of, 282.
father and mother of. See
Hilliard, Thomas and Elizabeth.
Dr. George (son of Sir William).
letters to, 253, 254.
autobiography of, 259-289.
copies or endorsements by,
passim.
extracts, &c, made by, 257,
258.
verses addressed to, 253.
warrant for payment to, 251.
will of, MS. copy of, 258.
clerks of, 251.
childhood of, 259, 260.
goes to Oxford, 260.
becomes fellow of All Souls,
261.
298
Clarke, Dr. George — cont.
as Judge- Advocate of the
army, 262-264, 267.
as member for Oxford Uni-
versity, 263, 286, 287, 289.
and James II., 263, 265, 267.
goes to Scotland, 268.
goes to Ireland as secretary
at war, 271.
at the battle of the Boyne,
271.
and King William, 271-276,
282.
— ' — as secretary at war in Eng-
land, 282.
made secretary to Prince
George of Denmark, 282.
builds his house at Oxford,
283.
is made Admiralty Commis-
sioner, 283.
is elected for East Loo, 283.
opposes the Court candidate
for the Speaker's chair, and .oses
his post of secretary, 283.
is elected for Launcestou, 285.
Jacob (brother of Sir William),
102 (2), 103.
John, 185.
Samuel, beadle of law, Oxford, 187.
Col. Sam, 174.
letter from, 174.
regiment of, 159.
William, afterward Sir William,
one of the secretaries to Thomas,
Lord Fairfax, and, later, secre-
tary to General Monk, 79, 206,
207, 209, 211, 212, 214-216, 218,
222, 228.
letter from, 15.
letters to, 6, 8, 14-16, 51, 57
(2), 58, 73, 76-79, 102-110, 112,
122 (2), 130, 139, 192, 194.
book-bill of, 188.
' disbursements by, 75, 104,
189.
drafts, copies or endorsements
by, passim.
dream concerning, 110.
house of, in St. Martin's lane,
102, 103.
inventory of goods of, 103.
invitation to, 173.
: i money owing to, 104 (3).
petition signed by, 195.
property of, at Paddington
or St. John's Wood, 102, 103,
194.
warrants to, 101 (2).
marriage of, 8.
to be secretary to the army
in Scotland, 76.
attending Lord General Crom-
well, 79.
as keeper of the Broad Seal
in Scotland, 102.
- — appointed as receiver of
assessments in Scotland, 103.
Clarke, William — cont.
congratulated upon his knight-
hood, 188.
goods of the late King in the
hands of, 194.
part of St. John's Wood
leased to, 194.
as secretary at war to
Charles II., 259.
mortally wounded in the sea-
fight in the Downs, 259.
wife of. See Clarke, Dorothy.
son of. See Clarke, Dr.
George.
brothers-in-law of. See Cary,
William ; Mabbott, Gilbert ; and
Hilliard, Kympton.
Clarke MSS., at Worcester College,
Oxford, 133.
Clarke papers, documents printed in,
6 (2), 14 (2), 76 (2), 102, 106, 188.
Clarkington, Laird of, 114.
Clarkson (Clarson), Gamaliel, 185.
Cleves, 196.
Cliff e, Humphrey, 166.
Clobery, Oliver, 207, 222.
Clonmell, co. Tipperary, 277, 278.
Cromwell at, 58.
Cloyne, Bishop of (Patrick Sheridan),
246.
Clyde, the river, 108.
Coal, ships laden with, 88.
Cobbe, Jeffrey, letter to, 18.
Cobbett, Col. 'Ralph, 107, 111, 132, 177.
regiment of, 104 (2).
Cochrane :
William, Lord, bond of, 111.
(Cowgrane), Laird of, 108.
Cohen, Capt. William, 157.
Colchester, Lord [Richard Savage], 268,
269.
Colchester, Essex, 59, 81, 98 (2), 165.
letters dated at, 104 (2).
Coldstream, Monk at, 193.
Coldstreamers, 193, 194.
Cole, Henry, 168.
Coleraine, co. Londonderry, taking of,
50.
Colldoham, William, 186.
Collins :
Captain, 23.
John (uncle of William Clarke),
102, 103, 105, 188.
narrative of the Restoration
by, 198-239.
part of St. John's Wood leased
to, 194.
- [John] eldest son of, 206, 207,
212, 214, 215, 218, 219, 227,
228, 238, 239.
Margaret, letter from, 188.
— — father of. See Collins, John.
Nehemiah, 160.
Common Pleas Bar, 226.
Commons, House of, 20, 22, 36, 51,
78, 79, 151, 178, 283.
dissolves the Common Council of
London, 217.
299
Commons, House of — cont.
the King spoken of in, 224.
lobby of, 283.
Monk at, 215.
writes to, 216, 218.
order of, 142.
parties in, 210-218, 224, 225, 235
petitions to, 4, 78, 183.
relation made at the Bar of, 74.
secluded members return to, 222,
Speaker of. See Lenthall, William.
choosing of, 283.
Commons' Journals, paper printed in,
142.
Commonwealth, the :
adherence, service, or loyalty to,
127, 138, 163, 170, 171, 225.
enemies of. See Charles II.,
adherents of.
designs against or divisions in, 55,
132.
Compton :
Sir Fras., 279.
Henry, Bishop of London, 266.
trial of, 263.
[? Complin] Mr., 184.
Conant, John, Regius Professor of
Divinity at Oxford, 188.
Samuel, 186.
Conde, Prince of, 46, 97, 120.
Conduct of the Army, paper called, 140.
Congregationalists, 166, 167.
Coningsby :
Mr., 164.
Thomas, paymaster, and (in 1690),
Lord Justice of Ireland, 276, 280.
Connaught, province of, 41, 59.
Lord President of, 141.
Constantine [of All Souls' College], 248.
Convocation, members of, 192.
Conway :
Colonel, nephew to Col. Edward
Popham, 100.
Major Francis, 190.
letter from, 190.
Henry, 169.
Conway town and castle, 162.
Coayers, John, 257.
Cooper, Col. Thomas, regiment of, 104
(2), 107, 110.
Coote, Sir Charles, President of Con-
naught, 41, 43, 50, 155.
letters from, 152, 179.
brother of, 41.
Cope, Sir Jonathan, 288.
Copenhagen, 90, 196.
Copp, a prisoner, 57.
pamphlet by, 57.
Coppin, Captain John, 25, 35, 43, 45,
56, 87, 97.
letter from, 97.
Corbett, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Nor-
wich, speech by, 4.
Corfemullin, Dorset, quartering of
soldiers at, 16.
Cork, city of, 274.
Governor of, for the King. See
Stirling, Major-General.
Cork, city of — cont.
Lord Inchiquin refused admittance
to, 48.
declares for Parliament, 49, 50.
haven, letter dated from, 49.
siege and surrender of, 277.
Cork, co., Irish army in, 280.
Corn, price of, 14.
Oornbury, Lord (Henry Hyde), son of
the fourth Earl of Clarendon, 289.
Cornelius :
Captain, 62.
Jo., butler of Queen's College,
Oxford, 186, 188.
Cornwall, 283, 285.
Cornwell, Christopher, letter from, 158.
Corporations, regulation or disfranchise-
ment of, 123, 169.
Cottington, Francis, Lord Cottington,
10.
embassy of, to Madrid, 257.
Cotton, Thomas, letter from, 143.
Council of State, 22, 24, 26, 37, 41,
46, 55, 58, 66, 74, 83, 100, 117,
118, 130, 142, 144, 173, 175, 209, 210,
215, 221.
attendance on, 181.
clerk of, 137, and see Frost, Wal-
ter, and Rushworth, John,
commissions by, 9, 56.
instructions of, 55.
letters, orders or warrants of, 11,
23, 24, 45, 48, 50 (2), 52 (2), 55,
74, 120, 169.
alluded to, passim.
letters to, 34 (2), 40, 42, 44, 53,
55, 80 (?).
list of commissioners for the militia
of London prepared by, 166.
matters laid or to be laid before,
11, 17, 22, 23, 35, 36, 58, 59,
91, 151.
Monk's letter to, satisfaction given
by, 141.
officers of, salaries of, 37 (2).
persons imprisoned by, 39.
President of, letter to, 39.
Presidents of. See Bradshaw,
John ; Wariston, Lord ; and
Annesley, Arthur,
proclamation of, 172, 175, 181.
reference by, 36.
references to, 20, 47.
refusal of, to deliver letter to
Parliament, 49.
seal of, 11.
thanks of, given to Charles Vane,
74.
the late, 171.
Council of war on shipboard, 25, 89.
Council, the Privy, 244.
President of (Lord Shaftesbury),
244.
order of, 252.
Council table, the, 288.
Court, the, 263, 264.
candidate of, for the office of
Speaker, 283.
30D
Court, the, — cont.
confusion in, 267.
preachers of, 198.
whispers at, 271.
Courts martial, 262, 265, 266.
Courtebournet (Courteborne), M. de,
Governor (or Deputy- Governor) of
Calais, 101.
letter from, 99.
Courtney, Sir William, letter to, 193.
Covell, Dr. [John], 249.
Covenant, the, 6, 10, 51, 61.
Coventry :
Sir William, Secretary of State,
240, 264.
document countersigned by,
241.
letter to, 244.
Lady, 228.
Coventry, city of, 59, 118, 156, 178.
letters dated at, 57, 59, 156, 181.
Mayor and Aldermen of, 59.
Cowell, Thomas, letter of, 24.
Cowes castle, Isle of Wight, 53.
Governor of, 173.
Cox, James, 168.
Coytmor, Robert, secretary to the
Admiralty, 22 (2), 24, 27, 40, 93, 98.
letters from, 20-26, 35-37, 39,
41-48, 53-56, 72, 96 (2), 97.
letter to, 97.
Crackenthorpe, Capt. Richard, troop of,
13.
Cradocke, Mr. 144.
Crafts, Ensign, 128.
Craggs, James, Secretary at War,
letter to, 253.
Craillinghall or Cralinghall, Laird of.
See Ker, Robert.
Cranley, Capt. Richard, 46.
Craven, William, Lord, 264.
Crawford, Commissary, 268, 270.
Creech, Capt. Henry, 168.
Creed, Major Richard, 123, 124, 177.
Creichtown in Lothian, 116.
Crieff, Perthshire, letter dated at, 113.
Crispe, Major or Lieut. -Colonel Peter,
107, 127, 128.
Crofts [John], 248.
Croix, Mons. Petis de la, 256.
Croke, Col. Unton, letter from, 174.
regiment of, 174.
Cromartie, letter dated at, 131.
Cromartieshire, sheriff of, 131.
state of, 131.
Cromer, Norfolk, 93, 94.
Crompton, Col. Thomas, Governor of
Stafford, 139.
Cromwell :
Henry, Lord Deputy of Ireland,
army of, 76.
Oliver, Lieut. -General, Lord
General, Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land, Lord Protector, 79, 113,
150, 208, 231.
letters from, 13, 105.
_ alluded to, 38, 41.
letters to, 9, 111.
Cromwell, Oliver — cont.
as Lord Lieutenant and Lord
General of Ireland, 20, 21, 24,
26, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 44, 47,
58, 100.
■ army of, 38, 40.
life guard of, 21.
exchange of prisoners by, 81
(2).
horse regiment of, officers of,
9.
household stuff of, 39.
libellous statement against,
79.
Parliament of, 227.
petition to, 113.
proclamation by, 79.
secretary of. See Thurloe,
John.
victories of, 41, 43, 47.
warrants signed by, 101 (2).
as the old Protector, 141.
wife of, 39.
Richard, made Lord Protector, 113.
Parliament of. See Parlia-
ment.
dissolves Parliament, 116.
— i — resignation of the chancellor-
ship of Oxford University by,
182.
Cromwell, family of, 201, 226.
Cromwell arms, the, 106.
"Cromwell's letters, &c" (Carlyle),
document printed in, 79.
Crook, Mr., of Oxford, 146.
Crosse, Dr. Joshua, Natural Philosophy
lecturer at Oxford, 187.
Crossman, John, letter of, 6.
Crown lands, 208, 239.
office, certificates to remain in, 1.
Crowther, Jos., 184.
Cuff, Robert, 184.
Cugly, Henry, Mayor of Gloucester,
certificate by, 16.
Cullen, cos. Limerick and Tipperary,
276.
Culpepper or Colepeper, Sir John, Lord
Culpepper, 10.
Cumberland, late commissioners for the
militia in, 157.
Curry Mallett, co. Somerset, letter
dated from, 51.
Curtis (Curtise) :
Quarter-master, 106.
Walter, letters from, 104 (2).
Customs :
collector of, 161.
commissioners of, 167.
D
Dale, Captain, 104.
Dalkeith, 112.
letters dated at, 110, 113, 120.
letters addressed to, 107, 108, 114,
115, 122, 130.
301
Dalrymple, Sir James (Du Rumple,
Mr.), 146.
Danes, alarm of invasion by, 35.
Daniel :
Major or Col. William, letters
from, 57, 189.
249.
Danish Major General, a, 276.
ships or Danes, 90, 92.
Dantzic, 90.
Darcy :
Captain, 21.
Dr. Oliver, Bishop of Dromore,
letter to, 111.
Darrell [George], 248.
Dartford, postmaster of, 37.
Dartmouth, Lord [George Legge], regi-
ment of, 267.
Davenport, Edward, 250.
wife and children of, 250.
William, 250.
wife and child of, 250.
Daventry, co. Northampton, action
near, 177.
Daveys, Anthony, sub-warden of All
Souls' College, Oxford, 3.
Davies :
Edmund, 186.
Henry, yeoman beadle at Oxford,
187.
Robert, 168.
Davy, Capt. Humphrey, 168.
Dawny, [John]," 148.
Day, John, letter to, 24.
Deal, Kent, 94, 96.
Upper, letter dated at, 101.
Dean, forest of, 118.
Dean and Chapter lands, money from,
22.
Colonel Richard, 21 (2), 22, 35.
37, 38, 42, 46, 63, 71, 73, 96, 100,
105, 106.
letters from, 11, 16-20, 24-26,
34 (2), 35, 38-40, 42, 44, 47,
50 (2), 51, 73, 82, 83, 98.
letter to, 78.
accident to, 38.
warrant of, 104. '
wife of, 24 (2).
Captain, late secretary to the army
in Scotland, 76.
Denbigh, Earl of (Basil Fielding),
commission signed by, 9.
Denbigh :
castle and Governor of, 162.
letter dated from, 14.
Dendermond, Flanders, blockade of,
284.
Denham [? Thomas], 10.
Denmark, 169.
King of, 91, 196.
lands of, in Shetland, 108.
Denmark, George, Prince of, 267, 273,
283.
joins the Prince of Orange,
268.
made Lord High Admiral and
warden of the Cinque Ports, 282.
Denmark, George, Prince of — cont.
secretary of. See Clarke, Dr.
George.
. treasurer of. See Nicholas,
Mr.
footman of, 283.
Princess of. See Anne, Princess.
Dennis, Mr., 167.
Deptford, 33, 72.
Deputy-Lieutenants, 265.
Derby, Earl of (James Stanley), 60.
Derby :
letters dated at, 123, 178.
meeting of officers at 123, 124.
Derby, co., militia commissioners in,
letter from, 178.
Derry, Bishop of [John Bramhall], 50.
[Michael Ward], 246.
Desborow (Disborrough), Major General
John, or Lord, 118, 123, 137, 234.
Dethicke, Alderman John, 166.
De Vinte, Christopher, 90.
Devonshire, Earl, afterwards Duke of
[William Cavendish], 270.
Devon, co., 257.
deputy-lieutenants of, 193.
gentlemen of, 213.
letter of, alluded to, 200, 208,
231.
militia commissioners in, list of,
169.
Dewe, John, high sheriff of co. Oxford,
254.
Dickson, David, 113.
letter to, 151.
Dieppe, 88, 99.
Dieren, letter dated at, 245.
Digges :
Sir Dudley, 249.
Edward, 249.
Dimack :
Ann, alias Stephen Evison, 112.
her mother and aunt, 112.
John, her father, 112.
Dingley, Thomas, dean of law, 3.
Diurnal, the, 131, 137.
Divinity, Doctor of, 261.
Dod, Pierce, 253 (2).
D'Oiley. See Doyley.
Dolbin, Jo., 185.
Doncaster :
letter dated from, 6.
regiment at, 8.
Dongan (Dungham) :
Sir John, 45.
Capt. Walter, 45.
Dorney, Dorny :
Major, 140.
Philip, 160.
Dorset, co., 263.
Douglas :
Dr., provost of Banff, 140.
Lieut. -General, 276, 278.
Douglas Castle, letter dated at, 109,
Dover, 38, 48, 88, 90, 95.
castle, Governor of, 56.
deputy-governor of, 36.
fishermen of, 99.
302
Dover — cont.
letters dated from, 20, 39, 42, 82,
99, 100.
Mayor of, letters to, 39, 40 (2).
Mayor and jurats of, letter of, 39.
pier, 85.
prisoners at, 39, 40, 43, 54.
serjeant of the Admiralty at, 56.
or Dover load, ships to or from,
12, 32, 84-86, 95, 96.
Dowdall, Major, 45.
Down, Dean of (William Sheridan), 246.
Downes :
Col. John, chairman of the Army
committee, letter to, 76.
John, 169.
Roger, fine levied on, 2.
Downs, the : *
castles in, Governors of, 36.
Commander-in-chief in, 82.
commanders repair to, 11.
fight in, 259.
letters addressed to, 21, 24, 25, 47.
letters dated from, 16, 21, 23, 73.
ships to, from, or in, passim.
Doyle, Sir William, 181.
Doyly, D'Oiley, Lieut. -Col. Charles,
167.
Sir JoTm, 288.
Dreyle [? Boyle], Lieut. -Colonel, 45.
Drimsynnie (Drumsynnie), Argyleshire,
106, 111.
Drogheda (Tredagh, Tredath), 273.
taking of, 41-43.
list of officers in, 45.
Droitwich, co. Worcester, magistrates
of, letter from, 174.
Dromore, Bishop of. See Darcy.
Drummond, D., letter from, 113.
Drummond, Perthshire, garrison of, 124.
Drumsynnie. See Drimsynnie.
Drunkenness, prevention of, 78.
Drury, Thomas, 185.
Drywood, Capt. John, deputy treasurer
at war for Scotland, 117, 178 (2).
letter to, 111.
Dublin, 12, 19, 26 (2), 34,. 36, 38,
40, 41, 44, 45, 60, 140, 274, 277, 278.
Bar, ship lost on, 42.
blockade of, by Prince Rupert, 20,
24.
castle, 278.
letter addressed to, 247.
seizure and surrender of, 153,
155.
Council of officers at, 179.
Cromwell goes to, 26, 35.
the Irish army retreats towards,
273.
James II. at, 274.
King William at, 274-276.
letters dated at, 1, 34, 42, 141, 152,
155, 179, 240, 242-244.
travellers to or from, 280, 281.
Duckenfield, Duckenfeild :
Col. or Lieut. -Colonel Robert,
Governor of Chester, 124.
letter of, 58.
Duckenfield, Duckenfeild — cont.
Robert, 250.
Dudley, Captain, company of, 139.
Dugdale, Sir William, History of St.
Paul's, by, 188.
Duke, Mr., musician, 223.
Duleek, co. Meath, 273.
Dumfries, 114.
Du Molins, Dr. Lewis, History lecturer
at Oxford, 187.
Dun, Dr., 172.
Dunbar, battle of, colours taken at, 75.
Dunbarton castle, letter dated at, 108.
Duncannon (Dungannon), co. Wexford,
13, 274.
Cromwell goes to, 47.
Governor of, 276.
King William embarks at, 276.
Duncomb, Jo., 185.
Dundalk, taking of, 41, 43.
Dundas, Col. Walter, Governor of
Edinburgh castle, 79.
Dundee, 110:
King's forces at, 77.
letters dated at, 122 (2), 126.
mutiny at, 122 (2).
troops quartered at, 104, 105.
Dungannon, co. Wexford. See Dun-
cannon.
Dungarvan, co. Waterford, Lord Inchi-
quin refused admission to, 48.
Dungeness, 12.
Dungham. See Dongan.
Dunkirk, Flanders, 35, 82, 87, 91, 100,
113, 119, 145 (2), 172, 189, 190, 285.
agent of Charles II. at, 39.
canal at, 285.
English garrison or forces at, 1J3,
176, 189, 190.
Governor of. See Lockhart, Sir
William.
Governor of, Spanish, 87, 89.
letter to, 100.
letters dated at, 39, 40, 118, 172,
176, 189 (2), 190.
Mardyke Fort, near. See Mardyke
Fort,
mutiny at, 118.
officers at, letter from, 189.
prisoners at, 39 (2), 40, 43, 45 (2).
sale of, 250.
ships of, to or from, 12, 43, 55, 85,
87-89, 90.
Dunmer, John, 184.
Dunnotar Castle, Kincardineshire,
Governor of, 140.
Dunsany (Dunsaney), Lord, son of. See
Plunket.
Dunstable, co. Berks., 207, 212.
Dunstaffnage, Argyleshire, letter dated
at, 121.
Dunvegan, in Skye, 111.
Duppa [Brian], 3.
Durham :
letter dated at, 159.
Mayor of, 159.
Tolbooth of, 159.
tumult at, 159, 16J..
303
Durham, co., 196.
Dutch, or the Dutch, 284.
invasion of, feared, 267.
caleche, 282.
field deputies, 284.
General officers, 271.
Guards, the, 272, 273.
markets, 82.
ships, or Hollanders, 12, 13, 25,
27, 36, 54, 70,
96, 206, 281.
, wrecked, 56.
tracts, 231.
Dutton, Henry, 185.
E
83, 85-87, 90,
Eales, Edward, 186.
East, the, a history of, needed, 255.
Empires of, 255, 256 .
East India ships, 12, 19, 89.
East Loo, Cornwall, burgess for, 283.
Eaton, Theophilus, Advocate of the
army in Ireland, information by. 140.
Edgehill, rendezvous near, 176, 177.
Edgerstoun, Laird of. See Rutherford.
Edinburgh, 98, 137, 138, 191, 192, 234,
268, 269.
burgesses of, 113.
Castle of, 73, 119.
Governor of [Col. Walter
Dundas], 79.
letter dated at, 178.
— — , permission to resort to, 79.
, siege and surrender of, 263,
269.
execution of Montrose at, 73.
forces at, 268.
Holyrood Abbey or House, 269.
, letters dated at, 114, 182, 183.
prepared for King Charles, 60.
letters dated at, 59, 73, 76, 83, 98,
111-114, 116, 178, 183.
letters addressed to, 77-79, 117, 122,
125-127.
Lord Provost of. See Stewart, Sir
James, and Murray, Robert.
Lord Provost and magistrates or
bailiffs of, 192.
letter from, 193.
meeting of ministers at, 124.
Parliament Close in, 268.
proclamation dated at, 79.
Tolbooth of, prisoner in, 119.
Treasury at, 111.
Edisbury, Dr., 266.
brother of, 266.
Edwards, Dr. Jo., Natural Philosophy
lecturer at Oxford, 187.
Egypt, Mameluke Empire in, 255.
Eldred :
Commissary, 107, 109.
Nathaniel, petition of, 196.
Elections, Committee for, 229.
Eliston [? Ellatson, Lieut. -Colonel], 166.
Elizabeth, Queen, 2, 179.
Elizabeth Castle, Jersey, declaration
dated at, 47.
Ellis :
John, 146.
Capt. Thomas, letter from, 192.
or Ellys, Mr. , organist of St. John's
College, Oxford, 184, 188.
Ellison, Robert, Sheriff of Northumber-
land, letter from, 161.
Elsworth, Richard, letters from, 160,
164.
Emling Castle, Wales, Parliament forces
routed at, 14.
Emms, Samuel, 168.
Emperor, the :
[Ferdinand], 10.
[Leopold], 195.
Empire, Electoral Princes of, 195.
Engagement, the, 51, 78.
England :
invasion of, wished by the Scots, 60.
North of, complaints from, 26.
plans for recovery of, by King
Charles, 10.
probable royalist landing in, 119.
sacrificed to private gain, 284.
South of, garrisons in, 79.
West of, forces in, 74.
Erbury, William, 106.
Erthig, co. Denbigh, 266.
Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux), Lord
General of the Parliament, horse regi-
ment of, 127.
Essex, co., 57, 104.
Eugene, Prince, 284.
Europe, is " in fear and shaken exceed-
ingly," 179.
Evendale, Lanarkshire, parish of, 117.
Evison : John, 112
Stephen. See Dimack, Ann.
Exchequer, public debts at the, 253.
Receivers-General for, 159.
Excise and Customs, stayed for the use
of the Army, 171.
Commissioners, 166, 167.
Exeter, Bishop of. See Gauden, Dr.
John.
Exeter, 267.
Articles of, persons comprised in,
15.
goldsmiths of, certificate of, 193.
Guildhall of, arms hidden in, 193.
Mayor of. See Gaudy, Henry.
Eyton, Sampson, 185.
F
Fairfax :
Col. Charles, 7, 8, 147, 148, 170.
letters from, 146, 150, 153,
159, 175, 180, 182.
, Major of. See Bailly, Major.
, note by, 163.
304
Fairfax, Col. Charles — cont.
, regiment of, 151.
, grandfather of, 180.
Sir Thomas, Lord General, and
(in 1648), 2nd Lord Fairfax of
Cameron, 5, 7, 9, 14, 16, 58, 146,
151.
, letter from, 149.
, letters to, 6 (3), 11, 14-16, 58,
81, 154.
, Council of War of, 36, 81.
, foot regiment of, 127.
, petitions to, 16 (2), 17 (3).
, reference by, 15.
, secretaries of. See Clarke,
William, and Rushworth, John.
, suggested as General in Hol-
land, 78.
proceedings of, at York, 146,
150.
Fairweather, Capt., 40.
Falkirk, battle of, 127.
Fanatics, or fanatic party, 152, 164,
165, 167, 168, 172, 174, 177, 217,
228.
arms in the hands of, 220.
Fanshaw, Sir Richard, Ambassador at
Madrid, 250.
Farmer :
Arthur, Alderman of Bristol, 161.
Major John, 149.
Farrar, Edward, 185.
Fauconberg (Fawconberge, Falkon-
bridge), Thomas Belasyse, Viscount,
147 (2).
Fauntleroy (Fantleroy), Thomas, 1.
Faversham, James II. stopped at, 268.
Feare, Cape, 195.
Fearnes, Capt., 50.
Feitoria, the, Portugal, 75.
Felders, Cornelia, 81.
Fell:
Dr. John, Bishop of Oxford, 260,
288.
Dr. Samuel, 4.
Fendall, Capt. Henry, 168.
Fenninge :
Lieutenant, 128.
Serjeant, 128.
Ferguson (Fergison) :
Captain, 110.
William, 120.
Feversham, Earl of [Lewis de Duras],
General of the Army, 267.
Fewes, the, co. Armagh, 271.
Fiatt, Dr. Peter, 186.
Fidoe, Anthony, beadle of divinity,
Oxford, 187.
Field, William, pass for, 113.
Fife, co., 77, 110.
Fifth Monarchy, the, 169.
Fifth Monarchy man, 168.
Filmer, Dr. [Edward], 248.
Finch :
Francis, 227.
Heneage, M.P. for Canterbury
(1660), Lord Keeper (1673), and
Lord Chancellor (1675), 229, 240.
Finch — cont.
Lady Jane [daughter of the Earl of
Winchilsea], 268.
Dr. Leopold [son of the Earl of
Winchilsea], warden of All Souls'
Coll: Oxford, 264, 268.
Fincher, Major, 144.
Finglass, near Dublin, the English armv
at, 274.
Fisher, Serjeant, 128.
Fishermen, losses of, 18.
Fitzgerald, Capt. Edmund, 45.
Flamborough Head, 34, 93, 94.
Flanders, 49, 90, 172.
English officers in, 278.
forces going to, 268.
King William goes to, 282.
ships to range the coast of, 12, 27,
32, 33, 95.
ships of, see Flemish ships.
Flats, the, ships going over, 62.
Fleet, the, passim.
Brazil ships taken by, 76.
command of, rules for, alluded to,
42.
defeat of, by the French, off Beachy
Head, 274, 275.
expedition of, to Portugal, 73.
generals or commanders of. See,
Colonels Edward Popham, Robert
Blake, and Richard Dean a,
Generals at sea.
at Lisbon. See Blake, Col., fleet
under,
list of ships in. See ships,
medicaments for, 55.
money or provisions, needed for,
passim.
narratives of proceedings of, 11, 26,
61, 83.
northern squadron, 56.
officers of, passim.
summer guard, preparations for, 22,
55 (2), 56.
surgeons of, 55.
unanimous for the Parliament, 137.
Vice-admiral of. See Moulton,
Capt. Robert,
winter guard, 22.
Fleetwood :
Colonel or General Charles, or Lord,
117, 126, 131-133, 174.
, letters from, 76, 115.
, letters to, 14, 131.
, adherents of, 132, 156.
, Commissioners of, see Army,
Commissioners from.
, house of, 115.
, lieut. -colonel of. See Flower.
, proposed as Commander-in-
Chief, 123.
, negotiations of, with Monk,
125, 205, 233, 234.
• , his " rebellion " against the
Parliament; 136, 137, 140, 166.
Lieut. -Colonel William, paper
signed by. 189.
805
Fleming :
Col., 15.
(Flemmins), Col., at Drogheda, 45.
Flemish ships, 25, 30, 62, 85, 95.
Fletcher, Jo., 138.
Flint, co., list of Militia Commissioners
in, 169.
Flower, Lieut. -Colonel, 153.
Flushing, 88—90.
ships of, or Flushingers, 70, 84,
87-90.
Foden, John, 3.
Folkestone, 12.
Fontainebleau, 285.
Fontenelle, Dialogues des Morta, by,
translations of, 258.
Foote, Alderman Thomas, 166.
Forbes :
John, Regent of the College at New
Aberdeen, 135.
of Skellater, 120.
Ford, Richard or Sir Richard, Alder-
man, 217, 220, 221, 223, 229.
Foreland, the North, 61.
Forfar :
bailiff in, 113.
Parliament forces at, 77.
Forrester, James, Lord, petition of, 113.
Forth, Frith of, 93.
Forther, Mcintosh of. See Mcintosh,
John.
Fort Lyon, Mardyke, 189.
Foster :
Isaac, 167.
Philip, 248 (2).
Fotheringham, Thomas, pass for, 113.
Fowkes, Thomas, 184.
Fowle, Christopher, 184.
Fowler, Mr., 87, 88.
Fox, Sir Stephen, paymaster of the
army, letter from, 251.
, moneys received by, 251.
Foxcroft, George, 167.
France, King of [Louis xiv], 46, 87, 99,
100.
, regiment for service of, 20.
, expenses of, at Dunkirk, 250.
Queen of, 46, 99.
France, 35, 37, 46, 172, 243, 281, 285,
286.
Ambassador from, to England,
desired, 99.
Ambassador from, servant of, 20.
coasts of, 29, 33, 42, 44, 50, 91.
Court of, Commissioners sent to, 99.
and Spain, union between [treaty
of the Pyrenees], 124.
Duke of York in, 10.
the English princes go to, 150.
intelligence from, 99.
James II., sails for, 274.
money from, for the Portugal
troops, 251.
naval preparations in, 54 (2).
troops going to, from Ireland, 281.
wars in, 265.
French or the French : 284, 285.
army, Lieutenant-General of, 119.
25.
French or the French — cont.
army, English officer in, 270.
commanders in Flanders, 119.
Crown, 87.
, pretensions of the English
Kings to, 100.
defeat of, at Ramillies, 284.
fear of the landing of, in England,
275.
garrisons, 119.
General in Ireland, 279.
good correspondence of, with the
Commonwealth party, 119.
histories of the Mogul Empire, 256.
Intendant in Flanders, 119.
Intendant in Ireland, 281.
language, documents written in, 99,
196, 245.
merchant, 90.
prisoners, 99, 100.
ships, 31, 62, 67, 68, 71, 85, 96,
274, 281.
captured, 29.
and the Spaniards, 43.
tracts, 231.
troops in Flanders, 118, 119.
troops or officers in Ireland, 276,
281.
victory, off Beachy Head, 274,
275.
wine, export of, 35.
writers, 255, 256.
French, Captain, 169.
Frere :
Capt. Edward, letter from, 122.
Capt. Toby, 219.
Frese, James, letter of, 81.
Frewin, Dr. Accepted, 4.
Frewinge, Lieutenant, lz8.
Friesland, Harling in. See J^arling.
Frost :
Joseph, letter from, 77.
[Walter] Clerk of the Council of
State, salary of, 37 (2).
[Walter, jun.] his son, 37 (2).
Fry, Captain, book by, 78.
Frye, Roger, butler of Oriel College,
Oxford, 185, 188.
Fuensoldafia, Earl of, 91.
Fulford, Thomas, letter from, 79.
Fulham, Surrey, resident at, 262.
Church, tomb and gallery at, 262.
Fullerd, Mr., 108.
son-in-law and brother of, 108.
Fulman, William, 186.
Furnes, Flanders, 189.
G
Gage, Thomas, book written by, 101.
, letter of, 101.
Gagnier, Mons., 256.
Galette, Cape de, 29.
Galloway, royalists in, 109, 149.
Galway, Earl of. See Ruvigny
T
.306
Galway, town of, 279.
French troops at, 276.
surrender of, 279.
Gaols, abolishment of, demanded, 81.
Garbrand, Dr. Tobias, Principal of
Gloucester Hall, Oxford, 188.
Gardiner :
Dr. Bernard, Warden of All Souls'
College, Oxford. 252-254.
letter from, 254.
letter to, 253.
as Vice-Chancellor, 286.
death of, 287.
Dr. Richard, 187.
William, 185.
Gardner, Thomas, 261.
Garrisons :
messengers sent to, 79.
to be demolished, 162.
Garsden, Richard, 250.
wife of, 250.
Garter, the, list of the knights of, 188.
Gataker, Mr., 232.
Gateshead (Gateside), co. Durham, 139.
Gauden, Dr. John, preacher at the
Temple, Bishop of Exeter and of
Worcester, 233.
, loyal sermon by, 224.
Gaudy, Henry, Mayor of Exeter, letter
from, 193.
Gauston (? Galston, co. Ayr), 109.
Gayton, Edm., beadle of physic and
arts, Oxford, 187.
Gayton-in-Worrall, co. Chester, 271.
Gelden Bridge. See Golden Bridge.
Gellico, Mark, 157.
Generals at sea, or of the Fleet, 11, 12,
20, 75, 81, 169, and see Colonels
Popham, Blake, and Deane.
commission to, for command of
the Fleet, 9, 56.
letter of, 55.
letters to, 55, 74, 82, and see
Council of State, letters from.
Geneva, 179.
sermon preached at, 257.
Genghis Khan (Jengiz Can), Emperor
of the Moguls, 255.
Genoa, 86.
marble procured from, 285.
Gent, Captain, company of, 139.
George I., comes to England, 285.
, address to, 254.
, death of, 287.
, revenue and debts of, 288.
George II., accession of, 287.
, civil list of, 288.
, wife of. See Caroline, Queen.
George, Robert, 184.
Gerard (Gerett, Gerrard) ;
Charles, Lord Gerard, 10, 15.
, Parliament forces routed by,
14.
Lieut. -Colonel Gilbert, 157.
Sir Gilbert, petition signed by, 195.
German officers, 60.
Germany, news from, 195.
Ghent, 284.
Gibbons :
John, 248.
Major, Governor of Rye, 62.
Gifford, Sir William, 287.
nephews and nieces of, 287.
Gilbert, John, 186.
Gilmur :
Andrew, 138.
Sir Jo., 138.
Ginckle, Lieut. -General, afterwards
Earl of Athlone, as commander in
Ireland, 277, 280, 281, 282.
son of, 280.
Gittines [Champion], Fellow of Balliol
College, Oxford. 3.
Gladman, Capt. John, letter of, 14.
Glamorgan, Earl of [Edward Somerset],
titles of Duke of Beaufort and Somer-
set bestowed on, 258.
Glamorgan, co., list of Militia officers
in, 170.
Glasford, Lanarkshire, parish of, 117.
Glasgow, letters dated at, 124, 174.
Gloucester, 144, 160, 165, 264.
garrison of, deputy governor of, 16.
letter dated at, 174.
Mayor of. See Cugly, Henry.
Gloucester, co. :
has petitioned for a free Parlia-
ment, 144.
Militia Commissioners in, letter
from, 174.
Glynne, Lord [? Chief Justice John],
169.
Goad, John, 184.
Goche, Robert, 248, 249.
Goddard, Captain, 177.
Golden (Gelden) Bridge, co. Tipperary,
276.
Goldsmiths' Hall, sequestration moneys
to be paid to, 51.
Gomand, Monsieur, 20.
Goodier :
Judge Henry, 146.
John, 19.
Mr., 146.
Goodridge (Goodrige), Richard, 186.
Goodwin, Captain, 137 (2).
Goodwin Sands, or Goodwins, the,
wrecks on, 56.
Googe, Robert, 248.
Goose, Capt. Philip, 20.
Gordon :
Lord Charles, nephew of the Mar-
quis of Argyle, 109.
George, Duke of, 268.
Sir John, 109.
Mr., schoolmaster, 260, 270.
, 257.
Gordone, Ge. , statement signed by, 136.
Goree, Holland, 89, 90.
Gorges, Dick, 264.
Goring :
Lord. See Norwich, Earl of.
George, Lord Goring (his son),
letter of, 72.
, letter to, 75.
Goslin, Captain Benjamin, 55.
Gospellers, 211.
307
Gosslinge, Capt. -Lieutenant, 127.
Gottenburg, 93.
Gough, Lieut. -Colonel William, 115.
, letter from, 114.
Gould, Nicholas, 166.
Government :
monarchical, opposition to 8, 10,
130.
the present, submission or adhesion
to, 131.
Presbyterian form of, 5.
Gower, Col., 167.
Gr. : J. A., letter from, 258.
Grace, Act of, 115.
Grafton, Duke of [Henry Fitz-roy],
267.
slain at the siege of Cork. 277.
Granville, France, ships to, 30.
Grantchester, co. Cambridge, 260.
Granville, Col. [John], afterwards Lord
Granville, 279.
Gravesend, 61, 84, 206,
Admiral Lawson and his fleet at,
137.
troops disbanded at, 145 (2).
Gray, Lieut. -Colonel, 45.
Greaves, John, Astronomy lecturer at
Oxford, 188.
pocket-book of, extracts from,
258.
Greek libraries and learning, 256.
Greeks, the, 255, 256.
Greene :
Captain, 154.
Capt. Edward, 168.
Major John, 168.
Greenfield, Captain, 98.
Greenland, 96, 112.
Greenlowe, a Scottish sea captain, 206.
Greenock, 108.
Greenor, or Green Ore, Bay, 41, 42.
letter dated from, 44.
Greenwich, maypole at, 180.
Greenwood :
Captain, 178.
Dr. Dan, Principal of Brazenose
College, Oxford, 187.
Gregory, Richard, butler of Queen's Col-
lege, Oxford, 186, 188.
Gregson, Alexander, complaint signed
by, 14.
Grenvile, or Grenville :
Bernard, 192.
Sir Richard, 99.
Grey, Thomas, Lord, of Groby, 248.
Griffin, Dr., "acrimonious tract by,"
228.
Griffith, Richard, 185.
Grime, Lieut. -Colonel Mark, Deputy
Governor of Gloucester, 16.
Grindal, Edmund, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 249.
Grosvenor :
Sir Robert, 258.
Roger, 169.
Grotius, verses of, quoted, 284.
Guernsey, 50, 52, 83, 98.
banks of, 30.
Guernsey — cont.
Castle, royalist garrison in, 58.
commissioners to, 30.
Governor of, 92, 97.
letter dated from, 18.
royalist party in, 97 (2).
ships at, to, or from, 29, 33, 38,
40 92 97.
Guildford, Surrey, 172.
Guinea (Ginney), ships of or from, or
Ginney men, 92, 95.
Gumble, Thomas, chaplain and scout-
master, 200, 209, 212, 222, 231.
letter to, 137.
Gunning, John, Alderman of Bristol,
161.
Gunter, Walter, letters to, 143 (2).
Gurnard, Isle of Wight, fort of, 53.
Gutheridge, Major, 148.
Gwynne, Francis, letter to, 254.
Gysbie, George, 184.
H
Hacker, Col. Francis, 139.
, regiment of, 13.
Hackwell, Captain, 63.
Hague, the, 195, 196, 284.
death of the Prince of Orange at,
77.
English ambassadors at, 98.
Hague, Cape de la, 29.
Hale [? Sir Mathew], 261.
Halifax, George [Savile], Marquis of;
Character of a Trimmer acknow-
ledged by, 264.
Hall, Captain [Edward], 41.
Halsay, Captain, 286.
Halsted, George, 185.
Hamburg [Hamborough], 33.
ships of, or Hamburgers, 68, 85.
Hamilton [Anne], Duchess of, 111, 183.
second husband of. See Sel-
kirk, Earl of.
[William Douglas], Duke of, High
Commissioner in Scotland, 269.
Hamilton, Lanarkshire, 79.
Hamnett, Ensign, 128.
Hampden, John, 257.
Hampton Court, Middlesex, 201, 264.
suggested gift of, to Monk. See
Monk.
fishponds at, 229.
stewardship of, 226.
the King at, 262.
Hanaper (Hamper) Office, 227.
Hanover, 287.
Hants., co. :
Committee for, 9.
letter from, 14.
farmer of salpetre in. See Hilliard,
Thomas.
T2
308
Harbelot, Mons., book by, 256.
Harbottle, Captain, 45.
Harcourt, Sir Simon, Viscount, 260,
poo
death and funeral of, 288, 289.
son of, 288.
Harding, William, cook of Exeter Col-
lege, Oxford, 186. 188.
Hare, Sir Ralph, 181.
Harfleur, merchants of, 99.
Harleston, Robert, secretary to Speaker
Lenthall, 206, 207, 221.
Harley, Major Edward, afterwards Col.
Sir Edward, letters from, 176. 189.
Harling in Friesland, ship of, 90.
Harmer, John, Greek lecturer at Oxford,
187.
Harper, Mr., 160.
Harrington :
Thomas, 248.
William, Commissioner of Customs,
167.
Harrison :
Captain, and his wife, 26.
Major- General, 169.
[Thomas], late Sheriff of York, 148.
Hart, Major Theophilus, letter from,
181.
Hartington, Capt. Thomas, 157.
Hartstaffe, Capt., company of, 159.
Harwich, 84.
Church, Sir William Clarke buried
in, 259.
Hasborough, Norfolk, 28, 94.
Haselrigge. See. Hesilrige.
Hatsell, Capt. [Henry], 23.
Hatter [Richard], 104, 105.
Havre de Grace, or Newhaven, 31, 99,
251.
Hawarden Castle, co. Flint, 11.
Hawkstone, co. Salop, 287.
Hay, Helen. See Wariston, Lady.
Haydock [George] . execution of, 1.
Hayes, James, 167.
Heane, Col. James, 74.
, letter of, 16.
Heath, Sir Robert, Attorney- General, 4.
Heaunton, co. Devon, letter dated at,
178.
Hemerford [Thomas], execution of, 1.
Henbury, Capt. Stephen, 167.
Henrietta Maria, Queen or Queen
Dowager, 72, 75.
letters to, 5, 6 (2).
Henry V., King of England, French
wars of, 265.
Hepburn, co. Northumberland, 269.
Herbert, William, 96.
Hereford :
Bishop of. See Monk, Nicholas,
letter dated at, 176.
Herefordshire, 264.
Heriott, Lieut. -Colonel George, pass
for, 110.
Herring fishery, 33.
Hesilrige, or Haselrigge :
Sir Arthur, 136, 158, 172, 199-201,
206, 207, 209, 210, 213, 215, 222,
225.
Hesilrige, or Haselrigge — ront.
Captain, 177.
Hesse, Prince of, 279.
Hewet, Ensign, 157.
Hewitt, Capt., of the Concord, 39.
Hewson, Col. John, letter from, 181.
Hexham, co. Northumberland, 269, 270.
Heylin, Dr. Peter, 232.
Heywood, John, 185.
Hickson, Lieut., 128.
Higgs, Dr:, Fellow of Balliol College,
Oxford, 3.
Higham, Roger, 184.
Highclere, co. Hants, 267.
High Commission, Court of, 269.
Highlanders, or Highland lairds, 111,
118, 120, 122, 268.
Hill:
John, senior cook of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, 186.
[? John], note to, 48.
Captain or Major John, 126.
letters from, 110, 120, 121.
Richard, 285, 287.
Rowland, 168.
Hilliard, Hilyard:
Elizabeth, 269, 270.
Kympton (brother-in-law of Wil-
liam Clarke), letters from, 76,
102, 109.
alias Hall, Thomas, 259.
as holder of the saltpetre farm,
269, 270.
[Elizabeth], wife of. See
above.
daughter of. See Clarke,
Dorothy.
, servants of, 269, 270.
, children of, 270.
, estate of, 270.
Hitchcock, George, 184.
, petition of, 183.
Hitchens, Lieutenant, 157.
Hoare, Mr., beadle at Oxford, 187.
Hobart, Sir John, Bart., 181.
Hobson, Lieut. -Col. Paul, letter of, 73.
Hodgen, one, an Englishman in Dum-
fries, 114.
Hodges, Robert, 182.
, letter from, 183.
Holborne, Col., 77.
Holden, Charles, 96.
Holding, Captain, 56.
Holland :
Colonel, 58.
Cornelius, 172.
Capt. Philip, 44.
Holland, the Low Countries, the United
States, or the United Provinces, 39,
60, 78, 83, 179, and jjassim.
Charles II. in. See Charles II.
English ambassadors in, 83, 89, 91.
North, 284.
packet boats for, 96.
regiments from, 263.
ships to or from, 27, 29, 83-85, 91,
98.
ships of. See Dutch ships.
States General of, 19, 195, 196, 284.
309
Holland, (States General of — cunt.
, deputies of, 196.
, men of war of, 30, 31, 38.
And see Dutch ships.
preparations in, 267.
Scots Commissioners to. See
Charles II., Commissioners to.
travellers to, 266, 284.
Holland, province of, States of, 196.
Holies G[ilbert], Lord, petition signed
by, 195.
Holloway, Jeremiah, 160.
Holmes :
Sir Robert, Governor of the Isle of
Wight, 262.
Dr. William, Vice- Chancellor of
Oxford University in 1734, 289.
Holy Island, 23.
Holy War, the, 256.
Holywell, co. Flint, 261.
Holywell, co. Oxon., 265.
Hondschoote (Hounscot), Flanders, 189.
Honeywood, Captain, 196.
Honfleur, merchants of, 99.
Hooke, Mr., chaplain to the Duke of
Monmouth, 270.
Hope, the. See Tilbury Hope.
Hopetoun (Hopton), Lord, 146.
Hopkins :
Captain, 163, 166.
Dr. Ezekiel, Bishop of Rapho, 246
Hopton :
Adjutant General, 101.
Ralph, Lord Hopton, 10.
Robert, 249.
Horse Guards, the, in Whitehall, 259,
265.
Board of General Officers at, 251.
orders nailed up at, 275.
Horses, " contagious infection
amongst, 124.
Horsley (Horsely) Surrey, 287.
Houlcupp, Mr., 125.
Houlden, Joseph, 167.
Hounslow Heath, Middlesex :
the army on, 265.
post-boy robbed on, 46.
Howard, Philip, 137.
Howell, Francis, Principal of Jesus
College, Oxford, 187.
Hoya, province of, in Holland, 196.
Hoylake (Hylake, Hylelake)/ co. Ches-
ter, 271, 281.
Hublethorp, Major, 138.
Huddesford, William, 254.
letter from, 253.
verses by, 254.
Hudson, John, 157.
Hull, 7, 28, 43, 175, 192, 268.
Castle of, 180.
letters dated at, 163, 170, 175, 180,
182.
officers of the garrison at, address
of to Monk, 163.
Humbarston, Edward, 184.
Humber, the river :
pickeroons in, 96.
mouth, ship lost at, 192.
Hungary, 255.
Hungerford, co. Berks, 264.
Hunter, Captain, 177.
Hunthill, Roxburghshire, lairds of. See
Rutherford.
Huntley, Colonel, 76.
Huntley, Aberdeenshire. See Strath-
bogie.
Hurry, Major General William, 73.
Hursley, Hants, letter dated at, 182.
Husbands, Major Azariah, 102, 103.
Hutchinson, [? Col. John], 'ZZl.
Hutton, Serjeant, 128.
Hyde, Sir Edward, 10, 257. And see
Clarendon, Earl of.
Dr. James, 18o.
Capt. Robert, 157.
Hythe (Hide), ships off, 63.
i
Iceland (Island) fishing fleet, 28.
Iconium, Kingdom of, 255.
Ilia, see Islay.
Inch, — , 154.
Inchiquin, Lord [Murrough O'Brien], 48
(2), 50, 100, 141, 277.
Indemnity, Acts of, 115, 154, 159.
Independents, 165, 167.
India, Mogul rule in, 255, 256.
Indian dialect, 101.
Indians, 101.
Ingle, Captain Richard, 44.
Ingoldsby, Col. Richard, or Lord, 177,
178.
letter from, 165.
letter to, 163.
Ingram :
Capt. -Lieutenant John, letter of, 6.
Robert, 168.
Innes, Sir Robert, jun., 109.
Instrument of Government, 130.
Inveray (? Inverugy), 120.
Inverlochie (Inverloughie) , Inverness-
shire, 111.
letters dated at, 120, 121.
Inverness, 125.
surgeons at, 110.
Ipswich, 32, 43.
bailiffs of, letter to, 40.
letters dated at, 40, 158.
Ireland, 'passim.
assistance for, 51.
business or affairs of, 15, 41, 247.
Charles II. proposes to go to, 10.
Chief secretary of, 278.
■ deputy of, 278, 281.
the Church in, 246.
Commission of the Peace in, 141.
Commissioners for, 76, 141.
Convention in, 179.
Council of, 242.
Council of officers in, 140, 152, 155.
Commissioners from, 127.
letter from, 152.
Council of War in, 276.
310
Ireland — cont.
Cromwell goes to, 20, 21, 26.
Dr. Clarke to remain in, 275, 276.
discussion concerning, in the
English Parliament, 245.
the Duke of Ormond going to, 260
English Army or forces in (of the
Parliament), 14, 25, 34, 56, 38,
40, 50, 59, 76, 137, 141, 179.
, Advocate of, 140.
Col. Blake invited to be Major-
General of the foot in, 35, 38.
, loyalty of, to Parliament, 141.
, provision for, 12.
, representatives of, 129.
(of Charles II.), 60, 242, 243.
(of William III), 276-281.
■ — ' — , commanders of. See
William III. , King ; Schonberg,
Duke of ; Solms, Count, and
Ginckle, Mons.
Paymaster of, 276.
— places taken by, 277-280.
, success of, 279. And
see Boyne, battle of the.
English gentry of, 179.
fleet in or going to, or ships on the
coast of (Parliamentary), 12, 13,
21 (2), 24, 42, 48, 52.
, condition of, 42.
, list of, 41.
French regiments in, 276.
garrison towns of, Papists in, 242,
243.
garrisons in, 50.
a new Governor for, 281.
lack of corn in, 274.
Lieut. -General Ludlow in, 118.
Lord Chancellor of, 276. And see
Steele, William, and Phipps, Sir
Constantine.
Lord Deputies of. See Ireton,
Henry, and Cromwell, Henry.
Lord Justices of, 11, 253, 276, 278,
280.
Lord Lieutenant and Lord General
of (for the Parliament). See
Cromwell, Oliver.
Lord Primate of. See Armagh,
Archbishop of.
necessities of, 22.
news from, 43-45, 57.
North of, feud between Scots and
English in, 58.
, opposition to Parliament in,
51.
fight in, 45.
Ormond going to, 288.
Papists in, 59.
, suggestions in regard to,
242, 244.
Parliament interest in, 141.
Parliament of, 241, 244.
, Act of, alluded to, 280.
passage of letters to, 133.
people of, dislike the transmission
of money to England, 241.
Protestants in, 100, 242-244.
Rapparrees in, 278.
Ireland — cont.
reduction of, 43.
regiment to be raised in, for the
service of the French King, 20.
revenue of, 240-244.
royalists, rebels or the enemy in,
27, 36, 60, 75, 100.
, going to, 13.
, plague in the quarters of, 58.
-, surrender of places by, 57.
, ships of, 36. And see
Rupert, fleet of.
scout for, 9.
ships of, or Irishmen, 12, 33, 48,
49, 84, 85.
, harm done to fishermen by,
18.
ships to or from, 32, 43, 50, 61-64,
86. And see fleet in, above.
travellers to or from, 45, 72, 73,
83, 270, 281.
Vice Treasurer of. See Wallop,
Sir Henry.
war in, miscarriage of, 60.
William in. goes to, 270.
" altogether in Papist hands," 270.
Ireton, Major General Henry, goes to
Ireland, 35 (2).
forces of, 35.
in Ireland, 40, 41.
as Lord Deputy of Ireland, 89.
Irish, or the Irish, 58, 242.
animosity between the English
and, 282.
aqua-vitse, 1.
army (of James n.), 273, 278-280.
defeat of, 279. And see
Boyne, battle of the.
brigade supports General Monk,
140.
coast, ships on. See Ireland, fleet
in.
rights of, 280, 281.
submission of, 60.
desired, 277.
troops, 89, 272.
at Mardyke, 189.
wars, the, 254.
Irishmen in France, 98.
Islay (Ilia) isle of, " fewdewtie " of, 113.
Islington, 112.
Italy, traveller in, 285.
Ivelchester, co. Somerset, 251.
Izard, Major Thomas, letter from, 164.
Jackson :
James, 185.
John, Excise-man, 166.
Joseph, Alderman of Bristol, 161.
Miles, Alderman of Bristol, 161.
311
James II., 248, 283, and see York,
James, Duke of.
accession of, 263.
" closeting " of members by, 263.
called "the White Jemmy," 263.
at Oxford, 265.
and Magdalen College, 265, 266.
and the Church of England, 266.
is apprehensive of the Duke of
Orange, 267.
goes against the Prince of Orange,
267.
desertion of, by his nobles, 267,
268.
flight of, 268.
clemency of, 270.
in Ireland, 274.
, army or followers of, 273,
277, and see Irish army.
, general officers of, 274.
sails for France, 274.
advised to his ruin, 282.
James :
George, 36.
Dr. Thomas, Warden of All
Soul's Coll., Oxford, 249, 261.
Jane, Dr. William, Dean of Glouces-
ter, 264, 266.
Jannubius, Arabic writer, 256.
Jarrow, co. Durham, church of, 269.
Jedburgh, Roxburghshire, letter dated
at, 119.
, church of, 119, 120.
Jeffereys, Mr., 249.
Jeffrey, Sir J., governor of Duncan-
non, 276.
Jenkins, Sir Leoline, letter to, 246.
death of, 263.
Jenkinson, Sir Robert, 288.
Jennings :
Robert, 184.
Thomas, 185.
Jersey, 58, 97-99, 102, 173.
castle in, 30.
Castle Elizabeth in, see Elizabeth
Castle.
Charles II. reported to be in. 36-40,
44.
, issues a proclamation from,
47.
exiled gentlemen of, letter of, 58.
fleet goes to, 52.
governor of. See Mason, Col.
John,
letter dated at, 102.
the Laird of Liberton returns
from, 54 (2).
Lieut-Governor of, see Carteret,
Sir Philip,
prisoners in, 23.
, exchange of, 97 (2).
ships of, to or from, 27, 30, 31,
89.
Jesuits, 1, 101.
Jett, Anthony, cook of Exeter Coll :
Oxford, 186, 188.
John-a-Groat's House, letter dated at,
154.
Johnson :
Francis, Master of University
Coll: Oxford, 187.
Jona : deposition of, 248.
Mr., preacher at the Temple, 233.
Johnston, Mr., to be shot, 78.
Johnstoun, Johnestoune :
Sir James, 112.
W., statement signed by, 136.
Jolly, William, 166, 216.
Jones :
Captain, 139.
Col. John, 162.
, order signed by, 53.
Col. Michael, 24.
Mr., a "divine'' of Bristol, 165.
Sir Theophilus, design to seize,
155.
, letters from, 141, 155.
Judge Advocate. See Army, judge
advocate of.
Justices of Peace, 264, 265.
K
Keale, co. Lincoln, 112.
Kelk:
Major Nicholas, bond of, 188.
Thomas, bond of, 188.
Kelly :
Capt. Francis, letter from, 173.
George, 257.
Kelsey, Lieut. -Colonel or Col. Thos.,
Governor of Oxford for the Parlia-
ment, 19, 166.
Kempe, — , 249.
Kendal, co. Lancaster, 270.
Kenmore, Robert, Viscount, 149.
letter from, 114.
Kensington :
Council Chamber at, 252.
Court at, letter dated from, 251.
William III. at, 271.
Kent, 82, 123.
rising in, 39.
petition from, for a free Parlia-
ment, 144.
Ker, Robert, Laird of Craillinghall,
119, 120.
Kerry, co., Irish army in, 280.
Kew, Surrey, letter dated at, 172.
Keyser, Capt. Thomas, 54 (2).
letter of, 54.
Kilbay [? Kilbeg, co. Meath], English
garrison at, 58.
Kilkenny, 281.
Cromwell goes to, 43.
the English army at, 277.
letters dated at, 242, 246.
Killigrew, Sir Peter, 192, 226.
Kilrush [? co. Kildare], English garri-
son at, 57.
Kincardineshire (Mearnes), assessments
in, 103.
Kind, John, 185.
King, Mr., of Yarmouth, 27.
312
King, a, demanded, 159, 162, 1/0.
opposed, 170, 171, 207.
Kings Bench, Court of, mandamus
sent from, 261.
King's Pamphlets, papers printed in,
16 (2), 124, 125, 222.
Kingsmill, Sir William, house of, 267.
Kingston, Surrey, 172.
letter dated from, 14.
Kingswell, Lieut. -Col. Maurice, paper
signed by, 189.
Kinneil (Kinneal), Linlithgowshire,
estate of, 111, 182, 183.
Kinsale or Kingsale, co. Cork, 35, 36,
40, 49, 274.
bay or road of, ships in or to,
13, 19, 20, 34.
, letters dated from, 17-19, 21,
26.
fort of, 241.
harbour of, defence of, 242.
Cromwell goes to, 43.
Prince Rupert and his fleet at,
24, 43, 50.
ships to or from, 12, 17, 25, 32, 35.
Kirke or Kirk, Major-General Percy,
Governor of Plymouth, 267.
officers of, 263.
in Ireland, 274, 276, 278.
Kirkwall, Orkney Islands, letter dated
at, 116.
Klingersberg, envoy of the King of
Denmark, 196.
Knight, Major, 207, 211.
Knockfergus, see Carrickfergus.
Knockmedden, Laird of, 140.
Knowles, History of the Turkish
Empire by, 255.
Kyle, district of, Ayrshire, 109.
Kynaston :
Corbett, 257.
Thomas, letter to, 9.
L., S., letter from, 124.
Lambert, Major-General John, Commis-
sioner in Scotland, 104, 122, 126, 145,
150, 159, 209, 233, 234.
letters to, 124, 133.
army, party, or rebellion of, 139,
140, 145 (2), 166, 177 (3), 181,
199, 203, 205, 221.
commissioners appointed by 156,
157, 207.
inquiry of, after Booth's insurrec-
tion, 122, 123.
with the English Army in the
North, 129, 131-134.
design to make, Commander-in-
Chief, 161.
escape of, from the Tower, 174,
203, 228.
capture of, 180, 228.
imprisonment and death of, 262.
Lambert, Major-General John — cant.
agent of, 161.
late regiment of, 149.
Lambertonian interest, the, 176.
Lambeth House or Palace, documents
dated at, 178, 252, 253.
citation to appear at, 252.
prisoner at, 178.
Marsh, letter dated at, 114.
Lamley or Lambley, John, 40 (2).
Lanarkshire, parishes in, 117.
Lancashire :
insurrection in, under Sir George
Booth, 124.
ministers of, 59.
Lancaster, 270.
Castle, letter dated from, 15.
, prisoners in, 15.
Land's End, ships off, 39.
Lane :
Capt. Lionel, letter from, 97.
Dr. Thomas, 274.
Mr., 185.
Lanerick, Earl of [William Hamilton],
10.
Langhorne, Thomas, 157.
Langley :
Dr. Henry, Master of Pembroke
College, Oxford, 187.
John, beadle at Oxford, 187.
Lanier, Sir John, 268, 269, 276, 278.
Lantreire in Brittany, 99.
Latin, books written in, 194, 256.
documents written in, 3 (2), 112,
182, 252, 253 (3).
Latten, William, Deputy Judge Advo-
cate, 264.
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 269.
as late Chancellor of Oxford
University, 4.
Lauder, John, bailiff of Edinburgh, 193.
Lauderdale, Duke of (John Maitland),
240.
Laugharne, Major General Rowland, 17.
Anne, his wife, petition of, 17.
Launceston, Cornwall, member for 285.
Laurence, Lawrence :
Henry, Lord President of the
Council, letter from, 111.
John, Lord Mayor of London, letter
from, 195.
Dr. Thomas, Lady Margaret Pro-
fessor of Divinity at Oxford, 188.
Lauzun, Mons., 276.
Lavenick. See Levenick.
Lawe, Col., 77.
Lawrence. See Laurence.
Lawson :
John, Militia Commissioner, 167.
Vice- Admiral John, 137, 164.
, letter from, 119.
Lay preacher, 166.
League and Covenant, the, 113. And
see Covenant.
Le Blanc, Monsieur, 285.
Lee, John, 184.
Lee Road, Essex, letter dated from, 82.
ships to or from, 32, 83.
313
Leeds, 149.
Legend, Captain, 66.
Legge (Legg), Col. William, 21.
Leghorn (Ligorne), ships to, 86.
Lehunt, Col, 98.
Leigh :
Col. Sir Ferdinando, Bart., regi-
ment of, 5.
Col. Richard, regiment of, 13.
Leith, 106, 109, 192, 206.
Citadel, 190, 192.
letters dated at, 173, 190, 192.
letters addressed to, 102 (2), 105 (2).
Lennox, Duke of (James Stuart), 113.
Lenthall :
Thomas, 167.
William, Speaker of the House of
Commons, 74, 125, 136, 144,
153, 200, 206-215, 217, 220-222,
224, 225, 227, 233, 235.
, house of. See London, Rolls
House in.
, his son's child, christening
of, 224.
, secretary of, 206.
Lesley, Lieut. -General David, 60.
forces of, 73, 77.
Lesmahego, Lanarkshire, parish of, 117.
Lette, Bay de, fleet in, 29.
Letters, free passage of, 133.
Levellers, 6, 51.
form of engagement to be taken
by, 21.
imprisonment of, 21, 57, 58.
Levelling Plot, the, 36.
Levenick or Lavenick, John, 40 (2).
Levins, Justice Creswell, certificate by,
248.
Lewer, John, 16.
Lewes, Dr. [David], 249.
Lewin, Mr., 104.
Lewis, — , 46.
Lewkener, Sir Richard, 1.
Leyborne, Leyburne, Leybourne :
Col. Anthony, 249.
Dr. [John], "the King's Bishop,"
266.
Capt. William, commission to, 5.
Liberton (Libburton, Liverton), George
Windram, Laird of, 54 (2).
Lichfield :
1st Earl of (Sir Edward Henry
Lee), Colonel of the 1st Life
Guards, 267, 268.
2nd Earl of (George Henry Lee)
288.
Lilburne :
Colonel or Lieut. -Colonel John
(brother of Col. Robert), 48,
51, 107.
Col. or Major-General Robert,
107, 154.
, family of, 154.
, letters to, 105, 107-109.
Captain [? Thomas], statement by.
56.
Lillingston, Captain, 16.
Limerick, town of, 276.
surrender of, to Parliament, 43.
Limerick, town of — cont.
first siege of (by King William's
army), 274.
the army marches to, 276.
siege and surrender of, 279-281.
surrender of, articles of, 280, 281.
Limerick, co., English forces in, 76.
Lincoln, co., 112, 171.
Lindsey, Earl of [Montague Bertie],
192.
Lisbon, 62-64, 66-70, 83.
English fleet at, 62-71.
letter dated at, 75.
Parliament agent at, see Vane,
Charles.
Prince Rupert at, 64.
rock of, 66, 68, 70.
Lisbone, Lord, 264.
wife of, 264.
Lisburn (Lake Lisnegarve), 43.
Lisle, 285.
Lister, William, 146.
Little, , 45.
Littleton, Sir Edward, 4.
Liverpool, 50.
letters dated at, 44, 78.
Livingstone, John, letter from, 120.
Lloyd, Capt. Griffith, letter from, 125.*
Lochbowye (Lochbowre), in Mull, 121
(2).
Lochem, Holland, reduction of, 196.
LocKiel, Laird of, 122.
Loch Lomond, islands in, 108.
Lock, Mathew, Clerk of the Council in
Scotland, 122, 137.
Lockermagus. See Longformacus.
Lockey, John, 168.
Lockhart, Sir William, or Lord,
Governor of Dunkirk, letters from,
172 (2), 176.
trumpeter of, 172.
London, Bishop of. See Compton,
Henry.
London, or the town, passim.
alarm from, 35.
Aldermen of, 223.
, Court of, 156, 215, 219.
apprentices in, 112.
, rising of, 143, 144.
, deputation from, to Monk,
144, 145.
bonfires in, 200.
citizens of, assault upon, 78.
attitude of, towards Monk and
the Parliament, 209-220, 223.
Commissioners from, 212, 213.
imprisoned, 216, 217.
City Halls of, entertainments given
to Monk at, 223.
City of, vindication of, published,
229.
Common Council of, 156, 166, 200,
215, 219.
— prohibit the selling of books
in the streets, 17.
dissolved by Parliament, 217.
constables of, 156.
excepted persons to leave, 118.
314
London, or the town — cont.
forces in, 136, 210, 213, 235.
removed from, 132, 163, 235.
as guards for, 142, 156.
mutiny of, 143, 144.
gates of, to be beaten down, 216.
General Council of Officers in. See
under Army.
King's party, or loyalty in, 11, 23,
217, 220, 223, 224.
letters dated at or addressed to,
passim.
Lord Mayor of, 2.
(Sir Thomas Allen), 148.
letters to, 156 (2).
Monk's letter to, alluded
to, 130, 131, 137 (2).
Monk dines with, 200,
202, 219, 223.
• (Sir John Lawrence), 195.
— ! — and Council, refuse to pay
taxes unless they have a free
Parliament, 142, 143.
merchants of, 88.
Militia of, 156.
Commissioners for, names of,
125, 156, 166.
• Monk in. See Monk,
newspapers of, 231.
officers in, 79, 123, 141.
Papists expelled from, 242.
Presbyterians in, 15.
prisoners in, 156.
Recorder of, 2.
rejoicings in, 219.
reports in, 145.
ships of, 86.
to and from, passim.
the stocks in, 107.
strong waters of, 109.
suburbs of, collection for the poor
in, 195.
taverns of, 215-217, 219.
travellers to, and from, passim.
tumults in, 142-144, 214.
Vintners' Company, invitation
from, 173.
watermen of, have declared for a
free Parliament, 144.
West End of, 221.
London and suburbs, streets, buildings,
&c. , in :
Axe Yard, letter dated from, 76.
Bridewell, levellers imprisoned in,
21.
Broad street, Winchester House in,
220.
Chancery Lane, 214. And see
Rolls House, below.
Charing Cross, 78.
Cheapside, Bull's Head tavern in,
219.
Chequer Chamber, document dated
at, 106.
Chick Lane, 112.
Cloth workers' Hall, entertainment
at, 223.
London and suburbs, streets, &c, in —
cont.
Cockpit, the, 259, 275.
, letters dated at, 105, 189.
, letters addressed to, 190, 192.
Covent Garden, 268.
Piazza in, 15.
Denmark House, letter dated at, 194.
Derby House, letter dated at, il
Dorset House, 238.
Drapers' Hall, 220, 221.
, letters dated at, 151, 154.
Fenchurch Street, letter dated
from, 82.
Fleet Prison, letter dated from, 81
Gray's Inn, 143.
letters dated at, 142, 143.
Gresham College, guards at, 142.
Grocers' Hall, list of officers invited
to, 163.
Guildhall, 215, 219.
Yard, 219.
Jermyn Street, 260.
Leaden Hall, 143.
Lime Street, 150.
Lincoln's Inn, 145 (2).
Mercers' Hall, pastoral played at,
223.
Mews, the, guards at, 142.
Mincing Lane, Navy Office in.
See Navy Office.
New Bond Street, 289.
Newgate, prisoners in, 54.
Norfolk Street, letters dated from,
253, 258.
Old Exchange, 78.
Paul's Guard, 78.
Pell Mell, the, 259.
, Sir William Clarke's house
in, 188.
-— — , the old, petition of the in-
habitants of, 195.
Queen Street, near Covent Garden,
letter addressed to, 9.
, letter dated at, 15.
Rolls House, the, 214, 224.
St. Christopher's Church, 107.
St. James, the Court at, 283.
, General Monk at, 156, 221,
223, 225-230.
, letter dated from, 14.
, letters addressed to, 164 (2),
174 (2), 175, 179, 180, 182.
, rooms at, 229, 230.
troops at, 213.
, Bailiwick of, 195.
Fields, 195.
Park, 195, 239.
Square, 289.
, letter dated at, 247.
St. Lawrence Lane, 249.
St. Martin's Lane, 103.
St. Paul's, guard at. 142.
— — , soldier rides the wooden horse
at, 78.
Cathedral or Church, contri-
butions for the repair of, 4.
, loyal sermon at, 224.
Churchyard, 219.
316
London and suburbs, streets, &c, in —
cont.
Smithfield, soldiers flogged at, 78.
Somerset House, 144, 214.
, troops at, 144, 213.
Strand, 106, 214.
, White Hart in, 144.
Temple, 215.
, musicians of, 223.
, preachers [Masters] at, 233.
, Inner, 261.
, , oaker to, 209.
, , member of, 213.
, — : — , Reader at, 261.
Lane, 220.
Three Tuns tavern, 215, 219.
Wallingford House, 139.
— — , documents dated at,
125, 127.
, meeting of the General
Council of Officers at, 169.
Wood Street Compter, 178 (2).
Londonderry, 41, 271.
Governor of. See Venables,
Colonel, and Walker, Mr.
Londonderry, diocese of, 246
Longford, Earl of (Francis Aungier),
243.
Longformacus (Lockermagus); 146.
Longleat, co. Wilts., 264.
Loo, in Holland, 284.
Lord Chancellors. See Hyde, Sir
Edward, and Finch, Heneage.
Lord Chief Baron, queries to be referred
to, 1.
Lord Chief Justice (temp. Eliza.). See
Popham, Sir John.
Lord Generals. See Essex, Earl of ;
Fairfax, Thomas Lord ; Cromwell,
Oliver; Monk, George.
Lord Keeper, the (in 1675). See Finch,
Heneage.
Lord Treasurer, queries to be referred
to, 1.
Lords, House of, opposition to, 170 171.
, Speaker of. See Manchester,
Earl of.
(after the Restoration), 285.
, discussion on Ireland in, 245.
Lords' Journals, paper printed in, 4.
Lords and Commons, Committee of,
for the Associated Western Counties,
letter of, 5.
Lome, Lord (Archibald Campbell), 76.
Lothian, Earl of (William Kerr), 81.
Lothian, Synod of, case before, 116,
117.
, committee of, 117.
Love, Alderman, 166.
Low Countries, 61. And see Nether-
lands, the.
Loudoun (Lowden), Earl of, [John
Campbell], 10.
Lubeck, ships of, 85, 87.
Lucas, William, letter of, 18.
Ludlow, Lieut. -General Edmund, 118,
141.
Lunenbourg troops, 196.
Lunne, Capt. Edward, letter from, 107.
Lunsdale, Sir James, 81 (2).
Lusitanian shore, the, 101.
Lusse, Laird of, 108.
Luther, Martin, 169.
Luttrell [Col. Henry], 281.
Lychfield, Sol., beadle of Law,
Oxford, 187.
r.ydall, William, 185.
Lydcott, Col., 208, 211.
Lynn beer, 109.
Lynn [Regis], Norfolk, 79, 89, 181 (2).
letter dated at, 181.
Mayor of, 181.
Lyons, Capt. Richard, Governor of
Cowes Castle, letter from, 173.
M
Mabbott, Gilbert (brother-in-law of
William Clarke), 102, 104, 105.
, letters from, 76, 103, 105.
, letters to, 104 (2).
, wife of, 103.
Macclesfield, co. Chester, lands in, 2.
McFarlin's islands (Loch Lomond), 108.
Mcintosh, John, of Forther, 120.
Mackay, Lieut. or Major- General
[Andrew], 278, 279.
Mackworth, Col. Humphrey, letter to,
14.
McLean (McCleane) :
Laird of, 138.
, father of, 138.
Daniel, tutor, 121 (3), 122.
John, of Ardgowre, 121.
, letter from, 121.
Laird of Lochbowre, 121.
, letter from, 121.
McLean's country, 121.
McLeod :
Rory, of Dunvegan, 111.
of Harris (Macloudherris), 77.
McNaughton [Col. Alexander], 118, 121.
Macrow, Robert, 40.
Madeiras, the, 68.
Madrid, 73, 250.
ambassadors at. See Fanshaw, Sir
Richard, and Sandwich, Earl of.
embassy of Hyde and Cottington
to, 257.
Maestricht, French forces at, 120.
Magistrates, suggested removal of, 123.
Mahomet, 255.
Mahometan sect, the, 255.
Mainz (Mentz), Bishop Elector of, 195.
Malaga, ships to or from, 71, 86, 96.
Malta, 85.
Knights of 99.
Maltin [? Tnomas Malthus], 185.
Mamelukes, the, 255.
Man, Col. Miles, letter from, 125.
Man, Isle of, 78.
316
Manchester, Earl of [Edward Mon-
tague], Speaker of the House of
Lords, 230.
Manning, John, note by, 1.
Mansell, Col. Bussey, 170.
Mansfield, co. Nottingham, 175.
Manuchi, Signor, history of the Mogul
Empire by, 256.
Maplet, Dr. John, Principal of Glouces-
ter Hall, Oxford, 188.
Marcin, General, 119.
Marden, co. Hereford, 264.
Mardyke, Mardike :
canal to, 285.
fort of, 43, 45, 119.
Irish troops and officers at, 189.
Hook, 88.
Maresius, a divine at Geneva, 257.
Margate, 12, 29, 33, 92.
Road, ships in, 62, 95.
Margetts, Thomas, letters from, 6, 77-79.
Mariners :
complain of being bewitched, 192.
drowned, 28.
trial and execution of, 13, 36.
Markham :
Col. Henry, 131.
imprisonment of, 130, 137.
as one of the seven Army
Commissioners, 136.
Mr., tutor to the Earl of Orrery,
257.
Marlborough, Earl and (in 1702) Duke
of (John Churchill), 267, 277. And
see Churchill, Lord.
forces of, 268.
goes to Ireland, 276, 277.
victories of, 284.
brother of. Sec Churchill, General.
secretary of, 268.
Marlow, co. Bucks, 209.
Marriott, Capt. John, 166.
Marsh, Colonel, 72, 75.
Marshall, John, 184.
, 163.
Martin, Col. [Francis ?], regiment of,
14 (2).
Mary, Princess of Orange (daughter of
Charles I.). See under Orange.
Mary, Princess of Orange and Queen
of England, 268.
death of, 282.
Marylebone Park, Middlesex, 194.
Masham, Sir William, letter from, 82.
Mason :
Capt. Hugh, 167.
John, request signed by, '4.
Col. uohn, Governor of Jersey, 146.
, information against, 146.
, letter from, 116.
, statement in favour of, 175
Massey, Richard, Mayor of Bath, letter
from, 251.
Massie, An., statement signed by, 136.
Mathews, Matthews :
John, petition of, 38.
Lieut. -Col. Thomas, 170.
Mathewson, Thomas, 250.
Matson, Mr., 264.
Mauleverer (Malevory), Col. John, 7, 8.
Maunsell, Dr. Francis, Principal of
Jesus College, Oxford, 187.
Maurice, Prince [Palatine], 69.
Maxwell, Major-General [Thomas], 279.
Mayers, Co-. John, Governor of Ber-
wick, letter to, 136.
Mayo, co., 280.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 46, 251.
Meade, Capt. William, 167.
Meadowes, Capt. John, 167.
Mearnes. See Kincardineshire.
Medicine, doctors and bachelors of, 252.
Medlicott, Cornet Thomas, letter to,
111.
William, 168.
Meldrum (Mildrum, Milgrum), Wil-
liam, 40.
petition of, 42.
Melford, Suffolk, 165.
Mellichap, Richard, letter to, 145.
Merchant Adventurers, 33.
Meredith, Sir William, 169.
Merrist, Adjutant-General Richard, 101.
Merry, or Merrey, Lieutenant, 176.
180, 182.
Mewes, Peter, 184.
Middlesex, execution of the poor laws
in, 2.
Middleton :
Col. John, 76, 77, 109.
Sir Thomas, 11, 169.
Mildmay, Sir Henry, letter to, 14.
Milford, or Milford Haven, 20, 21, 25-
27, 35, 60.
letters dated from, 18, 26, 38, 39,
40, 47, 50 (2), 51.
Militia, the, 6 (2), 123, 161. And see
London, Militia of.
Act for settling, 158.
Commissioners for, 157, 169, 170.
disbanding of, 171.
officers of, in co. Monmouth, 170.
raising of, 181.
Millington :
Gilbert, 106.
Thomas, 260, 261.
Milner, Alderman, 166.
Minehead, co. Somerset, 50.
Ministers :
prayer of, quoted, 51.
to be put out unless they sign the
Engagement, 78.
Mitchell (Michell), Col. William, letters
from, 122, 123.
regiment of, 122.
Moguls, Empire of, 255, 256.
Mohun, Warwick, Lord, 192.
Moket, Richard, Warden of All Souls
College, Oxford, papers signed by, 3.
Monk, Monck :
Colonel "or General George, Com-
mander-in-Chief in Scotland, 110,
113, 119-121, 123, 124, 133, 138,
139, 201, 206, 231.
letters from, 76, 117, 120, 131,
133, 139, 151, 154, 156 (2), 193.
, letters, declarations, resolu-
tions, &c, of, alluded to, 122,
317
Monk, Monck, Colonel or General
George, letters, &c, of, alluded to —
cont.
125, 127. 128, 130, 131, 151,
155, 160, 162, 164-167, 172, 177,
182, 193, 199, 211, 216-220, 222,
231 232
, 'letters to, 111-127, 131, 136,
138, 139 (2), 141, 146, 149, 150,
152-162, 164 (2), 165 (2), 169,
170, 172-182.
, as Duke of Albemarle,
182, 183(2), 189-193, 195 (2), 196.
, adherence or devotion to, 122,
125-127, 137, 138, 140, 150, 153,
156, 159, 162, 165, 170, 172, 174
(2), 176, 180.
, army or forces of, 122, 126,
144, 209-215, 235, and see Scot-
land, army of.
— , in London, 156, 200,
215, 217, 219.
, certificate by, 103.
, chaplains of, 211, 221, 231.
— ■ — , commissioners of, 130, 131,
137, 199, 207, and see Scotland,
army of, commissioners from.
, declaration by, 124.
, declarations, petitions, or
addresses to, alluded to, 145-
150, 164, 206, 208.
, guard of, 220, 222.
, kinsmen of, 226.
, licenses or passes given by,
110, 113 (3), 114.
, lodging of, at Whitehall, 145.
— — , matters to be laid before
or referred to, 109, 112, 113, 123,
139.
, officers of, 129, 208, 211, 217,
223.
, opposition or aisaffection to,
128, 130, 137, 161, 163-167, 169,
210.
orders or warrants of, 111,
117, 120.
, reference by, 112.
, speech and declaration of,
222.
, servants of, 220.
wife of, 201, 202, 211, 220,
221, 223, 226, 229, 230.
maids of, 229, 230.
, brother of. See Monk,
Nicholas.
as one of four chief com-
manders, 123.
, as Commissioner for Scot-
land, 209.
desires friendship with the
officers in England, 129.
, at Berwick, 131.
and Fleetwood, 131, 205.
and Lambert, 133, 228.
, made Commander in Chief of
the forces in England and Scot-
land, 137.
— — march of, to London, 138,
142, 200, 206, 209-214, 231, 235.
Monk, Monck, Colonel or General
George — cont.
proceedings of, in London,
142-145, 156, 200, 202, 214-223.
is looked to, to restore the
nation to its just rights, 149,
150-152, 156, 210.
, desire that he should take
the government, 173, 225.
, fear of his assassination, 159.
is prayed to remain constant
to the Commonwealth, 163.
Militia officers recommended
to, 170.
share of, in the restoration
of Charles II., 189, 193, 198-239.
believed to be still for a Com-
monwealth, 200-202, 208, 224,
225, 231, 234, 235.
proposed settlement of Hamp-
ton Court upon, 201, 225-227.
, vote of money to, 201, 226.
compared to St. George, 223.
is godfather to Lenthall's
grandchild, 224.
, overtures from the King to,
228, 231.
as head of the Council of
State, 229.
, death of, 198, 204.
, life of, written by Gumble,
231.
Nicholas, afterward Bishop of Here-
ford, journey of to Scotland, 231.
funeral of, 192.
daughter of, 231.
Monmouth :
James [Scott], Duke of.
, rebellion of, 247, 248, 263,
270.
, called "The Black Jemmy,"
263.
wife and children of, 248.
chaplain of, 270.
[Charles Mordaunt], Earl of, 269.
Monmouth, co., list of Militia officers
in, 170.
Montague, General or Admiral Edward,
letter from, 111. And see Sand-
wich, Earl of.
Montgomery, James, Lord of Ards, 44,
45 (2).
Montgomery, co., 162.
Castle, co. Flint, 11.
Months, suggested alteration of the
names of, 77.
Montrose, Marquis of [James Graham],
10, 60.
defeat and execution of, 73 (2).
Moor, — , Principal of the College at
New Aberdeen, 135.
Moore, Richard, 168.
Moray or Murray, Earl of [James
Stuart], 60.
Lady Mary, daughter of, 60.
More, Ensign, 128.
318
Morgan :
Col. Ethelbert, 137.
John, Mayor of Whitchurch, 14.
Major- General Thomas, or Sir
Thomas, 138, 146, 147, 149, 153,
154, 190, 193.
, letters from, 147, 178, 190,
192
, letter to, 190.
Morice, Morrice, Morris :
Captain, 101.
Thomas, chaplain to the Earl of
Orrery, 257.
Sir William, Secretary of State,
192 228
Morlaix, 26, 96, 98, 99.
Morley :
Dr. George, Dean of Christchurch,
Oxford, 187, 209, 228.
as Bishop of Worcester, 239.
Col. Herbert, 158, 199.
Morrell, Hugh, letter of, 54.
Morrice, Morris. See Morice.
Judge Edward, 146.
Mr., 146.
Mosse :
Elizabeth, 102.
, letters from, 81 (2), 106.
John, 81 (2).
M., 103.
Col. Richard, 136.
Moulton :
Captain of the Victory, 41.
" Old," 98.
Mount's Bay, Cornwall, 13, 64.
Muddeford, James or Sir James, 226
Mull, island of, 107, 121 (2), 122.
Mullins, William, 168.
Mulys, John, letter from, 75.
Munster, Bishop of, and his forces,
195, 196.
Munster, province of, Ireland, 19, 26,
34, 35, 40.
Cromwell in, 58.
Murray, Lord. See Moray.
Robert, Provost of Edinburgh, 193.
William, 10.
Musgrave, Lord [? Sir Philip], 50.
N
Naples, ships from, 85.
Naseby, reported march of Lambert to,
177.
Naval business, complaints concerning,
56.
Navy :
Commissary of, 22.
Commissioners or Committee, 22
(2), 25, 46, 47, 53 (2). And see
Pett, Peter; Smith, Thomas;
Willoughby, William.
, letters of, 17, 23, 34, 53, 55.
Navy Commissioners or Committee —
cont.
, letters to, 18, 23, 34.
constant establishment of, 19.
constitution of, 129.
representatives for, in the Council
of Officers, 129.
Navy Office (Mincing Lane), letters
dated from, 17, 23, 34, 53, 55 (2).
letter addressed to, 18.
Naze, the, ships off, 84.
Needles, the, Isle of Wight, 29.
Nelthorpe, Adjutant-Genera]^ 101.
Ness, the [Shoeburyness], ships riding
at, 27.
Netherlands, the, 225.
Netley Heath, fort at, 53.
Neuberg, rendezvous near, 196.
Nevill, Mr., 209.
Newark :
royalist army at, 162.
sands, 94.
Newbury, Capt. Richard, letter from, 97.
Newbury fight, the first, 127.
Newcastle, Earl of [William Cavendish],
commission from, 5.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 23, 128, 134, 140,
268, 269.
Commissioners at, 131.
garrison of, 139.
inhabitants of, petition of, 139.
letters dated from, 5, 6 (2), 73,
139, 161.
Mayor and Aldermen of, letter to,
139.
Militia of, 139, 161.
, Commissioners for, 139.
ships to or from, 27, 28, 90, 92, 94.
Trinity House at, 93.
Newdigate, Richard, Justice of the
King's Bench, 144.
New England ships, 91, 92.
Newfoundland, 18.
fishery of, guard for, 61-63.
Newhaven, Sussex, 92.
Newhaven in France. See Havre de
Grace.
Newlin :
Dr. Robert, President of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, 187.
Robert, steward of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, 186.
Newman :
Thomas, butler of Oriel College,
Oxford, 185. 188.
Capt. William, letter from, 178.
Newmarket, co. Cambridge, 166.
letters dated at, 165, 247.
Newport. See Nieuport.
Newry, co. Down, 271.
News letter, foreign, 195.
Newton :
John, of Brazenose College, 186.
John, 250.
Nicholas :
Sir Edward, Secretary of State,
239.
Edward, of Horsley [grandson of
Sir Edward], 287.
319
Nicholas — cont.
Sir John [son of Sir Edward]. 240.
Mr., treasurer to Prince George of
Denmark, 283.
Nichols, Captain, 157.
Nicols, Peter, 184.
Nieuport (Newport), in Flanders, 35,
95, 189.
Governor of, 87-89.
ships at, to, or from, 49, 87-90,
120.
Spanish troops near, 119, 120.
Nimeguen (Nimeghen), 284.
Nore, the, 62, 83.
Norfolk :
churches of, collections in, 165.
Commissioners for, 181.
Militia of, 165.
rising in, 79.
sectaries of, 165.
has petitioned for a free Parlia-
ment, 144.
Norris, John, 261.
Northampton : 270.
letters dated at, 176, 177 (2).
rendezvous at, 139.
Northampton, co., 264.
North Cape, the, 65.
Northcott, Northcote :
Sir John, letter to, 193.
Mr., postmaster at Plymouth, 178.
Northend (Nordhend), Captain,
Governor of Scarborough, 153.
North Foreland, the, 33, 62, 91, 94.
North Sea, the, 18, 162.
Northumberland :
Earl of [Algernon Percy], commis-
sion signed by, 5.
Duke of [George Fitzroy, son of
Charles II.], 251.
Northumberland, co., 133.
Norway, ships of or from, 63, 70,
85, 91.
Norwich, Earl of (George Goring), 172.
, commissions from, 13 (2).
Norwich, Sir John, letter from, 177.
Norwich :
Bishop of. See Cobbett, Dr.
Richard.
Dean of. See Prideaux, Hum-
phrey.
letters dated at, 4, 254.
Militia Commissioners at, 181.
synod at, 4.
Nottingham :
General Monk at, 211, 235.
letters dated at, 162, 175.
tumult at, 162.
Nottingham, co. , 137, 175.
Excise Commissioners for, letter
from, 175.
0
Oder, the river, 255.
Oeiras (Wyers, Wiers, Wares), Bay of,
near Lisbon, 67, 71 (2), 111.
Ogilvie, James, Lord Ogilvie, 76.
Ogle, Col., troop of, declaration of,
180.
Okey, Col. John, 136, 158, 160, 161,
164-166, 177.
letter from, 160.
officers of, 165.
regiment of, 160.
Old Head, Kinsale, 38.
letter dated from, 42.
Oldys, Dr. William, 248 (2), 263.
O'Neill (O'Neale), Owen Roe, 41.
Orange (Aurange), William II., Prince
or the late Prince of, 19, 78, 201,
225.
, death of, 77.
, wife of [Princess Mary of
England], 77.
William III., Prince of. See
William.
Orange, State of, demolished, 179.
Orford, Suffolk, church and castle at,
92.
Ness, 94.
Orkney, islands of, 60, 107, 154.
governor of. See Watson, Capt.
Henry.
Orme, Capt., and his wife, 264.
Ormond :
(James Butler), Marquis, and, in
1660, 1st Duke of, 13, 38, 48,
60, 99, 100, 230, 239, 250, 271,
288.
, letters from, 9, 75, 111, 240
(2), 242-248.
, letters to, 72, 242, 243, 246,
247 (2).
, dispute of, with Lord Rane-
lagh, 240.
, forces of, 47.
, son of. See Ossory, Thomas,
Earl of.
— i — , life of. See Carte.
[James Butler], 2nd Duke of,
with the King, 267.
, goes over to the Prince of
Orange, 268.
, as Chancellor of Oxford Uni-
versity, 260.
— ■ — , Albemarle put above, 275.
— — , attainder of, 285.
, flight of, to France, 286.
, brother of. See Arran, Earl
of.
, servant of, 286.
Orrery, Earl of (Roger Boyle), 243.
memoirs of, 257.
chaplain of. See Morrice, Thomas,
tutor of, 257.
Osborne, Dr. [William], 3.
Osnabruck, 196.
death of George I. at, 287.
Ossory :
1st Earl of [Thomas Butler], son
of the Duke of Ormond, 240,
243, 244.
, defence of his father by, 245.
, death of, 245.
— — , wife of. See Ossory, Lady.
320
Ossory — cont.
2nd Earl of [James Butler, son of
Thomas], letter to, 248. And
see Ormond, 2nd Duke of.
Lady [Amelia of Nassau], letter to,
245.
Ostall, Mr., 276.
Ostend, 88, 90.
Admiralty of, 49.
Governor of, 88, 89, 91.
letter of, 49.
letters dated from, 24, 49.
natives of [Oastenders], prisoners
at Colchester, 98.
Road, 88, 90.
ships at, to, or from, 12, 24, 26,
34, 35, 55, 87-91, 119, 120.
, prize, 24, 49.
ships of, or Ostenders, 85, 88-90,
99, 162.
is worse than Algiers, 35.
Othman, Empire of, 255, 256.
Ottery St. Mary, co. Devon, 257.
Overton :
Col. or -L.j-aj or- General Robert, 127.
, letter from, 170.
, regiment of, 122, 127.
, cousin of, 171.
Owen :
Dr., of Cambridge, 146.
Col. John, 167.
Thankfull, President of St. John's
College, Oxford, 187.
writings of, 133.
Capt. Thomas, 167.
Oxenbregge, " Cousin," 263.
Oxford, Bishop of. See Skinner,
Robert, and Parker, Dr. Samuel.
Oxford, city of, 146, 264, 268, 284.
disaffection amongst the soldiers
at, 36.
Eastern books printing at, 256.
Governor of, for the Parliament.
See Kelsey, Lieut. -Colonel.
James II. at, 265.
making of powder at, 194.
St. Mary's Church in, 287.
St. Michael's Church in, 287.
suspected design upon, 176.
troops at, 286.
Oxford University, 197, 254, 261, 287
Arab MSS. at, 255, 256.
beadles of, 187.
, yeomen, 187.
Bodleian Library at, 257.
Chancellors of, 249. And see Laud,
William; Ormond, James, Duke
of ; Arran, Earl of.
Chancellorship of, Richard Crom-
well resigns, 182.
Civil Law, students of, at, 80.
, Doctor's degree in, con-
ferred at, 253.
College plate of, 4.
Colleges, old Fellows of, 80 (2).
Convocation at, 5.
Convocation, House of, 182.
Divinitv, Regius Professor of, at,
188. *
Oxford University— cont.
Divinitv, Lady Margaret Professor
of, at, 188.
Fellows of, ejected (in 1648), 184-
186 (at the Revolution of 1688),
261.
honorary degrees given at, 253, 260,
lecturers at, History, Greek, Moral
Philosophy, Natural Philosophy,
and Geometry, 187.
■ Astronomy and Divinity, 188.
medicine, students of, at, 80.
members of, 183.
petition from, 4.
summons to, 182.
Members of Parliament for, 263.
And see Clarke, Dr. George ;
Whitlocke, Sir William; Brom-
ley, William; Cornbury, Lord.
orders to be read to, 4.
proctors of, 3 (2), 4.
Savilian study at, 258.
statutes of, 183.
, (Laud's), remonstrance
against, 4.
Theatre, 260, 286, 288.
Vice-Chancellors of, named. See
Prideaux, Dr. John ; Reynolds,
Dr. ; Gardiner, Dr. Bernard ;
Shippen, Dr. Robert ; Holmes,
Dr. Henry.
visitation of, 253.
visitors of (in 1648), 19.
, list of Fellows ejected by,
and those put in their places,
184-186.
, registrar of, 19.
Visitors or Commissioners for the
visitation of (1660), 182, 183.
, citation by, 182.
, letter to, 183.
Colleges, named: —
All Souls, 3, 183, 286, 287.
, Wardens of. See Astley,
Richard ; Baldwin, Dr. ; Moket,
Richard; James, Dr. ; Finch,
Dr. Leopold ; Gardiner, Dr. Ber-
nard.
, Dean of, 253.
, chapel of, entablature for,
253, 285.
, dispute at, with the Arch-
bishop, 261.
, Fellows and fellowships at, 3.
184, 187, 249, 252, 261, 262, 283.
, foundation and charter of,
265.
, founder's kin of, 248.
, gifts to, 253, 254.
, house built by Dr. Clarke at,
283.
to be the Warden's lodg-
ing, 283.
, letter addressed to, 253.
, dated at, 254.
, matters relating to, 252, 253.
progress on behalf of, into
Wales, 264.
, statutes of, 252.
321
Oxford University, Colleges named —
cont.
All Souls, visitor of, 261.
Balliol, Fellows of, 3, 185.
, letter dated from, 3.
, Blundell's foundation at, 3.
Brasenose (Brazen Nose) :
, Principals of. See Yates,
Thomas ; Green-wood, Dr. Dan. ;
Shippen, Dr. Robert.
, Fellows of, 186, 260.
, William Clarke at, 260, 261.
Christchurch, 185.
, Deans of. See Morley, Rey-
nolds, and Aldrich, Drs.
, Canons or prebendaries of,
187.
, levee of James II at, 265.
Corpus Christi :
, Presidents of. See Newlin
and Staunton, Drs.
, Fellows of, 185, 186.
— — , steward, manciple, butler,,
cooks, and janitor of, 186.
Exeter, Fellows of, 186.
, cooks of, 186, 188.
Gloucester Hall, Principals of, 188.
Jesus, Principals of. See Maunsell,
Dr. Francis, and Howell,
Francis.
, Fellow of, 186.
Lincoln, Fellow of, 186.
Magdalen. See St. Mary Mag-
dalen.
Magdalen Hall, Principal of. See
Adams, Dr., and Wilkinson, Dr.
Henry.
, Principalship of, 188.
Merton, 274.
, Fellows of, 184.
New College, 183.
, Warden of. See Woodward,
Michael.
, chaplains of, 4.
, Fellows of, 184.
Oriel, Provost of. See Say, Robert.
, Fellows of, 185.
, butlers of, 185, 188.
Pembroke, Masters of. See Whit-
wick, Henry, and Langley,
Henry.
, Fellow of, 186.
Queen's, Provost of. See Barlow,
Thomas.
, Fellow of, 186.
, butlers of, 186, 188.
St. John Baptist, President of.
See Baylie, Dr. Archibald, and
Owen Thankfull.
, Fellows of, 184.
, organist and choir of, 184.
St. Mary Magdalen, 185, 265, 266.
, President of. See Wilkin-
son, Dr. John, and Parker, Dr.
Samuel.
, refusal of, to accept a Presi-
dent chosen by the King, 265,
266.
, Commissioners sent to, 266.
25.
Oxford University, Colleges named—
cont.
Trinity, 186.
, Presidents of. See Potter,
Dr., and Ward, Dr.
University, Masters of. See
Walker, Dr. Obadiah, and John-
son, Francis.
, Fellows of, 185.
Wadham, Warden of. See Bland-
ford, Walter.
, Fellows of, 186.
, members of, 3, 253.
, "a young lad of," 254.
Oxford, co., High Sheriff, grand jury,
&c, of, address from, 254.
Packer, Col. William, 118.
Paddington, land and house of William
Clarke at, 102, 103.
Paddy, Sir William, 184.
Palatine, the Elector [Charles Lewis],
195.
Palgrave, Sir John, letter from, 181.
Papists, or Roman Catholics, 1, 139,
242, 260, 265, 270.
in Ireland. See Ireland,
at Oxford, 264.
order relating to, 252.
power of, in Ireland, 270.
refusal to admit, into the army, 266.
Paris [John], 185.
Paris, 46, 285, 286.
letter dated at, 72.
Parker, Dr. Samuel, Bishop of Oxford,
President of Magdalen College, 266.
Parliament (of 1628) :
book of proceedings in, concerning
liberty of the subject, 4.
Parliament, the Long, 4, 7, 8, 15, 16,
47, 51, 72, 74, 78, 130, 141, 158.
Acts of, 15, 35.
Agent of, at Lisbon. See Vane,
Charles,
and O'Neill, 41.
dissolution of, desired, 8, 104.
engagement not to act against, 13,
51.
fidelity to, friends of, or the well-
affected party, 14, 58, 66, 73, 74.
interruption of, by the Army (in
1648) 152.
opposition to, 51.
order of, 4.
places in Ireland submitting to.
See under names of towns,
true title of, 49.
is resolved to sit to perpetuity, 104.
Parliament, Oliver Cromwell's, 227.
Parliament, Richard Cromwell's, 138.
dissolution of, 116, 141, 179.
Parliament, the Long (reinstated), 119,
123, 125, 130, 132, 141, 151, 152, 161,
162, 164, 168, 171, 173, 181, 209, 210,
225, 235.
U
322
Parliament, the Long (reinstated) — cont.
as the "Rump," 142-144, 152, 157,
158, 184, 198, 205, 206, 209, 217,
219, 237.
address to, from the officers at
Derby, 123, 124.
proposed, from the Ministers
of Scotland, 124.
adherence or fidelity to, 123, 126,
136, 138, 139, 152, 165.
Army Commissioners appointed by,
129
Bills 'in, 225, 230.
commissioners from, to Monk, 208.
commissioners to be sent to Ireland
by, 141.
Council of State newly authorised
by, 130.
dissolution of, 227.
rumoured, 143.
fellows, &c, put into Oxford Uni-
versity by, 184.
filling up of, 144, 145, 219.
the fleet " unanimous for," 137.
friends of, discouraged, 158.
and the gentlemen of Yorkshire,
147-149.
guard for, 142.
interruption of by the army, 125,
126, 132, 140 (2), 154, 169, 209.
King mentioned in, 202.
lists sent to, 141, 166.
London Militia approved by, 156.
members of, or Parliament men,
126, 137, 193.
, qualifications for, 130, 144,
145, 202, 227.
, to " indent " against Charles
Stuart, 130.
, secluded, restoration of, de-
manded, 152, 200, 201, 210,
215, 218, 221, 234.
, re-admission of, 158,
160 (3), 163, 164, 222-225,
235.
and Monk. See Monk.
Monk declares for, 200.
Monk's speech to, 143 (2).
persons having been in arms
against, 149.
rebels left to the mercy of, 137.
restoration of, desired, 129, 141.
re-assembling of, 136, 137.
risings in favour of, 136.
parties in, 213, 215, 218, 221, 225.
thanks of, presented to Monk, 142.
time of sitting, to be limited, 130,
151.
Parliament, a free, demands or declara-
tions for, 142-145, 153, 159, 206,
210, 212, 215, 218.
Parliament, " a new " (the Convention)
proposed, 129, 130, 132, 173 (2), 174,
176, 179, 180, 203.
opposition to, 141, 161.
fear that it will bring back Charles
Stuart, 157, 173.
elections for, 173, 174, 178, 229.
royalists in, 202, 229.
Parliament [of James IT.], prorogation
of, 263.
dissolution of, 264.
Parliament [of Queen Anne], 252, 285.
Act of, 286.
elections for, 283.
grants by, alluded to, 253.
Parliament [of George I.], 287-289.
Parliament [of George II.], 288, 289.
Parliaments, former, alluded to, 60.
Parliamentary History, paper printed
in, 257.
Parliamentary intelligence, 76.
Parn, John, butler of Corpus Christi
Coll., Oxford, 186.
Parris, Thomas, 168.
Payne, Phineas, 103.
letters from, 102 (2).
Peace, Justices of, orders to, 78.
Peacocke, Captain James, Commander
of the Northern squadron, 23, 26, 29,
56.
, wife of, 26.
Pearson, Lieut. -Colonel John, letter
from, 118.
Pembroke, Earl of [Thomas Herbert],
256.
letter from, 252.
order to, 252.
Pembroke, held for the Parliament, 14,
15.
Pembrokeshire, County Committee of,
18.
Penal laws and Test, 264-266.
Pendennis Castle, prisoners at, 12, 13.
Penman, Gideon, minister at Creich-
town, 116.
, children of, 117.
Penn, Captain, or Sir William, 85, 95,
98, 192.
Pennington, Alderman Sir Isaac, 166.
Pennoyer, William, 167.
Penrith, co. Cumberland, 270.
Penrose, Captain [Francis], 28, 41.
Pepper, Brigadier, 286.
Pereyra, Mr., 284.
Peronne, 285.
Persia, Empire of, 255.
Persian histories, 255.
Perth (St. Johnston's, Johnstown),
King's party at, 76.
Perth, co., assessments in, 103.
noblemen and gentlemen of, peti-
tion of, 124.
Peterborough, Earl of [Henrv Mor-
daunt], 267.
, regiment of, 241.
Peterborough, co. Northampton, 264.
Peters, Hugh, 14, 211, 221.
, letter from, 179.
Petition and Advice, the, 113, 130.
Petre, William, Lord, 192.
Pett, Peter, Navy Commissioner, letter
signed by, 34.
Petty, Edmund, 146.
Peverell, Captain, troop of, 175, 176.
323
Philips, Phillips:
George, 186.
Mr., 109.
Philpot, John, herald, 249.
Phineas, 101.
Phipps, Sir Constantine, late Lord
Chancellor and Lord Justice of Ire-
land, 253.
Physic, doctor of, 172.
Pictures, list of, 194.
Pierce, Captain [John], 42.
Piesley, Mr., 254.
Pirates, 34, 52, 97, 98, 100.
Plague, the, 12, 58.
Plampin, Thomas, 167.
Playford, John, bill from, for books,
188.
Plea Rolls {temp. Eliz.), extract from,
o.
Plundered Ministers, Committee of,
report of proceedings of, 106.
Plunket, Plunkett:
Captain, 48.
Mr., son of Lord Dunsany, 45.
Plymouth, 17, 19, 20, 64, 96.
Court Martial at, 262.
Mewstone Rock and St. Nicholas
island, near, 263.
postmaster of, 178.
ships of, to, or from, 38, 51, 64,
66, 74, 82, 92.
Sound, letters addressed to, 73 (2).
, letters dated from, 82 (2).
, ships in, 12, 24 (3), 25 (2),
63.
Pockley, Captain, 147.
Pocock :
Dr., MSS. of, 255.
Mr., 187.
Poland, 255.
Poll-tax, assessment for, 249.
assessors and collectors of, 250.
Polwheele, Degory, 186.
Polybius, quotation from, 238.
Pommoio [? Polmood], Laird of, 191.
Pondevedra (Galicia), 71.
Pontefract :
Hall at, 7.
siege of, 6-8.
Poole, co. Dorset, letter dated from, 16.
quartering of soldiers at, 16.
Poor, the :
at the Bath, 251.
collection for, 195.
work for, 78.
Poor-laws, letter concerning, 1.
Pope, the, 169.
Pope, Walter, 186.
Popham :
Col. Alexander, 46, 80.
, wife of, 46.
Alexander, commission for, 241.
Alexander, M.P. and Deputy
Lieutenant of co. Wilts., letters
to, 251, 252.
Colonel Edward, one of the
Generals of the Fleet, 21.
, letters of, 13, 19-21, 23, 34,
37, 74, 80, 97 (3), 98, 100.
Popham, Colonel Edward — cont.
, letters to, 11, 17-26, 34-56,
71-73, 78, 80, 82 (5), 83 (2), 96-101.
Commission to, 5.
endorsements by, 74, 100.
, instructions to, 10.
, journal of, 11, 26, 61, 83.
, clerk or secretary of, 47, 96.
, mother of, 47.
, wife of, 24, 43, 72 (2).
. , , letter to, 74.
, nephew of. See Conway,
Colonel. "
Humphrey, letter to, 1.
Sir John, Lord Chief Justice of
England, 80.
, letter to, 1.
Popish enemy, the, 179.
officers, 263.
power, the, 101.
priests, 15, 252, 265, 266.
Pordage, Joshua, 168.
Port a Port [? Oporto], 69, 70.
Porter, Sir Charles, Lord Chancellor
and Lord Justice of Ireland, 276, 280.
Portland, Earl of [William Bentinck],
270, 275. J'
Portman, Mr., 285.
Portsmouth, 50, 62, 132, 169, 199.
Commissioners at, 95.
Governor of. See Whetham, Col.
letter dated from, 55.
letter addressed to, 56.
officers at, 266.
ships to or from, 12, 30-32, 62, 63,
84, 86, 95.
Hesilrige and his troops at, 136.
forces sent against, go into the
town, 137.
Portugal, King of [John IV.], 65-68,
71, 72, 74, 75.
, Commissioner of, 75.
, English agent to [Charles
Vane], 65.
Portugal, 64, 68, 72, 75.
English fleet to. See Fleet.
troops for, 251.
Secretary of State in, 67.
Sir Robert Southwell's embassy to,
250. *
Post, robbery of the, 46.
Postmasters, complaints against, 37.
Potter :
Dr. Hannibal, President of Trinity
Coll: Oxford, 4, 187.
[Philip], 186.
Powell :
John, 184.
Mary, Maud, and Elizabeth, peti-
tion of, 17.
Colonel Rice, 17.
Sir Thomas, 169.
Pownall, Lieut. -Col., 112.
Powys, Sir Thomas, Attorney-General,
267.
XT2
324
Poyer :
Elizabeth, wife of Col. John, 15.
, petition of, 17.
Col. John, 17.
, letter of, 14.
, execution of, 15.
, children of, 15.
Presbyterians, 15, 51, 61, 137, 203,
208, 209, 221, 242. 271.
Preston :
Brigadier, 285.
Corporal. 180.
Preston, co. Lancaster, 270.
Price :
Henry, junior cook of Corpus
Christi Coll : Oxford, 186.
Captain Lewis, 162.
Pri chard :
Captain, 162.
T.. letter from, 143.
William, letters from, 142, 143.
Pride, Col. Thomas, letter of, 14.
, late regiment of, 145.
Prideaux :
Humphrey, Dean of Norwich,
letter from, 254.
Dr. John, Bishop of Worcester and
[in 1642] Vice-Chancellor of Ox-
ford University, 4.
, letter to, 4.
Primate, Josiah, 168.
Prisoners, exchange of, 97 (2), 98 (2).
Privy Council :
dispute in, 240.
Lord Shaftesbury president of,
245.
orders of, alluded to, 193.
Proctor, John, 186.
Protestant Churches, the, "hang upon
England," 179.
Protestants, proportion of, in England
and Ireland, 242.
Proud, Captain, 12.
Public debt, the, 289.
Puckle, Lieut. -Colonel, William, 153.
Puddletrenthide (Pydeltrenthide), co.
Dorset, 263.
Pulleyne, Charles, 23.
Pulteney, Sir William, 261.
Purefoy, William, letter of, 53.
kinsman of, 53.
Pury, Col. Thomas, 146.
Pye, Sir Robert, 144.
Pyne, Col. John, letter of, 51.
Pyrenees, treaty of, or union of France
and Spain, 124, 251.
Q
Quakers, 139, 141, 157, 161, 165, 168.
Qualifications, Act of, 229.
R
Radcliffe, Dr. John, 267, 268.
Rainborowe or Rainsborowe, Col.
Thomas, 8.
letter of, 6.
regiment of, 6-8.
Ramillies, battle of, 284.
Randoll, Major, 167.
Ranelagh :
Arthur Jones, Viscount, 240.
, petition signed by. 195.
Richard [Jones], Earl of, Paymas-
ter-General, warrant to, 251.
Ranters, 78.
Raphoe, Dr. Hopkins, Bishop of, 246.
Bishopric of, 246.
Rappell, Mr., 65.
Ratcliff, Thomas, 185.
Ratisbon, articles of capitulation at,
195.
Raulins, Mr., 207.
Rawdon, John, 180.
Rawlins, Mr., 72, 75.
Rawson, Ralph, 186, 260.
Raze, the [near Falmouth], 31.
Read, Reade, Rede :
Lieut. -Col. J., letter from, 16.
Capt. Thomas, statement by, 114.
Dr. Thomas, 188.
Reading, Sir Robert, 247.
Reading, co. Berks :
Cromwell goes to, 21.
letters dated at, 177.
Rear-Admiral, 67.
Recusants, 1.
Red Castle, co. Montgomery, 162.
Governor of, 162.
Rede. See Read.
Redman, Col. James, letter of, 160.
Reeves :
Capt. Jonas, 87.
, letter to, 97.
Col., 49.
Reid, William, bailiff of Edinburgh,
193.
Renunciation, oath of, demanded, 217.
Retford, East, co. Nottingham, tumult
at, 175.
Revolution, the, of 1688, 261, 264, 277.
Reynolds :
Dr., 3.
Dr. Edward, Dean of Christchurch,
Oxford, and Vice-Chancellor in
1649, 19, 187.
Capt. Jacob, 71.
Robert, member of the Council of
State, 118.
Ricarton, laird of, 114.
Rich, Col. Nathaniel, 79, 162, 164-166.
, letter from, 163.
■ ; articles against, 168.
, Major of. See Breman
Major.
, regiment of, 157, 158, 162,
168, 169.
, rendezvous summoned by,
157, 162-165.
325
Richardson :
Thomas, Lord, 161.
Captain W., 161.
, letter from, 159.
Richmond, Surrey, 287.
disturbed state of, 172.
Duke of Ormond's house at, 286.
Ricraft, Thomas, letter to, 143.
Ridge, Capt. Jonathan, 157.
Rippon, Captain Thomas, letters from
and to, 15.
Roberts :
Capt. Nicholas, 167.
Richard [? Hugh], 186.
Robertson, John, 157.
Robinson :
Colonel, 98.
Sir John, 202, 216, 223.
Luke, member of the Council of
State, 199, 200, 206-208, 210, 235.
, letter from, 157.
Mr., 242.
William, secretary [to Col. Pop-
ham ?], 37, 46.
, letters from, 71-73, 100.
Major, 40.
Robson, Major Yaxley, letter from, 127.
Rochelle, ship to, 90.
Rochester, Bishop of. See Atterbury,
Dr.
Rochester, Earl of [Lawrence Hyde],
275.
letter from, 247.
death of, 285.
son of, 285.
Rochester, 13, 16.
has petitioned for a free Parliament,
144.
Rogers :
Dr. Christopher, 187.
Francis, letter from, 194.
Stephen, 82, 100.
Roles, William, 67-69.
Rolle :
Sir John, 192.
Robert, letter from, 178.
Rollright (Rowlright), co. Oxford, par-
sonage of, 260.
Rolph, Edm., paper signed by, 53.
Roman Catholics. See Papists.
Romans, the, 255, 256.
Rome, 256, 285.
notes on, 258.
the See of, 266.
Romney (Rumney), Earl of [Henry
Sydney], 281.
made Lord Justice in Ireland, 276.
Ross, Mr., 167.
Ross, co. Tipperary, surrender of, to
Cromwell, 47, 48.
Ross Castle, co. Tipperary, 277.
Rotherhithe (Redriffe), 102 (2).
Rotterdam, 32, 62, 284.
Rouen (Roane), 99.
ships to and from, 84, 88, 92, 95.
Roundheads' blood, the Cavaliers boast
that they will drink healths in, 171.
Row, John, Warden of the Old College
at Aberdeen, letter from, 134.
Rowe :
Col. Owen, 166.
William, letter from, 83.
Rowlandson, Richard, 184.
Rowney, Mr., 287, 289.
Roxburghshire, Deputy Sheriff of, 119.
Royston, co. Herts., 166.
Rumney, Lord. See Romney.
Rupert (or Robert), Prince Palatine of
the Rhine, 20, 38, 43, 50, 52-54, 64,
69, 77.
ships under command of, or revolted
ships, 11, 18, 24, 52, 69, 71, 74,
77.
Rushworth, John, secretary to Thomas,
Lord Fairfax, 51.
, letter from, 78.
, letters to, 9, 13.
, as Clerk of the Council, 169.
Russell, Major Robert, 167.
Russia, 255.
Rutherford :
Andrew, Lord, letter from, 190.
John, Laird of Edgerstoun, 119,
120.
John, Laird of Hunthill, 119, 120.
Thomas, Laird of Hunthill, jun.,
119, 120.
Ruthven, Patrick, Earl of Brentford
[and Earl of Forth], 10.
Ruthven (Ruthin) Castle, letter dated
at, 110.
officers at, 126.
storekeeper at, 110.
Ruvigny, Marquis of, Major-General,
and afterward Earl of Galway, 278,
279.
Rye, Sussex, 63.
Bay, ships in, 48, 62.
garrison of, 48.
Governor of. See Gibbons, Major.
Sadler, Col., 98.
Safety, Committee (Council) of, 144,
156, 159, 166, 169.
Commissioners and officers
appointed by, 125, 156, 162,
166-168.
St. Alban's :
letter addressed to, 8.
army at, 8.
General Monk at, 210-212, 235.
St. Anne's Bay, Guernsey, 30.
St. Aubyn (St. Albins), Jersey, Road
of, 30.
St. George, General Monk compared to,
223.
St. George's Channel, 274.
St. George's Hill, Surrey, diggers at,
14.
St. Helens (St. Ellens), Isle of Wight,
31.
326
St. John's Wood, Middlesex, 194.
St. Johnston's, or Johnstown, See
Perth.
St. Julian, Portugal, 75.
St. Lucar, Spain, ships to and from,
86 (2).
St. Malo's (St. Mayo), 98, 99.
Royalists at, 58, 97.
ships to and from, 30, 31, 63, 92.
St. Nicholas, Thomas, Clerk of the
Parliament, order signed by, 142.
St. Nicholas island, near Plymouth,
Major-General Lambert imprisoned
at, 263.
St. Ouen, Jersey, 90.
St. Ruth, French General, killed, 279.
St. Sampson, ship cast away at, 31.
St. Toures, 101.
St. Utal, Portugal, 70.
St. Vallery, France, 95, 99.
Salingen [? Sublingen], 196.
Salisbury, 261, 267.
James II. goes to, 267.
Salmon, Joseph, imprisonment of, 57.
Saltonstall, R., letter from, 196.
Saltpetre, farmer of. See Hilliard,
Thomas.
Samways, Richard, 185.
Sampson [Major George], 157.
Sancroft, William. Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 261, 263.
committal of, to the Tower, 249.
Sanders. See Saunders.
Sanderson :
Dr. Robert, Regius Professor of
Divinity at Oxford, 188.
Thomas, 185.
Sandham. See Sandown.
Sandilands, Pat., statement signed by,
136.
Sandown (Sandham) Fort, Isle of Wight,
53.
Sandwich, Earl of [Edward Montague],
as ambassador at Madrid, 250.
and the sale of Dunkirk, 250. See
also Montague, Admiral Edward.
Sandwich, Kent, 29.
Sandy, Walter, Alderman of Bristol,
160, 161.
Sandys, Colonel, 267.
Sankey, Colonel, 123, 133.
, letter from, 123.
Saracens, Empire of the, 255, 256.
Saracen writers, 256.
Sarsfield, General Patrick, 276, 280,
281.
Saunders, Sanders :
Ed., 168.
John, 186.
Laurence, 168.
Mr., musician, 223.
Savage, Dr., 285.
Savile, Ann, letter from, 197.
Savoy, Duke of, 284.
Sawrey, Lieut. -Colonel Roger, 107.
, letters from, 112, 116.
Say, Robert, Provost of Oriel College,
Oxford, 182.
Saye and Sele, Viscount [James Fiennes],
petition signed by, 195.
Sayer, Mark, Proctor of the Court of
Arches, certificate by, 252.
Scalloway Castle, Shetland, letter dated
at, 107.
Scarborough, Earl of [Richard Lumley],
275.
Scarborough, 28.
Governor of [Captain Northend],
153.
Spa, 182.
troops at, 104, 153, 175.
Scilly Isles, 16, 25, 99.
Governor of, 98 (2).
guard for, 82 (2).
Prince Rupert's ships at, 11.
prisoners in, 16, 98.
ships to or near, 13, 39, 64 (2), 86,
92.
Schonberg [Chamberg], Comte, Frederic
Armand, Lieut. -General of the
French army and Governor of Bergen,
119.
as Duke of, 271, 272.
neglect of, by the King, 271.
aides-de-camp of, 272.
mother of, 119.
killed at the Battle of the
Boyne, 272, 273, 274.
Count Mainhardt [Maynhard], after-
ward Duke of, 273.
Scone, near Inverness, garrison at, 126.
letter dated at, 125.
Scotchmen, 62, 206, 260.
Scotch ships, 23, 36.
Scotland, 60, 74, 78, 82, 83, 85, 94, 98,
116-119, 123, 133, 247, 269.
and Charles Stewart. See
Charles II.
Assembly of, ecclesiastical matters
to be determined by, 61.
assessments in, 103, 104.
Church of, or the Kirk, 60, 72, 74,
, Commissioners of, 74.
Church government of, 189, 190.
Commissioners for, 118, 209.
, letters from, 182, 183.
, list of, 146.
Commissioners for prize goods in,
196.
Council of, 113, 117.
Clerk of. See Lock, Matthew.
, order of, 114.
the Court in, 76.
Courts of Justice in, 116.
Day of Humiliation in, 60, 61.
Day of Thanksgiving in, 74.
Deputy Treasurers-at-War in. See
Drywood, Mr., and Bilton,
George.
English army for or in, 8, 59, 101,
129, 133, 177, 192.
Commander of. See Monk,
George.
Commissioners of, 131, 133,
134.
, instructions to, 128, 129.
, former Commissioners of, 129.
327
Scotland, English army in — cont.
Major-General Morgan to be left in
command of, 138.
, money or pay for, 101, 104,
106, 122, 190, 191.
, mutiny in, 122 (2).
, officers of, declarations of,
124 (2).
, letter from, 76.
regiments in, chief officers of,
instructions to, 120.
, representatives of, 129.
, treaty of, with the army of
England. See Army.
, or our "brethren of Scot-
land," troops refusing to fight
against, 140.
Estates of. See Parliament of,
below.
, Committee of, 115.
garrisons in, fire and candle money
for, 114.
, governors of, instructions to,
120.
General Monk in. See Monk,
goods of the late King sold in, 194.
High Admiral of, letter to, 112.
High Commissioner in [Duke of
Hamilton], 269.
Highlands or hills of, 60, 110, 111.
— — , regiments from, 77.
intelligence from, 76.
judicature of, 61.
Kirk of. See Church of, above.
judges for, list of, 146.
Justices of the Peace in, 140.
Keeper of the Broad Seal in. See
Clarke, William.
King and Bishops kept out of, 201.
Lord Chancellor of, 76, 190, 191.
Marshal General of, prisoners com-
mitted to, 113.
minister in, suspended, 116.
Montrose's forces in, 73.
rising for the King in, 77.
North of, news from, 60.
Parliament or Estates of, 61, 74,
77.
Presbyterians in, 73, 208.
presbyteries in, 124.
protesters in, 113, 114.
Provincial Assembly in, 124.
Receiver General for. See Baynes,
John,
royalist army or party in, 10, 60,
73, 76, 108-110, 113, 115.
defeat in. See Dunbar.
risings in, 120, 121.
seizure of arms in, 117.
soldiers disbanded in, 105.
suspicious gatherings in, to be pre-
vented, 120.
travellers to and from, 83, 99, 102,
147-149, 153, 206, 212.
troops sent from, to Portugal, 251.
union of the ministers in, 124.
war with England wished for in,
72, 73.
" Scotland and the Commonwealth,''
paper printed in, 106.
Scotland and the Protectorate, papers
printed in, 109, 138.
Scots, the, 6, 58, 59, 199, 268.
are " in great expectation of Charles
the Second," 173.
army, Charles I.'s escape to, 6.
in Ireland, 58.
letter from, alluded to, 20.
treaty or agreement of, with the
King (1650), 60,. 72, 73.
instructions to the Commis-
sioners for, 60.
Scots marks, 115.
Scott :
Captain, and his wife, 83.
Charles, 248, 249.
George, letter from, 112.
, children of, 112.
John, agent for Charles II. in
London, 221, 227, 228.
Lieutenant, 165.
Thomas, member of the Council of
State, 54, 199-201, 206-210, 212-
215, 220, 222, 225, 226, 235.
, letter from, 54.
Walter, 112.
William (son of Thomas), 210.
Scotten, Capt. Edward, request signed
by, 9.
Scrape, Capt. Robert, letters from, 122,
126.
Scravenmoer (Scravemore), Mons., 271,
277, 279.
Scriven [William Clarke's man], 102, 105.
Scriverius, verses written to, 284.
Scroope, Colonel [? Adrian], 19.
Seaforth, Earl of, 109.
, letter of, 115.
, his father, the late Earl, 115.
Secretary of State. See Morice, Sir
William.
Sectaries, 73, 165, 167, 168.
Sedascue, Adjutant- General George, 101.
Sedley, Sir William, 249.
Seinehead, ships to and from, 33, 54,
63, 84, 92.
Selby, Anthony, 168.
Selden, John, 4.
Selkirk, Earl of [William Douglas], 183.
, wife of. See Hamilton,
Duchess of.
Seyer [John], 185.
Seymer, Thomas, manciple of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, 186.
Seymour :
Sir Edward, 192.
John, 194.
Shaftesbury, Earl of [Anthony Ashley
Cooper], letter to, 244.
Shallcross, Jo., 250.
, wife and children of, 250.
Shannon, the river, 76, 279, 280, 281.
Sharpe :
Capt. [Anthony], 20.
Mr., minister, 151.
Sharwen, Shardwen, "cousin" [? Sher-
win], 107, 10a
328
Sheldon :
Gilbert, Archbishop of Canterbury,
265. . -
Sir Joseph, house of, 228.
Sheridan :
Patrick. See Cloyne, Bishop of.
William. See Down, Dean of.
Sheriffs, 130.
Act of Qualification to be read oy,
229.
Sherley [Sir Anthony], 248.
Sherman, Thomas, letters from, 107-
109.
, wife of, 107, 109.
Sherwin, Captain John, 53.
letter from, 78.
Shetland [Zetland], 107.
lands of the King of Denmark in,
108.
Shippen :
Mr., letter to, 258.
Dr. Robert, Fellow of University
College, Oxford, and afterwards
Principal of Brazenose, 249, 250
, letters to, 197, 249, 258.
, wife and children of, 249.
, brother-in-law of. See Tay-
lor, John.
William [brother of Dr. Robert],
letters from, 253, 258.
William, junior (Billy), 258.
Ships, boats, &c, passim. And see
Fleet.
artillery, 280.
capture of, 23, 54.
cast away, 28, 31, 42, 192.
colliers, 25, 27.
commanders of, complaints of, 44.
the Engagement to be taken on, 48.
fireships, warning against, 101.
fitting out of, passim.
herring fleet, 29.
in Ireland. See Ireland.
lists of, 11, 17, 41, 53.
manning of, 61.
merchant, hired by the State, 17,
34, 55 (2), 61.
, mischief done to, 48.
movements of, 97. And see Pop-
ham, Col. Edward, journal of.
mutinies on, 25, 26, 34.
Northern squadron, 27.
packet-boats, 32.
pirate, captured, 36.
prize, 12, 24, 25, 54, 86-89, 95, 111,
sale of, 98.
revolted, 18, 19. See also Rupert,
Prince, ships under command of.
summer guard, 17, 22 (2).
victualling of, 19-25.
winter guard, 22 (2), 24 (2), 52.
Ships, named: —
Andrew, 12, 32, 61, 64.
Adventure, 17, 27, 33, 37, 67.
America, 61, 62, 70.
Ark, 11.
Assurance, 12, 67, 71.
Blackamore Lady (revolted), 43.
Blessing, 86.
Ships, nameu — cont.
Bonaventure, Bonadventure, 35,
37, 46, 71.
Charles, 11, 12, 19, 21, 32, 39,
83, 95.
, letters dated from, 19, 20,
24-26, 35, 38.
Concord, 39.
Constant Warwick, 11, 12, 29-31,
34, 37, 42, 54, 67, 83-85, 95.
, captain of, 42.
Crescent, 30, 31.
Crown [fly-boat], 92.
Culpeper, 11.
Cygnet, 69, 70, 93.
Deborah, 91.
Defence, 83-85.
Diligence, 102.
Discovery, 84.
Dolphin, 95, 99.
Dragon, 28, 32, 42, 62-64, 86-92,
94-96.
Eagle, 30, 31, 84.
Elizabeth, 32, 35, 68, 83, 84, 86-
89, 97.
, captain of, 35, 97.
Entrance. See Happy Entrance.
Exchange, 28.
Expectation, 85.
Expedition, 66, 68, 70, 95, 96.
Fairfax, 72.
Falcon, 44, 62.
Fame, alias Mayflower, 25.
Fellowship, 32.
Fortune, of Flushing, 90.
Francis [Irish], 84, 87.
Garland, 32.
George, 29, 31, 32, 37, 67.
, lieutenant of, 66.
Giles, 83.
Great Lewis, 61-64.
Greyhound, 12, 27, 33, 34, 62-
64, 87, 89, 91, 92, 95, 107.
, captain of, 45.
Guinea, frigate [revolted], 12, 32,
82.
Happy Entrance, 25-27, 32, 37,
67, 83, 87-90, 94.
letters dated from, 20, 23, 34.
captain of, 80, 97 (2), 98.
Hart, 27.
Heart, frigate, 26.
Hector, frigate, 12, 25, 63, 64.
Hercules, 12, 32, 64.
Hercules, of Plymouth [victualler],
64.
Hind, frigate, 29, 32-34, 62, 63.
, commander of, 53.
Hopeful Luke. 63, 85-87.
Increase, 12, 28.
, captain of, 23.
James [King's ship], 83, 86, 92,
94, 96, 100, 101.
, letters dated abroad, 97 (2),
100, 119.
James [revolted], 43.
James (merchant ship taken for use
of the state], 61-64.
Jermyn, frigate, 27, 29.
329
Ships, named — cunt.
John (pink), 62, 63.
Jonas, 35.
, captain of, 35.
Leopard, 37, 53, 67, 95.
Lily, 27, 29, 32, 62-64.
, letter dated abroad, 97.
Lion, 12, 32, 85, 86,. 92, 94, 98.
letters dated abroad, 38, 42.
Lucy, 62, 63.
Magdalen, 28.
Margate, hoy, 89, 91, 94.
Martha of London, 86.
Mary, 62.
Man/ of Colchester, 98.
Mary Bose, 26, 27, 29, 32, 37,
41.
, captain of, 26.
Mayflower. See Fame.
Mayflower (hoy), 33, 39.
(pink), 84.
— — (for New England), 91.
Merchant, 62, 64, 67, 96.
Merchant Adventure, 86.
Naseby, letter dated aboard, 111.
Nicodemus, 11, 12, 84.
Nonsuch (frigate ?), 32.
(ketch), 93-95.
Old Warwick, 32.
Orange Tree, 90.
Paradox, frigate, 32, 33, 42, 62,
94.
Paragon, 61-64.
Patrick (Irish), 84, 87.
Peregrine, 61-63.
Peter frigate, 63, 64, 89, 91.
Phoenix, 13, 17, 61-64, 66, 68, 70.
, letters dated aboard, 39, 40,
47, 51.
President, 72, 92.
, captain of, 50.
Princess Maria [Dutch], 26.
Providence, 66-71.
Rainbow, 62.
, letters dated aboard, 82 (2).
Reason, 86-88, 91.
Recovery, 46, 94.
Reformation, 83, 91, 95.
Reserve, 92, 94, 95.
Resolution, 64, 72, 100.
, letter dated aboard, 74.
Richard and Benjamin, 86.
Robert, frigate, 12.
Robert, pink, 92.
Roebuck, 92.
St. Andrew, 32, 35, 38, 41, 71,
73.
St. George, 29.
, letter dated aboard, 49.
St. Peter [of Friesland], 90.
Sandwich, pink, 88.
Santa Clara, of Jersey, 89.
Satisfaction, 13, 25, 26, 63, 64,
83.
, captain of, 27.
Scotchman [revolted], 43.
Security, 192.
Seven Brothers, 83, 84. 92, 95.
Speaker, letter dated aboard, 82.
Ships, named — cont.
Star, frigate, 63.
Success, 93.
Supply, 63.
Swiftsure, 71.
Teresa or Wexford, 21.
Thomas, 33, 44.
Tiger, 27, 68, 71.
, mutiny on board the, 25, 26,
34.
— — , captain of, 25, 34.
Tiger's Whelp, 42.
Triumph, 12, 32, 39, 41 (2), 42.
, letters dated aboard, 17-19.
Truelove, 62, 63.
Unicorn, 29, 32, 33, 37, 44.
Unity, 86-88, 91.
Vanguard, 92, 94.
Victory, 32, 39, 41 (2), 42, 84-86,
89.
, letter dated aboard, 97.
Warspite, 28, 29.
, captain of, 28.
Wexford. See Teresa.
Weymouth, pink, 30, 31, 34.
Whelp, the 10th, 67, 83, 84, 86.
White Cow (Dutch), 112.
William, ketch, 63.
William and Mary, 95.
Shockly, Capt. -Lieutenant, 112.
Shoreham, co. Sussex, 84.
Short, — , accusation against, 117.
Shorthand, paper written in, 79.
Showell, Mr., collector of Customs, 161.
Shrewsbury, co. Salop, 264, 270.
garrison, prisoner in, 14.
Shropshire, 287.
Sicily, 85, 285.
Sinclair, Robert, 146.
Sinclair (Sincklar), officers at, 126.
Sisembry. See Cezimbra.
Skeene, Aberdeenshire, 257.
Skellater, Aberdeenshire, 120.
Skinner :
Captain, 99.
Robert, Bishop of Oxford, citation
by, 182.
Skippon, Philip, 166.
Skye, Isle of, fugitive to, 121, 122.
Slane, co. Meath, 273.
Slaves, 101.
Smith, Smyth, Smythe :
Col. [Henry], regiment of, 125.
Sir John [? Sir James], M.P. [for
Exeter], 193.
John, M.P. [for Andover], chosen
as Speaker, 283.
Sir Robert, 216.
Serjeant, 128.
Thomas, Navy Commissioner,
letters signed by, 17, 34.
[ship's captain ?], 12.
Smithson, or Smythson, Colonel, 148,
153, 170, 176.
, regiment of, 176, 177.
, late regiment of, 149.
Smyrna, 85.
Smyth. See Smith.
Smythier, John, letter of, 40.
330
Sinythson. See Smithson.
Snell, Samuel, Mayor of Coventry,
letter to, 59.
Soldiers [Parliament], ill-carriage of, 8,
14 (2).
maimed, as hawkers of books, 16.
punishment of, 78 (2).
quartering of, 57, 157.
Solms, Count, 271, 275-277.
Somerset, Duke of, title of, 258.
Somerset, co. :
Commissioners for assessment in,
158.
County Committee of, 51.
elections in, polls for, 251.
knights of the Shire for, 173.
Somers' Tracts, paper printed in, 124.
Somerton, co. Somerset, 158.
Sound, the, 92-94, 162.
South, Dr. Robert, public orator at
Oxford, 261.
Southampton, Earl of [Thomas
Wriothesley], Lord Treasurer, 188.
, report by, 194.
Southcote, Mr., 261.
South Foreland, 85, 91, 92.
South Sands Head, 91.
South Sea subscription, 253.
Southwark and the bridges, guards at,
142.
postmaster of, 37.
Southwell :
Edward, 247.
Sir Robert, 240, 243.
, letters from, 250, 251.
, letters to, 244, 251.
, endorsements by, 251.
, Remarks on . . . the
Pyrenean Peace, by, 251.
Southwold [Sole], fleet at, 29.
Spain, King of [Philip IV.], 10, 49.
Spain, 45, 52, 58, 169.
Cromwell's action in regard to, 150.
union of with France [Treaty of
the Pyrenees], 124.
Spaniards, the, 43, 150.
or Spanish forces, in Flanders, 119
189.
Spanish language, document written in,
49.
troops in the Netherlands,, 119 (2).
Sparling, Capt. Thomas, letter of, 18.
Spavin, Robert, letter of, 8.
Speed, Jo., 184.
Spinage, Captain, 177.
Spires, 195.
Spithead, the, ships at, 29.
Spurn Head, 27, 93.
ship lost at, 192.
Stafford, town and garrison of, 138,
139, 270.
Mayor of, 139.
Stafford, co., account of the state of,
138.
" moorlanders and ironmen " of,
139.
Stamp [William], 186.
Stanmore, Middlesex, 205, 211, 212.
letter dated at, 188.
Stanley, Thomas, letter from, 1.
Stanton, Ensign, 128.
Stanton Harcourt, co. Oxford, church
of, 288.
Stapleton :
Miles, D.D., prebendary of Wor-
cester, 261.
William, 2.
Star Chamber, 269.
Commission dated from, 5.
Staresmore, James, cousin of William
Clarke, 106-108, 189. '
, receipt by, 189.
Starr, Comfort, minister at Carlisle,
138.
Start, the, ships off, 39.
State, the, passim. And see Com-
monwealth, the.
Staunton, Dr. Edmond, President of
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 187.
Steele, William, Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, 141.
Stephens :
David, report of, 48.
Richard, 252 (2), 253 (2).
Sterling, Sir Robert, 100.
Stevenson [? Philip Stevens], beadle at
Oxford, 187.
Stewart :
Charles. See Charles II.
Sir James, Lord Provost of Edin-
burgh, letter to, 132.
Capt. Thomas, letter from, 162.
General, verses written in praise
of, 253, 254.
Mr. 257.
Stile, Style, or Styles, Lieut. -Colonel
William, 181.
, letters from, 172, 181.
Stirling, Major- General, Governor of
Cork for the King, 49.
Stirling, 77, 149, 269.
bailey and magistrates of, 191.
Castle of, 191.
-, letter dated at, 190.
, prepared for the King, 60.
letters dated at, 109, 114.
quarrel between the townspeople
and the English soldiers at, 190,
191.
Stockbridge, co. Hants., member elected
for, 178.
Stockholm, 67, 90.
Stockport, poll-tax in, list of those
assessed for, 249.
Stokes :
Captain [John], 18, 24.
Mr., 267.
Stokes Bay, Hants., ships in, 29, 44.
Stone, Thomas, 36.
Stony Stratford, co. Bucks., 208.
Stornoway, or Loch Stornoway :
garrison at, 107-109.
Governor of, 107.
letters dated at, 107-109.
Story, Captain Edward, 167.
Strachan (Straghan, Straugherne),
Colonel, 77.
defeat of Montrose by, 73.
331
Strafford, Earl of [Thomas Went-
worth], 158.
Straits, the, 50, 54 (2), 65, 86, 95.
Strangeridge [Nicholas Strangways],
186.
Strangways (Strangewidge), Major
James, 148, 157.
Stratford, George, 185.
Strathbogie (Straboggy), now Huntley,
Aberdeenshire, suggested garrison at,
109.
Streater, Col. John, letters from, 176,
177.
, regiment of, 176, 177.
, late major of, 178.
Street, co. Somerset, 158.
Strickland [Walter], 24, 32, 72.
Stringer, Dr. Henry, Greek lecturer at
Oxford, 187.
Strode :
Colonel, 158.
, William, of Street, his son,
158.
William, of Barrington, letter
from, 157.
Strood [Kent], inhabitants of, 16.
Stroud, Sir George, executors of, 194.
Stuarts, the, called " the Scotch
family," 77.
Studholme, Capt. Cuthbert, 138, 165.
Style. See Stile.
Sudbury, Suffolk, 165.
Suffolk, 79.
churches of, collections in, 165.
has petitioned for a free Parlia-
ment, 144.
Sugg, Dr. Tristram, 186.
Sunderland, Earl of [Robert Spencer],
265, 282.
Sunderland, 28, 88, 89.
Surrey :
execution of the Poor Laws in, 2.
knights of the shire for, 172.
Militia Commissioners of, 172.
Sussex, 48, 84.
Sutton [Thomas], 185.
Swan, Captain, 12.
Sweden, King of, 195.
Queen of, 99.
Earl of Brentford sent to, 10.
ships of, or Swedes, 67, 68, 70, 92.
Swedes, the, 90.
alarm of invasion by, 35.
Swettenham, Thomas, 250.
, wife and children of, 250.
Swiss mercenaries, 51.
Sydenham, Col. [William], 172.
Sydney, Henry, 266. And see Romney,
Earl of.
Sykes, Justice, 149.
Symonds, Captain, 43.
Syrus, Publius, 289.
Taaffe, Theobald, Lord Taafe, 45.
, brothers of, 45.
Tadcaster, postmaster at, 154.
Talbot, Col., 234.
Talloon, Mons., French Intendant in
the Netherlands, 119.
Talmash, Major-General Thomas, 278-
281.
Tamerlane, Empire of, 256.
sons of, 256.
Tamworth, troop disbanded at, 181.
Tangier, officers returned from, 263.
Tartary, 255.
Tatnell, Captain [navy], 20.
Taunton, co. Somerset, 251.
castle of, 49.
letter dated at, 96.
Mayor and Burgesses of, letter to,
157.
prisoners at, 21, 158.
Taylor :
John, letter from, 249.
Major, 217, 220, 221.
Ralph, 250.
Tempest, Major, 45.
Temple :
Sir John, 169.
Sir Richard, 208.
Teneriffe, document dated from, 48.
Tenison, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, appeal to, 252.
, letter, decree, &c, of, 252,
253.
, reasons presented to, 253.
Terceiras, the [Azores], governor for,
65.
Terry [Edward], 185.
Tettau, Mons., Danish Major-General,
276.
Texel (Tessle), the river, 85.
Thames, the, or the river, ships in or
leaving, 33, 34, 62, 84, 206.
freezing of, 260.
Thickens, James, 185.
Thompson, Thomson, Tompson, Tom-
son:
Captain, 107, 108.
Captain, of the Mayflower, 39.
Captain [of an East India ship],
Col. George, order signed by, 98.
Capt. James, governor of Dumbar-
ton Castle, letter from, 108.
Auditor John, 146.
Lieutenant, slain in Scotland, 110.
Alderman [Maurice], 166.
Robert, letter from, 55.
Thornhill, Mr., [Sir James], 285.
Thorogood, Captain, 31.
Thruston, Malachi, letter from, 80.
Thurloe, John, Secretary of State,
224.
letter from, 117.
Thurloe's State Papers, document
printed in, 55.
Tiddeman, Henry, serjeant of the
Admiralty, 42.
Tilbury Hope (the Hope), ships in, or
to, 33, 54, 61, 73, 83.
, letter dated from, 97.
Till, Col. James, regiment of, 13.
Tillam, Mr., 14.
332
Tillotson, Dr. John, Archbishop of
Canterbury, 288.
Tipperary, the army goes to, 276.
Tithes, 133.
Titus, Captain, 82.
Tobidse, the, 255.
Todd, Capt. Edward, 157.
Togrul Beg, emperor of Persia, 255.
Tolhurst, Major Jeremiah, 112, 165.
Toll, Charles, deputy paymaster, 268,
270.
Tomaline [? Timolin, co. Kildare],
garrison at, 57.
Tonstall [William], 186.
Topping, Major, Governor of Tyne-
mouth, 139.
Toulon (Toloune), ships from, 86.
Tournai, 285.
Tower of London, 136.
Lieutenant of, 1.
, persons having given bond
to, 118.
prisoners committed to, 144.
seized by Monk, 142.
Lambert's escape from, 203, 228.
committal of the seven Bishops to,
249.
Townsend, Townshend:
Colonel, 49.
Sir Horace, Bart., 181.
Mr., 254.
Trapp, Jos., '253.
Treason, impeachments of, 152.
Treasury, the, 122.
Tredagh or Tredath. See Drogheda.
Trelawney :
Lieut. -Colonel Sir John, Bart., 241.
Jonathan [his son], 192.
as Dr. Jonathan, Bishop of
Bristol, 264.
Major-General, 270.
Trevers, Capt. John, 157.
Trevor :
Sir John [co. Devon], 169.
Sir John [co. Flint], 169.
Col. Mark, 44, 45 (2).
Mr., 169.
Trim (Trimme, Trymme), co. Meath,
taking of, 41, 43.
Trinity House, members of, 53.
Tripoli, destruction of, 255.
Troughton, John, 184.
True Narrative of the Proceedings
in Parliament, &c, papers printed
in, 124, 125 (2).
Tucker, John, 82.
Tullibardine (Tillibere), Laird of, 76.
Tullie:
Isaac, Mayor of Carlisle, 138.
Tim., minister, 138.
Turin, relief of, by the Duke of Savoy,
284.
Turkey carpets, 194.
Turkish ships (Turks), 70.
Turks, 40.
the Othman empire of, 255.
, predicted fall of, 256.
, Bashaws of, 256.
the Seljukian empires of, 255.
Turner :
Edward, 168.
Dr. Peter, geometry lecturer at
Oxford, 187.
Twisleton, Col. George, letter from,
14.
company of, 178.
Tychburn, James, 184.
Tynemouth, co. Northumberland, 23.
Bar, 27, 93.
Castle, 27, 139.
, soldiers in, statements by,
139.
, governor of. See Topping,
Major.
Tyrconnel :
Earl of [Richard Talbot], 276.
Lady, 274.
0
Ulster :
Major-General of. See Venables,
Col.
the war in, 41, 43 (2), 45, 58,
59.
Underwood, Capt. Joseph, information
and petitions of, 146.
Union and Grace, Act of, 118.
Universities :
committee for regulating, 80.
, reasons given in to, 80 (2).
have sent forth elegies upon the
Duke of Albemarle, 198.
Uphempston, co. Devon, 15.
Upnor Castle, governor of [Major
Browne], 78.
Upper Bench, prisoners appearing at
the Bar of, 144.
Upton and Nether Upton, co. Chester,
lands in, 2, 3.
Urquhart, Jo., Sheriff of Cromartie-
shire, letter from, 131.
Ushant, English fleet near, 64.
Utrecht, 284.
Valenciennes, 285.
Vandervoorts, the, 150.
Vane :
Charles [brother of Sir Henry,
jun.], agent for the Parliament
to the King of Portugal, 65-67,
72.
, letter of, 74.
, servants of, 66.
333
Vane — cont.
Sir Henry, sen., 36, 47.
Sir Henry, jun., treasurer of the
Navy, 18, 22, 37, 41, 44, 96, 220.
, letters from, 21, 22, 36, 37,
49, 53, 56, 72.
, letters to, 20, 21, 37, 122.
Sir Walter, 196.
Vann, Lieut. -Col. Charles, 170.
Van Zuruck-See, Peter Cornelius, letter
from, 169.
Vassall, Henry, memorial by, 195.
Venables, Colonel Robert, 43-45.
, made Major-General of Ulster,
governor of Londonderry, 44.
Venetian historian, 256.
Vermira, Comte de, 65.
Vermuyden, Mr., 249.
Verney, Sir Edmond, 45.
Versailles, 270.
Vienna, Council at, 195.
Vigo, ship from, 71.
Virginia, 86.
w
Waddon, William, 184.
Wainwright :
Dr., Chancellor of Chester, 266,
270.
James, 168.
Waldeck, Count of, 195, 196.
Wale, Sir William, 220.
house of, 220, 221.
wife of, 220.
Wales, 10, 14.
a college progress in, 264.
North, 58, 140, 162.
, committee for, 58.
Waleston, Lord. See Wariston.
Walker :
Dr., 174.
George, Governor of Londonderry,
271.
, slain at the battle of the
Boyne, 272, 273.
Obadiah, master of University
Coll: Oxford, 185, 264.
Robert, M.P., 193.
Dr. Thomas, master of Universitv
Coll: Oxford, 187.
Lieut. -Colonel William, 140.
Wall:
Colonel, 45.
Dr., 187.
Wallace or Wallis, Dr. John, geome-
try lecturer at Oxford, 187.
Waller :
Captain, 162.
Sir Hardress, 16, 51 (2), 76.
, seizure of Dublin Castle by,
153, 155.
Walley [Charles], 52.
Wallingford House. See London.
Wallingfordian interest, the, 176
Wallington, Capt. Joseph, 9, 117.
Wallis :
Dr. John. See Wallace.
Colonel Peter, information aguimt.
140.
Mrs., 57.
Wallop, Sir Henry, vice-treasurer aud
Lord Justice of Ireland, 1.
Walmer Castle, prisoners in, 39.
Walpole :
Sir Robert, 288.
[Robert], letter to, 257.
Walrond, John, 257.
Walsingham, co. Norfolk, 181.
Walter, Sir Robert, 288.
Waltham, Thomas, 16.
Walton :
Capt. Robert, 167.
Col. Valentine, 37, 79, 199, 209.
, letter of, 49.
, order signed by, 98.
Wandesford, Mr., 194.
War, Articles of, 267.
Councils of, 6, 13, 279,
[on shipboard], 66, 71.
Court of, or court martial, sen-
tences of, 78.
deputy treasurer at. See Zinzan,
Charles,
prisoners of, exchange of, 97.
secretaries at. See Clarke, Sir
William, Blathwayt, William,
and Clarke, Dr. George.
Warcup, Edmund, 230.
Ward:
Capt. Philip, examinations of, 13.
, commissions to, 13 (2).
Dr. Seth, president of Trinity
Coll : Oxford, and Astronomy
lecturer, 187, 188.
Ware Park, co. Herts, 283.
Warfuse, Count of, 196.
Waring, Wareing, :
Col. See Warren.
Richard, 168.
Robert, History lecturer at Oxford,
187.
Wariston (Waleston) :
Laird of [Archibald Johnston], 83.
, as President of the Council
of State, letters from, 118, 132.
, brother of, 132.
Lady (Helen Hay), letter from, 116.
Warminster, co. Wilts., 263, 267.
Warner :
Father, 265.
Alderman John, 166.
Warren :
(Waring) Colonel, slain at Drog-
heda, 45.
Quarter-Master Humphrey, letters
from, 157, 162 (2).
Col. John, 153.
John, 250.
, wife of, 250.
William, letter to, 75.
Warrington, John, 250.
Warrington, co. Lancaster, 270.
Warwick, co., has petitioned for a free
Parliament, 144.
334
Washford. See Wexford.
Waterford, 13, 19.
capitulation of, 274.
Waterhouse, Major, 177.
Watkins, John, 145 (2).
, letters of, 144, 145.
Watson, Captain Henry, Governor of
Orkney, 116, 154.
Waugh, Gideon, Deputy Sheriff of
Roxburghshire, letter of, 119.
Weaver, John, M.P., 137, 169.
Webb :
John, 169.
Col. William, 167.
Wedderburn (Wetherborne), Peter, 146.
Welford, co. Northampton, 177.
Wellington, co. Somerset, troops at,
158.
Wells, co. Somerset, 251.
Welsh language, elegy in, 258.
Welsh, Sir Robert, 20.
Wemys, Sir John, 111.
West, the, rebellion in. See Mon-
mouth, Duke of.
Sir Thomas Fairfax in, 5.
Desborow sent to, 118.
Westerhall (Westerall), Dumfriesshire,
112.
Western Counties' Association, Com-
mittee for, 5.
Westminster, 145, 152, 157, 206, 214,
215, 221, 232.
Fish Yard, in, letter addressed to,
18.
Hall, 210, 226, 288.
, quarrel in, 114, 115.
letters dated from, 102 (2), 103, 157.
prison at, letter dated from, 130.
" thrones of iniquity " at, 81.
Westphalia, 196.
Wexford (Washford), 19, 43 (2).
taking of, by Cromwell, 44, 47
48.
Bar, 41.
Weymouth, Viscount [Sir Thomas
Thynne], 264, 268.
, his wife, Lady Weymouth
[daughter of the Earl of Win-
chilsea], 268.
Weymouth, co. Dorset, 25, 30, 50.
letter dated at, 16.
Whalley (Whally, Whaley), Colonel or
Lieut. -General Edward, or Lord, 114,
115.
, letter to, 14.
Wharton :
Harry, 267.
Thomas, Comptroller, 269, 270.
, father of, 270.
Sir Thomas, 147.
Whetham, Col. Nathaniel. Governor of
Portsmouth, 146, 209.
, letter from, 173.
Whitchurch, co. Hants., 267.
inhabitants of, letter of, 14.
Mayor and ministers of, 14.
White :
Captain [navy], 54.
Captain or Major, 154.
White — cont.
Edmond, 168.
George, Alderman of Bristol, 161.
Col. John, 167.
Thomas, letter from, 82.
Whitehall, 131, 144, 211, 213, 215, 220,
222, 238, 264.
General Council of Officers at, 141.
General Monk at, 213, 215, 217,
218, 222.
Guards at, 142.
Horse Guards at. See Horse
Guards,
letters dated at, 14, 20-26, 35-37,
39, 41-48, 50 (2), 52-56, 71-74,
77-79, 83, 96 (2), 98, 100, 111,
117, 120, 156, 241, 251.
letters addressed to, 14, 51, 54, 78,
82, 150, 157-159.
preparations for the King's recep-
tion at, 229.
the King's arrival at, 238.
Whitehaven, co. Cumberland, 270.
Whitewell, Eliz., 39.
, husband of, 39.
Whitfield, Mr., secretary to Lord
Marlborogh, and Deputy Judge-
Advocate, 268.
Whitley, Whittley :
Colonel, 58.
John, 86.
Whitlock, Sir William, death of, 286.
Whittington, Luke, agent of Charles
II. at Dunkirk, 39, 100.
letters of, 39, 40 (2).
Whitwick :
Henry, Master of Pembroke Col-
lege, Oxford, 187.
John, 184.
Whitworth, Major John, 157.
Wickham, co. Hants., 285.
Wicklow, deserted by the enemy, 44.
Widdrington, Lord, 161.
Wight, Isle of:
Castles and forts in, proposition
for the establishment of, 53.
escape of Charles I. to, 6.
Governor of. See Holmes, Sir
Robert,
ships to or from, 27, 29, 63, 91.
Wilcox, Edward, letter to, 144.
Wildey, Capt., of the Charles, 38, 39.
Wilkes, Col. Timothy, 131, 199, 207,
266.
Wilkins [John], beadle of divinity
at Oxford, 187.
Wilkinson :
Dr. Henry, [canon] of Christchurch,
Lady Margaret Professor of
Divinity, Oxford, 188.
, as Principal of Magdalen
Hall, 188.
Dr. John, President of Magdalen
College, 19.
Capt. [Robert], 23.
Willett, Jacob, 168.
William, Prince of Orange, afterward
William IH. of England, 268, 269,
278.
335
William, Prince of Orange — cant.
letter from, 245.
comes to England, 267, 268.
is declared King, 268.
warrant of, 251.
and Dr. George Clarke. See
Clarke, Dr. George.
expedition of, to Ireland, 270-276.
neglect of the Duke of Schonberg
by, 271.
at the battle of the Boyne, 272,
273.
is wounded, 272.
intended return of, to England,
274, 275.
and the Duke of Ormond, 275.
embarks for England, 276.
offices granted by, 276.
kindness of, to the Duke of Graf-
ton, 277.
goes to Flanders, 282.
death of, 282.
William and Mary, 281.
articles to be laid before, 280.
Williams :
Major, slain at Drogheda, 45.
John, petition of, 38.
Colonel Sir Trevor, 170.
Willis, Sir Richard, 224.
Willoughby :
Christopher, 168.
Col. Wm., Navy Commissioner,
20.
letters signed by, 17, 34.
, death of, 98.
Wilson, Mr., 150.
Wiltshire, Capt. [Richard], 35.
Wilts, co. :
deputy lieutenants in, 252. And
see Popham, Alexander.
insurrection feared in, 158.
papists in, 252.
Wimborne, co. Dorset, quartering of
soldiers at, 16.
Winch, Robert, 168.
Winchelsea, co. Sussex, member for,
283.
Winchendon, co. Bucks, 270.
Winchester, 267.
College, letter dated at, 183.
, fellows and scholars of, 183.
, Warden of. See Burt,
Dr. W.
committee at. See Hants, co.
Committee of.
letters dated from, 9, 14.
Winde, William, 180.
Windsor, 266.
audience of the King at, 262.
Castle :
, letters dated from, 6, 16.
, Princess of Denmark's Pre-
sence Chamber in, 266.
letter dated at, 242.
St. George's Chapel at, 188.
Wines, French and Spanish, 107.
Wingworth, co. Derby, letter dated
at, 122.
Winnard, Thomas, 184.
Winterton, co. Norfolk, 28, 94.
Witter, Captain Joseph, 122.
letter from, 121.
letter to, 121.
list signed by, 157.
Wolseley, Colonel, 279.
Wood:
Captain, 107.
Nicholas, 248.
William, 250.
Woodhead, Abraham, 185.
Woods, Mr., 106.
Woodward, Michael, Warden of New
College, Oxford, 4, 182.
Woolnoth, Joshua, 168.
Worcester, Bishops of. See Prideaux,
Dr. John ; Gauden, Dr. John.
Worcester, 181.
battle of, 190.
letter dated at, 174.
Prebendary of, 261.
Worden, Major-General, 267.
Wragg, Tommy, 8.
Wrenne, Gawen, 157.
Wrexham, co. Salop, 266.
Wright, Lord Chief Justice, 266.
Writtlemarsh [co Essex ?], letter dated
at, 180.
Wroth, Sir Robert, 2.
Wyche, Sir Cyril, letters to, 242, 243.
Wycombe, co. Buckingham, 209.
Wye, co. Kent, 82.
Wyers, Bay of. See Oeiras.
Wyke, Andrew, 57.
, letter of, 59.
Wyld, Dr. George, 184.
Wyndham, Sir Hugh, 21.
Wynn, Capt. William, 162.
Wyvell, Sir Christopher, 147.
Yardley, Capt. Richard, 146.
, information by, 146.
Yarmouth, Norfolk, 27, 43, 102, 181.
letters dated at, 18, 172.
magistrates of, 172.
Road, 19, 25, 27-29, 92, 94.
, letter dated from, 97.
Yarmouth Castle, Isle of Wight, 53.
Yates, Mr. Thomas, 187.
Yeaman, Robert, junior, letter to, 142.
Yeates, Alderman, of Bristol, 160.
Yemball, Captain, 27.
York, James, Duke of, brother of
Charles II., 10, 39, 119, 120, 238.
And see James II.
letters from, 242, 243, 247 (2).
letters to, 246 (2).
regiment of, 241.
York, 105, 106, 128, 170, 177, 268.
Clifford's Tower at, 175.
Commissioners for the Militia at,
147.
336
York — cont.
Common Council of, address moved
at, 147.
Court at, letter dated from, 4.
disturbances in, 175, 176, 180.
garrison of, 147, 175.
letters dated at, 6, 146, 147, 150,
153, 159, 175, 176.
Lord Mayor of, 175, 177.
meeting of the gentry at, 146-150.
Militia Committee at, 7.
Recorder of. See Barwick, Sir
Robert,
late Sheriff of, 148.
soldiers quartered in, 163, 175.
Yorkshire, 140, 147-149.
assessments in, 148, 153.
Committee for, orders of, alluded
to, 8.
forces in, 8, 175, 177.
gentlemen of, and their address to
General Monk, 146-150, 154.
, letter to, 154.
Youghal, co. Cork, 40, 63.
declares for Parliament, 48-50.
Young :
Captain [Anthony], 42.
Lieut. -Colonel Arthur, letter from,
124.
Ypres, in Flanders, 285.
Zamora, secretary of Marquis [Cara-
cena?], 150.
Zealand, 44.
Zeestat, Hannibal, 196.
Zinzan, Charles, Deputy Treasurer-at-
War, 120.
Zouch, Richard, Judge of Admiralty,
182.
337
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Date.
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1896
1895
1896
1897
1897
1897
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